Teaching to Close the Achievement Gap for Students of Color: Understanding the Impact of Factors Outside the Classroom 9780367555207, 9781003093855

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Series
Title
Copyright
Contents
List of Tables and Charts
About the Contributors
Foreword
Introduction
Part 1 The Importance of Teacher Education for Diverse Classrooms
1 The Related and Unrelated Relationship of Cultural Competency, Self-Identity and Academic Identity: Cultural Competency or Rigor?
2 Trauma Informed Teacher Training: The Impact of Trauma on Minority Student School Success
3 Race and Restorative Justice in Urban Schools
Part 2 Acknowledging the Impact of Student Life Beyond the Classroom
4 Family Discussions of Race Impacting Children’s PK-12 Schooling: Critical Pedagogy
5 Sport Coach as Educational Leader: Distributed Leadership
6 Informing the Career Development Process of Black Male Community College Basketball Players: More Than the Game
Part 3 Using Narrative Approaches to Problematize Student Experience
7 Refuge Among the Revolution: The Power of Narrative Inquiry
8 Developing Consensus Through Digital Storytelling: Exploring Perceptions of Collaboration From Native Youth
9 Narrative Approaches to Exposing the Racialized
Experiences of Asian American Male Students
Index

Citation preview

Teaching to Close the Achievement Gap for Students of Color

This volume highlights approaches to closing the achievement gap for students of color across K-12 and post-secondary schooling. It uniquely examines factors outside the classroom to consider how these influence student identity and academic performance. Teaching to Close the Achievement Gap for Students of Color offers wide-ranging chapters that explore non-curricular issues including trauma, family background, restorative justice, refugee experiences, and sport as determinants of student and teacher experiences in the classroom. Through rigorous empirical and theoretical engagement, chapters identify culturally responsive strategies for supporting students as they navigate formal and informal educational opportunities and overcome intersectional barriers to success. In particular, chapters highlight how these approaches can be nurtured through teacher education, effective educational leadership, and engagement across the wider community. This insightful collection will be of interest to researchers, scholars, and post-graduate students in the fields of teacher education, sociology of education, and educational leadership. Theodore S. Ransaw is Outreach Specialist in the Department of K-12 Outreach in the College of Education and affiliated faculty in African American and African Studies at Michigan State University, U.S.A. Richard Majors is Honorary Professor at the University of ColoradoColorado Springs, Senior Fellow of the Applied Centre for Emotional Literacy & Research (ACELLR) and former Clinical Fellow at Harvard Medical School, U.S.A.

Routledge Research in Educational Equality and Diversity

Books in the series include: Schools as Queer Transformative Spaces Global Narratives on Sexualities and Genders Jón Ingvar Kjaran and Helen Sauntson Promoting Academic Readiness for African American Males with Dyslexia Implications for Preschool to Elementary School Teaching Edited by Shawn Anthony Robinson & Corey Thompson High Achieving African American Students and the College Choice Process Applying Critical Race Theory Thandeka K. Chapman, Frances Contreras, Eddie Comeaux, Eligio Martinez Jr. and Gloria M. Rodriguez Community Participation with Schools in Developing Countries Towards Equitable and Inclusive Basic Education for All Edited by Mikiko Nishimura Experiences of Racialization in Predominantly White Institutions Critical Reflections on Inclusion in US Colleges and Schools of Education Edited by Rachel Endo International Perspectives on Inclusion within Society and Education Edited by Mabel Ann Brown Teaching to Close the Achievement Gap for Students of Color Understanding the Impact of Factors Outside the Classroom Edited by Theodore S. Ransaw and Richard Majors For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/ Routledge-Research-in-Educational-Equality-and-Diversity/book-series/ RREED

Teaching to Close the Achievement Gap for Students of Color Understanding the Impact of Factors Outside the Classroom Edited by Theodore S. Ransaw and Richard Majors

First published 2021 by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Theodore S. Ransaw and Richard Majors; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Theodore S. Ransaw and Richard Majors to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-0-367-55520-7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-09385-5 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Contents

List of Tables and Charts About the Contributors Foreword by Benita R. Brooks Introduction

vii viii xiv 1

BRYAN BEVERLY

PART 1

The Importance of Teacher Education for Diverse Classrooms 1

The Related and Unrelated Relationship of Cultural Competency, Self-Identity and Academic Identity: Cultural Competency or Rigor?

7

9

THEODORE S. RANSAW, ALGERIAN HART AND DERVON D. FRANCIS

2

Trauma Informed Teacher Training: The Impact of Trauma on Minority Student School Success

38

ANGELA M. PROCTOR, THOMAS R. BROOKS AND MARK J. REID

3

Race and Restorative Justice in Urban Schools

58

CIERRA PRESBERRY AND TERRY K. FLENNAUGH

PART 2

Acknowledging the Impact of Student Life Beyond the Classroom 4

Family Discussions of Race Impacting Children’s PK-12 Schooling: Critical Pedagogy TARRYN E. McGHIE AND REBEKAH E. PIPER

77 79

vi  Contents 5 Sport Coach as Educational Leader: Distributed Leadership

92

CHRISTEL ROCHA-BEVERLY

6 Informing the Career Development Process of Black Male Community College Basketball Players: More Than the Game

106

TONJALA EATON

PART 3

Using Narrative Approaches to Problematize Student Experience131 7 Refuge Among the Revolution: The Power of Narrative Inquiry

133

TARA B. BLACKSHEAR

8 Developing Consensus Through Digital Storytelling: Exploring Perceptions of Collaboration From Native Youth

159

CHRISTIE M. POITRA, ANGELA KOLONICH AND EMILY SORROCHE

9 Narrative Approaches to Exposing the Racialized Experiences of Asian American Male Students

173

MARK R. MARTELL

Index199

Tables and Charts

Tables 4.1 6.1 8.1

Study A and Study B Participants Participant Demographics Groups, Films, and Film Descriptions

85 116 163

Charts 6.1

Stages of Career Development

113

Contributors

Bryan Beverly is Director of the Office of K-12 Outreach in the College of Education at Michigan State University, where his work is centered on school turnaround efforts and instructional leadership. He received his Ph.D. in educational policy from MSU and his research focuses on university and K-12 school partnerships. Bryan has been a teacher and school administrator, is the coordinator of Michigan’s Educational Policy Fellowship Program, and is an elected member of the Lansing Board of Education. Christel Rocha-Beverly is Postdoctoral Researcher at Michigan State University. Dr. Rocha-Beverly’s terminal degree is in kinesiology and sport psychology, and she has a background in grant writing, qualitative design and analysis. She has experience as a family service specialist and as a former assistant athletic director for J.W. Sexton High School in Lansing Michigan. Tara B. Blackshear is an assistant professor of kinesiology in physical education teacher education at Towson University. Her research interests include physical activity promotion, health disparities, and racial and gender inequities in education. Blackshear’s adult experiences as the “other” in predominately white institutions amplified gender and race disparities in health, physical activity and education, especially after growing up in predominately black Detroit, Michigan, and attending the historically Black college or university (HBCU) Florida A&M University. These experiences motivated her to raise her sons abroad to give them maximum opportunities to thrive as black boys. Blackshear recently returned to the U.S. to be a change agent by conducting research and telling stories about the black experience from the perspective of a black female academic. Blackshear’s goal is to create an environment that contributes to closing the black-white health, physical activity and education gap. Benita R. Brooks is associate professor of literacy in the School of Teaching and Learning and the Director of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion

Contributors ix (DEI) for the College of Education at Sam Houston State University. She serves as the director of the Huntsville Immersion Partnership (HIP) After-school Academic Program. She received a $47,000 grant from the Powell Foundation to support HIP for two consecutive years, which totaled $94,000. Recently, the College of Education Awards Committee selected her as the 2020 recipient of the Inclusion Award. Under her leadership as Director of DEI, 68 teacher candidates completed the first diversity certificate program. In addition, she partnered with several undergraduate students to help them create a DEI Student Advisory Board in the College of Education. Benita’s research focuses on teacher candidates developing cross-cultural knowledge and global perspectives through telecollaborative exchanges and teacher candidates developing culturally sustaining practices through equitable literacy oriented critical service-learning projects and through completing a diversity certificate program.​​ Thomas R. Brooks graduated from the University of Texas, Arlington in 2015 with a bachelor’s of arts in psychology with an English study minor. Since, he has been accepted into the masters of science in psychology program at Texas A&M University – Commerce. As an educator, Thomas has worked as a writing and research tutor for four years at Weatherford College, as an APA and statistics advisor for dissertations and theses for graduate students in the College of Education and Human Services at Texas A&M University – Commerce, and as a graduate instructor for the Psychology and Special Education department. Thomas intends to pursue a PhD in educational psychology, and continue his research into sexual minority groups and traumainformed education. Tonjala Eaton is an educator, facilitator, career coach and curriculum designer who focuses on helping adult learners reach their full potential. She earned her master’s degree from Michigan State University in higher, adult and lifelong education and holds certification as a global career development facilitator (GCDF). As an academic and career advisor at Lansing Community College, she is responsible for supporting students in overcoming challenges related to college readiness, matriculation and career development. Eaton is passionate about the success and development of black male students in higher education. Terry K. Flennaugh is an associate professor of race, culture and equity in the Department of Teacher Education at Michigan State University. His research focuses on urban schools, identity development, Black boys and men of color, urban teacher preparation and college access for urban youth. Dervon D. Francis is Academic Advising Intern/Assistant Career & Leadership Coordinator at University of Wisconsin  – Madison. Within

x  Contributors academic services, Francis serves as an assistant academic advisor/ mentor for the football team. Francis also serves as an assistant coordinator in career & leadership for both the men’s and women’s rowing teams. He was presented with the Gary Sailes North American Society for the Sociology of Sport Graduate Diversity Scholarship in 2017 for his research in the area of sport sociology. Francis graduated with a M.S. in sport management in 2018. Algerian Hart, Ph.D., is the Associate Dean of the Graduate College and Professor of Kinesiology at Missouri State University. A former elite athlete and coach, he recognized the gap between black student athlete success and pathways available for them to access mentorship that would cultivate their success. Dr. Hart serves as Chair of the Diversity and Conference Climate committee for the North American Society for the Sociology of Sport (NASSS), where he has used the NASSS platform to empower young black scholars across the nation. He has written extensively in the areas of NCAA-governed student-athlete matriculation, marginalized populations within higher education and is the author of “The Student Athlete’s Guide to College Success.” He teaches courses in diversity in sport culture, sport leadership, organizational behavior, and sport governance and policy. Angela Kolonich has over 15  years of experience teaching and working in urban schools, with a focus on developing inclusive science learning environments for all students. She received her Ph.D. from Michigan State University in 2017 with certificates in science education and urban education. Currently, Angela develops and facilitates sustained, professional learning programs to support science teachers in equitable implementation of the Next Generation Science Standards. Program topics include leveraging student funds of knowledge to investigate observable, natural phenomena and to position students as the generators of science knowledge. Richard Majors, Ph.D., is Honorary Professor, University of Colorado – Colorado Springs; Senior Fellow, Applied Centre for Emotional Literacy & Research (ACELLR); and former Clinical Fellow, Harvard Medical School. Mark R. Martell is Director of the Asian American Resource and Cultural Center at the University of Illinois at Chicago and Adjunct Faculty at UIC’s Honors College, Global Asian Studies and College of Education. His research on Asian Americans stems from his personal and professional experiences, having worked at an institution where this racial group was underserved. As director of a cultural center that serves this population, he wanted to conduct research on their experiences with racism and explore how these experiences impact their student success and the intersections of their identities. Overall, he

Contributors xi wanted to share the challenges they experienced and to bring attention to Asian American narratives. Tarryn E. McGhie is an instructional designer in the Office of Online Education. He employs a multicultural approach to the design of online courses in order to provide similar experiences as those in a face-to-face course so students are prepared to meet the challenges of an ever-growing digital world. His research is focused on improving the academic trajectory of children and families from high-need communities through the examination of race, class and literacy development in relation to the school-to-prison pipeline. Cierra Presberry is a doctoral student in Michigan State University’s curriculum, instruction, and teacher education program. She formerly worked as a special education teacher in Detroit. Her research interests include restorative justice, urban education, and supporting Black students and students with disabilities. Rebekah E. Piper is an Assistant Professor of Literacy in the Department of Curriculum and Instruction at Texas A&M University San Antonio. Rebekah earned her Ph.D. in Curriculum and Instruction with an emphasis in Literacy Education and Cultural Studies, International Education, and Multicultural Education (CSIEME) from the University of Nevada Las Vegas. Rebekah is an active member of numerous professional organizations, including the International Literacy Association, the Children’s Literature Association, and the Texas Association for Literacy Education. Her research interests include pre-service literacy teacher education, children’s literature, identity development, and early literacy development. Rebekah teaches undergraduate and graduate course work in literacy education and serves her community by working with organizations that promote literacy and service. Christie M. Poitra, Ph.D., is Interim Director of the Michigan State University Native American Institute. She is an alumna of UC Berkeley, UCLA and Michigan State University—and holds a doctorate in educational policy. Dr. Poitra is an affiliate faculty member in the American Indian & Indigenous Studies program, and core faculty in the Gender Center for Global Context. She is a scholar of Indigenous education. Her research and service interests are defined by how policy contexts affect Indigenous education experiences. Dr. Poitra is the recipient of the MSU Distinguished Community Partnership Award, and MSU Excellence in Diversity Award. Prior to working in higher education, Dr. Poitra was an elementary teacher in a reservation public school, and served as a consultant for the Los Angeles Unified School District and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.

xii  Contributors Angela M. Proctor has worked with at-risk children and teens since 2001. Angie has extensive experience in a residential group home where she served as the therapeutic services director as well as residential care director and child care administrator. Since 2008, Angie has studied and trained under Dr. Karyn Purvis and Dr. David Cross at the Karyn Purvis Institute of Child Development (KPICD) at Texas Christian University. She is a TBRI® Practitioner and a TBRI® Mentor who helps the KPICD train professionals several times a year. She is currently the director of academic advising for the College of Education & Human Services at Texas A&M University – Commerce. She also teaches as an adjunct instructor for the psychology department and is completing a PhD in educational psychology at Texas A&M University in Commerce, TX. Her research interests are how trauma impacts the educational needs of harmed children, and how this knowledge can provide more training and successful interventions to the classroom. Angie has devoted her life and education to helping children who come from traumatic backgrounds. Theodore S. Ransaw is Outreach Specialist in the Office of K-12 Outreach in the College of Education and a Core Faculty Member of African and African American Studies at Michigan State University. His research focuses on identity, namely fatherhood identity, Black male identity and student identity. Dr. Ransaw is the author of The Art of Being Cool: The Pursuit of Black Masculinity. He has several solo peer-reviewed academic articles, and is also the co-editor of the book series International Race and Education (IRE). The latest publication from IRE is The Handbook of Research on Black Males, and at this reading, is the largest and most comprehensive volume about Black males and education. Dr. Ransaw received his Ph.D. in curriculum and instruction from the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, with a focus on multicultural and international education. Mark J. Reid has ten years of public school teaching experience in math and science that includes a 1,400-student high school, a small high school in a district with K-12 in one building, and an alternative school of choice. He recently took the position of Dean of the College of Education at the University of Nebraska Kearney. Prior to that he served as Associate Dean of the College of Education and Human Services at Texas A&M University  – Commerce, a university where 90% of the students demonstrate financial need. He has researched and published on curriculum decisions made by groups through deliberation and created a graduate course on assessment approaches for public school classrooms. Mark continues to be active in public education circles. He served on the Commerce ISD school board and has been a leader in the ASPIRE collaboration between Commerce ISD & Texas A&M University – Commerce. The

Contributors xiii Commerce ISD elementary school population is traditionally rural and lower income, with over 70% of students qualifying for free and reduced lunch. Emily Sorroche is Coordinator for the Office of Cultural and Academic Transitions (OCAT) at Michigan State University. She has served as an academic advisor for Neighborhood Student Success Collaborative, is currently a co-director of the Indigenous Youth Empowerment Program (IYEP) and is a board member of the Michigan Indian Education Council. Emily received her Ed.D in educational leadership from MSU with a research focus on Indigenous student populations within K-12 and higher education. Her hobbies include being a fur-baby parent to her Chihuahua, Dalia, and her cat, Daizy May, traveling, cooking, spending time with family and friends, and is soon to be a new auntie. She is a beginner in bead work, learning how to make earrings. She is very excited to continue working with and learning from the MSU students!

Foreword

In the last three years, we witnessed events in the United States lead to a more ominous racial and ethnic climate, where police violence against Black people and increase in family separation, detainment in internment camps and deportation at the Southwest border are all a result of the current administration scrapping Obama-era police reforms and adopting a zero-tolerance policy for illegal border crossings. With a spike in absenteeism, increase in family separation and surge in nationwide protest against racial injustice, many educators are not prepared to address these issues in the classroom. Many educators’ actions, evaluations and expectations of their students are grounded in their own understanding of culture and diversity, and as a result, they struggle to serve students of color in K-12 and post-secondary classrooms effectively. In fact, Wegwert, Charles and Charles (2019) declared, “Schools operate institutionally to produce the historical and ideological narratives complicit in perpetuating hegemonic norms of capitalism, patriarchy and white supremacy” (p. 91). Yet, today’s classrooms are filled with culturally and linguistically diverse students. In this volume, the co-editors and authors examine how educators create culturally competent learning environments that improve the success of students of color in K-12 and post-secondary classrooms. They shed light on how attaining cultural competency is a journey that requires teachers and educators to commit to exploring themselves and the world, and how their actions in the world impact their lives and others. Through forms of narrative inquiry and digital storytelling, the authors demonstrate how developing cultural competency takes a multi-pronged approach to learning and behavior change. This book adds to the general consensus in the literature regarding how to create a culturally competent learning environment. To create a culturally competent learning environment, an individual educator must conduct cultural self-assessments, learn about students’ cultures, employ culturally sustainable pedagogy, foster respect in the classroom, and involve families and communities. In my own teaching, I  created a telecollaborative exchange between American and South African teacher candidates to increase their

Foreword xv intercultural knowledge and competence. I taught an undergraduate literacy methods block to those seeking certification to teach grades 4–8. Most of my students were White females, and many had never had a teacher of color. I was the first African American female teacher/professor they had in their years as students. Many were from rural towns and first-generation college students. As such, many had not traveled outside their small town. To provide them with opportunities to examine their own identities and biases, I created a telecollaborative exchange where each American prospective teacher was partnered with a teacher candidate from a university in Mafikeng, South Africa. The purpose was to examine how they developed intercultural competency using Finkbeiner and Lazar’s (2015), the Transcultural ABCs of Cultural Understanding and Communication (TRANSABCs) model in a telecollaborative exchange. According to Finkbeiner and Lazar, the ABCs Model involved reading, writing, listening, and speaking to create consciousness-raising experiences that enabled teachers to gain knowledge of self and others through autobiographies, biographies, reflection on diversity issues, and cross-cultural analysis. Based on the Association of American Colleges and Universities (2009) Intercultural knowledge and competence VALUE rubric, the learning outcomes suggested that the prospective teachers developed cultural self-awareness, knowledge of different cultural worldviews and curiosity about global perspectives. The aim of this study was to move prospective teachers beyond a regionally centered teaching experience that leaned toward ethnocentricity to an experience that enabled them “to navigate unfamiliar cultures, improve foreign language skills and articulate a critical perspective on the world” (Brooks, 2019, p. 85). In this volume, the authors highlight K-12 and post-secondary school environments that exemplify “culturally sustainable,” “critical,” and “justice-oriented” teaching and learning practices. These chapters describe and analyze teaching perspectives for closing the achievement gaps for students of color. The theme that permeates this book is that all students deserve a quality education no matter their background. In fact, this is the guiding purpose behind the chapters that fill this book – to demonstrate for teachers and educators who ask the question: what does a culturally competent classroom look like? Nothing could be more timely for teachers and educators searching for an answer to this question. Benita R. Brooks

References Association of American Colleges and Universities. (2009). Intercultural knowledge and competence VALUE rubric. Retrieved from www.aacu.org/value/ rubrics/intercultural-knowledge

xvi  Foreword Brooks, B. (2019). American and South African prospective teachers developing intercultural knowledge and competencies in a telecollaborative exchange [Special issue]. International Journal of TESOL and Learning, 8(2), 71–88. Finkbeiner, C.,  & Lazar, A. (2015). From the ABCs to the TRANSABCs. In C. Finkbeiner (Ed.), Getting to know ourselves and others through the ABCs: A journey toward intercultural understanding (pp. viii–xvii). Greenwich, CT: Information Age Publishing. Wegwert, J. C., Charles, A., & Charles, A. J. (2019). The perfect storm of whiteness, middle-classness, and cis-femaleness in school contexts. In A. Castagno (Ed.), The price of nice: How good intentions maintain educational inequity (pp. 91–109). Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.

Introduction Bryan Beverly

The publication of this book comes at a very interesting time in the history of the education of students of color. At this time, more attention is being paid to the state of young people of color than at any other time since the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision, with news stories of caravans of migrants from Central America heading toward the United States only being occasionally trumped in coverage by far too frequent news stories of murders of young black boys  – either by their peers or by law enforcement. Since the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision, an effort on behalf of the federal government has been underway to narrow the achievement gap between white and black students. With the groundbreaking A Nation At-Risk report (1984) and the legislative action of No Child Left Behind (2001), the focus on the achievement gap over the past two decades has intensified. However, the achievement gap currently still persists in American public schools with no end in sight (Ogbu, 2003; Ladson-Billings, 2006; Rothstein, 2017)). With a significant amount of public and private funding spent on closing the achievement gap, there is a need to not only uncover how the gap has fared given both the monetary and legislative policy efforts made over the past 20 years, but to also consider what contemporary approaches to narrowing the gap are having significant and sustainable success. Ahead of this writing, I had the opportunity to attend recent conferences and presentations across state, national, and international contexts and the landscape is pretty clear about a handful of needs: educator supply and demand, improving early literacy instruction and K-12 school finance (Floden, 2018; Burnette, 2018; Williamson, 2018). Each of these challenges have notions of equity either embedded in them or as the root cause. High-quality teachers are in demand in many suburban communities, but the need is desperate in rural and urban areas where most students of color attend school (Aragon, 2018). Early literacy programming has yet to significantly impact the areas of highest need – the homes of low-income students of color (Edwards, 2017). School finance reform measures adversely affect schools and districts where students of color are most likely to attend (Lafortune, Rothstein, & Schanzenbach, 2018;

2  Bryan Beverly Arsen, DeLuca, Ni, & Bates, 2016). In attending these presentations and appraising additional resources, I found myself questioning what the real purposes of education are when three of the most pressing issues in education have the strongest negative impacts on students of color.

Education Goals: Private and Public Educational goal setting centers on the objectives favored by citizens, the tax base and consumers. Social mobility (education as a commodity) often outweighs the influence in goal setting of both social efficiency (education as investment in the workforce) and democratic equality (education as preparation for citizenship and responsibility) (Labaree, 1997). Each of these dimensions have public and private interests associated with them, and foster altering degrees of cognitive and non-cognitive skill development in schools. Similarly, the socialization in schools that is often attributed to the development of obedient, dependable, efficient and honest individuals leads to the advancement of goals set out by society. However, the socialization that occurs in schools often unfairly advantages some groups over others. Pursuing democratic equality as a goal for education requires schools to facilitate learning for compassion, honesty and duty. Dewey (1902) views schools as socializing institutions that afford students opportunities to develop that which is necessary for engaged citizens to embrace a sense of belonging to a greater body of people. Social interaction with students dissimilar from oneself is a practical method for developing a sense of belonging to a larger group, as will course work in cultural studies and languages. Furthermore, an intentional practice of exposure to a vast knowledge base of multi-ethnic, religious and national backgrounds will also provide a wider and culturally sustaining perspective to students. Similarly, democratic equality through education can be also prescribed through participation in student leadership organizations that typically exclude students of color, like student councils or school ambassador programs. Nurturing a sense of democratic equality is often difficult when a student feels disenfranchised from the larger society and their familial values do not align with those of school personnel. In still many other cases, social interaction with dissimilar populations is challenging due to geographical or socioeconomic limitations. In some of these instances, attempts to expose homogeneous groups to the cultural norms of the ‘other’ can be problematic when the exposure only serves to substantiate previous held theories or stereotypes- specifically concerning race, religion, gender, or socioeconomic status. Rothstein (2004), in discussing closing the social class gap, points to the limited acquisition of non-cognitive skills – accessed through socializing programs in schools  – as a predictor for the narrow success of

Introduction 3 low-income students. As education endeavors more toward social efficiency goals, non-cognitive goals such as work ethic, teamwork and dependability take on higher priority. These traits are highly valued in the workplace and can lead not only to job attainment, but also to advancement within an organization. Schools can support the non-cognitive development of work ethic and dependability by instituting reward and sanction practices for student behavior. Likewise, schools can mediate teamwork exercises through both classroom group projects and extracurricular activities like sports and clubs. On the contrary, policy and practice focusing on social efficiency should ensure balance in educating the whole student (Erricker, Ericker, Ota, Sullivan,  & Fletcher, 1997; Noddings, 2005; Miller, 2010). Too much emphasis on teamwork can result in losing individual perspectives and group think. In addition, excessive attention paid to producing strong work ethics and dependability can often lead to a diminished sense of self-worth and unfaltering obedience. These traits on a large-scale level will precede contracted innovation, imagination and entrepreneurialism among the wider population. Non-cognitive skill development in schools can have strong effects on social mobility (Lewallen, Hunt, Potts-Datema, Zaza,  & Giles, 2015). Cohen and Neufeld (1981) describe reasons for the rise of the Progressive era in schools, including pressure from lower classes to have more opportunities and desire by the upper class to have more control over the working class. Personal development and tracking students were simultaneous means of producing a differentiated workforce of owners, managers, middle managers and laborers, where the development of non-cognitive skills could portend one’s level of attainment. Traits including ambition and aspiration can be encouraged in schools through positive student/ teacher relationships (Darling-Hammond, 2015). Lareau (1987) submits fostering a nurturing environment that exposes students to a variety of worldly possibilities, while providing necessary positive reinforcement of the student’s abilities, is likely to produce an entrepreneurial spirit that can guide a student toward an increase in economic and cultural capital. Unfortunately, not all students nor overall participants in society are equipped with equal levels of resources and abilities (Wagner, 2014). Those without economic resources that access education at its highest form are forced into alternate and often less fruitful routes to success. This separation is an artifact of the ruin of “democratic society” that “cannot persist unless it prepares all of its young with equal care” (Labaree, p. 42). Citizens with the financial means to participate in the education system benefit most from the attainment of knowledge and, in turn, the upward mobility and social capital that accompanies matriculation and degree attainment (Bittman, Davies, Russell, & Goussakova, 2017). These benefits are then reproduced and compounded as those without the initial means are restricted in their access to the system.

4  Bryan Beverly Efforts to preserve the democratic equality value in U.S. education must be more pronounced and universally inclusive along racial and socioeconomic lines. Likewise, social efficiency can provide a steady supply of employees to the workplace, many of whom would otherwise be excluded from participation in the market. When these two goals for education are overshadowed by policies favoring social mobility, negative consequences follow for education and society as a whole (Labaree, 1997), and students of color suffer the direst of these consequences. Teaching to Close the Achievement Gap for Students of Color: Understanding the Impact of Factors Outside the Classroom, as a whole, highlights approaches to improving opportunities for achievement for students of color in K-12, as well as post-secondary schooling. Individually, the forthcoming chapters examine trauma, family, urban schools, critical race theory, cultural awareness and sport with an eye on immigrant, Native, Black, Asian, and Hispanic/Latinx communities and experiences. These chapters highlight: What is the relationship between culturally competent teaching practices and academic success for students of color? What is the impact of trauma on the success of students of color? Can restorative justice programs support schools in limiting the same racial disparities that occur within the nation’s criminal justice system? How does race plays a role in the schooling of Black youth, exploring how discussions of race may influence the academic trajectory of youth as well as their socialization with others, especially those of the same race? How can teachers model the way coaches engage those with diverse skillsets to work together to improve the educational outcomes in the classroom? How do the academic and career beliefs of Black male student athletes produce growth and stagnation in their academic and career development? What are the educational opportunities afforded to young Black boys outside of the U.S. compared to within? How can teachers invite the lived experiences of their students into the classroom? What racialized experiences do Asian American students encounter and perceive on campus?

Inside the Text Teaching to Close the Achievement Gap for Students of Color: Understanding the Impact of Factors Outside the Classroom tackles these questions and provides both in-depth analysis and suggested strategies for supporting students of color as they navigate formal and informal educational opportunities. The volume is divided into three sections: Part 1, The Importance of Teacher Education for Diverse Classrooms; Part 2, Acknowledging the Impact of Student Life Beyond the Classroom; and Part 3, Using Narrative Approaches to Problematize Student Experience. The initial chapter kicking off Part One explores the multiple ways cultural competency teachers can support a student’s self-identity and

Introduction 5 academic identity. The next chapter interrogates the physical, emotional and academic effects of trauma on Black and Hispanic students, with an eye toward what teachers and schools could and should be doing to support students dealing with trauma. We then turn to the disproportionate rate at which students of color are suspended from urban schools and the potential that restorative practices have on reducing suspension rates. Part Two begins with the way family discussions of race can positively impact children’s academic and educational experience. The following chapter considers the role that sports coaches play as academic and nonacademic leaders to Black male athletes. The next chapter sheds light on ways educators can identify effective educational and developmental strategies that support athletic, academic and personal growth among African American male basketball players. The final section, Part Three, starts with an analysis of the educational experiences of two African American boys living in Egypt, shared through a narrative inquiry approach lens. The next chapter follows an exploration of how Native American youth engage with each other in the classroom utilizing Indigenous knowledge. The final chapter centers the lived experiences of Asian American students at the University of Illinois at Chicago and how they understand racialized encounters on campus. These chapters are designed to provide thought-provoking analysis as well as actionable approaches to improving the educational experiences of students of color.

References Aragon, S. (2018, March). Targeted teacher recruitment: What is the issue and why does it matter? Policy snapshot. Denver: Education Commission of the States. Retrieved from https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED582978.pdf Arsen, D., DeLuca, T., Ni, Y., & Bates, M. (2016). Which districts get into financial trouble and why: Michigan’s story. Journal of Education Finance, 42(2), 100–126. Behind, N. C. L. (2001). Act of 2001, Pub. L. No. 107–110, § 115. Stat, 1425, 107–110. Bittman, B., Davies, A., Russell, W., & Goussakova, E. (2017). Advance placement and the achievement gap in the 21st century: A multiple linear regression of marginalized populations in AP enrollment. Research in Social Sciences and Technology, 2(2). Burnette, D. (2018). Post-Election landscape. Presentation, December 12, 2018. Educational Policy Fellowship, Institute for Educational Leadership. Washington, DC. Cohen, D. K., & Neufeld, B. (1981). The failure of high schools and the progress of education. Daedalus, 69–89. Darling-Hammond, L. (2015). Want to close the achievement gap? Close the teaching gap. American Educator, 38(4), 14–18. Dewey, J. (1902). The child and the curriculum (No. 5). University of Chicago Press.

6  Bryan Beverly Edwards, P. A. (2017). A  teacher educator’s plea to prepare preservice teachers for family/school collaboration. In  Becoming critical teacher educators (pp. 77–85). New York, NY: Routledge. Erricker, C., Ericker, J., Ota, C., Sullivan, D. & Fletcher, M. (1997). The education of the whole child. London: Cassell. Floden, R. (2018). Michigan education policies: Priorities for our next governor. Presentation: October 2, 2018. President’s Education Forum, Michigan State University, Lansing, MI. Labaree, D. F. (1997). Public goods, private goods: The American struggle over educational goals. American Educational Research Journal, 34(1), 39–81. Ladson-Billings, G. (2006). From the achievement gap to the education debt: Understanding achievement in US schools.  Educational Researcher,  35(7), 3–12. Lafortune, J., Rothstein, J.,  & Schanzenbach, D. W. (2018). School finance reform and the distribution of student achievement. American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, 10(2), 1–26. Lareau, A. (1987). Social class differences in family-school relationships: The importance of cultural capital. Sociology of Education, 60(2), 73–78. Lewallen, T. C., Hunt, H., Potts-Datema, W., Zaza, S., & Giles, W. (2015). The whole school, whole community, whole child model: A  new approach for improving educational attainment and healthy development for students. Journal of School Health, 85(11), 729–739. Miller, J. P. (2010). Whole child education. University of Toronto Press. National Commission on Excellence in Education. (1983). A nation at risk: The imperative for educational reform. The Elementary School Journal, 84(2), 113–130. Noddings, N. (2005). What does it mean to educate the whole child?  Educational Leadership, 63(1), 8. Ogbu, J. U. (2003). Black American students in an affluent suburb: A study of academic disengagement. New York, NY: Routledge. Rothstein, R. (2004). Class and schools: Using social, economic, and educational reform to close the Black-White achievement gap. New York, NY: Teachers College, Columbia University. Rothstein, R. (2017). Class and the classroom: Even the best schools can’t close the race achievement gap. In Exploring education (pp. 345–350). New York, NY: Routledge. Wagner, T. (2014). The global achievement gap: Why even our best schools don’t teach the new survival skills our children need and what we can do about it. New York, NY: Basic Books. Williamson, S. (2018). Reflections on pure imagination. Presentation: December 5, 2018. Students, Schools, and Teachers Network National Conference, Birmingham, United Kingdom.

Part 1

The Importance of Teacher Education for Diverse Classrooms

1 The Related and Unrelated Relationship of Cultural Competency, Self-Identity and Academic Identity Cultural Competency or Rigor? Theodore S. Ransaw, Algerian Hart and Dervon D. Francis Overview There are few examples from practitioners or researchers that provide clear and tangible examples of teaching that simultaneously demonstrate how culturally competent teaching works hand in hand with rigorous instruction in the classroom. Far too often, educators stress cultural competency as a sole solution when it comes to improving educational outcomes for students of color. It may be that, and rightly so, the field of education naturally assumes that classrooms provide rigorous teaching. However, the authors in this chapter implore educators not to overlook the importance of rigor in the classroom as they work to be culturally inclusive and responsive to students. To that end, this chapter includes an introduction, a theoretical framework and a synthesis of literature related to cultural and instructional classroom support for children of color. Those topics include academic identity, cultural identity, academic selfconcept, self-esteem, self-efficacy, social economic status (SES), teacher quality, time on instruction and high expectations. We conclude with a brief section that includes tools as well as resources to promote cultural competency and rigorous instruction. The goal of this chapter is to provide a critical analysis of teaching practices related to culturally relevant pedagogy and to serve as a resource to first- and second-year teachers. Theoretical Framework This paper employs the theoretical framework of critical race theory (CRT). CRT emerged from post-civil rights efforts to shift the focus of the direct effects of legal issues that directly impact people of color rather than trying to prove if racism exists. Currently, CRT is also employed by educators as a framework in which to apply issues related to educational legislation both federally and locally that impact children of color. CRT

10  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. is an analytical framework that focuses on history, economics, equity, constitutional law and, of course, racism (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). Originally conceived by Derrick Bell, CRT challenges the idea that race is not an issue with regard to education and acknowledges that barriers such as school policies are often obstacles to opportunity for people of color. CRT shifts away from perspectives that suggest communities of color are culturally deficient (Yosso, 2005) and operates under the premise that students of color do not need to be rescued but do need to be treated fairly. Since race is a social construct, a theory that encompasses social implications has value for understanding the social dynamics behind issues related to schooling.

Introduction The authors of this chapter have experienced teaching students of various cultural backgrounds in both K-12 and higher education classrooms who have a strong sense of ethnic identity, but a low sense of academic identity. Additionally, there have been students of color that we have taught who have a strong sense of academic identity without any knowledge of their ethnic identity. These experiences are commensurate with the current trend of teaching practices that advocate teachers being culturally competent. A  conscious instructor should have a personal appreciation of the concept of culture and racial identity. The establishment of a non-racist dominant identity is an important component to developing an understanding with students of color. An individual’s worldview, through the lens of racial identity, has implications for how he or she processes information, forms perceptions and understands behavior (Carter, 1995). As teachers of color, the authors strive to be culturally responsive as second nature to our teaching practices. However, we know all too well that for some students of color, no matter how culturally inclusive their curriculum is, attending school can make them dis-identify within the Eurocentric academic spaces they occupy during their education matriculation. In other words, knowledge of self and one’s culture does not necessarily translate in the belief of one’s ability to succeed. Culturally competent teaching is not a guarantee of a strong sense of self-identity or academic success, yet culturally competent teaching can nurture seeds of self-awareness in and out of the classroom. The aim of this chapter is to assess the relationship between culturally competent teaching practices and academic success for students of color. Cultural competency, described as mastering the ability to teach students from other cultures (Diller, 2005) is in-line with “academic achievement, attainment of learning objectives, acquisition of desired skills and competencies, satisfaction, persistence, and post-college performance” (York, Gibson,  & Rankin, 2015, p.  2). Cultural competency in teaching is

Cultural Competency and Identity 11 relevant because culturally competent teachers are thought to know that students who have the “academic and cultural wherewithal to succeed in school without losing their identities are better prepared to be of service to others; in a democracy, this commitment to the public good is paramount” (Ladson-Billings, 2001, p. 2). Additionally, cultural competency is a matter of policy. For example, the National Education Association states there are three levers in which states can operationalize cultural competence: 1) preservice education, 2) ongoing professional development and 3) licensure (NEA, 2008). The support behind culturally competent teaching is based on the belief that a student’s knowledge of self, and a teacher’s understanding of their student’s history, background and experiences can help inform best teaching practices. Cultural competency is conceived as a way to empower students to feel comfortable with what they already know, with who they are, as well serve as a wakeup call for teachers to understand, accept and appreciate what their students bring to the classroom. However, cultural competency is hard to measure and it is even more difficult to quantify its relationship with self-identity and academic identity. In fact, research presented in this chapter suggests that academic identity, academic self-concept, self-esteem and self-efficacy have ambiguous relationships to cultural and academic identity (DeCandia, 2014). To illuminate issued related to ideology and academic achievement, this chapter includes a review of literature on academic identity and cultural factors that play a role in positive educational outcomes such as stereotypes, socioeconomic status (SES) and kinship networks. We also follow with an overview of non-cultural elements of academic outcomes including curriculum and teacher quality, high expectations, positive thinking mindsets and resilience. The fluidity between cultural competency, self-identity and academic identity is important to investigate because the relationship between them is nuanced and complex and does not always operate in ways that we think it does. It is for this reason the authors consider cultural competency as important to academic achievement and consider it part of good teaching practices that include supporting a student’s self-identity and academic identity. The perspective that culturally competent teaching is an integral component of good teaching practices is based on literature that suggests that cultural competency can increase familiarity with teachers and thereby increase a student’s ethnic identity, but that ethnic/ cultural identity and academic identity are not always related (Ransaw, 2017a). This conclusion is important with respect to expectations of both teachers and students by acknowledging that cultural competency is at best hard to define and worse to measure. Changing perspectives and mindsets to view cultural competency as a form of inclusive good teaching practices has the added benefit of being more productive and supports more meaningful student expectations.

12  Theodore S. Ransaw et al.

Literature Review Academic Identity and Cultural Identity One might think that academic identity and race are interrelated. However, complications arise when discussing SES, race and academic identity. Welch and Hodges (1997) defined academic identity as ‘‘the personal commitment to a standard of excellence, the willingness to persist in the challenge, struggle, excitement and disappointment intrinsic in the learning process” (p. 37). However, academic identity as defined by DeCandia (2014) is viewed as constructs of future orientation, self-efficacy, confidence in academic abilities and grit. College-bound identity, educational identity, student identity and school-affiliated identity are also names that describe constructs of academic identity. However academic identity is defined, it does not necessarily translate into confidence in one’s academic ability nor does it predict academic achievement for low-income or minority students (DeCandia, 2014). The research that DeCandia’s (2014) conducted that examined K-12 urban low-income adolescents, academic identity and academic achievement is similar to research that examines academic self-concept. Academic Self-Concept According to Lent, Brown, and Gore (1997), academic self-concept can be described as specific “attitudes, feelings, and perceptions about one’s intellectual or academic skills, representing a person’s self-beliefs and self-feelings regarding the academic setting” (p. 308). When examining the relationship between self-esteem and schooling (Muijs, 1997), academic achievement seems to be slightly more important than academic self-concept. Additionally, self-esteem enhancement alone does not seem to be a method that decreases academic failure (Muijs, 1997). However, academic achievement does seem to increase self-esteem (Ross & Brown, 2000. On the other hand, Allen and Haniff (1991), Demo and Parker (1987), and Drury (1980) assert that there is little relationship between academic achievement and self-esteem in African American students. Additionally, despite often having lower academic achievement than their White peers, African American students have generally been found to have equal or higher self-esteem than White students (Crocker  & Major, 1989). The problem with the research and findings of academic self-concept, self-esteem and academic achievement is that results vary depending on how researchers define their parameters. Further complicating the argument is the fact that self-efficacy may be more important than self-esteem (van Laar, 2000).

Cultural Competency and Identity 13 Self-Esteem For Crocker and Park (2004), self-esteem is linked to behavior and goal validation, “what people do to demonstrate to themselves and to others that they have worth and value, and on the consequences of this pursuit” (p. 394). Intriguingly. Black K-12 students have high levels of self-esteem regardless of how they perform in school (Patterson, 2006). For example, according to Osborne (1995), the relationship between academic achievement and self-esteem among African American students decreases with age. Additionally, Wang and Hughley’s (2012) research asserts that the racial socialization derived from parents was positively associated with all educational outcome variables except for school identification. In addition, preparing Black adolescent students for racial bias does not correlate to GPAs or educational aspirations (Wang & Hughley, 2012). There is also strong evidence that a sense of self-esteem based on racial identity or racialized identity can result in a student identifying negatively with college curriculum that excludes or degenerates one’s racial identity (Croker  & Park, 2004; Van Laar, 2000). Known as the fear of acting White, Fordham and Ogbu (1986), many high SES Black students disassociate themselves with anything that they perceive does not accept Black people or Black culture. Since academic success often does not include people of color, fear of acting White translates into academic achievement becoming associated with Whiteness. In fact, Johnson (1993) asserts that African self-consciousness has a significant negative relationship with academic success. African self-consciousness is defined as, “the awareness and knowledge that African Americans have (possess and practice) of themselves as African people historically, culturally, and philosophically” (Baldwin, 1987, p. 28). Baldwin states that African American self-conscious students can reject all White norms including academic success. Fordham and Ogbu (1986) argue that fear of acting White, societal and school discrimination including community factors such as perceptions of the lack of jobs for minorities, and Black oppositional culture are three interrelated factors that negatively impact Black student academic self-esteem. For low-SES African American youth who come from families that fear losing communal and ethnic solidarity to Blacks who are moving into the middle class, insults related to selling-out (i.e., whiteness) are often unconscious reactions to possible abandonment (Comer  & Poussaint, 1992). Sticking together based on a common racial identity is especially important for African American students who are bussed into White schools in White neighborhoods. As the Black middle class continues to grow and to move into the suburbs, many positive role models who have the ability to transmit social capital in the form of educational outcomes move also. It is for this reason the success of the few African Americans

14  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. who are academically successful make those who are not feel even more like failures (Comer & Poussaint, 1992). It is also important to note that peer pressure related to academic achievement and African American students is not just a phenomenon related to low SES. In fact, peer pressure can be more influential than ethnicity, gender or income (Johnson, 2000). Additionally, van Laar (2000) and Vanneman (2009) assert that Black students who have attended predominantly all Black K-12 schools may not have realized that because (on average) majority ethnic minority schools receive less funding, and have less qualified teachers than predominantly White schools, that they may be less academically prepared than their White peers until they get to college. The realization of pervasive discrimination becomes apparent for many college students when they meet other students who may have been awarded the same grades necessary to be accepted at the university but arrive with far greater preparation. In other words, Black students may start college with the same achievement expectations as their White peers, but quickly learn there are differences in academic ability and may become more likely to believe that they are not as likely to overcome the barriers that they expected (van Laar, 2000). “The data show that African American college students experience increasing doubts that their efforts will be rewarded in ways equivalent to those of White students, and they make increasingly external attributions” (van Laar, 2000, p. 33) for alternative educational experiences such as campus groups and organizations. The majority of contemporary college students are millennials, many of which suffer from imposter syndrome, a deep-rooted insecurity of not meeting the expectations of the academic persona they are supposed to be. Pedler (2011) asserts that “millennial students often over-compensate or front (pretend they belong in college and can meet all that is expected of them) and mask their anxiety of being exposed as intellectual frauds” (p. 90). Additionally, imposter syndrome effects women more so than men. To protect their sense of belonging, millennial students often study too hard to prove their ability to themselves and others, or become so fearful of inadequacy they refuse to take academic risks like challenging courses (Pedler, 2011). What is more alarming about the relationship to imposter syndrome and identity is that the more college seniors base their self-esteem on academics, the more they are negatively affected by academic difficulties such as rejection to being accepted into graduate school (Crocker, Sommers, & Luhtanen, 2002). Based on this research, it is not unreasonable to assume that Black identity can exist independently from academic identity and academic self-esteem. In fact, Andrews (2009) asserts that Black students can view achievement as a race-less trait to resist the idea that academic success is just for White students. To recap, academic self-concept and self-esteem are interrelated factors that may or may not increase academic achievement. However,

Cultural Competency and Identity 15 self-esteem alone is not a predictor of achievement, but academic success does seem to increase self-esteem. However, self-efficacy has been positively linked to academic achievement (Stipek, 1984; Bandura, 1997). Self-Efficacy Self-efficacy, a student’s belief in their capacity to succeed (Bandura, 1997), must be created and sustained throughout college and not just the beginning of their college experience. Whereas self-confidence stems from beliefs in current skills, self-efficacy is the belief in one’s capabilities in the future, which in turn produces outcomes that become self-fulfilling prophecies (Stajkovic,  & Luthans, 2001). The belief in one’s ability to succeed is similar to hope. According to Snyder (2003), children’s hopeful thinking is built upon a foundation of perceived proficiency at pursuing goals (p. 18). However, Pajares (2002) asserts that self-efficacy beliefs are acquired from four sources of information: performance accomplishments, vicarious experiences, verbal messages and social persuasions, as well as physiological states. Williams and Leonard (1988) assert that Black college students who score high on self-efficacy scores also achieve greater academic progress than those who scored lower. Additionally, Williams and Leonard (1988) assert that racial identity attitudes did not influence academic progress. Paying attention to self-efficacy may be the missing link that predicts academic achievement for African American students. In Knapp, KellyReid, Whitmore and Miller’s (2007) research, the strength of academic self-efficacy was the strongest predictor of first-year college performance for high-achieving African American students who attended predominantly white institutions (PWIs). In their study, strength of self-efficacy was a stronger predictor of academic achievement than traditional measures of high school GPA and combined SAT scores (Knapp et al., 2007). Both Bandura (1997) and Pajares (2002) agree that academic self-efficacy is a significant predictor of college achievement. However, students who report a high degree of internalized racial identity also report that racial identity attitudes do not influence their academic progress (Williams & Leonard, 1988). Knapp et al.’s (2007) research suggests that the degree an internalized racial identity influences academic achievement of Black college students depends on where they are on the African American Identity Scale. Also known as Nigrescence (Cross, 1971), the African American Identity Model occurs in five stages: 1) Pre-encounter, 2) Encounter, 3) Immersion/Emersion, 4) Internalization and 5) Internalization-Commitment. In his book To Be Popular or Smart, Kunjufu (1997) conceptualizes Cross’ African American Identity Model in terms of the autobiography of Malcolm X. Malcolm X’s journey to become the self-actualized, peace conscious, civil rights leader that we know evolved from the hip pimp and smooth

16  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. criminal persona, Detroit Red. Malcolm X transformed his naturally curly hair from a natural afro into a straight-strand processed hairstyle. Kunjufu (1997) calls Malcom X’s Detroit Red mane the pre-encounter stage. Malcolm X’s experience of an incarcerated Black male prisoner (the Encounter stage), that lead him to the (Immersion stage) positive and alternative Afrocentric Black culture based on the teachings of Elijah Muhammad gave Malcolm an affirming frame of reference and a positive Black consciousness (the Internalization stage). Finally, Malcom X’s pilgrimage to Mecca lead him to a praxis of well-being where Malcolm was at peace with himself and his environment (Internalization-Commitment stage), committed to building positive institutions and communities. Clearly, the importance of Cross’ African American Identity Model (1971) lies in the fact that it highlights that identity formation is a selfreflective process that occurs in identifiable stages. It is not unreasonable to think that Black students may find the ability to code-switch or blend identity between racial minority or racial majority contexts difficult or easy, depending what level of identity they are at. The more fluent and adept a student is with their ability to actualize their internalized racial identity may play a role in their interactions with both other students as well as faculty. For example, The more racially internalized the African American male, the greater the influence on achievement of having meaningful and high-quality interactions with faculty and peers. However, Black males who are not racially internalized do better when they are dissatisfied with the level of faculty interaction. (Reid, 2007, p. 86) Steele (2003) would agree, but for a different reason. Steele’s research reveals that Black students who receive positive feedback from faculty tend to be more responsive to feedback and, in turn, have more positive faculty interactions. Not only do self-efficacy beliefs that are facilitated by positive interactions with faculty have a connection to performance expectations, self-efficacious students who have positive attitudes toward subject matter also take more challenging courses (Eccles, 1994). Conversely, according to Bandura (1997), a person will lower both his outcome expectations and efforts if they perceive there are “social constraints” that block their ability to succeed. Afrocentricity Black males who over-identify with being Black often embrace an Afrocentric identity as psychological protection against domination. Afrocentricity is an identity framework that is dedicated to resisting oppression by placing Black consciousness in all thoughts and actions (Asante, 2003).

