Teacher Preparation in South Africa: History, Policy and Future Directions. 9781787436947, 1787436942, 9781789738315, 1789738318

Table of contents :
Front Cover
TEACHER PREPARATION IN SOUTH AFRICA: History, Policy and Future Directions
Contents
List of Tables
Abbreviations
Acknowledgements
Introduction
College and University Teacher Preparation
Literature and Sources
A Relational Understanding of an Entangled and Unequal System
Structure of the Book
Part One
Chapter 1 Early Forms of Teacher Preparation at the Cape
Cape Economy, Society and Education during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: Dominance of the Church Changing Relations at the Cape at the End of the Eighteenth Century up to 1834: Implications for EducationConclusion
Chapter 2 Teacher Preparation in Nineteenth-century South Africa: Colonial Dimensions
Economy and Society Shaping Educational Developments during the Nineteenth Century
The Pupil-teacher and Normal College Systems
The Pupil-teacher System in South Africa
Cape Colony
Schooling and Teaching
Origins of the Pupil-teacher System in the Cape
Tiered Teacher Certificates
Training in Colleges and Higher Education Institutions
Natal
Schooling and Teaching Pupil-teacher System and Model SchoolsMission Schools, Industrial Education and the Pupil-teacher System
Afrikaner Republics
Orange Free State
Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek
Mission Schools in the OFS and ZAR
Conclusion
Chapter 3 Industrialisation, War and the Rise of the Training Institute, 1890-1910
Provision of Teachers in the Cape Colony, 1890-1910
Provision of Teachers in Natal, 1890-1910
Provision of Teachers in the Transvaal and Orange River Colony, 1890-1910
Conclusion
Part Two
Chapter 4 Union, Segregation and the Decline of the Pupil-teacher System, 1910-1920 Teachers' AssociationsThe Cape Province
Transvaal, Orange Free State and Natal
Universities
Conclusion
Chapter 5 Consolidating Segregation: Regulating Access, 1920-1939
Unequal Financing
Institutional Provision
An Expanding College System: Urban for Whites, Rural for Africans
Over-production of White and Under-production of Black Teachers
Tensions
Regulating and Controlling Entry to the Teaching Profession through Certification
Preparing a Restricted, Second-class Black Elite
Relationships with Universities Quality Impacted by University-links for White but Not Black Colleges and Entry RequirementsConflict between Colleges and Universities
Continuity and Change in Feminisation of White but Not Black Teaching Graduates
Conclusion
Chapter 6 Consolidating Segregation: Curriculum and Pedagogy
Introduction
Teachers as Professionals and Community Change Agents
Curricula in Theory and Practice: Comparing Curricula across Mission and State Schools
Lower Primary Teachers' Certificates
Higher Primary Teachers' Certificates
Conclusion
Part Three

Citation preview

TEACHER PREPARATION IN SOUTH AFRICA

Emerald Studies in Teacher Preparation in National and Global Contexts

Series Editors: Teresa O’Doherty Marino Institute of Education, Dublin, Ireland Judith Harford University College Dublin, Ireland Thomas O’Donoghue University of Western Australia, Australia Teacher preparation is currently one of the most pressing and topical issues in the field of education research. It deals with questions such as how teachers are prepared, what the content of their programmes of preparation is, how their effectiveness is assessed, and what the role of the ‘good’ teacher is in society. These questions are at the forefront of policy agendas around the world. This series presents robust, critical research studies in the broad field of teacher preparation historically, with attention also being given to current policy and future directions. Most books in the series will focus on an individual country, providing a comprehensive overview of the history of teacher preparation in that country while also making connections between the past and present and informing discussions on possible future directions. Previously published: Teacher Preparation in Ireland: History, Policy and Future Directions By Thomas O’Donoghue, Judith Harford, Teresa O’Doherty Forthcoming in this series: Teacher Preparation in Northern Ireland By Séan Farren, Linda Clarke and Teresa O’Doherty Teacher Preparation in Australia By Thomas O’Donoghue and Keith Moore Historical Development of Teacher Education in Chile By Beatrice Avalos-Bevan and Leonora Reyes-Jedlicki Catholic Teacher Preparation: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on Preparing for Mission By Richard Rymarz and Leonardo Franchi

TEACHER PREPARATION IN SOUTH AFRICA History, Policy and Future Directions

BY

LINDA CHISHOLM University of Johannesburg, South Africa

United Kingdom

North America

Japan

India

Malaysia

China

Emerald Publishing Limited Howard House, Wagon Lane, Bingley BD16 1WA, UK First edition 2019 Copyright r 2019 Emerald Publishing Limited Reprints and permissions service Contact: [email protected] No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without either the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting restricted copying issued in the UK by The Copyright Licensing Agency and in the USA by The Copyright Clearance Center. Any opinions expressed in the chapters are those of the authors. Whilst Emerald makes every effort to ensure the quality and accuracy of its content, Emerald makes no representation implied or otherwise, as to the chapters’ suitability and application and disclaims any warranties, express or implied, to their use. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-78743-695-4 (Print) ISBN: 978-1-78743-694-7 (Online) ISBN: 978-1-78973-831-5 (Epub)

ISOQAR certified Management System, awarded to Emerald for adherence to Environmental standard ISO 14001:2004. Certificate Number 1985 ISO 14001

Contents List of Tables

vii

Abbreviations

ix

Acknowledgements

xi

1

Introduction PART ONE Chapter 1 Early Forms of Teacher Preparation at the Cape

19

Chapter 2 Teacher Preparation in Nineteenth-century South Africa: Colonial Dimensions

27

Chapter 3 Industrialisation, War and the Rise of the Training Institute, 1890 1910

49

PART TWO Chapter 4 Union, Segregation and the Decline of the Pupil-teacher System, 1910 1920

61

Chapter 5 Consolidating Segregation: Regulating Access, 1920 1939

75

Chapter 6 Consolidating Segregation: Curriculum and Pedagogy

91

PART THREE Chapter 7 Apartheid and the Repositioning of Teacher Preparation

107

vi

Contents

Chapter 8 Teacher Preparation During ‘High’ Apartheid, 1959 1976

121

Chapter 9 Expanding Provision in an Unravelling System: 1976 1990

139

PART FOUR Chapter 10 Dismantling and Reconfiguring the System: 1994 2018

153

Conclusion

167

References

177

Bibliography

225

Appendix A: List of Colleges, 1838-1990

249

Appendix B: List of Colleges at the End of the 1990s

257

Index

261

List of Tables Chapter 5 Table 1.

Certificates in Use in 1920. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

81

Table 2.

University Enrolments 1957 1958.. . . . . . . . . . .

Table 3.

University Courses in Which Black Students Enroled. .

117 118

Chapter 7

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Abbreviations AME

African Methodist Episcopal Church

ANC

African National Congress

ATASA

African Teachers’ Association of South Africa

BMS

Berlin Mission Society

CCE

Centre for Conservation Education, Cape Town

DEIC

Dutch East India Company

DRC

Dutch Reformed Church

HPTC

Higher Primary Teachers’ Certificate

JC

Junior Certificate

JSTC

Junior Secondary Teachers’ Certificate

KAP

Cape Archives Depot

LPTC

Lower Primary Teachers’ Certificate

NAB

Pietermaritzburg Archives Deport

NAPTOSA

National Professional Teachers’ Organisation of South Africa

NASA

National Archives of South Africa

NEUSA

National Education Union of South Africa

NPDE

National Professional Diploma of Education

OFS

Orange Free State

PGCE

Postgraduate Certificate of Education

PTC

Primary Teachers’ Certificate

PTD

Primary Teachers’ Diploma

RC

Roman Catholic

SA

South Africa

SANAC

South African Native Affairs Commission

SADTU

South African Democratic Teachers’ Union

SANROC

South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee

SAOU

Suid Afrikaanse Onderwysersunie

SATA

South African Teachers’ Association

STD

Secondary Teachers’ Diploma

TASA

Teachers’ Association of South Africa

x

Abbreviations

TLSA

Teachers’ League of South Africa

TUATA

Transvaal United African Teachers’ Association

UED

University Education Diploma

UJ

University of Johannesburg

UNISA

University of South Africa

WITS

University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg

ZAR

Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek

Acknowledgements This book would not have been written had it not been for an email from Tom O’Donoghue and the anonymous reviewers of the proposal and manuscript for Emerald Publishing. Thank you for your confidence in this book. I wish also to thank Irene Pampallis who combed through the Cape archives for sources on the nineteenth century for me, and Mudney Halim for helping to track down the Rand College and the Transvaal College of Education histories and conducting some of the interviews with former students. Both were unstinting in their assistance. I am grateful to Yusuf Sayed and Zahraa MacDonald from the Centre for International Teacher Education (CITE) at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology (CPUT) for their support of the project, to Crain Soudien for being willing to share an unpublished manuscript on the history of schooling in South Africa that helped shape my thinking on the early history, and to Azeem Badroodien for giving me an opportunity to present and garner invigorating feedback on my initial thoughts at a seminar at UCT with students and staff from both UCT and CPUT. Advice on sources and comments from Peter Kallaway were as invaluable as his inspirational commitment to the project of history of education in South Africa. My heartfelt thanks to all the people I interviewed many years ago, and recently, for being so extremely generous with their time and insights and for permitting me to use the interviews in this book: Edwin Bennett, Graham Hall, Joe Jacobs, Dennay Jansen (pseudonym), Hennie Kock, Paul Londal (now deceased), Thandi Mabena (pseudonym) and Curtis Nkondo (now deceased). I hope something can be learnt from your experiences. Librarians at the Wits, UJ, UCT and Killie Campbell archives were extremely helpful in tracking down sources: here a special word of thanks is due to Alison Chisholm. It is a rare privilege to have a sister who is a librarian. It was a pleasure to work with the staff at Emerald Press and especially with Anna Scaife and Kim Chadwick. Thanks to Beatrice Avalos-Bevan, Mary Crewe, David Fig, Mudney Halim, Crispin Hemson, Mondli Hlatshwayo, Ulrike Kistner, Zahraa MacDonald, Irene Pampallis, Maureen Robinson and Salim Vally, to mention but a few of the people who were part of this journey, for friendship, advice, comments, insights and support, and to Oliver and Rina for the many discussions about teachers and teaching. Finally, thanks to Ralf Krüger, for all this and much more besides.

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Introduction

As many international, regional and national studies as there are showing that South Africa’s schooling outcomes are extremely poor, as many expand on what needs to be done to improve schooling.1 An international consensus has developed in this literature that is taken up and repeated by most national governments: that the inner core of schooling can only change through paying close attention to what happens inside classrooms. This in turn requires understanding teaching and learning processes and how these are influenced by contexts such as the enabling environment (of infrastructure and resources), what learners and teachers bring with them and how these are combined in practice in the classroom. Within this overall framework, the role of teacher preparation is seen as playing a definitive role in so far as teachers are seen to be central. The widelyrepeated mantra that ‘a schooling system can only be as good as its teachers’ or that ‘the quality of an education system cannot exceed that of its teachers’ is one that, when things go wrong, also paradoxically tends to shift the blame to teachers. The defensive response has been to point to the deficiencies of teacher education. And yet it is also considered as having a vital role to play in preparing future generations for a changing world that will include climate disruptions and their catastrophic human consequences, the continued displacement and migration of people and technological change. In addition, it is expected to ensure that teachers embed in their teaching values for a more humane world in which racism, sexism, xenophobia and homophobia have no place. Much is expected of teachers, and teacher education programmes are supposed to prepare them to meet these expectations in very diverse schools. The preparation of teachers is thus indirectly a highly political issue as it condenses perspectives on what a society considers to be important for its future. Tinkering with teacher education and development is thus always important in any change agenda. South Africa’s post-apartheid teacher educational change agenda has been and continues to be deeply structured by both global and local discourses. These shaped South Africa’s efforts to achieve the integration of the highly unequal, racially and ethnically divided system that came into being over the preceding centuries. The system’s weaknesses were manifest; the principal mechanism for changing it was the integration of all teacher preparation into a desegregated university system in which funding, governance and curricula were also overhauled.2

2

Teacher Preparation in South Africa

The closure of South Africa’s black and white teacher training colleges3 and incorporation of the larger ones into higher education, six years after the formal ending of apartheid, was one of the most significant and controversial changes that the post-apartheid government introduced. Alongside agricultural, nursing, technical and theology colleges, teacher education colleges had dominated the teacher education landscape for primary school teachers for the greater part of the twentieth century. Many white colleges shared the responsibility for training teachers with universities over the course of the century. Likewise, colleges were not the only location for the preparation of black teachers, but became the principal one during the apartheid period, after the closure of mission schools that had doubled up as schools and centres for the training of teachers and ministers. Despite their purposes, linked to the inequality of apartheid, the reintroduction of colleges has been a persistent refrain in the public discourse.

College and University Teacher Preparation The incorporation of the task of teacher preparation into the higher education system has produced misgivings: the closure of colleges is often blamed for the failure of the system to improve learning outcomes of black students, a major priority for the post-apartheid government. In this view, the colleges prepared teachers with the basic skills needed for teaching, whereas the universities tend to instill in them only abstract theory with little practical knowledge. The call for the re-opening of colleges is thus heard whenever South Africa’s low performance on international literacy and numeracy tests surfaces. Re-opening the colleges, it is argued, will enable teachers to be trained in the more focused way that their preparation requires and that cannot be provided in a university. This debate about the location and space of teacher preparation is a very old one in South Africa however and proceeds in the absence of any understanding of the history of teacher preparation in the country.4 A major aim of this book is accordingly to look more closely at the nature of teacher preparation in the colleges and universities over the past and earlier centuries. The debate about whether teacher preparation should occur in either colleges or universities obscures not only the historical reality of often-intertwined provision but also the way in which the location of teacher education also determined greater or lesser degrees of control over what teachers thought and did. Who controls teacher education and training is important today, as it was in the past and will be in the future, because of the importance of teachers to nationalist projects. Control over teacher education was important during the inter-war years for those in power seeking to build on the one hand a greater white unity through reconciliation of Afrikaans and English-speakers and on the other a narrower Afrikaner nationalist consciousness that would promote the ethnic interests of Afrikaans-speakers. Preparation of black teachers remained primarily a mission concern as long as it was not a major priority. During the apartheid period it was important to control teacher education in all institutions, in order to ensure that teachers subscribed to dominant racial and ethnic assumptions about the superiority of whites and

Introduction

3

inferiority of black people and would unquestioningly prepare their students to take their appropriately prescribed places in the racial hierarchy of the country. But such control was tighter in colleges than it was in universities where, despite prevailing segregation, more universalist ideas were also promoted. Universities have throughout the twentieth century played a critical role in preparation of both primary and secondary school teachers. From the beginning, several were centrally involved not only in preparing white, male secondary school teachers but also women as primary school teachers. The overall number of black graduates at these universities, including in education, were extremely small and no relationship existed between them and black missions or colleges where teachers were trained. Although Fort Hare was established in the second decade of the twentieth century with one of its major purposes being the training of African teachers for secondary schools, numbers so qualifying remained negligible. This remained the case until the latter quarter of the twentieth century, despite more universities coming into being for this purpose in 1959. An important theme in this history is contestation between different centres of power over who controlled teacher preparation and with what consequences. Important players in the first half of the century were provinces, missions and universities, the latter as representatives of national government; in the second it was provinces and central government, which controlled racially segregated provision. As provincial power became increasingly fragmented over the apartheid period between racially and ethnically-based departments within the provinces as well as the bantustans,5 so too the authority of provinces weakened. The power of the provinces established by the Union in 1910 was dissolved with the new Constitution of 1995, which also incorporated the bantustan system that had come into being from 1959 into nine new provinces. A strongly university-based policy-making elite entered the space of decision-making over the location of teacher preparation the victory of the university sector in the area of teacher preparation was assured, at least in the short term. As in the past, however, the jostling between different centres of power vying for authority and control over teacher education has continued. In the post-apartheid period, a strong new voice has been added that of the unions. Continually blamed for poor learning outcomes in schools, their persistent response has been the need for teacher development. Greater control over teacher education, and its relocation in colleges, is advocated in order to ensure improved quality of learning outcomes in schools. The latter are important as a broader signal of national prestige or disgrace in international ranking systems and serve as a mechanism to frame teachers’ priorities in classrooms and therefore also teacher education programmes. Control remains important, although its location is now currently firmly at the national level and linked to university development. But new questions arise: can teacher education on its own improve quality, wherever it is located? There is some evidence that it can and does in developing countries.6 However, there are specificities relating to South Africa. While it is clear on the one hand that length and number of years of teacher education is important, these are often a proxy

4

Teacher Preparation in South Africa

for the kind of racially-based provision to which teachers have been exposed.7 And while qualifications are important, they are not decisive. Rather than a teacher qualification, teacher knowledge, of both subject matter and pedagogy, is considered to be the most critical factor in determining learning outcomes in South Africa today. Without improved subject knowledge and competence, it is argued, learning outcomes will not improve, as it places‘[…] an absolute cap on the attainment levels of students’.8 In this context, greater attention can and should be paid to teacher education, but three points are worth highlighting. First, the landscape of institutional provision and patterns of access in South Africa have over time been deeply marked by racial geographies of inequality and poverty. These contexts have structured not only the nature of the systems but also who has had access, when and to what. To understand the present we therefore need to understand the past, which will continue to shape the future. Second, the ideological goals of teacher education in preparing ‘the nation’ has defined its contours, whether implicitly or explicitly. Historically, both the state and teacher unions and associations played a vital role in determining what kind of ‘nation’ and for what kind of society they would try to educate. Although these goals are somewhat muted in contemporary statements about teacher preparation, they are not absent and find expression in the official broader goals and vision of the education system to achieve equity and redress and to create an inclusive society. Competing visions also find expression within different political parties and teacher unions, and so in schools. And third, the more recent trends of financialisation of the economy and society, and the simultaneous marketisation and massification of higher education, have had profound implications for the quality of provision at all levels, including teacher education. Changes in the higher education sector more generally have impacted teacher education, now a part of it. South Africa has 26 public universities, differentiated into 11 general academic universities, nine comprehensive universities and six universities of technology. In 2016, 638,001 students were enroled in the contact mode and 337,836 in distance education. Although 90 per cent of students enroled in distance education study through University of South Africa (UNISA), universities enroling students in the contact mode are making major shifts towards online, blended learning. In 2016, the majority of graduates (comprising 43 per cent) were in the Humanities, which included Education students.9 Private provision of teacher education, although not a new phenomenon, expanded rapidly in the immediate post-apartheid period. It was regulated by the Higher Education Act of 1997 (Act No 101 of 1997) and the Registration of Private Higher Education Institutions of 2016. Private institutions are now a small but significant element in the higher education landscape, consisting of 123 institutions and 167,408 students in 2016. Between 2011 and 2016, the number of students enroled in private higher education grew by 62.5 per cent.10 However, only 7.8 per cent of students were enroled in Education programmes. Although there is some research on private higher education, there is comparatively little research on their specific role in teacher education.11 International literature on private provision in the sphere of teacher preparation warns against

Introduction

5

their tendency to employ cost-effective and profit-generating approaches that have negative consequences for quality. As higher education institutions have become increasingly managerialist in approach and pressurised to graduate more students with less resources, new modalities of provision have emerged that rely on distance and digital education. Scarce resources have furthermore impacted negatively on the ability of university education schools and departments of education to adequately mentor and monitor students in their practice teaching, a crucial aspect of their preparation. In response to the demand for the re-opening of colleges, the presiding Minister promised three new colleges in 2008. Far from re-instating the past, they are part and parcel of the contemporary world in their modalities of delivery. Whether they can be anything else is a moot point. Focusing on the priority areas of African languages and the Foundation Phase, they are no longer the small, intimate, tightly-controlled semi-high schools of the past, but institutions of the twenty-first century in their mainly distance and digitalised orientation with little student opportunity for or experience of supervised teaching practice or college community life. The debate about the colleges provides important insight into the ways in which the past continues into the present and will do so into the future. It is part of a broader history, however, that is poorly understood and little taught. Research into it is negligible and usually forms part of wider enquiries into schooling. There has been no sustained and focused attention to the history of teacher preparation in South Africa that can help to cast light on contemporary dynamics. That is the intention and purpose of this book. I have, in bringing together this history, tried to balance the chronological and analytical. In trying to build a basic framework, based on very mixed kinds of sources, themselves the product of selection, it is likely that there is some unevenness of treatment of specific areas. Here it becomes necessary to say something about the strengths and limitations of existing secondary sources.

Literature and Sources The demand for teacher education has historically arisen in relation to the rise of mass schooling and particularly of state education. But the rise of mass schooling and the history of state education in South Africa emerged highly unequally and in a staggered fashion over time for white and black children.12 While white children were drawn into a compulsory state-provided system at the beginning of the twentieth century, this happened half a century later for Indian and coloured children and a century later for Africans. Teacher education for those white children in fully state-supported schools and those African, coloured and Indian children in partially state-supported schools run by missions thus also differed from one another. If less was expected of and for children of different classes and races, less was also expected of their teachers.

6

Teacher Preparation in South Africa

The historiography of teacher education is less extensive and patchier than that for schooling. Teacher education usually forms a section within general works written within the dominant historiographical trends. The latter have been differentiated into conservative, liberal and radical approaches. These provide insights into different aspects of the system, but relational histories linking both the transnational and the different segregated components of the system are rare. In the main, within all types of historiography, the focus is on teacher education for either African, or Indian or coloured or white teachers.13 The educational historiography thus broadly reflects the racially staggered and divided process of the development of mass schooling in South Africa. Although social historians have focused on the gradual feminisation of the African teaching profession during the early twentieth century and institutional histories have shown how gendered and racialized teacher preparation was during the nineteenth- and twentieth-century South Africa, the information about curriculum is sketchy, particularly for the inter-war period, and the focus remains either on black or on white teachers.14 Earlier conservative and liberal approaches relied heavily on accounts of education in South Africa whose starting point was that what counted and mattered was the history of the system of education for whites in South Africa. Indeed, the majority of texts were written with the education of prospective white teachers in mind. They were published either in the decades immediately after the Union of South Africa,15 a period when the state was focused on building a system of public schooling for white children, or during the 1970s and 1980s,16 when there was a growing awareness of black education. They express the “white conservative consensus” that came to dominate settler-colonial history in South Africa17 before the advent of a social history that emerged during the 1970s and that sought to account for the history of black education from the ‘bottom up’ rather than the ‘top down’.18 Within conservative accounts, teacher education normally comprises a separate chapter, black education a marginal appendix and teacher education within black education a tiny component thereof. They very much share the dominant approach to history of education dominant in the United States and United Kingdom until the 1970s as the triumphal unfolding of a system of public education.19 Present in their writing are the prevalent prejudices and racialized assumptions of their time. A more radical and progressive approach arose just before and after the transition to democracy in 1994. Not surprisingly, the focus now fell on the history of the education and preparation of black students and teachers by mission societies and during the apartheid period. The political economy approach provides a helpful conceptual orientation and contextualisation for a study such as this. The approach is represented most strongly by Kallaway and his authors who viewed ‘the schooling of the colonised, whether conducted by missionaries or by agents of the colonial government, (as) part of the process of colonisation the co-optation and control of subject groups’ and their appropriation by colonised peoples ‘to become sites of struggle’.20 The historical-sociology developed by Jon Hyslop is also extremely useful for the apartheid period, tracing as it does the changed purpose, structure and nature of schooling and teacher politics

Introduction

7

around it. Much of Hartshorne’s chapters on teacher education in his history of black education draw on Hyslop’s work he is most insightful when drawing on his own experience in the administration.21 The work of this school of thought is vital in the attention it gives to responses to policy. Although the literature on resistance within higher education is more substantial than within colleges, it suggests that a history of policy cannot be understood outside of responses to it.22 Books and theses on particular institutions exist, but are not numerous. These normally focus on the history of a particular institution and reflect their time. They are often written by former students, or participants in the system in some form or another, and have corresponding strengths and limitations.23 There is a need for more such institutional histories; they provide unparalleled insight into the intersecting worlds of which teacher education is a part, especially when this is a conscious aim. Important research in the post-apartheid period focused specifically on teacher education and development that I also drew on has included institutional histories, such as that by Sarah Duff on the Huguenot College in the Western Cape, and Meghan Healy-Clancy on Inanda Seminary in Natal,24 the work of Salmon and Woods at the end of apartheid on colleges of education, the overview by Robinson and Christie, which analyses the history of teacher education within a broad contextual-analytical political and economic framework, and the studies by Lewin, Samuel and Sayed, and Kruss and Jansen, that all provide a singular focus and insights into a period of dramatic policy change for teacher education.25 Wolhuter provides a useful outline of developments up to Union in 1910; and Robinson and Christie for the segregation, apartheid and post-apartheid periods (1910 1948; 1948 1990; 1990 2008) All the writers, in each school of thought, pay due attention to the international dimensions of policy. ‘To a very large extent’, Malherbe wrote, ‘(South Africa’s) educational system has been the resultant of successive superimpositions of systems or bits of systems from without’.27 In tracing the development of state control over education, he seeks to understand the influences and parallel developments in other parts of the world on South Africa. For those such as Behr and Macmillan, writing almost 50 years later, it is also important to situate the development of teacher training in Europe in order to contextualise developments in South Africa. A 1988 study on history in teacher education curricula emphasised the colonial character of curricula from their inception, both in their adoption and reception, arguing that they ‘slavishly mimicked’ those in England and the United States throughout the twentieth century.28 Likewise, both Peter Kallaway’s political economy and Crain Soudien’s post-colonial approaches emphasise that ‘any attempt to grasp the history and dynamics of education for the indigenous peoples of South Africa must be located within the context of European imperialist expansion and the drawing of most of the world into international capitalist development during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries’.29 These more recent studies differ from the earlier in highlighting and problematizing the close link between imperialism, colonialism and racialisation of education.

8

Teacher Preparation in South Africa

More recently, the turn to transnationalism has questioned both the boundedness of single nation-state studies and the hierarchical, top-down emphasis of colonial-domination and adoption or borrowing and lending approaches, stressing instead the lateral, ‘criss-crossing’ transnational connections that emerge through the ‘entanglements’ of ideas, people and processes across boundaries.30 This approach ‘puts relationality at the center […] and aims to surface the entangled complexity of sometime disparate educational actors, devices, discourses, and practices. (It) recognises that we construct knowledge from and through relationships, and it additionally recognises that the production of comparison is itself a way of relating to other people’.31 This book takes the centrality of the notion of ‘relationality’ from this approach, but in order not to dissolve the relations of power and political content of relationships within and between local, national and international contexts, it works with the notion of relationality with reference to colonial inequality.32 These need not be mutually exclusive approaches: colonial entanglements of and relations between those engaged in preparing teachers in particular national contexts elsewhere help explain the common but unequal world created in and through colonial teacher preparation. A history of teacher preparation would need to take into account the connections between all dimensions.

A Relational Understanding of an Entangled and Unequal System In preparing this book, I have tried to develop a relational understanding of this history of the development of South Africa’s system of provision of teacher preparation.33 As Swartz has pointed out, a focus on colonial education provides ‘a way into thinking about the construction of difference in the settler colonies, not only in terms of race, class and gender although these were of course significant lines of demarcation but also in terms of age’.34 How the system of teacher preparation structured access and quality to ensure unequal outcomes in terms of teacher qualifications and knowledge through a specific gendered and racially and ethnically-defined structure, and how this changed over time, is dealt with historically by placing these features in relation to four main structuring dimensions. The reader looking for neat demarcations between white, Indian, coloured and African parts of the system as a structuring tool will not find them as this is to read the last 50 years of the twentieth century into the history of South Africa as a whole, when these categories in earlier periods were much more slippery and in the process of being given the hard shape they attained after 1948. Since racial division is a major cleavage in South African society, I do however pay attention to how segregation is brought into being through different systems developed for people who were mostly but not always categorised as ‘white’, ‘Indian’, ‘coloured’ and African even though their heritages might have been much more mixed than these categories might suggest. However segregated, these always developed relationally, however. The book tries to capture these entanglements and separations in different ways.

Introduction

9

First, this history cannot be understood independently of the relationship of the system of teacher preparation in the first instance to the system of schooling being developed the key dimensions of teacher preparation often following in the wake of schooling policy. How and why the system took the overall racialized and gendered form and shape it did is in turn linked to broader social, political and economic contexts, developments and priorities. These connections are as vital to understanding the inequality that structured the system as the contradictions between intentions and outcomes. Second, both the schooling and teacher education systems were and continue to be deeply implicated in international and transnational processes of the exchange of people, ideas and practices and so cannot be understood outside of how these systems have developed in international and local contexts. Different ideas were drawn on by actors in the South African context working in the different parts of the system before 1994. But they were also linked to one another through a broader imperial, colonial and globalised universe of educational ideas and practices. Third, the well-known fault lines of South African society along lines of race, class and gender linked to imperialism and colonialism has meant that the system was developed differently for different parts of the population: instead of examining and highlighting only one part of it, I try to look at it in its interrelationship. This is essentially a comparative approach and reveals precisely how inequalities developed over time.35 In so doing it is possible not only to see continuities into the present but also differences. How and why the system became differentially feminised over time for example can only emerge through examining the system as a whole. Fourth, teacher education systems are also ‘entwined with […] a range of other complex issues such as the nature, status and control of the teaching profession by the government and other agencies, entry and exit requirements, supply and demand, funding and remuneration, and differential expectations for teachers in the range of sectors catered for, such as nursery, primary, secondary and further’.36 All these need to be taken into account. In developing these four dimensions, my approach has been informed by Biesta’s notion that education functions in at least three overlapping domains: qualifications, socialisation and subjectification, or the creation of human subjectivity.37 Education qualifies by equipping people with knowledge, skills and dispositions, socialises individuals into becoming part of existing social orders and also brings about ways of being that are not fully determined by existing orders. As he puts it: ‘While qualification and socialisation can contribute to the empowerment of individuals in that it gives them the power to operate within existing sociopolitical configurations and settings, subjectification has an orientation toward emancipation, that is, toward ways of doing and being that do not simply accept the given order but have an orientation toward the change of the existing order so that different ways of doing and being become possible’.38 I have tried to show how these have worked historically in processes of teacher training, education, development and preparation.

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Teacher Preparation in South Africa

Nonetheless, given the scope of the project as well as its overview character, it was not possible to ‘cover’ everything and it was necessary to be selective. Principles of selection were structured by the conceptual framework elaborated above that sought to highlight questions of access, structure, content and control in context who was given access, how, to what and by whom, through which connections and under what conditions. Such issues were shaped by the wider international context and national political and economic framework on which the broader society was based and that was negotiated in and through educational provision. Different and changing constellations of power in the provinces, universities, unions and associations assisted in giving the system its dynamic of change. The main argument of this book is that although there is no one explanation for the continuing inequalities in South African schools that are also manifested in its teaching corps, history does play a large part in it. For many, history starts in 1994 and the mixed success in changing apartheid legacies lies in the policy failures of the decades since the transition to democracy. This book prefers to take the long view, and to see the last 25 years as but a small part of a much longer history that will still have decisive effects on the future as it works its way through new policies that attempt to change it. The book will show how, even as the different elements of the system were linked to one another in different ways, it was racially inflected in every respect: from the naming of programmes and certificates, to the location and mode of preparation, to the entry requirements to enter teacher training to the curriculum. A system was set in place over more than a century: it was produced by a deeply unequal and diverse society and it created a deeply unequal, diverse and changing set of teachers moving in and out of the system over time. Recognising the significance of history in explanations for the dogged recalcitrance of inequality is, however, not an excuse for leaving things as they are or an argument for a laissez faire approach. A better understanding of it may not result in better policies these are themselves the product not only of good or bad ideas but also of different and interacting interests, legal and social processes and negotiations that affect how they see the light of day in the classroom. But a better understanding can assist in providing a perspective on the fallacy of short-term quick-fixes that will be evident in some of the policy approaches discussed in Chapter 10 and the need for the long view of what will incontrovertibly be a long haul. The limitations of existing secondary sources many of which had with the passage of time also become printed primary sources as well as my ‘relational’ approach required that I dig deeper, in some cases into archival materials, and, particularly in the last 70 years, into what oral interviews could yield. On the whole, given the focus of the book on the changing nature of the system for teacher preparation, the majority of primary sources for the early period are official, state sources. From the apartheid period it was possible to supplement these with oral interviews with people who were students and leaders in different parts of the system. These were conducted at two different points in time: the first in the 2000s to understand the nature, experience and understanding of the

Introduction

11

dissolution of the colleges and the second more recently to gain a deeper understanding of experiences of the colleges under apartheid. Interviews were generally conducted with people whom I felt could fill gaps in the literature, specifically in relation to responses and positions of students and staff on their experience in relation to contemporary debates on colleges and teacher education. There is very little on the coloured and Indian colleges of education during this period providing insight into how they were experienced and understood then and now. Outside of the nostalgic view of colleges, there are few studies or insights into those experiences that gave rise to widespread resistance during later periods on the one hand and compliance on the other. I conducted interviews in order to be able to better understand the deeplyambivalent and contested contemporary perspectives on the colleges: as apartheid creatures and therefore intrinsically hostile to black student aspirations on the one hand and as formative institutions on the other. Their place in studentteacher identity formation is vital for understanding this love hate relationship towards the colleges. Oral interviews assisted in providing these insights. In thus drawing on a vast range of secondary and primary sources, I have built up a history of changing policy and practice in teacher preparation spanning more than two centuries to explore the implications for the present and future. I have tried to go beyond existing studies in my approach, which is able to highlight dimensions related specifically to questions of access, content and control that previously were somewhat more obscured or dealt with partially by the nature of existing histories. In particular, I provide an overview of where and how teachers were prepared, with what consequences, and how they responded. My method in each chapter is to situate the new account and argument within the current literature.

Structure of the Book The origins of a system of formal teacher education as we know it today have their roots firmly in colonial systems. The first two chapters outline the way in which a church and mission-run system was replaced by rudimentary colonial educational structures in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In the context of a schooling system that was not yet a system per se, and for which teachers were not formally prepared, the first one and a half centuries of colonial occupation of the Cape Colony can be seen to have lain the basis for a system whose key features were instantiations of developments occurring in Europe. Although there is some evidence of monitorialism and basic teacher education at the Moravian mission station of Genadendal, no system as such can be said to have existed during this period when the majority of teachers were still being imported from abroad or recruited from the less-‘respectable’ sections of colonial society. European penetration into African societies along the coast, in the interior and the north of the country, was at this stage on the margins and had not begun to affect the internal structure of African societies either through war or education.

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Teacher Preparation in South Africa

From the early nineteenth century, however, this began to change as African societies were thrown into turmoil by both internal processes occasioned by Shaka’s wars as well as by European penetration through officialdom, trade and missions. As formal schooling became a more substantial feature of settled areas and as missions began to settle on the borders of African societies, the pupilteacher system came into being in all forms of schools as the main form of teacher preparation. In many cases it was associated with monitorialism. An early experiment to introduce a Normal College in Cape Town failed, but more colleges were increasingly established towards the latter part of the century. From the mid-nineteenth century, the preparation of African teachers occurred in mission schools mainly oriented towards industrial training. Requirements for who would train to be a teacher varied widely and a proliferation of certificates existed providing different routes into teaching. Chapter 2 situates the colonial models that took root over time and space within the context of the societies then existing in nineteenth-century South Africa, and examines the key policies related to schooling and teacher preparation emerging at this time for the children of both colonisers and the colonised in the Colonies of the Cape and Natal and in the northern Boer Republics of the Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) and Orange Free State (OFS). It shows how they were drawn from and entangled not only with approaches developing in England, Prussia and the USA but also with one another. Similarities and differences between the coastal colonies of the Cape and Natal and the Afrikaner Republics of the interior are drawn out, the main differences being in when new approaches were adopted. By and large the interior provinces followed the Cape and Natal. Although the principal form of teacher preparation that emerged was the pupil-teacher system, it was differentiated by both race and gender. What this meant in terms of who was prepared for which sectors of schooling and the implications for the feminisation of teaching are examined. The significance of class and gender differences are explored in each racialized component of the system. Chapter 3 deals with the period between 1890 and 1990 when the effects of South Africa’s rapid industrialisation under the impact of the discovery of diamonds and gold in the interior began to make its mark on education and preparation of teachers across the country. While the Cape still provided the main patterns to be followed, and produced many of the teachers who taught in the Boer Republics, the centre of gravity was shifting to the Transvaal, in the north. Here British colonial models were entrenched after the defeat of the Boers in the South African War (1899 1902), and even as nascent Afrikaner nationalist aspirations found expression in the Christian National Education (CNE) movement to establish alternative schools with teachers oriented to an Afrikaner nationalist vision. Those Africans in the Boer Republics wishing to become teachers had to go to mission training institutes in the Cape. Curricula in all kinds of institutions available broadly followed European and English patterns. However, those of mission schools receiving state grants-in-aid differed substantially in their goal of training teacher-evangelists or teachers whose main task would be conversion of their students through an industrial curriculum.

Introduction

13

At the end of the nineteenth century, the pupil-teacher system in the Cape Colony began to undergo changes similar to that in England. In the case of teachers for white schools, they evolved from a class attached to mainly girls’ high schools to a separate Training Centre or College. They focused on producing elementary school teachers, the majority of whom were white women. Secondary school teachers, few in number, were mainly men. Practising schools became attached to these institutions, either as a lower class in the same school or as a town or city school linked to a college. The terms Training Institute, Training or Normal College, Training School and Training Centre were used interchangeably. In the case of mission schools, a separate section developed within them for teacher training. Mission school models were not very different from that for whites and could achieve Normal College status once they had enroled a certain number of students. The number of locally-trained teachers for all schools through the basic T3 certificate increased the overall number of trained teachers, but imported teachers still comprised a significant proportion of the teaching corps, especially so in Natal. During this period, segregationist strategies became more marked in the preparation of teachers. Different institutional and certificational routes in the Cape became specifically geared to white and coloured/African students and in Natal for white, Indian and African teachers. Up until 1909, for example, admission to Colleges such as the Cape Town College of Education was open to all. But in 1909, following the 1905 School Board Act, segregationist strategies were developed to separate white, coloured and African students training as teachers from attending the same classes and institutions. The first strategy was to raise the standard of admission for European students to Standard VII in 1909, while that for coloured and African students remained Standard VI. The second was to remove coloured students to separate colleges. In the newly-created Transvaal, segregationist strategies were de rigeur. The Eurafrican Training Centre and Practising School began training black teachers alongside the Johannesburg and Pretoria Colleges of Education for whites established during this period. Chapter 4 examines the changes introduced in the years immediately after Union in 1910 as well as the gradual decline of the pupil-teacher system. It identifies three international models that were drawn upon to inform development of teacher preparation for white and black: the English and Scottish move to day colleges, the New York Teachers’ College model of combining teacher preparation with practice and the Southern American Hampton and Tuskegee model of adapted education for Africans. Under the new political dispensation of Union, schooling and teacher training became a provincial responsibility, while higher, technical and vocational education became a national responsibility. Within this framework control of teacher education for whites became an entirely state-controlled affair, while that for blacks continued within subsidised mission institutions. Primary and secondary school teaching were differently gender-differentiated. Whereas white primary school teaching was seen as the preserve of women, secondary school teaching and positions of authority within primary schools were considered suitable for men. By contrast, primary school

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Teacher Preparation in South Africa

teachers for black schools were overwhelmingly male, while the majority of their own teacher-educators were white missionaries, who were mostly male, but often also included females. The expansion of education for whites in all forms was reflected in expanded teacher preparation, as was the thrust towards separation not only of white from black but coloured from African in institutions preparing teachers. The chapter examines these processes first in the Cape and then in the Transvaal, OFS and Natal. It also shows how the formation of teacher associations at this time, many with precedents in earlier periods, followed the segregation of education, with white associations closely linked to wider teacher education policy-making processes. It also shows how in the Transvaal and Natal, colleges and universities took joint responsibility for the training of teachers. Chapters 5 and 6 deal with the consolidation of segregation through the regulation of access through provision and certification on the one hand and through curriculum on the other. Chapter 5 examines the financial conditions that underpinned generous provision for white and constrained provision for mission institutions; how the demand for teachers was met by increasing the number of institutions for white teachers and limiting them for black teachers; and how access was regulated through the level of education attained. For black aspirant teachers, poverty was an additional constraining factor. The chapter examines the close relationship, as well as the tensions that developed between the provinces, colleges and universities concerned with preparation of white primary and secondary school teachers. On the whole, universities supplied the academic education while colleges provided the professional. This was because matric had become the entry requirement from 1929 for white teachers. It was raised to Standard VIII for black teachers only in 1935. The link with universities did not exist for mission schools. The chapter examines how gendered patterns of enrolment varied across provinces, and that the large majority in training were men, with women tending to drop out more quickly. Coloured and African teachers who had higher qualifications were a tiny minority, and almost exclusively male, although this began to change in the early 1940s. It was not until the 1940s and 1950s when primary schooling was restricted to African women that African primary school teaching became feminised. Fort Hare had been opened to train secondary school African teachers, but numbers were miniscule. The chapter shows how admission requirements and certificates were important gate-keeping mechanisms, controlling who could and could not become a teacher and at what level. Through regulating access to the profession on the basis of qualifications whose achievement was facilitated through the accessibility and affordability of institutional provision for teacher preparation, a profession was constructed distinguished by racial divisions that demarcated superior from inferior on the basis of qualifications. White teachers became ever more highly-qualified and prepared for different levels and kinds of teaching, while black teachers became proportionately less qualified and equipped for different levels and kinds of teaching. Even as enrolments expanded, their number remained tiny.

Introduction

15

Chapter 6 focuses on how thoroughly entangled with wider colonial projects as well as with one another curricula and pedagogy in teacher preparation of teachers in South Africa were during the inter-war years. It explores the way in which curricula for teacher preparation for black and white were not only versions of wider colonial models of adapted education but also of one another. The chapter argues that despite similarities, these curricula positioned white teachers pre-eminently as professionals, while they constructed black teachers mainly as community change agents. A comparison of teacher preparation curricula illustrates what this meant for their differential exposure to, for example, languages and manual and industrial education. Whereas the emphasis in white colleges was on uniting English and Afrikaans-speakers through a heavy emphasis on bilingualism, in practice and paradoxically, mission school formal curricula and extra-curricular activities emphasised English and co-constructed teachers as community workers, leaders and professionals. Chapter 7 deals with the repositioning of teacher preparation under apartheid. It examines the ideological underpinnings of the system and how it became focused on providing African and coloured teachers for an expanding primary school system and white and Indian teachers for a secondary school system. The impact of the closure of mission schools and bringing African teacher education under state control is explored. The centrality of white teachers to Afrikaner nationalist goals and their greater role in the control of institutions for teacher preparation is also highlighted. Chapter 8 examines the policies and processes to relocate teacher training for black teachers to the bantustans and the continued cooperation between colleges and universities in the preparation of white teachers. Through interviews it explores the many facets and impacts of college education in the memory of its student-teachers: the practical bent of the education, its ‘glorified high school’ character, the authoritarianism and the space offered by default for the development of significant friendships, sporting talents and political activism. Many student-teachers transcended the limitation of their formal training through engagement with political, sport and other organisations outside colleges. Chapter 9 shows how under-provision of teachers for African secondary schools resulted in a crisis that not only precipitated efforts to reform the system by the national government but also major efforts to upgrade teachers. The chapter explores how these reforms were developed through the de Lange report and in particular bantustans such as Bophutatswana, KwaZulu and the Transkei. Colleges began to be built at pace, in-service programmes attempted to address gaps and proposals were made that the entry requirement be raised to Standard X for black teachers. These initiatives were unable to address the backlogs that had developed or quickly qualify the number of unqualified teachers still in the system. Efforts to desegregate white colleges in the latter years of apartheid as well as to build new colleges to train black teachers for secondary schools were simply too little too late. The final chapter, Chapter 10, looks at how post-apartheid South African governments have attempted to address the apartheid legacy of inequality and under-provision in and through teacher education. It examines the neo-liberal

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Teacher Preparation in South Africa

pressures leading to the process of closure of colleges and their incorporation into universities or re-configuration as other types of institutions in the year immediately after a democratic government was elected into office; the emerging concerns around the supply of teachers in the context of a major HIV-AIDS crisis compounding the impact of the closure of colleges and raised entry requirements on enrolments in teacher education programmes; the introduction of bursaries for teachers to address this crisis, and continuing efforts to upgrade teacher qualifications. It also examines how curriculum change, following on that in schools, has placed a new emphasis on teacher subject knowledge, ending with the new requirements that emphasise content rather than outcomes. The “Conclusion” draws together various strands dealt with in different chapters relating to finance and governance of teacher education, the changing forms of provision, entry requirements, certificates, qualifications and curricula. It ends with a discussion of future challenges for teacher education: the relationship between policy and teacher identity, public and private provision, digitalisation and funding.

PART ONE

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Chapter 1

Early Forms of Teacher Preparation at the Cape

Historical precedents of contemporary forms of the preparation of teacher education lie not only in apartheid, but also in the origins of colonial and mission education in South Africa. Formal schooling, and therefore processes of teacher preparation, was a systematic feature of neither the countries colonising the Cape, nor the societies encountered and colonised. Informal teaching and learning by doing was a feature of all societies without formal schooling. However, European penetration of the south eastern tip of Africa did introduce the beginnings of formal schools, albeit controlled by the church and not the state, for which teachers were required. This chapter focuses on the beginnings of formal schooling and the nature of teachers and their preparation during the century and a half of Dutch East India Company rule when indigenous societies at the Cape were shattered and reshaped, and slavery was a distinct feature of Cape society. It was not until the early nineteenth century, when a far more radical colonialism under the British took over that expansion into the interior and along the coast occurred in a more sustained manner, often preceded, but certainly followed by initiatives to establish schools and import teachers. In this early period, schooling among both colonists and slaves was rudimentary and formal systems for teacher preparation non-existent. This was a period when formal schooling was, however, beginning to be discussed and introduced in Europe by voluntary societies and the church. Malherbe, South Africa’s historian of the emergence of state-controlled schooling during the nineteenth century for whites in South Africa, shows that ideas and practices were in circulation simultaneously across colonial contexts and travelled vertically as well as horizontally. He writes about the ‘direct transplanting’ of the system as it prevailed in the Netherlands into the Cape while the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC), also known as the Dutch East India Company (DEIC), was in charge.39 Behr and MacMillan highlight the precedents in eighteenth-century Europe that might have set the backdrop for and influenced similar developments in South Africa: the introduction of ‘a measure of compulsory schooling […] in Prussia’ in 1763; the requirement in Holland that teachers undergo specialised training; the invention of the pupilteacher system and establishment of a teacher training institution in 1797; the founding by Pestalozzi of a process in which teachers were prepared ‘in the art of teaching’,40 and that provided the basis for the establishment of seminaries for teachers in Prussia and the German states and the establishment in France

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Teacher Preparation in South Africa

and Switzerland of state-controlled normal schools by 1835 and in England by 1839.41 The system in South Africa shared much but also differed significantly from these early European and American precedents. At this stage in South Africa, while these systems were coming into being in Europe, schooling and teacher education were still fairly elementary. The ‘international’ aspect of teacher preparation in South Africa was present at its inception.42 More specifically, as Molteno argues, it was ‘introduced as part of the process whereby colonialism brought the subcontinent into the emergent world capitalist system’ and its ‘content and consequences were crucially conditioned by this order’, even if it was not always deliberately designed to promote it.43 Yet South African scholarship has been little informed by more recent comparative work on how schooling systems became internationalised, changing their form and meaning in the course of their migration from one place to another during this period.44 No work of this kind has been done on monitorial schools as a form of teacher training, which it was in Cape mission schools serving children of the Khoi and Griqua from 1813: here indeed it ‘was to be for many years the main source of supply of teachers’.45 The preferred approach, when looking at teacher preparation, has been to document the acknowledged influences of particular models or countries on one another.46 In order to understand how different international models and approaches to teacher preparation were disseminated and took root in South Africa and to appreciate why and how these developed in a racially differentiated and unequal manner, it is also important to situate them within the broader context of the evolving local South African economy and society. The model here is the unpublished work of Soudien et al.47 If the purpose of Malherbe at the outset of the nineteenth century was to write a history that would show the ‘organic unity’ of white education, and that of later writers to fill in the forgotten and neglected history of black education, surely the purpose today, in a vastly changed context, is to write a history that illuminates the fractured dis/unity of the system that emerged for the preparation of both black and white teachers. In so doing this short chapter draws mainly on secondary sources and provides a reinterpretation of existing narratives. It shows how schooling under the Dutch East India company and early British rule resulted in a variety of paths into teaching: there was little formal instruction of teachers as we know it today, whether they were white or black.

Cape Economy, Society and Education during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: Dominance of the Church As Soudien et al point out, there had been ‘episodic’ contact between South Africans and Europeans in the shape of the Portuguese for some 150 years before the Dutch East India Company decided to open a refreshment station there in 1652. But what was significant about the society that evolved at the Cape was that neither the Europeans nor the Africans they encountered were an ‘undifferentiated, coherent and homogeneous group’.48 Nor were schools the

Early Forms of Teacher Preparation at the Cape

21

segregated institutions they became in a later period. Both government and mission schools were often mixed. And although the violence of slavery underpinned all social relations, the story of the emerging Cape society and relationships around education were not only ones of subordination: reading and writing, as Archie Dick shows, served many purposes and in some cases became tools for revolt.49 On the European side of early Cape society were company officials, comprising religious and military personnel, as well as, after a grant of land to them in 1657, Free Burghers. In 1657, Europeans did not number more than 134 company employees. From the late seventeenth century, trekboers, who were semi-nomadic Dutch farmers and cattle grazers, settled ‘beyond the Cape’s official borders and out of the reach of the authority of the Company’.50 On the African side were the Khoi Khoi and San hunters and herders, throughout this period engaged in both trading and raiding relationships with the newcomers. They were joined in 1658 by two shiploads of slaves, numbering about 234, the majority of whom were young boys and girls. Among the slaves, internal social divisions appeared, with some managing to improve their position relative to others, to the extent that ‘some even employed poor white people’.51 A century later, a census in 1754 revealed how small the community at the Cape was: it comprised only 510 colonists/settlers and 6,279 slaves. Soudien et al point out that whereas slaves were incorporated into Cape society ‘in a structured way, the Khoikhoi were effectively disorganised by the burgeoning economy and authority structures emerging around it’.52 By the late eighteenth century, expansion along the coast had led to the first clashes with Xhosa speakers across the Gamtoos River. The first school in the Cape was accordingly a slave school, founded in 1658, there apparently not being much need for schooling among children of Company employees. However, as children of the latter increased in number, a school was opened in 1663. It included 17 children, of whom four were slaves, one a Khoikhoi child and the remaining 12 European children. In this and in other schools that gradually sprang up outside of Cape Town, Dutch and black children were taught ‘to read and learn their catechism’ on the same school benches and by the same teacher, the sick comforter, a religious appointee. A school at Stellenbosch in 1793, for example, included ‘forty or fifty members of the rising generation of all shades’.53 From instructions issued in 1685, it is also clear that the curriculum did not differ for Khoi, slave and European children.54 White and coloured children continued to be educated in the same schools for the next two centuries, until the end of the nineteenth century, although a class hierarchy gradually developed. Throughout the nineteenth century, there were coloured children in the schools for the children of the upper echelons of European society, and there were always whites in the poorer mission schools dominated by coloured children. Dick provides evidence that slaves and people of ‘mixed blood’ became teachers in the Slave Lodge in Cape Town, the Moravian Genadendal mission station at

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Teacher Preparation in South Africa

Baviaanskloof, Tuan Guru’s madrassah founded in 1793 1794 and in the open public schools.55 Although the church played a leading role in the schools that emerged in Cape Town, Franschhoek and Stellenbosch, it was by no means a powerful force. As Malherbe argues, this was not surprising, given on the one hand that schooling was not yet a ‘state function’ in Holland either and on the other hand that the Dutch had no intention of founding a Dutch colony in South Africa.56 The Dutch Church’s sick comforter, eventually replaced by a voorlezer, was supplemented in its activities by the Moravian mission station at Genadendal that had been founded by George Schmidt in 1737. Schmidt was forced to leave in 1744, but the mission station was later re-opened in 1791. The education provided was primarily religious, for the purpose of being able to read the Bible, recite prayers, know the Heidelberg catechism and qualify for confirmation.57 This was the case in schools both in and around Cape Town and on the outlying trekboer farms, where a farmer might hire a meester (master) to drill the children for a few months in exchange for a bag of mealies.58 These latter teachers were not church officials, however, but usually ex-servants (soldiers or sailors) of the company who possessed some of the rudiments of learning and who travelled from farm to farm.59 This kind of teacher, sometimes working and teaching on a number of farms at the same time, was prevalent throughout the nineteenth century.60 The teachers for these schools were not trained in any way: whether they were sick comforters assisting in the Sunday services, ministering to the sick and instructing youth, or whether they were itinerant former employees of the company or whether they were slaves or missionaries, few if any were formally prepared for the task. McKerron notes that ‘The standard of attainment expected of the teacher was not unduly high’, judging from a report of the Scholarch in 1792. Its requirements specified that: A teacher should be a well-educated and refined man, trained for his work, thoroughly understanding spelling, be able to write a perfect hand, and to sing the Psalms in whatever key they may be sung […].He should also be no stranger to Italian bookkeeping for the benefit of those children who might afterwards enter a mercantile life. (He should understand) the French, English, or any other language […] be a member of the Dutch Reformed Church in order to be able to catechise his pupils at least twice weekly in preparation for confirmation […] be irreproachable (in conduct) and an example to his pupils […]. But even this standard was seldom attained, for it is stated that ‘[...] hardly one of them could write a decent hand, most of them spelt imperfectly and could in arithmetic hardly reach the Rule of Three […]’.61 It was only when the British took over the Cape from the Dutch in 1806 and as people moved further inland that schooling and teacher preparation came into focus.

Early Forms of Teacher Preparation at the Cape

23

Changing Relations at the Cape at the End of the Eighteenth Century up to 1834: Implications for Education The Napoleonic wars, the rise of pietism and new expansionary and industrialising forces shaping Europe impacted dramatically on the Cape towards the end of the eighteenth century. In 1795, British forces landed at the Cape and in 1798 the Dutch East India Company was dissolved. For a brief period between 1803 and 1806, the Cape was returned to the Dutch under the Batavian Republic but finally in 1806 the British occupied the Cape for the second time and the Dutch surrendered power. The Cape Colony was formally ceded to Britain eight years later, in 1814, after Britain won the Battle of Waterloo against Napoleon. Between the announcement in 1807 of the intention and finally the formal abolition of slavery in 1834, regulations were put in place to regulate the use of Khoisan and coloured labour and to enable farmers to apprentice children of his labourers from the age of eight for a period of ten years. These were amended by Ordinance 50 in 1828, which required the consent of the parents. The effect was that when slavery was abolished, slaves were effectively indentured as apprentices and transformed into ‘free’ labour for farmers. However, these changes also strained master slave relationships: many slaves deserted their owners, while others adopted a more rebellious stance.62 The arrival of the British and disruption of master slave relationships resulted in what came to be known as the Great Trek, the movement of Dutch settlers into the interior. Their movement into the interior was facilitated by the Mfecane, a social process originating in the Natal coastal belt that had led on the one hand to new state formations and on the other to disrupted social polities that sought alliances with the Boers. By this stage, however, a missionary revival in Europe had led to the arrival in South Africa of representatives from a number of different mission societies. The result was that by the middle of the century a network of mission stations was spread over a large part of the Cape and elsewhere in southern Africa.63 In 1791, the Moravians re-established themselves at Genadendal in Baviaanskloof. They were followed in 1799 by the South African Missionary Society which started missions in Cape Town and country districts. Between 1799 and 1822 the London Missionary Society (LMS) founded mission stations at Zwartkop, Pacaltsdorp, Theopolis, Hankey on the Gamtoos River and among the Griqua. The Glasgow (later Free Scotland) Mission Society arrived in 1821, and had established Lovedale in the Eastern Cape by 1841. In 1829 the Paris Evangelical Society had set up shop in Basutoland and in 1830 the Lutheran Rhenish Mission began work in the Cedarberg and in the northwestern frontier with emancipated slaves. By the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth century, the Wesleyan Missionary Society had entered Namaqualand and established a chain of stations in the Ciskei, the Transkei and Tembuland: Wesleyville, Butterworth, Clarkebury, Buntingville, Mount Coke, Shawbury, Healdtown (near the present Fort Beaufort), Salem (near Grahamstown), and Lesseytown (near Queenstown). In 1834, the Berlin Mission Society had started mission

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Teacher Preparation in South Africa

work at Bethany among the Korannas and Buchana. In 1836, the American Board Mission had come to Natal. 64 The Hermannsburg Mission Society arrived in Natal in 1854. In the first quarter of the century, the new Colonial government exercised little authority over the activities of these missions, but attempted to advance education in existing schools in the Cape through the Colonial Secretary and the Governor, who was the chief administrator of all matters pertaining to education and who promulgated all Ordinances and Regulations. The Governor acted independently of the Bible and School Commission, which exercised formal but no real authority over schools, with respect to higher education and the English Free Schools. The latter was a system introduced in 1813 by Governor Cradock on lines similar to the English monitorial schools of Lancaster and Bell. (see Chapter Two for further discussion) These free schools lasted until about 1834.65 Free schools functioned under a local committee, used English as a medium of instruction and the monitorial systems of Bell and Lancaster which also ‘found favour in the mission schools’: there is evidence of the system in use at the Zuurbraak station of the LMS in 1813 and again at Griquatown in 1819.66 The chief characteristic of monitorial schools was the use of older students as teachers. The practice of importing teachers from England and Scotland, and sending them to Uitenhage, Graaff Reinet, Stellenbosch, George, Tulbagh, Caledon, Swellendam, and Paarl that was started at the end of the eighteenth century continued for the greater part of the century.67 Although the Batavian Republic’s de Mist had put forward plans for the training of teachers in 1804, ‘these never materialised’.68 In practice, ‘the Government schools were staffed by imported teachers who used the older pupils, known as monitors, to help with the younger ones’.69 In the mission schools, training was informal and oriented to missionaries’ religious and ‘civilisational’ purposes. Behr informs us that ‘many of the missionaries trained their own evangelists and teachers to help them in their work’. One such was Barnabus Shaw, who laboured among the Namaquas at Leliefontein. Three of his protégés included Jacob Links, a ‘close relation of a chief’, Andries Orang and Eve Bartels. Links was ‘employed as a schoolmaster and assistant missionary for several years’, eventually finding his death by a poisoned arrow across the Great Gariep or Great Orange River in Great Namaqualand’.70 Teachers and teaching was mainly a male activity, but female teachers were employed for the teaching of young girls. The first training school for teachers was established at the Moravian mission station, Genadendal, in 1838. Eventually the Genadendal Training Institution had to close its doors in favour of the Rhenish Training School for teachers at Worcester. By this stage, however, no fewer than 236 teachers had qualified and passed their final examinations at Genadendal.71 Behr observes that one of the many teachers trained at Genadendal by the Rev Hallbeck, Superintendent of the Moravian Missions in the Cape at the time, was one Ezekiel Pfeiffer, a surname that reappears in the founding of the Teachers’ League of South Africa in 1913.72

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Relative to the time: the students at Genadendal were given a training stretching over a period of six years. Students were admitted to the training course after std. IV. The first two years of their training were devoted to the academic studies of standards V and VI. Thereafter they underwent three years’ preparation as teachers followed by a year especially devoted to Bible Study and Theology. Later the academic requirements for admission to the course was raised and the training in Theology was increased to two years. The teacher training continued to stretch over a period of three years.73 The provision of teacher preparation begun at Genadendal in 1838 was followed in May 1839 by a seminary established by the Colony to train teachers in the Cape. Of the 350 who trained at the institution between 1842 and 1859, ‘only twelve were trained as teachers, but not one of these entered teaching. The institution was therefore closed in January 1869’.74 Although, together with the monitorial system, they provided important early precedents, teacher preparation did not become a matter of concern until the numbers of schools had risen and until the colonial state began to take more responsibility for schools. It was only in 1839 that a Department was formed through the appointment of a Superintendent-General, James Rose-Innes. New systems of schooling were brought into being, and so too new systems of teacher preparation modelled on those in England.

Conclusion For the one and a half centuries after the arrival of Europeans, schools and teachers for colonists, slaves and indigenous people was dominated by the church. The most advanced form of teacher preparation appears to have occurred at the mission school at Genadendal. For the greater part, teachers were not specifically trained for the task and their main task in all schools lay in religious instruction. Many were imported. In 1839, shortly after the Cape became a British colony, a Superintendent of Education was appointed. He initiated major changes. Malherbe searches for the links and parallels with other systems that made education a state function in this period to assess whether the Cape Colony led the way or not: England had appointed inspectors in the same year but no corresponding person to supervise an entire system; Germany had appointed a Minister of Educational and Religious matters in 1817 and France had done so in 1828, while Holland had appointed a ‘National Agent’ in charge in 1798. The only other country that had appointed an officer under a similar title of Superintendent was the United States, where Michigan, Massachusetts and New York ‘were the pioneer States

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in this direction’.75 Whether or not it did, the close relationship between international and local developments is clear. The nineteenth century was to be one of the major changes. As Marks and Atmore point out, however, South Africa at this stage was by no means the unified entity it became in the twentieth century. Southern African social formations, they argue, were distinguished by their diversity, a diversity partly, but by no means entirely, encompassed by regional political boundaries’.76 Patterns of schooling and teacher preparation were linked to the nature of the societies that existed along the coast and in the interior during the nineteenth century. But they were tied by an umbilical cord to the wider colonial world in their basic forms and structures.

Chapter 2

Teacher Preparation in Nineteenth-century South Africa: Colonial Dimensions

For most of the nineteenth century, the pupil-teacher system, which gradually grew into Normal Colleges, was the main form of teacher preparation for both black and white teachers. Even after Normal Colleges had become the norm by 1910, the pupil-teacher system was in practice until 1922 when it was abolished. The adoption of both these systems owed everything to South Africa’s colonial and imperial connections at the time. Whereas the pupil-teacher system came from England, the Normal College model was first attempted in and drawn from Prussia and the United States. The colonial character of the adoption and implementation of these systems in nineteenth-century South Africa can be understood in different ways: Malherbe wrote about the direct ‘transplantation’ and ‘importation’ of personnel and practices from the colonial heartland to shape what became white education,77 while Kallaway, writing about African colonial education in nineteenth-century South Africa, has shown how British working-class models provided the template for African education.78 More recently, two new approaches have developed, first, emphasising the transnational ‘links, connections and points of comparison between different imperial and colonial contexts’79 and, second, examining colonialism as the condition of internationalisation.80 In these perspectives, the focus is on the policies and processes of adoption. Robinson and Christie, writing about teacher education, also emphasise the importance of the nature of the state and the role of teacher education in identity formation over time, specifically in relation to race and ethnicity.81 Gendering such analyses, and more concerned with responses to education’s socialising role, Gaitskell’s work on race, gender and empire has on the one hand highlighted how colonial schools fostered ‘manliness’ and ‘womanliness’ of character, associated with a sense of class and racial superiority among whites and both loyalty to monarchy and Empire as well as resistance to its manifestations among African elites.82 Although these approaches are relevant in their different articulations to an examination of the history of teacher preparation in nineteenth-century South Africa, this chapter aims to add to the literature in two main ways: first by using the notion of ‘entanglements’ to understand the ‘complexity of the connections and intercrossings that engender certain cultural patterns and social forms and not others’83 and second to juxtapose the development of the system across region, class, colour and gender in order to highlight how inequalities were built

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into these processes from their inception. Thus, it will examine the entangled connections between the policies and approaches adopted in England and Europe and the consequences of their take-up in the very fragmented and unequal societies and systems of nineteenth-century South Africa. Both the Cape Colony and the Natal imported teachers from Scotland and England throughout the century, while the Afrikaner Republics imported teachers from Holland and the Cape. The pupil-teacher and Normal College systems that were developed to prepare local teachers were adopted, in attenuated form, in the other less educationally robust regions along the coast and in the North of the country. The systems were also applied to mission schools, but here too their reach and purpose differed. In order to understand why and how the systems developed so very unequally it is important to grasp the nature of the societies in South Africa at the time, and the way schooling and teaching developed in each. Although entangled with one another, the development of these systems in policy and practice was highly uneven educational provision was from the beginning highly differentiated and fragmented, by region, class, race and gender. This chapter will therefore begin with a brief account of the societies in South Africa in which colonial models of schooling took root, then look at key policies related to teacher preparation drawn from England, Prussia and the United States that were mirrored in South Africa, and finally at the way in which these took root over time and space in South Africa. In so doing, it will be necessary to sketch the tiered schooling and teaching context in each region, for without these, the nature of teacher preparation cannot be understood. Certification played an important role in determining different classes of teachers and will also be considered. In the process, the chapter draws on older and more recent histories as well as colonial archives in the Cape and the Natal. Each provides insights into the different parts of the whole.

Economy and Society Shaping Educational Developments during the Nineteenth Century It was not surprising that the Cape Colony provided the model for the other provinces, since the forces of colonial penetration were much stronger here than in the interior and along the coast. Here, in the Cape Colony, mercantile capitalism had ‘shattered’ the pre-capitalist Khoisan societies in existence there. Throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, the militarily strengthened British colonial forces continued to wage wars against the Xhosa, often joined by the KhoiKhoi. The disastrous cattle killing of 1856 1857 sealed their fate. ‘Yet’, as Marks and Atmore point out, ‘for many Africans a decade of military defeat and immiseration (1850 1860), ushered in a period of commercial and agricultural opportunity for other groups of Africans, especially the Mfengu […].’84 During the second half of the nineteenth century, these Cape African ‘schoolmen gained the franchise, occupying an intermediary position between their countrymen still resisting European influence and the Colonial authorities’. They played a leadership role

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in beginning to question and oppose conditions under which black people lived and worked and the positions to which they were educated. In Natal, colonial forces were much weaker than in the Cape. Although Natal was annexed by Great Britain to forestall Afrikaner control in 1843 and became a separate Colony from the Cape Colony in 1856, gaining Responsible Government only in 1893, its ineffectual presence meant that Africans sustained independent livelihoods against colonial pressures until the 1870s. This necessitated, on the one hand, the importation of Indian indentured labour in 1860 and on the other saw the development of a policy by Theophilus Shepstone (1817 1893) that emphasised the allocation of land to, preservation of and rule through African traditional authority as well as the recognition of customary law a policy that became known as segregation. Natal differed from the Cape Colony in that it granted land to various missionary societies with the object of promoting missionary activities among the people living there. The Society to whom a reserve was apportioned had the exclusive right of carrying on mission work thereon. Subsequently, by Act no. 49 of 1903, these reserves were transferred to the Natal Native Trust. Zulu resistance against British colonialism continued until the Bambatha rebellion in 1906 but by the last Anglo-Zulu War in 1879 was in difficulty.85 The Zulu kingdom was weakened further by the discovery of diamonds in Kimberley (1867) and gold in the Transvaal (1886) and increasing colonial pressures in the form of taxes to force labour off the land in order to work in the mines. In the interior, colonial forces were even shakier than in Natal. Here the disruptive effects of the Mfecane in the early 1830s had resulted on the one hand in the creation of powerful and complex entities such as the Basotho and Ndebele and on the other had created conditions among the Sotho-Tswana states that ensured that the Boers who moved in from the Cape and the Natal were, if not seen as allies, then not actively opposed. For Marks and Atmore, what was striking about the societies on the Highveld was their similarity: within both the position of the ruling class was determined by the control it had over access to land and cattle […]. Both the African and the Afrikaner depended on the Cape, Natal and Portuguese merchants for their arms and ammunition and for high technology implements as well as for luxuries like tea, coffee, sugar.86 Yet what marked them as different ‘the crucial importance of the concept of private ownership in land based on documentary records […]’ was to be decisive in the long run.87 The holding of office was central to power and wealth in the Afrikaner republics, and they used land as payment for services. That the discovery of gold and its requirements for a modern state resulted in a war in order to secure it underlines the precariousness of whatever rudimentary form of state there may have been in the Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) and its neighbour, the Orange Free State (OFS).88

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By the end of the century, the discovery of diamonds and gold was in the process of transforming not only the ZAR, but also the entire country. The demand from industrial capital for a massive, unskilled and cheap black proletariat (and) the changes in social relationships which had initially produced Cape liberalism led now to a coalescence of liberalism with late nineteenth-century British social engineering, social Darwinism and paternalism to produce an ideology of segregation […].89 By the late 1890s, many writers are agreed, Cape government thinking was manifestly anti-assimilationist and all mission societies, despite denominational differences, had become imperialist ‘in the sense of supporting British rule’.90 This was reflected also in education policy, whose segregationist features hardened at this time.91 British imperial ambitions and the South African War were to precipitate a full-scale reconfiguration of what was by then the Cape and the Natal, ZAR and OFS into a unified and modern state capable of organising the terms of labour exploitation and extraction. Within a changing overall nineteenth-century context of colonial towns and settlements dominated by surrounding, far-flung farms embedded within a variety of African pre-capitalist societies ‘of considerable size and complexity’,92 education and schooling developed more strongly in the towns and more slowly on the remoter farms and among African communities until the discovery of gold catapulted the Witwatersrand into a determining position, dictating a more unified approach. To the colonial systems in and for which teachers were prepared for teaching, and how these changed, we now turn.

The Pupil-teacher and Normal College Systems English historiography has over time addressed several key themes in the rise of a ‘two nations’, class-based system of schooling in nineteenth-century England, a period marked by England’s growth as a manufacturing and colonial power. These themes have included ‘the bitter conflict between the church and the state over who would educate the people and own its schools’, industrialisation and urbanisation, the lives of ordinary people and schooling and patriarchy.93 The church and voluntary societies were responsible for schooling of the working class until the state began to provide free and compulsory primary schooling in 1867, three years after the enfranchisement of English workers. The main form of schooling for working-class children up until then was Sunday schools, industrial and monitorial schools. The latter, which ‘dominate(d) popular education in England for half a century’ made use of older children as teachers for children of different ages, all in one classroom, and according to strict rules.94 The advent of large numbers of schools for the working classes created ‘an urgent demand for new teachers’.95 From 1833 onwards, parliamentary grants

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were made to voluntary societies, on condition that the schools be inspected. And in 1846, the monitors were replaced by apprentices through the pupilteacher system. Regulations adopted now ‘provided a national framework within which elementary school children could become trained’ and proceed to further training at colleges.96 By the 1850s, there were some 40 colleges in England and Wales, most of them recruiting their trainees from working-class backgrounds. Colleges had a different history and took somewhat longer to take off in South Africa. A major theme in English historiography, the feminisation of teaching, had its roots in the pupil-teacher system. Female apprentices began to outnumber males in England by 1860, and this gendered character of the elementary teacher was to remain until well into the twentieth century.97 Considered a suitable occupation for working-class girls, standards were not high, and the status and salaries of teachers were low; it was indeed ‘an occupation frequently ridiculed and abused’.98 The consequence was that ‘by the mid-1860s elementary teaching was thus still an exceptionally narrow and limited affair’.99 The patterns of feminisation of teaching and teacher preparation in South Africa were more mixed and will be explored further on. The system as developed in England was taken up in exactly the same way in the Cape a decade later in 1858 (and revised in 1873). Unlike England, the pupil-teacher system in the Cape and the Natal Colonies and the OFS and ZAR touched only the urban centres, and very few teachers were trained through it. Differences from the English system existed not only in the depth of implementation, but also in the introduction of the system in a context where schooling was differentiated according to not only region, but also race and gender. While it was only towards the 1890s that the pupil-teacher training system in England began to go into decline, it lingered on in South Africa for three more decades. Teacher training in England remained the preserve of voluntary religious societies, but they were criticised by the inspectors for their weakness in anything but religious instruction, their ‘narrowness, poor quality and standards of recruitment, and low levels of professional and academic instruction and vision’.100 By the late 1880s the pupil-teacher system had evolved into ‘smallscale, collective central classes’ known as teacher centres. Half a pupil-teacher’s training would now be school-based, and half would be in these centres, which concentrated on providing an academic and professional training.101 The Cape mimicked also this pattern. From the 1890s, day colleges came into existence in England in association with new university colleges, and these took on a different dynamic. But, as Lawson and Silver show, pupil-teachers were recruited at thirteen or fourteen until the end of the century, doing some 20 hours of teaching a week.102 Although different routes opened up associated with universities and university colleges, training colleges continued to train teachers and a ‘dual system of professional training in training colleges and universities emerged’.103 These came to correspond to training for elementary and secondary schools. In his comparison of the national systems of Prussia, England, France and the USA during the

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nineteenth century, Green observes that English teachers, especially after the introduction of payment-by-results in 1860, were, in relation to their continental and American peers, not only ‘poorly trained’ and ‘proportionally less numerous’, but that: the ‘simultaneous’ method of the English monitorial school was, by comparison with the progressive, child-centred Pestalozzian teaching method […] more effective in stunning its pupils into sullen quiescence than for honing alert and active minds.104 The emergence of the ill-fated and short-lived Normal College in Cape Town in 1839 was a predecessor of later colleges. Its origins are not unlike those that emerged in the United States, arising from a combination of ‘entangled’ English and continental influences and developments. Both Sir John Herschel in the Cape and the champions of the common school in Massachusetts, Ohio, Connecticut and Indiana had read an 1834 French report on the Prussian system of education. This so-called Cousins report had, among others, extolled the virtues of the ‘Normal’ school, which had made its appearance in France in 1794 when the first Ecole Normale Supérieure or higher normal school was founded here, among a set of new institutions following the French Revolution intended to serve the republican state. The concept derived from French, where normal means ‘setting a moral standard or pattern’.105 In Prussia, it ‘recruited men between the ages of 16 and 18, many of whom came from modest backgrounds’, and exposed them to ‘a three-year course of study that also required teaching practice in nearby schools’. The Report had been translated into English in 1834 and had been widely distributed.106 It could be argued that the failure of the Cape College, as well as the closure of Genadendal which trained teachers descended from slaves, Khoisan and settlers on the mission station from 1838, means that an important leg of an emerging system of teacher training on which that in South Africa came to be modelled was missing for the larger part of a century. The dominant model was an apprenticeship, school-based model. It was only towards the latter quarter of the century, in 1874, that the Huguenot Normal school was established for middle-class girls in Wellington by American Board Missionaries and the Dutch Reformed Church.107 The presence of American Board missionaries in Natal meant that the Huguenot College inspired not only training of white girls in Durban but also at the Inanda Seminary for black girls.108 A Normal College was founded in Cape Town for boys in 1878. In the Transvaal an Opleidingsskool was founded in Pretoria in 1883 and expanded into the Staatsmodelskool and Staatsmeisjiesskool in 1893 and 1894, respectively. In Bloemfontein, a Normal College was only started in 1899. In both the ZAR and OFS, African students who sought higher education or wanted to become teachers had to go either to Lovedale or to Zonnebloem in the Cape Colony. Among Africans, the principal form of becoming a teacher during the nineteenth century was to be trained as an evangelist-teacher whose main task was to

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establish outstations where they might establish schools for the purposes of conversion. But on the whole, there was a major shortage of teachers for mission schools in these parts of the country.109 The system of grant payments linked to inspection and pupil-teachers became the dominant system of teacher preparation in schools of all description from 1859. However, instead of applying to only one class of school, it applied to all classes of schools. Within a colonial context, the relationships between the colour, class and gender of teachers in teacher education also differed in detail. And to this we now turn. A close analysis shows that even as a segregated system took shape, policies and practices were entangled with one another across continents and institutions.

The Pupil-teacher System in South Africa The grants-in-aid, pupil-teacher and inspection systems followed closely on those in England. While also growing out of the monitorial system that came into being in Cape schools discussed in Chapter 1, the pupil-teacher system in South Africa was in addition associated with the classification of schools into different classes from 1843 onwards. The pupil-teacher system was introduced at different times under different conditions to different kinds of schools in different parts of the country. In part this illustrates the exceptionally weak colonial authority over schools and schooling not to mention teacher preparation. Schooling was neither free nor compulsory for either white or black children. Although statistics of the time needs to be treated with care, those for white children appear to indicate that the percentage of school-age children actually in public schools in 1877 was very small. In Natal it comprised 60 per cent, in the Cape Colony 49 per cent, in the OFS 12 per cent and in the Transvaal 8 per cent of the total school-age population.110 Comparative numbers for children in mission schools across the regions that comprised South Africa are also hard to come by and must also be treated with caution and seen merely as indicative. By 1865, Malherbe suggests, numbers in in African-only mission institutions (‘native mission schools’) in the Cape accounted for less than one-tenth of the total school population. By far the most populous institutions were aided mission schools, that is, schools including coloured and white children, accounting for some two-thirds of pupils in all schools.111 Almost 50 years later, in 1910, the situation had not improved, but the situation overall was not much better for whites either: only 2.2 per cent of the African population was in school, compared with 13.2 per cent of whites separate figures were not available for Indian and coloured.112

Cape Colony Schooling and Teaching Dr James Rose-Innes was appointed Superintendent-General of Education in the Cape in 1839, instituting a system of grants-in-aid to schools designated as

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first- and second-class schools from 1843. A Cape of Good Hope Report on Public Education for 1859 described the system as by then consisting of three divisions of schools, each with different classes of schools within them. Grants to schools were differentiated according to the school’s size, level and nature of curriculum, and requirement for a community contribution matching that given by Government. Support was given on condition that instruction was in English, the right to inspection and government fixing of fees was accepted and School Committees were established. Established schools (Division A) were fully supported by Government, while aided public schools (Division B, of which there were three classes that included farmers’ schools) were only partially supported and also required a contribution from the community. The same applied to aided mission schools (Division C). Like Division B aided public schools, mission schools were divided into first-, second- and third-class schools, each allocated different amounts. These amounts were purely for the support of teachers and entailed the right of government to inspect the school. The scales of support were dependent on the number of pupils, but the highest amounts went to Division A schools. The second highest, also internally differentiated, was allocated to aided public schools and the lowest to mission schools.113 In the more settled colonial towns, schooling took off in the early nineteenth century with a great many hazards, as Ludlow’s superb account of the new government first-class school in place from 1848 to 1862 in Graaff Reinet illustrates.114 But if even imported teachers, such as George Bremner who qualified in Aberdeen, Scotland, faced an uphill battle against established, local, class hierarchies and an unresponsive head office, other teachers serving farmers’ children and teachers in mission schools on the outskirts of Khoisan and African communities faced even greater obstacles. First-class schools in the larger centres included elementary and secondary instruction in one building while the secondclass schools in smaller centres had only the primary course.115 Mission school curricula included prayers and gender-differentiated industrial classes ‘throughout the day’.116 The 1865 Education Act systematised but continued the allocation of grants of declining value to different classes of schools: first-, second- and third-class undenominational public schools (in the major towns and villages of the Colony and among the agricultural population), mission schools and schools designated as ‘Border Department Aborigine schools’.117 The classifications of schools into these classes, however, proved unsatisfactory and would at the beginning of the twentieth century mutate into classifications between primary and secondary schools. At this stage, however, established first-class schools in major centres were intended to give both primary and secondary instruction, while aided second- and third-class public schools in towns, villages and among the agricultural population were intended to focus on elementary education and introduce a modicum of secondary work such as Latin, Algebra and Geometry. The aided-mission schools were ‘almost invariably one-teacher schools, and their curriculum was necessarily more limited’,118 while the grants for ‘Border Department-Aborigine’ schools119 were mainly ‘industrial’, focused on creating skilled workmen and women ‘habituated to and skilled in the performance of

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domestic duties’.120 While the established and public-aided schools received larger grants matched by local contributions, the mission schools and African mission schools were given a direct grant, of much less value than that given the other classes.121 At this stage, the Cape colonial government saw itself as accepting the ‘agency’ of missions ‘for the diffusion of elementary education […] for the poorer and neglected classes’, and speeding up the growth of the system of aided schools.122 Although the main aim of mission institutions was industrial education, and some did succeed in producing a number of teachers, the perspective on their role in training teachers was ambiguous. Superintendent-General of Education Langham Dale expressed the view in 1869 that the Colony required African teachers only to support ‘various school stations at kraals’, teachers who would moreover be ‘trained to teach and to work, and in constant and free intercourse with their own people, without that over-refinement which elevates the individual too much above his fellows’.123 A few years earlier, a debate at the leading mission school in the Cape, Lovedale, had developed between those favouring higher education for the few and those arguing for elementary education for the many. Its first principal, Govan, argued for the former, while his soon-to-be-successor, James Stewart, argued for the latter.124 Stewart’s view he was principal from 1870 1905 was that the whole course of instruction at Lovedale needed to be shaped ‘with special regard to the wants and conditions of Native Africans, with the distinct aim of raising a special class, namely of Native preachers and Native teachers […]’.125 Some 20 years later, the view that instruction to become teachers was for a minority had become set in stone. The Superintendent-General of Education made it clear that: the objects of the native Educational System are only (a) elementary instruction, and (b) industrial training, and the gradual development of the system throughout the native territories is steadily aimed at; here and there an educated native may aspire to University distinctions, but it is more to the interest of the people and of the Government, that the mass should be gradually reached by schools and workshops than that one or two native lads should outstrip their fellow and win academic degrees.126 Thus, two hours of manual work or industrial training remained compulsory for all parts of the school, including the Normal School, during the latter part of the nineteenth century. Unlike schools in Natal, it appears to have been implemented here and at Blythswood.127 The vast majority of schools, whether black or white, did not undertake secondary education until the twentieth century: until then the university colleges were mainly responsible for secondary work.128 If the school’s social-class relationship to the Colony structured inequality between teachers, gender and race also played a role. White teachers, who were