Cultural Competency and Identity 17 Afrocentricity is influential to Black male identity because White, middleclass male overgeneralizations of the “norm” exaggerate the differences between groups and direct negative perspective toward any other group that is not White or middle class (Padilla in Banks, 2004). In other words, Black identity is often created in comparison to, and in opposition of, Whites. Even White males who are not middle class often have trouble identifying with other White males who are (Roediger, 2005). Always mindful of how they think and feel about their own race and being conscious of the way other races see them, Blacks in America have developed adaptive traditions and survival practices (Lamm, 2003). It is this African American cultural practice of recognizing differences in others and not ignoring them that Black men use for empowerment. Du Bois (1903) called this ability “two-ness” or double consciousness. The idea is rooted in the belief that African Americans may be able to look at their experiences with a “divided self” and have the ability to see the world through multiracial eyes  – an intuitiveness that enables them to perceive society from a unique perspective. This double consciousness empowers those who struggle with the residual impact of enslavement by helping them see their own humanity despite the inhumane treatment in their lives. On a deeper level, double consciousness is based on recognizing one’s oppressor and viewing the similarities and differences in ways that give Blacks an alternative oppositional sense of identity to guard against negativity and increase self-esteem. Stereotype threat is one way to think about the reflective and oppositional culture that may be in some part related to academic difficulties of Black student sense of self-efficacy and academic achievement. Stereotype Threat Stereotype threat is associated with “classroom presentations or test taking” (Steele, 2004, p.  683). For example, when participants of an underrepresented group are told before a test that members of the dominant group are naturally better at the test, participants of the minority group tend to not do well on their tests. In short, awareness of the stereotype threat can psychologically threaten self-perceptions and negatively influence performance. Consequently, stereotype threat has been used as a lens in which to examine educational underperformance of minorities, especially African American males and their social economic status (SES) (Aronson, Fried, & Good, 2001; Schultz, Baker, Herrera, & Khazian, 2002). Oftentimes, Black males utilize coping strategies such as Cool Pose to combat culturally biased strategies to resist oppression in school. The concept of cool has been traced back to Africa (Janzen, 1972). In fact, the word “cool” stems from ewuare, a Yoruba term in West Africa

18  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. that is often assigned to one who is crowned king (Majors  & Billson, 1992). “Cool” in Africa is associated with numerous attributes including patience, mental calmness, art, dance rituals and, most importantly, competitive environments such as elite, all-male warrior cults (Thompson, 1984). Cool, put simply, intersects race, class, gender (Wilkins, 2008) and socioeconomic status. Reay (2004) asserts that the effortless materialization of scholarship is part of an idealized norm. This “too cool” to work discourse has potentially become a norm among middle-class and working-class boys, and is not restricted to race or ethnic group (Francis & Archer, 2005). The desire to look cool and effortless has even been used to argue that to be a boy is to “succeed without trying” (Hodgetts, 2008, p. 476) and that academic hard work is often incompatible with “cool” masculinities in many schools (Epstein, Elwood, Hey, & Maw, 1998; Frosh, Phoenix, & Pattman, 2002; Jackson  & Dempster, 2009; Younger  & Warrington, 2005). Cleveland (2011) describes this behavior as part of the Boy Code, where males are not allowed to show emotion, look weak, behave like a sissy or to be a failure. The art of effortless cool serves a two-fold purpose. Not working hard and looking cool is rewarded by others who admire aloofness and affirms masculinity by avoiding femininity. Ultimately, failure can be attributed to a lack of effort versus the lack of ability, and any success can be attributed to effortless natural ability (Hodgetts, 2008; Cohen, 1998; Covington, 1998; Dweck, 2000). In fact, to avoid being perceived as uncool, many boys who are successful in school sometimes try to hide their accomplishments (Jackson & Dempster, 2009). This balancing of social capital with academic capital is also called the Cool Factor (Ransaw, 2013). Author Walter Dean Myers (2002) reflects on how he used to hide his library books in a brown paper bag so the other students would not know he took books home to read. For academic achievement to become cool, it requires a combination of confidence and comfort with one’s sense of self (Wright, 2011). Both social and racial interactions are inter-individual interfaces that blur the line between self-identity and group identity. How one associates or differentiates one’s racial identity can result in BOTH positive or negative influences on academic success. Research has not answered the question that asks if racial identity is a correlation or causation of academic success. However, research does suggest that self-efficacy – the belief that one can succeed – is a greater predictor of academic achievement than racial identity alone. The following section highlights ideas and terms as they relate to educational outcomes that go beyond cultural competency alone, including SES, parenting, curriculum, teacher training and high expectations. Huitt (2003) defines educational outcomes as part of the learning process

Cultural Competency and Identity 19 related to academic achievement and output. Academic achievement is most commonly thought of in terms of cognitive development, test scores and grades.

Non-Cultural Issues That Impact Educational Outcomes Social Economic Status According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2012), SES can be defined broadly as one’s access to financial, social, cultural, and human capital resources. It can be argued that Black schools and classrooms (which are more likely to be in disadvantaged neighborhoods) may have significant negative educational outcomes for both Black and White students (Mickelson, 2003). However, what is not common knowledge is that family ZIP code is an indicator of positive live outcomes (Berkowitz, Traore, Singer, & Atlas, 2015) and that SES is more of a predictor of educational outcomes than race for both Black and White students (Tavernis, 2012; Schmidt, 2015). In fact, achievement gaps persist between both high academically achieving White students in affluent neighborhoods and high academically achieving White students from low SES schools (Plucker, Hardesty, & Burroughs, 2014). That means that academic achievement can be measured differently depending on the criteria and SES of the school, not just for Black and White schools, but for White schools also. It is no wonder that the testing gap in standardized test scores of affluent and low-income students is double the gap between Blacks and Whites (Tavernis, 2012). Negative outcomes of low-SES neighborhoods seem to persist regardless of teacher race. Academically rigorous learning defined as challenging, but not overly difficult (Blazer, 2015 p. 2), is not always accessible to all students. For example, Schmidt and McKnight (2012) laments that affluent students are consistently provided with a greater opportunity to learn rigorous content and are better equipped to apply it to real-world situations. Low SES and lack of opportunity to take advanced classes go hand in hand for all students, regardless of race (Schmidt, 2015). Also, by the time high-income children start school, they have spent about 400 hours more than poor children on literacy-related activities (Tavernis, 2012). Additionally, Alexander, Entwisle, and Butler (2001) assert that students from low-SES neighborhoods are less likely to be able to take advantage of access to libraries and museums during summer recess. Low-SES students often begin the academic school year behind students who attend school in more affluent neighborhoods. Nearly 40% of social class inequality comes through inequitable schooling (Schmidt  & McKnight, 2012). Boggs and Dunbar (2015) argue that, with regard to urban education,

20  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. schools merely reproduce social class, which is also a reflection of American racial preferences. I would try to tell teachers that they need not only to be friends with students but to give them work that’s more challenging. We’re here to learn. Sometimes we need a little extra umph. I mean that extra work – that hard work can strengthen our minds, and let us grow into our own person so that when we are the teachers, or politicians whatever we wanna do, we can help somebody else – 12th grader. (Mitra & Serriere, 2012) Fathering Involvement and Intergenerational Parenting A non-cultural factor that is far too often overlooked is the positive impact of a father. Specifically, the influences of fathers who are present in the academic matriculation of their students. This is unfortunate because Black fathers are more likely to participate in activities such as childcare, helping with homework, and providing cultural support and monitoring (Cazenave, 1979; Coley, 2001; Walker, Reid, & Logan, 2010). Additionally, in married, working African American families, 49% helped their children with homework (Cazenave, 1979). With regard to their children’s educational outcomes, African American fathers’ parental strategies include, but are not limited to, continuing the fathering role into and after college; conspicuous use of communication; concentrating on being a good role model; understanding the importance of teamwork as crucial to the role of a Black father; the use of different strategies based on their child’s personality homework assistance, using play, either as a physical activity or as part of a learning objective; the use of alternative text, teaching at or through frustration level, utilizing differentiation, and providing literacy opportunities (Ransaw & Majors, 2016; Ransaw, 2017b, 2018). Another sometimes-forgotten ally to African American students are grandparents. African American children who have parents and grandparents who have high levels of education and the benefits that come with that as well as utilize parenting practices focused on achievement score similar to European Americans with similar backgrounds (Mandara, Varner, Greene,  & Richman, 2009). Intergenerational parenting increases the chances that a child will receive goal-orientated reinforcement exposure. Parents and grandparents play a crucial role in helping children learn that they are active agents in the world and that they can make things happen. Not just knowledge of a “child’s” sense of “self,” but that child’s “self” can engage with the world to make positive change. Curriculum and Teacher Quality “Cultural competence is a key factor in enabling educators to be effective with students from cultures other than their own” (2017 National

Cultural Competency and Identity 21 Education Association, no page number). For those who are looking at possible ways to close achievement gaps between Black and White students, issues related to curriculum including culturally affirming textbooks, inclusive perspectives, and diverse faculty are natural places to start. However, an often overlooked element that is crucial to student success is teacher quality. Goldhaber, Lavery, and Theobald (2015) define teacher quality as comprised of both input and output. Teacher quality input consists of experience, licensees, and certifications; teacher quality outputs are performance estimates such as grades and tests scores (Goldhaber et  al., 2015). Gaps between inputs and outputs are called teacher quality gaps. It has been well established that education plays an important role in determining both economic growth and individual life outcomes. This has led to an ongoing interest in the determinants of student achievement, including teacher quality. However, researchers have historically struggled to capture the role of teacher quality in the educational production function. Given the importance of education and the undeniable role played by teachers, how much does variation in teacher quality affect student performance? Much of the empirical work on teacher quality has relied on observable teacher qualifications to measure teacher quality. As a whole, this body of research advocates that these qualifications are only weakly related to student performance. Therefore, we want to refine the intent of cultural competence to where the focus begins to shift away from teacher qualifications and instead measure teacher quality beyond the current value-added to student test scores. Although value added has been criticized by some, it continues to gain traction among both researchers and policymakers. In fact, proposals to base teacher evaluations on value added, sometimes involving pay incentives, are the norm. Measures of teacher quality can include experience, degree level, certifications, professional development, and student achievement (Deimone & Long, 2010; Hanushek & Rivkin, 2010). It would be predictable to conclude that teacher quality may be more important to student outcomes than the racial composition of students and teachers. However, Desimone and Long (2010) found evidence that “lower achieving students are initially assigned to teachers who emphasize basic instruction, and higher achieving students are assigned teachers who emphasize more advanced instruction” (p. 3024). As a result, Desimone and Long (2010) assert that teacher quality and instruction style have little or no effect because low-achieving students are assigned teachers who give fewer instructional minutes, a factor that increases achievement gaps regardless of student race. Time on Instruction, also known as opportunity to learn, and type of instruction were more significant to closing achievement gaps than teacher quality. One of the reasons why opportunities to learn is a successful strategy for student learning is that teachers who have deep

22  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. content rarely teach beyond a surface level because they have little choice in instructional methods or the curriculum that they teach (Hattie, 2009). Hattie’s work (2009, 2015) includes a synthesis of over 800 meta-analyses (a meta-analysis is a large qualitative study of smaller similar studies) reports that teacher subject-matter knowledge has an insignificant effect on education outcomes. However, teacher-student relationships, student teacher feedback, and teacher credibility in the eyes of the student has all have significant positive effects. Positive student-teacher relationships and teacher credibility may be related to cultural competency, and teachers who give good feedback may be a motivator for positive student-teacher relationships. However, discerning if those connections are correlations or causations is difficult to determine at best. High Expectations Green (2014) asserts that high expectations – the belief that all students can achieve – is a proven strategy for educating African American males. High expectations are important to the development of Black males and subsequent teacher interactions with them since having positive beliefs actually increases productivity (Dweck, 2013). Hattie (2012) emphasizes that not only does research support the idea that high expectations increase achievement outcomes, but that both high- and lower-performing students appreciate when teachers set equally high expectations for them as well as their peers. While expectations and school success seem to be intuitive, “both gender and race can interact in ways that generate differential teacher expectations” (Carter, Mustafaa, & Leath, 2018 p. 885). Black girls develop earlier than girls of some other ethnic groups, leaving many teachers to overestimate their academic capacity because they are perceived to be older than they actually are. It is not uncommon for teachers to have low expectations for Black girls who are early puberty developers, leaving them to be at risk for losing confidence in their academic abilities (Carter et al., 2018). Facilitating high expectations and positive thinking for both teachers and students is one way to increase educational outcomes. Positive Thinking Having high expectations re-wires cognitive abilities by stimulating parts of the brain which increases the likelihood of positive outcomes (Dweck, 2013). Inzlicht, Legault, and Teper (2012) discovered that participants in their study that had an incremental mindset not only performed better, but the brain signal of their neurons actually increased in the brain section that pays attention to mistakes. In other words, if you think you can achieve, your brain helps you to make it happen. The key to paying attention to mistakes is having the willpower or executive function to not

Cultural Competency and Identity 23 to be judgmental on your mistakes, but to monitor your mistakes and adapt (Inzlicht et al., 2012). On the other hand, as Dweck (2013) asserts, accepting your mistakes is an opportunity to learn, as a failure sharpens students’ focus and helps them to improve self-regulation. Having high expectations that come from positive thinking increases educational outcomes (Dweck, 2013). Mindsets Mindsets are frames of reference that inform your view of yourself and the world. Typically conceptualized in terms of believing that intelligence is innate – something that you are born with and is unchangeable – or as something that can be improved informs a person’s mindset. Dweck (2000) describes mindsets as self-theories which reflect either a growth mindset or a fixed mindset. Curiously, a growth of fixed mindset occurs regardless of whether the motivation is intrinsic or extrinsic. Although, people with an extrinsic orientation tend to have a fixed mindset, and people who have an intrinsic orientation tend also to have a growth mindset (Dweck, 2000). Resilience High future expectations are an indicator of resilience (Slaughter-Defoe & Rubin, 2001; Wyman, Cowen, Work,  & Kerley, 1993). Resilience has been defined as “the strengths that people and systems demonstrate that enable them to rise above adversity” (Van Breda, 2001, p.  14). A  student’s sense of self-efficacy is one way to increase resilience. Similar to resilience, grit, is described as perseverance and passion for long-term goals (Duckworth, Peterson, Matthews, & Kelly, 2007, p. 1087). Additional Cultural Issues That Impact Educational Outcomes Faculty members have the power to make the learning environment inclusive for all students that cultivates support, versus nurturing isolating, and exclusionary norms. This process is aligned with culturally responsive teaching or curriculum in which the life experiences of diverse groups will not be expunged from the learning environment or course content. For example, a curriculum designated to a diverse teaching practice and providing restorative support may entail the following components: 1. Coursework that emphasizes a connection to human need or interest so that the students can feel a part of something that is relevant to them. 2. Teachers who are collaborative with the learners by helping them understand the creation of meaning and the virtue of their own thinking.

24  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. 3. Students working together as a community of learners. 4. Students and instructor assuming a blame-free and trusting belief in people and their potential to be transformed. 5. Students being treated equally in the classroom and invited to address behaviors, practices, or policies that are prejudicial. These elements have the potential to combine positive relationships with identity, school, and culture in a way that informs teaching practices and may even spur healing. Restorative practices that put the child first work in conjunction with rigor to develop academic identity.

Discussion CRT was shown to be a useful lens through which to examine practices that serve to eliminate barriers for children of color in their quest to get an education. This is true for national, state, and local laws that deny or restrict opportunities for minority students. To that end, this chapter addressed issues related to cultural identity and academic identity, including academic self-concept, self-esteem, and related self-efficacy, as well as Afrocentricity. We also explored cultural and non-cultural issues that can impact educational outcomes such as stereotype threat, acting White, SES, parenting, curriculum and teacher quality, time on instruction, high expectations, positive thinking mindsets, and resilience. These items of interest were all interrogated with cultural competency and schooling in mind. The shift toward cultural competency as the focus of, as LadsonBillings (1995) describes it, “just good teaching” (p. 159) has facilitated many necessary and productive conversations about what is best for our children. Providing no more than an academic education to a student is no longer sufficient. We have moved on to sustaining and providing for the whole child. Cultural competency in no longer a conversation but a matter of national policy (NEA, 2008). However, since clear and measurable relationships to cultural competency are not possible, the authors of this chapter implore educators to think of cultural competency as a component of academic achievement and consider it part of good teaching practices that include supporting a student’s self-identity as well as their academic identity. Culturally competent teaching alone is not a guarantee of academic success. This conclusion is important because cultural competency is a powerful way for students and teachers to connect and learn from one another. A broader perspective is that the true potency of culturally competent teaching is most effective when cultural competency is combined with other good teaching practices. The authors of this chapter clearly support the idea that cultural competency stands in solidarity with self-identity and academic identity

Cultural Competency and Identity 25 that can uplift students psychologically as well as positively impact academic achievement. We see cultural competence, self-identity, and academic identity as allies to the emotional and academic well-being of students. What is most relevant to understanding the phrase “more than cultural competency alone” is that teachers do not have to sacrifice caring for rigor. In other words, cultural competency and rigorous as well as academically challenging classes can coexist simultaneously. Once students know that teachers get them, teachers can then get them to achieve even higher. In fact, Hammond (2014) has recognized that when students can integrate feedback and instruction conversations with cultural affirmation and validation, they are ready for rigorous learning. Now, we turn to specific strategies and tools that have the potential to positively impact the lives of African American students that include an innovative idea of using hope to measure the cognitive well-being of students, the inclusion of student culture in teaching strategies, acknowledging and accepting non-traditional forms of English, as well as a student of color self-efficacy survey, and a teachers of students of color self-efficacy survey. It is our hope that these tools, whether used individually or in conjunction with one another, help foster academic identity, self-efficacy, and cultural competency. Resources In addition to Paulson’s (2008) six components of rigor: 1) remember, 2) understand, 3) apply, 4) analyze, 5) evaluate, and 6) synthesize, there is also Daggett’s (2012) Rigor/Relevance Framework®, a tool based on two dimensions of higher standards and student achievement. The first is based on the six levels of the Revised Bloom’s Taxonomy: Creating, Evaluating, Analyzing, Applying, Understanding, and Remembering. Step one entails acquiring knowledge and being able to recall or locate that knowledge quickly, and then moves beyond recall and includes the ability to combine and assimilate knowledge. The second step is application, which includes mastering knowledge in one discipline and applying the knowledge in the discipline. Step three applies knowledge across disciplines, and includes applying that knowledge to real-world predictable situations. The Children’s Hope Scale One method to support Black students is the Children’s Hope Scale (CHS). The Children’s Hope Scale is a tool designed to examine student perceptions of how they are dealing with difficulties. Hope in children can indeed be measured if conceptualized in terms of the belief that a

26  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. child has to reach goals coupled with matching action. Snyder (2003), defines hope as: [a] cognitive set involving the self-perceptions that one can produce routes to desired goals (the pathways component), along with the motivation to use those goals (the agency component). Both components must be assessed together so as to obtain an overall sense of a child’s hope (p. 4) Administering the CHS scale only takes a few minutes and is a useful means to measure individual differences of psychological adjustment. Over 1,519 child participants, comprised of both boys and girls, as well as students with and without psychological and physical problems utilized CHS with good results (Snyder, 2003). Implementing CHS and studies like it can be an appropriate measure to predict utility of positive expectations (Snyder, Hoza, Pelham, Rapoff, Ware, & Danovsky, 1996). To make the case for cultural competency alone, studies must look at student race, student gender, student achievement, student SES, teacher race, teacher gender, teacher quality, teacher training, school demographics such as SES and racial composition as both dependent and independent variables related to educational outcomes. The Nzuri Model Description: Many teachers quickly realize that Black students draw from a vast and ethnically diverse culture that while they may value it, they realize that are unfamiliar with it. The Nzuri Model is based on seven principles that have three overarching aspects: Spirit, Rhythm, and Creativity. The principles are: 1) method, 2) form, 3) meaning, 4) ethos, 5) function, 6) mode, and 7) motif. Having a model that can be used to explore African culture, created by people of African descent to examine the aesthetics of people that are influenced by African culture, may be a useful tool for increasing teacher engagement with Black males. Objectives: To provide teachers with a tool that can increase engagement with Black males by providing cultural context and promoting understanding. Outcomes: Increased capacity to provide Black males with an optimal educational experience. Directions: 1. Read over the seven principles of the Nzuri Model that follow and become familiar with the definitions. 2. Use the terms of the Nzuri Model when describing Black culture, or more importantly, to ask your students questions about their culture. You can also share this model with your Black male students to discuss Black literature, art, and music in class as well as a working method to differentiate instruction.

Cultural Competency and Identity 27 3. Continue to practice the Nzuri Model and to make more personally informed connections in ways that empowers your Black male students by encouraging them to feel free to express themselves through their own cultural lenses.

The Overarching Aspects Spirit – the life force or energy that is necessary for creation Rhythm – how well you are in sync with life, nature and the world around you Creativity – understood in relationship to the community around the producer; it is the manifestation of spirit and rhythm. Creativity is both communal and individual, and helps to provide clarity and purpose of the Supreme Being.

The Seven Principals 1. method, a process for accomplishment 2. form, a way to shape or bring together 3. meaning, clarity and understanding 4. ethos, an element that inspires a mode of behavior or way of being 5. function, a relationship to a purpose 6. mode, a state of being 7. motif, a design or pattern Guiding question As a teacher, have I created an atmosphere where the energy [Spirit] of the class is in rhythm with myself and the students in a way that stimulates teachable moments? Adapted From Welsh, K. (2015). Nzuri model of African aesthetics. In Mwalimu J. Shujaa & Kenya J. Shujaa’s (Eds.), The SAGE encyclopedia of African cultural heritage in North America. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications.

Five Point Program for Teaching English in the Inner-City

Description: Dr. Geneva Smitherman designed a tool for teachers to use with Black urban students, who used to be called “inner-city” youth. Her goal was twofold. First, she wanted to show support for the teachers who have success for working with inner-city students and who value student identity. Second, Dr. Smitherman wanted teachers to realize that language

28  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. is power and that far too many teachers view African American oral traditions from a deficit perspective. To be clear, Smitherman is not advocating that teachers “teach” students to use improper English. Instead, Smitherman advocates that teachers acknowledge that educators focus not just on grammar, but meaning, and it is far easier to correct the grammar of a student than to take the time to try and understand what he is trying to say using a style different than what is familiar. Objectives: To provide teachers with a method for teaching English to Black inner-city students by giving them what they really need, helping the student deal with racism by thinking through a situation and making decisions when to use English language and when to use [or not to use] Black language (Smitherman, 1972). Outcomes: Smitherman’s Five Point Programs helps teachers to teach inner-city students academic and linguistic survival studies that values both Black and White culture.

Directions: 1. Examine alternative lifestyles – Encourage student discussions of life in their everyday world outside of school so they can make informed choices about their lives. 2. Emphasize reading  – Few inner-city students are able to read on grade level. 3. Emphasize oral work, debates, speeches, etc., capitalizing on the rich verbal skills students bring to the classroom. 4. Utilize intensive study of language, culture, and social and regional dialects, and the study of social and political nature of American language varieties. 5. When using oral and written work, emphasize the real components of rhetorical power: content, message, logical development, use of supporting details and examples, analysis and arrangement, variation of word choice, and sentence structure, etc. Adapted from Smitherman, G. (1972). English teacher: Why you be doing the thangs that you don’t do? English teacher. The English Journal, 61(1), 59–65.

Students of Color Self-Efficacy Survey Description: Not all students realize that being smart takes hard work and that learning can be accumulated. Objective: To help teachers pinpoint stumbling blocks their students may not have realized and to open informed discussion for both student improvement and engagement.

Cultural Competency and Identity 29 Outcomes: A better understanding of how your students process their learning ability and what motivates their engagement.

Directions:   1. Have your students fill out the self-survey anonymously.   2. Use the survey trends to inspire adaptations in teaching practices and classroom environment.  3. Re-administer the survey after three months. (Feel free to make adjustments based on your classroom needs.)   4. See if improvements correlate to assignments and tests. Please Circle Either Yes (Y) or No (N) for the Below.   1. I believe that it is cool to be smart. Y/N   2. I feel good when I get a good grade. Y/N   3. I feel bad when I get a bad grade. Y/N   4. I am more interested in learning than getting good grades. Y/N   5. Sometimes I hide the fact that I do not understand. Y/N   6. I believe smart people do not have to work hard. Y/N   7. I think the more time I spend on homework the higher my grades will be. Y/N   8. I feel that my teacher(s) cares about me. Y/N   9. I feel that my teacher(s) knows when I do not understand. Y/N 10. I like to answer questions out loud in class. Y/N 11. I like it when the teacher asks me to do math on the board. Y/N 12. It is important to me that I look good in front of my friends. Y/N 13. I believe that I can ask the teacher(s) questions when I need help. Y/N 14. I feel that if I try hard enough I can get it. Y/N 15. When I read, it is easy for me to tell when I do not understand. Y/N 16. When I answer a math problem, it is easy for me to tell when I do not understand. Y/N 17. I did well in reading this year. Y/N 18. I did well in math this year. Y/N 19. My teachers give me more good compliments than bad. Y/N 20. My teachers make me feel that I can understand the lesson most of the time. Y/N 21. I understand what it takes to do well in school. Y/N 22. I understand how to use math in everyday life. Y/N 23. I understand the steps it takes to get to college. Y/N Adapted from Ransaw, T., & Majors, R. (Eds.). (2016). Closing education achievement gaps for African American males. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press.

30  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. Teachers of Students of Color Self-Efficacy Survey Description: Teachers often benefit from self-reflection of their internal beliefs and how they may influence their teaching practices. Objectives: To help teachers pinpoint areas of focus to improve teacher-student relationships. Outcomes: A better understanding how teacher reflections can inform beliefs and influence student relationships.

Directions:   1. Fill out the survey honestly.  2. Use survey results to inspire adaptations in teaching methods and classroom environment.  3. Re-administer the survey after three months. (Feel free to make adjustments based on your classroom needs.)  4. See if adjustments correlate to higher scores on assignments and tests. Please Circle Either Yes (Y) or No (N) for the Below.   1. My students believe that it is cool to be smart. Y/N   2. It is important for my students to look good in front of their friends. Y N  3. My students are more interested in learning than in getting good grades. Y/N   4. Sometimes my students hide the fact they do not understand. Y/N   5. My students believe smart people do not have to work hard. Y/N  6. My students know the more time they spend on homework the higher their grades will be. Y/N   7. My students feel good when they get good grades. Y/N   8. My students feel bad when they get bad grades. Y/N   9. My students know when they do not understand. Y/N 10. My students are comfortable asking me questions when they need help. Y/N 11. My students feel that if they try hard enough they can learn. Y/N 12. When my students read, it is easy for them to realize when they do not understand. Y/N 13. My students like to answer questions out loud in class. Y/N 14. My students like to do math on the board. Y/N 15. My students feel I care about them. Y/N 16. My students feel that I get them. Y/N 17. My students feel that I understand their culture. Y/N 18. My students feel that I understand their language. Y/N 19. I make my students feel as if they can understand the lesson most of the time. Y/N

Cultural Competency and Identity 31 20. I give more good compliments than bad. Y/N 21. My students understand what it takes to do well in school. Y/N 22. My students understand how to use math in everyday life. Y/N 23. My students understand the steps it takes to get to college. Y/N Adapted from Ransaw, T., & Majors, R. (Eds.). (2016). Closing education achievement gaps for African American males. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press.

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Cultural Competency and Identity 33 Diller, J. V., & Moule, J. (2005). Cultural competence: A primer for educators. Belmont, CA: Thomas Wadsworth. Drury, D. (1980). Black self-esteem and desegregated schools. Social Education, 53, 88–103. Du Bois, W. E. B. (1994/1903). The soul of Black folks. New York: Dover Publications. Duckworth, A. L., Peterson, C., Matthews, M. D., & Kelly, D. R. (2007). Grit: Perseverance and passion for long-term goals. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 92(6), 1087–1101. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.92.6.1087 Dweck, C. S. (2000). Self-theories: Their role in motivation, personality and development. Philadelphia: Psychology Press. Dweck, D. (2013). Changing mindsets, motivating students with Carol Dweck. Webinar Education Week. Retrieved July  17, 2013, from edweek.org/ media/2012-02-16_changingmindsets.pdf Eccles, J. S. (1994). Understanding women’s educational and occupational choices. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 18, 585–609. Epstein, D., Elwood, J., Hey, V., & Maw, J. (Eds) (1998) Failing boys? Issues in gender and achievement. Buckingham: Open University Press. Fordham, S., & Ogbu, J. (1986). Black students’ school success: Coping with the “burden of ‘acting White.’ ” Urban Review, 18(3), 176–206. Francis, B., & Archer, L. (2005). Negotiating the dichotomy of Boffin and Triad: British–Chinese pupils’ constructions of ‘laddism’. Sociological Review, 53(3), 495–521. Frosh, S., Phoenix, A., & Pattman, R. (2002). Young masculinities: Understanding boys in contemporary society. Basingstoke: Palgrave. Goldhaber, D., Lavery, L., & Theobald, R. (2015). Uneven playing field? assessing the teacher quality gap between advantaged and disadvantaged students. Educational Researcher, 44(5), 293–307. doi:10.3102/0013189X15592622 Green, R. L. (2014). Expect the most provide the best: How high-expectations, outstanding instruction,  & curricular innovations help ass students succeed. New York: Scholastic Books. Hammond, Z. L. (2014). Culturally responsive teaching and the brain: Promoting authentic engagement and rigor among culturally and linguistically diverse students. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. Hanushek, E., & Rivkin, S. (2010). Constrained job matching: Does teacher job search harm disadvantaged urban schools? Working paper No. 15816. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Hattie, J. (2015). The applicability of visible learning to higher education. Scholarship of Teaching and Learning in Psychology, 1(1), 79–91. Hattie, J. (2012). Visible learning for teachers. London: Routledge. Hattie, J. (2009). Visible learning: A synthesis of over 800 meta-analyses relating to achievement. New York: Routledge. Hodgetts, K. (2008). Underperformance or ‘getting it right’? Constructions of gender and achievement in the Australian inquiry into boys’ education. British journal of Sociology of Education, 29(5), 465–477. Huitt, W. (2003). A transactional model of the teaching/learning process. Educational Psychology Interactive. Retrieved from www.edpsycinteractive.org/ materials/tchlrnmd.html

34  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. Inzlicht, M., Legault, L., & Teper, R. (2012). Exploring the mechanisms of selfcontrol improvement. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 23(4), 302–307. Jackson, C., & Dempster, S. (2009 December). “I sat back on my computer . . . with a bottle of whisky next to me”: Constructing “cool” masculinity through “effortless” achievement in secondary and higher education. Journal of Gender Studies, 18(4), 341–356. Janzen, J. M. (1972, October). Laman’s Kongo ethnography: Observations on sources, methodology and theory. Africa, 42(4), 316–328. Johnson, K. (2000). The peer effect on academic achievement among public elementary students (CDA Report No. 00–06 May 26), Heritage Center for Data Analysis, Heritage Foundations, Washington, DC. Johnson, R. E. (1993). Factors in the academic success of African American college males (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation), University of South Carolina. Knapp, L. G., Kelly-Reid, J. E., Whitmore, R. W., & Miller, E. (2007). Enrollment in postsecondary institutions, fall 2005; graduation rates, 1999 and 2002 cohorts; and financial statistics, fiscal year 2005 (Publication No. NCES 2007–154). Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, U.S. Department of Education. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pub sinfo.asp?pubid_2007154 Kunjufu, J. (1997). To be popular or smart. Chicago: African American Images. Ladson-Billings, G. (2001, Summer). Teaching and cultural competence. What does it take to be a successful teacher in a diverse classroom? Rethinking Schools Online, 15(4), 1–5. Ladson-Billings, G. (1995). But that’s just good teaching: The case for culturally relevant pedagogy. Theory into Practice, 34(3), 159–165. Lamm, K. (2003). Visuality and Black masculinity in Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man and Romare Bearden’s photomontages. Callaloo, 26(3), 813–835. Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D.,  & Gore, P. A. (1997). Discriminant and predictive validity of academic self-concept, academic self-efficacy, and mathematics-spe cific self-efficacy. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 44, 307–315. Mandara, J., Varner, F., Nereira, G.,  & Richman, S. (2009). Intergenerational family predictors of the Black White achievement gaps. Journal of Educational Psychology, 101(4), 867–878. Majors, R., & Billson, J. M. (1992). Cool pose: The dilemmas of Black manhood in America. New York: Simon and Schuster. Mickelson, R. A. (2003). The academic consequences of desegregation and segregation: Evidence from the Charlotte – Mecklenburg schools. North Carolina Law Review, 81, 1513–1562. Mitra, D.,  & Serriere, S. (2012). Student voice in elementary school reform: Examining youth development in fifth graders. American Educational Research Journal, 49(4), 743–774. Retrieved from www.jstor.org.proxy1.cl.msu.edu/ stable/23249219 Muijs, R. (1997). Predictors of academic achievement and academic self-concept: A longitudinal perspective. British Journal of Educational Psychology, 67(3), 263–277. doi:10.1111/j.2044-8279.1997.tb01243.x Myers, W. D. (2002). Badboy: A memoir. New York: Amistad. National Education Association. (2008, NEA). Promoting educators’ culturally competence to better serve culturally diverse students. Washington, DC: NEA. Retrieved from www.nea.org/assets/docs/PB13_CulturalCompetence08.pdf

Cultural Competency and Identity 35 NCES. (2012). Improving the measurement of socioeconomic status for the national assessment of educational progress: A theoretical foundation. Retrieved April 2018 from http://nces.ed.gov/nationsreportcard/pdf/researchcenter/Soci oeconomic_Factors.pdf NCES. (2017). Race/ethnicity of college faculty. National Center for Education Statistics. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=61 Neal, L., et al. (2003, Spring). The effects of African American movement styles on teachers’ perceptions and reactions. Journal of Special Education, 37(1), 49–57. Special Issue. M. Kehler & W. Martino (Guest Editors). Boys, Literacy and Schooling, 30(2), 406–431. Osborne, J. (1995). Academics, self-esteem, and race: A look at the underlying assumptions of the disidentification hypothesis. Personal and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21, 449–455. Padilla, A. M. (2004). Quantitative methods in multicultural education research. In J. Banks & C. Banks (Eds.), Handbook of research in multicultural education (2nd ed.). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Pajares, F. (2002). Overview of social cognitive theory and of self-efficacy. Atlanta: Emory University. Patterson, O. (2006, March). A poverty of the mind. New York Times. Retrieved at: http://www.nytimes.com/2006/03/26/opinion/26patterson.html?pagewanted=1 Paulson, M. (2008). Best teaching practices for Rigor in learning. Retrieved from https://suite101.com/a/rigor-in-the-classroom-a82689 Pedler, M. (2011). Leadership, risk and the imposter syndrome. Action Learning: Research and Practice, 8(2), 89–91. Plucker, J. A., Hardesty, J.,  & Burroughs, N. (2014). Talent on the sidelines: Excellence gaps and America’s persistent talent underclass. Storrs, CT: Center for Education Policy Analysis, University of Connecticut. Retrieved from http://cepa.uconn.edu/mindthegap. Ransaw, T. (2013). The art of being cool: The pursuit of Black masculinity. Chicago: African American Images. Ransaw, T. (2017a), Understanding the classroom matrix of race, class, gender and cultural competency in analyzing same race students and teacher arguments. In T. Ransaw & R. Major’s (Eds.), Emerging issues and trends in education Volume I (pp. 85–118). East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press. Ransaw, T. (2017b). Cool papas: How six fathers in mid-Michigan use sports as a tool for engagement, accessibility and responsibility to increase the educational outcomes of their children. Spectrum: A Journal on Black Men, 6(1), 1–31. Ransaw, T. (2018). Reading fatherhood differently: The importance of fathers in child literacy development. In B. J. Guzzetti, J. Dunkerly-Bean, & T. W. Bean (Eds.), Literacies, sexualities, and gender: Understanding identities from preschool to adulthood (pp. 208–219). New York, NY: Taylor & Francis. Ransaw, T., & Majors, R. (Eds.). (2016). Closing education achievement gaps for African American males. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press. Reay, D. (2004). Cultural capitalists and academic habitus: Classed and gendered labor in UK higher education. Women’s Studies International Forum, 27(1), 31–39. Reid, K. W. (2007). Black gold: Understanding the relationships between racial identity, self- efficacy, institutional integration and academic achievement of Black males in research universities (Doctoral dissertation). Graduate School of Education of Harvard University, Boston.

36  Theodore S. Ransaw et al. Roediger, D. R. (2005). Working toward whiteness: How America’s immigrants became white: The strange journey from Ellis Island to the suburbs. New York: Basic Books. Ross, C. E., & Brown, B. A. (2000). The roles of self-esteem and the sense of personal control in the academic achievement process. Sociology of Education, 73(4), 270–284. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.msu.edu.proxy2.cl.msu. edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.proxy2.cl.msu.edu/docview/21648 2302?accountid=12598 Schmidt, W. H. (2015, September). Failed mission: How schools worsen inequality. Michigan State University, College of Education. Retrieved from http:// msutoday.msu.edu/news/2015/failed- mission-how-schools-worsen-inequality/ Schmidt, W. H., & McKnight, C. C. (2012). Inequality for All: The challenge of unequal opportunity in American schools. New York: Teachers College. Schultz, P. W., Baker, N., Herrera, E., & Khazian, A. (2002). Stereotype threat among Hispanic Americans and the moderating role of ethnic identity. Manuscript in preparation, California State University, San Marcos. Slaughter-Defoe, D. T., & Rubin, H. (2001). A longitudinal case study of Head Start eligible children: Implications for urban education. Educational Psychologist, 36(1), 31–44. Snyder, C. R. (2003). Measuring hope in children. Presented at the Indicators of Positive Development Conference, Washington, DC, March 12–13. Snyder, C. R., Hoza, B., Pelham, W. E., Rapoff, M., Ware, L., & Danovsky, M. (1997). The development and validation of the Children’s Hope Scale. Journal of Pediatric Psychology, 22, 399–421. Stajkovic, A.,  & Luthans, F. (2001). Social cognitive theory and self-efficacy: Implications for motivation theory and practice. In L. W. Porter, G. A. Bigley, & R. M. Steers (Eds.), Motivation and work behavior (7th ed.) (pp. 126– 140). Burr Ridge, IL: Irwin/McGraw-Hill. Steele, C. (2004). A threat in the air: How stereotypes shape intellectual identity and performance. In J. Banks  & C. Banks (Eds.),  Handbook of researching multicultural education (2nd ed.). San Francisco: Josey-Bass. Steele, C. (2003). Stereotype threat and student achievement. In T. Perry, C. Steele,  & A. Hilliard (Eds.), Young, gifted, and Black: Promoting high achievement among African-American students. Boston: Beacon Press. Stipek, D. J. (1984). The development of achievement motivation. Research on Motivation in Education, Student Motivation, 1, 145–173. Tavernis, S. (2012). Education gap grows between rich and poor, studies say. The New York Times. Retrieved December  27, 2012, from www.nytimes. com/2012/02/10/education/education-gap-grows-between-rich-and-poor-stud ies-show.html Thompson, R. F. (1984). Flash of the spirit. New York: Random House. Van Breda, A. D. (2001). Resilience theory: A literature review. Pretoria, South Africa: South African Military Health Service. Retrieved from www.vanbreda. org/adrian/resilience.htm van Laar, C. (2000). The paradox of low academic achievement but high selfesteem in African American students: An attributional account. Educational Psychology Review, 12(1), 33–61. http://dx.doi.org.proxy2.cl.msu. edu/10.1023/A:1009032900261

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2 Trauma Informed Teacher Training The Impact of Trauma on Minority Student School Success Angela M. Proctor, Thomas R. Brooks and Mark J. Reid Overview This chapter argues that trauma-informed teacher training should be made available to all teachers. Teacher training can positively contribute to school environments by providing knowledge about effective practices educators can utilize to meet the needs of children who have been exposed to trauma, abuse, and neglect (Dotson, 2017). The rates and severity of trauma increase in minoritized student populations, particularly African American and Hispanic American communities where resources can often be scarce (Betancourt, Green, Carrillo,  & Owusu Ananeh-Firempong, 2003; Creedon & Cook, 2016). In the classroom, manifestations of a child of trauma may occur during what would seem to be normal classroom interactions. Teachers who understand the ramifications of trauma in their students’ lives will have the skills and knowledge to provide students from violent backgrounds with the interactions, manipulatives, and classroom spaces that will help their students cope when their emotions overwhelm them. Over time, traumatized students often can learn to regulate their own reactions and feelings more effectively.

Introduction Unfortunately, young people of all races and ethnicities experience trauma and the negative impact it has on their ability to learn (Copeland, Keeler, Angold,  & Costello, 2007). However, children of color may encounter trauma more frequently than their White counterparts (Ahlin & Antunes, 2018). Trauma often induces physiological changes that persist long after the experience or situation has ended. Young people who have experienced trauma often have difficulty regulating their emotions and routinely exhibit behaviors that thwart learning for themselves and, at times, classmates.

Trauma Informed Teacher Training 39 Trauma has a pervasive impact on communities in the United States. Children in the U.S. endure exposure to violence at unfathomable rates. Trauma-related experiences can affect proper brain development and behavioral regulation. The ramifications of trauma can affect schools where many teachers lack the knowledge and training to handle the challenging behaviors and needs of these students (Proctor, 2018). The rates and severity of trauma increase in minoritized student populations, particularly African American and Hispanic American communities where resources can often be scarce (Betancourt, Green, Carrillo,  & Owusu Ananeh-Firempong, 2016; Creedon & Cook, 2016). Moreover, traumainformed teaching interventions have shown to improve outcomes for African American and Hispanic populations (Parris et al., 2015). Childhood trauma leaves deep scars, altering behavior, emotional regulation, and cognition. Educators need to understand the underlying reasons for poor behaviors in the context of trauma and be trained to work through challenging behaviors children present in order to meet their needs, thus creating a successful learning environment. Recently, schools have begun to invest into becoming “trauma informed.” Teacher training can contribute to school environments by providing knowledge about effective practices educators can utilize to meet the needs of children who have been exposed to trauma, abuse, and neglect (Dotson, 2017). Initiatives using models such as Trust-Based Relational Intervention® (TBRI), Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (TF-CBT®), and Cognitive Behavioral Intervention for Trauma in Schools (CBITS) have been used to create competency in public schools to support educators and students that have been impacted by adverse and traumatic events (Mikhail, Crawley, & Call, 2017; Jaycox, Kataoka, Stein, Langley, & Wong, 2012; Call, Purvis, Parris, & Cross, 2014; Mannarino, Cohen, Deblinger, Runyon, & Steer, 2012).

Extent of Trauma Within Student Populations Research on trauma points to it as a big contributing factor that causes a large portion of the emotional and behavioral problems mentioned. Traumatic experiences can leave deep scars in the lives of children, negatively affecting their emotional well-being. According to a well-known study, two thirds of children have been exposed to at least one traumatic event by the time they are 16 years old (Copeland et al., 2007). In 1995, a large study on Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) was conducted by Kaiser Permanente, yielding over 17,000 responses (Felitti et al., 1998). These researchers found that the more ACEs a person has (emotional abuse, physical abuse, sexual abuse, household substance abuse, violence in the home, crime, separation and divorce, or emotional and physical neglect), the higher the probability of serious illness and possible early death (Felitti et al., 1998).

40  Angela M. Proctor et al.

How the Body Reacts to Trauma When a child experiences trauma, that young person is more likely to be hypervigilant to their environment, scanning to ensure they are secure even in safe locations. They are quick to react as their body’s stress system has been activated due to experiencing fearful situations in the past. A  child interprets her surroundings as threatening because her brain stem, which is responsible for survival, has been overdeveloped due to chronic exposure to traumatic stress (Perry, 2002). The stress system, also known as the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis (HPA axis), generates the appropriate neurotransmitters in the brain, sending messages throughout the body to prepare for survival (Henry, Sloane, & Black-Pond, 2007). There are typically three different ways to respond to a crisis: get away from the situation (flight), stand firm and be defensive (fight), or be very still and quiet to avoid being noticed (freeze; Call et al., 2014). A child who has experienced trauma responds to triggers with an expectation of distress. His body has a motor memory for previous trauma, and when his present environment sends messages that are interpreted to be similar to the past, his brains prepares for changes ahead. Therefore, students with this type of traumatic background live in a perilous state with their bodies ready to react with a fight, flight, or freeze response at the smallest hint of a provocation. The fear response plays a direct role in the learning process. Cortisol, a primary stress hormone, is activated in the body when a stressful situation arises during daily activities (Sapolsky et al., 2000, as cited in Purvis, 2006a) and ensures that the individual functions at a highly alert level to help ensure survival. However, within a learning environment, cortisol facilitates a more complex process. Joels and de Kloet (1990, 1991), reported low levels of cortisol actually helps improve processing in the hippocampus (where memories are stored and retrieved in the brain); however, at much higher levels, this stress hormone can be detrimental to memory (Kim & Diamond, 2002). This change in low to high levels is described as an inverted U-shaped function which depicts that students will perform better under lower levels of stress but become cognitively impaired as their stress increases (Yerkes  & Dodson, 1908). Notably, high levels of cortisol have been found in children who have experienced stress and trauma (Purvis & Cross, 2006a, 2006b).

Impact of Trauma in the Classroom The classroom can be an overly stimulating situation for students who have experienced trauma (Parris et  al., 2015). Unpredictable environments can trigger a stress response in a student who does not feel that her basic needs are being met. When an individual lacks basic needs (i.e., food, drink, shelter, safety), communication between the HPA axis and

Trauma Informed Teacher Training 41 neural networks begins so that the body can respond to the need. The message transmitted will focus on finding food or water, or protection through a fight, flight, or freeze response (Perry, 2009). When a child’s new environment reminds them of a previously traumatic event, their bodies prepare, which may result in low frustration levels, exaggerated response to change, inability to follow instructions, and poor critical thinking skills (Egeland, Sroufe, & Erickson, 1983). Knowing and understanding the cause of these behaviors can help a teacher intervene with assistance for students to meet needs and create an environment that feels safe. Once safety and security are reestablished, children can return to homeostasis – both socially and cognitively.