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mostly male and recruited from abroad, generally taught in the established and aided public schools, and headed up both the poorer mission schools in which white and coloured teachers taught and the mission headquarters of the more remote outstations where African teachers taught. African teachers generally taught in the third-class mission school and were therefore at the bottom of the pecking order. The annual allowance to these teachers was £15 p.a. compared with £75 p.a. for first-class aided public school teachers, £50 for second-class aided public school teachers and £30 for third-class aided school teachers. Firstclass mission schools received an allowance of £75, second-class mission schools of £30 and third-class schools of £15.129 By 1884, the number of male and female teachers was roughly equal in undenominational public schools and district boarding schools. But in ordinary mission schools, female teachers dominated, while male teachers did so in ‘Aborigine’ schools. In the public schools and boarding schools, there were 266 male and 202 female teachers; in ordinary mission schools, there were 288 male and 466 female teachers and in schools for Africans 248 male and 136 female teachers. In the African industrial schools and departments, 16 male trade teachers and 63 sewing mistresses were employed.130 Colonial beliefs and practices that men should occupy education leadership positions and be teachers were carried over into all types of schools in the Cape. Sex-segregated education was the norm. At a time when the education of girls among the upper classes was conducted by governesses, restricted to their perceived domestic roles and in order to equip them with the social accoutrements necessary for their roles as wives and mothers in colonial society, their role as teachers was perceived as being confined to teaching infants and social skills.131 Secondary education, when it was available, was generally thought of in terms of being for boys and not for girls. Thus, for example, Langham Dale explicitly argued not only that girls and boys should be taught separately, but that female teachers teach girls and the infant classes and males occupy head-master and assistant teacher positions.132 The proposal for a practising school in Cape Town where the Normal School was housed also reflected this gendered approach to education and teaching. At the time it housed a juvenile and infant department, but had a separate entrance. The proposal was for combining these into one institution, consisting of a Juvenile Mixed School, conducted by a Model Master, a Female Industrial School, attached to the Juvenile and an infant School with a Model Master.133 Nonetheless, it was difficult to find adequately qualified male teachers who were prepared to accept the existing salaries.134 Within this context women proliferated in what were seen as the lowstatus, low-paid, female sides of schooling and teaching. Origins of the Pupil-teacher System in the Cape The need for local teachers, combined with the 20-year failure of the effort to establish a Normal College and the example of the pupil-teacher system in England, gradually persuaded Cape administrators to implement a similar system at the Cape.135 Rose-Innes drafted requirements for a pupil-teacher system

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in 1858, and these were introduced by his successor, Langham Dale in 1859. Pupils, as in England, were admitted to the scheme at the age of about 13 years having successfully completed Standard IV (later raised to Standard V). They were then apprenticed for five years, this number being reduced in 1861 from five to three years. They would receive their training at approved undenominational public or mission schools from masters or mistresses who were expected to devote at least one hour of every school day, outside of the stated school hours to the instruction of pupil teachers under their charge. Numbers were small. By 1863, the Cape Superintendent-General of Education, Langham Dale, reported that four men and eight women had written the pupil-teacher examinations.136 Nineteen had been admitted in 1859; of these, by 1865, eight had entered teaching, four were waiting for engagements, two had left for reasons of illness, three were discharged for misconduct, and two were engaged in other pursuits.137 As time went by, especially in the relatively privileged, established schools in towns, the number of elementary school teachers qualifying rapidly expanded, and the standard of admission of pupil-teachers was accordingly gradually raised. Pupil-teachers were also less and less considered to be part of the teaching staff.138 Here pupils were attached to the larger schools in the main centres, and from these emerged normal classes, normal schools and Normal Colleges. The instruction in general consisted of the subject matter that was being taught in the schools and the method used that ‘of slavish imitation of instructors’.139 As in the payment-by-results system in England, teachers were given an extra grant for every candidate that passed the final examination.140 Initially the system seemed to be for established schools only, but some six years later included mission and so-called Aborigine schools. Grants for pupilteachers at mission schools were introduced in 1865. The Education Act no 13 of 1865 reallocated the funds from the Slave Compensation and Bible and School Commission so that the interest could be used to pay allowances of pupil-teachers to be trained in mission schools. Thirty-six pupils were admitted for examination in 1866, once the regulations had been approved. They included both white and coloured teachers.141 By the next year, their number had increased to 46 17 men and 21 women who were attached to mission schools in and around Cape Town, Swellendam, Port Elizabeth, Grahamstown, Somerset East, Stellenbosch, Caledon, Kanaladorp and Worcester.142 By the early 1870s, a fair number of the teachers and teacher assistants appeared to be women, to some extent replicating the English pattern of the feminisation of working-class schooling.143 In 1873, provision was further made for persons from 13 years upwards to be apprenticed to approved undenominational public or mission schools for a period of three to five years. They would receive an allowance of £12 p.a. on admission and if successful £18 p.a. in succeeding years. The principal would give four hours of special instruction weekly, with a view to preparing them to pass the elementary teachers’ certificate examination. For every pupil teacher who successfully passed the certificate the principal would be given £10, to be augmented to £15 where the pupil passed with honours.144 On becoming a teacher,

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allowances would improve. The clauses governing the allocation of grants to mission schools ‘allowed £100 to be paid for a principal (white male: LC) teacher; £40 for a (white male: LC) teacher qualified to teach both English and an African language; £20 for one who could teach an African language only; and £10 for a sewing mistress’.145 At this stage, provision was made for the Training School of the Paris Mission for boys at Morija along the same lines as that introduced for the Transkeian Territory, both of which fell under the Cape Superintendent-General.146 Tiered Teacher Certificates According to Behr and MacMillan, the certification process that came into being corresponded to the classifications and grading of schools. Thus, a teacher obtaining a certificate through a first-class school gained a T1 certificate, that in the second-class school a T2 certificate and that in the third-class school a T3 certificate and that in a an African mission school a T4 certificate, although several also sat for the Elementary T3 certificate, and the T4 seems to have come into being in Natal but not the Cape.147 This classification into T1, T2 and T3 certificates was not abandoned in the Cape until 1920, when the teachers’ certificates, like the schools, came to be classified as primary and secondary, and subdivisions thereof.148 The Elementary Teachers’ Certificate or Third Class Certificate was introduced in 1873 and became obligatory for those wanting to become teachers, many of whom, by the late nineteenth century, as in England, appear to have been girls.149 By 1894, a minimum educational qualification for entrants to the Elementary Teachers Certificate was set at Standard IV. Five years later, it was raised to Standard V. The Elementary Teachers’ Certificate required the passing of English (Reading, Dictation and Grammar), Arithmetic, Descriptive Geography, Handwriting, School Management, with Dutch or an African language being optional.150 By 1906, Standard VI was required. This became the main Certificate for Elementary Teachers, granted after the aspirant teacher had attended a two or three years’ pupil-teachers course, had taught for some time and attended a vacation course.151 The T3 or Elementary Teachers’ Certificate was the route to teaching for not only a much more racially mixed group of candidates, but also larger numbers of white women.152 Among those who attained the Third Class Certificate in 1890 names such as Mbeki, Faku, Jerrom, Bikitsha, Kota and Tyamzashe featured alongside names such as Burger, Clinton, Jordaan, Malan, Murray and Ward.153 The information provided regrettably provides only initials, and so it is difficult to ascertain the relative proportions of men and women. Pass rates were overall however low, as suggested by the results of the Elementary Teachers’ examinations of 1884. Only 10 European males, 70 European females, 14 African males and 4 African females passed compared with the 37 European males, 86 European females, 91 African males and 16 African females who failed.154 By 1897, a gap had been created between white and African pupil-teachers: in this year, 45 per cent of African candidates

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failed, while only 14.2 per cent of white candidates did so.155 Despite failing, or only completing one or two years of the three years required to write the Elementary Teachers’ Certificate, however, many still went on to become teachers in what were known as ‘the native Territories’.156 Within this context, both the Cape and the Natal tried to introduce watered down versions of the Third Class Certificate in the 1890s for African pupilteachers in the more remote mission schools. The effort was thwarted in the Cape. The Superintendent- General, Thomas Muir, reported in 1903 that he had tried to draw up a separate curriculum for African pupil teachers in 1893 but failed on account of opposition.157 A different Third Class ‘Junior’ Certificate was introduced only after Union. In Natal, however, it came into being in the 1890s and was referred to as the Fourth Class certificate. The curriculum included English, some History, Geography, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, School Management with Dutch or an African language as optional subjects. In 1878, a Middle Class Certificate was introduced for secondary schools and was linked to the new Normal School established in Cape Town by the Dutch Reformed Church. With a matric and a year’s training at a training institute, a teacher would be granted this certificate, which also became known as the T2 certificate. Candidates had to be at least 18 years old, and they were examined in English, arithmetic, geography, writing, school management, Latin, science and drawing. The candidates could be examined also in Dutch, French or German if they so desired. Teachers in possession of this certificate were regarded as sufficiently qualified to take charge of second-class schools or to serve as assistants in first-class schools.158 The Middle Class or T2 Certificate remained available to a small minority of white men while the vast majority of candidates sat for the Third Class Certificate. In 1890 the Superintendent-General was still sanguine about the fact that while young men were ‘disinclined to devote themselves to the business of teaching’, the higher positions in schools could be staffed by qualified schoolmasters and school-mistresses from Europe. Changes in other parts of the country and the pull of the newly rising Transvaal with its new educational needs meant that despite its head-start, the Cape Colony began to suffer a shortage in the latter part of the twentieth century: ‘the deficiency’, wrote the Superintendent-General of Education, ‘is largely due to the withdrawal of Cape certificated teachers for employment in the neighbouring States’.159 Training in Colleges and Higher Education Institutions By the last decade of the nineteenth century, primary school teachers began to be trained in Training Colleges in Cape Town and at the Huguenot College for Ladies at Wellington.160 By 1897 Grahamstown was attracting small numbers and the establishment of new Training Colleges were planned for Burghersdorp and Uitenhage.161 By 1906, the Normal College and Training Institute in Cape Town, Huguenot College in Wellington and the Grahamstown College were turning out between 1,800 and 2,000 teachers.162

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Higher education was also beginning to provide some training for white teachers intending to teach in secondary school. From 1874, students could quality for matriculation, the BA and survey certificate at five colleges and institutions for higher and professional education: the South African College in Cape Town, Stellenbosch, St Andrews in Grahamstown, Diocesan and Grey Institute in Bloemfontein. In 1884, they were altogether training with 573 exclusively white male teachers.163

Natal Schooling and Teaching The British annexation of Natal in 1843, until it was granted the right to internal self-government in 1893, had a decisive influence on the way that teacher preparation developed here. Although Natal developed a distinctive ‘native’ policy during the second half of the nineteenth century, it effectively remained an adjunct of the Cape and the mentality of its settlers a distinctly colonial one, in so far as all points of reference remained England and Empire.164 While an elitist and racially superior Victorian ethos marked its private and government aided white schools, its numerous mission schools both in the Colony of Natal and in Zululand among a Zulu population undergoing immense change in its interaction with colonial authority and labour markets were characterised by an ethos of the ‘civilising’ mission of learning to labour. Natal early on classified its European schools into primary and secondary schools rather than using the Cape classification. The Cape system of classification of schools was also not adopted in the Transvaal and OFS, which: favoured a division into district schools in the larger towns or villages, ward schools or fixed country schools for the smaller villages, and schools run by itinerant teachers for the most sparsely populated regions. From an early date the schools in Natal were classified as primary or secondary.165 This was probably also linked to the fact that its classifications applied only to the white population. In Natal grants-in-aid were first made to colonists’ schools almost a decade later than the Cape in 1852 and to mission schools in 1856. The outlines of a segregated system took shape through the appointment of inspectors, who were racially defined. An Inspector General of Education was appointed for Natal’s white schools in 1859. Another was appointed by the Indian Immigrant School Board for Indian schools in 1881and another for Native Education in 1888 the latter in accordance with the Native Education law of 1884. At a time when travel via the newly instituted omnibus service between Durban to Pietermaritzburg took 11 hours, such inspection as any inspector was capable of undertaking was as limited as it was by available transport and distances as it was in the Cape.166

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The arrival of Indian indentured labour in Natal between 1860 and 1911 introduced a new dimension to schooling in Natal. A year after the establishment of the Council of Education in 1877, an Indian Immigration School Board was established. It took steps to recruit an Inspector from India for schools founded by different denominations for Indian children. Schools were classified into state, state-aided and private venture schools. As in England, schools in receipt of grants were subject to inspection, but grants depended on enrolment. After attempts to recruit teachers from India had failed, the Indian Immigration School Board resolved in June 1883: that the Inspector be authorized to engage, at 5/- each a month, pupil-teachers not exceeding ten in all to any Government or aided school which has a minimum regular attendance of 30 pupils.167 The development of the pupil-teacher system among schools for the Indian population vividly illustrates the sharpening racial considerations from the 1880s onwards. In August 1885, the Board resolved that ‘the pupil teachers asked for by the Inspector for the schools at Sydenham and Isipingo be granted, the arrangements to be made as soon as possible, and that the Inspector be authorised to appoint a Pupil Teacher for any school at which there may be an average daily attendance of 25, such appointment to be communicated by the Inspector to the Board in the monthly Reports’.168 And in May 1886 the Board agreed that teachers who gained the Government Teachers’ Certificate would be rewarded with an additional 10/- a month. But it rejected the Inspector’s proposal that teachers be trained at the (white) Model Primary Schools.169 It was also not in favour of his suggestion to appoint ‘educated natives’ as teachers in Indian schools.170 Racial segregation in teacher preparation was reaffirmed in 1900 when examinations for the Junior and Senior Indian Teachers’ Certificate were instituted by the Natal Education Department. No provision was however made for the training of teachers in centres, model schools or colleges. As a result, Canon AH Smith opened the St Aidans Training College in 1904, admitting students after Standard IV.171 Pupil-teacher System and Model Schools Right up to Union, Natal relied on teachers imported from Scotland, England, and the Cape for its schools established for the children of colonists. A high value was placed on their direct experience of English schools and practices. Curricula and teachers’ examinations also assumed and required an intimate knowledge of English literature and the history of geography of the British Empire, including to a limited extent that of Natal.172 Natal introduced a pupil-teacher system for schools in towns 12 years after the Cape had started a pupil-teacher system and placed a small number of pupil-teachers at the four state primary model schools in Durban and

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Pietermaritzburg. These were divided by sex and two were for infants of either sex.173 According to Emanuelson, African and coloured pupils could not be refused admission to these schools, but very few, if any, actually availed themselves of the opportunity.174 While the formal opportunity existed, in practice it was virtually meaningless given the industrial education basis preceding it. Numbers were accordingly never very high. As in the Cape, the system in Natal was segregated by class, gender and race. The number of boys in schools for colonists’ children was much higher than that of girls. Boys and not girls were considered eligible for an academic secondary education. For girls, such an education was in line with expected future of the gentlewoman: ‘centred on the home’.175 Even though a branch of the Huguenot Seminary for girls was started in Greytown in 1892, unlike its counterpart in Wellington that provided opportunities for girls to train as teachers, its curriculum remained firmly focused on primary education and in the tradition of the ladies’ academy that had developed in Natal.176 The feminisation of elementary school teaching proceeded quickly, as evidenced by numbers of pupil-teachers. In 1898, 44 pupils 43 females and one male were examined. By 1906 1907, out of a total of 359 white teachers in Natal, the majority of the 31 pupilteachers were women only three men as opposed to 28 women. In 1907 1908 the numbers had risen to five and 34, respectively.177 This reflected the dominance of women teachers in Natal government schools between 1905 and 1907 their numbers were generally double that of men.178 In 1908 the model schools merged into the Natal Training College for Teachers, based in Pietermaritzburg. It was explicitly designed for women, while ‘the supply of first class trained teachers, more especially of men’, were encouraged to complete their studies for higher callings in education at the new University College.179 Mission Schools, Industrial Education and the Pupil-teacher System In accordance with the Grey plan, the mission school system in Natal was firmly tied to grants-in-aid for gender-differentiated forms of industrial training and instruction in religion and English.180 Unlike the Cape, teacher training did not feature in the grants. But very few schools were in fact aided, given African resistance to mission schooling in the early years as well as the costs of mounting industrial courses. This meant that ‘the law’ effectively ‘remained almost a dead letter’.181 In 1858, for example, expenditure from the allocated Native Reserve Fund for Native Purposes included allocations to only eight ‘Industrial and Manual Labour Institutions’ run by various churches and missions.182 And indeed industrial grants were withdrawn at the end of 1869, except in one case, as the government and Keate, in particular, became convinced that it was a waste of money. A report of 1864 noted that only six industrial schools on mission stations were receiving grants from the Fund.183 Ten other schools, ‘Native Day schools of the Second Class’, did not provide industrial training. According to Emanuelson, there were by 1871, three Central Training Schools for Africans (Amanzimtoti, Inanda and Pietermaritzburg), eight first-class common schools

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(not providing industrial training), twelve second class common schools, and three evening Schools. Teachers were either missionaries and their wives or evangelist-teachers placed at mission outstations and schooled in the basics by missionaries. The work inspected in these schools, which often qualified people to become teachers, included no more than learning to read, spell, understand and take dictation in English and Zulu, do some basic arithmetic (addition, subtraction, multiplication, division and higher rules), know some geography and sewing.184 Teachers were paid miserably. Unmarried female missionary teachers were paid a pittance. Noting that the reasons for the employment of single women were mainly financial, Etherington writes that: The wages of single female teachers were a fraction of those offered to male missionaries […]. Some women were employed at rates as low as £2 a month in the 1870s.185 They were paid less than foreign married men, while local men were paid less than foreign men or women and local women less than all of them combined.186 In this context, the pupil-teacher system that did come into being in the midnineteenth century was much more heavily constrained by inequality than it was in the Cape Colony. After 1877, the Council of Education had the power to make grants to mission schools and in so doing revived the idea of industrial education. The Council classified African schools receiving government aid into three classes: (1) industrial schools at which regular instruction was given in trade and industries to receive the highest grant; (2) schools where manual or field labour was regularly performed by pupils; and (3) schools which offered no training in industrial or manual labour.187 In exchange for the grant, it laid down a curriculum which included the reading and writing of English; the reading and writing of Zulu; arithmetic; and elements of industrial training (for boys) and needlework (for girls). No grants were available to mission schools for pupil-teachers or teacher training, even though this was a goal of mission societies alongside that of training evangelists and homemakers. Nonetheless, as Healy-Clancy points out, Inanda missionaries ‘managed to train advanced students as pupil-teachers on top of their onerous labour requirements, while stressing domestic labours, piety and chastity as key elements of Christian womanhood […]’.188 Changes began with the 1884 Education Act. In 1885, the year after the Act had promised higher grants to institutions to develop industrial training programmes, there were 70 schools in receipt of government aid. In 1886 the first detailed syllabuses for African mission primary schools were issued based on the standards borrowed from the Cape mission schools and these were modified over the next two years and in 1893.189 In 1886 a start was made with training courses for teachers. In the following year, 1887, the first examination of candidates for the Native Teachers’ Certificate was held.190 Candidates were

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examined on specific standards in reading, writing, arithmetic, geography, grammar, needlework for girls and some science for boys.191 About 45 candidates were examined early in 1892 and 50 at the end of the year. From 1892, African mission schools were classified into three types of schools: Class 1 were industrial schools and training institutions that had to set aside six hours daily for industrial or manual work (there were only six of them in 1893), Class 2 were primary schools, and Class 3 elementary schools, at which no regular instruction was given in industrial work. Not surprisingly, the standard of teacher preparation was compromised by this emphasis on industrial work which, however, was also seldom achieved or complied with, often because the children were simply too young for the rigours of work expected of them, but also because the missions were too poor to mount them.192 According to the Superintendent of Natal, interviewed in April 1904 by the South African Native Affairs Commission, the Department exacted ‘a considerable amount of manual work’ ‘from the two higher classes of Native schools, but in the lowest grade of Native schools we do not necessarily exact manual work for the simple reason that we cannot get it’.193 This pattern replicated that in the Cape Colony. If these mission schools in Natal were badly off, the schools in Zululand were even further behind. This meant that the pool from which teachers could be drawn was exceptionally small. According to Emanuelson, they were some ‘thirty years behind Natal Native Education’, concentrating on little more than reading and writing.194 A number of factors kept children out of school: the need to earn a living, increasingly on the mines; ‘the constant demand’ by Europeans for labour and resistance by Africans to elementary industrial work. The idea, wrote Inspector Plant, ‘is not at all popular with the parents, who say that if work is what the children are to do they will find it for them at home’.195 If it was estimated that in 1906 only one out of every 25 African children were in school, it is clear that African teachers were drawn from a very small pool indeed.196 Although both Huguenot College in the Cape and Inanda in Natal were linked through the Holyoke model and teachers, Huguenot in the Cape was providing opportunities for higher education through teacher training to women that Inanda was not. Segregation had hard consequences. Talita Hawes, crippled from early childhood, was a pupil at Inanda Seminary, and then became a pupil-teacher in 1876 and a teaching assistant. Blocked from enrolment at the Huguenot Seminary in Wellington, she eventually left Inanda in 1885 to establish her own church and school on a farm south of Port Natal, attaining her teachers’ certificate in 1905.197 During the mid- to late nineteenth century, curricula for girls at Inanda would cover the bare minimum of English, scripture and arithmetic, enough to teach primary school children, whereas ‘Huguenot would receive official recognition as a full “College” in 1898’, including a more academic and developed curriculum.198 Nonetheless, at least 66 females out of 216 who attended Inanda became teachers between 1869 and 1885.199 In 1904, indeed, Evelyn Goba from Inanda earned the top score of all candidates for the new teachers’ qualifying examination becoming one of Natal’s first state-certificated African female teachers.200 The situation was little better at Adams

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College. According to Healy-Clancy, ‘Of an estimated 150 pupils enroled between the school’s founding (in 1866) and 1877, fewer than a third had become teachers or preachers’.201

Afrikaner Republics A system of teacher training for whites did not take root in the Afrikaner Republics until the 1880s. ‘The Volksraad had first to be persuaded that special training was necessary at all.’202 It is thus true to say that ‘virtually the only training in the South African Republic and Orange Free State was represented by the system of pupil teachers, […] and (was) blissfully ignorant of principles of education or even method’.203 McKerron indicates that instruction, as elsewhere, was mostly based on ‘imitating the instructors slavishly’ and that grants were often ‘abused by pupil-teachers who accepted grants although they had no intention of ever becoming teachers’.204 African teachers at this stage were either trained as evangelist-teachers at mission stations or had to leave these areas for the Cape institutions if they sought higher education. Orange Free State Within the Afrikaner Republics, implementation did not match the expenditure of effort on policy. There was a great difference between town and rural education, and in practice teacher education developed first in towns; here too the concern with the quality of teachers emerged first. In both, the general view in the mid-nineteenth century was that the purpose of education and school was to prepare for membership of the Church.205 In the Orange Free State, Ordinance no. 5 of 1872 provided for a pupil-teacher training centre at Grey College in 1872. Only when an Inspector, Dr John Brebner, a Scot from Gill College in Somerset East, was appointed in 1874 and drafted a new Ordinance, did this become a reality, however. Brebner remained in place, first as Inspector until 1891 and thereafter Superintendent of Education until 1899. He obtained his first clerk in 1880 and a deputy in 1891. His belief in the role of the state in promoting education, as well as his pragmatic approach towards the conflicts between the two dominant white groups and particularly Christian National Education, distinguished his approach from that of S. J. du Toit who became Inspector in the ZAR from 1882 onwards. Under his tenure, Grey College and Eunice became established as centres for the training of pupil-teachers. The 1874 Ordinance specified a two-year apprenticeship which had to be undertaken at Grey College. On completion, a second-class examination would be taken.206 However, the pupil-teacher system failed to deliver more than eight students a year, and by 1892, this number had risen to only 14. Pupil-teachers also on the whole did not advance beyond the second class. And although a school was founded in each major town n each district for the white population, the system remained confined to Bloemfontein. A normal school was proposed and established in 1898.207

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Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek In the ZAR, the systems developed were also for whites only and only really began to be put in place from the latter quarter of the century. After the first appointment of a Superintendent of Education in 1875, there was some turnover of the chief educational administrator, until the Cape-based Rev SJ du Toit, a Christian National Education enthusiast, was appointed in 1882. He brought with him the experience of the Cape, which he applied to the ZAR. Schools and inspections both increased in number under his watch. The pupilteacher system and an examination had been in practice since 1859, sometime earlier than in the Orange Free State. As in the Cape, pupil-teachers existed alongside generally unpopular, imported teachers, although the imported teachers in this case were from Holland and the Cape, rather than England and Scotland, and also destined mainly for the towns. Poorly qualified, itinerant teachers remained the norm in the countryside on the farms. From 1868 no teacher could be uncertified (although in practice many remained so) and to effect this provision, two examinations were laid down: the principal and district examination. From 1876 teachers could take an examination for the first-, second- and third-class teachers’ certificate, although it was not successfully implemented, and complaints about the poor quality of teachers continued. From 1882, the first- and second-class exam would be taken in Pretoria and the third class in district towns. Pupilteachers were commonly attached to schools in towns such as Grey College and Eunice in Bloemfontein. In the ZAR, however, the relevant institutions were the Staatsmodelskool and the Staatsmeisjesskool, founded in 1893 and 1894.208 The majority of schools in Pretoria were private and religious, taking pupils up to Standard III. The origins of the Staatsmodelskool and Staatsmeisjiesskool lay in an initiative by du Toit to start a teacher Training School in Pretoria (for whites) in 1883. But the gap between those finishing primary school in Standard III and the Standard VI with which the Training School began was too large, and so a bridging preparatory school was begun to provide education to Standard VI. In 1887, the preparatory and Training Institutions merged to become a Gymnasium. A few pupil-teachers were appointed while others went to the Netherlands for training. Under Dr N Mansvelt, the successor to du Toit, the two institutions separated again into a Training School and the Gymnasium, the Training School essentially consisting of three classrooms. It became the Staatsmodelskool, enroling 122 pupils for Standards I IV. Pupils came from throughout the ZAR, forming an elite one per cent of pupils being trained beyond Standard VI. As in the Orange Free State, the shortage of qualified teachers persisted.209 Mission Schools in the OFS and ZAR If a poorly developed pupil-teacher system attached to centres in the main cities was the principal form of teacher training for whites, then that for blacks was even more elementary, even though by 1881 there were 61 mission stations assisted by 21 African teachers in the ZAR. Their number increased

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considerably with the discovery of gold.210 Missionaries came to the ZAR from the early 1840s through the Berlin, Hermannsburg, Cape Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Free Evangelical Swiss, English Church, London Missionary and Wesleyan missionary societies. In the Orange Free State, they came through the Paris, Berlin and Wesleyan mission societies.211 Teacher training in association with the mission societies only began in the twentieth century. Until this time, teachers were prepared through elementary reading and writing, mainly in religious texts, with the main purpose being conversion to Christianity. Both the rudimentary nature of the schooling that the missions provided and the lack of support from governments barely supporting preparation of their own white constituency of teachers were the main reasons for this. No grants were made available for pupil-teachers in mission schools. The Orange Free State as late as 1878, however, made ‘a small grant’ available to the schools conducted by the DRC at Witzie’s Hoek and in 1890 to the schools of the Berlin Mission Society.212

Conclusion In conclusion, the pupil-teacher system and appointment of inspectors introduced in English working-class schools in1846 were adopted in South Africa not long after across the country, albeit staggered over a longer time frame and under differing conditions and with differing degrees of effectiveness. Although the pupil-teacher system along with grants and inspections of schools may have been a direct transplant from England, it did develop differently in South Africa, assuming a colonial, class character greatly influenced by the differing types of schools with differing purposes and grants accorded to each. A crucial modification to the system of grants to schools was introduced in the Cape and the Natal Colonies when Governor George Grey insisted on the grant for African schools being conditional on industrial training. The conditions for pupil-teachers were not only reduced in South Africa (five years in England and three years in South Africa), but were not initially in all cases associated with colleges. This model seemed at this time to take its cue from Prussian and American models that had influenced the English approach. However, while the pupil-teacher model borrowed all its key features from England, its implementation across the Cape and the Natal colonies and the Afrikaner Republics occurred in piecemeal fashion. Many teachers teaching in one-teacher schools in remote parts of the country, the norm in the northern Republics, but also present in large swathes of the Cape and the Natal, simply remained untrained. Grants were also differentiated according to the types of schools, resulting in effect in unequal salary structures for teachers working in different types of schools and with different types of proficiencies. Outside the large mission schools in the Cape, the model for African teachers remained that of the evangelist-teacher. The incorporation of African mission schools under Sir George Grey’s industrial education plan from 1854 meant, however, that in those mission schools

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that had the means to implement it, the content and character of teacher training for African teachers differed in fundamental respects from that for white, coloured and African teachers in other types of schools. Grants were dependent on industrial instruction. Whereas some mission schools developed substantial industrial departments, most simply did not have the means. Thus, the leading mission schools such as Lovedale required teachers in their Normal School division to do industrial training; this was simply unaffordable for many others. Teacher preparation for African teachers was thus also differentiated, depending on the kind of school they attended and the certificate for which they prepared and that they wrote. While for some in aided mission schools, the curriculum was the same as for whites and coloureds, for others it was first and foremost in elementary reading, writing and arithmetic and various industrial trades and crafts. This latter development, underwritten by differentiated certificates, was arguably an important factor underlying the bifurcation of paths between African teachers and their counterparts being schooled and prepared in and for other parts of the system. Although the pupil-teacher system was thus also implemented in these schools, its entanglement with industrial training gave it a very different meaning from that pertaining to other schools. Finally, however, a comparison of unfolding patterns shows that there was a marked gendered character to the racially differentiated forms of teacher preparation. Whereas teaching was considered to be the natural sphere of men, the gradual feminisation of elementary school teaching was clear among white women. Men trained for secondary schools in universities, while women for primary schools in colleges. Available information seems to suggest that although African schooling was dominated by women and African women did gain teaching certificates, teaching did not become feminised in the same way as it did among white women. These men and women played a critical leadership role, sometimes setting up and representing a different set of values to the world from which they came, sometimes mediating between that and the colonial worlds, sometimes actively opposing the latter, and sometimes doing all the three. In conclusion, then, we might argue, drawing from Edward Said, that colonial policy did not travel completely.213

Chapter 3

Industrialisation, War and the Rise of the Training Institute, 1890 1910

Between 1890 and 1910, the cumulative impact of South Africa’s industrial revolution inaugurated by the discovery of diamonds in Kimberley in 1867 and gold on the Witwatersrand in 1886 culminated in the South African War (1899 1902) and introduced far-reaching changes in South Africa’s economic, political and social landscape. During the reconstruction years of 1902 to 1910, the twin approaches of South Africanism and segregationism emerged in the context of South Africa’s rapid industrialisation as a ‘hegemonic or consensus ideology’ among whites to legitimate white domination in a racially-divided and labour repressive state.214 Even as the Cape School Board Act (1905), the Free State’s Herzog Act (1907) and the Transvaal’s School Board Act (1907) framed the future development of schooling for white children as free and compulsory, so did the extensive hearings and reports of the South African Native Affairs Commission (SANAC) between 1903 and 1905 confirm that education for African children would remain in the hands of missionaries and not be compulsory. The view that industrial education was an essential component of education for Africans was reiterated and echoed by state administrators, missionaries and members of the African elite. The equivalence of standards of African and European education were much discussed and rejected by most colonists but advocated by most Africans interviewed. The fears of African secessionism, increasing demand for education and search for higher education in America among black South Africans that found expression throughout the report resulted in a recommendation for a separate institution of higher education for Africans in South Africa. As the provinces, now all under British administration, began to prepare for Union after the South African War, they appointed special investigations into and made assessments of education in their respective territories. These revealed their gendered segregationist imperatives and priorities. How to meet the demand for teachers in an expanding white system exercised the attention of officials. Changing educational perspectives for white schooling made the reliance on imported teachers and growing teachers’ shortage in secondary schools increasingly untenable. In order to address it, a Select Committee was appointed in the Cape in 1906 to investigate what could be done to improve the number of higher grade teachers with the T2 Certificate, as their number was ‘lamentably small’. The continued importation of teachers from abroad was now acknowledged as having its limitations.215 The Committee recommended not only

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improving the T2 teachers’ salaries and security of tenure but also expanding and resourcing the teacher Training Colleges to provide higher levels of training.216 Natal appointed a Commission of Education in 1909 to assess the state of Natal’s education system and to make recommendations among other things on providing a central resident Training College and university for European teachers and on establishing centres in Natal and Zululand ‘where the sons of Chiefs and Natives desiring to be teachers may get a plain education and instruction in the principles of agriculture and other industrial work’.217 In both the Cape and Natal, the use of Training Colleges for teachers increasingly came to be seen as critical. In all parts of the system, the terms Training Institute, Training or Normal College, Training School and Training Centre began to be used interchangeably. In the meantime, the Christian National Education (CNE) movement’s attempt to assert its educational independence from the new regime by establishing its own schools also found expression in teachers and teacher educators trying to secure colleges in the Transvaal and Free State for Afrikaner nationalism. This chapter sketches the way in which the college system grew out of the pupil-teacher system, albeit in different ways across different parts of the country and system. It pays particular attention to the processes leading to political unification that provided the conditions for the rise of the teacher Training College in the Cape Colony, Natal, Transvaal and Orange River Colony. These included what became leading institutions for both white and black teacher trainees throughout most of the twentieth century. White colleges each developed a distinctive Afrikaans or English-speaking ethnic/national character while mission institutions began to not only differentiate between coloured and African but also continued to embody both specific religious denominational and broadly non-ethnic, national features. For this reason, some attention is also paid to histories of individual institutions.

Provision of Teachers in the Cape Colony, 1890 1910 In all areas of South Africa, the pupil-teacher system had begun to undergo changes similar to those in England. It evolved from a class attached to a school to a Training Centre or College in the case of teachers for colonial schools or to a separate section within a mission school, some of which became confirmed as multi-purpose institutions. South African officials were aware that the pupilteacher system was in the process of being abandoned in England and Scotland, and so began a process of gradual adjustment both in line with what were considered to be the correct models as well as local needs for greater numbers of teachers for an expanding schooling system. As discussed in the previous chapter, there were by the end of the nineteenth century different routes to becoming a teacher, represented by the nature of certificates offered. By the early twentieth century, the most important of these in the Cape were the T1, T2 and T3 Certificates. The T1 was simply a

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Departmental distinction granted to teachers of at least five years’ standing who had passed a Departmental examination in the Theory and History of Education. The T2 was granted to students who had passed a Matriculation or equivalent qualification and had spent a year in a Training Institute or had taught for some time and attended a vacation course, also sufficient for a certificate. The T3 Certificate was granted to Matriculated students and to nonMatriculated students who had attended a two or three years’ pupil-teachers’ course, had taught and attended a vacation course.218 Up until 1909, admission to colleges such as the Cape Town College of Education was open to all. But in 1909, following the School Board Act, segregationist strategies were developed to separate white, coloured and African students from attending the same classes and institutions. First, the standard of admission for European students was raised to Standard VII in 1909, while that for coloured and African students remained Standard VI. The effect was that in the following year the majority of students taking the T3 Standard VI course were exclusively coloured, while those entering Standard VII were exclusively European. Second, the Methodist Church was permitted to build the Wesley College in Salt River all coloured students were removed from the Cape Town College to the Wesley College in 1915.219 This was the same year that Zonnebloem, established in the mid-nineteenth century under instruction from Sir George Grey, Governor and High Commissioner of the Cape Colony (1854 1861) to educate the sons of Chiefs in Cape Town, was also recognised as a Training Institute. The main source almost the sole source of supply from which the Third Class Certificated teachers were drawn was the pupil-teacher system. This system had been remodelled in 1893: pupil-teachers were to receive a suitable general education and proper professional instruction over a three-year course; they were to have a certain amount of daily practice in teaching, and their progress was to be tested yearly by an oral and written examination and by teaching in the presence of an Inspector. The number of teachers qualifying through the system grew exponentially. If in 1894 there were 789 entries for the pupil-teacher examination, there were 3,242 in 1907.220 The majority of white pupil-teachers were not only in special Training Schools. But they were also attached to ordinary high schools, as well as first, second and third class public schools in equal numbers. A Training School qualified to become a Training College as soon as it had ‘shown itself capable of maintaining a minimum of 20 post-matriculation students throughout the often year’.221 These so-called Training Schools had Training Departments meaning a Principal who instructed the pupil-teachers after they had done some teaching in the school. However, even these pupil-teachers who were at schools, although still being required to teach, were spending more time in formal training classes. There were two institutions for teacher preparation in Cape Town the Normal College, founded in 1878 and the Training Institute, founded in 1893 another at Wellington, the Wellington Training School, founded in 1893, and in Grahamstown, the Grahamstown Training School, founded in 1896. These

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institutes concentrated almost entirely on producing elementary school teachers, the majority of whom were white women. The number of T2 graduates, normally men, were negligible.222 Four new Training Institutes or Schools were founded in the Cape before 1910: at Caledon in 1896, Uitenhage in 1899, Burghersdorp in 1900 and Stellenbosch in 1908.223 Practising Schools were attached to the Training Institutions; in the high schools, use was made of lower classes. As in the case of the Cape Town College of Education, students were placed in city schools each day for their practical teaching. When this became too difficult to manage, and coinciding with the segregation of coloured students from the institution, the second floor of the building was converted from an Art Centre to a Practising School. Its playground was the roof.224 As with white teachers in training, African and coloured pupil-teachers were distributed across 11 designated Training Institutions, as well as Mission and ‘Aborigines’ Schools. The vast majority were in the Training Institutions, where instruction was provided by European teachers. These included All Saints (Engcobo), Blythswood (Nqamakwe), Bensonvale (Herschel), Buntingville (Ngqeleni), Clarkebury (Engcobo), Healdtown (Fort Beaufort), Lovedale (Victoria East), Shawbury Girls (Qumbu), St Matthews (King William’s Town), Morija (Basutoland) and Mvenyane (Matatiele). Shortly thereafter, Emgwali for girls (Stutterhehim) and the Native Training School (Umtata) were added. These and other institutes only became formally constituted as Colleges or Training Institutes after 1910. As with white colleges, many had Practising Schools attached to them. Emgwali Native Training School, managed by the Ladies’ Kaffrarian Mission with the United Free Church, for example, particularly impressed the Cape Education Department with its reports of its activities.225 Among the larger mission schools that included training classes were institutions like Tiger Kloof. Tiger Kloof, that had begun life in 1905 as a boys’ boarding school of the London Missionary Society in Vryburg, also became a Pupil-teacher Training School, Grade D, in 1909.226 It could only achieve Normal College status once it had achieved an enrolment of 24 students. In order to do so, it established a girls’ school, and in no time, numbers had grown to such an extent that it met the criteria. By 1921, it duly achieved its goal and Normal College status was conferred on one aspect of its activities. Before 1910, numbers of pupil-teachers rose dramatically. Many were drawn from beyond the Cape Colony.227 Reflecting the difference in quality between the instruction received by pupil-teachers attached to Training Institutions and ‘Aborigine’ schools, the Superintendent-General considered the mission and Aborigines’ schools that were ‘fit to provide adequate training for pupil-teachers extremely few in number’. Less than 10 per cent of those who entered obtained the Third Class Certificate.228 The overall percentage of certificated teachers rose rapidly, the bulk of these being teachers who travelled the T3 route. In 1907, just over half of all teachers, 57 per cent, were considered qualified. This figure ‘included the large number of Aborigines schools of lower grade’. When these schools were excluded, and only

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first, second and third class schools were included, the percentage of certificated teachers was 91, 93 and 80 per cent. In the ‘Aborigines’ schools, the percentage, though steadily increasing, had reached only 29 per cent.229 A Kindergarten Certificate that had been introduced in 1900 in the Cape was also contributing to increased numbers of passes. As mentioned in the earlier chapter, the majority of white pupil-teachers were women, the majority of African and coloured pupil-teachers, men. The problem for the educational administrators was really only teachers taking the T2 or qualifying for secondary schools. Their number was considered insufficient to address the expansion of white secondary schools in the Colony. In order to address this, maintenance bursaries were introduced to enable suitable candidates to attend college classes and to proceed to graduation in the University of Cape Town.230 In addition, Matric, or ‘a really good general education’, was specified as a condition of admission, rather than an insistence on Latin or mathematics, as well as a six-month course at the Normal College, which had been reorganised to enable the Principal to give more time to these senior students.231

Provision of Teachers in Natal, 1890 1910 The system in Natal was sufficiently distinctive to require separate consideration. By 1903, Natal was making budgetary provision for pupil-teachers to serve in designated white, African, Indian and coloured primary schools. There were also budgets for pupil-teachers in white technical and art schools. Not surprisingly, the budget for pupil-teachers in white schools was much higher than for African schools. The pattern to be assumed throughout the twentieth century had thus taken clear shape in Natal in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.232 By 1909, Natal considered itself to be adequately supported in its need for qualified teachers for its high schools by recruitment from abroad and for its primary schools through the Training Centres in Durban and Maritzburg that focused on primary school women teachers. The work of both these Centres was consolidated into one centre in Pietermaritzburg in 1909 with a curriculum that followed the international and Cape colonial trend of now also including infant training. As in the Cape, the small numbers of men in training was lamented; in 1909, there were only four men to 47 women at the Training College.233 That girls should train to be primary school teachers and boys should aim for the First Class (secondary school) certificate however was commonly accepted. Whereas young women were expected to go to the Training College, young men were expected to pursue studies at the new University College. But the view that teachers drawn from Britain were still needed, and superior, also found expression in the suggestion that it would be desirable to continue importing ‘competent men and women from Europe’, ‘at least for some time to come’.234 Inspector of Native Education, Robert Plant, a man like Lovedale’s Principal, Stewart, was firmly convinced of an education that ‘aimed at a low