Impact on Vulnerable Populations, Particularly Minority Groups The ramifications of trauma are pervasive in all walks of life, impacting all races and ethnicities without discrimination. According to The Child Trends Databank, in 2014, two-thirds of children either experienced or witnessed violence within that year (Finkelhor, Turner, Shattuck,  & Hamby, 2015). However, understanding the prevalence of traumatic experiences of children and youth may be more complex than one would infer from the previous statistic, as Fallon et  al. (2010) report up to 80% of cases regarding abuse or neglect go unreported. For example, Stoltenborgh, Euser, and Bakermans-Kranenburg (2011); Stoltenborgh, Bakermans-Kranenburg, Alink, and Ijzendoorn (2012); Stoltenborgh, Bakermans-Kranenburg, van Ijzendoorn, and Alink (2013); and Stoltenborgh, Bakermans-Kranenburg, and IJzendoorn (2013) published metaanalytic findings of self-reported childhood abuse and neglect between the years of 1980 and 2008. Collectively, findings indicated participants reported experiencing several dimensions of traumatic experiences: 22.6% for physical abuse, 36.3% for emotional abuse, 12.7% for sexual abuse, 16.3% for physical neglect, and 18.4% for emotional neglect. However, while these numbers seem very high, research in clinical populations indicate a much higher prevalence of experiencing trauma: 54.6% (Haviland, Morton, Oda, & Fraser, 2010), 52% (Cecil, Viding, Fearon, Glaser, & McCrory, 2017), and 24% (Sedlak et al., 2010) were reported for physical, emotional, and sexual abuse and neglect, respectively. Even though all children can potentially be exposed to trauma, certain groups are more at risk for victimization and/or witnessing traumatic events. For example, boys reportedly have more exposure to community violence, and youth who live in low socioeconomic areas tend to experience more serious injuries (La Greca et al., 2008). According to a study cited by the National Institute of Health in 2012, over 34,000 adults ages 18 and older were surveyed regarding lifetime experience of traumatic events and PTSD (Roberts, Gilman, Breslau, Breslau, & Koenen, 2011),

42  Angela M. Proctor et al. with Black and Hispanic adults reporting being victims of child maltreatment at much higher rates than White adults. For Black youth, witnessing or experiencing a traumatic event is much more likely than for White youth (Ahlin &Antunes, 2018). The prevalence of violence in minimized populations is alarming given individuals who experience social marginalization have a higher risk of developing instinctual responses to trauma (Breslau et al., 1998). Keeping in mind the relationship between experiencing trauma and subsequent educational challenges, which includes reduced graduation rates (Orfield, Losen, Wald, & Swanson, 2004). Researchers have begun to investigate the achievement gaps of minority youth and their anteceding exposure to trauma. For example, Porche, Fortuna, Lin, and Alegria (2011) analyzed the patterns of dropping out of school in relation to experiencing trauma and racial/ethnic identity. They found students who were African American or Latino were much more likely to drop out of school than White or Asian students, particularly if they suffered from a mental illness or experienced past trauma. Goodman and West-Olatunji (2010) indicated minoritized children may be at a much higher risk of both experiencing trauma, as well as having it interfere with their education due to structural problems both in the school system and the counseling system.

Lack of Access to Mental Health Services There also may be challenges to receiving the appropriate services needed to treat the effects of trauma. Some minority groups may have limited access to mental health services (Betancourt et  al., 2003; Creedon  & Cook, 2016), have access to inadequate resources (Cook et  al., 2014), or may not seek out help due to do the stigma of mental health, which can be a large deterrent, depending on the cultural norms (Clement et al., 2015). One implication of not having access to resources to combat the effects of trauma may lead to the pronounced achievement gaps observed in racial minority student populations.

Effects of Trauma on School Success Children who have experienced traumatic events can be disruptive to a classroom environment (Call et  al., 2014). As teachers and classmates become distracted by behaviors from traumatized children, teaching and learning time may become greatly reduced (Barnes, Belsky, Broomfield, Melhuish,  & the National Evaluation of Sure Start (NESS) Research Team, 2006). The ability to detect symptoms of trauma and cope with the resulting challenging behaviors can provide teachers with a valuable skillset for the management of a classroom. Children who exhibit emotional and behavioral dysregulation lack the cognitive processing skills

Trauma Informed Teacher Training 43 to work through their triggers of trauma (Perry, 2001). Teachers who can provide a safe environment and build a trusting relationship with students will be more successful in decreasing the disruptions in class (Call et  al., 2014). At the administrative level, principals and central office administrators can provide training and support for the teachers who educate children from traumatic backgrounds (O’Neil, Guenette, & Kitchenham, 2010). Trauma-informed training will help teachers understand the impact of trauma, and give them ideas and tools to meet the needs of their students. When needs are met, the maladaptive behaviors generally decrease and this allows for more instruction time, as well as a decline in office referrals and suspensions/expulsions (Purvis, Milton, Harlow, Paris, & Cross, 2014). Many children struggle with developmental delays and emotional dysregulation caused by trauma, hindering their ability to succeed on their educational journey (Reddy  & Richardson, 2006). Developmental setbacks often cause frustration and feelings of hopelessness for children and their teachers. Unfortunately, teachers report a lack of access to training in how to respond to the maladaptive behaviors in their classroom. Additionally, teachers sometimes feel inept in identifying symptoms of trauma in the children in their classes (Davis, 2016). For example, underachieving behavior in the classroom is often misdiagnosed as an attentional or behavioral problem; however, these negative behaviors can be the characteristics of traumatic stress (Levine & Kline, 2006). For students of color, this can be particularly problematic, as the people who are supposed to support and take care of them (e.g., counselors, teachers) can misinterpret students’ behaviors due to the adults’ cultural frame (West-Olatunji, 2008). For example, Pigott and Cowen (2000) reported that Black children are more likely to be judged as being incompetent, have adjustment issues, and poorer future prospects as opposed to White children. Tenenbaum and Ruck (2007) reported similar findings in terms of teacher expectations towards minority students. Telltale signs of previously experienced trauma in students have been well documented for children in the classroom setting. For example, Goodman and West-Olatunji (2010) identified five categories of behavior exhibited as a consequence of experiencing trauma: re-experiencing, avoidance, arousal, internalizing behaviors, and externalizing behaviors. Re-experiencing behaviors emerge as problematic social skills, increased frustration, and cognitive disturbances. For example, Egeland et al. (1983) noted that preschool children who have experienced past trauma tend to exhibit poor problem-solving skills and lower frustration levels. These findings raise alarm bells given similar behavioral problems also occur in elementary school (Shonk & Cicchetti, 2001) and in high school (Beers & De Bellis, 2002). Avoidance typically involves the student not engaging with others (Goodman & West-Olatunji, 2010). Arousal is exhibited when the student is hyperactive, or has difficulty

44  Angela M. Proctor et al. concentrating or staying on task. Internalized behaviors relate to low self-esteem and self-efficacy. Shonk and Cicchetti (2001) identified internalization in their sample of elementary students who often believe they are destined to fail, which often resulted in a lack of follow-through on class projects. Lastly, externalized behaviors involve aggression, whereby the student acts out to disrupt others. Externalized behaviors can be particularly harmful for academic achievement, as it results in taking time away from classroom instruction for the actor and her classmates (Proctor, 2017). Oftentimes, externalized behaviors result in ostracism from classroom activities, which often precede students dropping out of school or beings forced to attend alternative education (Call et al., 2014). Often these behavioral challenges arise because a traumatized child does not understand how to express his needs or feelings (Call et  al., 2014), thus school districts are beginning to invest in trauma-informed training to bring understanding and support for all staff members (Dotson, 2017). However, much work is needed at the administrative level in terms of discipline, as several student populations experience higher rates of disciplinary action for their behavior. For example, racial minoritized students (particularly African-American, Latino, and Native American; Skiba, Michael, Nardo,  & Peterson, 2002; Wallace, Goodkind, Wallace,  & Bachman, 2008), and students with low academic standing (Abidin  & Robinson, 2002), often receive the majority of office referrals and disciplinary action (Greytak, Kosciw, Villenas,  & Giga, 2016; Himmelstein & Bruckner, 2011; Irvine, 2010; Palmer & Greytak, 2017; Poteat, Scheer, & Chong, 2016).

Teacher Knowledge When educators observe problematic behaviors in their students it is important for them to be aware that trauma could be the reason the behaviors exist. Some students may exhibit low frustration levels, exaggerated response to change, inability to follow instructions, and poor critical thinking skills (Egeland et al., 1983) due to trauma. Motivation may be a struggle, as students feel they cannot be successful and therefore do not stick with a problem or see a task to completion. Experiencing failure can be too painful for children who have experienced trauma, so they choose to quit rather than facing disappointment (Shonk  & Cicchetti, 2001). Knowing and understanding the cause of these behaviors can help a teacher take a different approach with students and use interventions that help them feel safe and that their teacher can meet their needs. For instance, if a teacher knows a child’s background and that she struggles with the points mentioned previously, that teacher can provide support to meet that student’s needs. Teachers must be mindful and aware of

Trauma Informed Teacher Training 45 their students’ needs, which may mean putting certain goals aside, and just observing and addressing the emotional and physical needs of their students.

Strategies to Meet the Needs of Students of Trauma Trauma-informed training involves educating teachers on the effects of trauma in the context of children’s learning and functionality in the classroom environment. Training provides information on how adverse experiences impact the relationships between students and teachers, as well as the influence trauma has on a child’s brain and subsequent cognitive developmental delays. The symptoms of these delays often present as processing or sensory issues. Through trauma-informed training, educators are provided with strategies such as nurture groups and sensory activities to meet the needs of the children in their classrooms. Details on these approaches are provided later in this section. Lastly, but probably most importantly, trauma-informed training for teachers must cover how to manage behaviors in the context of trauma. Some examples of how teachers can support their students include providing a predictable schedule and providing time and clarity for transitions from one activity to another (Parris et al., 2015). When the time comes to stop one activity – completing a math lesson for instance – a teacher can give a prompt announcing that in five minutes she will need students to complete their math problems and be ready to line up for lunch. A few minutes later, the teacher can say, “Two more minutes! We will put our math papers away and line up for lunch.” Providing reminders to reinforce that the schedule will not change allows students to feel they do not have to prepare for the unexpected and helps to alleviate hypervigilant behaviors. Teachers also can provide a predictable schedule for students by posting a calendar or daily schedule so students can see what will happen throughout the school day. In terms of communication, pictures offer another means for children who have trouble processing words. Children who do not know what to expect and have experienced trauma will brace for the worst. These young people often have survival mechanisms kick in to protect themselves. These fight, flight, or freeze responses often appear to be irrational outbursts to the teacher. Sensory activities empower students to integrate information from their environment so their bodies and brains can adjust and respond to that information appropriately (Purvis, McKenzie, Cross, & Razuri, 2013). Repetitive movement increases neurochemicals such as serotonin, which provides a calming effect, while simultaneously decreasing adrenaline and cortisol (Purvis & Cross, 2006a). Periodic movement throughout the day keeps the brain regulated and organized. Taking a quick five-minute sensory break, or having the students move from one side of the classroom to another, can help their bodies reorganize and transition to the

46  Angela M. Proctor et al. next task. Some examples of meeting sensory needs are: bilateral movements to stimulate the right and left sides of the brain; stretching or yoga; fidget devices like stress balls, hook and loop fasteners, pipe cleaners, or other items help the brain to calm and focus; weighted vests, blankets, or lap pads; noise-cancelling headphones for students who are sensitive to sound; soft lighting; or soft background music (Call et al., 2014). Additionally, allowing students to have water breaks helps to replenish their bodies and brains to function at optimal levels. Teachers will benefit from a focus on increasing their awareness of low levels of dysregulation that often precede more serious behavioral responses. Because signs that a child has begun to lose control of her behavior often go unnoticed, diligence on the part of an instructor may pay off with early detection. For example, clenched fists or increased breathing patterns represent subtle signs that a student might need assistance with regulating her emotions. If a teacher catches this early, he can provide the support needed to continue to move forward with the current learning activities. Calming techniques will help the teacher meet students’ needs when they cannot regulate their own emotions. Many options exist for the implementation of calming approaches in the classroom. For instance, the teacher can proactively educate the students about the way their brain works when it is under stress. Students empowered with this knowledge and associated strategies have been known to coach distressed peers to use breathing techniques to find calm. Nurture groups involve activities that develop relationships, promote communication, and teach self-regulation and social skills (Tucker et al., 2017; Purvis et al., 2014). Teachers can use anywhere from 20 minutes to one hour to lead students through a nurture group session (depending on how much time is available in their daily schedule) (Reid et al., 2018). The specific rules to follow during nurture group training include: having fun together and committing with each other to stick to the task and provide a safe environment where everyone can voice their thoughts and feelings respectfully. In short: Stick Together, No Hurts, Have Fun (Howard et al., 2014). Nurture group training typically involves the following activities: (1) a review of the rules; (2) an ice breaker or warm-up activity to help participants to feel comfortable; (3) a connecting activity such as using adhesive bandages to talk about feelings, and offering to provide care to each other by talking about inside hurts and outside hurts; (4) a social skills activity that trains students in respect, making good choices, boundaries, and so forth; and (5) a chance to give care and receive care from each other by providing a snack to a group member. Educators who utilize the strategies mentioned here provide the support to meet their students’ needs. Meeting emotional and physical needs of students sets them on a trajectory to develop, learn, and grow in a positive direction. When a child’s needs remain unmet, or he lacks a safe

Trauma Informed Teacher Training 47 and predictable environment, he cannot begin to develop the ability to regulate his emotions (Delahooke, 2017). The child may remain in a state of fear that possibly began with events that occurred outside of the classroom. The child’s life events may move him to create a belief system that judges the world to be a scary place. Teachers will benefit from paying attention to the cues provided by the student that indicate that his behavior may originate from this type of belief system. When a teacher can understand a child’s behavior as survival strategies rather than willful disobedience, she can see the need beneath the behavior and work toward a plan to help the child to regulate (Henry et al., 2007).

Programs in Schools That Address Trauma Several programs for schools focus on meeting the needs of children who suffer from traumatic experiences. The Attachment Regulation and Competency (ARC) model builds skills in youth with cognitive and developmental challenges. ARC focuses on helping children learn and understand emotional regulation and to become more attuned with themselves and peers. Some examples of activities used in the ARC model include playing a musical instrument, playing sports, singing in a group, or ballroom dancing (Davis, 2016). The next three programs will be explored in-depth. Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (TF-CBT®) provides treatment in the school setting for children from three years old to 18 years old. TF-CBT® helps with symptomologies of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), fear, depression, anger, and emotional dysregulation (Fitzgerald  & Cohen, 2012). The Cognitive Behavioral Intervention for Trauma in Schools (CBITS) integrates cognitive behavioral therapy and trauma-informed education for groups of students who have experienced traumatic events (Jaycox et al., 2018). This program is delivered by a school psychologist and acts as an early intervention for students. The program relies heavily on cognitive behavioral techniques to help students recognize and change maladaptive cognitions (e.g., identify thoughts, challenge unhelpful thoughts, developing a trauma narrative), as well as develop skills to regulate stress and anxiety through relaxation training. Another model that has recently become more popular in schools is Trust-Based Relational Intervention® (TBRI). TBRI utilizes a holistic approach that is based in attachment theory and teaches caregivers how to relate to children who come from “hard places” (Purvis  & Cross, 2005). TBRI meets the complex needs of traumatized children. TBRI uses tools to promote nurturing relationships through three evidencebased principles: empowering, connecting, and correcting (Mikhail et al., 2017).

48  Angela M. Proctor et al.

How These Interventions Improve Classroom Success To meet the needs of children who have experienced trauma, many programs and initiatives have been developed and implemented in the public-school system. As previously discussed, TF-CBT®, CBITS, and TBRI are three of the major initiatives that aim to provide teachers and students with information, training, and sensitivity for better facilitation of the learning environment to include children with a history of trauma. This focus helps modify traditional classroom management and discipline approaches that have often excluded students of trauma by not providing them a safe and comfortable learning environment sensitive to their unique needs. Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (TF-CBT®), a program designed for both child and caregiver participation, has shown children and parents who engage with the program sustain the improvements made at both the six-month and one-year benchmarks (Mannarino et al., 2012). In their study, Mannarino and colleagues treated 158 children between the ages of four and 11 years old who had experienced sexual abuse. After treatment, they reported the anxiety of the children and the distress of the parents dropped significantly. However, access to TF-CBT® can be difficult, as it takes place in a clinic outside of school. In a comparative study of TF-CBT® and CBITS after Hurricane Katrina, Jaycox and colleagues tested both interventions on three New Orleans schools who had experienced hurricane-related trauma due to hurricane Katrina. While both initiatives resulted in an overall lowering of traumatic symptoms, CBITS was much more accessible to families (particularly minority families), which was supported by the 93% of individuals who completed the CBITS treatment as opposed to the 12% completion rate for TF-CBT® (Jaycox et al., 2010). While the researchers in the CBITS intervention have not produced a study investigating the intervention for African American children, Gaylord-Harden, Cunningham, and Zelencik (2011) expressed in their study that CBITS would be an ideal intervention for the population. This recommendation has support by previous research on CBITS effectiveness with minority students of Latino heritage, where 23 children between the ages of ten and 14 reported fewer trauma-related symptoms after a ten-week CBITS program (Allison  & Ferreira, 2017). Additionally, 59 Native American children between the ages of 11 and 14 showed a significant decrease in trauma-related symptoms after the intervention (Butler Hepler, 2013). Further, low-income Mexican-American students seem to benefit from this trauma-informed initiative by showing an increase in grades in math and a higher likelihood of passing language arts if they had an early intervention (Kataoka et al., 2011). However, while CBITS is more accessible for minority children and children of lower-income families, the program poses a potential barrier for schools because CBITS

Trauma Informed Teacher Training 49 requires clinicians to operate the intervention. Recently, however, they have had success with training teachers (Jaycox et  al., 2009; Nadeem, Jaycox, Kataoka, Langley, & Stein, 2011). The TBRI program resolves this issue by showing data-supported progress in its expansion from children in the foster system to the classrooms of schools in Texas, Oklahoma, and Missouri (Call et al., 2014). The TBRI program instructs teachers, parents, and administrators how to recognize trauma, appropriately deal with it, make connections with students, and empower them to trust themselves and others to achieve success in schools. TBRI could be an excellent program to implement in low-income, high-minority schools, as the intervention does not cost as much as other programs to implement, takes the focus away from psychotherapy (which is highly stigmatized in minority populations; Ward  & Besson, 2013), and builds relationships between the student, their teacher, class, school, and community.

Suggestions for Schools Going Forward Educators inside and outside the classroom will benefit with the acquisition of knowledge about the most successful strategies in trauma-informed approaches. Recent research has noted that educators can interact with students in a way that actually re-traumatizes them (Carello  & Butler, 2015). Teacher educator programs must work to train future educators to detect symptoms of trauma in students who they encounter and serve. Additionally, coursework for future teachers should provide instruction on how to respond to children presenting trauma-induced behaviors in the classroom. These lessons for fledgling educators will show them how a traumatized child often functions from a ‘bottom-up” approach and will demonstrate the importance of teaching their students emotional regulation (Delahooke, 2019). Early childhood education (ECE) trauma-informed care (TIC) offers relatively new programs with several promising approaches including: (1) integrating trauma-informed strategies into existing ECE programs to support children in those programs who have experienced trauma, (2) building partnerships and connections between ECE and community service providers to facilitate screenings of and service provision to children and families, (3) implementing professional standards and training for infant and early childhood mental health consultants that emphasize TIC, and (4) supporting the professional development and training of the ECE workforce in working with and supporting young children who have experienced trauma (Bartlett, Smith, & Bringewatt, 2017). Middle schools can be sensitive to the impact of trauma by providing a consistent routine in the classroom and sharing power by offering choices to students to help them feel safe and included (Von Dohlen, Pinter, Winter, Ward, & Cody, 2019). According to the Substance Abuse

50  Angela M. Proctor et al. and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), there are six key principles of a trauma-informed approach: “safety, trustworthiness and transparency; peer support; collaboration and mutuality; empowerment, voice and choice; and cultural historical, and gender issues” (SAMHSA, 2018, p. 10). A trauma-informed approach in high school might look a little different than elementary and middle school levels of education. School counselors can play an integral role in implementing trauma-informed systems in school districts (Rumsey & Milsom, 2019). Interventions that provide support in the school environment, particularly at the secondary level, can engage students in order to increase school engagement and high school graduation (ASCA, 2016; Rumsey & Milsom, 2019). One suggestion from the American School Counseling Association (ASCA) involves offering a multi-tiered system of supports to students. This approach can reduce barriers to success and provide direct and indirect activities to address engagement and cope with various symptoms of trauma (ASCA, 2018). The different tiers include individual counseling and training for students, group counseling sessions for students, and one-on-one mentoring and referrals to outside resources for more intense services (Rumsey & Milsom, 2019). As schools have recognized the need to address the effects of the exposure to trauma that many of their students have experienced, a concomitant recognition has evolved at the federal and state levels (Gubi et al., 2019). Many states in the U.S. now require schools to become trauma informed. The state of Texas, for example, requires all teachers and educators to take an in-person classroom-style course, not an online course, on how to be trauma-informed that uses evidence-based practices (Mental Health of Students in Public Schools Act, 2018; TX, USA). Other states such as Wisconsin, Washington, and Massachusetts have moved toward becoming more trauma-informed and require teachers to use a trauma-sensitive approach with their students (Stevens, 2012). The increase in awareness of trauma and the impact of the exposure to trauma in children (Perfect, Turley, Carlson, Yohanna, & Sait Gilles, 2016; Walkley & Cox, 2013) has opened the eyes of educators and administrators. Subsequently, the term trauma-informed has become a hot topic in the area of responding to the complex mental health needs of children. Therefore, more professionals need training to meet those needs (Finkelhor et al., 2015).

Conclusion Trauma impacts all students regardless of their culture. However, researchers have reported that students of color may actually be more likely to experience the violent life events that often negatively impact learning. Traumatic episodes can change the brain chemistry of young

Trauma Informed Teacher Training 51 students. Children of trauma live with bodies and brains ready to react immediately to any threat. These trigger responses often show up as one of the well-known choices of fight, flight, or freeze. In the classroom, manifestations of a child of trauma may occur during what would seem to be normal classroom interactions. For example, a teacher may ask a child to open his textbook to a specific page or request that a child remove a sweatshirt hood from her head. Teachers give directions in their classrooms thousands of times every day across the United States in public schools. If either of these children has a background that involves violent experiences, the teacher’s innocuous interaction might cause the student to explode into a desk-throwing tantrum, exit the room, or shut down completely. Teachers who understand the ramifications of trauma in their students’ lives will have the skills and knowledge to provide students from violent backgrounds with the interactions, manipulatives, and classroom spaces that will help their students cope when their emotions overwhelm them. Over time, traumatized students can often learn to regulate their own reactions and feelings more effectively. The concept of trauma and the behaviors it fosters should be common knowledge for all educators.

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54  Angela M. Proctor et al. Jaycox, L. H., Kataoka, S. H., Stein, B. D., Langley, A. K., & Wong, M. (2012). Cognitive behavioral intervention for trauma in schools. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 28(3), 239–255. Jaycox, L. H., Langley, A. K.,  & Hoover, S. A. (2018). Cognitive behavioral intervention for trauma in schools (CBITS) (Second Edition). Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation. Jaycox, L. H., Langley, A. K., Stein, B. D., Wong, M., Sharma, P., Scott, M., & Schonlau, M. (2009). Support for students exposed to trauma: A  pilot study. School Mental Health, 1(2), 49–60. Joels, M., & de Kloet, E. R. (1991). Effect of corticosteroid hormones on electrical activity in rat hippocampus. Journal of Steroid Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, 40, 83–86. Joels, M., & de Kloet, E. R. (1990). Mineralocorticoid receptor-mediated changes in membrane properties of rat CAI pyramidal neurons in vitro. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences USA, 87, 4495–4498. Kataoka, S., Jaycox, L. H., Wong, M., Nadeem, E., Langley, A., Tang, L.,  & Stein, B. D. (2011). Effects on school outcomes in low-income minority youth: Preliminary findings from a community-partnered study of a school trauma intervention. Ethnicity and Disease, 21, 71–77. Kim, J. J., & Diamond, D. M. (2002). The stressed hippocampus, synaptic plasticity and lost memories. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 3, 453–462. La Greca, A. M., Boyd, B. A., Jaycox, L. H., Kassam-Adams, N., Mannarion, A. P., & Silverman, W. K. (2008). Children and trauma: Update for mental health professionals. Washington DC: APA Presidential Task Force on Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Trauma in Children and Adolescents. Levine, P. A., & Kline, M. (2006). Trauma through a child’s eyes: Awakening the ordinary miracle of healing. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. Mannarino, A. P., Cohen, J. A., Deblinger, E., Runyon, M. K.,  & Steer, R. A. (2012). Trauma-focused cognitive-behavioral therapy for children: Sustained impact of treatment 6 and 12 months later. Child Maltreatment, 17(3), 231–241. Mental Health of Students in Public Schools Act 2018 (TX) H.B. No. 8 (USA). Retrieved from www.capitol.texas.gov Mikhail, G., Crawley, R. D.,  & Call, C. (2017, September–October). Healing trauma at school: Trust-based relational intervention for students. Fostering Families Today, 28–29. Nadeem, E., Jaycox, L. H., Kataoka, S. H., Langley, A. K., & Stein, B. D. (2011). Going to scale: Experiences implementing a school-based trauma intervention. School Psychology Review, 40(4), 549. O’Neill, L., Guenette, F., & Kitchenham, A. (2010). “Am I safe here and do you like me?” Understanding complex trauma and attachment disruption in the classroom. British Journal of Special Education, 37(4), 190–197. Orfield, G., Losen, D., Wald, J., & Swanson, C. (2004). Losing our future: How minority youth are being left behind by the graduation rate crisis. Cambridge, MA: The Civil Rights Project at Harvard University. Contributors: Urban Institute, Advocates for Children of New York, and The Civil Society Institute. Palmer, N. A., & Greytak, E. A. (2017). LGBTQ students victimization and its relationship to school discipline and justice system involvement. Criminal Justice Review, 42, 163–187.

Trauma Informed Teacher Training 55 Parris, S. R., Dozier, M., Purvis, K. B., Whitney, C., Grisham, A., & Cross, D. R. (2015). Implementing trust-based relational intervention® in a charter school at a residential facility for at-risk youth. Contemporary School Psychology, 19(3), 157–164. Perfect, M., Turley, M., Carlson, J., Yohanna, J., & Sait Gilles, M. (2016). Schoolrelated Outcomes of traumatic event exposure and traumatic stress symptoms in students: A systematic review of research from 1990 to 2015. School Mental Health, 8, 7–43. doi:10.1007/s12310-016-917-2 Perry, B. D. (2001). The neurodevelopmental impact of violence in childhood. In D. Schetky & P. Benedek (Eds.), Textbook of child and adolescent forensic psychiatry (pp. 221–238). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press. Perry, B. D. (2002). We’re all different (WE’RE ALL THE SAME). InstructorPrimary, 111, 37–39. Perry, B. D. (2009). Examining child maltreatment through a neurodevelopmental lens: Clinical applications of the neurosequential model of therapeutics. Journal of Loss and Trauma, 14(4), 240–255. Pigott, R. L., & Cowen, E. L. (2000). Teacher race, child race, racial congruence, and teacher ratings of children’s school adjustment. Journal of School Psychology, 38, 177–196. Porche, M. V., Fortuna, L. R., Lin, J., & Alegria, M. (2011). Childhood trauma and psychiatric disorders as correlates of school dropout in a national sample of young adults. Child Development, 82, 982–998. Poteat, V. P., Scheer, J. R., & Chong, E. S. K. (2016). Sexual orientation-based disparities in school and juvenile justice discipline: A multiple group comparison of contributing factors. Journal of Educational Psychology, 108, 229–241. Proctor, A. M. (2018). Teachers’ ability to detect symptoms of trauma in children (Master’s thesis). Retrieved from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses database. (UMI no. 10603666) Purvis, K. B., & Cross, D. R. (2005). The hope connection: A place of hope for children from the “hard places”. SI Focus Magazine, 4, 12–15. Purvis, K. B., & Cross, D. R. (2006a, November–December). Caught between the amygdala and a hard place. Fostering Families Today. Retrieved from https://s3amazonaws.com/Documents_ebooks/Amygdala-and-a-Hard-PlaceKaryn-Purvis.pdf Purvis, K. B., & Cross, D. R. (2006b). Improvements in salivary cortisol, depression, and representations of family relationships in at-risk adopted children utilizing a short-term therapeutic intervention. Adoption Quarterly, 10, 25–43. Purvis, K. B., Kellermann, G., Cross, D., Kellermann, M., Huisman, H., & Pennings, J. (2006). An experimental evaluation of targeted amino acid therapy with at-risk children.  Journal of Alternative and Complementary Medicine, 12(6), 591–592. Purvis, K. B., McKenzie, L. B., Cross, D. R., & Razuri, E. B. (2013). A spontaneous emergence of attachment behavior in at-risk children and a correlation with sensory deficits. Journal of Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Nursing, 26, 165–172. Purvis, K. B., Milton, H. S., Harlow, J. G., Paris, S. R., & Cross, D. R. (2015). The importance of addressing complex trauma in schools: Implementing trustbased relational intervention in an elementary school. ENGAGE The International Journal of Research and Practice on Student Engagement, 1, 589.

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3 Race and Restorative Justice in Urban Schools Cierra Presberry and Terry K. Flennaugh

Overview Although there has been much research showing that suspensions from school do not quell misconduct (McNeal & Dunbar, 2010; Kang-Brown et al., 2013) and occur at disproportionately higher rates for students of color, many schools still employ exclusionary practices as a means of discipline. These suspensions negatively impact students both academically and socially, depriving them of classroom instruction and ostracizing them from the school community. One alternative to the aforementioned practices is restorative justice, where both individuals that are harmed and those that have caused harm work together to identify the effects their actions have on each other. Once these effects are identified, both parties can then work toward reparation and rehabilitation. This chapter will highlight key advancements in the development of both guiding frameworks and practices centered on restorative justice with students of color in urban schools.

Introduction In the wake of the mass shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in February of 2018, community members, politicians, and survivors called for the “hardening” of schools – effectively increasing the presence of resource officers and security measures aimed at keeping school buildings safe. Amid widely publicized political debates about gun rights and a youth movement spearheaded by some of the shooting survivors, a smaller group of Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School students of color spoke up highlighting that their voices and concerns were largely absent from the national discussion. Specifically, they noted they did not want more resource officers and security measures because the increased police presence made students of color targets in their own school (Sanchez  & Gallagher, 2018). As it turns out, their apprehension is well-founded when we examine national data about school discipline.

Race and Justice in Urban Schools 59 Although some believe that increasing school surveillance and adopting more punitive disciplinary measures would curb the amount of violence and disorderly conduct in schools, there is evidence to show that these efforts are in vain (Brodsky, 2016). Further, we have witnessed the oppression of people of color in the name of safety, or law and order, for centuries (Butler, 2017). Unfortunately, students of color are not exempt. With these seemingly innocuous efforts to keep students safe, schools are perpetuating the same racial disparities that occur within the nation’s criminal justice system. With this in mind, it is crucial that educators are able to understand and enact strategies to create an environment that students themselves believe to be safe. Such work can only be done when educators prioritize relationships with students, families, and communities over rules and regulations that often further marginalize students. Students of color continue to be disproportionately suspended and expelled from schools in the U.S. when compared to their White peers.1 In fact, Black students are suspended and expelled at rate three times greater than White students, with Black girls being suspended and expelled at higher rates than any other subgroup (U.S. Department of Education, 2014). Students of color with disabilities are especially at risk for suspension and expulsion. While Black students represent 16% of student enrollment, they represent 27% of students referred to law enforcement and 31% of students subjected to a school-related arrest. In comparison, White students represent 51% of enrollment, 41% of students referred to law enforcement, and 39% of those arrested. Students with disabilities (served by the Individuals with Disabilities in Education Act) represent a quarter of students arrested and referred to law enforcement, even though they are only 12% of the overall student population (U.S. Department of Education, 2014). Ample research highlights how school suspension and expulsion have a disproportionate amount of negative social and academic impacts on students of color (Oyserman, Brickman, & Rhodes, 2007; Waters-Maze, 2002). Students of color are most negatively impacted by out-of-school suspension and expulsion due to the reduced opportunity for academic engagement and the missed chances to develop positive school bonds (Greenwood, Horton,  & Utley, 2002; Hawkins, Doueck,  & Lishner, 1988). Further, substantial research has raised serious concerns about the efficacy of school suspension and expulsion as a behavioral intervention. A compelling body of scholarship highlights how this punitive approach to student behavior in schools has more to do with power, privilege, and the reproduction of hegemony based on White, male, cisgender, heteronormativity than individual social mobility. But perhaps most significantly, the disproportionate suspension and expulsion of students of color has serious long-term consequences, as students are at an increased risk of poor academic performance (Skiba  & Rausch, 2006), school dropout (Ekstrom, Goertz, Pollack,  & Rock, 1986), and involvement

60  Cierra Presberry and Terry K. Flennaugh in the juvenile justice system (Wald & Losen, 2003) in what some have referred to as the school-to-prison pipeline (Lustick, 2017b; Skiba et al., 2015; Winn, 2011). As students of color already face a myriad of stereotypes within the school environment that can have a detrimental effect on their achievement (Oyserman et  al., 2007), dealing with the ramifications of discriminatory behavioral policies make them especially vulnerable within schools. Many schools are recognizing the disproportionality of Black students facing punitive discipline measures. In response to this disproportionality, the Department of Education has recommended restorative justice in schools, which highlights the push for more equitable, nonpunitive approaches to student behavior and school culture (U.S. Department of Education, 2014). Finding ways to quell exclusionary practices and properly address the needs of students through the use of schoolbased noncurricular initiatives like restorative justice has become even more urgent. Though school districts have worked to implement initiatives such as positive behavior interventions and support, it should be noted that restorative justice itself is not necessarily a program. It is an approach that describes harm as a violation of relationships instead of a violation of rules or laws (Zehr, 1999). As such, its use in schools aligns with a broader call for culturally responsive pedagogy, especially among populations that have historically faced issues of discrimination and marginalization in the classroom (Gay, 2010; Sleeter, 2012). Restorative justice offers educators the chance to look beyond traditional notions of discipline and to address issues of harm and conflict in ways that are more humanizing. With classroom management being a topic of concern for many teachers in urban schools, restorative justice can help educators to place a closer emphasis on the development and cultivation of relationships and community, instead of establishing rules that require the constant policing of student behavior. Instead of pursuing ways to keep classrooms under control, seeking a more restorative approach to address issues of harm can aid educators in cultivating equitable and caring school environments.

Restorative Justice Restorative justice is an intervention that usually refers to the acknowledgement of harm and the steps taken toward repair. The concept of restorative justice has mostly been associated with the criminal justice system, with victims and offenders engaging in dialogue and taking action together to move past harm (Van Ness & Strong, 2014). However, the history of restorative justice can be attributed to indigenous communities worldwide, making their origin nearly impossible to trace (Drewery, 2004). More recently, restorative justice has made its way into schools

Race and Justice in Urban Schools 61 where it is usually considered an alternative to traditional disciplinary measures. As the term justice usually connotes retribution, some have resorted to using the phrase restorative practices instead. However, Winn (2018) notes “This reasoning also demonstrates how a criminal justice system culture permeates American culture; the word ‘justice’ should not be interchangeable with the criminal justice system” (Winn, 2018, p. 37). She makes a clear distinction between restorative justice and restorative practices, something not often done within many studies in this field. Further, Winn notes that by using restorative practices instead of restorative justice, some schools have been able to glean parts of the practice that are easier to implement without doing the work required to achieve restorative justice. “The omission of ‘justice’ for the safer term ‘practices’ undermines the potential to get educators to consider how racist ideas permeate the education system in both implicit and explicit ways” (p. 7). Many of the students served in urban schools have suffered due to the oppressive structures that have permeated schools. They deserve some form of justice. In the field of education, schools and scholars have also reported different purposes for the practice. Some schools use restorative justice as an alternative to punitive measures (Mirsky, 2007). Others view restorative justice as an option for building school culture, not necessarily as a behavior intervention (Morrison, 2002; Russell  & Crocker, 2016). Therefore, restorative justice is also viewed as a program that helps build relationships among all stakeholders in the school: students, families, teachers, administrators, and community members. A  leading example of restorative justice in schools is Restoring Justice for Oakland Youth (RJOY). One of its middle schools has seen a 75% decrease in suspensions and expulsions since implementing the program. In addition to its work with schools, RJOY also supports the needs of youth involved in criminal justice proceedings. Their goal of “reducing racial disparities and public costs associated with high rates of incarceration, suspension, and expulsion” (Restorative Justice for Oakland Youth, 2018) is one that exemplifies the work needed to dismantle the school-to-prison pipeline.

Frameworks for Examining Race and Racism in Urban Schools As the experiences of Black students in schools are heavily influenced by issues of racism and White supremacy, it is important to point out the ways in which we are framing these concepts. In his work with critical race theory, Gillborn (2016) uses the following description for White supremacy: By white supremacy I do not mean to allude only to the self-conscious racism of white supremacist hate groups. I refer instead to a political,

62  Cierra Presberry and Terry K. Flennaugh economic, and cultural system in which whites overwhelmingly control power and material resources, conscious and unconscious ideas of white superiority and entitlement are widespread, and relations of white dominance and non-white subordination are daily reenacted across a broad array of institutions and social settings. (Ansley as cited in Gillborn, 2016, p. 48) This explanation is poignant in that it addresses varying conceptions of White supremacy. While some may attribute White supremacy to hate groups, Gilborn notes that it can be found throughout various aspects of society, even those as seemingly innocuous as schools. To define racism, Solorzano and Yosso (2016) use a combination of definitions of this concept from Audre Lorde (as cited in Solorzano & Yosso, 2016) and Manning Marable (as cited in Solorzano  & Yosso, 2016), which highlight three specific aspects of racism: “(a) One group deems itself superior to all others, (b) the group that is superior has the power to carry out the racist behavior, and (c) racism benefits the superior group while negatively affecting other racial and/or ethnic groups” (p.  128). While the terms are closely associated and may even be used interchangeably by some, it is important to remember that White supremacy focuses on the ways in which racism is systemically perpetuated. Even more specific than White supremacy and racism is the notion of antiblackness. While all marginalized people all bear the brunt of different types of discrimination, Black people in the United States and abroad have been subjected to very specific inequities. Dumas (2016) describes antiblackness as “irreconcilability between the Black and any sense of social or cultural regard” (p. 13). He also notes that, “The aim of theorizing antiblackness is not to offer solutions to racial inequality, but to come to a deeper understanding of the Black condition within a context of utter contempt for, and acceptance of violence against the Black” (p.  13) and goes on to posit education policy within the field of antiblackness. White supremacy, racism, and antiblackness are all essential frameworks to consider when examining policies of discipline in schools. They provide a context to better understand how it is that we arrived at a place where restorative justice become a necessary intervention in meeting the needs of students of color, and Black students in particular. These aforementioned concepts are especially significant for students in urban schools. Though there is no clear, concise definition of what constitutes an urban school, H. Rich Milner (2012) notes, “urban education typically has some connections to the people who live and attend school in the social context, the characteristics of those people, as well as surrounding community realities where the school is situated” (p. 558). In our focus on urban schools, we are referring to educational institutions that serve students that have continuously been subjugated to oppressive

Race and Justice in Urban Schools 63 ideologies that impede their opportunities for some semblance of academic success and/or socio-emotional well-being.2

Antiblackness in Schools Post Brown v. Board Perhaps one of the most well-known victories of the Civil Rights Movement, the decision made after the case of Brown v. Board of Education led many to believe that the days of school segregation were over. This landmark case is credited with ending the racial segregation of schools throughout the country. After the Brown ruling, it is believed that schools were immediately forced to integrate, finally offering Black students the resources and access to education they had long been denied. However, Bell (2009) has written extensively about the fallacies perpetuated by the Brown decision. Bell notes that the decision of the Brown case was a primary example of interest convergence and that it is difficult to find an instance where the needs of people of color were served without first ensuring that the needs of White people were not threatened. With the Brown ruling, the United States was able to avoid contradicting itself amidst its condemnation of communist countries at the time. There could be no examples of oppression in the U.S. while it criticized communist countries for the treatment of their citizens (Bell, 2009). While the Brown decision ruling may be seen as beneficial for students of color, it served dominant society’s primary interests by preserving the reputation of the United States as a nation that values equality. Though it is believed that school segregation is a function of the past, especially with the legacy of Brown, students still remain segregated. Khalifa, Douglas, and Chambers (2016) examine the current effects of the Milliken v. Bradley decision on the students of Detroit. In the landmark decision, schools were no longer forced to bus students from Detroit to schools in its neighboring suburbs. Decades after the decision, there is still a stark division between educational opportunities available to students in the city of Detroit and those in its suburbs, and the same can be said for many metropolitan areas. Though schools are no longer legally segregated, many policies have been enacted that continue the exclusion of Black students from an appropriate education. Despite knowledge that school suspensions and expulsions occur at a disproportionate rate for students of color, many districts still uphold guidelines that perpetuate this disproportionality, such as zero tolerance. During the 1990s, many politicians around the country were attempting enact a “tough on crime” approach, likely a remnant of the Bush and Reagan administrations’ war on drugs. Therefore, many schools also began to adopt zero tolerance policies (Morris & Perry, 2016). Initially intended to stop the use of weapons in schools, many districts’ zero tolerance policies stem from the Gun Safety Act of 1994 that required districts to expel students that brought weapons into

64  Cierra Presberry and Terry K. Flennaugh school buildings (McNeal & Dunbar, 2010). The logic behind zero tolerance policies follows the idea that loose social control will allow deviance to flourish. Thus, even small transgressions left unpunished will evolve into larger transgressions, eventually creating a deviant normative context (Morris  & Perry, 2016). An example of the flawed logic of zero tolerance can be found in the case of Atiya Haynes, an honor roll student from Detroit who faced harsh punishment after officials found a pocketknife in her purse during a football game at her high school in suburban Dearborn Heights. Though she cooperated with the school and made it clear that she had mistakenly left the pocketknife in her purse (she had previously been carrying it for protection during her biking commute to work), she was still subject to the district’s zero tolerance policy. Atiya herself notes that “These policies disproportionately target pupils with impoverished histories of abuse, neglect, or learning disabilities. . . . Due to the No-Tolerance Policies, there have been severe punishments imposed on many students including myself, regardless of circumstances” (Klein, 2017). Ironically, the school board considered itself lenient in this case, as they reduced Atiya’s punishment from expulsion to a year-long suspension (Klein, 2017). After the 1990s, schools adopted more punitive measures such as suspension to address school offenses that are arguably much less egregious than previous measures that prohibited weapons and drugs. These offenses have included fighting, insubordination, and even truancy. While zero tolerance policies were supposedly established to avoid any discrimination (as schools would ideally have less discernment in deciding disciplinary action for offenses outlined within these policies), they have overwhelmingly affected students of color (Skiba  & Knesting, 2001). Black students face punishment at higher rates for some of the same behavioral infractions that White students commit and are seen by some educators as more likely to violate school codes of conduct (Payne & Welch, 2015). While Brown sought to end school segregation, its legacy has created new forms of discrimination toward Black students as schools implement policies that are supposedly colorblind, but in fact contribute to further isolation of Black students from school communities. While there is knowledge of the correlation between Black students and higher suspension and expulsion rates, many schools have yet to address issues of White supremacy, racism, and antiblackness that have permeated school policy. Moving forward, it will be important to consider the ways in which these adverse social phenomena are at the root of issues within school culture.

Restorative Justice in Schools As more schools take up restorative justice, literature in this field is steadily growing. Because it is an approach that can be taken up in myriad

Race and Justice in Urban Schools 65 ways, it is important to note that many studies centering on restorative justice are not necessarily evaluative. While there are some studies that cite the effectiveness of restorative justice by examining suspension rates and other discipline referrals, scholars have analyzed other aspects of its implementation as well, such as the demographics of students that are referred for participation in restorative justice circles, or by highlighting the perspectives of teachers and students in schools where restorative justice is used. Though these studies do not explicitly lay out a specific formula for using restorative justice, they offer insight into how educators can be prepared to address shortcomings and sustain relationships when shifting to a more restorative approach with students and families. Payne and Welch (2010) examined how disciplinary practices are impacted by the racial composition of schools. Using survey data from the National Study of Delinquency in Public Schools, they analyzed school-level results to better understand disciplinary practices. Survey results showed that in urban schools with higher populations of Black and Latinx students, punitive measures were more likely to be in place. This stands in stark contrast to schools with lower populations of students of color, where a variety of disciplinary methods were used, including restorative justice. As a follow-up to this study, Payne and Welch (2015) examined the likelihood that schools with higher populations of Black students would implement specific restorative justice practices. Using the same data set, new surveys were distributed to school leaders who were questioned about their use of four specific restorative practices including student conferences, peer mediation, restitution, and community service and how often these measures were implemented. In both studies, the issue of racism, racial threat, and how students of color are perceived were seen as reasons for the over-use of punitive measures and lack of restorative justice practices with students of color. In their work with students in urban schools in San Francisco and Boston, authors Knight and Wadhwa (2014) implemented and examined peacemaking circles. In this context, peacemaking circles took place in the form of talking circles, where students and staff could have formal and informal conversations to build community, and healing circles. With healing circles, members of the school community focused on the three principals of restorative justice: addressing harm, discussing the harm’s impact, and taking steps toward repairing harm (p. 15). Knight and Wadhwa note that, “By nurturing ‘developmental opportunities’ such as relationships and student voice, circles contribute to student resilience in addition to establishing alternative, asset-based approaches to handling student discipline” (p. 28). They also highlight the positive impact that restorative justice had on students that had previously faced barriers to school success. Their work highlights the ongoing efforts that are required when relying on restorative justice. Though its positive impact on classroom culture can seem promising, its effects are often

66  Cierra Presberry and Terry K. Flennaugh not immediate. Therefore, educators should be mindful of the time and effort that restorative justice necessitates. Additionally, through her work with restorative justice, Maisha Winn (2011, 2013) has devoted much of her scholarship to the needs of marginalized students, particularly female youth that have faced adjudication within the criminal justice system. It is important to note how Winn also focuses on the power of literacy and how transformative it can be in the lives of students. She calls for a restorative English education that not only helps students to build community, but also helps them to find ways to form and express their identities. Winn’s work with restorative justice allows for a more in depth look at students’ identities and how they are impacted by the worlds they occupy. Though her work does not focus solely on race, it is a recurring theme among the populations of students she works with. Winn highlights the emancipatory features of restorative justice that arise as students write about their identities. While Winn’s work is rooted in English education, her practices can serve as a model for any restorative program that serves marginalized students. These examples highlight the need for an emphasis on relationships and student voice within restorative justice. While Payne and Welch’s (2010, 2015) studies use surveys and statistics to identify the discrepancy between how White students and students of color are punished, Winn (2011, 2013), Knight, and Wadhwa (2014) support this work by showing specific examples of how restorative justice, when used to affirm students, can result in transformative and liberatory classroom environments.

New Frameworks for Discipline and Restorative Justice in Urban Schools We have discussed how students of color, particularly Black students, have endured disproportionate suspensions and expulsions in U.S. schools. Further, we have highlighted how this heightened targeting for punitive discipline measures has detrimental effects on the social and academic outcomes for students from marginalized communities – so much so that an unsettling connection between school suspension/expulsion and the criminal justice system has become clear, as evidenced by the schoolto-prison pipeline (Lustick, 2017b; Skiba et al., 2015; Winn, 2011). As educators reconsider the impact of these practices that have their roots in White supremacy, racism, and antiblackness, we encourage teachers, administrators, education policymakers, and educational researchers to consider the following frameworks in the execution of restorative justice as noncurricular interventions and the needed scholarship on them. As restorative justice focuses on the reparation and sustainment of relationships, love and dialogue are crucial. Also, notions of hope and justice are critical for addressing systems of oppression that students in urban

Race and Justice in Urban Schools 67 schools face. Restorative justice is not a panacea. However, focusing on love and dialogue, as well as hope and justice, can help to ensure that students are engaging in forms of restorative justice that are best suited for their specific needs. Love and Dialogue At the heart of restorative justice in school is the acknowledgement of harm and the subsequent steps taken toward repair. By attending to the possibilities of establishing and maintaining relationships, restorative justice in school aims to transform the culture of school buildings to allow for more humanizing interactions between all members in the community. However, what we must all be honest about is the legacy of White supremacy, racism, and antiblackness in all our social institutions  – including schools. We are taught to fear Black children and other children of color. Their presence is often viewed as a looming threat through which teachers are encouraged to practice “control” and “management” measures. And because substantive discussions about this fact remain as sparse and illusive as the argument for a post-racial perspective permeates many sectors of society, dialogue that takes place between students of color and adults in schools falls short in creating that humanizing environment. It is here where the work of Paulo Freire (1972) on love and dialogue can be particularly instructive. Freire (1972) claims that “dialogue cannot exist in the absence of a profound love for the world and for people. . . . Love is at the same time the foundation of dialogue and dialogue itself” (p. 89). This conceptualization of “dialogical love” is essential in restorative justice. If teachers and administrators do not love their students, it is not reasonable to expect that restorative justice will generate humanizing interactions. In their work on Freirean principles and school leaders in urban communities, Miller, Brown, and Hopson (2011) highlight how leaders who seek dialogical love must go to the people humbly, openly, and ready to listen to their ideas. Additionally, Freire (1998) writes: It is fundamental for us to know that without certain qualities or virtues, such as a generous loving heart, respect for others, tolerance, humility, a joyful disposition, love of life, openness to what is new . . . progressive pedagogical practice is not possible. (1998, p. 108) It is in the spirit of Freire’s notion of love where we find the dispositions and practices of teachers and administrators who will be able to enact restorative justice with students of color who are impacted by the legacy of white supremacy, racism, and antiblackness.

68  Cierra Presberry and Terry K. Flennaugh Hope In his article “Note to Educators: Hope Required When Growing Roses in Concrete,” Jeff Duncan-Andrade (2009) asserts that there are three forms of false hope that educators use in their work with urban youth: hokey hope, which he describes as “an individualistic up-by-yourbootstraps hyperbole” (p.  182) in which educators assert that success is available to all who are willing to work hard and follow the rules; mythical hope, which rests on “a false narrative of equal opportunity emptied of its historical and political contingencies” (p. 183); and hope deferred, where educators promote a belief that something could change in the future – either for society or for individual students – that would broaden the possibilities for success for urban students. These false forms of hope – what Duncan-Andrade refers to as “enemies of hope” – do not represent the hope needed in restorative work with students of color. These misguided attempts to instill hope in students further perpetuates systems of oppression and marginalization. Instead, we call for what Duncan-Andrade identifies as “critical hope” – a hope that ensures that students’ basic needs (food, shelter, safety, love, community, etc.) are met, that welcomes students’ indignation and anger with inequality in society, and that stands in solidarity with students against injustice. Restorative practice work must resist the idea that students of color must accept structural and systemic oppression in our society and that their outward expressions of rage have no place in schools. Restorative work that seriously takes up critical hope must resist equivocation and stand with students – accepting the reality that even rules and codes of conduct can be fundamentally unjust. Justice For many, the concept of justice in restorative practice work remains largely rooted in the criminal justice system – the very institution and system that has been used to disenfranchise communities of color. The criminal justice system has not been a place where communities of color have found fairness and impartiality. In fact, the very existence of this structure helps to perpetuate the systematic marginalization of Black communities and other communities of color throughout the United States (Alexander, 2012. It is from this reality that the field of critical legal studies emerged that served as a foundation for the establishment of critical race theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001; Yosso, 2005). Critical race theory (CRT) has five central tenants: 1) the intercentricity of race and racism with other forms of subordination, 2) the challenge to dominant ideology, 3) the commitment to social justice, 4) the centrality of experiential knowledge, and 5) the transdisciplinary perspective (Solorzano, 1997, 1998; Yosso, 2005). CRT’s commitment to social justice works toward the elimination

Race and Justice in Urban Schools 69 of racism, sexism, and poverty, as well as the empowerment of people of color and other subordinated groups. This critical take on justice can be useful for restorative practice work because it acknowledges that race and racism are salient, and that our efforts must be oriented in opposition to processes that benefit those positioned in spaces of privilege in society.

Challenges That Remain in Implementing Restorative Justice Of the research pertaining to restorative justice, few studies focus on students of color, and even fewer focus on Black students in particular. Because work connecting race and restorative justice is scarce, it is important to highlight the work that has been done in order to understand how contributions can be made to this area of research. It is vital that researchers take a closer look at how restorative justice is used in order to ensure they actually help support Black students as members of school communities. It may be inappropriate for schools to pursue a “one-size-fits-all” approach. For example, in an ethnographic study of a high school for students recently released from juvenile detention centers, Utheim (2014) writes about the need for more culturally responsive restorative justice, particularly in urban schools. When schools are inconsiderate of students’ backgrounds and identities, implementing a program such as restorative justice can be impractical. Without acknowledging systems of oppression, as well as the strengths and attributes of students, attempts at restorative justice may fall flat. Utheim notes that, presumably because the practices were implemented without any consideration of students’ identities, or how they would establish their roles within the program, they were less likely to participate in restorative justice. Many students viewed the program as “snitching” instead of ways to repair harm. Throughout her work, Lustick (2015, 2017a, 2017b) also calls for more culturally responsive restorative justice. Without rethinking restorative justice in a more culturally responsive way, schools may inadvertently perpetuate systems of power that have continuously oppressed students. Lustick (2015) draws upon the work of Michel Foucault in order to highlight issues of power that can be found throughout the traditional implementation of restorative justice, particularly the concept of pastoral power, with some schools using the aspect of accountability during restorative circles as a means of collecting confessions from students instead. She also makes parallels to panopticon, a constant mode of surveillance, that could perpetuate issues of power if restorative justice is only used as a means of policing students. It is not enough to simply implement restorative justice at face value. As Black student face issues of interrogation and racial profiling throughout various facets of society, it is important that restorative justice is conducted in a way that does

70  Cierra Presberry and Terry K. Flennaugh not propagate forms of oppression that these students may already face. Similar to the experience of students in Utheim’s aforementioned work, many schools use restorative justice in the same ways that the criminal justice system uses interrogations. As a result, many students find themselves in positions such as informant, suspect, or perpetrator, which is antithesis to the goals of restorative justice. Lustick (2017a) also points out that even though studies have shown that programs like restorative justice and other positive behavior programs have reduced school suspensions overall, Black and Latinx students continue to be suspended at disproportionate rates. This can be said for schools where marginalized students make up a majority of the school’s population as well as schools where they do not (Skiba et al., 2011). This is further evidence that unless issues of power and racism are explicitly addressed within school behavior policies (and in this case within restorative justice), students of color will continue to be discriminated against, regardless of any other changes that are made to these policies. Therefore, throughout her work, Lustick advocates for the explicit acknowledgement of race and culture within school behavior policies by combining elements of culturally relevant discipline with schools’ positive behavior systems through an anti-racist framework. Such an approach is imperative considering how color-blind initiatives are rarely effective in addressing the needs of Black students and may actually perpetuate issues of racism even further. While Lustick advocates for the use of more culturally responsive practices, Wadhwa (2010) addresses the issue of race within research of restorative justice as well. In her work with Denver Public Schools, she calls for examining and implementing restorative justice within the framework of critical race theory. Wadhwa (2010) examines the perspectives of stakeholders in one school’s restorative justice program within the district. She noticed a disparity between the sentiments of district officials and community activists. While the school was complacent with the ways in which restorative justice had been implemented, community members raised concerns regarding how students’ racial identities were addressed within the school’s implementation of these practices. These sentiments led Wadhwa to advocate for a more explicit focus on race within studies of restorative justice. Doing so could allow for an improvement in how restorative justice is applied in communities that are predominantly comprised of students of color. Further, it would be especially useful to apply critical race theory to the studies of restorative justice in order for researchers to better understand both the positive and negative implications of the program for students of color. In doing so, more culturally responsive ways of using restorative justice could be developed. This could help to ensure that restorative justice is appropriately implemented in schools with predominantly non-white student populations.

Race and Justice in Urban Schools 71

The Future of Restorative Justice: Cautions and Considerations Because restorative justice takes place in different forms, it is difficult to find a definitive source on how it should be implemented. With that being so, it can be argued that this makes it easier to implement because it affords schools an opportunity to cater to the specific needs of their students. More specifically, it is important that schools serving predominantly Black populations carefully consider the ways in which restorative justice is used. At the heart of restorative justice are the relationships between everyone involved. Therefore, while it will be important to continue to examine the use of restorative justice, it will be just as crucial to examine the ways in which students and staff establish positive relationships in order to fully benefit from its use. While there is a wealth of data that conveys the disproportionality that occurs within school discipline policies, researchers and educators must also take action toward understanding the interactions within schools that allow this disproportionality to occur in the first place. Closely examining patterns of antiblackness within school policies and addressing racism and racial bias among school staff is crucial. Further, it will be vital for districts to work diligently with school staff to make restorative justice work. Current school discipline policies are steeped in retributive, punitive approaches that give a false sense of justice. With that being so, many school staff members rely on these methods to keep order and establish consequences for any violations. Finding ways to approach restoration after harm has taken place requires relinquishment of much of the perceived control that teachers and administrators believe they have. It will be important for them to fully understand the goal of restorative justice and to realize that this approach is not about being more lenient with students, but rather, it helps teachers and students to better understand the causes of harm and ways to avoid it in the future. In some ways, restorative justice can actually be firmer than traditional disciplinary measures, considering the ways in which all parties involved are required to address issues of accountability and participate in dialogue that focuses on restoration instead of blindly adhering to a code of conduct. Finally, as they are the center of our work within the field of education, students should be actively engaged in the planning and implementation of restorative justice. There is no way we can properly address their needs without their input. We hope that the frameworks we have offered are useful in finding ways to engage students and communities in the use of restorative justice in schools. Love and dialogue should be at the heart of any relationship, especially ones that involve the brilliant students that are served in urban schools. With these notions of love and dialogue, there should be an acknowledgment of the

72  Cierra Presberry and Terry K. Flennaugh realities that students face, while also emphasizing the hope that remains for making school a more just and equitable place for them.

Notes 1. We would also like to note that English Language Learning (ELL) students are also disproportionally suspended and expelled from schools in the U.S. when compared to their non-ELL white peers. 2. Our lack of distinguishing urban from communities of color is intentional because the public discourse that surrounds urban schools is one that is subjugated to oppressive ideologies that impede opportunities for academic success and/or socio-emotional well-being of students of color.

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74  Cierra Presberry and Terry K. Flennaugh Oyserman, D., Brickman, D., & Rhodes, M. (2007). Racial-ethnic identity: Content and consequences for African American, Latino, and Latina youths. In A. J. Fuligni (Ed.), Contesting stereotypes and creating identities: Social categories, social identities, and educational participation. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Payne, A. A., & Welch, K. (2015). Restorative justice in schools: The influence of race on restorative discipline. Youth & Society, 47(4), 539–564. http://dx.doi. org.proxy2.cl.msu.edu/10.1177/0044118X12473125 Payne, A. A.,  & Welch, K. (2010). Modeling the effects of racial threat on punitive and restorative school discipline practices. Criminology: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 48(4), 1019–1062. http://dx.doi.org.proxy2.cl.msu. edu/10.1111/j.1745-9125.2010.00211.x Restorative Justice for Oakland Youth. (2018). Retrieved from www.rjoyoak land.org Russell, S., & Crocker, D. (2016). The institutionalisation of restorative justice in schools: A critical sensemaking account. Restorative Justice, 4(2), 195–213. doi:10.1080/20504721.2016.1197524 Sanchez, R., & Gallagher, D. (2018, March 30). Black students at marjory stoneman douglas high school want to be heard. CNN. Retrieved from www.cnn. com/2018/03/29/us/parkland-school-black-students-trnd/index.html Skiba, R. J., Chung, C. G., Trachok, M., Baker, T., Sheya, A.,  & Hughes, R. (2015). Where should we intervene? Contributions of behavior, student, and school characteristics to out-of-school suspension. In D. J. Losen (Ed.), Closing the school discipline gap: Equitable remedies for excessive exclusion. New York: Teachers College Press. Skiba, R., Horner, R., Chung, C., Rausch, M., May, S., & Tobin, T. (2011). Race is not neutral: A national investigation of African American and Latino disproportionality in school discipline. School Psychology Review, 40(1), 85–107. Skiba, R. J., & Knesting, K. (2001). Zero tolerance, zero evidence: An analysis of school disciplinary practice: Zero Tolerance, Zero Evidence. New Directions for Youth Development, 2001(92), 17–43. doi:10.1002/yd.23320019204 Skiba, R. J., & Rausch, M. K. (2006). School disciplinary systems: Alternatives to suspension and expulsion. In G. G. Bear & K. M. Minke (Eds.), Children’s needs III: Development, prevention, and intervention (pp. 87–102). Washington, DC: National Association of School Psychologists. Sleeter, C. E. (2012). Confronting the marginalization of culturally responsive pedagogy. Urban Education, 47(3), 562–584. doi:10.1177/0042085911431472 Solorzano, D. G. (1997). Images and words that wound: Critical race theory, racial stereotyping, and teacher education. Teacher Education Quarterly, 24(3), 5–19. Solorzano, D. G. (1998). Critical race theory, race and gender microaggressions, and the experience of chicana and chicano scholars. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 11(1), 121–136. doi:10.1080/095183998236926 Solorzano, D., & Yosso, T. (2016). Critical race methodology: Counter-storytelling as an analytical framework for educational research. In E. Taylor, D. Gillborn, & G. Ladson-Billings (Eds.), Foundations of critical race theory in education (2nd ed.). New York: Routledge. U.S. Department of Education. (2014). Guiding principles: A  resource guide for improving school climate and discipline. Washington, DC. Author. Retrieved from https://www2.ed.gov/policy/gen/guid/school-discipline/guiding-principles.pdf

Race and Justice in Urban Schools 75 Utheim, R. (2014). Restorative justice, reintegration, and race: Reclaiming collective identity in the post racial era. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 45(4), 355–372. http://dx.doi.org.proxy1.cl.msu.edu/10.1111/aeq.12075 Van Ness, D.,  & Strong, K. (2014). Restoring justice: An introduction to restorative justice. Retrieved from https://books.google.com/books?id=wD6 PBAAAQBAJ&dq=http://dx.doi.org/10.1016B978-1-4557-3139-8.00002-9 Wadhwa, A. K. (2010). “There has never been a glory day in education for nonwhites”: Critical race theory and discipline reform in Denver. International Journal on School Disaffection, 7(2), 21–28. Retrieved from https://searchproquest-com.proxy2.cl.msu.edu/docview/1031154283?accountid=12598 Wald, J., & Losen, D. J. (2003). Defining and redirecting a school-to-prison pipeline. New Directions for Youth Development, 2003(99), 9–15. Waters-Maze, Ava. (2015, October 18). The effect of school suspension on academic achievement. Order No. 3061765 Tennessee State University, 2002. Ann Arbor: ProQuest. Winn, M. T. (2018). Justice on both sides. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press. Winn, M. T. (2013). Toward a restorative English education. Research in the Teaching of English, 48(1), 126–135. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.msu.edu. proxy2.cl.msu.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.proxy2.cl.msu.edu/ docview/1443480034?accountid=12598 Winn, M. T. (2011). Girl time: Literacy, justice, and the school-to-prison pipeline. teaching for social justice. Teachers College Press 1234 Amsterdam Avenue, New York, NY 10027. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.msu.edu.proxy2. cl.msu.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.proxy2.cl.msu.edu/docview /964172093?accountid=12598 Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91. doi:10.1080/1361332052000341006 Zehr, H. (1999). Justice: Retribution or restoration? Peacework, (294), 10.

Part 2

Acknowledging the Impact of Student Life Beyond the Classroom

4 Family Discussions of Race Impacting Children’s PK-12 Schooling Critical Pedagogy Tarryn E. McGhie and Rebekah E. Piper Overview This chapter combines two separate studies that examined how discussions (and lack thereof) about race at home influenced the schooling of PK-12 children, as well as their socialization and comfort level discussing race, and possible future susceptibility to diminished racial identity and increased likelihood to be influenced by stereotype threat. Study participants included (self-identified Black) elementary-aged children, their parents, and male youth that left school prior to graduation and were incarcerated in juvenile facilities. This study took a two-pronged approach to examine how discussions of race play a role in PK-12 schooling. Parent participants reflected on their own PK-12 schooling and how it influenced the parenting of their own children, specifically around race and race-based curricula. Black male youth participants discussed their own experiences in home and at school, and whether their dropping out and incarceration was influenced by their perceptions of race. Black elementary-aged children reflected on their own experience in traditional school, as well as their experience with a summer literacy program that focused on culturally relevant curriculum specifically designed for poor and minority students. This study provides a case for providing early interventions regarding the discussion of race and promoting culturally relevant curricula in schools, as well as further education for teacher candidates and current teachers on the influence of culture and race on their prospective students’ future academic and social outcomes.

Introduction The outcomes of educational inequity are far too recognizable in today’s U.S. PK-12 schools. Affluent and White students continue to be among the highest achieving students in regard to standardized testing, while poor and minority students continue to fall just short of the established average, often to no fault of their own. While there are several reasons for the discrepant test scores, other evidence of educational inequity exists. For

80  Tarryn E. McGhie and Rebekah E. Piper instance, minorities are more likely to be suspended, expelled, and referred to special education than White students (Ford & Harris, 1999; Harry & Klingner, 2006; Wald & Losen (2003). In addition to inequities in school, societal inequities have influenced the perception of minority student behaviors in school (Ogbu, 1978). In making this argument, we must consider the recent killings of unarmed Black males at the hands of law enforcement as it has created a perception that implies Blacks, especially males, are a threat to safety and must be killed to restore justice. While this perception may be perceived as extreme, history has shown that negative perceptions related to bias can influence the decision-making of authority figures, including teachers (Alexander, 2010; Bonilla-Silva, 2003). When teachers lack cultural understanding and knowledge of diversity it can negatively affect the educational success of their students (Gay, 2002). In similar ways, parents must be mindful of the conversations that take place in the home in order to prepare their children (students) to recognize the inequities that exist in the educational setting, and how they should navigate educational and social obstacles. This study will examine how race plays a role in the PK-12 schooling of Black youth, and explore how discussions of race may influence the academic trajectory of youth as well as their socialization with others, especially those of the same race. Specifically, reflections of elementaryaged children, their parents, and young adult males that have left school prior to graduation and subsequently spent time incarcerated in juvenile facilities will guide the reasoning for the need for such discussions in the home with family members and with teachers in schools.

Background The influence of equity on educational outcomes has been debated for decades. While there have been several educational policy changes, such as the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, No Child Left Behind of 2001, and now, the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015, there continues to be large gaps in the achievement of PK-12 students in U.S. schools. The Brown v Board of Education, Topeka Kansas (1954) case brought attention to the educational deficit that exists between White and minority students; however, the resolution of these deficits is far from being resolved. While Clark and Clark’s (1947) study was presented as evidence of the inequities that exist in U.S. schools, U.S. PK-12 teachers still have a difficult time connecting with their students (Delpit, 2012; McGhie, 2015). These disconnects are often brought on by differences in culture, but also by misunderstandings about race, what it means to minorities, and how it plays a role in their identity, socialization, and mobility in the U.S. economic structure (Alexander, 2010; McGhie, 2015). The implications of the Clark’s work, particularly how

Family Discussions of Race 81 the social aspects of minority engagement influences their perception of self and perceived academic abilities, are often overlooked in education (Suzuki & Aronson, 2005; Woodson, 1990). Minorities, in general, are taught to assimilate to White cultural beliefs and ideals. This leaves the impression of “Rightness of Whiteness,” where all things White are perceived as correct modeling and anything else is frowned upon (McGhie, 2015). This becomes problematic and has long-term implications for minority students, as supported by the Coleman Report of 1966 (Coleman et  al., 1966). Family engagement in discussions about race and equality is necessary to shape the identity of children from an early age, and often impacts their identity, academic trajectory, and social mobility (McGhie, 2015; Piper, 2015).

Purpose The purpose of this study was to examine how Race plays a role in the PK-12 schooling of Black youth, and how discussions of race in the home may influence the academic trajectory of elementary-age children. This chapter is comprised of two separate studies with a common theme in order to provide a better understanding of how race plays a role in the identity development of elementary children, and to show how a lack of these discussions may influence youth later in their academics. In the first study (Study A), interviews were conducted with elementary-aged children and their parents in order to gauge if these children were having these discussions at home or in school, as well as understanding why these discussions were deemed as important, unimportant, or uncomfortable. The second study (Study B) consisted of interviews with young adult males who had left school prior to graduation and were incarcerated in juvenile facilities.

Literature Review Critical Pedagogy Rooted in critical theory, critical pedagogy refers to systems of actions and beliefs that are focused on areas of social justice (Burbules & Berk, 1999). Freire (1973) suggests that critical pedagogy requires the development of critical consciousness, a process in which an individual uses critical thinking skills to examine issues, develop understandings of inequitable, oppressive, and unjust practices, and designs an approach to address the social injustices. In understanding that classrooms remain diverse, it is necessary that a critical pedagogy approach be implemented in schools to meet all students’ needs. Teachers who are culturally responsive must learn how to develop critical consciousness and self-reflection skills as teacher candidates (Gay & Kirkland, 2003).

82  Tarryn E. McGhie and Rebekah E. Piper

Family and Student Engagement Family engagement in student learning is critical in regards to academic achievement. The family and school environments are two of the most important structures that support student learning (Kunjufu, 2011; Sheridan, Knoche, Kupzyk, Edwards, & Marvin, 2011). Oftentimes, family is referred to as a child’s first “teacher,” and the role that they play is vital in initiating the learning of various social and cultural ideas. Similar to the foundational learning that takes place in the home, students also begin to develop understandings of others through interactions with family members. These understandings include topics such as race, gender, religion, etc. With this in mind, it is critical that families recognize that their understandings are often the first introductions to these social and cultural topics.

Theoretical Framework The conceptual framework of this study emerged from three major areas: racial identity, social learning theory, and their role in creating or preventing the influences of stereotype threat. While racial identity and social learning theory are two areas that are associated with human development, they can be examined from multiple perspectives, within and outside of educational contexts. Therefore, this research was conducted using all three perspectives to both inform and analyze the intersectionality of race, curricula’s role in influencing racial identity and social learning, and stereotype threat. Racial Identity Racial identity has a major influence on the educational and social development of PK-12 students, as well as their family structure (Cross, 2012). While the family make-up (i.e., biological, adopted) may differ from home to home, the influence of family begins to influence the identity of children from birth. While the centrality of certain aspects of their identity may change over time, the influence of their decision-making, based on these factors, often remains constant, at least in the early stages of development (McGhie, 2015; Sellers, Rowley, Chavous, Shelton,  & Smith, 1997). Social Learning Theory According to Bandura (1977), social learning theory is an essential part of human development that occurs through social context, even in the absence of direct instruction. This means that learning can occur through observation or through direct instruction. The most common example

Family Discussions of Race 83 of the social learning theory in practice is an infant beginning to make sounds as they try to emulate the sounds parents and other family members make as they communicate with each other, also known as infantdirected speech or “baby talk” consistent with oral language development (Hall, 1987). This is most relevant to this study in relation to how students begin to learn how race and racial dynamics play out in a classroom through the interactions between themselves and their teachers, as well as their peers and teachers. Additionally, speech has been known to influence cultural capital, particularly in the U.S. (Bandura, 1977) Stereotype Threat There is evidence that many factors influence the susceptibility of minority students to be influenced by stereotype threat as it relates to performance on academic tasks (McGhie, 2015; Steele, 2003; Steele & Aronson, 1995, 2004). Student perceptions of their race, their connection with that race, and degree of accomplishment associated with their race has a tremendous impact on both their perception of their own academic and social capabilities. Studies have found a connection between racial identity and, when high, reducing the effects of stereotype threat, therefore improving academic performance (McGhie, 2010, 2015).

Methodology This study was conducted as two separate, but related, multiple case studies. This format was chosen as the age groups of the participants informed one another, thus the two studies are intended to lend insight to one another. Specifically, each study conducted short one-on-one interviews as the primary data source in order to understand how the discussions of race influenced the 1) preparation of parenting, in regards to the education of elementary aged children, 2) the experience and understanding of race and race-related issues of elementary-age children through the use of civil rights-oriented read-alouds and discussions, and 3) the perception of the school experience of young adults who have left school for various reasons and became incarcerated either through academic, social, or a combination of circumstances associated with both. For the purpose of this chapter, we will refer to the elementary-age children and their parents as Study A and the young adult Black males as Study B. Study A used a multiple-case study design to interview elementary-age children in grades 3–5 who were involved in a summer literacy program. The one-on-one interviews with these participants centered around the “read aloud” portion of the summer program. During read-alouds, a facilitator (in simpler terms, a teacher, though not traditionally trained as a teacher) discusses the possibilities (e.g., KWL, Venn diagram) of a preselected book from the curriculum that focused on Movement Oriented

84  Tarryn E. McGhie and Rebekah E. Piper Civil Rights Themed Children’s Literature (Piper, 2015). Discussions that centered on the context of the book, often culture/race-based, occurred during and after the read-aloud. Child participants were allowed, and even encouraged, to think critically about the curriculum and question the content of the books in use. In this study, the teacher was fearless in her approach to engaging the students’ questions and comments, even when they centered around complex and difficult issues like the use of racial slurs and other controversial topics. Parents of the elementary-age children were also interviewed; however, the specific curriculum of the program was not the focus, rather the focus was on if, how, and to what degree the parents engaged their children in discussions that focused on race in preparing their children for their academic and non-academic future. Study B used a Generative Case Study design (McGhie, 2015) to examine the academic trajectory of Black males between the ages of 18 and 20. Generative Case Study is a hybrid design coined in 2015 in a previous study (McGhie, 2015) which combines the aspects of grounded theory and multiple case study. Each of the participants in this study left (dropped out, kicked out, pushed out, etc.) high school prior to graduation and were incarcerated shortly after, or in conjunction with their departure from school. It is important to stress that the nature of the crime was not relevant to the hypothesis or the outcome of this study, therefore none of that data was analyzed during the data collection phase. The focus of this study was to determine whether and to what degree literacy played a role in the participants lives prior to attending school, and whether these literacy experiences influenced their interactions with peers, teachers, administrators, or law enforcement, leading to their later incarceration. This study primarily focused on reading and oral language.

Findings and Analysis For the findings and analysis section, certain quotes that best explained the responses of the participants at all levels of the two studies were reported for brevity. More in-depth discussions of the empirical data is explained in the discussion section and reflects the discussion of all data collected in Studies A  and B, although all data is not reported in this chapter. The participants across the two studies included elementary-age participants, parent participants, and young adult participants, as outlined in Table 4.1. Elementary Participants The elementary-age participants of Study A  included seven children in grades 3–5. The focus on the elementary child participants during

Family Discussions of Race 85 Table 4.1  Study A and Study B Participants Study A Child Participants

Study A Parent Participants

Study B Young Adult Participants

Dre Dation Alexis Alex Nyla Brian Jeremiah

Alicia Delores Myah Myah Ann Tony Amanda

Kevin Jordan Marco Ronnie Barry Isaiah

interactive read-alouds illustrates their engagement with the literature and the impact that the interactive read-alouds had on their racial identity development. In a discussion around race, one of the participants, Nyla, described her interactions with others: if somebody said I’m like Black . . . and they’re like light skinned or a different color . . . they would say like you can’t be in our group you gotta be in the Black group. And if I wasn’t White I couldn’t be in the White group. Here, Nyla was forced to question her identity, specifically how her race coincided with her interests as well as socialization with peers. Nyla continued to discuss how her school experiences were difficult, recounting her relationship with her third-grade teacher: the first day of school she was like, she was nice to me and helping me with my work. . . . But when the second day came and all the rest of the days she was mean. Cause like, when I raise my hand to answer a question she be seeing my hand but she just be picking on somebody else. Nyla continued to associate her negative experiences with her teacher as having an adverse effect on her academic experiences. Nyla’s mother Ann alluded to these instances and advocated for her daughter to be moved to a different class, as she recognized how detrimental the effects of the teacher’s behavior had on Nyla’s academic performance. Parent Participants As part of the multiple case study, six parent participants (five mothers and one father) were interviewed to determine their perception of their child’s racial identity development. The parents had varying experiences in regard to their own racial identity development that may have

86  Tarryn E. McGhie and Rebekah E. Piper influenced their child’s identity development as well. This study was conducted during the elevated news coverage around interactions between law enforcement and unarmed Black males. When discussing the racial tensions in the media with a parent participant, Myah stated: I did discuss with them about having guns and knowing right from wrong. . . . As long as I know he knows it’s wrong that’s what I wanna know. But as far as having a long out conversation with them about it – no, honestly no. . . . Because I feel like (long pause) I don’t know, I mean I don’t know but I just don’t. Through this inquiry, Myah confirmed that discussions of race were not ones that were common at home, rather the conversations were centered around knowing right from wrong. This response could be driven by fear or a result of an attempt to remain optimistic about the future of her children. Young Adult Participants There were six young adult participants between the ages of 18 and 20. Each of the participants left school prior to high school graduation and were incarcerated in juvenile facilities. As a part of this study, racial identity was a primary factor used to determine academic trajectory for the young adult participants. Overwhelmingly, participants experienced some racial tension between themselves and their predominantly White teachers. This racial tension reinforced prior negative experiences around racial divides with participants. This racial tension is best expressed by Marco, who stated: “Imma keep it real man, if you not Black, low key, a lot of people [are] racist. . . . Put somebody in the right situation, you [will] see their true colors.” Here, Marco described how he felt on a daily basis, and how being Black influenced his daily decisions. Marco also expressed his distrust with others based on race-based characteristics, consistent with Cross (1971) and Jackson’s (1976) identity development models in which pro-Black or anti-White ideologies become centric to thought. These feelings of distrust were pretty consistent across participants, with the exception of one participant, Isaiah. Isaiah actually felt more connected with White culture because of comments made by his peers related to his interests. When asked if he thought he would have been treated differently in school had he been White or a different race, he responded: “People tell me to this day . . . like . . . I’m the whitest Black person they know. I’m like what? they like, you skateboard, you don’t talk Black, you talk like you white.” In Isaiah’s case, he felt disconnected from his Black peers. While he felt that he was disconnected with his White teachers as well, he made sure to point out that he did not think it was because of his race; he claimed to be a class clown and that was

Family Discussions of Race 87 the reason for the conflict between him and his teachers, not race. Interestingly, with other participants in this study, they felt neglected by their teachers which caused them to act out and be seen as a class clown, yet Isaiah’s point of view differed so much from other participants.

Discussion The cross analysis of the studies identified themes through which a deeper understanding of family interaction and dialogue around topics of race influenced the racial identity development of all youth participants and the parenting approach to educating elementary-age children. From this analysis, the newfound understanding could be applied to improve the home-to-school connection with families, develop more equitable curriculum to address the needs of all students, and prepare teachers to avoid the pitfalls of previous teachers. Impact of Race on Participant’s Perceptions of Teachers Youth participants in both Studies A and B perceived teachers as uncaring in demeanor and unwilling to invest in their success. In Study B, this disconnect was due to racial tensions between the participants and their teachers. These participants believed that teachers had low expectations for their academic abilities, mostly due to race, and that this was the crux of their conflict. Study A  participants also felt a disconnect with their teachers, but were less aware if the disconnect was race based in nature, as they were still developing a sense of self and self-awareness, as well as social cues. While all youth participants in Studies A and B had many responses that pointed to racial tension between themselves and their teachers, the most noticeable evidence was related to participants’ discussions of the curriculum and instruction. All of the youth participants described the curriculum they were taught as information they had previously learned and the pace of instruction as being slow to a point where disruptive behavior became a common thread due to the boredom they experienced in the classroom. While Study B participants described being pushed out of the classroom due to these behaviors, some Study A participants described being used as a leader because teachers recognized persuasive qualities in their behavior. Parent participants reflected on their own PK-12 schooling experiences in order to provide a solid structure to their children. Parents understood that their children may not receive the best educational opportunities based on their race and socioeconomic status in contrast to their children’s teachers. Additionally, some parents felt the need to supplement their child’s experience, particularly in regard to race, due to the school systems’ unwillingness to recognize or implement inclusive curricula. Supplements included the use of multicultural literature and discussions

88  Tarryn E. McGhie and Rebekah E. Piper of race, culture, and current events in the U.S. However, some parents avoided any discussions around race because they did not view the topic as important and focused on ensuring their children knew expectations and abided as such. Impact of Participants Perceptions of Themselves All of the participants displayed an understanding of race and how it influences their daily functioning in society at appropriate levels according to their age. The majority of elementary-age children and their parents had both positive and negative experiences associated with their own race. All the children in Study A were prideful of their race, with one exception, a male student who was displeased with his physical features, but had pride and admiration for certain public figures that shared his race, even though he did not feel a connection to these figures through race. Participants in Study B were more prideful and aware of the role their identity plays in society, as well as in their upbringing both in school and at home. Although two of the participants were biracial (Black father and White mother) they still felt more of a connection with a Black identity than their White identity, and never described themselves as biracial. These participants always referred to themselves as Black. The majority of the participants in Study B also felt that their race played a major role in their interactions with teachers. Multiple participants expressed not being called on to answer questions in class as a sign that their teacher believed they did not have the answers to proposed questions. This silencing in fact drove students to act out in class and further created conflict between them and their teachers, with many of them experiencing suspension as a result of this conflict.

Conclusion This work is significant to teacher education programs, particularly in regard to family engagement, as teachers fail to address civil rights issues that impact students and families in pre-service coursework and as new teachers. Teachers need to be fearless in their approach to discussions of/on race with all school-age children while maintaining age appropriateness (McGhie, 2015; Piper, 2015). However, if teacher education programs do not place an emphasis on topics outside of the pre-packaged curriculum or multicultural perspectives, teachers will remain silent in fear of discussing topics outside of their comfort zone and content areas, further impacting the academic outcomes of students of color (Banks, 2007; Case, 2012; McGhie, 2015). Providing spaces for teacher candidates to discuss difficult topics sets the stage to create educators who are fearless in their approach to educational, political, and social issues,

Family Discussions of Race 89 making them more likely to positively influence PK-12 children’s academic trajectory and social influence. Educators must also be empowered to employ pedagogical practices in various content areas that encourage students to relate their own experiences to their peers, allowing them to plan, reflect, and act in ways, that through social action, can have positive outcomes (Nieto, 2010a, 2010b). Student engagement may increase with the use of innovative pedagogical practices that are student-centered and use educational materials that are supplemental to the pre-packaged curriculums currently used in schools (Nieto, 2010b). Teacher candidates and in-service teachers benefit from professional development so their interactions with children can be affirming to the student while also gaining support in their teaching to promote the use of critical pedagogy. Additionally, parents must throw caution to the wind and be more willing to have the difficult conversations with their children prior to PK-12 enrollment and during matriculation. This is necessary to prepare their children for the future, as it is clear that teacher education programs are not carrying their weight in preparing teachers to have these discussions with children, either because of fear or lack of knowledge and preparation (McGhie, 2015; Nieto & Bode, 2012).

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90  Tarryn E. McGhie and Rebekah E. Piper on racial identity development: A theoretical and practical anthology (2nd ed., pp. 192–215). New York, NY: New York University Press. Cross, W. (1971). The Negro-to-Black conversion experience. Black World, 20(9), 13–27. Delpit, L. (2012). Multiplication is for white people. In Raising expectations for other people’s children. New York, NY: The New Press. Ford, D.,  & Harris, J. (1999). Multicultural gifted education. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Freire, P. (1973). Education for critical consciousness. New York, NY: Seabury Press. Gay, G. (2002). Preparing for culturally responsive teaching. Journal of Teacher Education, 53(2), 106–116. Gay, G., & Kirkland, K. (2003). Developing cultural critical consciousness and self-reflection in preservice teacher education. Theory into Practice, 42(3), 181–187. doi:10.1207/s15430421tip4203_3 Hall, N. (1987). The emergence of literacy. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. Harry, B.,  & Klingner, J. (2006). Why are so many minority students in special education? Understanding race and disability in schools. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Jackson, B. (1976a). Black identity development. Amherst, MA: New Perspectives, Inc. Kunjufu, J. (2011). Understanding Black male learning styles. Chicago, IL: African American Images. McGhie, T. (2015). Forecasting the school-to-prison Pipeline: A generative case study of early literacy experiences of black male youth. ProQuest Thesis/ Dissertation. McGhie, T. (2010). Verbal cues: Producing the same results in stereotype threat research. ProQuest Thesis/Dissertation. Nieto, S. (2010a). Language, culture, and teaching critical perspectives (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge. Nieto, S. (2010b). The light in their eyes: Creating multicultural learning communities (10th anniversary ed.). New York, NY: Teacher’s College Press. Nieto, S., & Bode, P. (2012). Affirming diversity: The sociopolitical context of multicultural education. Boston, MA: Pearson/Allyn and Bacon. Ogbu, J. (1978). Minority education and caste: The American system in crosscultural perspective. New York, NY: Academic Press. Piper, R. E. (2015). Multicultural education in action: A multiple case study of Black elementary aged children’s identity development and engagement with civil rights literature. ProQuest Thesis/Dissertation. Sellers, R., Rowley, S., Chavous, T., Shelton, J., & Smith, M. (1997). Multidimensional inventory of black identity: A preliminary investigation of reliability and construct validity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 73(4), 805–815. Sheridan, S. M., Knoche, L. L., Kupzyk, K. A., Edwards, C. P., & Marvin, C. A. (2011). Randomized trial examining the effects of parent engagement on early language and literacy: The Getting Ready Intervention. Journal of Psychology, 49, 361–383. Smith, M. L. (1991). Put to the test: The effects of external testing on teachers. Educational Researcher, 20(5), 8–11.

Family Discussions of Race 91 Steele, C. (2003). Through the back door to theory. Psychological Inquiry, 14(3– 4), 314–317. Suzuki, L.,  & Aronson, J. (2005). The cultural malleability of intelligence and its impact on the racial/ethnic hierarchy. Psychology, Public Policy and Law, 11(2), 320–327. Steele, C., & Aronson, J. (2004). Stereotype threat does not live by Steele and Aronson (1995). alone. American Psychologist, 59(1), 47–48. Steele, C., & Aronson, J. (1995). Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69(5), 797–811. Wald, J., & Losen, D. (2003). Deconstructing the school-to-prison pipeline. In New directions for youth development: Theory, practice, research (p. 99). San Francisco, CA: Jossey Bass. Woodson, C. (1990). The mis-education of the Negro. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press.

5 Sport Coach as Educational Leader Distributed Leadership Christel Rocha-Beverly

Overview The sports entertainment industry, along with universities and companies, makes millions of dollars on Black male student athletes (BMSAs) and do little in return for their educational achievement. Coaches have demonstrated that they have the ability to lead BMSAs to high achievement levels of success. However, coaches are rarely thought of as influences outside of the basketball court or football field. Using a distributed leadership lens, this chapter argues that sport coaches should be considered salient contributors to the improvement and development of Black male student-athletes and given their due as viable leaders within the school community.

Introduction Black male student athletes (BMSAs) who play high school basketball and football in urban communities have the lowest grades and standardized test scores among all student-athletes in the United States (Norwood, 2008). There are multiple reasons why this specific group of high school students is struggling academically: BMSAs attend schools that are publicly underfunded and lack academic and counseling resources (Lapchick, 2008); BMSAs are often excused from the rigors of academic work, as their teachers often hold an implicit bias that these young men will be better off sticking to sports (Powell, 2007); and the academic identity BMSAs is foreclosed (Brewer & Petitpas, 2017). In many communities of color, the prevailing perception is that Black youth are naturally better at sport (Hodge, Burden, Robinson, & Bennett III, 2008), and that sport is the most viable route for future economic success (Harrison, Sailes, Rotich, & Bimper, 2011). Society’s obsession with sports entertainment (Branch, 2011), along with the astronomical revenue it generates for universities, companies, and communities, has created an unacceptable dynamic of educational

Sport Coach as Educational Leader 93 marginalization for Black male student-athletes in high school. Bakker (2005) noted that We should be more concerned about the way our secondary schools are operated. These schools are supposed to be adequately educating and preparing kids to move onto college and the working world. . . . It is obvious that many of these schools are letting these athletes slide by. (p. 62) Not only are students being recruited right out of high school, but for the few who manage to play college sports, academic success is often out of reach. Some colleges have come under criticism for recruiting highly talented inner-city athletes, then leaving them to drown in the waters of collegiate academia (Harper, Williams,  & Blackman, 2013). While the questionable academic priorities of college coaches, professors, and players have been extensively examined, these identical problems at the high school level with teachers, coaches, and BMSAs do not receive nearly as much empirical or theoretical attention. Ironically, BMSAs who struggle academically in high school are the very students entering college unable to read and thus are the most harmed when they are encouraged to eschew their studies (Norwood, 2008). Academic and career development for BMSAs is almost non-existent at best and at worst facilitated by common limiting beliefs. The problem of easing BMSAs through high school, or athletic promotion, to keep them eligible to perform athletically results in a subpar or dismal educational experience that has harmful implications for their future. Athletic promotion implicates a larger circle of compliance from major players in the lives of BMSAs to maintain the “flourishing black market or underground economy that exists for exceptional high school athletes” (Meggyesy, 2000, p. 5) and hampers their economic prospects outside of sport by forcing a very focused pathway on sport achievement. Athletic promotion also makes it increasingly difficult to mask their lack of academic development, which is needed for them to successfully navigate college academics. Even more problematic is the harsh reality that while the dream of college and professional sports careers are widely disseminated and encouraged amongst BMSAs to maintain a steady supply of fresh bodies for the college sport market, most of these BMSAs will not receive athletic scholarships. These young men will need to be prepared to enter college or the workforce after high school, with sufficient preparation to succeed in whichever path they choose. Thus, the question remains, who has culpability in this process of keeping BMSAs prepared and engaged for academic success during their high school career?

94  Christel Rocha-Beverly Given that football and basketball coaches have been identified as one of the critical influences on BMSA behavior and performance (Smith, Smoll, & Cumming, 2009), their potential to improve BMSA academic achievement warrants further investigation. However, some of the coaches of BMSAs work outside the classroom, and their roles in the athletes’ education process remain disconnected from the school. These individuals are often hired specifically by the community and work with the sport coaches to assist with coaching the athletes. They have considerable power in the parent community and with the students as the person responsible for getting them on a team after high school or into college to play sports. Often these individuals do not have academic standing within the high school, which forms a natural bridge rarely crossed between them and the academic staff (see, Rocha-Beverly, 2018). This is a group of influential adults who have considerable power in the athletes’ athletic future but who, conversely, may have little connection to BMSAs’ academic lives. Despite challenges of proximity or collegial support, sport coaches at the high school level have an obligation to prepare Black male high school student-athletes (BMSA) for success at postsecondary institutions where they can secure a future successful educational pathway regardless of sport. The socialization of Blacks into sports such as football and basketball can also mean a one-track pursuit of success at a critical period in teenagers’ lives. While education provides a much more realistic means to achievement, it is often abandoned, or at least minimized. (Beamon & Messer, 2014, p. 37) This chapter examines (1) the importance of sport coaches becoming educational leaders of Black male high school student-athletes, and (2) how these coaches can be more successfully integrated within the high school academic venue. Using the paradigm of “distributed leadership,” this chapter provides an understanding of the intersectional nature of sport coaches’ athletic and educational leadership in the lives of Black male student-athletes. Exploration of this topic also sheds light on possible mechanisms for diminishing the racial achievement gap for Black male basketball and football athletes, something that both educational and sport leadership paradigms have yet to consider.

The Educational Context of BMSAs in Inner-Cities Schools in urban districts with high minority populations tend to lack the resources and support needed to prepare students to compete for opportunities within American economy (Singer & May, 2010, p. 302).

Sport Coach as Educational Leader 95 Current research in urban education indicates that minority students living in inner-cities have greater challenges to overcome than their suburban and rural counterparts (Wilson, 2009, 2012). African American and Hispanic children are three times more likely than Whites to attend an impoverished urban school and they have lower achievement scores than their suburban counterparts (Orfield & Lee, 2005). Darling-Hammond (2010) noted that the conditions under which inner-city kids are being forced to learn and grow have not changed or improved in over 30 years (p. 11). Beverly and Potter (2016) argue that despite urban educators and policymakers’ many efforts to resolve these educational shortcomings, none have proved sustainable or significant. Apparently, the established pattern to deal with urban problems (Hirsch, 1983) has had no discernible effect across decades of reform. Whatever policy is implemented, a consistent gap remains between the intention and implementation of change.

Academic Achievement of Black Male Students A specific concern being addressed by scholars, educators, and politicians alike is the dismal underachievement of Black males in the U.S. Over the last 25  years, the social, education, and economic outcomes for Black males have been more systematically devastating than the outcomes for any other racial or ethnic group or gender. Black males have consistently low educational attainment levels, are more chronically unemployed and underemployed, and are less healthy and have access to fewer health care resources. These men are more likely to die much younger and many more times likely to be sent to jail for significantly longer periods of time than any other racial ethnic group. On average, Black males are more likely to attend the most segregated and least resourced public schools (Holzman, 2010). Research indicates that urban Black male students are most significantly at risk for academic underachievement (Holzman, 2010) and this trend has persisted over decades. Flennaugh (2011) agreed with Beach, Lundell, and Jung (2002) and reported that “many efforts to address the barriers that impede achievement for Black males have still fallen short in stemming the academic misery for three notable reasons” (p. 2). Simply put, these reasons involve: (1) a lack of focused scholarship on the psychological component of Black male educational experience, (2) the lack of scholarly consideration for the intercontextual experience of Black male students, and (3) existing work that takes a deficit perspective on Black male experiences in education (Flennaugh, 2011). Taking a deeper look into the literature reveals that Black males from inner-city high schools have been studied prodigiously. Reform efforts to address the racial achievement gap include: single-gender classrooms

96  Christel Rocha-Beverly (Hubbard & Datnow, 2005), smaller classrooms (Borland, Howsen, & Trawick, 2010), multicultural pedagogy (Teel  & Obidah, 2008), and increased funding  – all of which have failed to produce sustained, improved outcomes for BMSAs. While the difficulties for Black males in school have been studied extensively, several fruitful avenues for research remain. For instance, high school coaches’ role in the academic development of BMSAs is a glaring omission in what we know about Black male students’ experience and are an untapped source of potential improvement. This will require not just working with the coaches themselves, but the larger formalized education system they interface with including the teachers, administrators, and parents. Research in high school sport has measured countless athletic and academic variables, but has given little attention to the social and cultural power sport commands in urban contexts or how such power translates to instructional support or student-athlete accountability. Because sport is highly regarded in inner-city high schools and the surrounding community, coaches’ potential to influence Black male student-athletes’ academic performance has been curiously ignored in both theoretical research and practical reform.

Black Male High School Student-Athletes A specific subgroup of Black males – inner-city high school student-athletes – are particularly at risk for academic underachievement. Although many NCAA Division 1 colleges recruit young Black males from economically troubled, urban backgrounds, providing a vehicle to access a college education (Norwood, 2008) does not necessarily translate into successful matriculation or graduation from the university. Unfortunately, “too many inner-city schools are underfunded and cannot deliver the resources that would level the academic playing field. This makes it far more difficult for student-athletes (and students in general) to be successful” and competitive in the college-going process (Lapchick, 1989). The Black male student-athlete from urban America must deal with more educational obstacles than the average student at his school. In some cases, he has adults in his life who do not behave like adults when it comes to his skills in sports and his status in the community. Some of these adults evolve into fans who cheer him on and give him far more rope in the classroom than they would an ordinary student. He is deemed special and therefore exempt from certain rules (Powell, 2007). It is often the case that as the Black male athlete’s superior athletic skill begins to shine, he is not only praised, accepted, elevated, and treated special, but he is encouraged to spend more and more time on the basketball court and less and less time with his books. Education is really not the goal for many. Most athletes practice with one dream in mind:

Sport Coach as Educational Leader 97 making it to the pros (Norwood, 2008). Unfortunately, this plan to put sport ahead of school is rigged, with the loser usually being a Black male student-athlete. The coach wins, the school wins, but the undereducated student loses. Meanwhile, high schools in city centers across America continue to churn out a majority of Black male basketball and football players that provide the human labor to generate billions of dollars in revenue for colleges and professional sport industries. BMSAs’ focus on athletics is profoundly influenced by the current sociopolitical and historical context of American society. The lack of attention on their academic performance and later success in the schooling systems raises serious concerns regarding whether or not some of them will have or acquire the skills and competencies that are necessary to compete in the economy and lead successful lives once their playing days have ended (Singer & May, 2010, p. 302). As the 2008 Schott Report noted, almost 40% of all states in the U.S. do not graduate at least 50% of their Black male high school students. This disheartening statistic holds true for all of the major cities across the U.S. – leaving urban communities to wonder who their educational leaders are and what they are doing to ameliorate this issue for a group of their most vulnerable students – BMSAs. There is a large body of research on minority male student-athletes at the collegiate level pertaining to academic, non-cognitive, behavioral, and relational outcomes (Harper, 2007; Horton, 2015; Harris & Wood, 2013; Strayhorn & Johnson, 2014). Yet this research does not exist in a vacuum and should actually be contextualized by examining scholarly work at an earlier stage of the student-athlete’s career. It behooves researchers and practitioners to take a step back and consider the prior high school leadership culture from which these players are likely to have been recruited – not only to ground our understanding of minority student-athlete experience in their formative years, but also to examine the role of sports coaches and how they can become a source of positive influence in the academic experience of Black male student-athletes.