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average of excellence, rather than the distinction of the few’ and that ‘African girls’ education in Western domesticity would be essential in creating different sorts of families’.235 After the South African War (1899 1902), he made two changes, however small, that tried to raise the standards of African teacher preparation. The vast majority of African teachers in mission schools did not proceed beyond Standard IV. Plant tried to raise the standard of at least the Principals of such schools by requiring that no African who had not passed a satisfactory examination in Standard IV by January 1903, Standard V by January 1904 and Standard VI by January 1905 should be eligible for appointment as head or sole teacher of a school.236 The unfortunate consequence, however, was that some 54 schools were forced to close temporarily as, in most cases, the schools were unable to comply with this requirement. One of the main reasons, according to Plant, was the limited exposure of African teachers to the ‘art of teaching’ or ‘teaching method’. The curriculum of the Fourth Class Teachers’ certificate which covered Reading, Spelling, Composition, Writing, Arithmetic, Geography (The World, South Africa, Europe and Natal), History (English History, Natal and Zulu History) and School Method seems not to have been effective.237 For this reason, he supported a Winter School Conference hosted at Adams College in 1908 as well as annual conferences of African teachers. Despite being understaffed, Adams College was, by 1909, being seen as fulfilling the requirements of a Normal College.238 This approach seems to have differed from the ‘training in industrial work’ that the Natal Education Commission thought would be appropriate training for African teachers.239 Separate certificates for Indian teachers had been introduced in 1890 (see Chapter 2). If the progress of training African teachers in Natal and Zululand gave no cause for optimism, Dr Loram expressed positive sentiments with regard to progress in training of Indian teachers: ‘it is impossible not to admire the efforts of the Indian teachers towards self-improvement both in general and professional knowledge. It is confidently expected that all the schools in the district will soon have certificated Head teachers’, he said.240

Provision of Teachers in the Transvaal and Orange River Colony, 1890 1910 At the conclusion of the South African War (1899 1902), the Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) and the Orange Free State (OFS) were annexed by the British and became the Transvaal and Orange River Colony, respectively. Throughout the 1890s, the pupil-teacher system was poorly developed in both the ZAR and Orange Free State. Model schools in the form of the Staatsmodelskool and Staatsmeisjiesskool had been founded in 1893 and 1894 in Pretoria. And in Bloemfontein Eunice and Grey College had become the centres for pupil-teacher training. There was little preparation beyond these either for white or black teachers in mission schools. The South African War (1899 1902) left the Boer Republics of the ZAR and OFS defeated by the British. The

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Transvaal was moreover gripped by gold fever and people of every description were streaming to the Witwatersrand. The Johannesburg College developed strongly given its central location. In the “Introduction” to his history of the Johannesburg College of Education founded in 1909, Napier Boyce describes how a Normal College was opened in Pretoria on 2 September 1902 with John Adamson as its head.241 Boyce goes on to recount how in October 1902 a Normal College was opened in Johannesburg with Dr Mullin as its head. He affirms the identity of the institution in Johannesburg as an English-speaking white rather than Afrikaans-speaking white institution, giving voice to the strongly Afrikaans and English-speaking identities that were to mark the institutions throughout the twentieth century. Not unlike the early history of the Staatsmodelskool, the Johannesburg College used two rooms in a building in town and enroled the grand total of 14 students. When Dr Mullin died in 1903, the students were transferred to the Pretoria Normal College. But, writes Boyce, ‘they were unable to meet the need for properly qualified teachers, and so a decision was taken to extend facilities for training teachers by opening additional normal colleges in Heidelberg and Johannesburg’. At first dual medium, the former became an Afrikaans-medium institution from the 1920s. By 1908, Pretoria, Johannesburg and Heidelberg were preparing a great majority of approximately 200 white students enroled in these institutions for the Third Class Certificate. In addition, Pretoria was preparing students for the Second and First Class Certificates. In 1909, Johannesburg was granted College status along with Heidelberg. Changes wrought by the new British administrations after 1902 to anglicise education resulted in the establishment of oppositional schools by the CNE movement, founded by Afrikaners defeated in the South African War. Both the Colleges at Heidelberg and Ermelo in the Transvaal grew out of the desire to train teachers specifically for these schools and began through attaching a normal class to the CNE school.242 Educational institutions such as these became central to the Afrikaner nationalist project, recruiting grounds and vehicles for building allegiance to the volk centred on a Calvinist view of the world. In this view, and especially the Kuyperian Calvinism with which the Transvaal Nationalists identified, ‘culture was a divine product which, together with race, history, fatherland and politics, distinguished the various nations from each other’.243 The role of the church, religion and language, especially the recognition of Afrikaans, was central to a Christian National vision of schooling. Here ‘national’ stood for Afrikaner; in the South Africanist perspective of Smuts, it stood for white Afrikaans and English-speakers united. From the outset, Heidelberg, Ermelo (closed in 1924), Potchefstroom (founded in 1918) and Pretoria were to Afrikaner nationalist aspirations and the Broederbond (a secret society of men founded in 1918) what the Johannesburg College of Education was to white English-speaking liberalism or South Africanism. Despite broad commonalities in their entry criteria and curricula, the ethos of each was defined by the worldviews cultivated in them. Throughout the century, teacher educators circulated either among the Afrikaans or the

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English-speaking institutions, but rarely between them. Thus, for example, the artist J. H. Pierneef, who had completed his secondary school training at the Pretoria Staatsmodelskool, joined the staff of Heidelberg College in 1918 as art teacher, and then returned to the Pretoria College to teach drawing in 1919.244 W. W. M. Eiselen, later author of the Commission of Inquiry that led to the Bantu Education Act of 1953, matriculated at the Heidelberg Volksschool in 1917. From here he proceeded to the Transvaal University College in Pretoria for his BA, which he attained in 1919, and then on to Stellenbosch where he gained his MA in classics in 1921.245 Both Ermelo and Heidelberg (and later Potchefstroom) catered to rural Boer constituencies, while Pretoria and Johannesburg served urban and the latter an English-speaking constituency. Heidelberg’s motto, Pro Deo Pro Patria (for God and Country), signalled its Afrikaner nationalist rather than South Africanist orientation: ‘service to the nation was also service to God’.246 And the image of the mealie in its badge represented the agricultural connection that bound Afrikaner nationalist intellectual elites such as teachers in the Transvaal to rural constituencies. Heidelberg’s first principal, T. A. H. Dönges, was wellacquainted with European models of teacher education, having undertaken a trip in 1897 for the specific purpose of investigating them. The CNE teacher education curriculum at Heidelberg was strongly practically oriented in addition to instruction in school subjects, Psychology and the use of a Dutch handbook on Principles of Paedagogics, students were trained through observation, demonstration and practice. In the beginning admission requirements at the Pretoria Normal College were quite low. In fact, no special qualifying exam was required. Candidates were accepted on the recommendation of the district inspector of schools or the Normal College authorities, and ‘a fair standard of proficiency in English and arithmetic were considered sufficient’.247 According to Niven, while the emphasis of most other institutions was on the academic side, Pretoria had developed an emphasis on pedagogy not yet evident in the other colleges. This is clear from the aims and functions of the institution as spelt out by the Principal of the Pretoria Normal College. The function was to: give students intelligent ideas about ends and means in the three sides of their professional work - organisation, instruction and nurture of character - to demonstrate methods and to afford opportunities for properly supervised practice in the art of teaching. A course which was entirely formal and consisted of nothing but the examination of methods, whether of teaching or of discipline, would be a dreary affair and would, moreover, be opposed to the principle that the effectiveness of a teacher is generally proportional to his interest as a student. This is a professional school in the sense that it assumes that the student has reached a certain standard of general education and may, therefore, give himself

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over more or less completely to the theory and practice of teaching.248 Alongside the Johannesburg and Pretoria Colleges for whites, the Eurafrican Training Centre and Practising School began life in Krause Street, Vrededorp, Johannesburg. It was on a much more modest scale than the white Colleges but, like other mission schools, consisted of a primary school, high school and teacher training classes. An inter-denominational mixed inner-city school, it trained pupil-teachers between 1902 and 1928. In 1958, the Training College moved to Coronationville. Later still it moved to Crown Mines Shaft 17 and became the Rand College of Education until its closure in 1999.249 The College needs an historian. The end of the War had resulted in not only more efficient administration and collection of statistics in the Transvaal but also in racially-prepared statistics. Thus the new Transvaal Commissioner for Native Affairs reported in 1903 that 142 mission schools received grants-in-aid from government, while 134 did not. He had also prescribed a syllabus for the training of African teachers, conditional on the grant. This syllabus included instruction in English and other elementary subjects up to Standard VI, instruction to enable teaching of one industrial subject and professional training.250 The Rev Clarke, Superintendent of Native Education in 1904, reported to the South African Native Affairs Commission that there were no funds for the implementation of the industrial training provision; and that the training centres in existence among mission schools were Kilnerton, outside Pretoria, opened by the Wesleyans in 1886 and Lemana, founded by the Swiss in the Zoutpansberg.251 Pupil-teacher Training Centres for Africans expanded rapidly before 1910. A very good example of how a mission school might change into a pupil-teacher Training Centre is given by St Cyprian’s in Kimberley, a thriving town at the centre of the diamond rush from 1867. Started by the Anglicans, in 1887, St Cyprian’s provided classes for infants until 1893, when it began to add Standards and to train its first pupil-teachers in a ‘preparatory class’. Up to 1899, Standard IV constituted the ‘Preparatory’ class; but in 1901 it was raised to Standard V and, finally, in 1909 it became Standard VI. The acceptance of the pupils into the ‘Preparatory’ class was ratified by the Circuit Inspector who also determined promotion to the first year of the pupil-teacher’s course.252 In 1891, St Cyprian’s comprised 95 boys and 113 girls, and included coloured, African, Indian, Malay, Chinese and European children. From 1907 to 1915, on average, four per cent of the pupil-teachers were in the first, second and third years of their training. In the final year of the existence of St Cyprian’s School in 1917, there were 53 pupil-teachers, the majority being Africans.253 In 1917, St Cyprian’s became the Perseverance Coloured Training School. It remained a racially-mixed institution until 1935 however when policy and pressure from sections of the local Kimberley coloured community including the Teachers’ League of South Africa (TLSA) resulted in the separation of Africans and the establishment of the Gore-Brown Native Training Institution. At this stage of its

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history, as Adhikari has explained, the TLSA sought to overcome its marginal status through ‘underscor(ing) coloured affinity to whites and to stress their differences with Africans’.254 The Pniel Lutheran Teacher Training Seminary, where Sol Plaatjie, author of Native Life in South Africa, trained as a pupil-teacher, had a similar trajectory. Devastated by the South African War, Pniel re-established itself as a Teacher Training Seminary in 1907. But, ‘like the other missionary societies, the Berlin Mission Society felt that teacher-training at Pniel was really subsidiary to the evangelisation of the BaTswana’ and sought to use its teacher training status to make ‘Pniel a base for the development of Lutheran churches that would become self-dependent, self-supporting and self-propagating. The African teachers trained at Pniel would hasten this process […]’.255 Then, as earlier, many missions were training African teachers to fulfil a dual role of being pastor and teacher, a teacher-evangelist or evangelist-teacher. Both Botshabelo, founded by the Berlin Mission Society in Middleburg in 1878, and Grace Dieu, founded by the Anglicans near then-Pietersburg, were accorded Training Centre status in 1906. Together with the Methodist-run Kilnerton near Pretoria and the Swiss Mission’s Lemana, these were the principal agencies for teacher preparation among Africans in the Transvaal before and after Union. In the Orange River Colony, there was very little possibility for the preparation of African teachers. If teachers wanted to train further, they left the area and went to Zonnebloem or Lovedale. African teachers had established an Association, similar to the one in the Cape Colony, through which they were seeking to ‘improve their position as teachers’ as well as their actual teaching through vacation courses where they could hear ‘lectures from skilled and trained teachers’.256 In 1908, the Stofberggedenksskool, founded by the Dutch Reformed Church, became a Teacher Training Institute.

Conclusion The period between 1890 and 1910 was one of major change in society, economics and politics. It was also a formative period in the history of teacher preparation. Even though the pupil-teacher system was reaching its height, new colleges began to be established, either as self-standing institutions in the case of whites or as part of multi-purpose institutions in the case of blacks. In most cases, they combined teacher preparation with demonstration classes in a practising school attached to the college. To qualify as a college, an institution needed to demonstrate that it had the requisite number of students. At the end of this period, the entry requirement for whites to the certificate qualifying a teacher to teach in an elementary school, the T3, was raised from Standard VI to Standard VII. It remained Standard VI for black teachers, a qualification which at this stage was a high achievement.

PART TWO

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Chapter 4

Union, Segregation and the Decline of the Pupil-teacher System, 1910 1920

The formation of the Union government in 1910 unified the territories of South Africa under a white state committed to reconciliation between Boer and Brit and the development of its new mining, incipient manufacturing and faltering farming communities. The control and regulation of black labour became the basis of segregationist policies in a process whereby white power and privilege became embedded in social, political and economic life. ‘South Africanism’ was the dominant political force within white politics from Union to 1948 when the Nationalist Party came to power. Its historian, Dubow, describes it as developing out of ‘a prior sense of colonial identity’ that ‘wrapped itself in the apparently neutral virtues of reason, progress and civilisation’.257 As an ideological justification for inequality, segregation assumed that social conflict in urban areas and the negative effects of ‘industrialism’ could be diverted by ensuring African development ‘along their own lines’, in rural areas, under white trusteeship.258 South Africanism shaped the approach to teacher preparation of whites in its search for conciliation between English and Afrikaans-speaking whites and by measuring progress in the system against developments in England. Segregationism shaped the approach to preparation of black teachers, and ultimately the system as a whole. Through Union, schooling and teacher training became a provincial responsibility, while higher, technical and vocational education fell under the national government. English and Dutch became the official languages; following a struggle over mother tongue instruction by the Afrikaans cultural movement, Afrikaans replaced Dutch in 1925. The main difference between control of teacher education for black and white teachers was that whereas the preparation of white teachers was an entirely public, state-controlled matter, it was a quasiprivate, mission-controlled and state-aided affair for black teachers. Provincial departments of education were formed that administered both white and black education under one roof so to speak. Within this framework, the expansion and development of white schools to incorporate all classes of the white population became a priority. Underpinning this growth and development was ‘an absolute as well as relative increase in expenditure on all types of education for whites’ after Union. ‘Most significantly’, as the National Bureau of Educational and Social Research pointed out in 1939:

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Although South Africa’s education officials referred to and constantly compared the South African white system with the English, three models informed the development of the character of institutions for teacher preparation in South Africa. The first was the English and Scottish move to day colleges, some based in universities; linked to this was the addition of educational studies and specifically history of education and psychology to training courses as well as the influence of the diffuse progressivism of the New Education movement, with its home in the Institute of Education, University of London. The central figure linking the experience, practices and ideas prevailing in England with South Africa was Fred Clarke, a ‘key figure in internationalisation in education’. While Professor of Education at the University of Cape Town (1911-1929) he was a committed South Africanist whose work entailed strengthening the system of training for secondary school white teachers. He shared the racial assumptions of other South Africanists that improving the white system was paramount. In his capacity as both Professor of Education and President of the white teachers’ association, the South African Teachers’ Association (SATA), he was a member of the Education Administration Commission (1923) that recommended standardizing and improving salary scales and conditions of service as well as the conditions of training and certification of white teachers across the Union.260 Black teachers were specifically excluded from these discussions and recommendations. But as later Professor of Education and Director of the Institute of Education, London University (1936 1945), he became a leading figure linking the Dominions to Empire. McCulloch, citing Glotzer, describes the central theme of his career being ‘the commitment to British cultural ideas and institutions […]’.261 The second was the model of adapted education developed in the United Stated for freed slaves. It was promoted by the Phelps-Stokes Education Fund through its visits to different African territories from 1920 1921 and 1924, and its subsequent Commission reports. Leading figures in its Commissions were Dr Thomas Jesse Jones and Dr James Emmanuel Kwegyr Aggrey, the latter from the Achimota College in Gold Coast (Ghana). C. T. Loram was a member of the 1924 Commission and an enthusiastic supporter of its model of racial cooperation and industrial and agricultural education for Africans.262 Among both so-called liberal segregationists, ‘friends of the native’, and missioneducated elites, the influence of West African James Aggrey’s politics of racial cooperation and both the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute and the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama headed by Booker T. Washington played a significant role in providing a model of education that similarly legitimated separate educational development for Africans ‘adapted’ to their perceived rural futures.263

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And the third was the New York Teachers’ College model of combining university departments of education, the demonstration school and a research practice centre with the teacher training centre. This model had become highly influential internationally at the beginning of the twentieth century, specifically in Scotland, and had moreover shaped the thinking of South Africans like E. G. Malherbe and C. T. Loram who had studied there.264 The Teachers’ College model was only partially enacted in South Africa here the research arm was mostly missing (see Chapter 4). The Tuskegee model was likewise a model promoted and adopted across the colonial world, its success in South Africa limited in practice by finance. Teachers and their associations became important social actors during this period, and it is important to consider the questions they took up, as it helps to cast light on the broader system. The chapter will then focus first on the Cape Colony and then the other provinces to gain a clearer picture of how segregation began to take hold in teacher preparation through increasing the number of institutions and again raising the standards of teacher preparation for whites, and especially for secondary schools. Here, a major aim was indigenising the teaching force and ceasing the reliance on imported teachers. Limitations were at the same time placed on growth and standards of preparation of black teachers. A Commission on Native Education appointed in the Cape in 1920 played a significant role in keeping entry requirements for black teachers lower than that for whites. During this period, several universities came into being that not only prepared teachers for secondary schools but also entered into close cooperation with centres for the training of primary school teachers. One of these new universities was Fort Hare, founded in 1916.

Teachers’ Associations Unification along separate racial lines was not confined to the state, but also became a feature of wider organisational life. The unification of teachers followed provincial, racial and political lines. African and coloured teachers began to organise themselves, many before 1910, in response to racial discrimination and manifest exclusion from wider economic, political and social life brought about by Union. The first provincial African teachers’ association to be formed was in the Orange Free State, in 1904. The Transvaal Native Teachers’ Association was founded in 1919, bringing together a Pietersburg and Pretoriabased association. In the same year, the Natal Native Teachers’ Union was founded, while the Cape Native Teachers’ Association was formed at King William’s Town, bringing together 15 of 21 existing associations under the leadership of D. D. T. Jabavu, the first black Professor at the University of Fort Hare in 1916. In 1926 and 1927, respectively, the Transvaal and Cape-based associations rejected the term ‘Native’ and changed their names to the Transvaal and Cape African Teachers’ Associations.265 Both the leaders of the Natal Union, through its departmentally-sponsored journal, the Native Teachers’

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Journal, and the Cape association, through D. D. T. Jabavu, espoused a Bookertean and racially conciliationist philosophy until the mid-1930s. Although a federation of all four African associations was brought into being with a constitution in 1921 under the leadership of D. D. T. Jabavu, it was a weak organisation, with limited funds at its disposal and very little authority over provincial associations.266 The main focus of the African teachers’ associations was improvement of salaries and conditions of service the basis of a claim to being professionals. Progress was slow, but it required a split within the organisation and entailed a politics of collaboration in order to gain recognition and a platform for negotiation. Only once this platform had been gained and African teachers had distanced themselves from political associations and statements was some improvement obtained. The price of becoming professionals, equal in status and salary to other teachers, was conformity. The organisation abstained from what might be construed as politics in any form other than salaries, it focused on questions such as mother tongue instruction. The Teachers’ League of South Africa (TLSA), a formation of mainly coloured teachers in the Cape Province, had come into being seven years earlier, in 1913, as an off-shoot of the African Peoples’ Organisation founded by Dr Abdurahman in 1905. One of its founders, Harold Cressy, had graduated from Zonnebloem College with a T3 in 1905.267 The TLSA was formally founded in the College hall of the Cape Town Training Institute in Queen Victoria Street. Like the other African teacher associations of the time, its assimilationist aspirations, accommodationist and separatist strategies resulting from the marginality of the coloured elite entailed an emphasis on coloured identity that welcomed, for example, statistics on coloured education as distinct from African, as well as institutional provision and curricula specifically for coloured.268 Its main concern was with improving conditions of service of coloured teachers and to this end it also objected to the small numbers of white and African teachers in coloured schools. By 1935, 14 per cent of all teachers in coloured schools were white and three per cent were African.269 The nature of the TLSA’s politics would change in the late 1930s and 1940s. It developed close links with the Natal Indian Teachers’ Society (NITS), formed in the wake of the opening of Sastri College in Durban in 1929 and in the context of the formation of the Natal Indian Congress (NIC) in 1927. Threatened by repatriation and the anti-Indian legislation of 1924, the NITS shared the TLSA’s initial assimilationist approach arising from the marginal status of the Indian elite in Natal. Sastri College committed itself to a re-socialisation of its students into English boys’ grammar school and westernising ideals.270 English-speaking white teachers were organised through the SATA which held its first Conference in 1888. Its Presidents included the SuperintendentGeneral of Education and the Chair of Education at UCT, Fred Clarke. Its main focus was on white public education and neither its call for ‘Equal Pay for Equal Work’ in 1913 nor its numerous attempts at cooperation with other organisations included black teachers or organisations.271 The similarly racially exclusive and exclusionary Zuid Afrikaanse Onderwysers Unie was founded in 1905 in the wake of the Peace of Vereeniging that ended the South African War

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between the South African Republic and the Orange Free State on the one side and the United Kingdom on the other. It was explicitly linked to the Christian National Education movement and designed to organise Afrikaans teachers against the new British authority in the land. It became an instrument of the Broederbond during the 1930s and 1940s, shaping the key tenets of Christian National Education. While some African teachers did belong to SATA, none belonged to the SAOU or the TLSA. 272 White teachers in mission schools formed their own organisation. Within the overall hierarchy of racial power, SATA and the SAOU exercised greater influence in the state than did their African and coloured counterparts. While the former were from the beginning consulted on all matters of policy, the latter were informed rather than consulted. Qualified teachers were needed to supply the new demands created by the School Board Acts, especially in the rural areas where the poor white problem was exercising the attention of policymakers. In so far as provinces no longer seriously entertained the idea of importing teachers from England and Scotland, they made determined efforts to localise or indigenise the teaching force, albeit along and across racial lines. Although only 27 teachers were imported in 1914, at the start of the First World War, many however were still in charge of and teaching in schools, including and especially mission schools.273 And to indigenising the teaching force in white schools, policy was now directed. Between 1910 and 1920, policies were enacted that raised the position of white teachers in the racial hierarchy. Improved qualifications, training and conditions of service were key mechanisms for so doing.

The Cape Province The Cape Colony, which became the Cape Province after 1910, provides a good case study of this period, as it was still the pre-eminent province setting the national trend as far as educational development was concerned. Here, raising the entrance qualification for white teachers to Standard VII for the Third Class Teachers’ Certificate had the predictable effect of creating a shortage of elementary school teachers that in the short term paradoxically hit the country schools the hardest. In 1913 it was estimated that there were fully 500 fewer teachers than would have been available had no change been made.274 However, a plan set in place at Union to meet the demand for teachers through increasing the number of colleges and training departments at schools soon produced the desired effect. In 1912 there were seven colleges and large training departments associated with girls’ schools in the smaller towns of the Cape Province. In 1914 four new training schools were added in Cradock, Kimberley, King William’s Town and Steynsburg.275 By 1915 there were 12 such institutions with 1,120 students in training.276 Not surprisingly, as the decade wore on, ‘pupil-teachers’ were increasingly referred to as ‘student-teachers’, signifying the greater emphasis on formal training. The pupil-teacher system in schools was still contributing to teacher numbers. But here too the earlier system had turned into training departments attached

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to predominantly girls’ public schools in smaller towns in rural areas. In 1914 they included 1,700 students training for the Third Class Teachers’ Certificate. In 1914, departments of this nature with 20 or more students under training were found in connection with the following schools: Graaff-Reinet (Girls), 58; Stellenbosch (Bloemhof), 52; Oudtshoorn (Girls), 31; Piquetberg (Girls), 28; Uitenhage (Girls), 28; Wittedrift, 28; Worcester (Girls), 25; Porterville, 25; Beaufort West (Girls), 24; Aliwal North, 24; Kakamas, 22; Riversdale, 21; Clanwilliam, 20. In addition there were 141 students in the course preparing for the Second Class Teachers’ Certificate Examination, and 86 in the Kindergarten Course.277 The Opleidingskollege Suid-Kaapland (OKSK), founded in Oudtshoorn, in 1916 had similar origins. Although its history is obscure, it seems that it began as a training college for white girls, but in time was used for training coloured teachers. The vast majority of teacher-trainees were women. The Department though believed firmly that men should occupy the ‘important posts’ in the primary schools, and for this reason was concerned about the small number taking the Secondary Class Certificate Examination, which qualified them for these positions.278 The recommendations of the 1906 select Committee appointed to investigate the problem included improving salary and conditions. As a result, the situation did improve. By 1914, and in subsequent years, there was a steady increase in T2 candidates. While in 1904 only 16 became so certificated, in 1914 there were fully 236 such certificate holders. By the end of the decade, the training of secondary school teachers was seen as the province of the university, while that of primary school teachers was that of the college. Salaries and conditions of service for all categories of teachers were at issue throughout the period, however, with the Department consulting at provincial and national levels with teacher associations on the matter. These were regulated in 1916, but dissatisfaction led to further changes and in 1920 a settlement was reached. At the same time, a Commission on Native Education was appointed in 1919 to investigate among other things improving teacher training and conditions of service for African teachers (see below). The consequence of all these changes was that the percentage of certificated white teachers rose rapidly. In 1912, 65.08 per cent of the teaching profession was considered to be certificated. This had risen to 85.7 per cent in 1920. These figures disguised the inequalities among black and white teachers, as the vast majority of black and especially African teachers in the Transkeian territories remained unqualified. Many of those teaching may have held certificates for the first or second year of pupil-teacher training but had not passed the Third Class Certificate, which was what the Department recognised. In the Transkeian Territories, only 60.7 per cent of teachers were considered certificated, as compared with 51.9 per cent in 1919.279 The teaching profession among whites was by this stage firmly feminised. Only one-third of those in training were men. In 1914 it was estimated that of every eight teachers employed in Cape schools, five were women and three were men. The number of men steadily declined, even though the numbers taking the Secondary Class Certificate increased. Their number declined from

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39.76 per cent of all teachers in 1894 to 35.5 per cent 20 years later, in 1914.280 At the conclusion of the First World War, in 1918, the percentage of male teachers in the Cape Province, exclusive of the Transkeian Territories, had dropped even further to 29.6 per cent. When the main classes of white schools secondary, intermediate, primary, private, farm and poor schools were taken into account, the percentages were 27 per cent in 1907, 26 per cent in 1913, 23.3 per cent in 1917 and 24.2 per cent in 1918. The 1918 percentage was fairly high in comparison with what obtained in European countries generally; and an examination of the proportion of male students in training schools seemed to point to a further gradual fall in the percentage of male teachers. Nonetheless, the opinion of the Superintendent-General was that: In so far as this decline relates to the third class certificate course, there is no cause for alarm. Men adopting teaching as their lifework should not be content with a lower qualification than the second class certificate.281 If there was a teacher shortage in white schools, it was even more acute in mission schools. In these institutions, the entrance requirement for T3 was still Standard VI. The second and third years of the course corresponded to the first and second years of the course for the Third Class Teachers’ Certificate. In the Junior course, history was not compulsory and only one additional subject, instead of two, was demanded.282 In 1914 some 200 coloured and African candidates gained the full Third Class Junior Certificate when the demand was for approximately 800 teachers. Reflecting the secondary priority and lack of urgency in addressing this need, The Department considered it unnecessary to increase the number of training institutions. However, increasingly the province was seeking to differentiate coloured from African teachers, and to make provision for coloured rather than African teachers.283 In 1915, the Department set apart Genadendal, the Wesleyan Training School and the Zonnebloem Training Department specifically ‘to serve as Training Schools for coloured (as distinct from native) teachers’. They had a total of 107 students.284 Training of coloured teachers in institutions as opposed to training schools was also insisted upon from 1918. Despite the injunction for separation, many training schools remained mixed until the 1930s at least, as the case of Perseverance in Kimberley, discussed above, illustrates.285 In 1912 there were 12 institutions with teacher Training Departments for Africans: Bensonvale, Blythswood, Buntingville, Clarkebury, Emgwali, Engcobo, Healdtown, Lovedale, Mvenyane, St Matthews, Shawbury and Umtata.286 There were also 30 departmentally-acknowledged schools where pupil-teachers were trained: Barkley West (Pniel), Caledon (Genadendal), Cape Town (Zonnebloem), Carnarvon, Gordonia (Upington), George, Upington, Humansdorp (Hankey), Kimberley (St Cyprian’s and New Main School), Belvedere, Knysna, Malmesbury, Namaqualand (O’Kiep), Paarl (× 4), Piquetberg, Stellenbosch, Tulbagh (Saron), Uitenhage, Vryburg (Tiger Kloof),

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Worcester, Butterworth, Matatiel (Mariazell), Xalanga (Cala) and Basutoland (Thaba Morena).287 Inspector Anderson, who was in charge of Training Colleges and Schools, noted a ‘marked increase in the number of candidates’ from these institutions for the Junior Third Class examinations. He did not recommend expansion instead, he recommended that enrolments be limited or students be better distributed across institutions. Nonetheless, the number of recognised and departmentally-supported Training Institutions did increase to 19 by 1920. This number included Genadendal, Zonnebloem, and Wesleyan in Salt River, Perseverance in Kimberley, Emfunisweni, and Tiger Kloof in Vryburg. Numbers of male and female students were almost equal, at 1,109 and 1,012, respectively. The number in training schools amounted to 2,427; regrettably no gender-disaggregated figures are available.288 By contrast with the feminisation of teaching among whites, the occupation was still dominated by men in African institutions and schools. In 1920, evidence was provided that African teachers were concentrated in schools categorised as B, C1 and C making up a total of 3,427 teachers. Men were in the overall majority, comprising some 2,248 of the teachers, while women counted for 1,176.289 In 1920, changes were afoot in the preparation of both black and white teachers. Not only was the pupil-teacher system coming to an end, and teacher preparation being concentrated in institutions, but new certificates with new entrance qualifications were being envisaged. In the case of white teachers, it was proposed that the Third Class Teachers’ Certificate be replaced by a Primary Teachers’ Lower Certificate and the entrance qualification be raised to Standard VIII.290 On completion of this course, it was anticipated that candidates would then complete a two years’ course of professional preparation in training schools in preparation for the Primary Teachers’ Lower Certificate. Those who had completed the full secondary school course at a high school ending with Standard X would likewise be required to spend two years at a training college preparing for the Primary Teachers’ Higher Certificate. In addition, provision was to be made for training technical teachers, and preparation and certification of high schools teachers in subjects such as art, commerce, domestic science, elocution, horticulture and agriculture, hygiene, music (including class singing) and physical culture.291 At the same time, the Department appointed a Provincial Native Education Commission that met in Umtata on 25th June, 1919, and thereafter at King William’s Town. Its brief included making recommendations in regard to the training of African teachers, and in regard to the curricula for the different types of mission schools. Represented on the commission were the Department of Public Education, the Native Affairs Department, the Transkeian Territories Council, the Provincial Council, the Union Education Department (which was represented by newspaper editor, John T. Jabavu) and a number of mission schools. The heads of St Mark’s, Clarkebury, Lovedale, Native Training School at Umtata and the President of the Association of European Teachers in Native Educational Institutions, the Wesleyan Native School and Chairman of the

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Transkeian Native Teachers’ Association were all represented. Mr A Sinton, Inspector of Schools for Cape Town, was appointed as Secretary. The Commission: conceived of its principal duty as embracing an overhaul of the education system with a view to placing Native education more in line with modern educational theory, bringing it into closer touch with the facts of Native life and circumstance, and, while always aiming at the standards of culture, sound living and good citizenship, fitting every scholar for his place in domestic and economic life. Then it must consider how organisation can best be adapted to growth, and finally seek for means of replacing the precarious basis of present operations by a stable system of finance.292 Its approach was fundamentally informed by segregationist assumptions of a different kind of education for Africans based on culture and their social and economic position in the society. In addition to recommending that teachers’ salaries, especially of uncertificated teachers, as well as good service allowance and pensions should be improved, it also felt that the standards of teacher training needed to be raised. It noted that: The question however of raising the entrance standard is complicated by the general lack of provision for an academic class beyond Standard VI in the existing institutions and schools, and by the increased expense involved […]. The Curriculum Committee was unanimously of the opinion that the standard should be raised, but it recommended that the change should not come into effect until after five years. It therefore recommended to the Department that it institute a higher as well as a lower teachers’ certificate.293 Its recommendations were unsurprising given the dominant adapted, Bookertian ethos within which it worked. It resolved that what was needed was for new certificates to be introduced in line with changes envisaged in white education Lower Primary to replace the third class (junior); Higher Primary; Lower Secondary and Higher Secondary. The Committee decided not to concern itself with the details of curriculum but recommended that Religious and Moral Instruction, Hygiene, Civics and courses of agricultural, domestic and industrial training be introduced that were ‘directed to fitting the future teacher for carrying out the manual training requirements of the primary schools and for ameliorating the conditions of his or her life and work’.294 It was felt that courses in secondary schools: should maintain a close relationship with Native conditions and should be thoroughly practical (and) should provide vocational

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These secondary courses should lead up to the Matriculation Examination of the South African Native College established at Fort Hare, as well as higher teachers’ examinations in both, English should have the first place as a language.295

Transvaal, Orange Free State and Natal Even though the Transvaal shared similarities with the Cape in its size and demand for teachers, the main difference between the development of its Colleges, according to Niven, was the close relationship that developed in the Transvaal with the universities. It awarded a First Class certificate to ‘teachers of standing and experience, on the basis of a thesis based upon original work’, a Second Class certificate to teachers had had obtained a pass in the Intermediate Level of the BA and a Third Class certificate to teachers who had completed a three-year course in professional and academic training.296 By contrast, the four mission stations for Africans and the Eurafrican Training and Practising School for coloured teachers in Johannesburg prepared teachers to a much lower level. In the Orange Free State, normal courses were instituted after Union at the Normal College in Bloemfontein, and at secondary schools in Bethlehem, Boshof, Kroonstad and Ladybrand. Much emphasis was placed on preparing competent teachers for rural areas. Here, as in the other provinces, women dominated the numbers of those being prepared for the Third Class certificate. However, men and women did not spend the same amount of time in training. Method and Character Training, as opposed to academic education, were as important here as at the Pretoria College. The Report of the Director in 1919 noted that: The Normal College is not the place for the academic treatment of subjects, but the place where the best modern methods of presenting matter for the assimilation by the pupil should be studied, which of necessity entails the study of the child and its nature.297 The Orange Free State remained a backwater for the preparation of African teachers. In 1908, the Dutch Reformed mission’s Stofberggedenkskool had become a training school for African teachers in the Orange Free State. It was only in 1928 that the Anglican Church succeeded in starting a high school and Training College at Modderpoort. A decade later, in 1938, a third Training College was opened at Thaba ‘Nchu. The Pietermartizburg College of Education founded in 1909 became the main training institution for white female students in Natal. It had close links from early on with the Department of Education and University College, which was responsible for preparing and certificating students for the First Class

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Certificate. By 1920, the principal officially-recognised training colleges for the preparation of African teachers in Natal were the American Board’s Adams College, which absorbed female students from Inanda; the Lutheran Umpumulo which opened in 1912; St Chad’s Training College; Edendale Training College and Kwa Magwaza Training College. Charles Templeman Loram’s role in redefining curricula for African teachers along vocational lines assumed great significance from 1917, and will be discussed in the next chapter. It was not until 1927 that Sastri College was founded for the preparation of Indian teachers.

Universities University development accelerated after Union. The 1916 Universities Act provided for (1) the establishment and incorporation of the University of the Cape of Good Hope, Huguenot, Rhodes, Natal and Transvaal University Colleges and the School of Mines in Johannesburg into a federal university, the University of South Africa, based in Pretoria, (2) the incorporation of Victoria College into the University of Stellenbosch and (3) the constitution of the South African College, Cape Town, as the University of Cape Town. Thus, in 1918, the South African College became the University of Cape Town; Victoria College became the University of Stellenbosch; and Grey, Rhodes, Huguenot, Natal, the School of Mines and Transvaal University College came to be incorporated under the University of South Africa. In 1922 the School of Mines became the University of the Witwatersrand and in 1930 the Transvaal University College became the University of Pretoria. Potchefstroom University College became part of the University of South Africa in 1922. Fort Hare (the South African Native College founded in 1916), whose students worked externally for University of South Africa degrees, was recognised as an institution of ‘higher education’ in 1923, though it was not a full constituent of the federal university.298 If the provinces were responsible for preparing teachers for the T2 and T3 Certificates, universities became responsible after Union for the preparation of teachers for the T1 Certificate, the graduate training for the secondary school teacher. The main qualification for it was to be the writing of a thesis.299 In practice, then, Departmental Training Institutions had come into being to train primary school teachers, while universities were training secondary school teachers. However, from the 1920s, universities also played a role in preparation of primary school teachers. In Natal, a close relationship developed between the Training College, the department and the university. When a teacher training college was founded in Potchefstroom in 1918, it moved into a close relationship with the neighbouring university college.300 From the 1920s, the T3 course became joint or combined courses in the Transvaal. Bruce Murray, historian of Wits University, writes that: At least a quarter of the Arts students (during the 1920s) were also students at the Johannesburg Training College,

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Teacher Preparation in South Africa previously known as the ‘Normal College’. Teacher training was the responsibility of the provincial administrations, and what the Transvaal Education Department did was to allow students to undertake a full B.A. or B.Sc. course at the University while contemporaneously passing through the various stages of the second or professional part of the Teachers’ Second Class Certificate programme at the Training College. The successful completion of five university courses, two at the second-year level, exempted students from part one of the certificate examination. The socalled T2 certificate students divided into two groups. The first studied full-time for three years, secured their professional certificate and then went to teach, often completing a degree through afternoon and evening classes at the University. These classes in the Faculty of Arts were designed primarily for teachers wishing to secure a degree. The second group studied full-time for four years, obtaining both a degree and a teachers’ certificate. They would normally complete their majors at the University in their third year, and the fourth year would be devoted to the completion of their professional subjects and training. The courses in Ethics I, Psychology I and the History of Education offered at the University counted as ‘professional subjects’, two of which were frequently taken by students in their last year both for their certificate and to complete their degree.301

The first Chair of Pedagogy was established in South Africa in 1909 in Bloemfontein at Grey University College, which had undertaken courses of higher education in affiliation with the University of the Cape of Good Hope since the beginning of the twentieth century. However, although by 1912 a year’s course of training for secondary teachers has been established at Grey University College, very few students had attended, notwithstanding the free bursaries offered.302 After Union, Chairs of Education were established at three of the newly-established University Colleges: Stellenbosch, Cape Town and Rhodes.

Conclusion By 1920 the abolition of the pupil-teacher system was on the cards for all. Stand-alone colleges or colleges as part of mission institutions had become the principal source for providing elementary school teachers. New universities, some of which appointed Chairs of Education, had come into being for the preparation of secondary school teachers. The quantity and quality of teacher preparation for white teachers improved significantly as expenditure on it increased, entry requirements of qualifications were raised and the number of colleges and training centres expanded to cover both urban and rural areas.

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By contrast, preparation of coloured and African teachers remained part of multi-purpose, state-aided, mission-controlled institutions, a secondary and even tertiary priority within provincial education administrations. As in the system for white teachers, the pupil-teacher system for Africans however also gradually became concentrated in colleges, once the desired number of students had been reached. Certification nomenclatures were similar but a lower-level certificate was provided for in Natal. Although the model of training centre growing into a college followed that among whites, financing was less, growth was slower, entrance qualifications lower, curricula watered down and tied to participation in industrial and agricultural education. After Union, separation of white from black student-teachers was a fait accompli, but increasingly separation of African from coloured teacher-trainees was also insisted upon, although inconsistently implemented. While teaching had become a feminised profession among white and coloured teachers by the 1930s,303 it took another decade and more for primary schooling to become a female sphere for African teachers.304 A Provincial Native Education Commission of 1920 that included significant representatives of black education recommended improved standards of teacher training and qualifications in line with the white system. But it failed to take the opportunity to argue for equality: instead, the now-familiar ideology of fitting African education and teacher preparation to local conditions and the African for ‘his place in domestic and economic life’ was repeated. Despite the establishment of Fort Hare and its close links with Lovedale, the association that developed between the white colleges and universities was apparently absent in the mission institutions for coloureds and Africans; in all, the link with the provincial administrations was strong. A major feature of the period was the growth and consolidation of teacher associations among all teachers. New associations emerged, organised along racial lines and following a broadly conciliationist approach. While the white associations were closely involved with policy development at national and provincial level, black associations were marginal to power and focused on the miserable salaries and conditions of their members. Their proliferation was however linked in no small way to the expansion of professionally trained teachers during this period.

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Chapter 5

Consolidating Segregation: Regulating Access, 1920 1939

Although there is a considerable literature on the development and role of differentiated and adapted curricula with their emphasis on industrial and agricultural education for Africans during this period, and how this contributed to positioning black students for their perceived roles in a racially-constituted social order, there is much less clarity on how the interlaced hierarchical and unequal character of teacher qualifications and certification took shape. Here it is important to look at the implications of unequal financing of institutional provision, certification and relationships with universities. The chapter considers first how unequal financing shaped the environment of teacher preparation, resulting in the expansion of institutions for whites in urban areas and for blacks in rural areas, an over-production of white and under-production of black teachers, the employment of whites in mission schools, and corresponding tensions between black and white teachers over this. It shows how entry requirements were once more raised for white and left static for black teachers, and how the relationship between white colleges and universities, strong at first, became contested by provincial interests, gradually resulting in a loosening of ties by the end of the period. It concludes with a brief look at continuities and changes in the gender composition of aspirant teachers.

Unequal Financing Underpinning the entire system constructed during this period was that of control and finance, beginning with the fact that whereas the state assumed control of teacher preparation for whites, the preparation of black teachers remained state-aided and under mission control until the mid-1950s. Over the 30-year period between 1892 and 1922, government expenditure on teacher training for whites had increased by about 74 times the original amount.305 This unequal provision did not diminish hereafter, indeed it increased, beginning with the introduction of new salary scales according to qualifications, length of service and class of work put forward by the white teachers’ associations on behalf of all white teachers, including those in colleges. Provinces also provided for colleges’ infrastructure and equipment, as well as student-teachers’ tuition and boarding from their budgets.306

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However, African education, including teacher education, was financed from 1925 by the Union Government from a Native Development Account created through African taxes which fixed what provinces were to receive. Provincial officials responsible for African education criticised this system of funding year after year for its parsimoniousness and unworkability. Not only were the funds made available to provinces not based on their respective school-going populations, they did not make provision for expansion or improvement. African teachers, the Superintendent-General of the Cape complained, were paid below the scales recommended by the 1920 Native Affairs Commission and well below the scales that the Department had hoped to introduce.307 In the Transvaal, the situation described in Inspector Achterberg’s 1921 report, that ‘the vast majority of native teachers are paid less than they can earn as manual labourers with no education at all’ ‘small wonder that the best teachers leave the service to become clerks, interpreters and motor-drivers’ had not changed a decade later. Despite the approval of new salary schemes for African teachers in 1928 by the Native Affairs Commission, these were not implemented, as the funds were not made available to the Provinces to pay them. Teaching was therefore not an attractive proposition, but within the framework of segregation, it provided an opportunity for further education. Even though the number of certificated teachers had increased, many were receiving salaries of uncertificated teachers on account of the lack of funds.308 Achterberg was speaking of the Transvaal, where in 1930, at the onset of the Depression, the Teachers’ Association litigated and took the matter of nonpayment of salary increments and allowances to court. The Chief Magistrate of Johannesburg ruled in their favour on the main count, but their working and training conditions overall did not improve significantly here or elsewhere.309 Funds remained insufficient to staff schools adequately. As the decade wore on and enrolments increased without finances for additional staff paid appropriately, frustrations mounted. The Interdepartmental Committee on Native Education of 1935 1936 resolved the issue discursively by framing a political and resourcing question as one of whether African education should be controlled provincially or nationally.310 As the situation worsened, so also the teachers’ organisations radicalised.

Institutional Provision An Expanding College System: Urban for Whites, Rural for Africans In 1921, the Cape boasted 13 training institutions for whites, and six for coloureds; all were located either in Cape Town or in larger towns in the province. The 14 institutions (apart from Zonnebloem in Cape Town and Perseverance in Kimberley, designated coloured) where Africans could train to become teachers were all in either the Transkei or Ciskei.311 The latter increased by three more over the next two decades.312 This mainly urban and town-based white and coloured/rural- based, African pattern was replicated in the Transvaal, where there were five colleges for white

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teachers at Pretoria, Johannesburg, Potchefstroom, Heidelberg and Ermelo (until this closed down) one for coloured and Indian teachers in Vrededorp (Johannesburg) and four for African teachers at Botshabelo Berlin Mission Society (BMS) near Middelburg, Kilnerton (Methodist) outside Pretoria, Lemana (Swiss) and Grace Dieu (Anglican) in the Northern Transvaal. Between 1924 and 1947, eight more came into being, only two of which were in urban areas or towns: in 1924, Bethel Hermannsburg Mission Society (HMS) near Ventersdorp was added; in 1935, Bethesda Dutch Reformed Church (DRC) and Pax Roman Catholic (RC) near Pietersburg; in 1937, the AME’s Wilberforce in Evaton, Johannesburg; and in 1939, the RC St Thomas, also in Johannesburg. In 1946 the BMS opened Tshakuma in Vendaland and in this and the next year the state opened two new colleges, the Bantu Normal College in Pretoria and Mokopane. By the mid-40s Africans could train to become teachers in no city in the Cape Province, and only in one institution in Johannesburg and two in Pretoria. In Natal, Pietermaritzburg remained the main centre for preparing white teachers, while Adams, St Chad’s, Umpumulo, Edendale and KwaMagwaza situated in rural locations became the leading institutions for Africans and Sastri College in Durban for Indians. In the Orange Free State, Bloemfontein was the centre of white teacher preparation; it was supplemented by rural institutions for Africans at the Stofberggedenkskool, Modderpoort (1928) and Thaba ‘Nchu (1938).313

Over-production of White and Under-production of Black Teachers The production of teachers to serve schools was unequally financed but structured by a discourse of supply and demand. This discourse essentially managed the over-production of white teachers and justified the under-production of black teachers. In the Cape, concern was expressed in the mid-1920s about white colleges’ over-production of teachers. Not only were new teacher-trainees unequally distributed among colleges but many also ended up unemployed. Steps were accordingly taken to curtail enrolments and ensure proper distribution: in 1924, no further grants were made to student-teachers, quotas were introduced for each college and selection procedures introduced. More and more secondary teachers were finding their way into primary schools, but the Department disapproved, as there were ‘financial considerations’ in addition to the fact that these teachers ‘were not trained for primary education’. The Department held meetings with universities, and agreement was reached about graduates teaching in primary schools and that ‘such teachers would only be appointed in the upper standards of schools’.314 As far as African teachers were concerned, financial constraints created ‘stresses and strains’ of a different order. Even as enrolments increased throughout the 1920s, expenditures were reduced such that during the depression years of 1932 and 1933 no new schools could be opened, no new staff could be appointed and no salary increments could be paid to existing teachers: under-staffing became ‘the rule rather than the exception’.315 Increasing the number of African

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teacher-trainees was accordingly limited by the accommodation and staff available. The combined impacts of poverty and policy ensured a radical tailing off in the numbers reaching the standard required for entry to the teacher training classes, and so the numbers presenting themselves for such preparation remained small.316 However, between 1934 and 1937 the situation as far as employment was concerned eased somewhat a small number of new schools could be built, and new teachers could be employed.317 By 1939 however only a small minority of mission institutions 15 per cent offered a Standard VI class. Standard VI classes were tiny.318 By 1935 only three institutions offered the Native Primary Higher Certificate, a two-year course after Standard VIII or the Junior Certificate. But the Department was apparently not keen on growing larger numbers of better-qualified teachers. When growth at higher levels did occur, it was quickly and actively curtailed by raising admission criteria. The Higher Primary Course, for example, started with only four students in 1926 and had risen to 71 by the early 1930s. Alarmed that the schools might be producing ‘a surplus’, the entry qualification was raised to Standard VIII in 1935. An ‘abnormal percentage of failures in the Junior Certificate examination’ the following year predictably led to a sharp drop in numbers.319 To teach in a secondary school required two years after Standard X at Fort Hare, a qualification out of reach of most.320 Although the percentage of African teachers who were certificated did grow steadily, if not as fast as white and coloured teachers, Cook concluded in his 1939 study that ‘the supply of qualified teachers is hopelessly inadequate’.321 He was writing of the Transvaal, but he could equally have been writing of the Cape, Natal and Orange Free State. In this context of over-production of white and under-production of black teachers, tensions arose among black teachers over the employment of white teachers in mission schools.

Tensions During the nineteenth century, teachers imported from England and Scotland in the Cape and Natal and Holland in the Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) were gradually replaced from the bottom up by home-trained female elementary school teachers if they were white and male if they were black. As the number of home-grown teachers among all races swelled, so those of imported teachers shrunk, even as some remained in the system and especially in mission schools, where they also usually led the institution. But with the white nation-building imperatives of Union, it became a priority to indigenise the system completely, most particularly among whites. The Cape and Natal tried to reduce their intake of overseas teachers, while the Transvaal and Orange Free State also sought to cut employment of teachers from other provinces. So successful was this effort that in 1925 the Cape Province could say that ‘we have arrived at the position that we are almost entirely self-supporting in the matter of supply of teachers (and that) the stage of dependence we have long passed’. In 1931 the Transvaal could report that it employed only seven teachers from the Cape, 11 from other

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provinces and none from abroad. All were white.322 The output from Natal and the Orange Free State was by contrast ‘modest’; these provinces continued to import teachers from the Cape and Transvaal.323 Black teachers were less enthusiastic about the consequences. Resistance to the employment of white teachers in black schools grew and was a feature of the period in mission schools that included coloured and African students. In order to protect their interests, coloured teachers opposed the employment of ‘a class of pseudo-European Mission school teachers’. From the point of view of the state, employing coloured instead of European teachers reduced the cost of education in this sector, as coloured teachers, being less well qualified than white teachers, were paid less than they were. Nonetheless, white teachers continued to be employed mainly because the number of coloured students qualifying for training in teacher training colleges was kept too small to meet the demand.324 In 1938, the question of employment of European teachers in African mission schools also became a burning issue. As with the Teachers’ League, African teachers’ associations ‘expressed themselves vigorously on the topic’ of appointing Europeans in teaching positions in mission schools, a position that the Native Affairs Commission also promoted. Of the 3,500 teachers in African mission schools in 1929, four per cent were Europeans. Although the Department expressed the intention to replace them with Africans ‘wherever this is possible without sacrificing efficiency’, this did not happen.325 African teachers in 1938 objected especially to the appointment of Europeans in higher-grade posts, arguing that highly-qualified Africans were blocked and did not get a fair deal. In his response, the Chief Inspector of Native Education, G. Welsh, confirmed that in teacher training schools the white staff were in the majority, numbering 79. Fourteen of these were employed as principals, 14 as special teachers of Domestic Science, Needlework and Woodwork, and 51 as assistants. All the African staff totalling 20 were employed as assistants. The reason he gave for this situation was that ‘there are not nearly enough Native teachers with the qualifications required’.326 The implications for both coloured and African mission schools was that despite protests white teachers continued to be employed there.

Regulating and Controlling Entry to the Teaching Profession through Certification It is estimated that between 1905 and 1930 the number of certified white teachers had grown from 60 per cent to 95 per cent ‘which is higher than that of USA, England, Canada or Australia’.327 As the number of white certificated teachers rose, so did the entry requirements. Admission requirements were important gate-keeping mechanisms, controlling who could and could not become a teacher and at what level. Through regulating access to the profession on the basis of qualifications whose achievement was facilitated through the accessibility and affordability of institutional provision for teacher preparation, a profession was constructed distinguished by racial divisions that demarcated superior

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from inferior on the basis of qualifications. White teachers became ever more highly-qualified and prepared for different levels and kinds of teaching, while black teachers became proportionately less qualified and equipped for different and lower levels and kinds of teaching. A good qualification became the key to a better salary. And improved salaries became a key motivation for improving qualifications. When improved qualifications did not lead to better salaries and working condition, the motivation to gain them was also weaker. Up to the early 1920s, First, Second and Third Class Certificates were differentiated along racial lines by referring to those for whites as Senior, and those for black teachers as Junior (First, Second and Third Class Certificates). According to Malherbe, this was due to the differences in the standard of admission to a training school, as well as to the differences in standard between the certificates. Thus the Third Year Junior corresponded roughly with the European Second Year Senior.328 Such classification also served to normalise segregation. During the early 1920s, courses qualifying teachers for the profession were re-named, re-curriculated and semantically and organisationally differentiated from one another. A Primary Teachers’ Higher and a Primary Teachers’ Lower Certificate were introduced for white teachers in 1922, with a Lower and Higher Primary Teachers’ Certificate for coloured and African teachers following a little later. The Higher and Lower replaced the Second and Third Class Certificates. Thus the T1 became the Higher Secondary School Certificate, the T2, the Higher Primary Teachers’ Certificate and the T3 the Lower Primary Teachers’ Certificate (LPTC). A Lower Secondary School Certificate was also introduced. A summary of certificates in use up until 1920 when the pupil-teacher system was abandoned thus included the ones as in Table 1. While the entry requirement for whites was gradually raised, it remained static for coloureds and Africans. The vast majority of black pupil and studentteachers attained the Third Class Junior Certificate whose entry requirement was Standard VI. Only in 1935 was it raised to Standard VIII. The entry requirement for the white LPTC, raised to Standard VII in 1909, was raised to Standard VIII In 1920 and Standard X in 1929. Standard X became the minimum entry level for any form of training for a white student. A degree became necessary to enter training as a secondary school teacher. In the meantime, the entry requirement for coloured and African teachers remained at Standard VI for the LPTC (when it was Standard VIII for whites), and Standard VII for the Higher Primary. Although it was raised to Standard VIII in 1935, it does seem that some mission schools did have higher entry requirements before this period, albeit still lower than that for whites wishing to follow the same course of training, and also that students did not necessarily take the course in order to become teachers. Thus the 1930 Prospectus of Natal’s Inanda Seminary for African girls promised pupils who were successful in the Junior Certificate examination conducted by University of South Africa (UNISA) and ‘the same as for European pupils’ that they would be able to enter the Higher Primary Course. The school prided itself on being the only African girls’ high school offering the Junior Certificate. Standards VIII and IX

Certificate

Length of Course

T1 (First Class)

11/2 years

BA

T2 (Second Class)

2 years

Matric

T3 (Third Class)

3 years

Std VII until 1920: Std VIII

T3 (Third Class; Junior)

3 years

Elementary Kindergarten

1 year

T2 or PT2

Higher Kindergarten

1 year

Elementary Kindergarten

Domestic Science

1 year

T3

Source: Compiled from Malherbe.329

Standard of Admission for Whites

Standard of Admission for Coloureds

Standard of Admission for Africans

Std VI

Std VI

T3

T3

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Table 1. Certificates in Use in 1920.

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prepared girls to enter Nurses or Teachers’ Training Courses.330 The Higher Primary course was started in Natal in 1927 and entry was conditional on a Junior Certificate or Standard VIII. ‘A Short Historical Sketch of Adams College’ circa 1935 notes that the majority of students taking the new course did so ‘because it was the nearest to bring them to the much thought of Matriculation Certification’. The first students to enter for this purpose came in 1930 when Fort Hare was unable any longer to accommodate demand for its Matric. For many African students doing the Higher Primary then the purpose was not to teach but to obtain a Matric which in turn would qualify them for higher things.331 By 1939, there were a total of 28 training schools for Africans across the Union. All of them offered a course of training for a Lower Primary Teachers’ Certificate (LPTC) extending over three years after Standard VI. In the Cape, Natal and Transvaal, some centres also provided for a Higher Primary Teachers’ Certificate (HPTC) extending over two years post-Junior Certificate (Standard VIII); and also a course of special training for housecraft teachers. The South African Native College, Fort Hare, prepared students for secondary schools. The course for the Teachers’ Diploma of the college normally extended over two years post-Matriculation. A special course of training for selected female teachers of experience and ability with a view to their subsequent employment as female supervisors (Jeanes teachers) was inaugurated in 1936 in the Cape.332

Preparing a Restricted, Second-class Black Elite Becoming a teacher if you were African was a process of not only becoming part of an elite, but also one that was knee-capped by having lower qualifications than whites. The entry and graduation requirements placed restrictions on aspirant student-teachers who however also used them for their own purposes, as shown above. Teacher training was an important possibility open to those who made it through the system, qualifying them for elite status within communities marginalised and subordinated on the basis of class, race and gender. Yunus Omar’s life-history of Alie Fataar, life-long Unity Movement activist and office-bearer of the Teachers’ League of South Africa, provides some insight into how talented young people might have negotiated their way through the system’s limitations and possibilities as it changed over time. It also gives some life to the meaning of the qualifications and their uses.333 Born in 1917, Fataar attended a mission school in Claremont, proceeded to Livingstone High School and then to Zonnebloem Teacher Training College, attended by both African and coloured teacher-trainees. He recalled that at his primary school, St Saviours’ Anglican mission school, the teachers of his Sub A class were from England. He vividly remembered the apprenticeship character of the pupiltraining system then in practice. Coloured teachers were in the process of being trained: ‘the teachers would train other teachers. So you had, for example, a

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young girl of seventeen, as a teacher teaching Sub A […] trained since fifteen or sixteen in the school […] learning for a trade’.334 St Saviours took Fataar to Standard III. Just as he concluded his schooling here, the state established the first secondary school for coloureds in Claremont, Livingstone Secondary High.335 Unusually, he matriculated in 1934 with a First Grade pass. Not having had Latin or Mathematics as part of the school curriculum, subjects required for entry to university at that stage, he proceeded to Zonnebloem Teacher Training College. Here he obtained a First Grade Teachers’ Higher Certificate, qualifying him to teach secondary school.336 A love of Shakespeare developed while he was at Livingstone. At both Livingstone and Zonnebloem he was inspired by his teachers, whom he ‘credited as innovative, competent and motivating’.337 He led a life committed to education, giving back where and how he could.

Relationships with Universities Quality Impacted by University-links for White but Not Black Colleges and Entry Requirements Preparation of white teachers was distinctive not only in that it was more likely to be urban or town-based, and required Matric, but also in that a close relationship existed in all provinces between the Department, colleges and universities. Although there were differences, on the whole, universities supplied the academic education of the students, while the college provided the professional side of the preparation. This relationship with universities was dependent on Matric being made the entry for teacher training, this happened in the Orange Free State in 1919, in Natal in 1926 and the Cape in 1929.338 As early as 1919, the Transvaal had officially shifted much of the academic side of the T3 teacher training course for whites to the universities in Pretoria and Johannesburg, leaving Heidelberg to prepare its candidates for the external examinations of UNISA. Potchefstroom followed suit in 1922.339 T3 candidates were required to complete three first-year courses and either two second-year Arts degree courses or one second-year Science course. Not surprisingly, Johannesburg had a great majority of T2 students, Heidelberg a preponderance of T3 students, and Potchefstroom and Pretoria slightly more T3 and T2 students.340 There was no such connection for most of the mission training institutions that coloureds and Africans attended, not least because Standard VI and not Standard X was required to enter a teacher training course.

Conflict between Colleges and Universities The Transvaal had played a leading role in developing a tripartite relationship between colleges, universities and the Department. The Pretoria and Johannesburg Colleges in the Transvaal had, as mentioned above, by 1920 developed a relationship with their neighbouring universities. Their second- and third-class students were registered as university students, taking degree-level

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academic courses at the university and doing their professional preparation at the colleges. The Transvaal Education Department could thus declare in 1924 that ‘the possession of a degree has ceased to excite any comment and might also be deemed to be a commonplace requirement for any one aspiring to be a teacher’.341 While the same relationship existed in the other provinces, the weight of the relationship lay with the colleges rather than the universities. In 1934 1935 the Transvaal introduced a Transvaal Teachers’ Diploma, which combined university and college training, and replaced the T2 and T3 or Lower and Higher Primary Teachers’ Certificates.342 But tensions soon developed between those who sought to locate all teacher preparation in universities and those who thought that this was inappropriate. Given the topicality of the debates in contemporary South Africa, it may be worth exploring the historical manifestations in a bit more depth. Both sides freely referred to the experience of England, Scotland and Wales both to support and to refute arguments like statistics, the comparative ‘evidence’ was used to legitimate both positions. Underlying the debate were questions of curriculum and control colleges fell under the authority of provinces, whereas universities had somewhat more autonomy but were governed under Union arrangements by the national rather than provincial level. It was therefore also a struggle between different arms of the state, provincial versus national. In the process, and linked to these questions, were different and competing visions of what teaching was for and about, in this case between professionalised versus nonprofessionalised conceptions of teaching. The parallels between the case made by those adopting non-professionalising approaches and the philosophy underpinning African curricular development will become clearer in the discussion of curriculum. In 1924 Dr Hugo Gutsche, an Inspector in the Transvaal Education Department for the country districts of Heidelberg and Standerton, launched a scathing attack on concentrating the preparation of primary school teachers in universities.343 He contested the rationale for this initiative which was promoted among others by the heads of the Johannesburg and Pretoria Normal Colleges of Education as well as the Transvaal Director of Education. From their point of view, exposure to university life would ensure in the students a ‘breadth of outlook and a scientific spirit’, ‘inform the routine work of the schools, both primary and secondary’ and keep up with developments in England.344 Drawing on and referring to experience in England and Scotland that contradicted this approach, Gutsche argued that a very small percentage of students were said to benefit from degree courses. He prioritised the college experience, holding that universities did not provide the teachers for schools in the rural areas and on farms, were not the only places where this broad spirit could be imbibed and that students themselves preferred to have their courses in normal colleges what was important for primary school teachers was not so much a high level of education, which many who were recruited for farm schools did not in any case have, as the ability to teach and to have a moral influence. High entry requirements to university moreover debarred many ‘who would otherwise turn out excellent teachers’. He

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recommended lowering the standard for students wanting to serve in rural schools. ‘We need’, he maintained: teachers qualified to teach in humble spheres […] we are estranging them from their own people They no longer fit in their humble positions and do not feel at home in their schools; they are not satisfied and their work suffers […] we are producing teachers who will have nothing to do with the countryside, and who cannot do otherwise than awaken the desire in their pupils to leave the country and get to the towns as quickly as possible. For him, the priority, rather than a high level of intellectual education, was a more practical emphasis. This would entail giving students (1) an agricultural and a domestic science course and (2) ensure that they have thoughtfully mastered the rudiments of method, so that they can give an everyday lesson on any everyday subject of the primary course.345 Gutsche’s views were not isolated. In the Orange Free State with its many farm and country schools, the Kottich Commission of 1921 had recommended the introduction of a Rural Teachers’ Diploma, a qualification lower than the T3 that would lead to the Third Class Certificate. Here as elsewhere there continued to be major concern with the quality of (white) teachers in rural schools and equipping teachers to teach in the special conditions that these schools presented. But the views also had support in the Cape Province. Here Inspector of Schools, A. L. Charles, argued in a memorandum against the transfer of the training of primary teachers from the provincial Training Colleges of the Cape to the Training Departments of the universities and the university colleges.346 His main arguments were that first, the training of primary teachers was at that time almost entirely the work of the training colleges with universities only doing eight per cent the suggested transfer would cause the maximum disruption; second, there was no guarantee that universities could take on the responsibility. He referred to a memorandum by Dr Malherbe published as an annexure to the Annual Report of the (Union) Department of education for 1930 pleading for this transfer mainly for reasons of economy, but not providing any details of cost. Third, he argued that the greater ‘life and vigour’, as well as initiative shown by primary school teachers was due to their superior training. He argued that university training was too general, that universities should focus on their own problems of secondary training, and leave primary training in the hands of those who were doing it efficiently. Fourth, all English-speaking countries trained primary school teachers in colleges and not universities. Fifth, only a small minority of professions preferred universities to vocational schools to prepare their members. Sixth, given that the Province paid teachers’ salaries they would still need a hand in teacher preparation, especially, and sixth, in view of the fact that the training of primary teachers needs to be ‘related to and conditioned by the actual needs of the schools’. And finally, universities would not be able to provide adequate provision for teaching practice given that Demonstration and

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Practice schools were an essential part of teacher training, it should remain with the authority that controlled and administered schools. ‘The tide’, he said quoting a British teacher training expert Lance Jones, ‘is setting in against the training of primary teachers in universities’. Charles’s view may have been presented at a meeting held at the Union Buildings in September 1933 to discuss the issue. Delegates representing the four provincial education departments, the Union Education Department, the five South African universities and Federation of Teachers Associations were all present. The Conference resolved in favour of a pragmatic and flexible approach grounded in an understanding of ‘teaching as a profession to which entrance should be gained only by a course of professional training’.347 It resolved that in the Cape Province primary teachers should continue to be trained at the training colleges and university institutions and secondary teachers at the university institutions; in the Orange Free State, primary teachers should continue to be trained at the normal college and secondary teachers at the university college; in Natal, primary teachers should continue to be trained at the normal college and secondary teachers at the university college and in the Transvaal, primary teachers should be trained at the normal colleges and secondary teachers at the university institutions. The consensus of opinion was opposed to preparation of secondary teachers at normal colleges. In addition, the Conference recommended the establishment of regional joint committees to resolve matters at local level. It also stated as a matter of principle that it was a prerequisite for all primary teachers to have a Matric. At more or less the same time, E. G. Malherbe was organising a major international conference on behalf of and with the New Education Fellowship in Cape Town, which was held in July 1934. He took the opportunity to shape the programme dealing with teacher education in such a way that the university view was presented by leading international and local authorities in the field. They included the former Director of Education in the Transvaal, Sir John Adamson, who had introduced the system in the Transvaal, and presented a curriculum to take it forward; Prof John Murray, who presented the character of normal colleges as focused on drill rather than education for life that the universities did and that was essential for teachers who needed less the detail of managing than a broad orientation to life and people; the Principal of Wits University, Mr H. R. Raikes; Fred Clarke, former Professor of Education at the University of Cape Town and who had moved to the University of London, Mabel Carney who addressed the training of rural teachers in the United States and finally, the scandalous appearance of a Nazi, Professor Graf K. von Dürckheim-Montmartin who spoke about Prussian attempts to establish Paedagogical Academies which he outlined as being the first attempts to provide a University training for teachers, but of which he was critical because they lacked ‘the uniform educational will’ and allowed too much individuality.348 In a further contribution on the Nazi ideal in teacher training, he revealed his true colours.349 The contributions were clearly intended to confirm and legitimise the University rather than College, or National rather than Provincial view. Hived

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off in a separate section, unlinked, papers on the training of African teachers raised questions about whether it should be similar to that of whites or not, the difficulties in attempting to achieve this, and how it could become a better means to the end of community development and conversion. Here the system of Jeanes teachers promoted by the Phelps Stokes Commission for African education in the early 1920s was again given much air-time.350 In this context, a New Scheme for the Training of Teachers was proposed and came into effect in the Transvaal in 1933. It was geared towards white teachers. It required only one year of study at a university and two years at a training college. Heidelberg was required to ensure that its students spent their first year at either Potchefstroom or Pretoria and only then came to the college for their professional preparation.351 From the Wits University point of view, ‘it was soon realized that the new system was inferior to the old, in that it significantly reduced the academic content in the three-year programme for trainee teachers’.352 The introduction of the Transvaal Teachers’ Diploma was an attempted compromise, as was the establishment of Regional Committees in Pretoria, Potchefstroom and Johannesburg for colleges, universities and the Department in 1935 to draw up training schemes in their own areas.353 In due course, as Niven has argued, the university contribution in the Transvaal was reduced and the professional component expanded. Changes were introduced in the short term that resulted in a return to the system whereby trainee teachers divided their time in their second year between academic and professional courses.354 However, these developments ‘marked the beginning of the drifting apart of colleges and universities’ in the Transvaal.355 Wits University seriously considered a proposal recommended by the Roos Commission on Provincial Finance in 1934 that it should absorb the normal or training colleges, going so far as to draw up plans for their incorporation in 1940. However, the outbreak of war and differences between the University and Province meant that the University Department of Education soon ‘had nothing to do with teacher training, offering only supervision for the M.Ed’.356 Despite these Transvaal tensions, however, the link with universities was strong in all provinces during this period; in the Orange Free State, indeed, the normal college and university amalgamated in 1945.

Continuity and Change in Feminisation of White but Not Black Teaching Graduates In her work on African women teachers in the Cape and Natal between 1880 and 1950, Gaitskell argues that by 1945 female teachers dominated African teacher training institutions. She relates this to the increasing official ‘characterisations of first infant and then all primary teaching as being peculiarly suited to women’.357 As shown in Chapter 2, such assumptions combined with gendered regulation of expectations of access to higher levels of teacher training had ensured that by the end of the nineteenth century, elementary schooling for whites had become feminised. This trend continued into later decades. Between 1918 and 1937 the number of certificated white female student-teachers in

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normal colleges was more than twice the number of men. By far the highest number were in the Cape Province, with 248 men compared with 899 women in nine institutions. This was followed by the Transvaal where there were 333 men compared with 557 women in four colleges, Natal with 66 men and 141 women in one institution and 22 men in comparison with 151 women in the Orange Free State.358 But the process for black teachers was different; it was much more gradual and also more uneven across provinces: men at first dominated all levels of teacher training. This began to change in the Cape during the 1930s and 1940s, as Gaitskell shows, but not in the Transvaal, the second largest province in the supply of teachers. A particular concern in the work on African teachers in the late 1930s was that women formed only 27.2 per cent of all teachers. Only 23 per cent of those teachers certificated between 1906 and 1938 were women.359 The pattern in Natal was similar to that in the Transvaal. Although the numbers of female teachers-in-training (except for 1924 when a 50 per cent pass requirement resulted in a sudden drop) were consistently slightly higher than those of men, the majority completed only the first year. There was a striking tailing off to the third year both in total numbers enroled and completing third year. By the third year, numbers overall were tiny, and the number of women were less than half that of the men.360 It seems then that it was in fact not until primary teaching was restricted by law to women teachers that it became feminised countrywide. It also seems that ideological pressures pushing women into primary school teaching were stronger for white women than for black and that material pressures, to which Gaitskell also points, were significant in pushing black women out of teaching.361 African women did not take up new Infants Primary courses and become elementary school teachers because this was promoted as part of their nature. When All Saints introduced such a course in 1926, only two candidates had enroled for it; it had to be incentivised through a special salary allowance for it to become more popular.362 Patterns among coloured teachers-in-training also varied from province to province. In the Cape, they were similar to those for whites. In 1940, for example, there were 92, 692 men in training compared with 114,267 women.363 In the Transvaal, however, there were far fewer women than men in training. Between 1933 and 1936, for example, less than half of the teachers in first year were women. As with African women teachers, their numbers grew smaller with each year.364 The gendered dynamics giving rise to these differentiated patterns across time and space may have had as much to do with gendered expectations of roles, and gendered institutional and familial conditions as with the unattractiveness of teaching for African women they were paid even less than African male teachers, and like white female teachers faced discrimination if they married and especially if they had children out of wedlock, a situation difficult to disguise in a mission school. School committees were explicitly advised to appoint a qualified single woman above a married teacher. When single female teachers married they were expected to resign.365 There is some evidence too that African female

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sexuality was similarly policed; women teachers found to have sexual relations with men, albeit male teachers, could find themselves summarily dismissed.366

Conclusion Between the war years, a compartmentalised system of teacher preparation came into being constituted of four different racial components but effectively distinguishing between a rapidly professionalising white system based on high entry qualifications and a link with universities and a black system that was hobbled by innumerable constraints. These included most importantly wider state support for white teacher training institutions (located predominantly in cities and towns), salaries and conditions of service. In an increasingly racialized context of the over-production of white and under-production of adequately qualified black teachers, the presence of white teachers in coloured and African schools began to provoke tensions among black teachers. The extremely low status and pay for black teachers as well as overall conditions of poverty militated against large numbers entering and qualifying in teacher preparation courses. In this sense, poverty as much as legislative restriction proved a hindrance to prospective teachers. By 1929, Standard X was the minimum condition for entry to teaching for an aspirant white teacher; in 1935 it became Standard VIII for black teachers. One implication was that a close albeit contested link developed between colleges and universities in preparation of white teachers. The consequences of the system however were that while the percentage of certificated white teachers rose steadily throughout the 1920s and 1930s, African and coloured teachers were unqualified in comparison with their white counterparts, even though the percentage of certificated teachers also rose here. Not only was a far higher percentage of black teachers uncertificated, but their certificates were also achieved at lower levels. They were enabled to teach with less preparation than was expected of white teachers. The national African elite, as Healy-Clancy has so appositely pointed out, was tiny: between 1901 and 1934, only 253 Africans in the whole country passed matriculation, while just 12 per cent of the national African population of 6,500,000 were literate. They however played a vital and critical role in the broader society. Those with secondary schooling or teacher training, at whatever level, ‘made up a remarkable group of teachers, ministers, health workers, entrepreneurs and clerks’.367 It was their children, in turn, who were most likely to enter teacher training.368 A class was beginning to reproduce itself through education. As illustrated in this chapter in the educational trajectory of Alie Fataar, it also invariably entailed radicalisation.

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Chapter 6

Consolidating Segregation: Curriculum and Pedagogy

Introduction In 1922 the Cape Education Gazette serialised a number of chapters on how to approach the teaching of various school subjects that were later published in book form as a Handbook of Suggestions for the Consideration of Teachers one for white teachers destined to teach in state schools and another for black teachers whose future lay in mission schools. The Cape Education Gazette chapters and Handbook for white teachers were adapted for local use from various iterations of the London-based Board of Education’s similarly-titled, Handbook of Suggestions for the Considerations of Teachers and Others Concerned in the Work of Public Elementary Schools.369 The Handbook for African primary teachers was in turn adapted from the version for white teachers.370 For two decades, the various versions of the Handbook seem to have dominated the preparation of teachers in colleges in which English was the dominant language state and mission schools in the Cape Province and Natal, but most likely also in the Transvaal and Free State, which at this stage were still closely linked through examination systems to the Cape Province. The book was as popular in the preparation of black as it was among white teachers. The Superintendent-General of Education reported that ‘the book has been much sought after, not only in the Province but also in other parts of South Africa […]’.371 In 1927 and 1928 the Gazette issued further instalments ‘for the consideration of teachers employed in primary schools and departments for European pupils’. Robert Shepherd, Principal of Lovedale, a leading mission school in the Eastern Cape, described it as ‘a book which is the vade mecum of the Cape Native teachers’.372 A historian of the Gore-Brown Native Training School between 1935 and 1954 in far-flung Kimberley wrote that: Demonstration lessons given by teachers were usually the first step. This was followed by Criticism and later by the full Practice-teaching lessons. A general scheme of lessons in the primary school as a whole was drawn up by Mr Holloway. This, together with the book, Suggestions for the Consideration of Teachers, largely provided the methods and means of instruction and education.373

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Albert Luthuli referred approvingly to the Handbook in his Presidential address to the Natal African Teachers’ Union in 1935.374 In 1949, the blueprint for the Bantu Education Act, the Eiselen Commission Report of 1949, also lauded it as having contained excellent suggestions in the light of the conditions then obtaining, but regretted that it was not regularly revised and had been allowed to go out of print.375 But how did the different versions of the Handbook illustrate the differences between black and white curricula for teacher preparation? What do we know about this from existing literature? And what does a relational reading of curriculum, of which the different versions of the Handbook of Suggestions was an example, show in a deeper investigation? And how is it to be approached? Curricula differed not only for black and white teachers but also between the four provinces of South Africa established after Union in 1910. I will focus primarily on the Cape Province, at that time the leading province, Natal, and to a lesser extent the Transvaal. As state resources became concentrated on improving all facets of the system of education for whites, it continued the focus on manual and industrial education, under the broad umbrella of ‘adapted education’ in black schools. This was a common colonial construct of the time, connecting education in South Africa with England, the American South and colonial British West and East Africa.376 As is too be expected, preparation of teachers was linked to these broader colonial purposes of keeping white and black societies unequal through segregated provision of schooling, and was similarly ‘adapted’ for black teachers. A close reading of official sources can provide new and more precise insight not only into the nature of and relationship between curricula intended for teachers working in different contexts, but also the differential construction of the role of teachers, the relationship between curriculum in theory and practice and responses to it. The chapter will focus first on the way in which the Cape Education Gazette (1910 1945) and Natal Native Teachers’ Journal (1919 1954) constructed the role of teachers, and then on the meaning of curricular adaptation through a comparison of curricula. It will also draw on Annual Reports of the Cape and Transvaal Education Departments. The chapter makes four main arguments. The first is that whereas the Cape Education Gazette tended to construct all teachers as professionals, the Natal Native Teachers’ Journal along with the Handbook of Suggestions for Teachers in mission schools saw teachers first and foremost as community change agents. The second is that this had implications for curricula and teachers’ respective exposure to, for example, languages and manual labour. Third, although all curricula shared the same subjects, when, how and for how long they were taught them (in theory and practice) differed from curriculum context to curriculum context. However, in practice and in combination with the informal curriculum and extra-curricular activities, mission curricula also constructed black teachers as an elite within their communities. How they responded is part of the focus of the chapter.

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Teachers as Professionals and Community Change Agents Whereas the Cape Education Gazette addressed an audience of white, coloured and African teachers, the Natal Native Teachers Journal addressed only teachers in mission schools, both white and black. A closer examination suggests that whereas the Gazette tended towards co-constituting Cape white, African and coloured teachers as professionals first, the Natal journal constituted African teachers primarily as community workers. For the former the teacher’s place is in the classroom; for the latter, it was in the community as well as the classroom. Although the Cape Gazette carried articles on manual and industrial education for African and coloured teachers, the main accent is on their role as professionals in the school. And despite articles on the teaching of academic and professional subjects, the Natal journal is suffused with the weight of the role of teachers in the community. The Cape Education Gazette not only serialised chapters that became the Handbook of Suggestions for the Consideration of Teachers, it also published information relevant to all teachers. This included professional information, such as on the supply of teachers, details about curricula and syllabi, vacation courses, the establishment of new colleges, college and training school enrolment and certification data, teachers’ examination results, schemes and records of work, official ordinances, lists of Good Service Allowances, teachers’ conferences, lists of job vacancies and teachers looking for jobs and additions to the Education Library for teachers’ use. Central to the construction of teachers’ roles in this journal was the removal of the teacher from the sphere of politics. In 1925, the Gazette published a short notice pertaining to African teachers’ membership of general and district councils, declaring that this was no longer appropriate for teachers.377 The community and broader social role of black teachers is however underscored in the Native Primary School: Handbook of Suggestions. The “Introduction” begins with a quotation from a Memorandum of the Advisory Committee on Native Education in the British Tropical Africa Dependencies that reasserted the need to adapt education ‘to the mentality, aptitudes, occupations and traditions of the various people, conserving as far as possible all sound and healthy elements in the fabric of their social life; adapting them where necessary to changed circumstances and progressive ideas […]’. It went on to state that education ‘should promote the advancement of the community as a whole through the improvement of agriculture, the training of the people in the management of their own affairs and the inculcation of true ideals of citizenship and service’. It should raise up leaders ‘belonging to their own race’ and it should ‘narrow the hiatus between the educated class and the rest of the community, whether chiefs or peasantry’.378 Within this framework it went out to outline an approach attuned to the activity and curiosity of children and the need for the teacher to ‘be an apostle of health and healthy habits in the community’. Wherever possible, the teacher was encouraged to link up instruction with the child’s everyday experiences in order to make instruction ‘living and real […] no longer bookish, unreal and mechanical’.379

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Within this overall framework, the Handbook attempted to situate content and examples within a local, South African context. However, chapters on manual training, handwork, needlework and housecraft all assumed the presence in the school of materials and tools such as needles, thread, cloth, embroidery cotton, pins, scissors, thimbles, tape measures, buttons, rulers, saws, metal files and hammers that many mission schools, especially outstations, simply would not have had. Recommended readers and textbooks were probably as unavailable to teachers and pupils, as were tools for these subjects. They were as a result, actually seldom taught as intended. In practice, as both Gaitskell and Healy-Clancy have shown in writing about women teachers, curricula prepared women less for domestic service than to be Christian wives and mothers to leading men and to play ‘central roles in the social reproduction of an uplifting African elite’.380 In co-educational institutions, women students participated in all extra-curricular activities, but not as equals to men, who almost without exception occupied the leadership positions.381 The Native Teachers’ Journal was started in 1919 by C. T. Loram. Its aim was broader than mere information dissemination. One of its main aims, he said, was to break the isolation of African schools: we want the Teachers’ Journal to be a means of Department, grantees, teachers and others interested in Native education […] to discuss matters with one another. At the same time it will be a channel through which the Department can issue its notices.382 As such, it became a vehicle for articles by Inspectors of Education, the Natal African Teachers’ Union, many teachers and principals at mission schools, as well as notable international and local liberal educationists passing through South Africa and connecting adaptationist philosophies in different parts of the colonial world and the southern states of America with South Africa. Between 1920 and 1940, the journal was a mouthpiece for the Booker T. Washington philosophy of adapting the school to fit Africans for the life it was anticipated they would have to live in the future. Agricultural and industrial education in the curriculum would achieve this and simultaneously be the source of African upliftment, development and growth. In this approach, the school and teaching in the school on its own were not enough. The school was an important means to an end; the role of the teacher could not stop here. The role of the teacher was pre-eminently in the community, the task being to change the condition of life of African families and communities. The school was conceptualised as a ‘community centre participating in the life of the village and not confining itself to ordinary school instruction’.383 The idea of the Jeanes teacher, promoted by the Phelps Stokes Committee, West African educationist James Aggrey and C. T. Loram, was the embodiment of this idea. This philosophy was promoted through re-published addresses and articles by C. T. Loram, Maurice Evans, Thomas Jesse Jones, J. D. Rheinallt Jones of the Joint Councils movement, D. D. T. Jabavu, Albert Luthuli, Charles J. Mpanza and Robbins Guma,

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who all among many others addressed and apparently approved of the thematic. Key here were the various accounts including by Inspector McMalcolm of the Jeanes teachers movement in the United States and southern Africa and reports of the experiences of such teachers in southern and South Africa.384 The Natal African Teachers’ Union was at this time not unsympathetic to these ideas. Albert Luthuli, Charles Mpanza and Robbins Guma were all Presidents of the Natal Native Teachers’ Union that by 1935 had changed its name to the Natal Bantu Teachers’ Union. Luthuli, who became African National Congress ANC President in 1951 and winner of the 1960 Noble Peace Prize, had completed his Lower Teachers’ Certificate at Edendale before being granted a bursary by Loram to complete the Higher Primary Certificate at Adams College in 1920. He was offered a post in the Normal College at the Amazimtoti Institute, or Adams College. Here he taught singing, Zulu and eventually also School Organisation, before being put in charge of teachers-intraining at satellite schools. In 1928 he was elected secretary of the Teachers’ Union and in 1933 its President.385 According to his biographer, he was later very critical of the approach adopted, and, indeed, lost faith in the Teachers’ Union, developing a more radical politics in the 1940s and 1950s.386 As represented in the pages of the Natal Native Teachers’ Journal, however, the Union cooperated with the Department, expressing the same accommodationist and assimilationist approach during the 1920s and 1930s as the majority of black teacher associations did at the time.387 The journal included numerous articles on different aspects of teaching particular subjects. These were shorter than those reproduced in the Cape’s Education Gazette and covered the range of subjects on offer to African teachers, including English, Reading, Zulu, Geography, Physiology and Hygiene, Needlework, Home Economics and School Gardening. Significant however were the contributions by authors such as Bernard Huss of Mariannhill and various others on the role of the school and the teacher. ‘The School-The Teacher-and Society’ was a topic in the January 1924 issue.388 Service to the community was also a central discourse of a series of articles that the journal ran on its training colleges Adams College at Amanzimtoti, the Nuttall Training Institute at Edendale near Pietermaritzburg, St Francis of Mariannhill, St Chad’s near Ladysmith and Umpumulo near Stanger all of which extolled the idea that ‘merely to acquire book learning and European ideals of life without at the same time learning how to realise those ideals and use the head knowledge acquired is useless […]’.389 In this approach, service to one’s own community was central. Thus ‘the aim of the entire school’, wrote W. C. Atkins of Adams College in 1921, ‘is the training of leaders whose dominant ideal shall be to help their own people to a higher, happier and nobler life. […] we aim to turn out capable and efficient working men and women whose characters shall speak even louder than their words. Selfish ambition is not encouraged, but a programme of service is the ideal constantly emphasized. Sectarian doctrines are not emphasized, but the spirit of the school is strongly Christian’.390

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In the Transvaal, the aims of teacher preparation for white teachers were clearly constructed not in terms of a broader community role in changing habits and values but in terms of their professional role as teachers. Thus the Principal of the Pretoria Normal College presented the aims and functions of these institutions at the time as being: to give students intelligent ideas about ends and means in the three sides of their professional work - organisation, instruction and nurture of character; to demonstrate methods and to afford opportunities for properly supervised practice in the art of teaching. … This is a professional school in the sense that it assumes that the student has reached a certain standard of general education and may, therefore, give himself over more or less completely to the theory and practice of teaching.391 This underlines the primary difference between the curricula preparing black and white teachers across South Africa: curricula for black teachers were not only intended to equip black teachers professionally to teach in constrained schooling environments, but also pre-eminently as change agents in their communities, addressing everything from health and hygiene to sanitation and agricultural development. The role of teachers was conceptualised rather more as social workers than as teachers schooled in ‘the theory and practice of teaching’.