Coaches of BMSAs Understanding Black male student-athlete outcomes in high school innercities must include those individuals responsible for their preparation to succeed  – their leaders. Sports coaches are often viewed as guardians of the student’s athletic and academic welfare, steering the academically inclined athlete through high school and into college with rewards of prestige and financial wealth to the school, and maybe the financial success to the player. But the odds are, few of these athletes will make it into college sports and those that do are often poorly prepared academically that their entrance to higher education is tenuous. What typically occurs is that the teacher is responsible for the academics, but often, under the coach’s tutelage, Black male student athletes tend to devalue education

98  Christel Rocha-Beverly while defining success and worth in society by physical performance and stamina on the basketball court (Norwood, 2008). Across several decades of research, there has been an increasing interest in utilizing coaches’ leadership practices to gain insight into athlete behavior (Jowett  & Chaundy, 2004; Jowett, 2009). Research has also shown compelling evidence that coaches are one of the crucial influences on athlete behavior (Turman  & Schrodt, 2004). This nontraditional approach to understanding educational leadership stems from research suggesting that student-athlete outcomes are often influenced by those adults most invested in their success (Hébert & Reiss, 1999; Stanton-Salazar, 2011). Considering that sport coaches are possibly one of the most influential individuals in the life of a studentathlete over her/his entire high school career (Coleman, 1961; Gould, Chung, Smith, & White, 2006; Griffith, 1926; Hartmann, 2003), this research is overdue in the education field. However, in the academic literature there is little reference to sport coaches’ ability to influence academic outcomes or the possibility of sport coaches partnering with teachers in a viable professional learning community to increase student accountability. Unfortunately, most research in this area indicates an antagonistic relationship between academic (teachers) and athletic (coaches) leaders in the life of minority student-athletes (Landsman & Lewis, 2006). In a monograph to the National Education Association, Richard Lapchick (1989) detailed how a sociology teacher in a Texas high school was pressured by the football coach and the principal to keep a particular star athlete academically eligible to play. This teacher acquiesced for the first semester but refused to continue passing the student for the second semester. She filed a whistleblower’s lawsuit and received a favorable judgment in court, with punitive damages awarded. This situation is not an anomaly and teachers across the country experience these types of pressures to assign passing grades to ineligible student-athletes. Their resulting belief that athletic leaders only care about the “athletic” identity of the individual – without regard to behavioral or academic progress (Wyatt, 1999) is not without merit. School teachers, perhaps resenting this focus on athletics, might choose to ignore the “athlete” identity of the Black male student-athlete and only focus on the academic requirements, or just write that Black male student-athlete off entirely. Unfortunately, the singular focus on one part of a Black male student-athlete’s identity can have many negative consequences. “The fact that they are teenagers and young adults with two full-time pursuits  – as both students and athletes  – should tell us that we need to provide them with quality resources that other students might not need” (Harper, 2009). It also tells us that BMSAs might require multi-faceted leadership to access and distribute those resources.

Sport Coach as Educational Leader 99

Distributing the Leadership for BMSAs The shared or “distributed” model as defined by Spillane, Halverson, and Diamond (2001) might be the most effective model for understanding what role coaches should have in the educational leadership of Black male student-athletes in urban high schools. The distributed leadership model argues for the development of leadership capacity among all members of the school community. The roles and actions of any adults working with students should reflect broad involvement, collaboration, and collective responsibility (Lambert, 2002). Especially in high-minority urban high schools, where many students are already disenfranchised and systematically marginalized, distributing leadership to include sport coaches would give them similar credibility as more traditional school leaders and increase their opportunities to impact Black male student-athlete educational outcomes. Accordingly, Spillane (2006) argued that leadership is not a “zero sum” game, but rather an active partnership that, when distributed, enhances both collective and individual influence. In this sense, coaches are not taking leadership from anyone, but rather becoming integral parts of the greater distributed leadership across school personnel. It is clear that if sport coaches are connected to other school leaders and staff by the common goal of producing a successful student-athlete, research to carefully examine their leadership behaviors is in order. Spillane (2006) recognized that “the continued systematic application of the distributed framework to the study of leadership will lead to the identification of patterns in how leadership is distributed in schools” (p. 95). This research seeks to extend that application by using a liberal interpretation of the framework. Spillane, Diamond, and Jita (2003) found that leadership is partly a function of the subject area. Basically, whomever is most skilled or experienced in a particular domain will probably be the most effective leader in that area. Therefore, considering sport coaches as valuable and effective leaders of student-athletes is logical in a distributed framework. Sport coaches often have invested more personal time culling a relationship with their players than teachers or other school staff (Hartmann, 2003) and would be more respected because of it. A coach who placed high expectations of student-athlete behavior and academic achievement might be more likely to see positive results from that student-athlete than a teacher or administrator. Based on a study of school reform in Canadian and U.S. schools, Hargreaves and Fink (2004) found that teachers fill in leadership gaps that occur when their principal lacks the requisite skills in a particular area. But consider that many inner-city minority students feel disenfranchised not only from the school setting itself, but from the pool of predominantly White women that make up the teaching force in the U.S. How can those teachers positively influence student-athletes

100  Christel Rocha-Beverly when they are not trusted? Black male inner-city high school studentathletes may often be looking for leadership and guidance from those individuals that they trust and feel more connected to; those leaders are usually sport coaches who invest more time into them than a teacher ever will. Spillane (2006) argued that positional leaders, such as parents or school boards, could take responsibility for leadership functions or routines that are not being fulfilled by others. I  would extend this argument to apply to sport coaches as leaders in the school community that attend to the social, developmental, personal, and even psychological issues surrounding inner-city minority high school student-athletes.

Acknowledging the Unique Leaders of BMSAs It is the work of many hands to push a student-athlete across the stage at graduation and hopefully into the workforce or college. Besides putting a tremendous amount of pressure on just one person to achieve superhero accomplishments, to surmise that one individual person is responsible for all the effort, work, and sacrifice that it often required of disadvantaged inner-city student-athletes to graduate is arrogant and dangerously incorrect. Ironically, while the study of leadership practices has traditionally “located them in individuals to whom ‘heroic’ capabilities and charismatic qualities are attributed, most organizations have always relied heavily on the leadership provided by many other members of the organization to actually get the work done” (Leithwood et al., 2009, p. 223). Why do the heroics of the leadership genre have a stranglehold on how we think about leadership (Spillane, 2006)? In spite of various studies that confirm no monopoly exists for school administrators in the world of school leadership (Camburn, Rowan, and Taylor, 2004; Heller & Firestone, 1995; Leithwood et al., 2009, p. 94), the jury of public opinion, popular culture, and Hollywood entertainment would suggest otherwise. The hero leader acting to save the minority inner-city high school student-athlete is a recurring (and tired) theme in theatre productions (Trier, 2005), but insulting to the actual community of educators who ensure the work gets done. Perhaps the hero paradigm is normalized by a desire for leaders to pigeonhole their responsibilities, leading to conflict amongst “siloed” leaders who are only interested in that dimension of the BMSA that is directly under their responsibility. Further, the proverbial heroes in urban high schools do not automatically have a greater sensitivity to urban issues, nor does their presence endow with them with a knowledge set that positions them as insiders (Scott & Solyom, 2011). In a distributed paradigm, a sport coach may have more community connections, trust, and capital and would be a much more effective leader of their student-athletes than the hero leader. Parents, sport coaches,

Sport Coach as Educational Leader 101 teachers, or other community members can take responsibility for leadership functions and routines at times in an effort to “make up for leadership gaps that result from formally designated leaders’ lack of expertise or oversight” (Crowther, Ferguson,  & Haan, 2009; in Spillane, 2006, p. 32). This is not to say that the principal is not an effective leader, but rather to identify other leaders – like coaches – in the school community who might scaffold weaknesses within the organization. Distributed leadership encourages diversity of leadership for Black male student-athletes by widening the scope of consideration for those individuals who may act the part of leader without holding the “title.” “The cultural isolation between the communities/people from which the traditional leader typically hails and the one where they work does make significant impact on how education leaders understand and interact with the multiple ingredients shaping the urban context” (Scott  & Solyom, 2011, p. 6). A distributed perspective can be used as a diagnostic instrument that draws practitioners’ and interventionists’ attention to hidden dimensions of school leadership . . . it can also be a way to acknowledge and perhaps even celebrate the many kinds of unglamorous and unheroic leadership that often go unnoticed in schools. (Spillane, 2006, p. 10) A distributed framework allows for a sport coach to establish a relationship with other school staff, which helps the learning process in several ways: (1) motivates the Black male student-athlete to do well in classes because he understands that there is viable relationship and communication between leaders within the school, (2) encourages sport coaches to unearth or illuminate themselves as viable leaders in a school, and (3) provides more accountability for student-athlete performance and behavior that supports teachers’ instruction. In other words, as coaches are ingrained into the fabric of school as a tenable source of leadership (whether or not they are physically roaming the halls), their presence is felt and invisible influence stretches over Black male student-athletes as a subtle behavior check/modifier. Based on interviews conducted in a study of 21 schools in four U.S. cities, Portin and his colleagues also showed that responsibility for leadership is distributed not only among appointed leaders but also among de facto leaders – that is, individuals who, regardless of their position, exercise influence on others with respect to the direction the school is taking or should take (Portin, Schneider, DeArmond, & Gundlach, 2003). It is again this notion of distributed leadership as a movement and a practice that involves many actors and can be empowering for those not actually playing a “leading role” in the show. Sometimes the most important contributions to any organization (janitors, secretaries) are the least

102  Christel Rocha-Beverly acknowledged or publicly identified as leaders. This academic model of leadership could also be applied to sports coaches. The fluid, dynamic framework of distributed leadership views coaches as fully capable of supporting the goals of the high schools by acknowledging the influence and respect that coaches have with their student-athletes. Furthermore, as sport coaches are acknowledged as a productive and contributing member of the actual school community, the benefits of the ensuing relationships could greatly benefit organizational goals and student achievement. If principals or teachers were to interact with sport coaches in this same manner on a consistent basis Black male studentathletes would not only appreciate the “teamwork” displayed by the adult leaders in their lives, but their accountability to and involvement in the educational community would improve. The inclusion of sport coaches as an important component of leadership in the inner-city high school community for student-athletes requires policymakers and administrators to acknowledge and embrace the work of sport coaches as more than athletic competition. Spillane (2006) suggested “if expertise is distributed, then the school rather than the individual leader may be the most appropriate unit for thinking about the development of leadership expertise” (p. 100). Because research has indicated that sport coaches play a large role in the development of minority inner-city high school student-athletes (Richardson, 2012; Hartmann, 2003), maximizing the potential contributions and talents of other nontraditional leaders (like sport coaches) will cause the entire school to improve their collective ability to motivate and positively affect Black male student-athletes.

Conclusion Using a distributed lens, sport coaches can be considered salient contributors to the improvement and development of Black male student-athletes and given their due as viable leaders within the school community. Subsequently, their partnerships with teachers and other school administrators must be further examined because “understanding how leadership actually gets done in schools is imperative if research is to generate usable knowledge for school leaders” (Spillane, 2006, p. 7). If future work seeks to inform research and the practice of inner-city high school leadership for student-athletes, then current research should first attend to what exists in urban learning contexts right now.

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6 Informing the Career Development Process of Black Male Community College Basketball Players More Than the Game Tonjala Eaton Overview Most African American male collegiate basketball players have invested at least ten years developing their athletic identity while often negating the cultivation of their identity outside of sports. Sometimes, intense focus on basketball causes athletes to neglect developing academic skills and career interest beyond basketball. However, the development of athletic, academic, and career identities are critical for college athletes to graduate and be prepared to enter the job market. This chapter focuses on identifying beliefs among Black male community college basketball players regarding their academic and career development that could potentially impact completion and transfer rates. Also, the chapter discusses the importance of stronger career education in K-12 in order to enhance the college and career readiness for all students, not just Black male student athletes. The recommendations should help basketball coaches, athletic directors, and student affairs professionals, including career and academic advisors and other institutional leaders, to develop effective strategies which focus on academic and career identity development among black male athletes.

Introduction During an interview at age 22, LeBron James declared that “I’m going to use all my tools, my God-given ability, and make the best life I can with it” (Zimmerman, 2007). James knew something about himself that most of his same-age peers had yet to realize. He recognized that he possessed natural ability in addition to a variety of diverse tools represented in the operative word all. Although his primary goal was to be a stellar athlete and championship player, James was open to the cultivation of other possibilities. Now, as a veteran player, James is a championship athlete, philanthropist, and businessman. He did not view himself with a monolithic perspective. Black male college athletes

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 107 limit the possibilities of their future selves through a singular expression of their athletic identities too often. Most could agree that James had to nurture other skills beyond athleticism to be a thriving business owner and investor. “Basketball is all I have. Without it, I don’t have anything else.” When a young Black man utters these words, he is communicating something much deeper than his passion for basketball. These words are expressive of a narrow perspective of his self-concept; an overdependence on his athletic identity, and a lack of awareness of his other gifts, skills, and abilities. The perception of basketball being an individual’s only route to a productive future indicates a need for extensive career advising in order to help that individual explore other alternatives. This chapter focuses on building an understanding of the academic and career beliefs of members of the men’s basketball team at a large urban community college in the Midwest. Practitioners will gain insight about common mindsets that produce growth and stagnation in the areas of academic and career development. A lack of academic preparedness, career maturity, and degree commitment are cited as reasons that Black male athletes do not complete degrees at the same rate as their non-black counterparts and Black women (Horton, 2015; Brown, 2016). Yet, there is very little research that provides a thorough understanding of how to promote career maturity among Black male athletes. Career maturity is defined as having specific career goals along with a path to meet those expectations (Brown, 2016). This research will supplement current literature with information about the barriers to career maturity among Black male athletes at the community college level. Minority enrollment in community colleges has increased over the last decade. In 2018, the American Association of Community Colleges reported that there were 1,103 institutions and Black students accounted for 13% of students enrolled in courses for credit. Community colleges enroll 43% of the Black student undergraduate population in both community college and four-year institutions. Therefore, one can assume that Black male basketball players are among the 43% of undergraduate students. For some young Black men, this means playing basketball at community college keeps the dream of playing at a Division I institution alive. And for others, it is an opportunity to finance their education by receiving a scholarship (Beamon, 2010). Community college definitely provides access to education for Black students; however, these students are also more likely to exit the institution before achieving their academic goals (Bitsoi, Gordon, Harper, Saenz, & Teranishi, 2014; Horton, 2015; Wood & Harris, 2016). Black male athletes also attend community college in order to accrue transferable college credits and become academically eligible to play basketball at four-year institutions (Hackett & Sheridan, 2013).

108  Tonjala Eaton This chapter explores the narratives of Black male student athletes in community college, many of whom departed college before accomplishing their academic goals. The aim is to identify the academic and career beliefs that influenced the students’ decision to leave college and to provide recommendations of ways to support Black male students to prevent early departure. There are four parts to this chapter. First, the literature review provides an overview of research closely associated with understanding Black male athletes and the career development concerns of Black men in general. Second, the theoretical framework introduces the career theories of Donald Super to provide perspective on individual career development. Next, the research methodology is presented along with a discussion of the findings. Finally, the chapter concludes with a discussion of the research and recommendations for implementation.

Literature Review In order to provide a comprehensive overview of the issues surrounding Black male basketball players, research is presented from multiple perspectives, including pre-college indicators of college and career readiness, the role of student support services, and sports socialization patterns and components of effective athletic career development programs. In high school, there are many influencers in a student athlete’s life. These stakeholders are the student’s parents, teachers, coaches, and counselors. When these stakeholders provide a consistent message of the value of a college education to the student, the student has a higher chance of being college and career ready (Harris, Hines, Kelly, Williams, & Bagley, 2014). Stakeholder collaboration through this kind of encouragement facilitates an environment of accountability in which the student athlete has a responsibility to each individual in his ecological system, as explained in Bronfenbrenner’s model (Harris et al., 2014). Accountability helps the student athlete reach new levels of academic and athletic performance, while also encouraging the student to accept ownership in his developmental process. Harris et  al. (2014) discovered that Black male high school athletes who hear consistent positive messages from members of their support system are more engaged academically. For instance, when students were held accountable to teachers, parents, and coaches for completing certain tasks, the student athlete was more willing to take educational risks such as taking honors courses and investing more time for studying. When all the stakeholders work together to communicate high expectations and promote a shared vision of education before sports, a nurturing environment of growth is developed for the student-athlete (Harris et al., 2014). The level of support a student receives for his athletic and academic performance communicates to him which identity is more important to

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 109 individual members in his personal ecological system (Beamon, 2010; Graham, Pryor, & Gray, 2015). For example, if a parent never inquires about a student’s academic or career interests outside of sports, the student may not think it is important for him to engage in these activities on his own. Additionally, the high school environment also directly contributes to the student’s college and career readiness. Black male community college students in Richburg’s (2013) study reflected on their high school experience and unanimously felt that they were passed through courses based on athletic prowess and not academic effort. Therefore, the culture and value system of the athlete’s high school is influential in shaping the student’s worldview and personal identity development. The enforcement of policies regarding the student’s ability to participate in sports also communicates whether or not the school values academics and athletics equally. Horton (2015) investigated the relationship between pre-college characteristics and Black male athletes’ academic performance at community college. The results of the study implied that Black male community college athletes entered college with a higher need for remedial courses. Horton found that 45.7% of Black males required remedial courses in the areas of math, reading, and writing, higher than any other demographic. Furthermore, Black males earned 72% of the credits they attempted, which was less than other sub-groups (Horton, 2015). This points to a predictive correlation between college readiness and degree completion; the more developmental courses a Black male athlete initially takes during the start of his career may influence his likelihood to earn an associate degree or transfer. Developmental courses widen the academic performance gap between Black male athletes and their peers. In order to close the academic performance gap between Black male athletes and their peers, Horton (2015) advises institutions to provide substantial support services to Black male athletes and accelerate their progression through remedial courses. Student support services are often referred to as the advising, counseling, and career services divisions of a college, although each institution may be structured differently. It is important that Black male student athletes are informed about the purpose and usefulness of those services (Martin  & James, 2012). Their understanding of these services will directly impact their level of engagement in them. Richburg (2013) demonstrated this in his study focused on understanding the perception held among Black male student athletes about student services and its staff at a large urban community college with a majority Hispanic student population. Additionally, the project explored the perception of Black male student athletes held among members of the student services staff at the same institution. The results of the study revealed the need for Black male student athletes to receive more information about the function of support services.

110  Tonjala Eaton When asked about the quality of student support services, research participants only identified tutoring services as a support service, although tutoring services and student support services are separate entities as the institution. The students were not aware of other professional support services such as career advising or counseling. Student service providers admitted that they did not receive many student referrals from the athletic departments. The service providers intended to connect with the athletic director to establish ideas for collaborating, but they had not done so at the time the research project was completed. Students also voiced frustrations with the inconsistency of information given to them by front-line student services staff, as well as the sense that they were not welcomed by these individuals. Not feeling welcomed and a lack of information about actual services provided were cited as two issues that explained the low usage of student support services. Furthermore, the perception of racial bias among support staff toward Black male student athletes precluded the research participants from engaging with student support staff on a frequent basis (Richburg, 2013). Some of the participants communicated that they perceived the Hispanic students received better treatment than Black students, in general. Staff members who participated in the research project responded to these accusations by explaining the racial conditions of the surrounding community, but not accepting the students’ perceptions. However, if not addressed, the perception of racial bias will continue to serve as a barrier between student service staff members and Black male athletes. Previous research studies have identified these and other institutional challenges within the higher education community, such as discrimination among administration and faculty, isolation from the larger campus community, and a lack of academic preparedness as contributing factors that prohibit higher graduation rates among Black male collegiate basketball players (Brown, 2016; Ransaw & Majors, 2016). Academic clustering is one example of an institutional practice that warrants further investigation. This condition occurs when over 25% of the members of a particular sports team have the same major. Majors for minority student athletes are disproportionately history, communication, sports management, sociology, and general studies as compared to their nonminority peers (Fountain & Finley, 2011; Rodriguez, 2015). There seems to be some guidance of minority students into specific programs in order to maintain athletic eligibility. If students are not choosing majors based on areas of interest, then they will be less likely to graduate, which is a harmful practice for athletes. In order to mitigate these kinds of institutional barriers, Hackett and Sheridan (2013) suggest that community college policymakers should review institutional policies and procedures to determine how the normative practices support or hinder the retention of African American male student athletes.

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 111 It is also equally important to consider the cycle of socialization that young men of color experience to fully grasp the totality of the problem. From very early ages, it is common for African American men to receive messages from their families and society as a whole that encourage a sports orientation. Consequently, the saturation of messages promoting the sports and entertainment professions has become socially acceptable and does not offer many alternative roles in which Black boys can envision their future selves (Harper, 2014). Poor academic performance, a lack of career maturity, and the perception that sports participation is a viable pathway to financial wealth are negative consequences of the consistent promotion of professional sports to young Black boys by the media (Beamon, 2010). It is imperative to understand this socialization process in order to analyze the ways that Black student athletes have adopted societal norms as components of their personal identity that then impacts their career beliefs. Due to this multiplicity of factors, singular initiatives to improve transfer and graduation rates among Black athletes have proven to be ineffective (Wood & Harris, 2016). Literature on collegiate athletic support programs is conclusive that in order to provide substantial benefits, these programs have to be developed holistically and function collaboratively to respond to the cognitive, personal, and social development of students (Carodine, Almond, & Gratto, 2001). Career planning and coaching are equally vital to the effectiveness of athletic support program development. Career coaching in the areas of athletics is especially important because more than half of Black male college athletes in high-revenuegenerating sports such as football and basketball will not graduate within six years (Harper, 2018). In spite of the amount of vast literature on effective athletic support programs, there is not much discussion about the mindset of the individual student athlete that will determine if he will maximize or forfeit his educational opportunity.

Theoretical Framework Promoting Career Development Growth Developmental career theories are paradigms to explain the career process over an entire lifespan (Suddarth  & Reile, 2010). These theories enhance understanding of the growth process from child to adult and bring awareness of how identities are formed and how they impact career decision-making. Unlike other categories of career theories, developmental theories are not focused on explaining specific personality traits or linking individuals to specific careers. Trait-and-factor theories focus on providing students with the appropriate occupation based on skills and interest; however, development theories consider the individual’s evolution as part of the career development process (Super, 1963). This set of

112  Tonjala Eaton theories functions best as an explanation of specific activities that are typically performed during specific age ranges. Career development theories are relevant to this discussion because they provide a framework to help athletes conceptualize their lives beyond the role of student-athlete. For example, using career development theories as guiding principles enables practitioners to help studentathletes better understand how family dynamics, romantic relationships, and societal pressure influence their career decision-making process. This theoretical perspective addresses many of the common problems Black males encounter related to developing career maturity.

Super’s Career Development Theory Donald E. Super was one of the leading theorists in the area of development theory. His work is foundational in conceptualizing the individual vocational journey from birth to death. Super’s career development theory has three major tenets: self-concept, life span, and life space (Suddarth  & Reile, 2010). Self-concept  – the way in which an individual views himself/herself  – often dictates the decision-making process. The development of self-concept begins once a child comprehends that he/she is a separate being from their parents. This process continues to develop throughout the individual’s life. Additionally, self-concept is influenced by the individual’s family, culture, community, and life experiences (Suddarth  & Reile, 2010). Super’s fundamental principle is that vocational development is a process of making several decisions that culminate in vocation choices that reflect the individual self-concept (Swanson  & Fouad, 1999). The goal is for an individual’s self-concept to align with their chosen profession. As previously discussed, the Black male societal narrative in America is deeply damaged with negative stereotypes that begin during childhood and often directly impact an individual’s self-concept. For example, a former basketball player believed that he could never perform well in math due to negative feedback he received from his seventh-grade math teacher. This experience caused the student to refrain from quantitativebased college majors and career possibilities. Black boys are consistently negatively impacted by teachers’ perceptions and low expectations of their ability to perform well in math (Battey & Leyva, 2016). Students’ self-concept and belief in their ability to learn is often impacted by early childhood experiences. Self-concept and vocational identity are continuously developed as students engage in various life activities. Contrary to other theorists, Super defines career as the resulting combinations of vocational decisions made and experiences had over the course of that individual’s entire life. Life span helps to explain the development process as it

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 113 relates to chronological aging. He posits that a person is developmentally mature when certain activities are completed in five different stages of life. Refer to the following chart for a listing of specific developmental tasks (Chart 6.1).

Stages of Career Development Chart 6.1  Stages of Career Development Stage Name

Age Range

Typical Tasks

Stage 1

Growth 0–15

Stage 2

Exploration 15–25

Stage 3

Establishment 25–45

Stage 4

Maintenance 45–65

Stage 5

Disengagement 65– until death

Physical growth Formation of self-concept Learning about many different areas and making a commitment to a specific area of work Engage in area of work Getting firmly settled into an occupational area and making contributions to that field Maintaining current position and updating skills as needed Separating from paid employment and engaging in activities for leisure, family, and community responsibility

Source: (Super, 1957)

Super’s Theory for Athletes Regarding athletes, many collegiate basketball athletes started playing the game as early as five years old. Although it varies by individual, committing 30 hours per week to the development of basketball skills is normal. By the time a student enters high school, he has established a significant identity as an athlete. While this commitment illustrates a high level of discipline, it could also be detrimental if other interests were not cultivated at the same time. According to Super’s exploration stage, an individual should learn about many different areas. Basketball players at the community college level who do not transfer and play at four-year schools will be entering the disengagement phase, which according to Super is a phase that is not typically entered into until age 65. Similar to the way a mature person has difficulty entering retirement, players who do not go on to play at the four-year college level and instead end their athletic career during community college experience a severe emotional sense of separation because they are grieving the loss of their athletic identity, although they do go on to other employment.

114  Tonjala Eaton

Methodology Group Population and Recruitment A qualitative, interpretive case study approach (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007) was selected to identify and understand the beliefs related to academic and career development among members of the men’s basketball team at a Midwestern urban community college. Also, the case study approach was used to uncover trends that may not be apparent in quantitative research (Chung, Baskin, & Case, 1999). All 11 members of the team, regardless of race or ethnic origin, were invited to participate in the research project. However, this chapter only pertains to students who identified as being Black or multiracial with African ancestry. Three students identified as multiracial with African ancestry; two of these three students have one parent who identifies as African American. The other two students identify as African American. Purposive sampling was applied on this research. Each research participant previously played on the team or was a current member of the team during the interview process, which served as the criteria for participation. Pseudonyms are used to protect the identity and confidentiality of the research participants. Each student completed the Career Beliefs Inventory (CBI) (Krumboltz, 1991) to help identify perspectives that enabled the student to maximize the benefit of being in school and/or negative thoughts that lead to poor student behavior, such as low academic performance, course absences, tardiness, and other behaviors that are contrary to academic success.

Assessment Instrument The CBI was selected as the assessment tool in order to give students the opportunity to evaluate their thoughts around academic and career development. Created by John Krumboltz, the CBI is typically used during the career counseling process as an intervention mechanism to help clients assess their beliefs toward career development. The goal of the CBI is to identify beliefs that are neither good nor bad, but those that could be limiting students from taking a step forward along their academic or career progression. The CBI has 25 scales divided into five major categories. It is designed to explore belief systems around the following categories: My Current Career Situation, What Seems Necessary for My Happiness, Factors That Influence My Decisions, and Effort I Am Willing to Initiate (Krumboltz, 1991). Each of the 25 scales have a score that ranges from 10 to 50. Lower scores indicate that the student may be experiencing a mental barrier related to that specific scale.

Interviews In-depth, semi-standardized interviews were used as the data collection technique, and the researcher conducted a 45–60-minute interview with

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 115 each participant. Transcription was performed by an external vendor. Interviews included open-ended questions based on the results from the Career Beliefs Inventory (CBI). Participants were asked further questions about each of the 25 scales with a score lower than 20 because these scores represent problematic beliefs, per the CBI assessment guide. For example, if a student received a low score regarding their career plans being decided or open to change, the researcher asked them to discuss how have they decided on their current career goal. Follow-up prompts were used to garner more insight around their career decision-making process, including who influenced their decisions and the beliefs upon which decisions were formed.

Positionality The author, an African American woman, is not an athlete. She does not have any athletic abilities but she is passionate about the development of Black males. After graduating from a historically Black college or university (HBCU) with a bachelor’s degree in international business and Spanish, the author began working at another HBCU as an assistant in the Communications Division. This was a critical professional experience in the author’s life because she became directly aware of the challenges of Black male student collegiate athletes. Many of these challenges included student athletes not being fully aware of career opportunities. The author also noticed that many of the football team members were communication majors, yet they did not have substantial awareness of careers related to communications or interests in communication theory or application. Since that first exposure, the author has consistently studied the needs and development of Black male students. The author’s commitment to the development and liberation of Black people creates an intentional effort to understand and support the development of Black male students. As a certified career development facilitator, she has a unique perspective on the changing workforce and skillset that will be required of future workers. This perspective creates an urgent need to help students be prepared for imminent changes.

Data Analysis Transcriptions were read line by line to identify the emerging themes of goals and beliefs related to academic and career development, and hand-coded using themes and patterns from each of the interview narratives. Data were placed in categories and identified as a limiting belief or a belief that could be leveraged for growth. For example, a common belief held among the group was the perception that formal education was an obstacle and an interference to adulthood. This belief is deeply ironic since many of the participants intentionally harnessed

116  Tonjala Eaton Table 6.1 Participant Demographics Name

Age Racial/ Major Ethnic Background

Jason Steven

21 20

Multiracial Multiracial

Miles

20

Mulatto

Leo Keon

20 19

Haitian African American African American African American

Naveed 20 Johnny

21

Current Student/ Employment Status

Pre-Nursing Kinesiology

Returned to Play Basketball

Enrolled full-time Employed full-time in the beverage industry General Pursuing Studies/ entrepreneurship and Marketing coaching basketball Focus part-time Fire Science Working full-time Undecided Enrolled full-time

Yes No

No Yes

Undecided

Unknown

No

General

Enrolled full-time

Yes

No

their athletic ability to be able to attend college. Themes were also compared to other literature on the career development of African American males. The data are presented in the form of case studies and direct quotes from participants in order to reveal their voices and convey their rich narratives.

Case 1 At the time of the interview, Jason was working as a handler in a warehouse and a cashier at a retail store while attending school full-time. He admitted that his job at the local retail store was seasonal; consequently, he worked only a few hours there. Jason stated that he wanted to major in nursing because the occupation lacks male nurses and he wants to help people. Although there is a highly competitive nursing program at the community college where he attends, he is adamant about transferring to a four-year college or university to pursue nursing. His exposure to nursing consisted of watching Grey’s Anatomy and observing his sister, who is a nurse. He was impressed by her income. When asked about how he was preparing for a career in nursing, he compared working the long shifts at the warehouse to 12-hour shifts that nurses often work. Jason was confident that he could maintain the stamina to work for long periods. Later in the interview, he also stated that he might change his major to business management if nursing is not available at his transfer school. He is hoping to secure an academic or athletic scholarship.

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 117 Jason expressed deep regret about his previous academic performance in high school and his first year of college. He admitted to not attending school very much and not performing well on tests. Playing sports became his motivation for attending school and raising his grades. Jason described himself as being a “hot head” and thinking high school would be easier. When asked if his mentality about school had changed since high school, he responded with the following. “I have a different mentality but I still see some of the similar ways such as being late to class, sometimes not going and not paying attention.” Jason attributes this behavior to a lack of motivation and experiencing a variety of negative emotions due to losing a childhood friend. He described himself as possibly being bipolar, but was not sure. During Jason’s first year of college, he did not play basketball for the team. He referred to that year as being uncomfortable for him since he did not have any athletic obligations. The following statements reflect his thoughts on being a student only and not a student-athlete: Cause for like the past eight years, you wake up, you go to school, play sports. Everything just feels normal. And then one day it’s just gone. You don’t wake up, you don’t do the same routine every day. It’s just studying, going to work. It’s just boring. After playing on the team for two years, Jason left college and continued to work full-time as a warehouse handler. He did not earn an associate’s degree or transfer to a four-year school.

Case 2 Steven’s dream was to major in kinesiology and work as a college basketball coach. He also entertained the idea of coaching high school basketball but was uncomfortable with the salary. He stated that he would have to supplement his pay by working as physical trainer if he coached high school. Although he was not aware of specific salaries associated with either of his career aspirations, he knew that coaching at the collegiate level would be sufficient for his ideal lifestyle. He was confident that he would be working in a sportsrelated occupation. Steven began playing basketball at age five; he also explored track, baseball, and football. He never considered a career not related to sports. Steven described himself as having two gifts: a high level of athleticism and the ability to make people smile. He reported being very challenged by the kinesiology curriculum and mentioned that chemistry was his most difficult course. There was a noticeable discrepancy between Steven’s chemistry lecture

118  Tonjala Eaton and lab grades. He offers the following explanation: “Because the lab was hands on and the lecture is just listening and trying to interpret what the person is saying I guess. And I’m not good at that.” Steven believed that college was necessary for a good job and perceived a college degree as valuable because “you can know more about what you’re going into if you took classes on it and stuff.” Although Steven discussed his desire to have a college degree, he stated that he did not feel pressure from his family to complete his degree. After the end of Steven’s second year of community college, he was not recruited to play basketball at a four-year university and felt exhausted with the process of attending school. He stated that he was not “internally motivated enough to do school without basketball.” He began working full-time as a merchandiser for a beverage company.

Case 3 At the time of the interview, Miles was uncertain about his career goals but he knew that he wanted to major in marketing. Prior to being interviewed, he secured funding for a fashion line that he conceived in high school. With the new business arrangement underway, he was confident that he wanted to devote more time to growing his business. Meeting academic obligations and playing basketball were becoming hindrances to his business growth. He mentioned speaking with his mother and four siblings about his career goals quite often. During the interview, he also alluded to a sense of being fortunate because he had several resources that would benefit his entrepreneurial experience, such as a sister who is a photographer and the significant social media following of his brother’s girlfriend. He acknowledged not having to pay for photography and referral marketing services. Miles also stated that he contemplated taking a break from school before he transitioned to a four-year institution. The likelihood that he would transfer was dependent on whether or not he was recruited to play basketball at a four-year college or university, since he could envision himself playing at a Division I, II, or III, and even walking on at a junior college (juco). Miles and his family were intentional in leveraging his basketball skills to finance his education. They (his family) often reminded him of the goal of receiving a basketball scholarship when he was unmotivated. Despite describing himself as not having a clear career path, he was acutely vocal that work must be satisfying to him.

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 119 Miles clearly disdained being required to take general education core courses, which he complains about in the following statement, I’m coming here to pursue marketing but I’m in an integrative science class right now and I have to take math class, it is just not my interest. I don’t need it for my career field. It just bothers me. I’d be very content with taking classes that related strictly to business. He also discussed his level of enjoyment related to being in college, ’Cause a lot of kids are very on point with their studying and they’re very good at being a scholar. And I don’t know, I’m not a big fan of school. I just do it for myself and for my mom. Miles was not recruited to play basketball at a four-year institution. He currently works in his business full-time and coaches high school basketball.

Case 4 Leo’s goal was to work as a firefighter. After recognizing that the training for firefighters conflicted with his basketball commitments, he resigned from the team. He researched career opportunities and chose this occupation because of its hands-on work component, salary, and length of time required to complete the training. He was certain that he did not want to be in an office environment and felt confident that training to become a firefighter was a good career path. Leo completed the emergency medical technician certificate, which is a requirement for the associate in fire science degree. He also aspires to incorporate his passion for photography and filmmaking into his life. His primary goal was to find work that he enjoyed. He described working in a physical environment as having the potential to test his critical-thinking and response skills, which is something that school did not provide for him. According to Leo, the classroom experience is about memorization and demonstrating comprehension. He did not fully feel like an adult as long as he was in school and offered the following comments: The going, the classes, it’s fun at a point but then again I’m like, “I wanna get into that life.” I feel like when I’m in school, I’m still a child. When you worry about school no more you just worry about your job, your life. I feel like that’s when you become an adult. Every time I’m in school, even though I can be 30 and I’m still taking classes, I’mma feel like a kid, the same homework,

120  Tonjala Eaton tests, that routine I’ve been doing my whole life. School is a kid’s thing, ‘cause you’re learning. Even though I  didn’t like it, I  still appreciated school [referring to his freshman year] . . . I could have done better though, I could have been more on top of the game instead of being tied with it. When you’re tied and slip up you are behind. When you are ahead and slip up you’re fine. I’m like a competitive person. Growing up I always had friends who would do good and so I would try to do good. So, I would end up being ahead of everything because I was trying to beat somebody. Since I’ve been here I don’t have competition. I just blended in instead of trying to compete above . . . I like to be in situations where I have to think on my feet. That doesn’t happen in the classroom. If you think about it, classes are about memorization. Leo was one class away from earning his associate’s degree, but he decided not to complete the required course. Instead, he pursued full-time work with a trucking company.

Case 5 Keon was a first-year student during the time of the interview and undecided about his major. He had a strong interest in photography and desired a career that enabled him to be creative. Keon took general education courses but initially complained that they did not have a creative outlet. However, after reconsidering, he stated that his writing and psychology courses enabled him to express some of his creativity. He was not sure about his major and career goals but believed having a degree was valuable, as discussed here: Like my mom, she’s like, “You gotta just get the four years outta the way, just get the four years outta the way. Get your degree.” And it’s like that’s not big . . . It’s like that’s a little chunk of your life. It’s not a little chunk, but it’s like a little stepping stone. ‘Cause a degree can take you far. You can have a degree in a totally different area and get a job. He also stated that it was important for him to not have a desk job. Learning is very important to Keon, yet, it is important for him to learn content that he thinks is valuable. For Keon, much of high school was about learning content that he deemed irrelevant. College has not significantly changed his perception. He replied, “But math and stuff, I’m just not good. It’s just a bunch of formulas that you have to remember and it’s like when are you gonna really apply that to the actual world?”

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 121 Keon reflected on his basketball career and realized that he may not be interested in continuing it beyond the community college level. He began playing at age 11 and developed a “basketball over everything” mentality and never developed other interests. He remarked that he did not love the game but used it to “get free school.” Keon quit the team in the middle of the season during his sophomore year. He returned to college a year later but did not complete his courses that semester.

Case 6 Naveed was a sophomore, but a new member of the basketball team. His goals included maximizing his opportunity to play basketball, transfer to a Division I or Division II school, and then play professionally overseas for a foreign team. He planned to major in graphic design in the process. Regardless of if he played basketball professionally or not, his intentions were to make a lot of money. Naveed stated that he wanted to earn $250,000 by the time he was 30 and recognized real estate as a possible vehicle to generate wealth. He attended college for one year before he tried out for the team. Naveed was very proud of his academic accomplishments during his first year of college. In fact, he established a 4.0 GPA during his first semester. He surpassed his own expectations of his ability to perform well in school, as described in his comments, “Man that showed me. . . . Like I got a 4.0. [laughter] Hey! I could do it. I mean I had it in me the whole time. [laughter] I just had to give a little more.” Naveed’s academic performance was impressive given the fact that high school was difficult for him. He completed his senior year by attending a home-study program. Admittedly, he stated that he did not learn much that year and regrets not going to school. Naveed also suffers from high levels of test anxiety, which he describes in this way: I’m not no test taker. And I be . . . I get frustrated. I don’t know, it’s just answering questions and bubbles that just  .  .  . I don’t know, they make me feel . . . I don’t know. Like overwhelmed. The text anxiety often prohibits him from completing exams. He was not able to complete the Career Beliefs Inventory due to anxiety; therefore, his session become an open interview. Viewing large amounts of text creates an overwhelming session that diminishes his ability to continue reading. Additionally, Naveed endured several years of depression due to events in his home environment and

122  Tonjala Eaton loss of a close friend. It is very likely that his emotional state influenced his ability to concentrate and learn. With only two more course requirements need to earn his associate’s degree, Naveed left the community college and did not return the following year. It is unknown if he is employed.

Case 7 Johnny is in his second year of playing on the team. After high school, he entered the workforce and maintained two full-time jobs. Initially, he worked as a landscaper for an apartment complex and then joined the production team for an automotive manufacturer. Johnny stated, “man I  was always tired from working 12  hour days. I knew that I did not want to do that forever.” A year later, he returned entered college with the hope of embarking on a career in news writing. During the first week of class, Johnny emailed all of his instructors to inform them that he had been out of school for a long time and he was nervous about being a student again. When asked about his motives for emailing his instructors, he responded by stating that he was nervous about being able to maintain the workload and thought his teachers needed to be aware of his background and his concerns. His instructors assured him that they would help him, but he said he never had to ask for additional assistance. Johnny recounted conversations from his teenage years regarding his career development journey. He stated that although coaches and counselors mentioned careers options, he never had a conversation with his parents regarding his plans after high school. In his mind, he expected to receive either a football or basketball scholarship and intended to continue to play either sport. He entered the workforce since those plans did not materialize. After he enrolled in community college, Johnny became more intentional about exploring his career options. When asked about career role models, he stated that he did not know anyone growing up whose work he admired nor does he know anyone now. The lack of having a career role model motivates him even more to achieve his goals in order that he may be a role model for others. However, he stated that he has consistent conversations about his career aspirations with his best friend’s mother. Johnny articulated a clear pathway to his goals and described skills that he needs to improve upon to work as a sports writer. Johnny returned to college to complete his second year of playing for the team. He is thinking about transferring to a four-year school.

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 123

Findings There were several common themes across the interviews. Some of these perspectives are common among all students, regardless of racial background or participation in sports, but when coupled with the challenges of being an athlete and the negative stereotypes of Black male students, they are more pronounced.

Academic Tension Many of the participants within the study experienced some degree of regret over past academic performance, in high school and/or college, that was not reflective of their potential. The sense of regret manifested itself in conversations with statements such as, “I  wish I  would have done better in school.” When probed for more information, many of the participants commented that academic work was not a priority at that time or referred to themselves as being lazy or unmotivated. Most participants were quite vocal in clarifying that they are students but do not view themselves as scholars. Studying, the process of giving serious thought or consideration to a topic, is an activity that they did not envision themselves doing. In contrast, it appears that they were more comfortable with the idea of being driven to complete individual assignments/tasks. Academic tension occurs because of the struggle between academic regret, current performance, and desires of academic success. When asked about individual semester goals, most of the participant answers were to establish at least a 3.0 GPA. Accomplishing a 3.0 GPA is a difficult task if the student’s self-concept precludes him from seeing himself as a scholar. Black males with a high scholar identity believe in their ability to learn, demonstrate a future orientation, make personal and social sacrifices, and display racial pride (Whiting, 2009). Broadening their selfconcept to include seeing themselves as scholars is one strategy to reduce academic tension. Furthermore, viewing education as an obstacle was a prevailing theme that could further explain the notion of academic tension and provide rationale for the gap between the students’ academic goals and performance. The perception that education is an obstacle to be overcome was a resounding theme among the interviews. In several interviews, education was seen as something that had to be done so that the person could “get started with their lives.” In this context, education is viewed more as an adolescent activity and a precursor to adulthood. While this perception may not be held only among athletes, it is a belief system that impacts their dedication to accomplish their academic goals, especially when demands become more rigorous.

124  Tonjala Eaton

Uncertainty About Degree Relevance The uncertainty about the value of the degree also influences academic behavior and motivation to complete the degree. In the CBI Assessment, students were asked if having a college degree was necessary for them to achieve their goals. This section of the assessment allowed the students to discuss whether or not they felt a college education was necessary for them to experience a sense of accomplishment. While they generally admired the idea, none of the participants thought that having a college degree was an absolute requirement to having a fulfilling life. The underlying level of ambivalence does not indicate a strong commitment to degree completion or transferring. Without having a clear goal for achieving a college degree, the student is likely to succumb to pressures associated with being a student. Once a student athlete incurs an injury and cannot participate in the sport, he may be reluctant to continue to attend class if he is not sure of his academic goals. It is also important to identify that for some participants, their plans to continue pursuing a degree were dependent on receiving scholarship offers to play basketball at a four-year college or university. Since most of the players have played basketball on a school-sponsored team since third grade, there is great discomfort in being a student without playing basketball. The mindset of school and basketball being so interdependent is concerning because some of them are facing the end of their basketball careers. Therefore, they may not persist to complete an associate degree or transfer if they do not recognize value in the process of attending college regardless of sport participation status.

Perception of Academic Curriculum Lastly, the academic environment is not perceived as one in which job skills are developed. During the interviews, most participants described the school environment as being void of action and one that promotes memorization, not deep learning. The juxtaposition is that most participants scored from average to high in the willingness to learn new job skills and engage in professional development. Miles and Jason ranked gaining new job skills as a high priority while also readily articulating that they do not view themselves as scholars. Their beliefs toward academic development do not enable them to make a stronger connection between academic curriculum and workforce preparation.

Career Development Beliefs All of the participants scored high in the area of being motivated to achieve. Obtaining a college degree was a desired accomplishment for some of them; however, everyone expressed a deep desire to achieve their

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 125 goals. Participants also scored high in the areas of Intrinsic Satisfaction, which indicates high value placed on finding satisfying work. Responses were so favorable that there seemed to be an unwillingness to engage in work that was not emotionally satisfying. This belief can have both positive and negative consequences. The group scored high in the Persisting While Uncertain category, which demonstrates a willingness to work toward a goal even if the outcome is unpredictable. All of the participants viewed themselves as having control of the decision-making. While they may consult others for opinions, they assumed the responsibility for their career decisions. These beliefs are all healthy perspectives that enable a person to remain flexible in the process of exploring multiple career paths. Among the various categories, the group scored the lowest in Established Career Plans. Krumboltz’s (1991) theory suggests that an individual needs to explore the reasons a career decision was made in order to ensure the decision did not result from inaccurate information or a skewed perspective. In some cases, plans were indeed made without complete awareness of the responsibilities associated with a particular career. In Jason’s case, his plans to become a nurse were made based on insight he gained from watching television shows and observations of his sister’s ability to financially provide for herself. He did not express a desire to learn about the human body or nurture sick people. This example proves the need for career awareness about specific career paths.

Discussion The Black men in this study communicated a strong and undeniable desire to achieve success. They articulated dreams of wanting to be able to provide for themselves and their families, both current and future. The research study also revealed that the young men in the study were very concerned about having the necessary skills to be competitive in the job market in order to manifest some of the dreams they discussed. While they aspired to obtain a college degree, they were not sure that the degree would lead them on the path of manifesting their dreams. Since most of the young men were also preparing to continue their athletic careers by playing basketball at higher-division school, the focus was on meeting the 48 transferable credit requirement. Most of their courses consisted of general education courses in the areas of English, math, social science, humanities, and natural science. These courses are generally content and not skills-based. The curriculum does not lend itself to helping students resolve a core concern of finding a tangible career path and developing appropriate skills for a career. Educators often promote general education courses as those that help students become better critical thinkers, build problem solving-skills, and analyze information (Tobolowsky, 2006). Yet, most students are not aware of this reasoning

126  Tonjala Eaton and do not consider general education content as job and career preparation. Without knowing one’s career goals and a feasible path to manifest those goals, accumulating general education credits can seem like a path to nowhere (Tinto, 1993). One of the tasks for community college educators is to inform students about the skills they are developing and not just teach content. Community colleges are designed to support individuals that would like to gain skills to enter the job market. For Black male athletes who are not transferring, athletic programs have to create partnerships with Career Services to support students’ career development. This process should include focusing attention on understanding how a student’s involvement in sports has influenced his career beliefs and future aspirations. Also, athletes need support in assessing skills they have gained from their sport performance, and identifying how those skills can be useful to specific careers. All of the research participants invested at least ten years cultivating their basketball skills. For some players, community college represents the last time they will play their sport on a competitive platform. Encouraging exploration in other areas is critical as players work to create new identities for themselves. Exploration may not be as in-depth as becoming actively involved with a career, but can also be thinking about it and gathering data about career possibilities (Super, 1963). Traditionally, exploration is usually performed through summer jobs and taking courses; however, there is value in recognizing exploration as a psychological process as well. Preparing Black male college basketball players for a career beyond the lifespan of their basketball career is also important because the individual will not physically be able to participate in an intense level of competition for his entire life. Assuming that the athlete is able to play basketball at the collegiate level and then enter into a professional basketball career, that person is usually retired at age 40. Therefore, he still would be interested in working in order to pursue other interests or because of financial incentives. Emphasizing the notion of intellectual development is critical because students need both skills. These messages have to be resounding throughout the program, from coaches, advisors, support staff, and anyone else working with athletes. Intellectual activity can often continue long after physical strength has waned (Super, 1957). Too many young Black male college basketball players arrive on campus thinking and believing that basketball or athletics is their only talent. This negative belief becomes the foundation on which they attempt to learn. Leaders and individuals that work in a supportive role of athletic programs have to recognize this thinking as a barrier in order to help students deconstruct myths about their learning process. Because the focus has been on the perfection of athletics, they have not explored and developed other areas. Therefore, it is not that basketball is the only skill a student might have; it is the only one that they have spent years

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 127 cultivating. If self-concepts are formed by vocational preference, then it is highly probable that a student will only recognize his athletic ability. The challenge is to motivate a 20-year-old student to consider his life at 40 years old. Perhaps reoccurring conversations about this topic will impress upon students the importance of engaging in preparatory activities for their life beyond basketball. There is a notion that long-term planning can wait. One strategy to counter this is to have continuous conversations about this topic in order to reinforce its importance.