Curricula in Theory and Practice: Comparing Curricula across Mission and State Schools Following the abolition of the pupil-teacher system across the Union in 1920, all provinces undertook a revision of their teacher preparation syllabi. The Cape Education Gazette published syllabi for the European, coloured and African Lower and Higher Primary Teachers’ Certificates. What were their similarities and differences? To assess this I look at the relative exposure of students to academic, professional and practical subjects, the curriculum in theory, on paper, and in the classroom, in practice, and responses to it. I conclude by examining how this shifted for African students over the period under discussion. A rough comparison of chapters in the Handbooks for white and African teachers shows that curricula generally exposed students to the same academic and professional subjects Languages, Arithmetic, Geography, History, Nature Study, Hygiene and Health, School Organisation and the Infant Method but that they diverged along race and gender lines when it came to the quantity and quality of their exposure.392 On paper, white teachers were exposed to more ‘professional’ training in the course of their training than black teachers. This involved not only theory and practice of teaching, but also time spent on academic subjects, most notably on languages. Although curricula for coloured and African teachers also prioritised English rather than their home language, their time-exposure to it was far less than it was for their white counterparts.

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Academic subjects were also taught at a more elementary level, probably linked to the fact that entry requirements for black and white teachers to the courses differed significantly. White teachers could enter college only with a Standard X, whereas black teachers required either a Standard VI or VIII. As far as practical subjects were concerned, both black and white aspiring female teachers took Domestic Science, Housecraft and Needlework. Manual Training was expected of all males, but Gardening and Handwork (crafts) were only required of black male aspirant teachers.

Lower Primary Teachers’ Certificates In 1922 the Education Gazette published curricula for the European Primary Teachers’ Lower Certificate.393 It was a broad curriculum, covering all primary school subjects and teaching method. The 1922 version included the same subjects for the first and second years. Languages and academic subjects each made up seven periods per week per year, but School Management and Class Teaching, the professional subjects, took up 10 subjects per year. Reading and Recitation, Composition and Grammar and History of Language and Literature were the foci of English and Dutch or Afrikaans respectively, while the academic subjects comprised History, Geography, Nature Study and Arithmetic. Three periods per week were allocated to Manual Training, while Music and Drawing were accorded two each. One hour a week was spent in physical exercises and games. The latter took a gender-differentiated form. In some colleges, such as the Pretoria Normal College, the Defence Department took over the physical exercises part of the curriculum, and so military training became de riguer for male students: the object was to prepare ‘the men students for their duties as cadet officers in the schools to which they are eventually appointed’.394 Given the prevalence of ‘cadets’ in white schools well after this period, it is likely that it was a common practice. The subsequent year, draft syllabi were published for the coloured Lower Primary Teachers’ Certificate.395 In the first year, instead of equal amounts of time being allocated to the first and second language, the first language (English, actually students’ second language in many cases) was given seven hours and the second subject was given three hours. Students had no exposure to professional subjects. Academic subjects were reframed as Elementary Science and Nature Study and Elementary Physiology and Hygiene. Combined, the academic subjects, Arithmetic and History and Geography, took up 14 periods per week. After English, Arithmetic and Manual Training were allocated the highest number of periods. Three and a half periods were given to Music and Drawing and one and a half to Physical Exercises and Games. Professional preparation only came into play in the second and third years. The draft first year of the Lower Primary Teachers’ Certificate for Africans was published in 1921 and amended in 1923, while the second and third years were published in 1925.396 As with the curriculum for coloured teachers, most periods per week in the first year were allocated to the official language, Manual and Industrial Training and Arithmetic, with one period more being allocated to

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Manual and Industrial Training in this curriculum than in the one for coloured teachers. An African language was allocated three hours as opposed to the eight for the official language, English. Arithmetic was allocated five hours, and thereafter Geography and History three each, Elementary Science and Nature Science two and Elementary Physiology and Hygiene one. Music, Drawing and Physical Exercises were allocated the same amount of time as in the syllabus for coloured teachers. The second and third years were also mainly devoted to professional preparation, with eight hours altogether allocated to Class Teaching, School Management and Writing, six to the official and two to an African language, five to Arithmetic, two each to History and Civics, Geography and Elementary Science and Nature Study, one and a half to Music and Drawing and one to Physical Exercises and Games. Thus it appears that the main differences lay first in the treatment of language equal time being given to English and Afrikaans in the curriculum for whites, and more time for English than the second language in those for coloureds and Africans. The emphasis on English and Afrikaans in white syllabi had much to do with the political purpose of uniting English and Afrikaans-speakers through a bilingual policy. The second main difference lay in the treatment of academic subjects such as Nature Study and Hygiene: the syllabi for coloureds and Africans were adapted to Elementary Science and Physiology; and third, in the greater allocation of time to both Manual and Industrial Training and Arithmetic in the courses for coloureds and African courses. Professional subjects were included in the first year for whites, whereas the first year was a mainly preparatory year for coloured and African teachers, professional subjects only entered their preparation as teachers in the second and third years. Music, Drawing and Physical Exercises were also included in all curricula. The curricula for whites allocated only two hours per week to manual training, while the syllabus for coloured trainees allocated five and the syllabus for African six. Five hours are allocated to Music, Drawing and Physical Exercises in the coloured and African curricula, while four were allocated to these subjects in the white. Practise schools were attached to all training schools. The caveat expressed by the Department in 1922 when it published the syllabi for African teachers is important. It noted that while new curricula had ‘necessitated much thought’: such subjects as handwork and other manual training, gardening and domestic subjects, by their nature and requirements, present many and various difficulties, difficulties which have been very greatly accentuated by the lack of funds for development. In issuing these certificates, ‘it was recognised that the development of these branches of the work would take time’.397 It was also acknowledged that domestic science teachers had not yet been appointed in the majority of schools.398 The reality in the majority of mission schools, normally outstations, then, was

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probably that manual work entailed cleaning school grounds and classrooms and assisting with general maintenance. However, in the more well-off schools, such as Lovedale, which had agitated for a more practical bent to be given African teacher education and ‘rejoiced’ at the new curriculum, immediate steps were taken […] to have it carried out […]’.399 In 1928, without financial help from the Department of Education, it started a Housecraft Teachers’ Course. By 1941, it prided itself on having taught: on the industrial side, agriculture, horticulture, carpentry, buildings and plastering, wagon-making, blacksmithing, printing, book-binding, shoe-making, domestic science (housekeeping, cooking, sewing and laundry-work), nursing, telegraphy, basket and mat-making, rug-making, tin-ware, bee-keeping and poultryfarming. By far the majority of its students however qualified as teachers. By 1941 these included a total of 479 Junior Certificate awardees and 77 Senior Certificate graduates.400 With some variation, these syllabi were also introduced in the other provinces. In the Transvaal, the first-year course in 1921 for Africans was mainly preparatory and non-professional, aiming at improving students’ general education. The second-year course was explicitly given to ‘training’ religious, moral, social, physical, industrial and professional.401 In 1931 the Transvaal syllabus was modified so that the third year was focused mainly on professional subjects defined as Languages, Hygiene and Elementary Physiology, Needlework and Mothercraft, School Management, Botany, Agriculture and Gardening.402 Despite common syllabi, institutions sometimes used these merely as a guide. Thus Botshabelo and Kilnerton in the Transvaal, for example, did not follow identical methods of training. Kilnerton devoted more time in the first two years to academic preparation, and used the third year for professional preparation. In the second year, a small beginning was made with professional work. Botshabelo began immediately with professional training.403 Here, as elsewhere, the implemented curriculum differed radically from the curriculum on paper, depending on both the available teachers and learning resources. In 1921 the Transvaal Director of Education commented that: the scheme of training manual, industrial, hygienic and moral as distinct from instruction, provided for in the curriculum, that training (that) should occupy the largest part of the school day, is not being carried out anywhere or in any sense. A smattering of the three Rs, forgotten very quickly, is very nearly all there is to show.404

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In 1925, Chief Inspector of Native Education in the Cape, W. G. Bennie, also drew attention to how the lack of funds was limiting the possibilities of ‘furthering instruction in practical subjects’. The general poverty of Africans, he felt, made it even more difficult for them ‘to meet the added requirements in subjects such as gardening’.405 Stringencies imposed by the modalities for financing African education meant that this was the situation across the provinces right up to the end of the 1930s. The lack of resources and under-staffing were especially hard during the depression years. The result, as Inspector G. H. Franz noted, was the tendency to focus only on examinations and academic work, rather than on professional subjects and practice. The ‘overloaded’ academic curriculum was revised in 1932 so that more time could be devoted to professional training.406 When C. T. Loram was appointed Chief Inspector of Native Education in Natal in 1918, one of his main priorities was to reorganise teacher education curricula in accordance with the adaptationist philosophy of which he was a major exponent. The visit of the Phelps Stokes Commission and especially James Aggrey to Natal had given the approach a strong fillip. Natal published its certificate courses for teachers in 1924.407 It provided for First, Second and Third Grade Certificates and a Higher Primary Certificate. According to Emanuelson, the main changes were not only a stronger emphasis on English in the first year as well as on Zulu literature, but also a ‘more severely practical teaching of hygiene and physiology’ and Nature Study. Emanuelson an Inspector of Native Education in Natal himself, was sceptical of the continued concern about ‘overloading’ of these syllabi despite the ‘tremendous amount of revision’ that they had already undergone.408 The First, Second and Third Grade Certificates also included a diminished academic curriculum consisting in the first part of English and Zulu (with more time for English than Zulu), and time devoted to Arithmetic and Physiology and Hygiene, Nature Study and either History or Geography. Part II consisted of professional subjects such as School Method, Practical Teaching and Blackboard Work in the Third Grade Certificate; and Principles of Education, Methods of Teaching, Practical Teaching and Blackboard Work for the Second and Third Grade Certificates. Manual Training was included in all certificates in the second part, in addition to Domestic Science for girls and Agriculture for boys. Across the country, vacation courses became an important means for officials to supplement African teacher preparation. The governing philosophy permeated these highly-popular events, attractive not only for their content but also for the opportunity they provided teachers for sharing knowledge and sociality. They were not compulsory, but attracted large numbers, up to 300 in the Transvaal vacation courses held at Lemana and Hebron in 1937. 409 Normally the principal training schools would take turns in hosting courses during the summer and winter school holidays. These courses usually included lectures by leading authorities, especially inspectors, on a range of moralising, vocational and academic subjects. C. T. Loram was a popular and influential speaker present at these vacation courses.410

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All institutional curricular practices were highly gendered. This is most clearly evident in the specialisations offered by different colleges. The only specialist course introduced for African schools was the Native Infant School Teachers’ (NIST) Course, brought into being in 1925. It was however slow to attract candidates.411 White institutions made special provision for Infant School courses in Cape Town, Grahamstown, Graaff-Reinet, Stellenbosch and Wellington. The Cape Town College further specialised in the third year in Physical Culture Education for women, the Graaff-Reinet and Paarl colleges in Manual Training for men, the latter also in Needlework for women, and Grahamstown in Domestic Science for women.412

Higher Primary Teachers’ Certificates Syllabi for the Higher Primary Teachers’ Certificate were published in the early 1920s.413 These showed similar patterns to those in the Lower Primary Teachers’ Certificates: relatively greater emphases on professional subjects and English for white teachers than for coloured and black, but now also a more substantial focus on professional subjects for the latter. Here the changes in the Natal syllabus between 1928 and 1945 are most illustrative of how the prevailing philosophy of community work had given way to an expanded professional/ academic curriculum, albeit still with practical and religious elements, and how this in turn had narrowed again by 1954 with the advent of Bantu Education. Natal’s Higher Primary Teachers’ Certificate was introduced in 1928 for implementation only at Adams College. Students could choose two academic majors and a minor in the first and second years from the following subjects: English (Literature, Composition and Language), Mathematics (Arithmetic, Algebra and Geometry), History, Physiology and Hygiene, Biology, Physical Science, Geography, Bantu Studies, Arts and Crafts (Music, Specialised Craft and Decorative Work). At least a year’s study of Mathematics or one of the Sciences was compulsory. In the first year, professional subjects included Principles of Education, Psychology, Organisation and Method, Drawing and Practical Teaching. In the second year, subjects included History of Education, Psychology, Drawing, Special Methods and Practical Teaching.414 A study of examination papers written at Umpumulo College in Natal between 1945 and 1954 shows that much of this broad emphasis remained in place. The Methods of Teaching papers during the War Years still suggest the continued expectation that teachers were to play a role beyond the school walls in the community. This emphasis appeared to be much more muted, however, than in the earlier years. The teaching of Psychology and Principles of Education introduced students to the mental testing movement, with its origins in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the United States and United Kingdom, in all its dimensions.415 But the requirements of the English language papers revealing a contrary thrust, requiring students, as they did, ‘to display a range of literary skills, including understanding of a text’s meaning as well as interpretive and analytical competences’ and to write and act from positions that assumed leadership roles.416 This was reinforced by extra-curricular

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activities. A professional emphasis marked the expectations of teachers in how they planned and executed their work, while the pedagogy underpinning Methods papers was generally a progressivist one, emphasising children’s activity, the uses of educational sources and aids, as well as experimentation and demonstration, play and memory work. By 1954, there were subtle shifts in examination papers suggesting the somewhat narrower expectations of teachers that would characterise the Bantu Education regime of teacher preparation. Mission school college courses played a critical role in preparing students not only for community but also political leadership in all black colleges. Hofmeyr’s work shows how students at Lovedale used their official curricula to pose broader political questions in Debating Societies.417 Alie Fataar’s trajectory from a mission school in Claremont, Cape Town, to Livingstone High and Zonnebloem Training College where he did his Higher Primary Teachers’ Certificate imbued him with not only a life-long love of Shakespeare, but also a passion for wider social and political change.418 Similarly, in Durban, Sastri College’s Social Club and Debating Society became a platform for nurturing teacher-leaders within the Indian community for protest against segregation and apartheid.419

Conclusion Curricula for the preparation of teachers in South Africa were thoroughly entangled with and drew their inspiration from wider colonial projects. Less well-known is how entangled they were with one another. This is not surprising given that the framers of curriculum for white and black teachers shared a common intellectual universe, and their paths ‘criss-crossed’ one another on numerous local and international platforms. Thus teacher preparation curricula for coloured, African and white teacher trainees were but versions of one another, the master template having been drawn from London and modified by adaptationist philosophies of education dominant in the colonial world and southern states of America finding a place in South Africa. Using a relational approach to analysis of the South African curricula for primary and higher primary teachers, this chapter showed not only that they were different versions of one another but in that process positioned teachers differently primarily as professionals if they were white, and primarily as community leaders and change agents if they were black. Lest this opposition emerge too starkly, it should be borne in mind that there were, however, academic, professional and practical elements in all curricula. What this positioning meant in curricular terms was that, overall, especially in the curricula for the lower primary certificate, white teachers were exposed to more language and method teaching than their coloured and African counterparts, who were exposed to more manual and industrial education. In both these were linked to political and social purposes. Arithmetic was important in all, but coloured and African teachers were exposed to it for five hours per week (as opposed to six for manual and industrial education) it was their third most important subject, compared

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with another professional subject for whites. In other words, white teachers spent more time on language/bilingualism and professional subjects, whereas coloured and African teachers spent less time on languages, whether their first or second language, and more on Manual and Industrial Education and to a lesser extent Arithmetic in the case of the latter. When it came to higher primary preparation, there was a shift in all curricula to an emphasis on professional subjects, with accents on teachers as community change agents continuing but being of lesser importance in the African. The relative, racialized and gendered differences between curricula continued, but it is also clear that by the war years, mission teacher training colleges were including expectations in their curricula of teachers that went well beyond the expectation that they should serve their communities in narrow fields. This emphasis was ironically greatly facilitated by the lack of resources for the manual, industrial and agricultural elements of the curriculum it enabled a focus on the academic and professional rather than the practical. This would have the effect of positioning black teachers both as leaders, community change agents and professionals. These differential curricular positionings of white and black teachers in South Africa would cast a long shadow into the future.

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PART THREE

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Chapter 7

Apartheid and the Repositioning of Teacher Preparation

Wars, writes Linda Colley, have the capacity to re-make states, obliging them to re-configure themselves. The Second World War weakened imperial controls and hastened decolonisation everywhere in the British Empire.420 South Africa was not isolated from these trends: its accelerated war-time growth not only led to a massive influx of rural migrants to the city but also a militant African trade union movement, growing urban conflict and a radicalized African National Congress (ANC) that now demanded full citizenship rights for Africans.421 This radicalization found expression also among teachers, whose organisations increasingly allied themselves with the political mood of defiance.422 The ‘South Africanist’ response of the ruling white governing party under Jan Smuts was to extend urban privileges to Africans within a framework of continued white power. But this consensus was shattered when the National Party won the election in 1948 with its policy of apartheid. A great deal has been written about apartheid and Bantu education, including teacher education. Several writers have focused on the neo-Calvinist inspiration of the Christian National Education (CNE) policy that was enunciated in 1948 to ensure white and specifically Afrikaner domination through complete segregation. Crucial to the formulation of this ideology, argued Shingler, was a rejection of science and modernity married to an interpretation of the world based upon Holy Scripture. He distinguished between on the one hand the theological and on the other the secular, cultural versions of CNE. The theological version emphasised, in all aspects of education, a close relationship between church and state, and the necessity for teachers to have a Christian worldview and a belief in the God-given separate identities of nations defined on the basis of language. The secular version, represented in the Report of the Eiselen Commission on Native Education (1949 1951), emphasised cultural differences as the basis of segregation. In both, white trusteeship over coloured and African people was God-given, mother tongue education supposedly safe-guarding separate ‘own’ national identities.423 The literature suggests that whereas the theological version found greater expression within education for whites, the secular, culturalist version was applied to African education. It was not a uniquely South African invention, but drew on discourses prevalent within the colonial and non-colonial educational literature. Thus Fleisch argues that the Eiselen Commission, ‘while conducting its work within the original terms of reference, of “the formulation of principles

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and aims of education for Natives as an independent race”’, nonetheless ‘recast the “problem” from the viewpoint of bureaucratic efficiency and planning’. CNE as such does not appear in its report.424 Fleisch says that ‘the commissioners believed that scientific “facts” and technical expertise would provide the “solutions” to the complex “problems” of developing an education policy for the “Bantu” […] Values such as equality, individual rights, and democratic participation were ultimately subordinated to rational planning and bureaucratic efficiency’.425 Meghan Healy-Clancy goes further to show that the Report of the Commission on Native Education ‘shared fundamentally similar assumptions with its counterpart from late-colonial British Africa, African Education: A Study of Educational Policy and Practice in British Tropical Africa (1953), which offered policy suggestions at the continental level’.426 She argues with Frederick Cooper that in form and content, this text was a variation of ‘developmentalist colonial’ discourses: ‘modernising discourses by which white “experts” asserted visions of economic progress that were in some ways universalist and in others predicated on continuing white management of ethnic or racial difference’.427 But whatever the discursive frames of policy, Bantu Education as a system, argues Hyslop, was pre-eminently a response to the urban crisis of reproduction that had emerged in the mission schools during the 1930s and 1940s.428 An important dimension of this crisis was the breakdown of the hegemony that white missions had exercised over black scholars and teachers in the pre-war years. Mushrooming industrialisation and urbanisation had escalated social urban conflict. Teacher organisations had radicalized. The resolution of this crisis, according to Hyslop, was to be achieved through state-provided and statecontrolled mass primary schooling. Although aimed at establishing a new hegemony, the state ultimately failed to do so in part because the National Party adopted the policy that all expansion in expenditure of African education had to come from the level of African taxation revenues. This was pegged at R13m in 1955 and remained at this level until 1972.429 The consequence was a ‘grossly inadequate level of material provision in the education system constructed by Verwoerd’.430 In his statement of Policy for the Immediate Future in 1954 he explicitly said that the demand by teachers’ organisations of ‘equal pay for equal work’ was out of the question and that the new salary scales would be possibly less favourable than the existing scales. In addition, he declared that the ‘serious anomaly on the relationship between the number of male and female teachers’ would be corrected by restricting posts of teachers in lower primary and to some extent higher primary schools to women ‘since a woman is by nature so much better fitted for handling young children’.431 The link between unequal and poor salaries with privileging women teachers meant that low-budget primary schooling for Africans was to be financed at least partly by the use of African women teachers at extremely low rates of pay. Through control of schools being given over to traditional leaders, they would moreover be ‘cement(ed) […] into “traditional” patriarchal relationships’432 by subordinating them to a “double-edged system of patriarchal controls emanating from the state and chiefs”’.433

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Much of the literature has in addition drawn attention to the imagined African teacher who, in Verwoerdian discourse, was not only male but had received a training which, completely inappropriately, ‘has as its aim absorption in the European community’ and which had ‘misled him (sic) by showing him the green pastures of European society in which he was not allowed to graze’.434 Teachers were seen as part of a rising intelligentsia that needed to be put back in its place, this place being conceptualised as rural and local rather than urban and cosmopolitan. For Tabata, Molteno, Troup and many others, Bantu education envisaged retribalizing African teachers and placing them psychoideologically where the Bantustans placed them physically.435 Thus, from the 1960s, most teacher training institutions, including universities, were located in the Bantustans. The African teacher was to be segregated and unequal. What this meant in practice is however less clear. How preparation of African teachers was re-shaped in relation to both earlier segregationist patterns and the contemporaneous re-focusing of teacher preparation for teachers designated as white, Indian and coloured is as obscure as to whether the separate systems were either pale reflections of one another or completely autonomous with their own sets of dynamics, as intended by apartheid policymakers. This chapter will argue that they were a combination of both separated and linked. It will also show that whereas the preparation of teachers designated as African and coloured by the Population Registration Act of 1950 was primarily oriented to meeting the needs of an expanded system of mass primary schooling, those for teachers designated as white and Indian responded to the expansion of secondary schooling in the post-war years. Policymakers continued to draw on both British and European models in their thinking and planning about systems for white teachers, and these also found their way into the system for black teachers insofar as whites continued to teach in it. Here a distinction needs to be made between the form and content of provision, including the philosophy and ideology permeating it. In this first period of the establishment of apartheid, the reorganisation of teacher preparation was part of the process of dismantling mission control, and bringing African education including teacher preparation under state control. There were in this period continuities with but also changes from the earlier period, especially as institutional provision and certification were concerned. It was only after 1959, with the euphemistically-named Promotion of Bantu Self-Government and Extension of Universities Acts, that major changes in all systems began to take root and grow. The Sharpeville shootings the very next year helped shape the repressive context in which this happened.

Providing Teachers for African Primary Schools The process of transfer of control undoubtedly had an immediate and disruptive impact on the preparation of teachers as missions responded to the instruction to opt for closure, go private or become fully state-controlled by either closing

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their doors, as in the case of the Roman Catholic and many other institutions, or giving up control and transferring authority to the state. In his 1978 PhD thesis on the history of four mission teacher training institutions in one region of the Northern Transvaal, Mphahlele provides a vivid picture of what transfer meant in practice. All four institutions had started with the Lower Teachers’ Course or the third year of the Transvaal Native Primary Lower Certificate and had in due course added the Primary Higher Certificate Botshabelo in 1937, Grace Dieu in 1936, and Bethesda and Pax College in 1945. In addition, they included elementary practising schools, secondary and industrial sections, and courses for evangelists, as in the case of Grace Dieu.436 As described in an earlier chapter, Transvaal syllabi followed by the mission training institutions meant that a disproportionate amount of time was spent on manual work compared with white institutions. Second in importance was English, followed by Arithmetic. What existed on paper took a different form in practice, however. Describing the syllabus at Grace Dieu, Mphahlele notes that vernaculars ‘were generally allocated to the least qualified (black) members of staff and taught very late in the afternoon when the students were tired and bored’.437 Practice teaching was ‘the most important subject of all. Anybody who failed it couldn’t become a teacher’. Eight weeks a year was spent on it, and a wide number of local primary schools were used for practice teaching.438 Like many other mission schools, a wide variety of extra-mural activities and clubs, including sports, formed part of the curriculum.439 Botshabelo, founded in 1906 by the Lutheran Berlin Mission Society, was the mission station of Rev Eiselen, the father of W. W. M. Eiselen, who also grew up on the station. Grace Dieu was founded in 1906, by the Anglicans near the then-Pietersburg. Both Bethesda, a Dutch-reformed mission training institution, and Pax College, a Roman Catholic institution, came into being in 1935, similarly in the vicinity of Pietersburg. They all differed from one another in ethos and approach, and these differences shaped their responses to the processes of transfer. The transfer at Botshabelo, writes Mphahlele, was the smoothest, since the missionaries shared the National Party’s views of separation and had from the outset stressed the importance of the mother tongue.440 Bethesda shared similarities with Botshabelo in its emphasis on the mother tongue, but it had a strong disciplinarian ethos. It ‘knew long in advance that it was a “black spot” in a white area and would be removed’. However, a delegation to the Deputy Secretary of Bantu Education was successful, and it was given a five-year reprieve. Like some of the Lutheran Hermannsburg missions, ‘it managed to linger on for another 21 years’ after the passing of the Act until it was eventually moved to Seshego, under the name of Kwena-Moloto, in 1974.441 By contrast, the passage of the Bantu Education Act ‘came as a thunderbolt’ to Grace Dieu. Many meetings and discussions were held. Government, according to Mphahlele, was only interested in the teacher training part of the endeavour and gave the institution, which was a boarding school, four options lease or sell the school and hostels to the government, lease or sell the school and retain the hostels, retain the school and hostels or run them at the mission’s own expense. At a Governing Body meeting on 24th October 1954 a decision was

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taken that the institution would close. A circular was accordingly sent to all parents that ‘no new students would be admitted in 1955’. Grace Dieu would continue as a private school but lost its teacher preparation classes.442 Pax Training College shared a similar fate. After lengthy discussions as well as representations to the Minister, the South African Catholic Bishops’ Conference decided to close the training college and continue as a private Catholic school.443 Whether missions were sympathetic to the transfer or not, the process was accompanied by the replacement of mission staff by Afrikaners sympathetic to the Nationalist cause, and changes in the curricula and ethos of colleges.444 In 1954, when the Bantu Education Act became law, mission institutions were the main providers of African teachers. Only the Transvaal had four completely state-provided institutions. These were the Vendaland Training College at Tshakoma, the Departmental Occupational Training College in Middelburg, the Mokopane Institution at Potgietersrus and the Bantu Normal College in Pretoria. The latter had opened in 1947 to train secondary teachers, the course consisting of three years’ training after matriculation, one year being devoted to academic training, a model adopted two years’ earlier at Natal institutions (see interview with Nkondo in Chapter 8). The remaining 14 in the Cape, nine in the Transvaal, six in Natal and four in the Orange Free State were all part of multipurpose mission institutions.445 Of these, four were closed because of opposition to the Bantu education system: Adams Mission (near Amazimtoti), All Saints (Engcobo), Grace Dieu (Pietersburg) and Modderpoort in the Orange Free State. Further institutions faced an uncertain future as they were, like Bethesda in the Northern Transvaal, ‘wrongly sited’ in European areas.446 The Cape had the largest number of institutions, as well as of teachers in training (2,637), followed by Natal and the Transvaal (1,263 and 1,256, respectively) and the Orange Free State (779).447 Women were by 1949 already dominating the Native Primary Lower I, II and III courses there were 2,402 women as against 1,256 men. They also dominated in the Infant classes, where they comprised 209 of the course attendees as opposed to 64 men. These figures were reversed in the Native Primary Higher I and II courses, where males numbered 1,474 and females 589.448 The Eiselen Report, on which subsequent policy was based, had anticipated major reorganisation of institutional provision. It saw little of value in the training that had been provided and discharged a litany of weaknesses that it thought needed rectification. Mission institutions were criticised for their haphazard geographical distribution; remoteness from communities; their polyglot linguistic features; inadequate use of African teachers and tendency to confine them to teaching little other than the vernacular languages. The nature of the training was particularly lambasted: for the limited attention to the mother tongue, the insufficiency of practising school facilities and inspection. Teaching method was considered generally inadequate because of a too-generalised approach ‘not sufficiently directed towards tackling specific problems in more or less defined areas’.449 The implications of these identified weaknesses were that institutions

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should become Africanised, mono-lingual, and more focused on mother tongue instruction and teaching method and practice in their course content. As far as course content was concerned, the Report seemed to consider that some continuities with previous approaches were desirable. Thus it mentioned with approval The Native Primary Schools Suggestions for the Consideration of Teachers published by the Cape Education Department in 1929 (see Chapter 6). This handbook, it said, contained excellent suggestions in the light of the conditions then obtaining but was not regularly revised and was allowed to go out of print. It also highlighted the Natal Education Department’s publications, Schemes of Work for Native Primary Schools, Infant Classes to Std… IV and Schemes of Work for Native Primary Schools, Std. V to VII issued in 1950. The Eiselen Report criticised both these publications for being in English only and not having been made available in African languages. It felt that: such publications would be of particular value to the unqualified and semi-qualified teachers who generally deal with the lowest classes but they would also be invaluable to qualified teachers. Their utility for the training of school staff needs no emphasizing here.450 Other short-term continuities were anticipated. First, it recommended that the transfer of teacher training schools be effected more gradually than that of the junior schools. ‘Even during the transition period, however, these institutions should be brought under the full supervision of the various bodies and officials that function under the Regional Authorities in order to prepare systematically for the change-over to the new system’.451 The gradual approach would mean very little however in the immediate context of traumatic change that befell most institutions. However, in many instances, missions retained control of hostels.452 The Commission also recommended retaining the certificate structure of the Primary Lower and Higher courses with a specialised course in the third year in certain training schools which might include Language Teaching, History and Geography, Handicrafts, Physical Training, Agriculture, and, for women, Needlework and Science. This indeed came into being.453 Different nomenclatures existed in Natal. At this stage, in 1949, no uniformity was recommended. More important was ‘weeding out unsuitable students’ early on, placing ‘great emphasis on the principles and methods of teaching the “tool subjects” in their initial stages and specialisation of work for men and women in the Higher Primary Certificate’. Male students were also to receive special training in organisation and school management.454 The Commission also called for more in-service training.455 Between the passage of the Bantu Education Act in 1955 and 1959, institutions were convulsed by changes in institutional control. Immediate changes were effected in a number of areas. Provision was made to prepare the requisite numbers of teachers by lowering entry standards and building new institutions.

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The minimum qualification was fixed at Standard VI plus three years. This entry qualification had been in place since the beginning of the century. Trainees were required to have passed Standard VI in the first class in three languages and in arithmetic. In the Cape and Natal, entry requirements had been higher than this for some time in some institutions which required Standard VIII plus two years’ professional training as the minimum acceptable qualification for male teachers.456 By 1958, the number of state-controlled Training Colleges had increased from 29 to 39: 16 were in the Cape Province (up from 14 in 1949 and 13 in 1955), 11 in the Transvaal (up from nine in 1949 and eight in 1955), eight in Natal (up from six in 1949 and five in 1955) and four in the Orange Free State (up from three in 1955 but no increase from 1949).457 New salary scales were published in 1957 equalised for men and women teaching in lower primary classes but higher for men in higher primary classes. After 1955, no male students were enroled for the Lower Primary Teachers’ Certificate, and their admission to the Higher Primary was also discouraged; it was ‘only in the Teachers’ Diploma Course (Matriculation plus 2 years) that male students were especially encouraged’. Thus the Department deliberately engineered a more privileged position for African men in the educational hierarchy, in effect to model the structure in white education where men occupied leadership positions in primary schools and generally taught in secondary education. The new requirements, despite being lower in some cases than before, would nonetheless have militated against many teachers entering training institutions. Given the heavy emphasis on English in provincial curricula for mission training institutions, new requirements that trainees be proficient in addition in three languages English, Afrikaans and the mother tongue were onerous. In October 1957, draft syllabi for the three-year Junior Certificate course were published. The first year of this course required trainees to study three languages, Arithmetic, General Science, Social Studies (History and Geography), the Conquest of Nature by Man, Vocational Guidance, Agriculture, Arts and Crafts or Homecraft or Woodwork. Students were then obliged to choose either an academic, commercial or clerical course. The academic course (Forms II and III) included the three languages, Social Studies and either General Arithmetic or Mathematics. If General Arithmetic was selected, the student had to take either Latin or Mathematics or General Science or Physical Science or Biology or Agriculture or Arts and Crafts or Homecraft or Woodwork or a commercial subject.458 Other than the language requirements, there appears to have been some continuity with earlier syllabi. This was also a period of significant opposition by African teachers that was ruthlessly crushed and, according to Hyslop, increasingly neutralised as African communities saw advantages in an expanding system of mass primary schooling. I. B. Tabata’s Education for Barbarism represented a critique of the system that subsequent commentators and analysts have not surpassed.459 It appeared in the same year as the passage of the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act, a cornerstone of the process by which Africans rights in a common South Africa were removed, now to be exercised in putative ‘homelands’. I. B. Tabata

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thoroughly debunked the idea that Africans should work to serve only their own ‘communities’ as involving ‘the debasement of education for Africans’. He criticised the ‘Nazi-like regimentation’ of young trainees who ‘are carefully screened, selected and indoctrinated’, their qualifications as ‘scandalously low’, and their wages akin to those of unskilled labourers.460

Colleges for African, Indian and Coloured Teachers The post-war expansion of enrolments in schools for coloured and Indian pupils increased demand for teachers. Before the Nationalist Party victory in 1948, four new colleges came into being: Hewat in Cape Town in 1941 for coloured teachers and Tshakuma in Vendaland and the Pretoria Bantu Normal College in 1946 for Africans. After 1948, 10 new colleges for Africans had come into being. Springfield College became the premier training College for Indian teachers in Durban, Natal, while the Transvaal College of Education shared premises with the Indian High School in Bree Street, Johannesburg, from 1954. Sastri College in Durban continued through its varied cultural, sporting and academic programme to produce teachers who helped create a professional Indian middle class that was also increasingly radicalized alongside the emergence of national political organisations such as the Natal Indian Congress. In 1955, the Bechet High School and Teacher Training College was opened for coloured teachers in Durban. The O. F. S. began separate training for coloured teachers in 1960. The majority of institutions training coloured primary teachers (10 in all) were in the Cape; there was one each in the other provinces.461 When the state took over coloured education from the missions and provinces in 1964 and Indian education in 1965, it centralised their control under the Department of Coloured and Indian Affairs, respectively.462 Each province had similar but different courses and certificates for coloured and Indian teachers before 1963. In 1935, the Transvaal had instituted a Transvaal Coloured and Indian Teachers’ Certificate in 1941 it was renamed the Transvaal Coloured and Indian Teachers’ Lower Certificate. Before Springfield was taken over it offered a Natal Teachers’ and Teachers’ Senior Certificate, both requiring the Senior Certificate (Standard X) as entry qualification. The Cape, as already indicated, offered coloured teachers a primary teachers’ lower course lasting two years after Standard VIII, a two-year primary teachers’ course for teachers with a Standard X and a higher primary teachers’ course a specialisation for teachers with either one of the other certificates. As with African teacher preparation, the primary lower course was in time restricted to women.463

Providing Teachers for White Secondary Schools Teachers were a central component of the development of Afrikaner nationalist ideology, and were key ideologues in the elaboration of CNE. The control of teacher education was fundamental in securing the loyalty of future teachers and

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children in schools. In their control over the state, Afrikaner nationalists controlled provincial education departments and all Afrikaner teacher education colleges; they also had significant influence over African colleges. For white colleges, especially those in the Nationalist fold, the period after 1949 was one of ‘phenomenal growth’, as the history of the Heidelberg College of Education in the Transvaal illustrates. As its biographer writes, ‘the thin years were over. Money and building materials were in abundance’.464 New degree courses were introduced in association with University of South Africa (UNISA). New colleges came into being. In 1957, Durban College of Education (‘Dokkies’) was opened. And in 1960, A. W. Muller, the former head of school subjects, was promoted to become the Rector of the new Afrikaans-speaking Goudstad College in Johannesburg.465 Despite continuities with the past, the college system was entering a new era in the preparation of primary teachers in South Africa. If the priority of the Bantu Education system was to provide teachers for the rapidly expanding number of primary schools, in the white education system it was to meet the demand for teachers in secondary schools. During the war, there were teacher shortages in all provinces as teachers were released for service from Transvaal and Natal schools. The employment of married teachers who under normal circumstances were last on the list of employment did not fully meet the demand after the war as secondary school enrolments expanded once the upper limit of attendance was raised to 16. While Natal in time-worn fashion recruited teachers from the United Kingdom, a decline in enrolments at teacher education colleges forced the Cape to close two colleges, at Kingwilliamstown and Steynsburg in 1949 and 1950, respectively. The Orange Free State merged its college into the University of the Free State.466 These developments with regard to white schooling closely followed those in the United Kingdom where the 1944 Education Act had prepared the ground for ‘secondary education for all’. In South Africa a similar debate as in the United Kingdom occurred around whether schools should be differentiated, bi- or multilateral or comprehensive schools. In South Africa, the Transvaal and Natal adopted a differentiated model consisting of a comprehensive junior high school followed by a differentiated senior high school in which students were streamed into separate classes of A, B and C and courses for students according to ability. The Transvaal was the first, following the 1956 van Wyk Report, Natal came after, following a report by the Director of Education, informed by his visit overseas, in 1961.467 The Cape and Free State came on board a little later, and followed a different model, the multi-lateral model, in which a school adopted a common core of subjects supplemented in some cases by pre-vocationally biased subjects which did not necessarily orient pupils by ability. Thus a school would develop academic, commercial and technical sides rather than streams.468 The expansion and diversification of curricula in schools created a demand for a more diversified range of offerings in teacher preparation courses. Changes required in teacher preparation courses on the one hand led to an unresolved clash between different institutions and on the other the development of three-year courses during the 1960s, very much on the English model. A massive process of syllabus revision was undertaken at the college level. The

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resulting courses showed great similarity between the model developed in South African colleges and their English counterparts. Depth was sacrificed for breadth and the general pattern laid down by the Institute of Education, University of London, was adopted in South African colleges. It consisted of four main sections: Education; The Practice of Teaching; Main Subject Courses of Fields of Study; and Curriculum and Optional Subjects.469 The four year BEd course recommended by the English Robbins Committee in 1963 was closely followed and adopted in the Transvaal which undertook a major revision of syllabi involving some 43 committees that included some 420 members. This revision process placed colleges in a position to train teachers throughout the secondary school range through the introduction of greater academic content. In Natal, the pattern differed somewhat as it sought university recognition of courses offered through colleges rather than wholesale revision.470 Niven’s critique of the courses that developed was that they focused too much on language studies, suffered from subject overload and an excessive number of periods in a week.471 As syllabi were revised at college level to provide secondary school teachers, they came into conflict with universities and universities came into conflict with provinces, which controlled the colleges. According to Niven, ‘there (was) singularly little dialogue with a view to coordination’.472 An Advisory Council on Teacher Training was established in the Transvaal in 1957, directly under the control of the province, while Natal terminated cooperation in the 1960s after a period of tension and then established a Council in the late 1960s. Universities, historically the site of preparation of secondary school teachers, continued with, expanded and diversified their offerings of initial and specialist teacher preparation. Here, too, the British model was closely followed.473 By the end of the 1960s, universities, colleges of education and technical colleges were all training teachers for the secondary level; in the process, the college system had expanded, especially in the Transvaal where a burgeoning population had led to even greater enrolments. Continuing a pattern established during the nineteenth century, more women than men were enroled in professional non-graduate courses, and more men than women in professional graduate courses.474

Preparation in Universities The vast majority of students in education courses at universities were white. More African students graduated as secondary school teachers from University of South Africa (UNISA) and Fort Hare than from white universities, but here too numbers were relatively small. At Fort Hare, African student-teachers could take a Secondary Teachers’ Certificate, a two-year diploma with matriculation as an entrance qualification. Between 1936 and 1940, 54 students were in Education at University of Fort Hare (YFH). Numbers stood at 81 between 1941 and 1945, but had declined to 17 in 1948 and rose again somewhat to 36 in 1949.475 By contrast, in 1948, there were 19 African students at Wits, 17 Indian and 77 coloured, in 1949, the numbers were 23, 31 and 92 respectively and in 1950, it were 25, 25 and 105. The overall percentage in 1950 was 95.9 per cent white, 0.6 per cent

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African, 0.6 per cent Indian and 2.7 per cent coloured.476 At UCT, there were a total of 18 full-time African students, only one of these being in education.477 The University of Natal had started a non-European section in which separate classes were given leading to degrees in Arts, Commerce and Social Science. The numbers of black students attaining degrees and diplomas at the Universities of Cape Town, Natal and Witwatersrand were miniscule. Table 2 indicates the relative overall enrolments at Universities in 1957 1958.478 The education courses in which black students were enroled included the ones listed in Table 3479. In 1960 only 15 coloured, four Indian and 39 African teachers graduated as secondary school teachers.480 Control over the production of black secondary school teachers was achieved through the establishment of segregated universities with education faculties. The leading positions at all these universities were filled by Afrikaners loyal to Afrikaner nationalism, many with connections to the security establishment. The University of Fort Hare had been brought into being in 1916 to ensure that African students seeking higher education did not proceed to the United States where they were invariably radicalized. It had been under mission control, and became the seat of eminent African scholars such as Z. K. Matthews, who was Vice-Principal and Professor, as well as prominent in the African National Congress, when the Bill for transfer of the University College of Fort Hare to the Minister of Bantu Education took effect from 1st January 1960. The University College of Fort Hare was henceforth to restrict its hitherto panAfrican intake to Xhosa-speakers. It was thus to become a local and regional rather than a cosmopolitan university, as it had been. Segregation in higher education reached a new level in 1959 both with the extension of state control over Table 2. University Enrolments 1957 1958. University

Whites

Coloureds

Cape Town

4,038

229

87

23

Natal

2,189

23

254

138

O. F. S.

1,527

Potchefstroom

1,335

Pretoria

5,340

Rhodes

Asians

Africans

816

Stellenbosch

2,928

Witwatersrand

4,443

18

129

66

University of South Africa

4,720

191

486

945

40

40

228

501

996

1,460

University College of Fort Hare Total

27,336

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Table 3. University Courses in Which Black Students Enroled. Degree, Diploma or Certificate

Coloured Asian African Total

Diplomas or certificates for teachers

14

6

34

54

Bachelor of Arts, Science, Education and Social Science

20

33

96

149

1

4

1

6

Masters degrees in Arts, Science and Education

Fort Hare and when the Extension of Universities Act provided for the establishment of new universities on an ethnic basis: the University College of the North at Turfloop near Pietersburg, mainly for Sotho students, and the University College of Zululand at Ngoya for Zulu and Swazi speakers. In 1960, the University College of the Western Cape opened at Bellville for coloured students and not long after the University of Durban-Westville for Indian students. With the Sharpeville massacre in 1960, heightened repression, South Africa’s break from the Commonwealth and establishment of a Republic in 1961 came widespread international condemnation and increasing isolation. Despite this isolation that grew over the next few decades, institutions remained tied into international networks and ideas.481 This was evident as much in the close observation and adoption of international trends as in the intellectual currents governing teacher education. English-speaking universities mostly mimicked British trends, such as for example in the presentation of history of education as a history of Western education, even when this came under attack in England.482 Afrikaans-speaking universities, however, that had at first also followed the British approach of empirical and natural philosophy, during the 1950s began to draw on existential phenomenological approaches in philosophy that merged with neo-Calvinism. Its first and early exponents were based at the University of Pretoria. Through the work of men like C. K. Oberholzer an approach was developed to educational philosophy that straddled theology and education and became hegemonic in Afrikaans-speaking universities as well as in the new University Colleges of Turfloop, Ngoye, University of Durban-Westville (UDW) and University of the Western Cape (UWC), where education lecturers with some affinity to Afrikaner nationalism were appointed. The first text that saw the light of day was in 1954: Inleiding in die Prinsipiële Opvoeding (‘Introduction to Fundamental Education’). Further works appeared during the 1960s and 1970s. It became an entire school of thought, and a veritable industry of books appeared under the broad titles of Fundamental Pedagogics and Didactics. These became prescribed reading in Afrikaans-speaking colleges and universities as well as those in the bantustans. By the late 1980s and early 1990s, however, despite some variation, and with some exceptions, ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’ was pervasive in all universities and teacher education and training colleges, including the Universities of Cape Town and Witwatersrand, which also began to critique it.483

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Much has been written about ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’ and ‘Didactics’ as it found expression in South Africa. While drawing on European philosophy and approaches, and in particular from C. J. Langeveld’s Beknopte Theoretische Pedagogiek published in Holland in 1944, it was a far cry from either Langeveld’s or broader Dutch and German educational traditions.484 Rather than a transplantation of European ideas to South Africa, it is best understood as a specific adaptation of an eclectic set of ideas that served to provide ideological support for approaches to education that sought to de-emphasise the politics of and power relations in education. Its links to the basic tenets of the masculinist and paternalist philosophy of CNE are clear, when the close relationship between church and state as well as theology and philosophy in Afrikaans-speaking universities is taken into account. Thus, education was essentially seen as independent from context, involving the relationship between adult and child only, a relationship in which the adult was responsible for leading the child to knowledge.485 The trusteeship relationship between adult and child envisaged in Christian National Education (CNE) was mirrored in the relationship between white and black, with the white seen as adult, and the black as child that needed to be brought to civilisation. Penny Enslin’s work on ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’ has revealed how the philosophy was operated as a ruling ideology. Here we have, she argues, ‘ideological practice masquerading as theoretical practice […] Fundamental Pedagogics is determined by the interests which it serves’.486 ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’ was the dominant approach to education predicated on authoritarian gender and race relations and shaped teacher preparation in both black and white universities until 1990. It became much hated for being both incomprehensible and ideological legitimation for unequal and segregated education.487

Conclusion In the immediate aftermath of the coming to power of the National Party in 1948, mission training institutions underwent tumultuous changes: they were either closed, went private or were taken over by the state. Into the gap stepped new state-run colleges, whose number expanded for all racial groups. Earlier patterns of locating those for whites, Indians and coloureds in cities and towns and those for Africans in rural areas were consolidated through the 1959 Promotion of Bantu Self-Government and Extension of Universities Acts which based all educational development and especially future preparation for African teachers in the ‘homelands’ or bantustans. The creation of new universities for Africans in the more rural areas of Turfloop and Ngoye and the transfer of the University College of Fort Hare completed the circle. Interestingly, even as ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’ developed as a ‘distortion of Dutch educational theory’,488 so English policy in the field of teacher preparation was drawn upon to restructure teacher education programmes. South Africans of all political persuasions re-designing teacher education remained thoroughly entangled with European and British models and templates for doing so.

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Chapter 8

Teacher Preparation During ‘High’ Apartheid, 1959 1976

Developments in teacher education during the period of ‘high apartheid’, a period of brutal repression of opposition, responded to massified provision of primary schooling for African and coloured children, and growth in secondary schooling among white and to some extent Indian schoolchildren.489 A key goal of the apartheid state was to relocate all secondary, technical, teacher and higher education for Africans to the Bantustans, where their political aspirations were to be met in pseudo-independent states.490 By 1981, six had been given the status of a ‘self-governing’ territory (Lebowa, Gazankulu, KaNgwane, KwaNdebele, KwaZulu and Qwaqwa) while four accepted full ‘independence’ (Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei), ‘thus presenting themselves as autonomous countries’.491 Preparation of teachers for white, Indian and coloured schools continued along the trajectory already established. Planning was done on a strictly ethnic and gendered basis. Racial and ethnic divisions and gender inequalities became set in law and an increasingly divided system reinforced gradations of inequality that had emerged in earlier periods. With the more radical teacher unions substantially weakened by bannings and detentions, more conservative teacher unions became dominant and adopted more acquiescent approaches. Even as developmentalist discourses suffused the planning and provision processes of teacher education for Africans, the structure and curriculum of teacher education remained deeply tied to developments particularly in the United Kingdom in all parts of the system and in the same segregated but interwoven way as before. The dominant tendency during the period of ‘high’ apartheid (1959 1976) was one of consolidation of segregated and unequal provision, with changes occurring in each raciallydivided sector providing the basis for newer developments in the ‘late’ apartheid phase (1976 1990), the phase of both unravelling of apartheid and also significant new developments particularly in the growth of black colleges. In the white colleges there was a slow but inexorable move back towards joint provision of courses with universities, even as the provinces retained some control. In the African, the focus was on providing primary teachers for massively expanded primary schools on tightly constrained budgets, a process that in time became explosive as the number of teachers for upper secondary schools simply could not keep pace with enrolments. The establishment of universities after 1959 specifically to prepare teachers qualified to teach senior

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secondary classes in African, coloured and Indian schools simply did not meet demand in the case of African and coloured. Both the nature of the preparation in colleges and the experience of the changes by teacher trainees, and how it shaped identity, are greatly underresearched topics. By and large, the literature deals with the broader question of responses by teachers to conditions in schools rather than to training colleges and universities.492 For this reason, the chapter draws on oral interviews with some who passed through the system from the 1960s to the 1990s. But first it is necessary to outline the main tendencies in the different parts of the system: renewed college university cooperation in preparation of white teachers for primary and secondary schools, preparation of black primary school teachers and neglect and inadequacy of secondary school teacher preparation and authoritarian college curricula. Responses by interviewees who spent time in African, white, coloured and Indian colleges highlight an ambivalence that reveals both the perception of authoritarianism and inequality as well as formative experiences shaped against the grain of institutional cultures. Many transcended the limitations of their training through engagement in teacher and political organisations.

Renewed College University Cooperation in Preparation of White Teachers Whereas the National Education Policy Act of 1967 provided for the greater centralisation of control and coordination of syllabi, courses and examinations in schooling for whites, the 1963 Coloured and 1965 Indian Education Acts had provided for sweeping controls over most aspects of the schooling of children designated as Indian and coloured. The principle of differentiated education, or education ‘provided in accordance with the ability, and aptitude of, and interest shown by the pupil, and the needs of the country […]’ was also enunciated.493 Teacher education was not mentioned in either the 1963 or 1965 Acts, but was a theme in the 1964 Schumann Commission into financial relationships between the central government and provinces and the Gericke Commission of 1968, both of which dealt with the white system. Between 1959 and 1976, what was known as the problem of divided control between central and provincial government in the control of white education, including teacher preparation, was discussed in these Commissions of Inquiry. The discussions during this period prefigured decisions taken some 20 years later during the democratic era. The debates centred around a question that had plagued teacher preparation since Union: who should be in charge, the provincial governments or universities? By the 1960s, there was concern that ‘some teachers’ Training Colleges train secondary teachers, while some universities train primary teachers, and the technical colleges have worked out their own salvation, taking a parallel course in certain fields […]’. And that the situation was untenable.494 Many proposals were put forward, including the idea of an institute, based on the British model. The ‘institute’ idea did not however gain traction and was not

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implemented.495 Its significance lies more in the influence it suggests that British models had on South African thinking than on its realisation in practice. In practice, the idea was trumped by local interests in other approaches. Despite the fervently-held views of the National Advisory Education Council, gleaned from extensive international research and visits, that the trend everywhere was towards basing teacher preparation in universities and that the extremely unsystematised nature of training needed some coordination, an amendment to the National Education Policy Act in 1969, according to Malherbe, failed to resolve disputes over control and simply reasserted the status quo in its specification that ‘the training of White persons as teachers for primary and pre-primary school shall be provided at a college and a university in close cooperation with each other’.496 As in the 1920s and 1930s, provincial opposition provided the major stumbling block.497 In 1970, the Minister ruled that training for secondary teachers be discontinued at colleges, a step that ‘rent teacher training asunder’, ‘displacing staff members at colleges of education’, ‘compelling universities that were by and large inadequately equipped for this new responsibility to make rapid improvisation’ and ‘depress(ing) the status of the colleges of education’.498 The van Wyk de Vries Commission into universities, which was appointed in 1968 but only reported six years later, recommended that ‘in order to enhance the status of the profession and improve the standard of training […] all teacher training should take place under the guidance of the university’.499 It introduced the idea that colleges should be linked to universities neither absorbed into nor working in cooperation with them and the 1974 National Education Policy Amendment Act (Act 92 of 1974) accordingly made provision for such closer liaison.500 Much of the inspiration for closer links had come from a desire to be on par with international developments. Although colleges retained strong identities, between 1975 and 1990, colleges and universities began a slow process of linking up with one another. Closely watching developments in white education, several homeland authorities, and in particular the Transkeian, began the same process, the latter modelling its system on that of the Cape province.501 The 1974 Act made provision for colleges to train secondary school teachers in certain areas and allowed universities to recognise college courses for degree and diploma purposes.502 From now on, as colleges developed links with universities and instituted Councils and Senates with strong university representation, provincial controls began to weaken. This was more so in Natal, where Edgewood College of Education ‘became largely independent of the Natal Provincial Administration’, than in the Transvaal, where the province retained tight control over teacher training.503 Closer cooperation was also reflected in the introduction of new integrated degrees, also recommended by the Gericke Report: the BA (Ed), BA (Ed(Mus)), BA (Ed) (Art), BA (Ed) (Phys Ed), BSc (Ed), BSc (Ed) (H Econ), BCom (Ed) and BAgric (Ed). The BPrim Ed degree was also introduced at a number of universities. The advantages of a closer relationship, Behr argues, raised not only the status but also the standards

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of colleges.504 These were also eventually adopted in the universities established under the 1959 Universities’ Act.505 In practice, capacity of provincial teacher education institutions grew tremendously, with annual expenditure growing from one and a half million Rand to five mission Rand during the decade 1950 to 1960.506 In-service training, provided at decentralised regional centres, expanded exponentially. In 1974, Behr reports, over 80 per cent of white teaching staff in the Transvaal attended some form of in-service course. In-service education was supplemented by the introduction of teachers’ centres, modelled on those initiated in Great Britain during the 1960s under the influence of the Nuffield Foundation and British Schools Council curriculum initiatives. In the Cape, the Cape Education Department started the first teachers’ centres in Mowbray and Port Elizabeth, followed by others in Parow, East London, Kimberley and Oudtshoorn. A teachers’ centre was also established in Natal. In the Transvaal, a teachers’ centre was started by the Transvaal Teachers’ Association. It was housed at the Johannesburg College of Education and for many years was staffed by educationist and Nazi Germany escapee, Franz Auerbach, who wrote extensively on racial prejudice in history textbooks.507

Massification and Teacher Provision for African Schools Much of the literature explaining the 1976 Soweto youth revolt and subsequent resistance that engulfed educational institutions until the formal ending of apartheid has argued that the structural explanation for this opposition lies in the restriction on secondary schooling for Africans in urban areas combined with the growing demand both here and in rural areas that simply could not supply enough teachers adequately qualified to meet the demand.508 The squeeze on secondary schooling, combined with the poor conditions in schools as well as quality of teachers coming from colleges of education, sharpened a sense of intolerable neglect and injustice, giving rise to bitter resistance. Inadequately appreciated in this literature is the extent to which the absolute lack of teachers trained for secondary schools constrained its provision. The consequences were felt most acutely after 1976, and will be considered in greater detail in the next chapter, but the conditions were laid during this period. At the heart of the failure of state provision, as already mentioned in Chapter 7, lay the reversion in 1955 to the ‘inelastic basis of finance adopted in the 1920s’ that pegged the amount of funding available despite growing enrolments.509 A fixed sum of R13 million was made available that was supplemented by tax paid by Africans and additional contributions by parents and community members. Rising inflation meant a constant decline in the real value of the R13 million ‘at a time when the government wanted to expand homeland educational facilities’.510 By the end of the 1960s, in the face of a growing deficit, a special Loan Account was set up to which Parliament appropriated funds. But its purpose was subverted by changes in African taxation such that, ‘by the end of the decade […] the Department found itself in

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an intractable financial crisis, trying to run an expanding system on extremely constricted resources’.511 The educational facilities for teacher preparation were also developed within this overall context of fiscal constraint. It was no accident that many colleges became convulsed by resistance along with schools after 1976. In the period 1959 to 1976, enrolment was rapid in the primary school, growing at about six per cent per annum until the mid-1960s. By 1969 a higher proportion of students were reaching the secondary classes, and shortages of teachers at the post-primary level grew. The first priority for the state was meeting the demand for expanded primary schooling through larger numbers of female teachers paid lower salaries. But, as mentioned in Chapter 7, in order to increase the number of teachers at this level, the Department fixed the minimum qualification at Standard VI plus three years’ training. This had the effect of reducing the requirements in areas where they had been higher, such as in the Cape, whose minimum qualification had been the Junior Certificate (JC) or Standard VIII plus two years’ professional training.512 Expansion thus entailed an immediate reduction in quality and in numbers proceeding to higher levels. Up until the formation of the new university colleges in 1959, African secondary school teachers were trained at relatively few institutions.513 The opening of the new university colleges at Turfloop (in the Northern Transvaal near Pietersburg for Sotho-speakers), Ngoye (near Empangeni in Zululand for Zulu-speakers), Durban-Westville (for Indians) and Western Cape (for coloureds) had the potential of increasing the number of qualified junior and senior secondary school teachers. They offered the Secondary Teachers’ Diploma (STD; a two-year course following matriculation) and the University Education Diploma (UED; a degree plus professional qualification). While the former prepared teachers for the first three classes in high school, the latter prepared them for the last two. By the mid-1960s, post-matric classes were available at the three universities of Turfloop, Ngoye and Fort Hare as well as at 42 training centres, meaning that training opportunities were available at least for the first three years of secondary school at all training institutions.514 Few however availed themselves of training possibilities at university levels: the vast majority of aspirant teachers took the Lower and Higher Primary courses at the colleges and university colleges rather than the STD or UED, both of which required a matric. In 1968, therefore, the Department introduced the Junior Secondary Teachers’ Certificate (JSTC), a two-year course after the Matric/Senior Certificate.515 It alleviated shortages at junior secondary but not at senior secondary level, for which universities were not producing enough graduates. JSTC graduates were in many cases thus employed to teach at this level.516 A crisis was in the making. Gendered expectations of the role of women hampered the recruitment of many into teacher education for secondary levels. Their aspirations were limited to the primary levels: ‘whenever women were encouraged to be teachers, it was because they were young women and teaching was seen as women’s work, compatible with being a wife and mother’, writes Shirley Mahlase.517 However, as in the case of women like Sindiwe Magona, restrictions on hiring married

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women in permanent posts served as motivation to gain a matric in order to become a secondary school teacher: being part of a scarce minority might provide greater security.518 Although over time all teachers qualifying had a JC or Standard VIII, rather than Standard VI as had been the case in the 1950s, the majority of those in training for teaching were still concentrated in preparation for primary rather than secondary classes. How exactly this picture applied to and changed for Indian and coloured secondary school teachers is unclear, but it is likely the coloured followed the African pattern, while the Indian the white. Matric remained an achievement beyond the reach of the majority of students who entered teaching training. Since teaching was one of the very few avenues open to African students after qualifying, numbers were higher here than in other fields. However, relative to the demand, and despite provision of small loans and grants for study at these universities, numbers overall were still small. In her study of Fort Hare, Beale found that between 1960 and 1968, only 194 students graduated with education diplomas out of a total of 619 students. By 1975, since the establishment of Forth Hare, education diplomas had been awarded to 649 students.519 Paradoxically, throughout this period, the percentage of teachers with a degree and professional qualifications declined rather than grew, among both African and coloured teachers. In 1968, only two per cent of coloured teachers had a degree with professional qualifications and 3.59 per cent a matric without professional qualifications.520 Those with higher qualifications either sought promotion within the education bureaucracy as inspectors or assistant inspectors or found better-paid employment outside education in industry and commerce.521 Indian teachers were comparatively better qualified. This trend continued into the early 1970s: by 1975 a minority of African and coloured teachers had attained university degrees before qualifying to teach. At the end of 1973, 4,324 qualified with a Primary Teachers’ Certificate, 318 with a Junior Secondary Course, 118 with a STD and 7 with a non-graduate UED.522 The consequence was that teacher shortages at this level, aggravated by rising average enrolments in secondary school, had dire consequences.523 Ngubentombi notes that despite the ‘desperate effort to solve the acute shortage of teachers’ in Transkeian secondary schools through reorganising training and introducing classes to train junior secondary teachers at some colleges, the teachers so prepared ‘were made to teach beyond their capacity and training inasmuch as they also taught classes beyond the Junior Secondary School phase for which they were primarily prepared’.524 Contemporary patterns of the practice of employing teachers out of their areas of study or specialisation and not in subjects of grades for which they qualified probably have their roots in this period. Heavily lopsided institutional provision on the basis of race and ethnicity contributed to this situation. By the end of the 1960s, there were altogether 33 institutions dedicated to the training of white teachers compared with 39 for Africans, about 12 for coloured and three for Indian. Many of the institutions for Africans continued to be multi-purpose, but there is evidence of steps being taken, at least in the Transkei, to concentrate teacher training in separate

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institutions.525 The institutions preparing white teachers included eight residential universities, one distance institution, 16 teacher training colleges, eight institutions under the control of the Department of Higher Education, four technical colleges and four others. Eleven new colleges were brought into being from the 1950s: seven in the Transkei, two in Natal (one for white Afrikaners, ‘Dokkies’, and one for coloured teachers, Bechet), three in the Transvaal (one for Indians, the Transvaal College of Education, one for Afrikaners, Goudstad), bringing the total number of teacher education colleges to 50. Only four training colleges for Africans were in urban areas, and the remainder were in the rural areas of the Bantustans.526 Coloured teachers could train at Rand College in the Transvaal and Bechet in Natal. Indian teachers could train at Springfield in Natal and the Transvaal College of Education. Preparation of teachers for technical schools and colleges was similarly racially restricted: The Durbanbased ML Sultan Technical College and Pietermaritzburg-based Natal Technical College was available for Indians while a Technical College in Pietermaritzburg existed for coloureds.

Authoritarian Curricula and Control To what kind of curriculum were the majority of teachers exposed? On the narrower definition, curricula for teacher preparation continued to be not only versions of one another in some respects, but also varied significantly in others. While the two diploma courses for black teachers at university level shared a common structure with the white, how they were taught, by whom and with what additional resources varied significantly.527 Primary school curricula for white teachers-in-training were structured into academic, professional and special subjects.528 The 1972 Primary Teachers’ Certificate that replaced the Lower and Higher Primary Teachers’ Certificates for Africans introduced in 1956 included professional subjects, ‘basic’ teaching subjects, ‘other’ teaching subjects and practical subjects.529 The spread of subjects for preparing coloured and Indian teachers was similar. Practice teaching in practising schools or neighbouring schools continued as a key dimension of all teacher preparation. What mattered as much as the formal curriculum however was the ‘ideological wrapping’ or ethos that developed within and around each type of institution. The role of ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’ in Afrikaans speaking and several black institutions dominated by white Afrikaner appointees, and the narrow liberalism of the English-speaking white institutions, has already been mentioned (see Chapter 7). These had a distinct impact on the ethos of institutions. For those within the ideology, the institutional codes were unproblematic. For those outside it, responses ranged from complicity to accommodation, ambivalence and resistance.530 In order to probe experiences and understandings of college life, I conducted interviews with people who had had some experience of teacher training colleges at two different periods: the first were conducted in 2007 2008 when I was working on memory of the closure of the colleges and the second was 10 years

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later, for the purposes of this book.531 My selection in each case was on the basis of what could be called ‘snowball sampling’ I started with one and that led to another. In two cases the interviews are with men who began as teacher trainees and rose to become rectors of their institutions. My approach in the interviews was not to present myself as an ‘objective’ and ‘neutral’ outsider, but as part of the debate, co-constructing the narrative with my interviewees and analysing them, as ‘fragmented or situated practices […] entangled with socio-cultural, political, economic, historic and material orderings […]’.532 The interviews themselves also need to be understood as ‘complex texts’ with multiple truths, as ‘social constructs’533 mediated by my own relationship to interviewees as well as the nature of memory as selective, providing perhaps as much insight into what interviewees wished to remember and tell me in the present as what they may have experienced. The interviews cast some light not only on the nature of teacher preparation but also on how teacher training formed one small part of teachers’ overall education. The formal curricula need to be set in the context of the larger, informal social and political curricula in which institutions were embedded and with which students engaged, and that were as formative as the formal. I have selected aspects from the interviews that illustrate the institutional cultures as much as the identity-shaping character of the educational processes at work. Individuals of necessity were often forced into displaying both accommodation and resistance. The focus here is on those with experience of the urban colleges in Johannesburg and Pretoria and the urban and rural colleges of Durban/ Pietermaritzburg and Natal. While some interviewees wished to be anonymous, others did not.

White Colleges: Cultures of Complicity and Compliance Alexander (Hennie) Kock, one of the first rectors of the Durban College of Education founded in 1957, was also the President of the local SAOU branch, the Natalse Onderwysersvereniging.534 He spent his entire teaching career of 37 years on the staff of Dokkies starting as a seconded teacher in 1964, through lecturer, special grade lecturer, senior lecturer, head of department and deputy rector. He retired as Rector when the College, together with nearly a hundred other Colleges of Education, closed in 2001. He recalls the close connection that existed between the college, specific schools and other colleges and universities with the same ethos. He describes the ethos as ‘Christian National, very very dedicated, very high level of standards, selfsufficiency’ this included being given a degree of autonomy by the department to run the college as he pleased, the authority to fire someone when they were not performing and linking up with like-minded institutions for the purposes of external moderation and examination and sporting events. Like-minded institutions did not include the local, neighbouring Englishspeaking Natal University, which was too ‘liberal’. Nor did it include Potchefstroom, which was considered too conservative. Rather it meant connecting with the University of the Orange Free State.

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International links did exist: We couldn’t send too many of our students overseas because we couldn’t afford it but we always had visitors especially from Dutch universities. I always took them, they came to see the Kruger National Park and have a look at Dokkies. But it was all in a very good spirit; and they gave us advice on the interpretation of the Pedagogiek, the way they saw it and it was always nearly always historians, philosophers and a number of religious preachers, ordained preachers who taught. Dokkies seemed to have a particularly good relationship with Drie Ster Kollege from Gouda: ‘very very conservative but very good’. Margaret Cameron-Jones, an educationist from Edinburgh, also had a good relationship with the College, and was a frequent visitor and lecturer. When asked what ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’ meant to him in practice, he said: the ethical religious approach to transfer of knowledge interpersonal verhoudinge (relationships). It has to do with transferring knowledge about subjects in a way which glorifies the Lord. That we got from the Dutch, our whole pedagogical approach was based on German philosophers and Dutch philosophers. I even took an abonnement, I have got the magazine, Didaktief, they gave me. The important thing pedagogically, was: to teach in a way that honored God, to teach in a way which opened the world to the student or students because you have a classroom in front of you and it wasn’t always easy because the young people at that stage already started asking questions […]. So this comes in the whole argument of how do you change a young person’s life for the good, keeping in mind and without being overly zealous, keeping in mind that we are all sinners, that we are sinners and some of the students picked that up, we are sinners preaching to sinners, in the eschatological sense of the expression. So it was great, it was wonderful. I cried when I had to leave. Ken Hartshorne, a former principal of the Kilnerton Training Institution before the era of Bantu Education, became a planner in the Department of Bantu Education in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1967 he was a member of an internal committee to investigate African teacher training. Its recommendations led to the introduction of the Primary Teachers’ Certificate in 1972. It gave greater control to colleges over examination and certification of students and

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aimed at ‘reducing the overload of minor subjects, by offering students options instead of all subjects being compulsory’, making the ‘background theory in the professional subjects more relevant to classroom situations’ and placing ‘more specific emphasis on practice teaching under normal school conditions, in which students would have to cope with large classes., double sessions and limited facilities and equipment’.535 Despite being part of the system, Hartshorne affected a liberal distance from the nationalist influences on it. He remembers the influence of Christian National Education (CNE) as being entirely negative on college culture: the personal development of students outside of the classroom, one of the best features of the missionary period, became stunted and restricted. In some colleges, the training was efficient, but narrow and prescriptive. The effect of attempting to press students into a particular ideological mould to which they were opposed was to destroy motivation and enthusiasm. At best the colleges in the 1970s produced trained craftsmen, but not educated men and women with an understanding of their task.536 The dominant ethos of white English-speaking colleges was by contrast with the Afrikaans-speaking ones closely aligned with a British colonial liberalism that promoted individualism (as against nationalism). Although students were prompted to be critical of apartheid and aware of how it operated, the institutions generally frowned on a politics that questioned the foundations of the system. They were in any case too deeply enmeshed in a segregated system to make much difference. There was little if any contact, for example, with black colleges: each operated in its own sphere.537 As with the Afrikaans colleges, the English-speaking colleges were closely linked to the racially-divided English-speaking teacher associations. Insofar as both Afrikaans and Englishspeaking colleges were committed to creating teachers as professionals, they shared a common purpose and ethos. As with Dokkies, all the lecturers at Edgewood, according to Londal, had come from the classroom and the College retained close links with schools and classrooms. At the English-speaking colleges, they also had a measure of autonomy to define their own curricula within the broad guidelines. Progressive pedagogies were made possible by generous resourcing. ‘We operated off a very privileged pupil:teacher ratio’, he said. ‘We could really coach people. If you had a class of more than 25, it was a lot. A lot of the teaching was small group and this left lots of room for individual students to participate, debate and discuss’. By the 1980s, colleges like the Johannesburg College of Education and Edgewood were publishing journals through which staff were exploring new ideas, pedagogies and even spoke out against the Afrikaner nationalism of the day.538 And not all here fully complied or were complicit with apartheid. Staff members at the Johannesburg College of Education, for example, became active participants in the 1980s Peoples’ Education movement and the developments at

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this time leading to the eventual establishment of the South African Democratic Teachers’ Union (SADTU) in 1990.539 Overall compliance was not only unique to the white institutions, but also characterised many of those running and attending black colleges (see below). However, this complicity derived from positions of subordination and was mixed with more complex responses to the institutions.

African Colleges: Accommodation, Resistance and Ambivalence Curtis Nkondo’s story throws into relief the transitional stories of change told in the cold facts and statistics.540 Following 1976, Nkondo played a leading role in the United Democratic Front during the 1980s. He remembers his early educational experiences and years in preparation as a teacher with a mixture of emotions and recognition of the accommodation to a situation that was hardly tolerable, yet the only one available, from which he learnt something, especially from his fellow students who would later also become leading figures in South African resistance. Nkondo remembers his teacher training at the Pretoria Normal College just before the start of Bantu Education with some pride. Born in 1928 of a Mozambican father and mother classified coloured at the Swiss Mission station of Lemana, Nkondo was a star pupil at Lemana. Eduard Mondlane, who schooled with him, had a deep influence on him and his politicisation. When he completed matric in 1949, he proceeded to the Pretoria Normal College in Mamelodi on the basis of a scholarship he had gained because of having achieved the highest marks in the province. He graduated in 1952 with a Higher Teachers Diploma: ‘2 years normal (academic) UNISA subjects and 1 year (professional preparation)’. The emphasis was on teaching students: how to prepare lessons, how to mark the register, how to divide the scheme book, to scheme and all that. Without knowing how to scheme and how to divide your lessons. Because it’s not just about saying that you’re going to teach Romeo and Juliet on Monday […]. There are so many things. You have to talk about other comedies and things like that. Because in some cases there are associations and connections and you must talk about that. He was impressed by the preparation of his lecturers, who modelled what they expected of the students: ‘What we saw was that the teachers prepared thoroughly. They had what you call scheme-books where they schemed and did daily preparations. If you taught geography you would draw maps and make calculations in the scheme-books. It was annoying because what’s the use of that for the children. At Pretoria Normal you had to prepare, and you had to prepare thoroughly for them, and the preparation has to be seen’. In the final year, students were sent teaching in the various high schools: ‘I did mine in Lady Selborne. At the end of that year, well, I was able to apply to Pimville High School. I was accepted’. That was in 1953.

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Teacher training then, he says: was concentrating more on having more knowledge that one should be thoroughly prepared. Not just in knowing what one should be teaching. Expecting far more than what you are going to deliver. He remembered Professor Davis very well. For English. He taught us how to become highly critical. That was the more important subject I have ever had. It could not avoid political implications. We were being prepared to carry out our mission in African schools, what they called Bantu schools then […]. It gave one independence. In most cases one had to find out what one had to use and in that way we were able to better ourselves as individuals […].You were prepared in such a manner that you had to have the patience. You had to have the compassion to handle difficult situations. […] They just talked about how one should handle oneself; how one should carry oneself in the classroom. I can remember being told not to be ashamed if you have written something wrong on the board. Just go back and tell the children. Look I’m sorry I made a mistake here. That is one of the things people should not forget. He does not recall either strikes or religion at the Pretoria Normal College. He does recall: a young Stanley Mokgoba at the Pretoria Normal College. He was PAC. I used to argue with him. We had free reign in the evenings to discuss and have debates in the evenings. It was one of the things that made us. Desmond Tutu was also one of us. Ja. We used to smoke heavily. You know, this wrapped tobacco. In the language of the children, you know, they call it zoll, we used to smoke that. He was a very cheerful fellow. Very peaceful. Wouldn’t harm a fly. Always just cheerful and friendly. He tried to teach me cricket, but I didn’t understand a thing. Active resistance came much later for Curtis Nkondo. He taught at Orlando High School until 1970. Married in 1957 to Rose, he describes the 1960s as being about taking care of new and extended members of his family: ‘I married in 1957. First child in 1959. Second in 1961. Third in 1965. Fourth one in 67. The sixties were about bringing up children. At the same time looking after my brothers and sisters who were at universities and schools. There were many of us and I was the second in the family’. The 1970s too were years of personal struggle: ‘I lived with 3 of my brothers in Soweto. Me, Rose, the kids and

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3 brothers. It was difficult. If you have to do these things, you forget about yourself. If you have to satisfy the requirements. Even as a teacher the salary is too small for all that. You just have to sacrifice’. He remembers inspections not with fear, as many other teachers seem to have done: ‘they had sessions when they would come and inspect for a whole week or two weeks. I was not affected because I loved teaching so it was not a problem for me. I was not afraid of it. I would just give the person what I was going to teach, the poem, and then went on discussing it. Shakespeare or whatever it is. Discuss it’. The difficulties and hardships of teaching he remembers clearly the large classes, the poverty of the children, the ethnic rivalries and taunting of himself as a Shangaan, and the extra classes given over weekends to compensate for the deficiencies of the syllabus. And then 1976 happened, followed by endless days of doing nothing as a teacher. And then finally the formation of the Soweto Teachers’ Action, which he led with Fanyana Mazibuko, and that took the step of initiating a mass resignation of teachers. Despite torture and a banning order, he remained actively engaged with educational opposition until the end of apartheid, in 1980 becoming President of the National Education Union of South Africa (NEUSA), a predecessor of the South African Democratic Teachers’ Union (SADTU) formed in 1991, and of which he became VicePresident and lifelong honorary member. Thandi Mabena (pseudonym) qualified as a secondary school teacher at the University of Zululand and then taught at a college, Indumiso, between 1994 and 2000.541 Her interview reveals the differences between the college and university preparation for teachers: When I was a student at university, […] there was a perception that in colleges all they did was school-related; the level at which the colleges were operating was at a school level, that was our perception as university students. One of the positive features of college preparation she saw as the exposure of students to the realities of schools and classrooms over a three-year rather than one-year period as in the case of secondary school students: So in a way we felt as teachers […] confident in our subject content knowledge but we didn’t feel very confident in the other aspects of teaching, the pedagogy - at the time we used that word. When she was a lecturer at the college, Thandi tried to promote closer links between the college, and the nearby University of Natal (Pietermaritzburg). However, the majority of lecturers at the college were unqualified and highly resistant to such linkages. Here, as at all the other colleges, interviewees

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repeatedly described the culture as being that of a ‘glorified high school’. Said Thandi: The time-tabling and everything […] it was just like a school. You came in at 8; you knocked off at half past two. There would be lesson after lesson after lesson. Very few free periods in between. So there wouldn’t be much loitering like you see at universities […]. Our library the books were like high school books […] libraries at colleges of education were not at the same level as universities. Residence life and extra-mural activities were a far cry from the mission schools of the past: reduced to soccer and choir, the extra-mural programme included no debating societies or visitors giving lectures: ‘you could say it was isolated […]. It was one of the things that made us want to leave, because you were stagnant there. You would be teaching one and the same thing […] we weren’t attending conferences or anything. Nobody came. […] it ended up being boring with no opportunity for growth’. This comment was not made in reference to residence life, but to the working culture of the college.