Recommendations K-12 Administrators None of the participants in the study expressed having participated in consistent career exploration in elementary and high school. One student mentioned that he only began considering a career when he started community college. Too many students arrive on college campuses without having any experiences focused on career development in high school (Galvan & Negrete, 2017). It was reported in a survey by the National Career Development Association (NCDA) that 54% of first-year freshmen students reported that they did not receive any formal career decision-making guidance in high school, 59% did not take a career assessment, and 56% desired assistance in making career-focused decisions (Galvan & Negrete, 2017). Therefore, it is reasonable to conclude that enhanced career education in high school would be beneficial to all students and not just Black male student athletes. Students would be more informed about possible career paths and pathways to specific occupations. High school career education should consist of students taking career assessments then speaking with a counselor about the results, in addition to attending talks from professionals in the community regarding specific career options.

Athletic Coaches The first recommendation for athletic coaches, academic support staff, and other individuals that work to support student athletes is to understand and acknowledge the influence of limiting beliefs. It is easy to be dismissive of negative student behavior and reprimand students while demanding that they do better. Usually, behavior such as not attending class, going to sleep in class, or not submitting assignments represents a larger challenge in the student’s mindset and motivation. It is important to recognize that students have prior histories that have created limiting academic beliefs. Coaches and athletic staff are quite influential in the development of student athletes. Therefore, individuals in this position should be trained

128  Tonjala Eaton in how to support athletes in recognizing limited beliefs and process these thoughts with them. For example, if a student is uncertain about whether a not he wants to pursue a degree, his coach is in a position to discuss the origin of these thoughts and help the student make the best decision for him.

Promote Academic Accountability Most students do not plan to become academically ineligible – it just happens along the way. Very few students set a target to fail courses, but it occurs as the student is not able to fully adjust to the demands of being a student-athlete. Creating an environment of high academic accountability is challenging work because all of the students arrive at the team with different academic histories. Team culture and group identity can be leveraged to create an environment in which players hold each other accountable to agreed-upon standards. Academic accountability is possible even if students have not been academically successful before because being in a new environment allows students to adopt new and different student identities. They can release negative stigma about previous academic histories. In addition, academic accountability works best when leaders really care. This notion of deep caring is the foundational strategy for any of the following recommendations. Caring is best defined as concern for what will happen to students and how they will fare in the future. For students in this study, a demonstration of caring is most effective when it aligns with the needs and preferences of the students. For example, the research participants prefer to receive care in the form of their leaders attending their games. It is important to recognize the students’ preferred method of care.

Parents and Family It is important for students’ families to create environments in which athletic and academic skill development are valued prior to college. Similar to attending games and practices, demonstrating interests in the child’s learning and academic performance is important. Helping with homework, inquiring about the student’s interest or lack thereof in particular content, and building relationships with the student’s teachers are all strategies that communicate a high value on academic development. Cultivating interests in areas other than sports is a necessity in order to help the student develop a non-sports identity. If the student does earn an athletic scholarship, he will have a higher propensity to earn a degree if he has consistently recognized value being placed on his other gifts and skills.

Dev of Black College Basketball Players 129

Conclusion Black male community college basketball players are highly aspirational with a desire to live meaningful and productive lives. As they embark upon the journey through community colleges, it is the responsibility of administrators, faculty, staff, and coaches to create an environment where they can be successful. Creating and implementing holistic career development programs that are responsive to the needs of Black male athletes is an effective strategy to them navigate community college. Research proves that students are more likely to persist and earn degrees when they have clear career goals, which are signs of career maturity. Black male athletes are gifted in areas other than athletic ability; however, they may need assistance in recognizing those other talents. With intentional effort and a willingness to engage these students on a deeper level, community colleges can be a place where it is safe for Black male athletes to create and explore new dreams.

References Battey, D., & Leyva. (2016). A framework for understanding whiteness in mathematics education. Journal of Urban Mathematics Education, 9(2), 49–80. Beamon, K. (2010). Are sports overemphasized in the socialization process of African American males? A qualitative analysis of former collegiate athletes’ perception of sport socialization Journal of Black Studies, 41, 281–300. Bitsoi, L., Gordon, E., Harper, S., Saenz, V.,  & Teranishi, R., (2014). Men of color in higher education (R. Williams, Ed.). Sterling, VA: Stylus. Bogdan, R., & Biklen, S. (2007). Qualitative research for education: An introduction to theory and methods. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Brown, S. (2016). Closing the education achievement gaps for African American males (T. Ransaw & R. Major Eds.). East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press. Carodine, K., Almond, K. F., & Gratto, K. K. (2001). College student athletes success both in and out of the classroom. New Directions for Student Services, 93. Chung, Y., Baskin, M., & Case, A. (1999). Career development of black males: Case studies. Journal of Career Development, 25, 161–171. Fountain, J., & Finley, P. (2011). Academic clustering: A longitudinal analysis of a division I football program. Journal of Issues in Intercollegiate Athletics, 4, 24–41. Galvan, A., & Negrete, A. (2017). Responding to students’ career development needs by promoting career literacy. Career Convergence Web Magazine. Graham, D., Pryor, A.,  & Gray, M. (2015). Impact of college athletics invol­ vement on african american male student-athletes’ career development. In R. Benneth (Ed.), Black males and Intercollegiate athletics: An exploration of problems and solutions (pp. 261–281). Bingley, UK: Emerald Group Publishing Limited. Hackett, C.,  & Sheridan, D. (2013). Predictors of commitment to graduation: African American male student athletes in the California community college system. Journal of Applied Research in the Community College, 20, 37–52.

130  Tonjala Eaton Harper, S. R. (2018). Black male student-athletes and racial inequities in NCAA Division I  college sports: 2018 edition. Los Angeles: University of Southern California, Race and Equity Center. Harper, S. R. (2014). Black men as college athletes: The real win-loss record. The Chronicle of Higher Education, LX(19), A60. Harris, P., Hines, E., Kelly, D., Williams, D., & Bagley, B. (2014). Promoting the academic engagement and success of black male student-athletes. High School Journal, 97(3). Horton, D. (2015). Between a ball and a harsh place: A study of black male community college Student-athletes and academic progress. Community College Review, 43, 287–305. Krumboltz, J. (1991). Manual for the career beliefs inventory. Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psychologist Press. Martin, H., & James, S. (2012, June). 15 tips on the basics of advising student athletes. Academic Advising Today, 35(2). Retrieved from www.nacada. ksu.edu/Resources/Academic-Advising-Today/View-Articles/15-Tips-on-theBasics-of-Advising-Student-Athletes.aspx Ransaw, T., & Majors, R. (Eds.). (2016). Closing the education achievement gaps for African American males. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press. Richburg, C. (2013). An examination of community college black male student athletes’ Perceptions of support services and identifying methods for improving service delivery (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from Proquest (3625959). Rodriguez, N. (2015, January). The socialization of black male athlete-student. Talk presented at 2015 black student athlete conference, Austin, TX. Suddarth, B., & Reile, D. (Eds.). (2010). Facilitating career development. New York: Johnson Publishing. Super, D. E. (1963). Career development: Self-concept theory. New York: College Entrance Exam Board. Super, D. E. (1957). The psychology of careers. New York: Harper and Brothers. Swanson, J., & Fouad, N. (1999). Career theory and practice: Learning through case studies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Tinto, V. (1993). Leaving college: Rethinking the causes and cures of student attrition. Chicago, IL. University of Chicago Press. Tobolowsky, B. F. (2006). National survey of First year seminars: Continuing innovations in the collegiate curriculum. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press. Whiting, G. (2009). The scholar identity institute: Guiding Darnel and other black males. Gifted Today, 32(4), 53–63. Wood, J. L., & Harris III, F. (2016). Supporting men of color in the community college: A guidebook. San Diego, CA: Lawndale. Zimmerman, M. (2007, November). The motivated man. Men’s Health, 22(9), 176. Retrieved from https://linkgalecom.lcc.idm.oclc.org/apps/doc/A173056992/ HWRC?u=lom_lansingcc&sd=HWRC&xid=3947eb3e

Part 3

Using Narrative Approaches to Problematize Student Experience

7 Refuge Among the Revolution The Power of Narrative Inquiry Tara B. Blackshear Overview The author uses narrative inquiry to illustrate her and her sons’ experiences living in Egypt during the Arab Spring. Showcased is an alternative perspective on how to close the Black American male achievement gap and the decision one mother made to reduce the detrimental effects of institutional racism and avoid the school-to-prison pipeline. Also shared are similarities and differences of the struggle for freedom among the people of Egypt and Black Americans. Further, this chapter challenges stereotypes and misconceptions about Black American boys, especially when raised in a single-mother household.

Introduction The stigma of low academic achievement plaguing Black American boys has existed since 1966 – the first-time data were collected on racial disparities in education, and only two years after the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Coleman et  al., 1966). Reports that Black children exhibit this achievement gap in kindergarten (National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), n.d.) presumes deficiency and inferiority prior to the start of formal schooling. Although socio-class affects academic achievement (NCES, n.d.), a racial achievement gap is also evident among affluent families (Jencks  & Phillips, 1998; Lewis  & Diamond, 2015). Racism and White supremacy are embedded in the educational framework in the United States (U.S.) (Keisch & Scott, 2015), and are a more plausible contribution to the Black-White achievement gap (Keisch  & Scott, 2015; Vaught, 2011). Despite efforts to reduce academic disparities between Black and White children, trends suggest efforts are ineffective (NCES, 2015). As a mother who is aware of the conspiracy to destroy Black boys (Kunjufu, 2005), I sought out to carefully construct alternative approaches to increase the academic success of my sons and avoid a worn-out, ready-made path to incarceration.

134  Tara B. Blackshear The school-to-prison pipeline is a phenomenon when educational practices favor a policing orientation rather than academic promotion (Elias, 2013; Mallett, 2016). Unfortunately, Black students, especially Black males, are disproportionately affected by this phenomenon, as school personnel assumes Black students have criminal dispositions. Low academic expectations and the value of punishment over intervention is seen through higher rates of Black students in special education courses and higher rates of suspension (Lynch, 2015), increasing the probability that Black students will experience incarceration (Mallet, 2016). The purpose of this chapter is to illustrate the opportunities two Black boys were afforded living outside of the U.S. compared to within. This chapter also illustrates the drastic measure a mother took to ensure that her sons would avoid the school-to-prison pipeline.

Methods Narrative inquiry is an approach that has four tenets of storytelling that include looking inward, outward, backward, and forward (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000). Looking inward focuses on “feelings, hopes, aesthetic reactions, and moral dispositions” (p. 50), outward is the environment, and backward and forward represents the “past, present, and future” (p. 50), which is research as a personal and social experience that considers events before, during, and after the events under investigation (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000). Aligned with Clandinin and Connelly (2000), Fitzpatrick (2013) discusses the value in narrative storytelling as it takes others through the personal experiences of another to aid in contextualizing the meaning of events. Autoethnography is a narrative inquiry approach that combines autobiography and ethnography that uses reflective storytelling to contextualize experiences and make meaning of culture through an analytical eye (Ellis, Adams, & Bochner, 2011). This autoethnographic lens builds on the collective experiences of two Black males. Data were collected using my seven-year blog, “Tara In Egypt” (later, “Tara’s Globetrot”), narratives, and email communication, and were analyzed through analytic memos. A criticism of narrative approaches including autoethnography is how to establish credibility. Entries from my blog were written as events transpired, thus, aiding in recall and trustworthiness. Not all events, however, are reported in chronological order, as some experiences are written for conceptual understanding. My sons, Akinyemi (Aki) and Afi, also contributed by responding to my request to share their experience or perspective living in Egypt. Further supporting my narrative, Aki and Afi granted permission to publicly share their names and experiences, reviewed content, and were sent the finalized version for approval. It is my hope that a personalized narrative approach grounded by historical

Refuge Among the Revolution 135 events and supported by blog entries will contribute to knowledge surrounding immigrant educational experiences. Getting There At an early age, Aki (7) and Afi (4) were informed that we would live abroad, so it was no surprise when they heard, “We are moving to Egypt!” The boys were aware that my husband and I  wanted to raise them abroad, however, this reality was my personal mission after meeting people from around the world and becoming fascinated with others’ experiences, culture, and language. I also wanted to give them an opportunity to debunk racial and gendered stereotypes. During this time, the boys were living in a two-parent, educated household – statistically rare (22%) for many Black American families (Pew Research, 2015). Born into a privileged environment challenging the status quo, the path of raising two educated Black males was expected to be telling. Although the marriage to their father dissolved by the time we made our journey overseas, the support and blessings from him to raise the boys in another country were enormous. He knew the experience would have a great impact on our children, and he, a Black man himself, recognized the opportunity to live abroad that he could not imagine when he was the boys’ ages of 11(Afi) and 14 (Akinyemi, “Aki”). Our boys were on their way to having an experience of a lifetime. The goal was to give them an educational opportunity unattainable living in the U.S. as young Black males. Unfortunately, the educational system in the U.S. was not created to educate or affirm children of color, and often destroyed the spirit and confidence of Black children, especially boys (Kunjufu, 2005; Winbush, 2013). I also wanted to reduce the ill effects of racism woven throughout the fabric of U.S. academic institutions (Keisch & Scott, 2015; Winbush, 2013), commonly referred to the “school-to-prison pipeline” for Black boys (Elias, 2013; Mallet, 2016). Living and traveling around the world provided schooling many Americans do not experience, as most are educated in U.S. public or private institutions (NCES, n.d.). Two Black boys from the U.S. were about to defy labels and stereotypes systematically placed on them that included athletic prowess, lack of intellect (James, 2012; Morris  & Adeyemo, 2012; Noguera, 2003), criminally pre-disposed, and a threat to White America1 (Barker, 2019; Bennett, 2005; Bryan, 2019; Wilson, Hugenberg,  & Rule, 2017; Winbush, 2013). Sharing the news with family, friends, and strangers, the boys and I stood proudly in delight to know we were moving across the world. Egypt was chosen because of the rich history, the school was one of the best international schools in the world, the desire to live in Africa, and the ethnic make-up of brown people made it easier to immerse in the country. The magnitude of the opportunity to

136  Tara B. Blackshear live in a country among other brown faces was unchartered territory, and I was grateful and aware we were privileged to live there. As fearless as we were in our move, we did have one element of concern, because Aki is openly gay, and was about to be immersed into a homophobic environment (Asmar, 2011). We were abreast of Egyptian and Islamic views on homosexuality and discussed safety prior to and during our journey. The increase of acceptance and understanding of diverse sexualities has grown in the U.S., but we were unaware of the trends and attitudes in Egypt. As soon as we arrived, a White gay male American colleague (now friend) informed me that Aki should use caution, as Egyptian male behavior may appear gay in nature but were expressions of friendship. There were several opportunities to misjudge or misinterpret Egyptian male behavior, which resembled stereotypic gay behaviors (e.g., men holding hands and excessive hugging) observed in the U.S. As such, going to Egypt may have appeared risky, but I knew from the school’s personnel during my interview and subsequent job offer, that it was an inclusive space comprised of openly gay faculty and a high concentration of international expatriates in the community. Additionally, he/we would have to deal with similar homophobic trends in the Black community at home (Glenn & Spieldenner, 2013), so facing one form of hate rather than two was a more attractive option. Confirming the right decision was made, and after arriving in Egypt, a candid conversation occurred with Afi, age 11 at the time, about Egypt and the U.S. During the conversation, he stated, “Americans aren’t free,” illustrating an authentic opportunity to think critically. He further added that Americans had perceptions of freedom based on mistruths about other cultures taught in schools, media outlets, and by people who have not been to places they report on. He recognized living in a place trumps the miseducation often learned about different societies in an American classroom. He was in disbelief at the lies taught, and how assumptions made about Egypt and other African and Middle Eastern nations were simply untrue. Our conversation reminded me of a pastor’s comment, “I’ve never seen a well-traveled bigot.” This enlightenment was true for us all and spoke to our ignorance and arrogance before arriving in Egypt. The education or schooling for my sons was occurring in real-time, which aided in deconstructing international myths, and confirmed the decision to live abroad. Home Away From Home Due to the boys’ brown skin, the immersion into Egypt was seamless despite having cultural and language differences. Black Americans are often bombarded by messages of inferiority and racism (Harpalani, 2017; Salenius, 2016). In Egypt, however, my sons’ hue as similar to most Egyptians and their male gender came with automatic privileges

Refuge Among the Revolution 137 like respect. This was augmented when their U.S. birthright was made known. The favorable response may have been indigenous to the culture, but Barack Obama recently became the United States’ first Black president, and my sons may have benefitted from a residual effect. Residual or not, raised fist pumps while yelling “Obama” were commonplace for the men of Egypt – especially before the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. It was evident that America’s brown-skinned president resonated deeply with the Egyptian people and provided a sense of hope for their struggles, too. Obama’s presidency reinforced the American Dream that all things are possible with hard work and determination, despite obstacles and oppressive conditions. All the reasons Egyptians embraced us are complex, but we were welcomed and felt at home. The Egyptian Revolution of 2011 We arrived in Maadi, Cairo, Egypt (seven miles from the city’s center, Tahrir Square) on August 2, 2009 during Hosni Mubarak’s 30-year dictatorship. The people and streets were safe. The Arab Spring was the uprising among the people of Middle Eastern countries angry with dictatorial governments (Manfreda, 2020), which was the impetus for the Egyptian Revolution in 2011. There was a domino effect among Middle Eastern nations, with Egypt as the eighth nation, and Egyptians challenged Hosni Mubarak and the 59-year military dictatorial rule (Aljazeera, 2011). Egyptians were influenced by the people of Tunisia and realized they could do the same  – overturn their  long-term  leader. Social media aided in this outcome (Brown, Guskin, & Mitchell, 2012) and helped Egyptians gain courage to fight for freedom. After the initial revolt, looting, robbery, and assault increased, and paralleled some behaviors observed in Black American communities after beatings and murders of Black males by police officers (e.g., Rodney King, Brentley Vinson) (Watson, 2016) with little to no punishment (Lee & Park, 2017). The temperature of injustice slowly rises until it erupts to a boil, thus a revolution. Egyptians were experiencing their own civil rights movement. The Benefits of Black Masculinity The boys had an enormous amount of freedom they did not have back home in the U.S. including roaming the streets of Cairo without fear of harm or harassment. The boys’ gender, stature, and color were perceived favorably. They were not seen as a threat as they might in the U.S. Outsider narratives often recognize the injustices of Black people in America. Many of my overseas friends from other Western nations (e.g., Canada, Europe, Australia) frequently asked if I was afraid of the boys returning to or living in the U.S. These questions are understandable given that the images and reports of Black males accosted and killed by police often

138  Tara B. Blackshear make international news. Portrayals of the plight of Black America were similar to the Civil Rights Era of the 1960s – not a nation who recently elected a Black man as president. In contrast, my boys were free in Egypt, even during the most intense days of the Revolution. Fortunately, because of the patriarchal framework of Egyptian society (Kirkpatrick, 2012) and the economic comforts of Americans in comparison, the boys were privy to a higher social status living in Egypt than in the United States. And, although Egyptian men have more respect and higher status than their female counterparts, they were under control of the nation’s leaders, Hosni Mubarak, followed by Mohamed Morsi, and the military regime – my sons were not, simply because their American citizenship. Those little blue books – their passports – gave my sons more prestige in this country that the one they were born in. This freedom across borders is not new and has been a common theme among Black American artists and intellectuals, especially during the early 1930s and 1960s. Josephine Baker, W.E.B. Dubois, and James Baldwin left the U.S. to elude racial injustice and never returned. There has been a resurgence in Black Americans denouncing American citizenship, including Tina Turner (ABC, 2013), and there was a large Black American expatriate community living in Egypt. Black Americans making conscious decisions to live elsewhere illustrates that education, money, and/or celebrity can elevate one’s position to alleviate or avoid the ill-effects of racism. These are opportunities and protections I wanted for the boys, even with the understanding that education does not always protect Black males against systematic racism. For instance, Harvard law professor Henry Louis Gates, Jr., a Black man, was arrested while entering his home in a predominantly White community, as it was assumed he was a burglar (Olgetree, 2012; Parsons & Memoli, 2017). Driving while black (Harris, 1999; Meeks, 2000), or getting pulled over by the police without cause, is another example that celebrities including Chris Rock, Emmitt Smith, and Will Smith experienced (Free, 2003; Pearson, 2015; YouTube, 2017), and further illustrate the difficulty many Black men have despite academic, social, and/or economic success. Moving abroad gave the boys achievement opportunities without personally dealing with racial injustice that allowed them to focus on academic and social success. Living Freely Among the Oppressed Taxi drivers, all Egyptian men, were often surprised when we told them we were from America – in part because of our brown skin, but they also wanted to make sense of why Americans wanted to live in dusty, impoverished, oppressive Egypt. Little did Egyptians know, despite progress in America’s race relations, it was still a challenge being Black in America. Unfortunately, President Obama’s position brought many of America’s racial ills beyond the boiling point, illustrating that Black men still have

Refuge Among the Revolution 139 a difficult time navigating through the intricacies of the American fabric, even when they hold the highest position in the nation. Fighting for freedoms or civil rights and combating racism is a part of the Black American experience, which is exhaustive and stressful. Ironically, living in Egypt was one of the most liberating, stress-free places we have lived. Fortunately, I did not have the constant worry many parents of Black American boys have in the U.S. My sons, like other Black boys/ men, are well aware of how to act around police, the consequences of wearing a hoodie, and the racial injustices occurring in the U.S. These common lessons are designed to add a protective layer to ensure sons, brothers, husbands, and fathers come home alive and unharmed. In Egypt, I was fortunate that my sons were not perceived or assumed to be a threat or thug, and were not treated as inferior. I was countering the conspiracy to destroy my Black boys (Kunjufu, 2005), and as a result, the goal of staying abroad was extended from two to seven years until Afi completed high school in Bangkok, Thailand. There was no rush to return the U.S., as many Black American men experience a different type of dictatorship or oppression  – even under the direction of a Black president. Denny Jacobs, a White Democrat and state senator, discussed how his White Republican friends were afraid of Barack Obama simply because he was Black (Parsons & Memoli, 2017) – a disappointing example of the irrational and arbitrary fears people have towards Black men simply based on ethnicity and skin color. Jacobs (and others) suggested Obama was unable to get more things done as president because of racism, America’s oppression. I hope the needle of racial injustices moves more during the boys’ lifetime. Religion We also escaped religious oppression by leaving the U.S. Despite America’s “freedom of religion,” it is a challenge to navigate if one is not Christian, especially in the Black community. Despite the separation of church and state, the U.S. is a Christian nation, or at least intertwined with Christian values (House, 1999). The boys and I  do not practice Christianity, which can be difficult, especially during Christian holidays. Fortunately, we did not have this experience in Egypt, and we are not Muslim, either. Ninety percent of Egyptians are Muslim and 10% are Christian compared to the U.S.’s predominance of Christianity (75%) (Newport, 2015), and a Muslim population of only 0.9% (CIA, 2018). Some view Islam as an oppressive faith, however, Christianity has comparable evidence of oppression among the Black diaspora, as Christianity was a tool used to enslave and colonize those of African descent (Jalata, 2013). We arrived during Ramadan, the holy period of introspection in which Muslims reflect on their lives and most fast during this time (Ahmad,

140  Tara B. Blackshear 2004). Fasting is also a spiritual practice for many Christians during Lent, and Yom Kippur for Jews (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2008). I point this out, as we found more similarities among these faiths than differences, yet, the complexity of religion is often divisive (Ferreira & Schulze, 2016). Our first Ramadan in Egypt began on a Saturday, and lights (the same as Christmas lights) and lanterns were everywhere. At the time of our stay, Egypt was the only Islamic country to use lanterns to celebrate Ramadan. A student taught me the Arabic term for lantern, “fanous,” which I  shared with the boys. We also experienced the nightly Call to Prayer, which is an amplified prayer call from the Iman or Muezzin at the mosque five times a day. The Call is louder and longer during Ramadan. I noticed early on that only men appeared to pray, and many had dark spots in the middle of their foreheads from contacting the surface below. You could “see” how often Egyptian men prayed or did not. The practice and visibility of prayer and spirituality among the men of Egypt showed a different masculine narrative and revealed to the boys that men, other than preachers, pray too. We were surrounded by several mosques, but the closest was a stone’s throw away. It took a few weeks before the 4 am Call did not wake us up – evidence of our immersion. Our Egyptian and Ramadan immersion continued, as we were fortunate to experience Iftar, the time when Muslims break their Ramadan fast. The celebration took place at our school. It was fun and included soccer games and tug of war competitions between janitorial staff and faculty. The sense of community at the school was evident during the celebration. These are a few examples of the education the boys received outside of the classroom while living abroad. From my own recall of learning about world religions from my Christian teacher, I suspect the boys would have missed the opportunity to learn about the Islamic faith directly from believers rather than another’s textbook or politicized understanding of the faith despite attending diverse U.S. schools that included Muslim students. In Egypt, many of the boys’ (and my) friends, classmates, school staff, and faculty were practicing Muslims, so it was easy to ask questions for understanding. For example, during the janitors’ Iftar celebration, I noticed, again, only the men prayed. I asked my colleague and friend, a Muslim woman, about this observation. She replied, “women do not feel comfortable praying outdoors because we have to bend over, which would draw attention from men.” Modesty is part of the culture and faith. And despite many Westerners who believe women in the Islamic world are oppressed (Blakeman, 2014), many Egyptians/Muslims have unflattering beliefs about White women, such as them being sexually permissive (Diab, n.d), and some women of European descent did not abide by Egypt’s more conservative dress. The boys got another perspective on gender roles and cultural expectations along with the damaging effects of stereotypes.

Refuge Among the Revolution 141 Sexuality Homosexuality is taboo in many Egyptian (Muslim) and Black American environments (Boykin, 2005; Glenn & Spieldenner, 2013; Jama, 2014). Islam, Christianity, societal, and familial pressures keep men in these communities secret (Awwad, 2010; Boykin, 2005; Glenn & Spieldenner, 2013), which is also known as the “down low” for brothers or Black American men who have sex with men but live as heterosexuals (Boykin, 2005). This phenomenon is not unique to these two groups, but both groups have been marginalized and hated by their religious and cultural communities (Awwad, 2010; Boykin, 2005; Glenn & Spieldenner, 2013) – an added layer of difficulty these men have to navigate. Interestingly, prior to the Queen Boat raid in 2001, Egypt was the Mecca for other Middle Eastern gay men to hang out (Jama, 2014, p. 171; Dahir, 2001; Kershaw, 2003). Our Egyptian driver, Sammy, shared stories of male and female prostitution, and said there are two reasons it is widely practiced – “for money and pleasure.” He further reported Saudi men come over to “play” and participate in behaviors they were unable to at home. As the health educator at Cairo American College (CAC), many of my Egyptian male students shared their knowledge that Egyptian men have sex with men. They further added that pre-marital sex was prohibited in the Quran, but men having sex with men was ok as long as it was behind closed doors because it was not explicitly stated in the Quran. Many in the Black community have a similar belief, which prevents a lot of Black men from being their authentic selves, creates a lifetime of lying and discontent (Boykin, 2005; Glenn & Spieldenner, 2013), and fails to show sexuality is a spectrum. Even the U.S. military had a “Don’t Ask Don’t Tell” policy for gay and lesbian service men and women. It was not until 2010 that president Barack Obama repealed the policy (Lee, 2010), further illustrating the hope Obama gave to the disenfranchised. Despite the limitations of sexuality in Egypt, Aki was fortunate to be his authentic self, which caused less stress so he could focus on academics and participate in dance without the stigma associated with boys dancing. Parallel Resistance The notion one can “feel at home” in a foreign, Muslim country surprises many, especially with the pervasive negativity directed toward Islamic doctrine and Muslim mores. The recent U.S. ban on seven Muslim nations is good illustration of the fear of Islamic regions, even when there is little to no evidence of Islamic terrorist attacks against the U.S. from nations under the ban (Miller & LaFree, 2014; Nowrasteh, 2016). Surprisingly, Egypt is not on the ban list, as their rate of terrorist attacks surpasses the seven banned nations combined (Nowrasteh, 2016). “Peace in the Middle East,” is a phrase coined in 1976 during Jimmy Carter’s

142  Tara B. Blackshear U.S. presidency in response to a long history of strife in the region and residual from the Middle East War of 1967 (Scott-Baumann, 2016). PanArabism or Arab nationalism grew during the 1960s to defy the West (Scott-Baumann, 2016), and Egypt’s long history of struggle parallels the struggles of Black America during the 1960s U.S. civil rights movement including a Pan-Africanism movement and the Black Panther Party (Franziska, 2017), which were also resistant to Western ideology. For many Black Americans, there has been no peace since the slave ships of Africa arrived to the Americas, and there was no peace in the 1960s, which, unfortunately, is reflective of the current day, given the limited peace for Black Americans in several cities across the United States. The long history of survival, and the fight for freedom and independence, is something Egyptians and Black Americans have in common. Centuries of fighting for liberation within your own country is truly a sad state of affairs. Me Too Other shared fears about Egyptian and Black men include the belief they are more sexually aggressive than White men, even as White men are responsible for 57% of sexual assaults in America (Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network, 2017). The media, however, and arrest statistics have many believing otherwise, as Black men receive stiffer punishments than White men for the same crimes (King, 2017), which is similar to racial disparities in school punishment (Lynch, 2015) and prepares Black boys for the prison pipeline. These sexual fears toward Black Americans have been linked to enslavement and African Mandingo hyperbole referring to large penis sizes, violence, and sex with White women (Davis & Cross, 1979; Richeson, 2009). Fears of Egyptian men, on the other hand, are often linked to a socially and sexually repressed culture, and a lack of comprehensive sexual health education. Unfortunately, similar to the historical United States, sexual assault laws are not enforced in Egypt, and many women (and men), like communities of color in the United States, fail to report for fear of getting the often-known attacker in trouble (Adams, 2015; Karin & Maggie, 2011). Furthermore, a belief that no one will believe them given their racial and/or gender status, linked with a fear of retribution from the perpetrator, has been highlighted recently during in the “Me too” movement. Black and Egyptian women have also experienced sexual assault by the police (Harass Map, 2015; Sankofa, 2016), so there is a level of distrust in reporting. Fortunately, the Arab Spring brought progress and attention to sexual harassment issues in Egypt, as women seized the moment to fight for their rights to protect their bodies. During this time, sexual assault increased (Sharaf El-Din et al., 2015), as many Egyptians thought “freedom” was license to do anything to anyone without consequences. The magnitude

Refuge Among the Revolution 143 of negativity would not happen under a dictatorship, which reemphasizes certain safeties under the old system. Our Egyptian driver, Sammy, would often say, “Egyptians are misusing their freedom.” Sammy did not realize this parallel between Egyptian culture and American culture, that no matter the government structure (e.g., democracy or dictatorship), many misuse their freedom, and is a testament to Afi’s previous comment that, “Americans aren’t free.” Women in America and Egypt experience violence at the hands of men, and both struggle to be free (Ribeiro  & Schwab, 2013). This became more apparent the longer we stayed. Higher Expectations “We raise our daughters and love our sons,” is a common phrase and practice that occurs in many Black American families (Jones, 2014; Norwood, 2010). This commentary suggests parents, specifically mothers, have higher expectations of Black girls than Black boys to get an education, be responsible, and adhere to household rules (Mandara, Varner, & Richman, 2010). Reports suggest changes in Black family structure, including a high rate of single mothers and absent fathers, are responsible for the low academic achievement of Black men (Jones, 2014). Jones (2014) presents an integration theory, as this is when the decline in Black male achievement appears to begin. He suggests that Black families started to adopt a European value system and abandon the Black value system that promoted family. And, although I have observed the “raise your daughter love your son” approach with family, friends, and acquaintances, I disagree with Jones’ agreement with Kunjufu who specifically quotes, “women raise their daughters and love their sons,” as my observations were independent of family structure, and fathers are equally, if not more, responsible in parenting boys. The blame should be directed toward parenting style, not mothers. Mandara and colleagues (2010) investigated “Do African American Mothers Really ‘Love’ Their Sons and ‘Raise’ Their Daughters?,” and found that later-born boys had the lowest achievement, and parenting styles suggests a more lenient approach. If parenting styles were the same for these boys as girls, achievement rates might be comparable. Whatever the cause, this practice may contribute to the academic success of Black females and aid in the academic detriment of many Black males (Jones, 2014). The “boys will be boys” sentiment does a disservice to (Black) males, especially when faced with systemic forces that prevent them from meeting their full academic potential. This doting on Black men has created a sense of arrested development and a spoiling that creates laziness or apathy, and has caused Black women to surpass Black men in higher education (U.S. Department of Education, 2016) and job attainment (U.S. Department of Labor, 2017). Systemic racism is difficult to combat, but parental style is controlled at home. Knowledge of this phenomenon before motherhood,

144  Tara B. Blackshear I knew my sons would have high expectations and would be raised with tough love to help increase the likelihood of success. The tough love approach is great, but also requires action to reinforce high academic expectations. When living in the United States, my sons attended top schools heavily sought after in our district. Families (including us) moved into the area to have assured seat assignments at the school given its excellent reputation. Despite this intentional effort, the boys still had to play “catch-up” when they arrived at Cairo American College (CAC), a pre-K through grade 12 private, international school with over 65 nationalities represented. Low expectations (intentional and unintentional) when educating Black American males is well documented (Lynn, Bacon, Totten, Bridges, & Jennings, 2010; Wood, Kaplan, & McLoyd, 2007; Winbush, 2013). Fortunately, the conscious and sub-conscious destruction of Black males and the belief that Black males are academically inferior ended when my sons began at CAC  – further confirmation that moving abroad was a great choice. The expectations were high, CAC teachers knew they were capable, academic rigor was evident, and the boys were fortunate to have teachers from all over the world. I knew my sons escaped the school-to-prison-pipeline by holding them accountable and leaving America’s public-school system. An excerpt from Afi, as he reflects on his middle school experience in Egypt. For me, personally, living in Egypt almost feels like a lifetime ago resulting in many of my memories clouded with nostalgia. Although many historical events occurred while living there, I mostly remember the times I had with classmates and teachers. I think I noticed more when I  visited during my freshman year of high school the impact the Egyptian revolution had on the country more than I did while living there. I feel as though I experienced it all in third person. I was an American middle schooler going to school with fairly westernized Egyptians and other foreigners, so I didn’t really feel too connected to the events . . . or at least now it seems way. The only time I  remember feeling nervous or impacted truly was when news surfaced some prisoners had been released from jail or something like that. Of course, there was a weird time when my school was slowly opening after many students and teachers evacuated, but I nearly forgot about which probably means it didn’t have much of an impact on me. One of the biggest take-aways from living in Egypt was less where I was and more who I was around. It made me pretty aware of how much I lacked growing up in the American bubble. Perhaps it couples with general middle school insecurities and wanting to fit in, but I hated only knowing English when so many classmates were multilingual and just being behind in so many aspects having only grown up in the United States prior to. It just helped open my mind

Refuge Among the Revolution 145 to the idea there’s an entire world out there isn’t necessarily attempting to live the life I had been exposed to in America. (Electronic communication, January 15, 2017) Despite playing “catch-up,” the boys did well with Afi not skipping a beat, as he is naturally outgoing. He was popular and his dreadlocked hairstyle was favored. He auditioned for a school play and went out for community soccer. He participated in an indoor soccer league in the U.S., but he was aware that soccer was Egypt’s national sport and that he may not make the competitive team. Seventy boys tried out, and he did not make the competitive team. Unlike the U.S., where it was assumed Black boys are naturally athletic (Rhoden, 1974), this assumption did not follow him (them) to Egypt. Afi was an athlete, however, and later made the volleyball and basketball teams, but he had to demonstrate his athleticism. It took Aki more time to get acclimated but he gradually became comfortable, which was his personality. He did struggle the first couple of days, and I was in a constant state of worry, as I did not want his sexuality to be a problem. This worry was equivalent to the worry I had in the U.S., but this time, it was not about race. He did have an incident with bullying, but he later admitted that he was instrumental in the conflict with a few students. Fortunately, as Aki established friendships, this worry dissipated. He signed up to try out for the boys’ JV volleyball team and Kickers dance group. He did not make the volleyball team, but fortunately, he was allowed to and felt comfortable enough to dance in Egypt, which was a challenge for him at his U.S. middle school. Aki attended a highly sought after gifted & talented middle school that promoted the arts. However, he was a Black boy and not openly gay, which prevented him from participating in dance during his three-year tenure at the school, even after strong encouragement from his father and me. Fortunately, Aki was able to explore his passion for dance in Egypt, which was his program of study in college. I believe there would be a different outcome had he not come to Egypt. Labels When Afi was in grade 6, our first year in Egypt, he was completing paperwork for school and noted “African-American” on a school form. I  was embarrassed and told him, “We are just American over here.” Despite many Black Americans preferring the African-American term coined by Jesse Jackson (Martin, 1991), I explained my thoughts on the hyphenation as a way to separate, divide, and make Black Americans feel less than or unworthy of the American status, especially as there are no Italian-Americans, German-Americans, or other European ethnic group hyphenations on census forms – they are simply “American.”

146  Tara B. Blackshear African-American, just like race, is a socially constructed label that continues to perpetuate the belief that whiteness is superior and people of color are inferior, which we did not fully escape in Egypt. Although we blended in with Egyptians, the belief that whiteness is superior was evident, as looking Nubian (Indigenous Egyptians-Southern Egypt), Sudanese, or having very dark skin was frowned upon. Colorism was alive in Egypt just as in the U.S., where some Black Americans and other people of color believe that light skin is more attractive, which has shown to negatively affect educational outcomes for Black people. For instance, lighter-skinned Black Americans have more educational and professional opportunity and attainment than those of darker skin (Monroe, 2017; Starr, 2012; Thompson & McDonald, 2016). Considering past and recent Black American leaders (e.g., Thurgood Marshall, Barack Obama, Corey Booker, Kamala Harris), I  wonder how much a light skin complexion plays/ed a role in advancing their careers. The same is true of Black mega stars like Beyoncé, and the late Michael Jackson and Prince, who “act White” (e.g., hair straightening & skin lightening, Ogbu, 2004) by hiding or eliminating African/Black features. Would they have the same success with a darker hue? The color complex that favors a lighter over a darker hue was evident in the amount of bleaching creams in beauty products, and it was a challenge to shop for lotion, deodorant, and soaps that did not contain bleaching agents. The same was true when traveling around Africa and Southeast Asia, and is documented as a global issue (Monroe, 2017). Although we escaped some ills of American racism, the global impact and power of White supremacy was upsetting and unsettling – a residual of colonialism. I wanted to protect the boys from this ignorant message and ensure that the boys loved themselves, just as they are. The Revolution Will Not Be Televised Being a part of the Egyptian Revolution was an amazing experience. We were living through history, and contrary to media reports (Mahar, 2011), we were safe on the ground. Although  things got heated, the media, as usual, blew things out of proportion. There was one area (video) of focus in Cairo replayed over and over, and not reflective of the majority of the city. Protests were peaceful until Mubarak sent his cronies (including releasing inmates) to instigate violence and make the protesters look bad. He cut the Internet and cell phone usage, thus silencing the people of Egypt. The peaceful protests and areas of calm went unnoticed. We never felt our lives were in danger, even when things were tense. Our school chartered a plane to evacuate faculty and their families, but we stayed put, as we felt like we were a part of Egypt’s extended family. I believe only one faculty member of color, whose spouse was White, boarded the plane. I  believe our realities and experiences varied greatly  – probably

Refuge Among the Revolution 147 because of our skin color and us not having a fear mentality regarding the people of Egypt. Race mattered, and it was in our favor this time. The boys started to recognize the socially constructed concepts of race, and depending on the environment, how we place arbitrary value of one human being over another. These concepts are difficult to teach in a classroom. They were fortunate to live and see the experience. This event is imprinted in my mind and I am glad we had this experience. The Arab Spring coincided with my first half marathon in Luxor, Egypt when things got intense. In Luxor, buildings with Mubarak’s name had been vandalized with graffiti and broken windows, but things were quite peaceful. I had to stay overnight in the Cairo International Airport upon my return, as I arrived after our curfew of 3 or 4 pm. Thanks to my cousin, she posted a message on my Facebook page to let folks know we were okay. I also spoke with my parents, as I could dial out of the country with my cell phone. My number, however, came up distorted, so decoys were sent to further manipulate the system here. When I finally got through to the boys, they said things were “on and poppin’.” I could sense nervousness in their voices, but I knew they were safe. The men in all of the neighborhoods did an excellent job securing the neighborhood. When our other driver, Ahmed, came to pick me up, his front windshield had been cracked and rear window busted. He was pissed and shared his experience getting to the airport. He had to go through some poorly created barricades. He is pretty mild mannered, but he was willing to die if they went after his money or cell phone. I am proud that Egyptians discovered other means (e.g., having others post to social media) of getting their message out. On a few occasions, we heard and saw large groups of folks walking through our neighborhood heading toward Tahrir Square. I went to the Square after Mubarak stepped down and folks were still protesting. It was strange to see military tanks all over. I  went to the Square a second time and the entire Square had been shut down. “Our school shut down for a week and we are slowly returning to normal. As I  type (April  29, 2011), the US Embassy lifted their ban, and dependents will be returning.” The fear received from our friends in America for staying in Egypt during the Revolution was beyond irrational, especially among my friends from Detroit (my hometown) where Egypt’s crime and murder rate paled in comparison. The media footage covering the Arab Spring reminded me of the disproportionate negative media coverage that plagues tough, impoverished, Black neighborhoods. It was easy to understand the fear of Egyptian men given what was shown on television and the Internet. Just like Black men in America, the media outlets highlighted negative Egyptian male behavior, further aiding in negativity and fear toward the Muslim world. A  small percentage of Egyptians were shown misbehaving, often stemming from injustices that are silenced, ignored, or misunderstood. Injustices, to name a few, include poverty, lack of adequate health

148  Tara B. Blackshear care (McEwan, Underwood,  & Corbex, 2014), illiteracy (Elsabawy, 2013), unemployment (Binzel  & Assaad, 2011), and foreign interests impeding progress (Benaim, Awad,  & Katulis, 2017). These injustices are reminders of the goal to raise two Black American males abroad to gain perspective on global affairs, seek educational attainment, and move about without fear or threat. We were free among the oppressed. An excerpt from Aki, as he reflects on his high school experience in Egypt. My experience living in Egypt was a great one. I got to see history in the making, a representation of what nationalism looks like, and have a freedom I couldn’t obtain while living in America. When the revolution of Egypt got going, there was a strong sense of community and having a pride in one’s country. The people came together, cleaned up the trash filled streets, and became each other’s protectors as the men of the communities would stand guard in the night making sure there weren’t any kinds of danger to each other. It was very inspiring to see people put their differences aside and want to make their country a better place. The freedom given to me when moving over there was amazing too. Being able to rely on inexpensive public transit and having the security we were pretty much safe throughout Cairo was something I  appreciated about living there. Living in Egypt as a black American teenage boy was great even if I at the times didn’t realize it. With the student body’s families being very affluent, I would say race wasn’t as big of an issue as nationality was in my eyes. I often got in arguments with a few of my Egyptian friends about the American culture, having disagreements on what is American culture and trying to claim theirs was more important or stronger than mine. Having their own biases formed against what they see in the media and interaction. Although it wasn’t often, there were still stereotypes about being black, but most of the stereotypes others had of me were more so about being American than black. (Electronic communication, January 26, 2017) Aki speaks about Black stereotypes, which existed, but I  agree, they were more about culture, region, and class rather than skin color among the populous at our school, but not Egypt at-large. Hard Times Good-paying jobs are sparse in Egypt, and similar to Black American men, jobs are usually at a low-wage. For example, a senior software engineer in Egypt is earning roughly $500.00 a month, but the average U.S. salary for the same position is about $7,900 a month (Glassdoor, 2017a, 2017b), illustrating the economic fragility of Egypt. The difference here,

Refuge Among the Revolution 149 however, is even with an education, which many Egyptian men have, the salaries for “good jobs” are poor (El Kashef, 2014). In contrast, lowpaying jobs for Black American men are often the result of the lack of training or education. Of all ethnicities in America, Black men have the lowest rates of higher educational attainment (U.S. Department of Education, 2016). Black men do, however, fare much better when educated, and have significantly more opportunities for earning potential and job security with a college degree than Egyptian men with an equal amount of education. This may be another reason Egyptians wondered why we would “give up” the opportunities made available in the U.S. to come to Egypt, as many of them seek employment outside of Egypt (Binzel & Assaad, 2011). Even in the eyes of racism, Egyptians understood that the American Dream was attainable, and they were in the process of creating the Egyptian Dream. The boys were further able to recognize the benefits of being American and that living in Egypt was a luxury because we had the choice (freedom) to do so. Policing Similar to Black American men, we witnessed ill-treatment of Egyptian men who often have unfavorable experiences with law enforcement including harassment without cause, physical abuse, and unfortunately, death at times (Chaney  & Robertson, 2015; Fadel, 2013). Egyptians grew tired of oppression and fought back against the establishment on Police Day, January  25, 2011 (Ismail, 2012) – indeed, a symbolic act. Police brutality against Black men is often fueled by race, whereas brutality against Egyptian men was the result of the dictatorship-run police departments – both, however, are about hate, control, and power. During the Revolution, police personnel were seen causing harm without reason, and abusing power more grossly than before. Similar events happen in the U.S. against Black men, like the police shooting of an unarmed Black social worker trying to rescue an autistic patient, and illustrate the toxic levels of hate based on race, as the White police officer’s explanation of his behavior of shooting an unarmed, Black man was, “I  don’t know (CBS News, 2016).” It appears that Black men in America are hunted down like animals during a Safari or hunting excursion. It is easy to understand the concern about the boys among our foreign friends, but fortunately, we were temporarily removed from this U.S. reality. F*ck the Police – NWA Eight months (September 2011) after the start of the Revolution, Egypt was indeed becoming a lawless country with many abusing and misusing their new-found freedom. The military was in charge, and the men of Egypt no longer feared the police. They returned the ill-treatment they

150  Tara B. Blackshear received from police over the years, something White America is afraid Black people will do, too. The push-back and chaos appeared similar to the Black Power Movement of the 1960s when the Black Panthers demanded an end to police brutality (Franziska, 2017), and again in 1988 when NWA released the rap song “F*ck the Police” to address police brutality in Los Angeles, followed by the Rodney King riots of 1992, which initiated fear among those in the U.S. government. These events illustrate the temperature of injustice slowly rising until it erupts to a boil. There was a significant increase in crime, and the safety of the country was questionable. My well-connected Egyptian friends were not as optimistic as they were in January/February – neither were we, but we took sides with the people of Egypt. We understood their plight and fight. Our Israeli students evacuated after their embassy was attacked. Police and the military did nothing to perpetrators. The police were scared because people fought back, and military soldiers, considered heroes, wanted to keep this positive relationship/image with the greater population. Unfortunately, the boys will most likely always have an element of fear of the police, as being fearless can get them killed. Anti-American Sentiment There was some anti-U.S. sentiment after January 25, 2011, Police Day, at the beginning of Egypt’s Revolution (Ismail, 2012), when the U.S. threatened to cut off funding, so we elected to tell Egyptians who suspiciously inquired we were Canadian. Fortunately, unless the boys spoke, it was not assumed they were American, illustrating the benefit of having brown skin in Egypt and during the Revolution. Because they were brown-skin boys, my sons could roam the streets of Cairo without incident. Summer Visits to the U.S. We quickly became un-American, and did not like what we saw during our summer visits home. Traveling and living abroad provided different ways to think and see the world. The ignorance of America is blinding when enmeshed, but easy to see once removed. Unfortunately, behaviors and comments we found disturbing were once a part of our vocabulary and thinking. Some ugliness seen at home included impatience, intolerance, judgment, arrogance, and ignorance of geography and global affairs. On one journey back, coming through customs at Hartsfield International Airport in Atlanta, Georgia, U.S., we observed three angry White women screaming at a Black female employee for things beyond her control. Afi sarcastically said, “Welcome back to America.”

Refuge Among the Revolution 151 Schooling Fortunately, in Cairo, the boys did not need a tough-love approach, although they may argue differently. The stigma that follows Black boys in the United States did not carry over at Cairo American College. The boys were not viewed as hyper-sexual, super macho, or non-academic. They were allowed to be themselves. For example, Aki did not begin dancing until grade 9, as it was ok for boys to dance in Cairo  – gay or straight. His U.S. middle school experience did not fare as well. He attended a gifted and talented school that provided opportunities to dance, including an all-boys dance group, but the threat or fear of being teased by his Black peers prevented him from following his passion. To further develop his passion for dance, Aki returned to the U.S. to live with his father to attend a school for the arts. He was frustrated and disappointed to find out what he learned in grade 9 in Cairo was introduced his junior year at one of the leading public high schools in North Carolina. He had a better understanding and appreciation of my desire to raise them abroad during this time. Afi, who loves reading and words, was spared the typical secondary school experience many young Black males experience when striving for excellence in educational settings (e.g., acting White for wanting to get an education) (Gratham  & Biddle, 2014; Murray, Neal-Barnett, Demmings, & Stadulis, 2012). Ogbu (2004) examines the burden of “acting White,” and suggests that some accusations of “acting White” may be rooted in Black resistance of White language and thought, thus resistance to assimilation. This attitude, however, may be a detriment to progress in a system governed by White social constructs. The boys, like many Black folks, were raised to code switch or “accommodate, not assimilate” (Ogbu, 2004, p. 15), which I believe is instrumental in their academic and professional success, and keeps them culturally competent and connected. Regardless, the boys were not denigrated for wanting to excel academically and did not have to carry the burden of acting White (Ogbu, 2004). Being academically astute and wanting to learn was part of the culture in the home and at school. Final Reflection The goal of raising the boys abroad was achieved, which allowed them to get a formal and informal educational experience they could not get at home. I  believe our skin tone along with our U.S. citizenship was beneficial to our experiences in Egypt and attributed to us being welcomed. I  also believe we were welcomed because we were “welcoming.” We could identify with ill-treatment based on arbitrary or illogical reasoning. We knew the realities and challenges of oppression,

152  Tara B. Blackshear securing a quality education, obtaining adequate health care, and wanting respect for our culture, spiritual beliefs, and differences. The similarities and struggles of the Egyptian people, our family, and the greater Black American community sadly confirmed the reality that many people of color around the world have a more difficult time existing than White people. The social ills of both groups that often get replayed in the media tell a one-sided story with little thought to the systemic root of the problems or the individuals impacted. Our seamless entry into Egyptian culture and our exodus out gave us another perspective of the world, challenged our ignorance, enhanced our compassion, and increased our awareness of global affairs. The narrative approach was quite appropriate for this chapter. Today The mission of raising the boys abroad and an academically enriched environment was accomplished, as they avoided the school-to-prison pipeline. Akinyemi is a recent graduate from The University of North Carolina-Greensboro with a bachelor of fine arts in dance, and works at the internationally renowned Jacob’s Pillow, and Afi recently started his fourth year at The University of California – San Diego majoring in political science, which makes me proud to know the disposition of the family is critical in raising strong, Black, educated men. Our racial position was upgraded abroad, but at home, the struggle continues.

Note 1. America and Americans are the terms used in Egypt when referring to the United States of America, which illustrates arrogance, ignorance, and dismissive behavior to our North American neighbors.

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8 Developing Consensus Through Digital Storytelling Exploring Perceptions of Collaboration From Native Youth Christie M. Poitra, Angela Kolonich and Emily Sorroche Overview Our work examines the outcomes of a Native Youth Film Institute, hosted over five days at a large Midwestern university, intended to engage Native students in digital art within a higher-education setting. Eleven Native students, ranging from 13–18  years old, participated in the Institute and worked on project groups to create digital film stories focused on a topic of their choice. Students were tasked with creating a digital film story, 7–10 minutes in length, in collaborative groups of two to five students. The Institute itself included a series of workshops focused on using film-related technology, creating storyboards, and film development to support the construction of film stories. After the Institute, participants engaged in focus-group interviews that we analyzed to explore: How do students interpret and experience work in collaborative groups? and How do students use prior knowledge and skills during collaborative work to develop consensus?

Introduction I was sitting in a dorm lounge at a large Midwestern university, observing a group of Native students who were brainstorming ways to improve lighting so they could record their movie scene. Their discussion was focused on the issue of lighting for their production, and lighting presented a significant problem for the group. They wanted to maintain a particular “mood” for the film, but noticed that while the lighting maintained the “mood” of the film, it also casted shadows on the actors’ faces. After several unsuccessful attempts to solve the lighting problem, this group reached a consensus – deciding that collecting lamps from several dorm lounges, removing the lamp shades, and strategically placing the lamps around the film setting would provide the most appropriate lighting for their scene.

160  Christie M. Poitra et al. This short vignette, describing collaboration and consensus among Native youth, represents the agency and ability of Native students to think critically through a project problem and develop a working solution in collaboration with others. In this informal setting, students were free to take time and work through their project problem in their own way. Their collaborations provided opportunities for youth to invoke Indigenous knowledge practices in their problem solving. Indigenous knowledge practices (IKP) describe learning based on ones lived experiences, allowing the ideas and creativity to come from the student’s own Indigenous perspective (Brayboy  & Maughan, 2009). We know that oftentimes in school settings, lessons are taught from a Western perspective. During the Film Institute, we focused our teachings on the inherent knowledge of Indigenous student leaders, providing opportunities for students to leverage IKP in developing consensus on their Film projects.

Conceptual Structure of The Native Youth Film Institute Research on Indigenous knowledge practices highlight that teachers often engage in “performative rather than relational” instructional practices, inhibiting students from collaborating and constructing their own knowledge (Brayboy & Maughan, 2009, p. 2). Often, the focus of classroom instruction is the teacher delivering knowledge to students (sage on the stage), rather than students generating their own knowledge, which is an important feature of inclusive learning environments (Kolonich, Richmond, & Krajcik, 2018). Instructional decisions are highly political, and even one instructional decision, such as the teacher delivering knowledge versus students generating their own knowledge, impacts the student experience (Brayboy & Maughan, 2009). When teachers of Indigenous youth treat learning as acultural, imparting their knowledge without honoring Indigenous student knowledge, Indigenous students feel less welcome and may disengage from participating (Brayboy & Maughan, 2009). In this way, instruction that is acultural perpetuates a deficit perspective of student knowledge – the belief that those who cannot meet the expectations of Eurocentric curriculum are less capable than their peers (Bang & Medin, 2010). Often, this can become a self-fulfilling prophecy with students aiming for the minimum requirements for success (Milner, 2010). This leaves Indigenous students with two options: assimilate to Eurocentric classroom practices and experience success, or fulfill the expectations of deficit model thinking and disengage from the discipline. Our Film Institute took place in an informal learning environment, and centered student experiences and Indigenous perspectives in all aspects of the program. To examine the experiences of Native youth during the Institute, we first leveraged research on Indigenous knowledge practices (IKP), project-based learning (PBL), and digital storytelling (DS). In developing the Film Institute, we placed importance on centering the

Consensus Through Digital Storytelling 161 lived experiences and Indigenous perspectives of participants (Brayboy & Maughan, 2009), providing opportunities for project development and group-decision making to leverage IKP. For student learning experiences during the Film Institute, we used a project-based approach. Project-based learning emphasizes that learning and doing cannot be separated, and that engaging in knowing and doing in collaboration with others supports students in developing solutions to real-world problems (Krajcik & Czerniak, 2018; Krajcik & Shin, 2014). PBL requires students to leverage and generate their own knowledge through the investigation of real-world problems explored over a sustained amount of time, and leads to the development of deep, lasting knowledge that can be applied in other situations (Krajcik & Blumenfeld, 2005; Hsu, Van Dyke, Chen, & Smith, 2016). PBL also fosters student self-regulation, as students make decisions together about how the project will progress, and ultimately develop their own project artifacts representing their learning (Krajcik & Shin, 2014; Savery, 2015). Engaging students in collaboration is an important feature of PBL, and as student’s work together toward a shared project goal, they develop communication and leadership skills that are important for developing group consensus (Krajcik & Czerniak, 2018; Smith, 2017; Warren, 2016). During the Film Institute, students braided new skills developed in PBL workshops with their IKP to develop digital film stories as a final product. Digital storytelling is the process of using technology, such as software, media and artistic techniques to tell a short story using sounds, text, images, and videos (Dogan, Budak, & Almus, 2017; Hung, Hwang, & Huang, 2012). For digital storytelling within K-12 contexts, students are tasked with developing their own scripts and storyboards for their work (Dogan et  al., 2017). Digital storytelling supports students in learning to organize and communicate concepts and ideas to an audience, demonstrating knowledge development on a particular subject of the story, and the process of using technology to develop a short film (Dogan et al., 2017; Hung et al., 2012; Meadows, 2003). Indigenous students braiding IKP, PBL, and DS use their ideas and perspectives to develop new knowledge together through the process of storytelling.

Native Youth Film Institute Program Our IKP-focused pedagogy included providing space for students to experiment with technology and storytelling at their own pace, focused on their own interests and prior knowledge. The structure and content of the Institute fostered social and emotional ideas from students on producing a short film, while allowing them to negotiate film decisions in collaboration with peers. The digital film story gave students autonomy to draw on their creativity and leverage their lived experiences as Native people – an important application of IKP in informal learning

162  Christie M. Poitra et al. environments (Brayboy  & Maughan, 2009). The five-day Institute included three days of sessions hosted by speakers with formal schooling or experience in the film industry, and two additional days dedicated to group collaboration and film story development. Two sessions were offered each day, and the afternoons and evenings were open for groups to collaborate on their projects. Each session included three distinct parts: 1) introduction to a particular filmmaking practice, such as scene planning, scripting, storyboarding, using cameras, microphones, and video editing software; 2) time for students to work independently and develop confidence with the film practice; and 3) time for students to collaborate in groups to discuss and refine their skill with the filmmaking practice. During Day One of the Institute, students met with one another and formed film project groups. We structured Day One sessions with intentional relationship building by engaging them in various games, ice breakers, and discussion questions focused on students’ interest in film and their goals for their time at Institute. During Day Two of the Institute, students formed groups by collectively generating a list of film topics and voting to narrow the list of ideas. Once the topics were narrowed, students selected a film topic of their interest, and joined a group with others who had the same interest. Student groups then attended sessions focused on audio and video quality, and the use of film editing software. On the morning of Day Three, groups attended a session on story boarding and finalized scripts. Students were also given equipment (i.e., cameras and microphones) to use in construction of their film story. Day Four included time for groups to finish filming, and to begin editing footage at the university computer lab. On Day Five, student groups completed video editing and attended a film screening event which included parents, friends, and community members who viewed the students’ film stories.

Participant Interviews and Analysis Students were recruited to attend the Film Institute using social media posts and communications with local tribal education departments and urban Native centers. There were 11 students who signed up and participated in the Film Institute, and students selected their film story groups based on mutual interest in film story themes. Student demographics and the film story genre for each group are further described in Table 8.1. Student participation in focus group interviews was voluntary, however all 11 students chose to participate. Each focus group session was recorded, transcribed, and analyzed line by line using an open-coding schema. We developed a matrix to identify themes among the focusgroup interviews and relationships between the themes.

Consensus Through Digital Storytelling 163 Table 8.1 Groups, Films, and Film Descriptions Group

Participants

Gender SelfIdentification

Age Range

Film Genre

Film Description

A

Aurora, Ivy, Mia, Lydia Dante, Levi, Griffin, Jasper, Miles Jade, Ava

4 Girls

14–17

Comedy

5 Boys

13–18

Comedy

Working in an Office Family

2 Girls

14–18

Thriller

Superstitions

B C

Findings In general, students indicated that the film project was a positive experience because it provided opportunities to work through challenges with peers. These positive experiences were rooted in having opportunities to leverage lived experiences as Native youth in the development of their digital film story. Across all project groups, students discussed the significant effort they put into developing their films, troubleshooting technology, navigating differing levels of interest and commitment, and the need to develop consensus.

Youth Perceptions of Group Collaboration Our first research question explores How do students interpret and experience work in collaborative groups? During our focus interviews, many students talked freely about collaboration. Aurora shared that she enjoyed filming more than the other activities because of the opportunities to collaborate. “I  like the other parts [of the Institute] but I  have more fun filming than doing other stuff.” When Aurora was asked if she enjoyed filming because of the opportunity to use technology, or whether it was working with her fellow group members, she responded that collaboration was important for her engagement: “I like the interaction [with other group members].” She also specifically indicated that she “liked working with others toward a common goal.” Ivy also enjoyed the collaborative aspect of the Institute because “all of us can put our ideas together and create something cool.” Ivy believes that the film story becomes stronger when people are working together toward a common goal. Dante, from group B, added: “I like collaborating with people” and his reason was similar to Ivy’s: “it makes [the film] better . . . instead of it just being you doing everything, you can get other people to help you work with it, and. . . [the film] is a lot better.” Jade, from group C, described engaging in brainstorming with others as: it is easier to work in a group because people work. I work better with other people. . . [In our group] everyone had different ideas. . . [it] is

164  Christie M. Poitra et al. cool too, when [the ideas] all come together. It is not only your film [and] your thoughts, it is others’ as well. Ava, also from Group C, echoed a similar opinion: “it depends, when I want to work with a group. It is mainly when I get stuck on . . . coming up with an idea [then] I want to bring it to a group.” The collaboration aspect of project-based learning was critical to students’ development of their film stories, and the iterative process that collaboration fosters both shapes film development processes and strengthens project outcomes. Other members of group B also indicated that collaboration enhanced the overall quality of their film. Levi saw peer feedback as an important feature of collaboration: “people have different ideas and if you mess up, they correct you.” For example, during filming, Levi realized he needed to adapt some details of the scene to ensure plot continuity: I helped put more logical stuff in [the film] . . . [in the scene,] it was time [for the actors] to go to bed. I realized that it was daytime when we filmed the first part . . . I was like, wait a minute. It is daytime [in the scene], that wouldn’t make any sense. The group realized they needed to step back and reflect, provide feedback, and revise the scene for continuity in the story plot. Across focus groups, students stated that self-reflection, providing peer feedback, and revising became critical aspects of group collaboration.

Challenges in Group Collaboration While students generally enjoyed collaborating with peers, group work was not always seamless. Groups experienced disagreements over points of view, project responsibilities and differing individual goals for the project. Each of the groups discussed points in which disagreements resulted from differing views about the direction of their films, troubleshooting technology, and battling against a demanding project timeline. Lydia, from group A, described the group disagreements as: “it was getting really hot so everyone was frustrated, we were sweaty, we were tired. . . . And the fact we didn’t have that much time [to film] just made it worse.” Jasper, from group B, shared frustration from trying to reconcile ideas with the amount of time they had to complete the film: I guess the amount of time with the amount of work we had to put into it . . . we had all these ideas but we just didn’t have enough time to put them all out there and make a really good film. Due to time constraints, students did not have time to let disagreements linger, and therefore were pressured to develop workable solutions by

Consensus Through Digital Storytelling 165 reaching consensus among the group. Levi, from group B, described the process of developing consensus as discussing ideas among the group, and ultimately “pick[ing] a course of action.” Mia, from group A, initially wanted to make an individual film, but decided against it because of the time limitations: “I had my own idea but then I realized it might be too much for [me to do in] one week.” Ava, from group C, shared her reasons for joining her group: “I was planning on doing my own [film] but then I realized that everybody else was [joining] groups.” Ava expressed concern that if she worked individually, she would not be able to complete the film because of the complexity of the film project: I would have to share the camera and stuff so I was like, that’s going to be like too much for me to comprehend and there’s probably not going be enough time for me . . . so let me just join a group. Ava saw a group collaboration as an avenue to share the workload and ensure the project was complete before the film screening event. Miles, from group B, shares that in his experience with group work, project responsibilities are not evenly distributed and some people end up shouldering more project responsibilities than others. He also remarked that, in general, “not everybody pays attention,” meaning everyone is not always equally invested in a project. Miles also felt that not all voices and ideas are equally heard, which creates tension among group members. Clear communication and working toward consensus was important to maintaining group cohesiveness. When asked about the division of labor within the group film project, Jade from group C shared: there’s some people in groups who . . . are serious about it and . . . there is other people who like kind of messing around, just don’t even pay attention. Yeah, so like people that don’t carry their weight. Given the compressed timeline for project completion, students had to be efficient in building consensus around the division of labor. While differing opinions, levels of investment, and time limitations created frustration for some students, they expressed the agency and ability to collaborate and develop consensus – moving them closer to project goals.

Challenges of Film Story Development Another challenge for students was managing the technological aspects of film development. Students reported that they learned a lot about film development, but their most valuable experiences included learning to troubleshoot problems with technology while working on their film story. Mia, from group A, described trouble with the video editing

166  Christie M. Poitra et al. software: “learning how to edit was really confusing.” Ivy, from the same group, responded that video editing was difficult and “we got lost a few times.” Dante, from group B, indicated that they struggled with differences in camera types: “there was like different cameras. There was one camera that did one thing, a different camera did another thing.” Ava, from group C, also had trouble using camera features: “Zoom in on the faces. . . . Yeah . . . we had trouble with the zooming.” Levi, from group B, added that different cameras had different microphones that added a layer of difficulty: [the] camera we had, didn’t have the stuff to put the microphone on. When we got the microphone on [the camera], it wouldn’t turn on . . . And it kept falling off [the camera] . . . We were afraid we were going to break it. Students also shared the struggles they encountered during the development of the film during the Institute. Griffin, from group B, described planning for filming as more complex then he initially anticipated: “we started [filming], [the process] started to make more sense . . . it started all to come together, now that [our group] got our scenes all figured out.” Griffin also described the filmmaking process as iterative, where group members were continuously revising scenes to “work on putting [it] all together.” Mia, from group A, shared similar struggles from her group: “we had it all thought out but then when we started, we had kind of no idea of what we were actually doing.” Ava, from group C, shared similar divisions between planning the project, and engaging in the work: “we were thinking about it. It looked good in our heads but then when we would think of props, locations, and then scenes . . . not everything worked out.” When asked about the barriers each group had to work through during their projects, students indicated resources and time constraints as a point of tension throughout the Institute. Levi stated that one of the most difficult things about filmmaking was negotiating the sharing of resources within and between groups: “resources . . . we had to share a camera.” Levi also said it was hard because the sharing process took away from development time: “[sharing] cuts down on the time . . . you can’t really go and do your own thing [with the equipment]. It was kind of hard.” When students were asked how they worked through issues that arose during the filming process, they indicated a reliance on their peers to develop solutions and work through problems. For example, during filming, students from group B were recording a scene deemed inappropriate for the Institute. Unfortunately, the inappropriate scene was central to the overall plot of group B’s film. Students had to re-script and re-film the scene to be more appropriate in just two hours on the final day of the Institute, when the original scene had taken several hours to complete.

Consensus Through Digital Storytelling 167 When asked how they handled the challenge as a group, Dante described the group as upset, but ultimately focused on generating a solution: “we got mad. we were about to [say] forget it . . . but then we said, well, might as well just re-film [the scene].” Griffin added that it was important generate ideas and develop consensus, which required them to “get past it” to finish the film in time for the screening event.

Skills Supporting Collaborative Problem-Solving Students discussed many collaboration skills that supported film development during focus group interviews, which we categorized into four major themes: 1) division of labor, 2) use of group resources, 3) developing consensus on workable solutions, and 4) giving and receiving feedback. Division of labor refers to project planning that included distribution of project responsibilities among group members. For example, in group C, Jade enjoyed writing the film script, while her partner Ava was more interested in the process of filming. For group C, division of labor was structured around students’ preferences and expertise in filmmaking. Jade and Ava were able to develop a plan for division of work by openly discussing their work preferences. Groups A and B also chose to divide the labor around the interests and expertise of individual students, but also included the process of assigning responsibilities as a means to self-select responsibilities. For example, Levi from group B was uncomfortable memorizing lines and decided, along with his group members, to assume an acting role that did not have lines so that he could focus his efforts on creating costumes and props for the film. By choosing to do something he was comfortable with, Levi’s skills and energy were used in an efficient way to support the film project’s completion. Use of group resources included strategic planning in determining how to best leverage limited resources (i.e., time, energy, and technology). The Institute did not have access to unlimited film equipment, and available resources included a few cameras, computers, and relevant video editing software  – resulting in one dedicated camera per group. However, groups expressed the need to use multiple cameras so they could film different angles of their scene. Groups A and C really wanted to use multiple cameras to film different angles of their scene, and worked together to develop a solution. They decided to pair-up with other groups filming in the same area of campus, and to take turns and share cameras. This allowed both groups time and materials to film multiple angles of the same scene, and each group benefited from using two cameras at the same time. Groups A and B took cross-group collaboration even further to maximize resources by sharing group members to serve as extras in each of the films, and film props to enhance each film. In each example, students were innovative and strategic in determining how to leverage limited resources to enhance their films. Negotiating collaboration within

168  Christie M. Poitra et al. and across groups to maximize resources and talent to complete film stories in the time allowed indicates that students arrived at the Film Institute with important and sophisticated skills. All participants discussed the importance of time management in completing their projects. Given the compressed timeframe of the Institute, situations arose where students were tasked with deciding whether to adapt project plans to meet deadlines. For example, group A’s project plan included filming multiple monologue scenes with each character. Unfortunately, the group realized that scripting and filming the monologue scenes would require too much time and impact the time allocated to editing their film. Group A decided to only script and film half of the planned monologue scenes to ensure plenty of time for film editing. Developing consensus on workable solutions refers to students continuously negotiating and revising their project plan in collaboration with others based on situations or disagreements that arose during the filmmaking process. Across groups, developing consensus on workable solutions relied on the students’ ability to give and receive feedback. Across the groups, students reported the need to step back and reflect on their own work, and also to give feedback to their fellow group members. The process of giving and receiving feedback started on Day One, and lasted throughout the Film Institute – including development of a concept, writing a script, filming scenes (while paying attention to scene details to ensure story continuity), and film editing. Providing feedback required to students to engage in self-reflection on their own work, and on the work of others by weighing progress with the overall project vision. For example, during the final stages of editing, each member of group A was tasked with taking the lead on different aspects of the film production process – including editing, scripting, and filming. Once group A started editing their film, Ivy alerted the rest of the group members that a critical component of a scene was missing, resulting in a storyline disconnect at the conclusion of the film. Once Ivy provided this feedback to the other group members, they collectively reviewed the scene and discussed how the disconnected flow impacted the ending of the film. Ultimately, group A decided to film additional footage and patch the scene together with music and a voice-over. In summary, participants of the Native Youth Film Institute perceived their experience with group collaboration as both positive and challenging. Students described situations in which they were challenged, developed consensus on workable solutions, divided project responsibilities, managed limited resources, and ultimately the demands of creating a film within time constraints. Group reflections collectively indicated that the process was both challenging and rewarding. Positive experiences in group collaboration included giving and receiving peer feedback, brainstorming ideas, and bringing together different perspectives to create a unique film – leveraging their lived experiences as Native youth. Participants also

Consensus Through Digital Storytelling 169 generated new knowledge in learning how to self-regulate, self-reflect, self-evaluate, and self-direct projects – all opportunities that arose in the real-time problem solving that the film project presented. Given the collaborative, project-based nature of the Film Institute, students were tasked with negotiating these skills and experiences with their peers, adding a layer of complexity to the work. Our analysis of focus group interviews indicates that students perceive group collaboration as an enriching experience when provided opportunities to leverage their Indigenous Knowledge Practices, engage in project-based learning, and collaborate with others in the production of digital stories. Allowing students to leverage their IKP through PBL in the development of DS seemed to support students in developing film stories that were relational and contextual to their own experiences at Native students. It is clear that students learned from working in collaboration with others – even when challenged, and particularly if they are encouraged in bringing their knowledge, experiences, and skills to the project.

Discussion The Native Youth Film Institute was intentionally designed to leverage students’ IKP through PBL to develop DS. Our intentional use of these program features, in an informal learning environment, supported students’ positive perceptions of group collaboration, even when they experienced significant challenges  – both in collaboration and in the development of their film story. Positive perceptions in light of challenges may be due to supported opportunities to address these challenges in collaboration, and ultimately experience success. The Film Institute, while thoughtfully designed, included significant time constraints that impacted students’ ability to conceptualize and complete their projects. This significant challenge required group planning under pressure, effective collaboration, development of consensus, and, at times, a creative use of available resources. While we cannot fully know what effect this time limit had on students’ perceptions of group work, each student group sought solutions to problems together in ways that supported project completion. While these opportunities took place outside of a traditional classroom setting, with a program structure different from traditional classrooms, there are important lessons to be taken-up in supporting the achievement of Native youth more broadly. Finding ways to leverage IKP in classroom settings, support student collaboration and consensus development toward a common goal, and fostering the development of community in the classroom are all important avenues for future research. Additionally, examining the effects of different program structures and their impact on student collaboration are also important goals for future research with Native youth.

170  Christie M. Poitra et al.

Implications for Supporting Native Youth in Classrooms The achievement gap between White students and students of color has been widely publicized in educational research, and the target of many school reform efforts (Ladson-Billings, 2006; NGA, 2005). Despite efforts focused on eliminating traditional achievement gaps in schools, they persist. Large urban schools, predominantly serving communities of color, are often underfunded, resulting in less resources, large class sizes, and potentially unsafe building conditions. These factors limit a teacher’s ability to effectively support student learning, directly contributing to inequities in education (Carter Andrews, Bartel, & Richmond, 2016; NCES, 2012). Additionally, urban communities are often viewed from a deficit perspective, focused on the shortcomings of students, families, and communities rather than on disparities in opportunities to learn (Calabrese Barton, Tan, & O’Neil, 2014). In acknowledging that the gap in academic achievement results from disparities in educational opportunity, stakeholders must adopt asset perspectives of communities of color and focus on the rich knowledge and backgrounds students bring to school (Milner, 2010). This approach reframes reform efforts intended to support students of color not as a problem in need of fixing, but as a way to leverage the rich knowledge and cultural history that students of color bring to the classroom (Brayboy & Maughan, 2009; Calabrese Barton et al., 2014; Richmond, 2017). One approach to increasing opportunities for students of color, is for educators to shift their pedagogy to support more inclusive learning environments. Inclusive instruction is grounded in sociocultural learning theory, and promotes classrooms where social and cultural interactions between students and educators are necessary for learning (Kolonich et al., 2018). In inclusive learning environments, students leverage their knowledge and experiences in ways that support the generation of new knowledge in collaboration with others. For many educators, this requires a shift away from the more traditional forms of instruction that are still prevalent in today’s classrooms (Reiser, 2013) where the teacher holds knowledge and transmits that knowledge to students (Mirra  & Rogers, 2016). Due to the history and requirements of the school setting, many initiatives fostering cultural learning take place in informal learning environments, such as the Native Youth Film Institute. In developing the Institute, we were able to leverage both the knowledge and background of student participants and educational research to structure our program. However, lessons from our Film Institute can inform school settings and support Native youth achievement in classrooms. Future work includes finding ways to support teachers in valuing and leveraging student’s Indigenous knowledge practices and fostering productive, and efficient collaboration in classroom settings.

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References Bang, M., & Medin, D. (2010). Cultural processes in science education: Supporting the navigation of multiple epistemologies. Science Education, 94(6), 1008– 1026. doi:10.1002/sce.20392 Brayboy, B. M. J., & Maughan, E. (2009). Indigenous knowledges and the story of the bean. Harvard Educational Review, 79(1), 1–21. Calabrese Barton, A., Tan, E., & O’Neil, T. (2014). Science education in urban contexts. In N. G. Lederman & S. K. Abel (Eds.), Handbook of research on science education (Vol. 2, pp. 246–265). New York, NY: Routledge. Carter Andrews, D. J., Bartell, T., & Richmond, G. (2016). Teaching in dehumanizing times: The professionalization imperative. Journal of Teacher Education, 67(3), 170–172. Dogan, B., Budak, S., & Almus, K. (2017). Project based learning (PBL) with digital storytelling approach: Research results of digital storytelling contest (DISTCO). Waynesville, NC: Association for the Advancement of Computing in Education. Hung, C., Hwang, G., & Huang, I. (2012). A Project-based digital storytelling approach for improving students’ learning motivation, problem-solving competence and learning achievement. Journal of Educational Technology & Society, 15(4), 368–379. Hsu, P., Van Dyke, M., Chen, Y., & Smith, T. (2016). A cross-cultural study of the effect of a graph-oriented computer-assisted project-based learning environment on middle school students’ science knowledge and argumentation skills. Journal of Computer Assisted Learning, 31(1), 32–58. Kolonich, A., Richmond, G., & Krajcik, J. (2018). Reframing inclusive science instruction to support teachers in promoting equitable three-dimensional science classrooms. Journal of Science Teacher Education, 8(29), 693–711. doi:10.1080/1046560X.2018.1500418 Krajcik, J. S., & Blumenfeld, P. (2005). Project-based learning. In R. K. Sawyer (Ed.), Cambridge handbook of the learning sciences (pp. 317–334). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Krajcik, J. S., & Czerniak, C. (2018). Teaching science in elementary and middle school: A project-based learning approach. New York, NY: Routledge. Krajcik, J. S., & Shin, N. (2014). Project-based learning. In R. K. Sawyer (Ed.), Cambridge handbook of the learning sciences (2nd ed., pp.  275–297). New York: Cambridge. Ladson-Billings, G. (2006). From the achievement gap to the education debt: Understanding achievement in U.S. schools, 2006 presidential address. Educational Researcher, 35(7), 3–12. Meadows, D. (2003). Digital storytelling: Research-based practice in new media. Visual Communication, 2(2), 189–193. Milner, H. (2010).  Start where you are, but don’t stay there: Understanding diversity, opportunity gaps, and teaching in today’s classrooms (3rd ed.). Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press. Mirra, N., & Rogers, J. (2016). The overwhelming need: How the unequal political economy shapes urban teachers’ working conditions. Urban Education, 1–31. doi:10.1177/0042085916668952

172  Christie M. Poitra et al. National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). (2012). The nation’s report card: Science 2011. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences. National Governors’ Association (NGA). (2005). Closing the achievement gap. Retrieved from www.subnet.nga.org/educlear/achievement/ Reiser, B. (2013). What professional development strategies are needed for successful implementation of the next generation science standards? Paper written for the Invitational Research Symposium on Science Assessment Richmond, G. (2017). The power of community partnership in the preparation of teachers. Journal of Teacher Education, 68(1), 6–8, 246–265. Routledge. Savery, J. (2015). Overview of problem-based learning: Definitions and distinctions. In P. Ermer  & C. Hmelo-Silver (Eds.), Essential readings in problembased learning: Exploring and extending the legacy of Howard S. Barrows (pp. 5–15). West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press. Smith, B. (2017).  Developing managers through project-based learning. New York, NY: Taylor & Francis. Warren, A. (2016). Project-based learning across the disciplines: Plan, manage, and assess through +1 pedagogy. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press.

9 Narrative Approaches to Exposing the Racialized Experiences of Asian American Male Students Mark R. Martell Overview Asian Americans are currently the fastest growing group of the U.S. collegegoing population. Educational institutions and their campus climate will need to be better prepared in meeting the complex needs of Asian American students. With these expectations, educational institutions, especially K-12 environments, must be proactive in not just providing an inclusive culture, but also opportunities for students to share their racial realities through narrative approaches. As this chapter will show, storytelling and counter-storytelling allow voices of those not usually focused on to expose the racialized experiences of Asian Americans and to inform the work of educators and practitioners in all levels of education when working with this racial population.

Introduction Recent data released by the U.S. Census report that the United States is on its way to becoming a “majority minority” with Asians as the secondfastest population, growing 3% to 18  million (Chang, Park, Lin, Poon, & Nakanishi, 2007; Hune, 2002; Race in America, 2012, p. 3). As the 2011 National Commission on the Asian American and Pacific Islander Research in Education (CARE) reports, the growth in the Asian American population is anticipated to reach 40 million persons by 2050, almost double from 8% to 15% by 2060 (Samuelson, 2015). Evidently, changing trends in the demography of the United States have profound implications for the educational system. White enrollment in K-12 education decreased from 68% to 55% between 1989 and 2009, attributed to significant increases in Asian American immigrants and Asian American English language learners. Asian American enrollment increased from 235,000 to 1.3 million between 1979 and 2009, with an expected 30% increase by 2019 (CARE, 2011, pp. 6–7) at both two-year and four-year institutions (Diverse Webinar, 2014).

174  Mark R. Martell From these statistics, it is evident that the United States is at a crossroads of tremendous demographic changes to which American higher education must respond (CARE, 2011). While the historical trends in the demography of the nation are a remarkable story in itself, the reshaping of the nation is projected to continue at a fast pace for decades to come and will be a fundamentally different story than in the past. Educational institutions and their campus climate will need to be better prepared in meeting the complex needs of Asian American students. Institutions will need to provide these students with comfortable and affirming environments, academic support and preparation, financial aid support, and access to cultural services and diverse faculty (Hokoana  & Oliveira, 2012; Sima & Inman, 2011). Overall, institutional conditions will need to provide effective educational practices in level of academic challenge, student-faculty interaction, active and collaborative learning, enriching educational experiences, and supportive campus environments (Kuh, 2013). With these expectations, educational institutions, especially K-12 environments, must be proactive in not just providing an inclusive culture, but also opportunities for students to share their racial realities through narrative approaches. As this chapter will show, storytelling and counterstorytelling allow voices of those not usually focused on to expose the racialized experiences of Asian Americans and to inform the work of educators and practitioners in all levels of education when working with this racial population.

Significance of the Study This study examined the racialized experiences of Asian American students at the University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC) and their perceptions of the campus climate. Specifically, this piece will focus on the narrative approaches taken to unearth the racial microaggressions and stereotypes imposed on four male-identified and one non-gender conforming Asian American participants and their understanding of these racialized experiences. The themes described in later sections will show their unique experiences when dealing with the social construction of race and provide answers to the central research question: What racialized experiences (forms of racism), if any, do Asian American students encounter and perceive on campus? Asian Americans are those “who call the United States their home and trace their ancestry to countries from the Asian continent and subcontinent and islands within the Pacific Rim” (Kodama, McEwen, Liang, & Lee, 2001, p. 412). Specifically, Asian American describes those with origins from East Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia including the Philippines who have been racialized and grouped as Asian in policy and legislation (U.S. Department of Education, n.d.). Pacific Islander groups

Experiences of Asian American Students 175 (with origins from Hawaii, Guam, Samoa, and other Pacific Islands) are not included in this definition to recognize their distinct histories and marginalization by this conflation (Lee, 2006). While in most research literature, the term Asian American is interchangeably used with Asian or Asian American and Pacific Islanders, I will intentionally use the racial label of Asian American to reflect those born in the United States with East Asian, South Asian, and Southeast Asian heritage. Conducting research focusing on the racialized experiences of Asian American students is important because stereotypical images have led to the placement of Asian American students as the “Other” – individuals who are traditionally marginalized, or, in other words, oppressed or subordinated (Kumashiro, 2000). However, in order to understand how Asian Americans are othered, a brief focus on how othering has evolved in today’s multicultural era is significant. As Gordon and Newfield (1996) explain, the evolution of othering can be attributed to the problematic use of multiculturalism. They state that multiculturalism has replaced the emphasis on race and racism with an emphasis on cultural diversity, rejecting racial subordination, but sometimes, seemingly supporting it and giving new life through colorblindness. Multiculturalism gives the impression that Americans live in a post-racist era and downplays the ongoing existence of White supremacy. Also, they argue that multiculturalism underwrites alliances among racial minorities grounded in White-norming, yet it also gives Whites a new advantage. Multiculturalism implies that equity exists, ensuring racial minorities a position of independence and strength and granting a celebration of diversity, but in reality, there is a hidden attachment to “e pluribus unum, with unum regaining command when whitemajority was disrespected or challenged” (p. 5). In other words, multiple groups are subsumed into a single whole, but when the privileged group’s power is threatened, then control is regained by the privileged. Additionally, Gordon and Newfield assert that multiculturalism has been adopted by the corporate world, where people of color are given autonomy to build coalitions. However, in the business world, the term became a way to manage diversity in a controlled workplace environment where culture and race are dehistoricized and cultural difference is encouraged but suppressed simultaneously to expand political democracy. Furthermore, they argue that multiculturalism links culture with politics, clarifying the sociopolitical relations woven into different cultures, and at the same time, separating culture from politics where multiculturalism sometimes celebrates cultural diversity while preserving a political core from being affected by this diversity. In other words, multiculturalism reduces prejudice but does not change relative positions of various racial groups, avoiding institutional and structural determinants of inequality. Overall, Gordon and Newfield find the idea of multiculturalism problematic because they assert that the ideology of multiculturalism often puts

176  Mark R. Martell elements of racial equality at conflicting odds and produces contradictions around race and racism. A product of a post-civil rights White racial consensus, multiculturalism has not truly escaped the conflicts within the consensus it was meant to reconstruct, and acts more of an obstruction to the progressive work needed to achieve racial equality. Similarly, Lee (2015) argues that culture instead of race has become the new language to explain notions of superiority and that it is not a person’s skin color that explains their abilities, rather, it is their culture. What is more alarming is that a lack of discussions about race can negatively influence learning experiences. White opinion makers in the 1800s, according to Kim (1999), spoke openly about the intrinsic superiority of certain biological races over others, but in the early 1900s, scholars began to reject biological determinism, made a clear analytical distinction between culture and biological race, and rendered culture a relatively autonomous essence of its own. Kim asserts that it became possible to talk about a group’s culture while disavowing any claims about its intrinsic racial nature: before the Civil Rights Era, the othering of Asian Americans occurred openly, and during the post-Civil Rights Era, it had undergone cosmetic changes and occurs in a coded fashion like colorblindness. As Kim argues, colorblindness has expurgated overtly racial claims from the public transcript, often serves to disguise fundamentally racial claims, and has now been rearticulated in cultural terms: rather than asserting the intrinsic racial superiority of certain groups over others, opinion makers now claim that certain group cultures are more conducive to success than others. As Ang (1996) explains, “racially and ethnically marked people are no longer othered today through simple mechanisms of rejection and exclusion, but through an ambivalent and apparently contradictory process of inclusion by virtue of othering” (p. 37). In other words, whereas previous forms of marginalization involved outright rejection or physical separation, Ang argues that present methods of othering occur via a contradictory process: using otherness as a means of incorporating previously excluded individuals into a society which, rather than achieving equality, transforms these individuals from outcasts to pet people – symbolic representatives who are no longer marginalized and no longer occupy the position of other (p.  37). Today, the act of incorporating racial minorities is often meant to show how progressive the United States has become; however, Ang (1996) asserts that American society has not dissolved issues of otherness but rather maintained a policy of tolerance. Consequently, current dominant racial discourse in the United States positions the privileged as the norm and casts racial minorities into subordinate groups as the “other.” These regulative representations of Asian Americans, especially as the model minority, serve as oppressive tools for maintaining the power and status of the dominant group

Experiences of Asian American Students 177 (Lei, 2003) and mask the growth in a new racism that has been likened to carbon monoxide: invisible, but potentially lethal (Sue, Bucceri, Lin, Nadal, & Torino, 2007). With the current racial climate in the United States, the racial incidents occurring on many college campuses, and the projected growth of Asian American enrollment in higher education, research focusing on the college experience of Asian Americans and their experiences with race is therefore necessary. Educational institutions will need to be prepared to meet the needs of students of color and provide a supportive campus environment. According to Hurtado (1992) and Rankin and Reason (2008), the campus climate provides the overall normative feel of an institution or the current attitudes, behaviors, and standards and practices of employees and students of an institution, and the campus culture is more about the normative “beliefs” of an institution. Both can have a positive or negative influence on college students, their experiences, and their academic success.

Literature Review Not all higher education institutions, unfortunately, are prepared to provide a supportive campus environment for their Asian American students. For Asian American students, the campus climate can range from the inclusivity of the environment to the student body demographics and can be experienced in dramatically different ways. This includes those attitudes, behaviors, and standard or practices that concern the access for, inclusion of, and level of respect for student minority needs, abilities, and potential (Rankin  & Reason, 2008). As Reid and Radhakrishnan (2003) explain, racial minority students view the general campus climate from two perspectives: racial climate and academic climate. Racial climate is composed of student observations of their experience as racial minorities on campus. These include everything from their experiences with racism to their belief that the university lacks diversity support. Specifically, racial climate includes community members’ attitudes, perceptions, behaviors, and expectations around issues of race, ethnicity, and diversity that are subjected to and shaped by the policies, practices, and behaviors of those internal and external to the educational institution (Hurtado, Griffin, Arellano, & Cuellar, 2009). Academic climate is composed of student observations of their academic experience. These include their interaction with instructors and their peers and their access to academic mentoring (Reid & Radhakrishnan, 2003). Together, these two perceptions of campus climate have strong connections to a student’s sense of belonging, purpose of attending the university, and overall student success. Summers, Svinicki, Gorin, and Sullivan (2002) state that neglecting to attend to the racial climate of an increasingly ethnically diverse campus

178  Mark R. Martell has resulted in difficulties for all students. Adjustment problems with the curriculum, insufficient support services that do not reflect racial identities, financial problems, and the nature of interpersonal relationships with faculty, peers, and academic staff are some of the experiences that negatively impact students of color. Also, experiences of hate crimes, prejudice, racism, and discrimination on campus can impinge on student cognitive growth, affect development, and can lead to maladjustment and heightened feelings of not belonging at the institution (Nora & Cabrera, 1996; Maton et al., 2011). Furthermore, these negative perceptions of the campus climate have been associated with poor academic performance and lower self-esteem, consequently leading to an unfavorable perception of their educational climate (Reid & Radhakrishnan, 2003; SuarezBalcazar, Orellana-Damacela, Rowan, Portillo,  & Andrews- Guillen, 2003). Unfortunately, very little has been published solely on Asian Americans in higher education and how the campus climate factors in their student success; most research has been inclusive of other racial identities (Buenavista, Jayakumar,  & Misa-Escalante, 2009; Ching  & Agbayani, 2012; Lee, 1996; Lee & Kumashiro, 2005; Li & Wang, 2008; Museus & Kiang, 2009; Museus & Truong, 2009; Peng & Wright, 1994; Teranishi, 2002). According to Teranishi, Behringer, Grey, and Parker (2009), Asian Americans are often overlooked because of a binary Black/ White conceptualization of race. When Asian Americans do appear in the literature, the research usually favors East Asian American communities, placing a blanket recommendation assumed to be appropriate for all Asian Americans (Accapadi, 2012). This leads to a skewed representation and oversimplification of the diverse communities under the pan-Asian American label, silencing the unique voices of Asian American students in higher education. As Hurtado and Guillermo-Wann (2013) argue, Asian American students indicate higher frequencies of discrimination and bias on college campuses than some racial groups. In fact, scholars have discovered that issues related to race are encountered by various racial groups early in their educational experience (Brookover et  al., 1978; Haynes, Emmons, & Ben-Avie, 1997; Hoy, 2012; Ruus et al., 2007) and continue on into their college years (Ancis, Sedlacek,  & Mohr, 2000; Baker  & Robnett, 2012; Braxton, 2000; Edman & Brazil, 2009; Hurtado, 1992). Specifically, for Asian Americans, these racialized experiences take forms of marginalization, oppression, subordination, discrimination, harassment, and “othering” as early as in high school (Lew, 2011; Qin, Way, & Rana, 2008; Sue et al., 2007; Wing, 2007) and persist on to university settings (Osajima, 1995; Wang, 2007). With the expected increase of Asian Americans on college campuses, educational institutions will need to understand that race plays a critical factor in shaping student educational experiences and academic success (Braxton, 2000; Museus, 2014;

Experiences of Asian American Students 179 Reid  & Radhakrishnan, 2003; Steel, 1997). Most importantly, educational institutions will need to understand that racism is an everyday reality and that the existing racial representations of Asian racial groups in the United States have played an active role in the racialized experiences of Asian Americans students (Lee, 1999). These racialized experiences take the form of racial microaggressions, defined by Sue et al. (2007) as brief indignities that communicate negative racial slights that have harmful psychological impact on the target person or group. Many of these racialized experiences encountered by Asian Americans stem from the Model Minority Myth – the racist assumption that Asian Americans can overcome adversity without assistance and are inheritably a successful race (Yi & Museus, 2015) – and have detrimental effects on the college experience of Asian Americans (Kodama et al., 2002; Tang, 2007). These detrimental effects have led to racialized experiences in which Asian American students have been portrayed in stereotypical images such as a model minority, which places Asian Americans as the only racial minority group that has “made it” in America through effort and education and can therefore serve as a role model for other racial minorities to emulate (Wing, 2007, p. 456). This stereotype has resulted in Asian American students being excluded from resources and services that are available to other minority groups, such as academic support program facilities and scholarship opportunities, and have led to resentment and fear of Asian American overrepresentation on college campuses (Lee, 1999). Likewise, Sue et al. (2007) assert that racialized experiences have led to a stereotypical image in which Asian Americans are viewed as perpetual foreigners, which assumes that all Asian Americans are foreigners or foreign-born. This assumption usually leads to the troubling question such as “Where are you from?” asked of an Asian American despite their insistence of citizenship in the United States, implying “return to whatever Asian country you came from” (Katrak, 2000, p. 374). This stereotype has resulted in Asian American students experiencing more sociological and psychological pressure due to their dual cultural identities (Wong & Halgin, 2006). Furthermore, Lee (1999) argues that racialized experiences have resulted in the stereotypical assumption of Asian Americans being a homogenous race, which assumes that all Asians look alike and invalidates the interethnic differences of the Asian race. This stereotype has resulted in aggregated student data that ignores the existence of other Asian American groups and masks the needs of some Asian American students (Kibria, 1998; Quinlan, 2015). Consequently, these forms of racism have become embedded and normalized, and have led to Asian American students to encounter behaviors on college campuses that make them feel unequal, unwelcomed, and discriminated against.

180  Mark R. Martell

Qualitative Method With the intent to develop an in-depth exploration of a central phenomenon like racial microaggressions, a qualitative method using narrative approaches was used to conduct this study. According to Creswell (2012), a qualitative method is best used to explore a problem or issue of a particular group or population in order to provide a detailed understanding of the issue and possible solutions. Although quantitative and qualitative characteristics tend to be seen as opposites, they need to be viewed as points on a continuum. Therefore, the choice of research approach between the two is based on what may provide the best understanding on Asian American student experiences. Hence, a qualitative method was chosen instead of a quantitative one. Furthermore, a qualitative method can allow proper investigation of an ontological assumption – the nature of reality and truth and how they shape the world (Glesne, 2011) – and can bring awareness, resistance, and transformation to the kinds of oppression encountered (Hatch, 2002). As Kawaguchi (2003) states, a qualitative method can help advance a study from a conceptual stage to the development and revision of conceptual frameworks and can assert the voices of research participants to become useful information for future research, policy-making, and practice. For this study, a qualitative method provided a strong method to identify the racialized experiences perceived and encountered by some UIC Asian American students.

Theoretical Lens Critical Race Theory (CRT) was used as a theoretical lens to guide this study. As Glesne (2011) explains, CRT examines the ways racism is so embedded in society that it appears “normal” and looks at how social and political forms of power include and exclude people of color. Grounded in critical legal studies, CRT allows a deep questioning of the role of race and systemic racism in the American legal, cultural, and political systems (Huges  & Giles, 2010). Although CRT originated in legal studies, it has been adopted by many disciplines. It draws from and extends a broad literature base in law, sociology, history, ethnic studies, and gender studies (Yosso & Solorzano, 2005). In education, CRT developed out of two responses: the need for a more militant race theory to unseat the pervasive racism in schools and the field of education, and as a response to the limitations of a class-focused analysis of education in confronting the problem of racism (Leonardo, 2013). As Leonardo explains, CRT in education is a paradigmatic study of race in which the problem of the color line is made to speak within a particular discourse, community, and postulates; it unmasks apparently nonracial phenomena as precisely racial in their nature and aims to halt racism by highlighting

Experiences of Asian American Students 181 its pedagogical dimensions and affirming an equally pedagogical solution rooted in anti-racism. Thus, CRT suited this study well for five reasons. First, as Yosso and Solorzano (2005) explain, CRT acknowledges the intercentricity of racialized oppression – the layers of subordination based on race, gender, class, immigration status, surname, phenotype, accent, and sexuality. It can be used to search for answers to the theoretical, conceptual, methodological, and pedagogical questions related to Asian American students. Second, CRT challenges dominant ideology and exposes deficitinformed research that silences, ignores, and distorts epistemologies of racial minorities. It can refute the claims that educational institutions make toward race neutrality and equal opportunity. Third, CRT commits to social justice and offers transformative response to racial inequalities. It can empower Asian American students to meet the multilayers of oppression and discrimination with multiple form of resistance. Fourth, CRT recognizes the centrality of the experiential knowledge of people of color as legitimate. It can draw from the lived experiences of Asian American students as sources of strength to expose deficit-informed research and policies that silence or distort them. Last, CRT insists on analyzing race and racism within both historical and contemporary contexts. It must consider the unique history of Asian Americans in various contexts in order to better understand the effects of racism (Yosso  & Solorzano, 2005).

Narrative Inquiry While the qualitative method for this study frames the approach, and CRT provides a lens for perspective, a narrative inquiry allows for exploration of an educational research problem by understanding the experiences of individuals through stories that constitute data gathered through interviews or informal conversations. Typically, narrative research focuses on studying specific people, gathering data from stories, reporting on those individual experiences, and then discussing the meaning of those experiences for the individual (Creswell, 2012). The narrative research design, as Creswell explains, has a shorter history in the field of education and entered the field in 1990 through an article by D. Jean Clandinin and Michael Connelly (2000) that cited many social science applications of narrative, elaborated on the process of collecting field notes, and discussed the writing and structure of a narrative design. Within the field of education, several trends influenced the expansion of narrative research. As Creswell describes, an increase on teacher reflection was first emphasized, then more emphasis was placed on teacher knowledge, and, finally, the voices of teachers were brought to the forefront by empowering teachers to share their experiences.

182  Mark R. Martell Counter-Storytelling For this study, counter-stories expanded the storytelling tradition and brought any existing racism on campus that populates their narrative data into light. These Asian American students were able to tell about their racialized experiences from a personal perspective and share their stories with racism and their responses. While one can argue storytelling is just a form of interviewing, storytelling goes deeper because it is allows the telling of stories of people whose experiences are not often told that exposes, shatters, or challenges the dominant discourse on race (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002). As Leonardo (2013) argues, if race is a social construction, then it takes the form of a narrative that can be examined through storytelling, which does not necessarily represent a position on truth or falsehood, but a critical appreciation for the power of myths and their consequences. As Leonardo further explains, stories do not devolve the debate into a relativistic matter of opinions; rather, stories affirm the power of storytelling as a mechanism that binds our understanding of social phenomena, like race. Because critical race researchers view experiential knowledge as a strength, they draw closely from the lived experiences of people of color by including such opportunities for not just storytelling but also counterstorytelling, a methodological tool used by critical race scholars to reclaim, recover, and provide a space for voices of marginalized groups (Alemán & Alemán, 2010). Counter-stories are political acts in direct opposition to normative beliefs about people of color that are used to justify racist practices (Chapman, 2011), and counter-storytelling acts both as a method for telling the story of those experiences not usually told and as a tool for analyzing and challenging the stories of those in power and whose story is naturally part of the majoritarian discourse (Yosso & Solorzano, 2005). Counter-storytelling, as Leonardo (2013) explains, reframes the normative script, becomes an antidote to the majority’s line of thinking, provides recounting of how race affects minority lives, and begins the discussion from the lived experience of the people most affected by race. As Pendakur and Pendakur (2012) assert, counter-storytelling repositions and shifts Asian American identity from the American racial discourse. Moreover, counter-stories can serve both creative and destructive functions. They can build community, nurture culture values, and strengthen resources for resistance, yet they can also deconstruct dominant discourse, expose systems of oppression, and challenge assumptions about people of color (Alemán  & Alemán, 2010). In sum, counter-stories are narratives that derail stereotypes, expand people’s notions of certain groups, and bring racial groups out of the realm of oppression and into political action.

Campus The University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC) is a four-year urban-research university located in the west side of Chicago with an undergraduate

Experiences of Asian American Students 183 student population of approximately 17,000 students, and a graduate and professional student population of approximately 11,000 students. The undergraduate student population is composed of 3,800 or 22.7% Asian American, 1,316 or 7.9% African American/Black, 18 or 0.1% American Indian/Alaskan Native, 4,410 or 26.4% Hispanic, 44 or .3% Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, 5,982 or 35.8% White, 417 or 2.5% Two or More Races, 414 or 2.5% International, and 306 or 1.8% Race/ Ethnicity Unknown (UIC Office of Institutional Research, 2014). UIC was the first Midwest university to be classified as an Asian American and Native American Pacific Islander-Serving Institution (AANAPISI) through the U.S. Department of Education’s grant, a classification it gained in 2010. As such, UIC was the ideal campus to conduct this study. Despite being an AANAPISI, Asian Americans are not classified as full minorities or “traditionally under-represented” on campus (Levis Faculty Center, 2000) because the percentage of the Asian American undergraduate population on campus surpasses the total state percentage population of Asian Americans (Diversifying Higher Education Faculty in Illinois, n.d.). This “reclassification” of Asian Americans leads to the popular conception that Asian Americans have overcome adversity due to their cultural values and hard work. They have become “model minorities” who no longer need assistance or minority services and policies like affirmative action. Because they are no longer defined as minorities, Asian Americans have been deminoritized. This racialized assumption has predominated the discourse of Asian American college students and has caused policymakers, administrators, and the media to maintain the racial status quo in higher education (Lee, 2006). Nevertheless, UIC Asian Americans as research participants challenge the model minority assumption. As a 2005 survey conducted through the AANAPISI program revealed, 39% of UIC Asian American students were first to attend college, 29% come from low-income households, 45% received financial aid, and 60% worked while in school. These statistics reflect the “risk” factors many researchers argue play a role in student retention and student success: being a first-generation college student, coming from a low-income household, coming from an immigrant family, and/or living at home (U.S. Department of Education, n.d., p. 2). As a data source, I felt the UIC Asian American student population and its existing constituents for Asian Americans would provide rich information to understand Asian American student experiences.

Participants The resulting participants of this study involved nine undergraduate students who participated in one-on-one interviews. Four participants were successfully recruited from East Asian ethnicities, three from South Asian ethnicities, one Southeast Asian, and one with mixed ethnicity. For this piece, I opted to focus on the narratives of the four male-identified and

184  Mark R. Martell one gender non-conforming Asian American students to provide unique perspectives of a group whose stories are sometimes uneasily disclosed. While a small amount, this was a manageable number to provide deep stories of rich experiences, unique histories, and identities.

Participant Selection A qualitative investigator purposefully selects individuals to best learn about a phenomenon and who can provide a voice to individuals who are not usually heard (Creswell, 2012). For this study, purposeful sampling, the intentional selection of specific individuals and sites that provide the best understanding of the central phenomenon, was chosen. Specifically, homogeneous sampling, which samples individuals based on membership in a subgroup that has defining characteristics (Creswell, 2012), was implemented. Because of the narrow scope in my recruitment, the limitations of this sampling strategy resulted in 24 respondents with nine participants fully meeting the research criteria, falling three short of my original target amount. The target group for this study included undergraduate Asian American students who were born and raised in the United States, who entered UIC as freshmen, are in senior status, and are approaching graduation. More established in their academic program and more engaged within the campus culture having started and stayed in the same school for four years (Kuh, 2013), these participants offered more thorough narratives. Transfer students who arrived at UIC midway in their academic career were not solicited because they would not provide four or more years of content on their campus experience. Undergraduate students, not graduate students or professional students, were preferred for this study because this population was traditionally still in their early formative years in identity development and exploration of self (Kuh, 2013). While a graduate student or professional student could have completed their undergraduate degree at UIC, the time between their undergraduate years and graduate year could have possibly provided confusing context for the type of information sought. Their transition from undergraduate to graduate status would have exposed them to new experiences, services, staff, and faculty that differed from my research criteria. Also, targeting the U.S.-born and raised Asian American student population provided the cultural context needed to investigate whether or not racialized stereotypes stemming from the Model Minority Myth is a product of U.S. society; therefore, international Asian students were not considered for this research. Furthermore, unlike international students, domestic-born students were able to bring certain lenses of Asian Americans whose parents and siblings have already acculturated in American society and who have had longer experiences in the American

Experiences of Asian American Students 185 education system, and, therefore, may have a deeper understanding of the context of the study. As Hune (2002) asserts, most Asian Americans today are part of the second migration wave, whose experiences in Asia and the U.S. are distinct from the Americans born of the first wave. Specifically, for this study, as fully described in the following section, the student participants identified as first generation, 1.5 generation, or second generation – self-identifiers reflecting whether or not the student counted their parental status or mixed identity.

Participant Interviewing One-on-one semi-structured interviews lasting no more than one hour were the protocol used to pursue the research questions and to understand the racial reality of these Asian American participants. Interviews in qualitative research allow participants to provide useful information and to disclose detailed personal information (Creswell, 2012). Having participants tell their stories allows the researcher to link experiences and circumstances together to make meaning (Glesne, 2011). These stories, which Creswell (2012) classifies as field texts, constitute the data gathered through interviews or informal conversations. With the focus on the racialized experiences of Asian American college students, conducting interviews was appropriate in capturing both personal and social lived experiences. For this study, an interview approach allowed the researcher to steer the interview and ask established or emerging questions to elicit the stories from Asian American students. While this research provides a snapshot of the college experiences of UIC Asian American students, it will have implications that need to be addressed through further research. This research was limited to just a small amount of Asian American students; therefore, this group of students does not represent the entire racial group. Thus, this study can be a jumping off point for future researchers to consider a larger pool that would inform other campuses on the racial realities of Asian American students. For the purpose of this chapter, I will focus on the four maleidentified and one non-gender conforming Asian American participants. The following pseudonyms were assigned to these participants: • Sonny, a second-generation South Asian male, double-majoring in math and chemistry. • Tim, a 1.5-generation East Asian male of Chinese descent, majoring in bioengineering. • JZ, a first-generation Chinese American male, majoring in computer science. • Ricky, who identifies with the non-gender conforming pronoun “they,” is a first-generation East Asian, majoring in gender and women studies and minoring in Asian American studies.

186  Mark R. Martell •

Arjun, a first-generation South Asian male, majoring in bioengineering with minors in electrical engineering and mechanical engineering.

In the following section, I share their stories and the data that describes their racialized experiences on campus.

The Racialized Experiences of Asian American Students The racialization of Asian American students at UIC brings up concerns for the student participants. The previous section describes how racialized experiences, whether subtle or blatant, affect Asian American students. Through my collection and review of data, I  uncovered four themes: the Model Minority, Perpetual Foreigner, Feeling Unwelcomed, and Cultural Assumptions. Uncovering the factors that contribute to the racialized experiences of Asian American students allows for a more comprehensive examination of the systemic effects that impact members of this racial group (Choi, 2011). Here, I  present a portrait of the students through the gathered data to reveal the stereotypes imposed upon them by student peers, faculty, staff, and random strangers, and the racialized experiences they had encountered. This study has uncovered that the stereotypical images of the Model Minority Myth, the perpetual foreigner, and the homogenous race are thriving, that cultural assumptions are placed, and that Asian Americans are made to feel unwelcomed at UIC.

The Model Minority: “All Asians are supposed to be smart.” The model minority stereotype, which assigns a certain status to Asian Americans as a model for success, places pressure on Asian American students to conform to a stereotype that they did not endorse, particularly if they were not good at a particular subject or did not enjoy it (Sue et al., 2007; Wing, 2007). In the study, the students were well aware of the “model minority” stereotype, either as a formal label or as the general stereotype of “Asians are smart.” The narratives they shared during the interviews revealed this stereotype to be a dominant and common theme, specifically with intelligence being prescribed upon them. The thought of being perceived as “smart” appeared many times throughout the interviews. For these students, the model minority application was responded to with a range from annoyance to anger. They reported that the model minority stereotype has constructed them to be one-dimensional and solely about academics. Sonny shared: I mean there is definitely the Model Minority Myth. We’re good at science, we’re good at math. I think aside from that we’re expected

Experiences of Asian American Students 187 to be very studios. Especially, especially myself . . . I’ve had people tell me  .  .  .  “Oh, you must be valedictorian material.” I  think it’s something where, so for music and dance, I  am relatively successful. It’s going well. I  think people kind of translate intelligence or like ability of music and dance to my academic abilities. And, like, I’m doing average academic, like I’m not so far above other people. Um, but I think people assume that doing well in one area is doing well everywhere. So, a lot of people do assume that my life is very one dimensional as in only music, dance, and academics, and all of those are very vigorous, which they are, but it’s not like I have no life outside of class. From Sonny’s narrative, it is apparent he has encountered the Model Minority Myth in his academic environment. The extent of this can also be detrimental in how the student may internalize such racialized comments. For Tim, it was frustrating: That’s actually something that really annoys me because there a lot of Asian kids who are really, really dumb, but people think they’re smart because they’re Asian. It’s also really annoying because I tend to hold myself to standards based off of my own performance, so like if I don’t know something in math, somebody will always make a joke like “Oh, you’re Asian, shouldn’t you know this?” It’s so ridiculous. Ricky further expressed frustration on how the model minority stereotype has held them to a higher standard and led to the assumption that they need minimal support. They state that this stereotype has led other students to assume that Asian Americans are the reason the grading curve is so high, that Asian Americans do not have to study, that other student works are compared to theirs unfairly, and that Asian Americans do not need any academic resources. For these students, the idea of being a model minority is a social construction related to being Asian American. Their experiences with this stereotype have reinforced the assumptions connected to academic success when associated with Asian Americans, no matter one’s ethnic background. The students report that this stereotype has been a source of offense that made them feel one-dimensional, an academic expert, a perfectionist, annoyed, frustrated, ignored, and uncomfortable.

Perpetual Foreigner: “Everybody from Asia is Chinese.” The assumption that all Asian Americans are perpetual foreigners despite having citizenship in the United States has led to Asian American students feeling like an outsider in their own land. The placement of the perpetual foreigner stereotype on Asian Americans has led to internal cultural conflicts

188  Mark R. Martell for those with dual cultural identities (Wong & Halgin, 2006) and to being marked as a foreigner because of their physical features (Sue et al., 2007). Furthermore, the perpetual foreigner stereotype has led to the assumption that Asian Americans are a homogenous group that lack interethnic differences. In this study, students primarily reported experiences with the perpetual foreigner stereotype. Rather than feeling a sense of belonging, the students stated they were seen as foreigners or different, despite being born in the United States, or they were assumed to be ethnically homogenous. The perpetual foreigner stereotype is a common experience for these Asian American students and can occur in any setting. For Tim, his experiences occurred on campus, specifically in spaces for student services. He described a couple of incidents when he felt assumed to be of a specific ethnicity or assumed to be a non-English speaker: First of all, Korean people come up to me and speak Korean to me all the time. That’s really interesting and bizarre. It’s really not negative. It’s just uncomfortable, I guess. There were a lot of times, where like, well, not a lot, at least like several, that I either didn’t understand what somebody was saying to me or I was speaking too softly and they asked me if I could speak English, and that was extremely offensive. I think this happened at Wendy’s like twice or three times, and I had no idea what they were asking me, and they were like “Do you speak English?” JZ’s encounter was received from a friend with whom he was playing basketball in the student recreation center: This Indian person referred to me as “The Asian.” Then I asked him, “You know you’re Asian too, right?” He said, “Oh, you know what I mean.” I don’t know if he was joking, or if he’s just ignorant, but I think more towards ignorant. Usually people think Asians are the ones with the small eyes and not the brown skin. Arjun and Sonny, who are of Indian descent, in their respective interviews stated how the common assumption of “All Asians are Chinese” make them feel as if they are not “real” Asians. Arjun commented, “When people say Asian, they refer more to the Eastern Side of Asia: China, Korea, Japan, Vietnam.” Likewise, Sonny stated, “When they say ‘Asians,’ they don’t really refer to Indians, so it’s like a separate sub-continent.” For JZ, his experience of not being considered a “real” Asian surprisingly came from an international student from China: I was in class, and this lady who came from China. I saw her name be prompted by the teacher. I asked her is she Chinese, and she said yes. I told that her I’m Chinese as well.

Experiences of Asian American Students 189 She asked me if I spoke Mandarin. I said “No, I speak Cantonese.” Then she said with emphasis that “No, you’re not authentic Chinese. You’re not real.” I think she said it because I was born in the States. I guess American born Chinese people don’t fully get the full culture. While most of the students found the homogenous stereotype problematic, Lei (2003) shows the benefit of a collective front: protection from physical and verbal harassment. While this may be viewed as a positive, Tim found the collectiveness of Asian Americans exclusionary: I find the Asian American community is just kind of strange because they’re like very cliquey. It makes sense kind of in the context of the organization if they’re just all Asian Americans, but even outside of it, I feel like people in those organizations, tend to not involve themselves with anyone else. They just completely seclude themselves. It’s just mini-Chinatown. They pretend the rest of the world just don’t exist. Sonny had a similar comment about the exclusiveness of Asian American students: There’s an Indian Student Association . . . a lot of times people avoid it . . . just because, they, um, or some people specifically I’ve heard them say, including myself, “I don’t want to be in a huge group of people of the same race because then drama begins or what not.” Despite finding the homogenous stereotype challenging, Tim, out of all the students, took more of a diplomatic approach and attributes this assumption to people who do not understand geography: There used to be this stereotype that everybody from Asia is Chinese, and then people realized that it was like not good to assume that everybody was Chinese, so they assume that everybody was Japanese or Korean which is not any better. I don’t know. It’s really strange that when somebody sees somebody who is Asian, they want to figure out what country they’re from in Asia. You never ever see somebody walk up to a Black guy and ask “What part of Africa do you come from?”

Unwelcomed: “I have places that I don’t go to and places that I do go to.” The student narratives also revealed racialized experiences that resulted in feeling unwelcomed or discriminated against in certain spaces on

190  Mark R. Martell campus. For JZ, his experience comes from his perception of the campus social environment that Asian women preferred other races to Asian men: I see on campus that more and more nowadays is that a lot of Asian girls are going towards White males . . . I feel that Asian girls like to support a variation, I guess. They have a greater chance with other cultures than Asian males. For Sonny, his experience involves a professor who gave him a lower grade and made him feel discriminated against: Sometimes I feel like it, maybe because the, especially the professors that I mentioned, I didn’t do so well in their class. I don’t, I mean, I was keeping up with the work, but, sometimes, I would get back, like in the English class, I would get back the assignment with nothing more than a “Oh, you should have added a comma here,” and then I would get a 9 out of 10. Um, and it seems hard for me to kind of understand why that would be the case. Or there was a grade that was nowhere on the syllabus that on the final Blackboard grade, it said “Professionalism: 6 out of 10” and I was like “She didn’t mention this was a grade at the beginning of the class and neither did she mention it anywhere on the syllabus, and somehow I got 6 out of 10.” I asked someone else who was in the class, incidentally they weren’t Asian American, but they got a 9 out of 10. When asked if he addressed it with the professor, Sonny stated that he had paired it with another question and the professor only answered one question and ignored the one about the grade. For Ricky, their experience was subtle and they attributed their feeling of being unwelcomed to their intersections of their race and gender appearance: I don’t know if it’s just my race, but I think it’s more like my look and my race combined. Yeah, so I don’t really know if it’s just my race. I’ve been called out that I’ve been in the wrong bathroom. Also, in the type of events that I’ll go to, I’ve been asked why I was there, or people will look at you . . . And feeling like I couldn’t participate because . . . Sometimes, when I go to their events, I feel like I’m not the type of audience that they are speaking to . . . that’s the type of response I would get.

Cultural Assumptions: “People just have innate prejudices toward other people.” The students disclosed a range of cultural assumptions they had experienced on campus. Tim reported being asked if he had ever eaten dog;

Experiences of Asian American Students 191 Sonny found himself automatically assumed to be a pre-med major; Ricky was asked why there was even a need for an Asian American resource center or Asian American studies program; and specifically for Arjun, he had received inquiries regarding Indian culture: I’ve been asked about arranged marriage and how people feel that I have to do that. They ask about how there is so many different gods in my religion. They ask me what’s curry. What people consider what curry is, I don’t think it is curry. They see me eating something, and they’re like “Oh, is that curry?” I’m like “No, it’s not curry.” While the majority of these cultural assumptions were delivered by peers, Sonny reported encountering some from faculty. The first was when he was in his English class and the noise from the Asian American Awareness Month celebration could be heard from the Quad: Our professor was extremely confused and she asked what the noise was. I said, “I think it was triple A month, the Asian American Awareness Month, they’re having their events in the Quad.” Then she commented “Oh, aren’t Asians supposed to be the quiet ones?” That took me aback, and the classroom went silent. Right then, I think she realized that she said something wrong, but she didn’t take any . . . she didn’t care or bother to apologize. That was unintentional, but I think an apology was due. The second encounter was in his biology class, where the professor, who was talking about the pollution in China, made a generalized statement about China’s One Child policy: “ ‘They would prevent women from having a second child because that’s the kind of people that the Chinese people are.’ He said it very much aware that half the class was Asian people, students.” For Tim, these cultural assumptions can be a source of frustration. Tim has witnessed some actions of international Asian students that he considers socially inappropriate that he feels are wrongly applied to Asian Americans. He has seen Chinese students cutting their hair in campus bathrooms, bathing themselves in the sinks, and smoking in the hallways of academic buildings. While these witnessed actions could stem from cultural ignorance, Tim stated that the actions of international Asian students could place stereotypes and prejudice on Asian American students, and as a result, affect him: These cultural biases tend to create strong prejudices against Asian Americans. Just in general, I get a feeling that the majority of students when they are interacting with Asian students, tend to automatically put them in three different classes. One is like “Oh, this just a normal student except they’re Asian.” And then one is “Oh,

192  Mark R. Martell this is an Asian immigrant student.” And then another is like “This is one of those of those Asian frat kids who only hangs out with other Asians.” Personally, it’s kind of an issue because when I talk to somebody they immediately have these like archetypes that they’re waiting to throw me into. Tim’s statement reflects Lee’s (2015) assertion that Asian Americans are commonly seen through a simplistic and monolithic model minority lens. Whether coming from international or domestic origins, Asian Americans get cast into a foreigner archetype. In the case of these student participants, assumptions and stereotypes connected to the Model Minority Myth have made them academically superior, perpetual foreigners, and culturally inassimilable.

Conclusion The purpose of this chapter is to examine the racialized experiences Asian American students may encounter or perceive at the University of Illinois at Chicago. I would declare that the findings in this study have met its original purpose. However, I would also express caution in simplifying the findings in this study because as past research, and now mine, have shown, the topic of race is not an easily explained subject. Through my collection of data and analysis, I  have found the Asian American students who participated in this research to be complex individuals who come from diverse backgrounds. Through their stories, I can see how these Asian American students are already socially constructed as model minorities or assumed as foreigners. They come from immigrant families whose histories reflect most immigrant stories of coming to the United States for a better life. Most of them had chosen majors in the STEM field – subjects that normally require academic rigor. They expressed interest in career paths in academia, research, medicine, engineering, or computer science – professions that require advanced degrees. From these tropes, one can see how easily racial stereotypes can be applied to these Asian American students. With existing racial stereotypes permeating American society through history and mainstream media, it is not surprising that the Asian American students interviewed for this study encounter these stereotypes. The narratives of these students show how the historicity and pervasiveness of racial hierarchies of the past still frame Asian Americans as the model minority or perpetual foreigner. As Katrak (2000) asserts, Asian American identity is viewed within the context of the United States through filters of the prevalent racial climates, the current images in popular media, and the remnants of anti-Asian legislations, whether the setting be the exclusionary eras or present day. These students are not just entering a racialized campus and bringing their racial identities, they

Experiences of Asian American Students 193 are also navigating through societal legacies of exclusionary practices or beliefs that have placed Asian Americans in a disadvantaged positioning in the contemporary American stratification racial order (Baldoz, 2004). On the other hand, these students are also experiencing the historicity of privileged and affluent Asian immigrants that places them in a model minority status, resulting in their personal and academic needs to be ignored on campus. Thus, these students, as Lee (2015) asserts, are benefiting from new positions of power and privilege when valorized as a model minority while still being victims of racial microaggressions. Additionally, the international context of Asia and the United States’ shifting relationships with various countries cause Asian Americans to be seen as Asians, not Americans, and come to embody whatever threat the land of their ancestry allegedly poses to the United States (Lee, 2015), perpetuating the venomous racial discourse of the past of Asian Americans being inassimilable foreigners. In other words, no matter the country of origin of these Asian American students, they have qualities that they could not dismiss – the shape of their eyes, their hair color, and their skin color – or what Takaki (1993) terms as a “racial uniform” that regardless of the students’ personal merits, they cannot hide and therefore cannot gain acceptance beyond being viewed as perpetual foreigners (p. 12). As I  interacted with these participants and dissected their stories, I  began to understand the full range of their racial realities as Asian Americans in higher education. Their narratives have challenged and affirmed my own assumptions about what it means to be Asian Americans in today’s increasingly diverse campus environments and revealed one important fact: racialized experiences are encountered by these students, including at their place of higher learning. This unfortunately reflects Museus’ (2014) argument that Asian American students in higher education are less likely to be satisfied with the environments on their respective campuses and with their overall college experience compared to their White peers. For these Asian American students, their dissatisfaction stems from experiencing the model minority stereotype, the perpetual foreigner stereotype, and other forms of racial discrimination on a campus that only succeeds in structural diversity rather than an authentic diverse university environment. Thus, as this chapter demonstrates, learning about the racialized experiences of Asian American college students provides an understanding of the need to focus on this racial population early on before they enter college campuses. Learning about the racial realities of Asian Americans using narrative approaches is crucial to the overall institutional learning and the impact on K-12 populations and beyond. As Lagemann (2000) simply puts it: “schools could offer children from different backgrounds an equal chance in life and that schools in particular, and education more generally, provide a powerful means for . . . promoting equality” (p. 196).

194  Mark R. Martell

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Index

Note: Page numbers in bold indicate a table on the corresponding page. AANAPISI (Asian American and Native American Pacific IslanderServing Institution) program 183 academic achievement: academic self-concept and 12; Black family structure and 143; cultural competency and 11, 24 – 25; disparities in educational opportunity and 170; externalized behaviors and 44; family engagement and 82; of Black male students and sport coaches 95 – 96, 99; self-efficacy and 15, 17; self-esteem and 13 – 15; socio-class and 133; stereotype threat and 18 – 19, 83 academically rigorous learning 19 – 20, 25; see also cultural competency, teaching practices with academic and career development see Black male community college basketball players, beliefs among academic beliefs 107 – 108; see also Black male community college basketball players, beliefs among academic climate 177 academic clustering 110 academic curriculum 124; see also curriculum academic identity: college-bound identity 12; cultural identity and 11 – 12, 24 – 25; restorative practices and 24; see also cultural competency, teaching practices with; self-identity academic preparedness 107, 110 academic self-concept 12, 14 – 15

academic success and cultural competency see cultural competency, teaching practices with academic tension 123 academic trajectory of Black males 81, 84, 86, 89 achievement gaps: due to effects of trauma 42; reform efforts and 170; see also cultural competency, teaching practices with; institutional racism, narrative inquiry approach to avoiding acultural instructions 160 adrenaline 45 adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) 39 African American fathers 20, 85 – 86, 88, 143 African American Identity Model 15 – 16 African American male student athletes see Black male community college basketball players, beliefs among; Black male student athletes (BMSAs) African Mandingo hyperbole 142 African self-consciousness, defined 13 Afrocentricity/Afrocentric identity 16 – 17 Alegria, M. 42 Alexander, K. L. 19 Alink, L. R. A. 41 Allen, W. R. 12 American Association of Community Colleges 107 American School Counseling Association (ASCA) 50

200 Index Andrews, D. J. C. 14 Ang, I. 176 antiblackness 62, 71 arousal 43 – 44 Asian American male students, racialized experiences of 173 – 193; literature review 177 – 179; narrative inquiry 181 – 182; participant interviews 185 – 186; participant selection 183 – 185; qualitative method 180; racialized experiences on campus 186 – 192; racialized experiences’ study 174 – 177; theoretical study 180 – 181; University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC) campus 182 – 183 athletic identity 88, 98, 106 – 107, 113; see also Black male student athletes (BMSAs) athletic programs/promotion 93, 126; see also Black male student athletes (BMSAs) athletic staff 127 – 128 Attachment Regulation and Competency (ARC) model 47 autoethnography 134 avoidance 43 Bakermans-Kranenburg, M. 41 Baldwin, J. A. 13 Bandura, A. 15, 16, 82 basketball players see Black male community college basketball players, beliefs among Beach, R. 95 behavior 42 – 45 Behringer, L. B. 178 Bell, D. 10, 63 Beverly, B. 1, 95 Black adolescent students 13 Black American male achievement gap, reducing see institutional racism, narrative inquiry approach to avoiding Black girls/women 22, 59, 107, 143 Black male community college basketball players, beliefs among 106 – 129; academic accountability promotion 128; academic tension 123; assessment instrument 114; athletic coaches 127 – 128; career development beliefs 124 – 127; case studies 116 – 122; data analysis

115 – 116; findings 123; interviews 114 – 115; K-12 administrators 127; literature review 108 – 111; methodology 114; parents and family 128; perception of academic curriculum 124; positionality 115; Super’s career development theory 112 – 113; theoretical framework 111 – 112 Black male student athletes (BMSAs): academic achievement 95 – 96; academic identity, struggle with 92 – 94; educational context in inner-cities 94 – 95; leadership acknowledgement 99 – 102; sport coaches of 97 – 98; underachievement in high school 96 – 97; see also Black male community college basketball players, beliefs among Black masculinity 137 – 138 Black middle class 13 Black oppositional culture 13 Blackshear, T. B. 133 Black students: disciplinary practices 65; in impoverished urban school 95; interrogation and racial profiling of 69 – 70; K-12 students 13, 14; punishment to 64; selfesteem in 12 – 15; suspension of 70; trauma in 39; see also Black male student athletes (BMSAs); cultural competency, teaching practices with Boggs, B. 19 – 20 Bronfenbrenner’s model 108 Brooks, T. R. 38 Brown v. Board of Education 1, 63, 80 Brown, S. D. 12 Butler, L. S. 19 calming techniques 46 career beliefs inventory (CBI) 114, 115, 124 career coaching 111 career development beliefs 107 – 108, 111 – 113, 126; see also Black male community college basketball players, beliefs among career development stages 113 career life span 112 – 113 career maturity 107, 112 career planning 111, 115, 125

Index  201 caring 60, 128 Chambers, T. T. 63 childhood trauma 39, 41; see also trauma Children’s Hope Scale (CHS) 25 – 26 Cicchetti, D. 44 Clandinin, D. J. 134, 181 Clark, K. 80 Clark, M. 80 classroom activities 44 Cleveland, P. C. 18 Cognitive Behavioral Intervention for Trauma in Schools (CBITS) 47 – 49; see also trauma-informed teacher training cognitive behavioral therapy 47 cognitive developmental delays 43, 45 cognitive processing skills 42 – 43 cognitive well-being 25 Cohen, D. K. 3 collaboration 164 – 165; see also consensus development through digital storytelling college-bound identity 12; see also academic identity communication clarity 165 community colleges see Black male community college basketball players, beliefs among community violence 41 – 42 Connelly, M. 134, 181 consensus development through digital storytelling 159 – 170; challenges in group collaboration 164 – 165; challenges of film story development 165 – 167; conceptual structure of the Native Youth Film Institute 160 – 161; findings 163; implications for supporting native youth in classrooms 170; Native Youth Film Institute program 161 – 162; participant interviews and analysis 162; skills supporting collaborative problem-solving 167 – 169; youth perceptions of group collaboration 163 – 164 Cool Pose 17 – 18 coping strategies 17 – 18; see also trauma cortisol 40, 45 Cowen, E. L. 43 Creswell, J. W. 180, 181, 185

critical pedagogy, defined 81; see also cultural competency, teaching practices with critical race theory (CRT): restorative justice and 68 – 70; theoretical framework 9 – 10; to study racism in Asian American students 180 – 182 Crocker, J. 13 Cross, W. E. 15, 16 cultural assumptions 190 – 192 cultural competency, teaching practices with 9 – 31; Children’s Hope Scale (CHS) 25 – 26; five point program for teaching English in the inner-city 27 – 28; literature review 12 – 19; non-cultural issues that impact educational outcomes 19 – 24; Nzuri Model 26 – 27; resources 25; rigorous classes and 19 – 20, 25; students of color selfefficacy survey 28 – 29; teachers of students of color self-efficacy survey 30 – 31; theoretical framework 9 – 10 cultural identity 11 – 12, 24 – 25, 179, 188; see also cultural competency, teaching practices with cultural ignorance 191 cultural learning 170 culturally relevant pedagogy, teaching practices with see cultural competency, teaching practices with Cunningham, J. A. 48 curriculum: academic 124; adjustment problems with 178; culturally inclusive 20 – 24, 83 – 84; Eurocentric 160; for career path 125; for elementary-age children 83 – 84; pre-packaged 89; teacher quality and 20 – 22; youth participants and 87 Daggett, W. 25 Darling-Hammond, L. 95 DeCandia, G. M. 12 deminoritization of Asian Americans 183; see also Asian American male students, racialized experiences of Demo, D. H. 12 democratic equality 2 Desimone, L. 21 developmental courses 109 Dewey, J. 2 Diamond, J. B. 99

202 Index digital storytelling, consensus development through see consensus development through digital storytelling discipline 44, 48, 60, 62; see also restorative justice in urban schools distributed leadership see sport coach as educational leader double consciousness 17 Douglas, T.-R. 63 Drury, D. 12 dual cultural identities 179, 188 Du Bois, W. E. B. 17 Dumas, M. J. 62 Dunbar, C. 19 – 20 Duncan-Andrade, J. 68 Dweck, C. S. 23 early childhood education (ECE) 49 Eaton, T. 106 educational goals 1 educational identity 12 educational reforms 95 – 96, 170 Egeland, B. 43 Egyptian Revolution of 2011: benefits of Black masculinity during 137 – 138; Black American men, freedom during 138 – 139; Egyptians during 137; religious oppression, escape during 139 – 140 elementary-age children 83 – 84 Elementary and Secondary Education Act 80 emotional and physical needs 46 emotional dysregulation 43 empowerment 17, 50, 69 Entwisle, D. R. 19 equality and higher education see Black male student athletes (BMSAs) equity literacy 1, 79 – 80 Eurocentric curriculum 160 Euser, E. M. 41 Every Student Succeeds Act 80 evidence-based practices 50 expatriate education 136, 138 expectations and achievement 22 externalized behaviors 44 failure, experiencing 44 family discussion of race, role in PK-12 schooling 79 – 89; background 80 – 81; family and

student engagement 82; findings and analysis 84 – 88; literature review 81; methodology 83 – 84; purpose 81; theoretical framework 82 – 83 fathering involvement and intergenerational parenting 20 fear of acting White 13 feedback 16, 164, 167 – 169 fight, flight, or freeze 40 – 41, 45, 51 Fink, D. 99 Fitzpatrick, K. 134 five point program for teaching English in the inner-city 27 – 28 Flennaugh, T. K. 58, 95 focus group interviews 159, 162, 167, 169 Fordham, S. 13 foreigner archetype 192 Fortuna, L. R. 42 Foucault, M. 69 Francis, D. D. 9 funding of Black K-12 schools 14 Gaylord-Harden, N. K. 48 generative case study 84 Gillborn, D. 61 – 62 Glesne, C. 180 Goldhaber, D. 21 Goodman, R. D. 42, 43 Gordon, E. 175 Gore, P. A. 12 Gorin, J. S. 177 Green, R. L. 22 Grey, E. A. 178 group collaboration 164 – 165 group identity 18 group reflections 164, 168 Guillermo-Wann, C. 178 Gun Safety Act of 1994 63 – 64 Hackett, C. 110 Halverson, R. 99 Hammond, Z. L. 25 Haniff, N. Z. 12 Hargreaves, A. 99 Harris, P. 108 Hart, A. 9 Hattie, J. 22 higher education access 10, 97, 110, 143, 174, 177 – 178, 183, 193 Hispanic American students 39, 109, 110; see also Latinx students

Index  203 Hodges, C. R. 12 hope 26, 66, 68; see also restorative justice in urban schools hopelessness 43 Horton, D. 109 Hughley, D. L. 13 Huitt, W. 18 – 19 Hune, S. 185 Hurtado, S. 177, 178 hypervigilant behaviors 45 hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis (HPA axis) 40 Ijzendoorn, M. H. van 41 imposter syndrome and self-identity 14; see also self-identity inclusive instruction 170 indigenous knowledge practices (IKP)focused pedagogy 160 – 162, 169 inequitable schooling 19 infant-directed speech 83 institutional racism, narrative inquiry approach to avoiding 133 – 152; anti-U.S. sentiment 150; black masculinity, benefits of 137 – 138; Egyptian Revolution of 2011 137, 146 – 149; labels 145 – 146; living freely 138 – 139; Me Too movement 142 – 143; method 133 – 135; parallel resistance 141 – 142; parenting styles 143 – 145; policing 149 – 150; religion 139 – 140; relocating to Egypt 133 – 137; school-to-prison pipeline 134; schooling 151; sexuality 141 instructional decisions 160 instruction style and teacher quality 21; see also teachers intellectual development 126 interethnic differences 188 intergenerational parenting and fathering involvement 20 internalized behaviors 44 interpersonal relationships 178 intrinsic satisfaction 125 Inzlicht, M. 22 Jackson, J. 145 James, L. 106 Jaycox, L. H. 48 Jita, L. 99 Joels, M. 40 Johnson, R. E. 13

Jones, J. T. 143 Jung, H. 95 justice in restorative practice 68 – 69; see also restorative justice in urban schools juvenile justice system 60 Kaiser Permanente 39 Kansas, T. 80 Katrak, K. H. 192 Kawaguchi, S. 180 Kelly-Reid, J. E. 15 Khalifa, M. A. 63 Kim, C. J. 176 Kloet, E. R. de 40 Knapp, L. G. 15 Knight, D. 65, 66 Kolonich, A. 159 Krumboltz, J. 114, 125 Kunjufu, J. 15 – 16, 143 Laar, C. van 14 Ladson-Billings, G. 24 Lagemann, E. C. 193 Lapchick, R. 98 Lareau, A. 3 Latinx students 48, 65, 70; see also Hispanic American students Lavery, L. 21 leadership 99, 100 Lee, E. 176, 179, 192 Legault, L. 22 Lei, J. L. 189 Lent, R. W. 12 Leonard, M. M. 15 Leonardo, Z. 180, 182 Lin, J. 42 literacy-related activities 19 Long, D. 21 Lorde, A. 62 love and dialogue in restorative practice 66 – 67, 71; see also restorative justice in urban schools Lundell, D. B. 95 Lustick, H. 69 – 70 Malcolm X 15 – 16 Mandara, J. 143 Mannarino, A. P. 48 Marable, M. 62 Martell, M. R. 173 McGhie, T. E. 79 McKnight, C. C. 19

204 Index mental health stigma 42 Mexican-American students 48; see also Hispanic American students; Latinx students microaggressions 174, 179, 180, 193 middle schools 49 Miller, E. 15 Milliken v. Bradley 63 Milner, H. R. 62 mindset 23, 127 minority enrollment 107 mixed identity 185 Model Minority Myth 179, 182, 186 – 187 motivation 44, 127 Movement Oriented Civil Rights Themed Children’s Literature 83 – 84 multiculturalism 175 – 176 Myers, W. D. 18 National Career Development Association (NCDA) 127 Native American children 48 Native Youth Film Institute, collaborative groups in see consensus development through digital storytelling Neufeld, B. 3 Newfield, C. 175 Nigrescence 15 No Child Left Behind 80 non-cognitive goals 2 – 3 non-sports identity 128 nurture groups 45, 46 Nzuri Model 26 – 27 Ogbu, J. 13, 151 oral language development 83 Osborne, J. 13 ostracism from classroom activities 44 Pacific Islander groups 174 – 175; see also Asian American male students, racialized experiences of Pajares, F. 15 panopticon 69 parenting 20, 24, 79, 87, 143 parents, literacy experiences of 85 – 86 Parker, F. 12, 178 Paulson, M. 25 Payne, A. A. 65, 66

Pedler, M. 14 peer feedback 164, 167 – 169 peer pressure 14, 92 Pendakur, S. 182 Pendakur, V. 182 perpetual foreigner stereotype 187 – 188; see also stereotypes Pigott, R. L. 43 Piper, R. E. 79 PK-12 schooling see family discussion of race, role in PK-12 schooling Poitra, C. M. 159 Porche, M. V. 42 Portin, B. 101 positive thinking 22 – 23 Potter, H. 95 predominantly white institutions (PWIs) 15 Presberry, C. 58 problem-solving skills 43 Proctor, A. M. 38 project-based learning 161, 164, 167, 169 punishment 64, 134 racial bias 13, 71, 110 racial climate 177 racial discourse 176, 182, 193 racial equality/inequalities: multiculturalism and 176; transformative response to 181 racial/ethnic identity: family interaction for development of 87; influences of stereotype threat on 82, 83; of parents 85 – 86; self-efficacy and 15, 16, 18; sense of self-esteem based on 13; understanding 10; see also academic identity; cultural identity racialized experiences of Asian American male students see Asian American male students, racialized experiences of racial microaggressions 179 racial minoritized students 44; see also Asian American male students, racialized experiences of; Black students; Hispanic American students; Latinx students racial uniform 193 racism: defined 62; in urban schools 61 – 62; restorative justice practices and 65 – 70; systemic 143, 180;

Index  205 see also institutional racism, narrative inquiry approach to avoiding Radhakrishnan, P. 177 Rankin, S. 177 Ransaw, T. S. 9 read-alouds 83, 85 Reason, R. 177 Reay, D. 18 re-experiencing behaviors 43 Reid, J. E. 177 Reid, M. J. 38 resilience 23 resources 19, 39, 42, 63, 94 – 96, 98, 167 restorative justice in urban schools 58 – 72; antiblackness in schools post Brown v. Board 63 – 64; discipline and 66 – 69; frameworks for examining race and racism in urban schools 61 – 63; future 71 – 72; implementation, challenges 69 – 70; overview 58 – 61; restorative justice in schools 64 – 66 Restoring Justice for Oakland Youth (RJOY) 61 Richburg, C. 109 rigor 9, 19, 24 – 25, 92 Rigor/Relevance Framework® 25 Rocha-Beverly, C. 92 Rothstein, R. 2 – 3 Ruck, M. D. 43 Schmidt, W. H. 19 school-affiliated identity 12 school environment 109 school finance reforms 1 – 2 school segregation 63 school suspensions and expulsions 61, 63, 66 school-to-prison pipeline 60, 61; see also institutional racism, narrative inquiry approach to avoiding self, impact of race on perception of 88 self-concept 12, 14 – 15, 107, 112, 123, 127 self-consciousness 13 self-efficacy: academic identity and 12; as predictor of academic achievement 18; beliefs 15 – 16;

internalized behaviors and 44; resilience and 23; stereotype threat and 17; survey 28 – 31 self-esteem 12 – 15, 17, 44, 178 self-identifiers 185 self-identity 10, 11, 16, 18, 24, 25, 111 self-perceptions 17 self-reflection 164, 168 self-regulation 46 sensory activities 45 serotonin 45 Sheridan, D. 110 Shonk, S. M. 44 Smitherman, G., Dr. 27 – 28 Smitherman’s Five Point Programs 27 – 28 Snyder, C. R. 15, 26 social capital with academic capital, balance 18 social economic status (SES) 13 – 14, 17 – 18, 19 – 20, 26 social efficiency 2, 4 socialization 2 – 3, 111 social justice 68 – 69, 181; see also critical race theory (CRT) social learning theory 82 – 83 social marginalization 42 social mobility 2, 3, 59 social skills 43, 46 societal inequities 80 Solorzano, D. G. 62, 181 Sorroche, E. 159 Spillane, J. P. 99, 100, 102 sport coach as educational leader 92 – 102; academic achievement of Black male students 95 – 96; acknowledging the unique leaders of BMSAs 100 – 102; Black male high school student-athletes 96 – 97; distributing the leadership for BMSAs 99 – 100; educational context of BMSAs in inner-cities 94 – 95; overview 92 – 94; sport coaches of BMSAs 97 – 98 stakeholders 61, 70, 108, 170 Steele, C. 16 stereotypes: derailed 182; homogenous 189; model minority 186 – 187; negative 112, 123; perpetual foreigner 187 – 188; threat 17 – 19, 83 stereotypical images 175, 179, 186

206 Index Stoltenborgh, M. H. 41 student identity 12 student support services 109 – 111 student-teacher relationships 22 students of color self-efficacy survey 28 – 29 Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) 49 – 50 Sue, D. W. 179 Sullivan, T. A. 177 summer literacy program 79 Summers, J. J. 177 Super, D. E. 112 Svinicki, M. D. 177 systemic racism 143, 180; see also racism Takaki, R. 193 teachers: education 49; family discussion of race; knowledge 44 – 45; of students of color selfefficacy survey 30 – 31; quality 20 – 22; racial impact on perception of 87 – 88; see also cultural competency, teaching practices with; trauma-informed teacher training teaching English in the inner-city 27 – 28 Tenenbaum, H. R. 43 Teper, R. 22 Teranishi, R. T. 178 Theobald, R. 21 time on instruction 21 – 22 To Be Popular or Smart (Kunjufu) 15 tolerance 176 training, trauma-informed 43, 44, 45 trait-and-factor theories 111 – 112 trauma: body’s reaction to 40; childhood 39, 41; effects on school success 42 – 44; impact in classroom 40 – 41; impact on vulnerable populations 41 – 42; lack of access to mental health services 42; programs in schools that address 47 – 49; strategies to meet the needs of students of 45 – 47

Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (TF-CBT®) 47 – 49; see also trauma-informed teacher training trauma-informed care (TIC) 49 trauma-informed education 47 trauma-informed teacher training 38 – 51; Cognitive Behavioral Intervention for Trauma in Schools (CBITS) 47 – 49; mental health services, lack of access to 42; programs for schools 47; students of trauma, meeting the needs of 45 – 47; suggestions for schools 49 – 50; teacher knowledge 44 – 45; trauma within student populations 39; trauma, body’s reaction to 40; trauma, impact in classroom 40 – 41; trauma, impact on school success 42 – 44; trauma, impact on vulnerable populations 41 – 42; Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (TF-CBT®) 47 – 49; Trust-Based Relational Intervention® (TBRI) 47 – 49 unwelcomed 189 – 190 urban schools 19 – 20, 170; see also restorative justice in urban schools Utheim, R. 69 – 70 Vanneman, A. 14 vocational identity 112 Wadhwa, A. 65, 66, 70 Wang, M. 13 Welch, O. M. 12, 65, 66 West-Olatunji, C. A. 42, 43 White supremacy 61 – 62, 175 Whitmore, R. W. 15 Williams, T. M. 15 Winn, M. 61, 66 work ethics 3 Yosso, T. 62, 181 Zelencik, B. 48 zero tolerance policies 63 – 64