Indian and Coloured Colleges: Control, Negotiation and Resistance The experience for those nurtured in the womb of the Christian nationalist project in teacher education and those at its receiving end was very different. Kock could not remember Bechet, the multi-purpose high school combined with a training college for coloured teachers in Durban. Joseph (Yusuf) Jacobs, like Kock, was a teacher trainee, principal and rector at Bechet College. Born in Cape Town in 1940 to a tailor and his wife who moved to Durban during the war years, Jacobs schooled at Umbilo Road Secondary and Bechet High School, Sydenham, Durban. He was actively involved in the Durban Students’ Union and the Non-European Unity Movement (NEUM). As a student at Bechet working towards his teachers’ diploma awarded by the Natal Education Department, not the department that became responsible for coloured education during the apartheid years he became involved in the Society of Young Africa (SOYA), an intellectual home for young left-wing radicals associated with the NEUM. He recalls the college during the 1960s as embracing: a very very rigid sort of instruction where you had to teach the kids things that were in your syllabus, and you had to see to it that you communicated that to them and we were very much tied down to what the syllabus had in it. It was very rigid. You know, I was a student activist at the time and, believe you me, I got hounded there by the rector because of my activities then. We couldn’t even go out and have political meetings and this that and the other. The emphasis was basically on just teaching:

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teaching in the narrow sense of you’ve got work to do, see that it’s done. If there’s history to be learnt, see that the kids learn their history or geography, and mathematics, get the maths done.542 In 1971, after having served out a banning order placed on him in 1965, and after studying towards his BA, he became first a teacher and then a lecturer at Bechet College.543 When he became a lecturer there in 1971, he recalls that: At that time they had the Junior Certificate courses, for those left after what was then standard eight, and they could do a 2 or 3 year course. I lectured to both groups, partly English, but in the main Principles of Education. That entailed Paedagogics and Psychology, focusing on education. Derrick Naidoo, who also lectured at Bechet, remembers his time training to be a teacher at Springfield most vividly. Coming from a highly politicised family whose origins were thoroughly mixed, and included Scottish, indentured labour, Ghandian and All African Convention (AAC) roots, he was acutely attuned to the artificiality of the racial and ethnic construction of institutions into which students were forced to fit. His family background, as well as his involvement as an activist in the local and exiled non-racial sports movement, gave him a critical perspective on the ethnic and highly conservative and controlled character of the colleges. He describes the ethos as having: Teachers with very great dedication but fitted within the ethnic thinking. […] nobody ever spoke politics. The lecturers were very technical educators. No class consciousness. No political consciousness. No criticism of apartheid or any criticism of apartheid. Everybody seemed to be seemingly scared. Wanted to climb up the ladder or whatever. And therefore you shut your trap and did your work. […]. The education came across as very very conservative. Very Eurocentric like it was in all the schools. And with that particular bias to […] recognising that you’re a separate group […]. These institutions were controlled politically […]. Where you either had a person of colour who did the dirty work (for the whites) like the indunas in the mine. Or you had directly White personnel who were members of the Broederbond […].544 He describes a culture of compliance and fear: of how students held meetings and took decisions to prepare and sign petitions rejecting ethnic classification, but never actually signed them, and how political leadership was quickly removed and sent to schools ‘in the bundus’. Security police, detention and torture are not far from the accounts of both Naidoo and Edwin Bennett, who

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spent time at Rand College at Shaft 17 for coloured students on the Witwatersrand.545 Derrick Naidoo describes the majority of students as conservative and attempting to fit into the mould. However, there were politicised students such as himself. He describes how they became aware of Broederbond control of the College when they clandestinely entered the office of one of the staff members, a son-in-law of the head of South Africa’s secret intelligence agency, BOSS, and discovered the minutes of the Jeug Bond, the youth wing of the Broederbond, on his desk. The staff member was the chair and the Rector a member under him, suggesting a curious inversion of power relations. Naidoo then went to Bechet where he became involved in the non-racial sports movement. Because of the suppression of political movements at the time, many having gone into exile, he became involved in the exiled South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee (SANROC) boycott movement. He helped sabotage South Africa’s efforts to present a multi-racial face at the Munich 1972 Olympics. Sports was an important channel for political activity at the time when repression and suppression of political movements and people was at its height. The Transvaal College of Education (TCE), which opened its doors in Fordsburg in 1954, became a fully-fledged teacher training college in the early 1960s, and eventually closed its doors in 1998 in Laudium.546 It attracted many Natal Indian students in the late 1960s to meet the shortage of Indian teachers. In 1968, most of the students were young women from the Rand taking the Lower Secondary Primary course. For Dennay Jansen (pseudonym), as for Derrick Naidoo, sport was a way out of what was ultimately an extremely boring educational experience at the College.547 She enroled in 1968 and found a college staffed by predominantly white Afrikaners who were ‘retirees […] pensioners […] very kindly but […] too old to know what they were doing’. Classes were small and courses ‘a fruit salad’ of subjects. An indication of the inferiority of the College relative to whites was the sense she had that ‘they sent all those that were not suitable for the white Colleges anymore. […] So while they were good people […] they could not manage. […] they didn’t have the energy anymore really’. And so the students, ‘who wanted to have a good time’, or were bored with classes, such as Jansen herself was, would bunk classes. She played table tennis in the common room and became the South African table tennis champion. Ismail Vadi, a provincial politician, remembers differently.548 He locates TCE as an institution shaped in the context of and by resistance to apartheid. He focuses mostly on the heroism of the men who went through its doors. He writes of Ahmed Timol, a student at TCE: Then there is Ahmed Timol. He enroled at TCE in 1961 and completed his diploma two years later. He went to London in 1967 and the Soviet Union, where he received political training and returned to South Africa in February 1970. He worked in the

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underground structures of the ANC and SACP for 18 months. He was arrested at a road block near Soweto and a few days later, on 27 October 1971, aged 29, his body was thrown from a window of the 10th floor of John Vorster Square Police station. During his brutal detention he was forced to write about his political activities. This is how he described his years at TCE: ‘My activities were confined to student problems and in the period 1962-63, I was elected Vice-Chairman of the Students’ Representative Council. In that year we got the College Union affiliated to the National Union of South African Students despite the annoyance and threat of victimisation by college authorities. At college most students saw the bankrupt nature of the courses that were offered; idealistic philosophy and bourgeois ideology permeated our courses, and this idealistic mish-mash contradicted in the most visible and naked terms the realities of the majority of people’s material existence in South Africa and most parts of the world which were under the domination of either colonial or imperialist powers, or by their own reactionary national rulers’. His nephew […] vividly recalled Timol’s last speech at the College: […] It focused on the condition and brainwashing of the students and amounted to a powerful exhortation to them to learn to ‘think’ and to ‘read’ the media. If I had been a white person that day, I would have sunk into the floor or moved out of the hall discreetly without anyone noticing. Ahmed was a very clear, powerful and forceful speaker. The audience were too scared to move their legs lest a squeak or noise would disturb things. For days people spoke about Ahmed’s speech. It was obvious that this man, Timol, was special. Someone who had understood the essential evil of the society in which he lived and was prepared to do something about it. Not surprisingly, after the speech Timol was called to the office of John Smith, the rector, and reprimanded. At least one of the alleged killers of Timol, Joao Rodrigues, has finally appeared in court last week on a charge of murder. These memories of colleges present a more complex picture than the romantic, one-dimensional image reconstructed in the contemporary period. A positive feature that does emerge is the extended time spent in learning about school and classroom realities. For the rest, the picture is one of controlled, repressive, rigid, isolated and unstimulating environments in which students learnt by default rather than by intent. Nonetheless, it is important to contrast this with the active role that some teacher organisations played in consciously countering the aims and

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objectives of apartheid education and in so doing exposing teachers-in-training to wider and expanded forms of education and preparation.549

Conclusion The principal trend in preparation of white teachers at this time was the beginning of degree courses for teachers trained in colleges and for black teachers massification of provision of primary school teachers. Although additional institutions came into being to provide for secondary school teachers, and despite bursaries being offered, their numbers were miniscule. Enrolment in secondary classes expanded, but provision of teachers at appropriate levels did not keep pace, forcing the employment of teachers qualified for primary schools to teach at the secondary level. The critical shortages that developed from the mid-1970s onwards both for the senior secondary and in particular subjects, given the limited curricula on offer, had disastrous consequences for not only access but also quality. This was also, however, the period of most extensive use of colleges in the preparation of black teachers. The memory of the colleges’ role in apartheid is contested: an image of the colleges emerges that is complex and nuanced. Colleges are remembered as having provided practical experience preparing teachers for schools and classrooms. But this is juxtaposed with memories of many colleges as having been not only dominated by white Afrikaner men, but also as rigidly controlled and limited educational spaces in which resistance grew rapidly to the repression and poverty of educational offerings. In this context of authoritarianism and lack of educational stimulation, students sought and found alternatives through sport, politics and friendships that broadened understandings and possibilities experiences that were formative and inseparable from the colleges’ overall narrowing intentions.

Chapter 9

Expanding Provision in an Unravelling System: 1976 1990

If the period of high apartheid was focused on providing teachers for a massified primary school system for African and coloured children and a restructured secondary school system for whites and Indians, that of late apartheid was one in which the state desperately sought to counter the fall-out from underprovision during the previous decades in a new context of political and economic embattlement. The period is book-ended by plunging oil prices, mass industrial strikes in 1973 and the Soweto youth revolt of 1976 decisively ending the high-growth years of the sixties on the one end and the unbanning of political organisations on the other in 1990. It saw efforts by the state to reform the system within a growing structural crisis manifested in a declining growth rate, persistently high inflation and heavy debt burdens at the same time as resistance and opposition to apartheid intensified on local and international fronts. Between 1960 and 1975, a period of economic boom and political repression, the numbers of Africans in high schools had increased seven-fold with ineffective and limited attempts to address a growing crisis of provision. Between 1975 and 1985, as the economy swung downwards under multiple pressures, these numbers trebled again. Reactive efforts were made to address them now through expanding provision of teachers for secondary level through tinkering with the system within a political framework that still kept the main features of segregated provision intact. As suggested in the previous chapter, school and university students provided the base of the insurrectionary struggles that persisted day after day, year in and year out from 1976 through the early 1980s reforms and State of Emergency, until the release of Nelson Mandela.550 The reforms of the early 1980s encompassed a tri-cameral Parliament that included Houses for whites, Indians and coloureds, but excluded Africans, whose political home was still to be the Bantustans. In 1981 a Human Sciences Research Council Commission of Inquiry known as the de Lange Report proposed educational reforms, but these were contested as being within the apartheid framework. Despite the fact that real expenditure on black schools overtook spending on white schools during the mid-1980s, burgeoning enrolments meant that the latter remained substantially better resourced than black schools and education in general. Enrolments of black students in ‘white’ universities remained miniscule, accounting for less than five per cent of those designated African, coloured or Indian. Universities established under the 1959 Extension of Universities Act in

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the Bantustans and for Indian and coloured students in Durban-Westville and Cape Town respectively were under-staffed and under-resourced, their main purpose being social control of black aspirations and formation of elites who would serve the ethnic and Bantustan ideal. Educational organisation across the schooling and higher education system mushroomed, eventually coalescing into the National Education Crisis and then Coordinating Committee (NECC), founded in 1986 as the National Education Crisis Committee. The ongoing educational crisis and belated and ineffective efforts to address it through increased expenditure and provision, outside as well as inside the Bantustans in the field of teacher preparation, is the subject of this chapter. It will begin by examining the reform initiatives of the central apartheid state and then specific Bantustans in the sphere of teacher preparation. It will go on to examine the actual changes in certification and qualification of all teachers as well as the quantity and quality of provision. In so doing it will try to cast some light not only on the nature of teacher preparation as a central part of the project of elite and class formation, but also on how it was fatally undermined by the low base from which it started. The massive changes and improvements during the 1980s were not only simply too late but also still trapped within an apartheid dynamic. Elite formation occurred as much if not more within new social and political organisations as it did within institutions created to prepare teachers, the new elite.

Reforming Provision: The HSRC de Lange Commission Report (1981) and Selected Bantustan Initiatives De Lange Report (1979 1981) Hartshorne, a key planner in the system of African education and influential broker of reforms in the Bantustans, argues that by the time the de Lange Commission (appointed in 1979) reported in 1981, the Department of Education and Training (DET) responsible for African education in white-designated areas had already ‘quietly pigeonholed the earlier policy of restricting teacher training to the homelands’.551 Thus, by 1980 there were already seven colleges operating in the urban areas. Nonetheless, the vast majority were still in the Bantustans. Like other Commissions of Inquiry, the Report of the HSRC Investigation can be seen as legitimating reformist trends that had been in circulation and gathering momentum over the decade, once the crisis in African schooling had also shown signs of affecting industry’s requirements for skilled labour. The 1976 Soweto uprising and ongoing school boycotts and disturbances across the country propelled reformists in the National Party to the forefront. Despite the racial divisions and separations, the structure of control from the centre meant that there were nonetheless strong links between the different parts of the system. Many of the reforms recommended by the de Lange Report were for example anticipated by earlier Bantustan reports, which themselves drew from ideas circulating internationally, regionally and locally on teacher education.552

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The de Lange Commission found that ‘the present rate at which teachers are being trained for primary and secondary schools is totally inadequate. The quality of the teachers in the Black education system in particular is also a serious problem’.553 Of ‘most concern’ was ‘the situation with regard to Black teachers’: in order to reduce the teacher:pupil ratio from 1:48 to 1:30, it estimated that the number of teachers would have to increase from 95,501 in 1980 to 239,943 in the year 2000. The Commission identified shortages of teachers specifically for English, the Natural Sciences and Mathematics, the latter being ‘dramatically higher’ (70 90 per cent) in black than in white schools where they were about 20 25 per cent.554 It was also concerned about Mathematics and Natural Sciences being taught by under-qualified teachers in the junior secondary phase. Anticipating the need for far greater investment in technical education, it foresaw a need to provide teachers for such schools. Given that, by its estimates, only 14.5 per cent of all black teachers could be considered to be adequately qualified, it recommended a massive upgrading programme through expanded in-service training and short courses that would not draw teachers from the classroom.555 The Report further recommended improving selection and recruitment of teacher trainees and improving and systematising the professional and academic standards at colleges through more effective coordination of teacher training and registration. In particular it recommended that there should be ‘coordination and greater cooperation (in) the sharing of the training of teachers among universities, colleges and technikons’.556 In addition it recommended that matriculation or an equivalent qualification should become the minimum requirement for teacher training (as it had been in white primary teacher education since 1929), the extension of the minimum period of teacher training to three years as well as the construction of new training institutions and physical facilities to eliminate backlogs and meet future needs, legal provision for technikons to education and train teachers for general career education, and general provision for the continuing training of teachers.557 A subsequent report published in 1991 drew on departmental decisions to evaluate the extent to which these recommendations had been implemented 10 years on. It found that although ‘giant strides’ had been made, the ‘coordinated planning and presentation of educational programmes at a national level’ in other words the racial divisions and differences still needed urgent attention.558 On the specific recommendations, it found that ‘a broad model for a recruitment and selection programme for teachers […] has not yet been established’. How to select students on grounds other than minimum academic requirements had not yet been worked out.559 The upgrading of physical facilities ‘had not been left unattended’; but while new buildings were being planned and built for black teachers, under-utilised facilities for whites were closed. Technikons were still legally excluded from providing teacher training, but did play a limited role in teacher training, although it was still considered to be inadequate. Although many teachers had matriculated, and it was accepted that this should be the minimum requirement for admission to a teachers’ training course, many serving teachers still did not have a Standard X certificate.

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The notion of three years’ training had been accepted. But the ‘contents of teacher training courses (had) not been subject to planning and coordination on a national basis’. Qualifications were still fragmented by department, and although draft legislation was prepared for the establishment of a Certification Council for Teachers’ Training, this did not happen during this period. Continuous in-service training was widely provided.560 In short, few if any of the recommendations were actually implemented before the end of apartheid.

Bantustan Reports: Bophutatswana’s Popagano, Transkei’s Taylor (1977 1979) and KwaZulu’s Buthelezi Commission Reports (1982) Within their status as pseudo-independent states, Bantustans did initiate programmes to improve teacher preparation at the level of both policy and practice. Two such states, that gained ‘independent’ status in the 1970s, were Bophutatswana and the Transkei. Although KwaZulu rejected nominal independence, it also undertook initiatives that claimed an independent status. Bophutatswana’s Popagano report and the Transkei’s Taylor report were conducted simultaneously from 1977 1979, while the Buthelezi Commission reported in 1982. These reports could be read as symbols projecting their independence and as part of a broader project of highly politicised, ethnicallybased processes of class and elite formation.561 While constructed within an ethno-nationalist framework, they nonetheless sought ideologically to legitimate and distance themselves from Bantu Education and apartheid by introducing systems and initiatives that broadly drew on what became the recommendations of the HSRC de Lange as well as nation-building and development discourses. As such, they sought to present themselves as self-sufficient and independent nations seeking to break from apartheid.562 Bophutatswana drew on neighbouring Botswana’s 1977 1979 National Education Commission as well as its links through the British Council with English programmes. The appointment of Professors A. Taylor and J. Taylor from Cardiff to chair the Transkeian Commission created a direct link with British developments. Ironically, despite being ‘premised on ethnicity, (and) necessarily require(ing) the development of “ethnic” citizenships across South Africa’, the construction of ethnic identity depended on transnational links and relationships.563 The Buthelezi Commission was not specifically focused on education, but its education section was chaired by Dennis Gower Fannin, a scion of the Natal English-speaking legal elite. A central person was Oscar Dhlomo, the Minister of Education and Culture in the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly, who had introduced the Ubuntu-botho syllabus in 1978. He was also part of the de Lange Report’s Management Committee and had written his thesis on teacher education. Heavily influenced by both ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’ and Babs Fafunwa, a Nigerian educationist who argued for freeing African education from colonial influence through adaptation to community-based, locally relevant needs, Dhlomo’s thesis ‘was an effort to assess what was necessary for a system of teacher education in the KwaZulu Bantustan, which he characterised

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as a “developing country”’.564 It was much taken with the idea of the teacher as a social worker, an idea prominent in the inter-war years (see Chapter 6). In designing their new programmes, Bantustans often consciously sought integration into and similar programmes as South Africa. The Transkei Minister of Education, Mr S. W. Mbanga, for example, ‘said that his government planned to “obliterate the remaining vestiges of Bantu Education” by dropping the syllabuses of the DET and introducing in Transkei schools the syllabuses of the (white) Cape Education Department, suitably adapted for use in Transkei schools’.565 The Ciskei trumpeted the same aim in 1978, and declared an intention to work with the newly-established University of Port Elizabeth.566 The Buthelezi Commission’s Report took on key de Lange recommendations such as raising the minimum entrance qualification for admission to teacher education from Standard VIII to Standard X, improving selection and recruitment of teacher trainees and extending the diploma course for secondary teachers from two to three years.567 The idea of an institute floated in government reports dealing with teacher training for whites to effect closer coordination between universities and colleges was taken up by both Bophutatswana and the Transkei. Both sought to follow the model adopted in preparation of white teachers; this model itself was drawn from international trends (see Chapter 8). The Bophutatstwana Report included key players such as Ken Hartshorne, who brought his knowledge and experience from the Department of Education and Training and HSRC Report, whereas the Taylor Report was chaired by Professor Andrew Taylor from Cardiff and included Professors R. G. MacMillan, former Vice-Principal of the University of Natal and J. M. Noruwana, then Dean of the Faculty of Education at the University of Transkei.568 Some of the initial contradictorily ‘pioneering’ spirit of the new Universities of Transkei and Bophutatswana is captured in Chabani Manganye’s memoir.569 Bophutatswana’s Popagano Report dealt with both primary and secondary teachers. It noted that the standard course for primary teachers was the Primary Teachers’ Certificate (PTC) (Standard VIII +2), which was offered at six training colleges and included professional subjects such as Practical Teaching, the Theory of Education and General Method; the core subjects of SeTswana, Afrikaans, English and Mathematics; and Teaching Method and practical subjects such as Art and Music. The Report recommended raising the admission requirement to Senior Certificate (as de Lange was to do) and then to extend the PTC to three years (as de Lange was to do). It also recommended more effective selection procedures, prioritising provision of adequate facilities, separating primary from secondary training and building at least five new colleges.570 The Report recognised the explosion of enrolments at the secondary level and the desperately poor qualifications of teachers: one-quarter of teachers had academic qualifications of Standard VIII or lower and only one-third of the teaching staff were considered qualified to teach secondary school subjects. It recommended continuing with the Junior Secondary Teachers’ Course that had been introduced at Hebron Training College to not only train teachers for Standards V to VII, but also to take ‘immediate steps’ to introduce the Senior

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Secondary Teachers’ Course. The latter was a three-year course that required matriculation as admission and included degree courses. Bursaries should be provided to support such preparation, a new College of Education should be built close to the University of Bophutatswana at Mafeking and high priority should be given to the Faculty of Education at the new university. The report also recommended the Institute idea that would link the College of Education and the departmental training colleges. As de Lange would also do, the Report emphasised English in teacher education, as well as practical and continuing education and improvement of salaries.571 The Transkeian Taylor Report also found that ‘teacher supply in the Transkei left much to be desired in both quality and quantity of the teaching force’.572 Teachers were teaching beyond their capacity, teacher training colleges were unable to supply demand and physical plant and learning resources were inadequate. The Report recommended improving selection procedures, increasing output from all colleges, schools and the university which should also play a larger role than it had done hitherto. Like the Popagano report, it wanted to see an Institute of Education, comprehensive in-service provision and improvement of teacher educator qualifications. To this end it recommended a Post-graduate Certificate in Education at the university, upgrading the six teacher training schools offering the PTC to college status and affiliating all teacher training colleges to the university which should coordinate, monitor and set standards and well as improve pre-service programmes.573 Until 1990, those institutions preparing primary school teachers were called training schools and those preparing junior secondary teachers were named colleges. The Faculty of Education was thus added as a significant additional, coordinating player to the six schools and three colleges in 1979. Another Bantustan that very successfully linked its College of Education to a university was tiny Gazankulu. Swiss missionaries had started Lemana mission school in the area in 1906. It initially trained mainly evangelist-teachers but by the time of take-over by the Bantu Education Department was training primary school teachers from different ethnic groups. Lemana continued with this task until 1968 when it was closed. During this period, in line with apartheid policy, it focused on mainly Tsonga speakers. At that time, Standard VIII was the entry requirement for a two-year course. In 1969, when Gazankulu gained selfgoverning status, it opened the Tivumbeni Training School to prepare secondary school teachers. In 1974, Orhovelani Training School was opened to cater for overflow from Tivumbeni, but was replaced by Hoxani Training School in 1980 to absorb additional students. This too was not adequate for demand and in 1988 Giyani College of Education was built in the Bantustan capital, Giyani, to train secondary school teachers. It too was incapable of absorbing all the students seeking admission, registering only 252 students in 1990,574 but the college became a showpiece, its affiliation to Wits University and appointment of several of its staff contributing to this. Giyani came into being partly as a result of Hudson Ntzanwisi, Chief Minister of Gazankulu, apparently wishing to not only break the stranglehold of the Department of Education and Training, but also, as in the case of other Bantustans, to signal a break from

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apartheid education and, thus, its ‘independence’.575 New colleges were started in 1991 at Malamulele, and in 1992 at Elim; in 1993 1994, discussions were underway to re-open Lemana to address ongoing shortages of adequately qualified teachers.576 This move, toward linking colleges with universities, had been recommended and was being implemented by white institutions from the 1960s and throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Despite divided control, there was thus a convergence of approach between white South Africa and the Bantustans in many areas where initiatives were being taken in regard to teacher preparation. Although an Affiliation Instrument was implemented between the colleges and the Faculty of Education in the Transkei, Ngubentombi argues that ‘no meaningful coordination and cooperation could be achieved’ because the university, colleges of education and government administration, also part of the picture, ‘all differ in nature, purposes and interests’.577 Many difficulties emerged related to trying to implement many changes quickly without relevant capacity either at university, departmental or at school level.578 An indication of the stresses that must have been experienced is provided by the rocketing enrolments for teacher education in the Transkei between 1974 and 1990. In 1974, 1,996 teacher trainees were enroled. By 1990, this had jumped to 7,365.579 What were the actual changes country-wide in terms of the certification of teachers and their access to institutions? And what was the quality of the courses encountered there?

Creation of an Elite Manqué The 1980s were a period of change for both white and black teachers as far as certification was concerned. Links with universities were crucial. These were consolidated in the case of white institutions through integrated collegeuniversity qualifications. As indicated in Chapter 8, integrated degrees BA (Ed), BSc (Ed) and so on offered at college level and accredited by universities were initiated in the late 1970s at institutions for prospective white teachers. The BPrimEd degree for Pre-Primary, Junior and Senior Primary was first introduced in the Transvaal. The minimum requirements for the four-year integrated degree included an academic and a professional part with a university degree indicating ability to use the official languages of English and Afrikaans. For the three-year diploma, requirements included (1) Religious Instruction, (2) Afrikaans and English, (3) History, Geography and Natural Science (or Biology and Physical Science) comparable to first-year university level, (4) Health Education, Writing and Chalkboard Technique, (5) first-year university equivalent of training of Physical Education, School Music, Art, Handicraft, Speech and Drama, School Librarianship and Instrumental Music, (6) one further subject selected from the above and (7) education pedagogics comparable to first-year university level and 12 weeks’ practical teaching.580 Several black Colleges of Education developed links with universities, as shown above. In addition, steps were taken to upgrade the certification of teachers. Following the recommendations of the de Lange Commission,

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directives were issued that teachers had to obtain a matriculation, and all two-year certificates in African colleges were phased out the PTC and the Junior Secondary Teachers’ Certificate (JSTC) and replaced with three-year diploma courses, the Primary Teachers’ Diploma (PTD) and the Secondary Teachers’ Diploma (STD).581 The immediate consequence in both was a drop in enrolments, but this changed in due course.582 In addition, as Salmon and Woods show, teacher training schools and colleges were now renamed ‘Colleges of Education’ in order to symbolise their tertiary connection.583 Part of the difficulty of making detailed assessments of change in the number of qualified teachers is that the sources of information were at this time as divided as the number of departments responsible for education. Sources of information from the Bantustans were often scanty and in some cases nonexistent.584 Attempts to collate and analyse data from different sources shows huge variation from year to year and great gaps in information. Nonetheless, the broad trend was that if a post-Standard X teachers’ certificate was regarded as the minimum acceptable qualification for a teacher, then qualifications among black teachers did gradually improve but proportions of unqualified teachers remained above 50 per cent, especially among African teachers.585 On the whole, white and Indian teachers were almost completely qualified, whereas there remained large backlogs among coloured and African teachers. The phenomenal growth in teacher education colleges during the late 1980s and 1990s did not meet the backlog. Colleges were built both to respond to growing pressure and demand for tertiary education,586 but they were also, as Parker pointed out, ‘a source of status and patronage’ for the Bantustans.587 The number of colleges and students in training in them are however wildly inconsistent.588 One major trend that stands out is that new colleges were built at pace during the 1970s and 1980s, gaining momentum during the early 1990s. According to Hartshorne, there were 55 teacher training colleges for Africans in 1980, seven of them in urban areas and the remainder in the Bantustans. By 1988, according to the South African Institute of Race Relations, there were 50 colleges for Africans, 13 for coloureds, two for Indians and 15 for whites.589 However, seven new colleges were built during this period in the Transkei alone, and it seems that KwaZulu built nine new colleges, so the South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR) figures appear to be incomplete.590 The National Education Coordinating Committee (NECC) National Education Policy Investigation on teacher education found 102 ‘focusing primarily on primary education’,591 while in 1996 the National Teacher Education Audit listed a total of 104 state Colleges of Education: 93 of them involved in contact-mode pre-service education and training, 11 in INSET-mode using either contact or distance methods.592 Later accounts bandied about the figure of 120 in 1994.593 These figures suggest both inaccurate data as well as that they continued to grow rapidly during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Salmon and Woods argue that changes introduced during the 1980s in improving certification, lengthening courses, building more colleges and linking some with universities, constituted ‘modifications’ rather than a ‘metamorphosis’

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of institutions.594 In their study of colleges in KwaZulu conducted at the end of the 1980s, they found that very little of substance had changed from the stifling high school atmosphere built up in colleges during the 1960s climate of heightened repression and insecurity of teachers: ‘There is still a strict centralization of control, harsh disciplinary measures, external limitations on student activities within and beyond the college, considerable coercive powers within the hands of the warden or rector, not to mention the plethora of rules and regulations’.595 For these authors, the change in the name from ‘teacher training school’ to ‘teacher training college’ to ‘college of education’ meant little in practice: teacher educator qualifications appeared to have dropped over the decade, the core programme for teacher training ‘remained intact’ as the main focus seemed to fall on ‘meeting quantitative, physical needs’. They argue that with the help of the Development Bank’s Masterplan for the Provision of Suitably Qualified Teachers for KwaZulu produced in mid-1990, KwaZulu was ‘urged to spend its way out of trouble by building six additional colleges of education for primary school teachers, and to supplement this with alternative facilities and programmes […] until the backlog has been eliminated’.596 They describe finding ‘a sense of aimless stagnation’ at colleges they investigated, alienation of lecturers ‘from their work, their colleagues and even from their students’.597 Like Hartshorne, Salmon and Woods described programmes and pedagogies that relied on uninspired chalk-and-talk rote learning that could have done little to prepare new teachers adequately. Hartshorne puts it down to the difficulty of staffing new colleges and being forced to rely on Afrikaans-speaking teachers and lecturers, ‘mostly steeped in the Christian National, Fundamental Pedagogic tradition’. He concurs with Salmon and Woods that the change in nomenclature from Training School to College of Education made no difference: ‘In general, the authoritarian, prescriptive and top-down style continued. Curricula continued to be heavily loaded […] with very limited time for independent study, discussion, seminars or work in the library’. And he blames the ‘dominating “official”’ presence ‘of the Department in charge marked by close inspectorial monitoring’.598 Although Hartshorne thought that Bophutatswana and Transkei had escaped the control of the DET, Ngubentombi in his thesis on the Transkei argued otherwise and similarly to Salmon and Woods did for KwaZulu maintained that colleges there too were mostly in a desperately poor way.599 A dissertation on college libraries reinforce this point: the conclusions drawn in this study clearly show that college libraries in the former Transkei were far from being centres of teaching, learning and research. Library staff were hampered in their efforts to improve library services, not only by a lack of funds and resources but also by the lack of a clear policy regarding college libraries and by a lack of moral support.600 One way out of the quagmire was seen to be in-service education and there was also indeed an expansion of such activities over the decade. However, as late as the 1990s, studies were showing that these were not addressing widespread under-qualification of teachers in rural areas, the former Bantustans.601

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All these changes however also occurred in the context of a national insurrection that included growing teacher mobilisation and organisation in unions across the country. Several colleges were involved to such an extent that planned teaching and learning activities were disrupted and displaced by new forms of teaching and learning in and through political and union organisation.602 Although distant from the majority of black colleges, staff members from some of the white colleges became active participants in such organisations. Their own colleges were faced with challenges of a different order.

Desegregation of White Colleges A former Professor of English at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, Michael Chapman, started his career at the Durban Teachers’ Training College where he obtained his Natal Teachers’ Senior Diploma in 1966. He described the institution, known as Dokkies, as ‘really a training ground for the Broederbond’.603 White institutions for teacher preparation retained not only their English or Afrikaans-speaking character throughout this period, but also began to face structural challenges that would constrain their development as racially-exclusive institutions. From the beginning of the 1980s, both the Transvaal and Natal colleges began to register a drop in enrolments and, as mentioned above, shortages of teachers of English, Mathematics, Science, Biology and Commercial Subjects. By 1984, the South African Institute of Race Relations was recording that most of the white institutions were ‘underutilised’.604 As the same problems started facing white schools, pressures began to build up to desegregate the white colleges to stop their closure and the retrenchment of staff. Arguments for desegregation were generally economic and assimilationist, showing how much would be saved if black students would be able to fill empty spaces.605 By the end of the 1980s, the white Natal Education Department had released and widely circulated a document entitled ‘Teacher Education for the 21st Century’ that recommended opening teacher education colleges to all races ‘immediately.’606 Although it created a stir in some circles, it was a decision that came rather late.

Conclusion The last years of apartheid were years of very little but also considerable change. The system that had been put in place over a century and that had developed a particularly repressive dynamic over the 1960s through to the 1980s was coming apart at the seams. White colleges were fraying, black colleges were bursting and universities were not filling the gaps. In this context, three main trends were vital for future developments in the 1990s. The first was the relationship between colleges and universities. Collegeuniversity linkages, explored to varying and differing degrees between different institutions, were unevenly developed and constrained over time by provinces which sought control over them. In this period, debates over universityaccredited college programmes finally emerged in white institutions,

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consolidating a link between universities and colleges that was more loosely developed in earlier decades. Historically strong linkages also began to develop in this period between white universities and colleges such as the Johannesburg College of Education and the Bantustan-based Giyane College of Education. The Transkei College of Education, a late development, developed strong links with the University of the Transkei, as did some colleges with the University of Zululand and Bophutatswana. But such linkages were few and far between and incompletely successful. In the main provinces and Bantustan education departments continued to exercise considerable authority over colleges. Nonetheless, the move towards university-based teacher education, at issue for many years in the preparation of white teachers, would prove decisive in the decade to come. The second was the legacy of Bantustan teacher preparation. Aimed at creating an elite that would serve the Bantustans and its schools with teachers committed to an ethnic-nationalist project, the strategy to relocate training within them was in some respects a monumental failure. Desperate attempts in the context of rising revolt to address demand resulted in expansion of colleges and adjustments of certification and entry requirements but without any real impact being made to the purposes and the culture of the institutions. Teachers prepared by them emerged as a poorly-trained and qualified elite. In the short term, the infrastructural and pedagogical failure translated into a political failure whose effect was felt in the growth of a broader national political consciousness that found expression in the first democratic elections in 1994 in the election of Nelson Mandela as South Africa’s first President and his party, the African National Congress, as the ruling party. The long-term impact and consequences of both ‘ethnicized political identities’607 as well as the quality of teacher preparation undertaken in the last years of apartheid were to be felt for some time to come. And the third was the changing international and local economic climate. If the economic boom of the 1960s had supported the growth of institutional provision for white teachers, its downturn from the mid-1970s in a climate of increased international opposition and local resistance to a reform package underpinned by continued violence and repression ensured the reproduction of patterns of inequality set in place more than a century earlier. Inflows of foreign investment that had been strong in the 1960s stalled as capital was withdrawn and few new investments were made. Structural adjustment became de riguer in African economies; in South Africa austerity policies were introduced in 1984 but the larger tectonic shifts in monetary policy and influence of international financial institutions that they signalled were overshadowed by the local political drama. Regionally the balance of forces had shifted as white supremacy began to crumble through the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique and Angola in 1975, followed by Zimbabwe in 1980. Pressure for a settlement in Namibia grew, the war provoking ever-larger swathes of opposition even among white conscripts. The nation-wide insurrection of 1984 1986 meant that by the end of the 1980s the state’s reform package was in disarray, and its responses to the multi-layered crisis increasingly without conviction or strategy. Secret discussions and preparations for a political settlement had begun. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 provided the perfect opportunity for a new direction.

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PART FOUR

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Chapter 10

Dismantling and Reconfiguring the System: 1994 2018

Between 1994 and 2018, South Africa’s system for the preparation of teachers underwent multiple momentous changes at different levels simultaneously. During the first post-apartheid decade, it became subject to the wider political and economic imperative to end the legacy of apartheid and specifically a system that was not only ‘fragmented along racial and ethnic lines, with consequences for where teachers were trained, how they were trained, and where they ended up teaching’ but was also considered to be costly and wasteful.608 Various policy documents provided a rationale for changing the system, while new policies gradually and ineluctably began to alter the governance, financing, location and curriculum for the preparation of teachers. In the process of its reconfiguration, teacher education policy was subject to the ‘double dynamic’609 of changes occurring on the one hand in school and teacher education curriculum and on the other in higher education policy. By the year 2000, teacher education had become a national competence and colleges were being incorporated within a higher education sector that was undergoing extensive mergers reducing the total number of institutions from 36 to 23, to which three new institutions were recently added. In order to equalise and provide the conditions for upgrading un- and under-qualified teachers, the norm for qualified teachers was established as Standard X (matric)+4 years. A new qualification structure and curriculum framework was introduced focusing on competences rather than content. In the subsequent period, from the mid-2000s, the focus fell more directly on efforts to improve the quality of teachers through various iterations of the minimum requirements for the qualifications of teachers. All these changes and the consequences for teacher education were controversial and continue to be contested. Two distinct literatures address them. The first appeared around the end of the first decade of policy change.610 It charted and explained the nature of the changes that had led to the incorporation of colleges into higher education; several authors also questioned the gap between policy and practice or between the roles and identities envisaged for teachers in new policy, and realities.611 The second investigated the next round of change signalled by higher education mergers and recurriculation of teacher education.612 This was interpreted alternately as a process of ‘contingent’ change, not necessarily flowing directly from policy nor necessarily being in the interests of higher education, and as following distinct institutional trajectories. Each provides insight into the complexity of change over both periods, drawing on the

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knowledge and experience of insiders and outsiders to the processes analysed and described. Although the emphases differ in each, they both acknowledge the entangled political, economic and symbolic dimensions of the processes involved. In the more recent period, two additional emphases can be identified. The first is concerned with the different dimensions and challenges of as well as responses to teacher education policy in practice and implementation.613 The second has shifted the emphasis to the broader economic and social environment in which higher education, and by extension teacher education, operate. The eruption of student protests in 2015 propelled not only a Commission of Inquiry into funding of higher education but also numerous academic and popular articles that have highlighted not only falling higher education budgets, but also an increasing corporatization of universities resulting in factory-like regimes that militate against the achievement of real intellectual and social development.614 While the call for ‘decolonization’ of curricula was taken up in different ways in different institutions, the implications of the broader higher education environment for teacher preparation can be seen as a vital trend determining future developments. Although the national-provincial or university-college conflict has now apparently been resolved in favour of national control and university-based provision, teacher education continues to be a site and locus of conflict as ongoing tensions, manifested in responses to the fate of and ongoing calls for the reopening of teacher education colleges, attest.615 Given the longevity and likely ongoing future tussles over the issue, this chapter will try to disentangle the purposes and conditions underlying the incorporation of teacher education colleges into higher education. In addition, it is important to note that, in the same way as outcomes-based curricula initiated in schools in the 1990s have gradually become more content-focused, so too has the trend in teacher education curricula been towards greater prescription and specification not only of what is to be demonstrated by student-teachers but what their curricula are to comprise. As shown in earlier chapters, the move towards locating teacher preparation in universities (and technical and vocational teacher preparation in universities of technology) had been immanent within the system for some decades, following global and specifically British models since the 1960s ‘to bring teacher training into a much closer and coherent relationship with the universities, both administratively and academically’.616 Interestingly, South Africa’s shift in the 1990s coincided with and contradicted the move in the United Kingdom towards school-based models of teacher training and partnerships between schools and higher education institutions, illustrating in part an eclectic and selective process of borrowing and adoption on the part of South Africa. The influence of British models was still significant however: one of South Africa’s major new routes to becoming a teacher after the introduction of the 2000 Norms and Standards for Educators was the four-year BEd degree, introduced in England after the 1963 Robbins Report. Although these models played a role, it would be a mistake however to look for specific policies adopted from specific countries or for simple continuities with the old colonial world or with the policies and practices of

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international institutions and organisations. More productive would be to trace the paths and roles of key policymakers, as Jansen has done for schooling.617 This is a task that still needs to be undertaken for teacher and higher education. Both before and after 1990, South Africans’ transnational connections and exposure to different systems were such that a multiplicity of approaches were harnessed to assessments and alteration of different aspects of the system.618 Global languages, such as that for ‘more and better teachers’, continue to be adopted and adapted, indicative of South Africa’s insertion into and participation in a globalised and interconnected world. Despite monumental changes, continuing tensions over different aspects of the preparation of teachers within the present show remarkable parallels with those in the past. In order to understand how these different trends unfolded in the post-apartheid period, it is necessary to consider first the phase of policy change and reorganisation and then the processes of curriculum change.

The Closure and Incorporation of the Colleges of Education into Higher Education At the start of the 1990s, according to the National Education Policy Investigation (NEPI), 21 universities, 12 technikons and 102 colleges provided teacher education. When the National Teacher Education Audit reported in 1995, there were 104 state-run colleges, of which 93 were involved in preparing initial teachers through a contact mode, while 14 were offering in-service programmes. A total of 71,008 students were registered at the 93 colleges.619 Less than a decade later, at the beginning of 2000, the total number of public institutions providing some form of teacher education had declined to 82, and the number of colleges to 50. The number of students in colleges had shrunk from 71,008 in 1994 to 15,000.620 During 2000 the number of colleges were further whittled down to 25 contact colleges with 10,000 students, and two distance colleges, the South African College of Teacher Education (SACTE) and the South African College of Learning (SACOL), with 5,000 students between them.621 These were ‘earmarked’ for incorporation into higher education. On 1 January 2001, colleges of education were formally incorporated into existing universities and universities of technology. Once the mergers of universities and technikons began in 2004, the number of universities and technikons offering teacher education qualifications was further reduced from 32 to 26. Graduates with teacher education qualifications had however, according to the Department, increased from 19,056 in 1999 to 28,756 in 2004.622 Of those colleges that were not absorbed into higher education, approximately a quarter became Further Education and Training (FET) colleges, while the remainder became high schools, community colleges or provincial training centres.623 FET colleges provided technical and vocational education provision of teachers and lecturers for this sector, as disrupted as the teacher education sector, was and continues to be a troubled process, as the work of Papier and others

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attests.624 Here, as with the schooling sector, teacher preparation has shifted to universities of universities of technology. Much of the literature explaining the closure of many colleges and incorporation of others into higher education in 2000 2001 focuses on the impact of simultaneously evolving schooling and higher education policies within a landscape cut across by financial stringency and austerity. In this literature, the broader context of change impacted directly on teacher education policy, as institutions lost their earlier status within a new administrative and financial framework and for a brief period occupied an ambivalent status. Within the space of three years after the elections, a raft of policies had swept away apartheid legislation and defined a new national education policy and policies for schooling, qualifications and the higher education system.625 Eighteen raciallyand ethnically-defined departments were integrated into one national and nine provincial departments. In terms of the 1995 Constitution, national departments became responsible for policy, frameworks, norms and standards, and the provinces for implementation. Higher Education became a national competency. Colleges previously administered by racially-and ethnically-defined provinces and Bantustans were now temporarily administered by new provinces, but the Higher Education Policy Act enabled the Minister of Education to incorporate a college of education into the national public higher education system either as an autonomous institution or as a subdivision of an existing university or technikon. Dynamics set in motion in the last years of apartheid were still impacting on institutions as new policies were being set in place, introducing another level of complexity into the process of change. New colleges were being built in some parts of the system and were in the process of being dismantled in others. Rationalisation of white and coloured colleges began in the late 1980s and continued right through to the middle 1990s. In June 1991 the Minister of the Department of Education in charge of education for whites announced that five colleges would be closed. By the end of 1993, closures and amalgamations of coloured and white colleges were proceeding apace. These included the Athlone College of Education, Boland College of Education, Bechet College of Education, Rand College of Education, Wesley and Sallie Davies College of Education.626 Graham Hall, Rector of the Johannesburg College of Education, recalls three phases before 1996, and suggests that long before their formal incorporation, the college system began to ‘bleed’.627 Despite this, the number of teachers between 1987 and 1997 increased significantly, by around 100,000.628 As suggested in the previous chapter, new colleges in the Bantustans contributed to this number. In addition, while some public colleges had started satellites, a number of private, for-profit colleges with no official accreditation had spring up during the inter-regnum, many of them involved in distance education.629 For some, college closure was implicit in policy directions from the beginning, while for others it was a decision that appeared out of the blue in 1999, precipitated by a tightening and changed financial climate. An annual growth in unemployment rates, double-digit inflation, and an average GDP growth of 0.5 per cent per annum between 1990 and 1993 compounding apartheid

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debt had paved the way for the Growth, Employment and Redistribution Strategy (GEAR) of 1996, a neo-liberal ‘belt-tightening’ approach that had immediate consequences. Ben Parker, the director in the Department of Higher Education who steered the incorporation process, argues that both the National Education Coordinating Committee's 1992 National Education Policy Investigation and the African National Congress’s Education and Training Policy Framework (1994) ‘assumed that colleges would become part of the Higher Education and Training Sector and therefore become a national competence’. He also sees this approach in the subsequent Higher Education Act (No 101 of 1997) and ‘Framework for the Incorporation of Colleges of Education into the Higher Education Sector’ (1998) that envisaged autonomous colleges within a higher education system provided they could achieve a minimum enrolment of 2000 full-time equivalents. Since only 20 per cent of students were enroled in colleges, their fate was sealed. In addition, Parker cited many other factors militating against their survival: they were expensive, their enrolments were low, their staff under-qualified, their managements lacked capacity and they had ‘a particular culture and ethos embedded in their curricula’. They were, moreover, ‘run like high schools with crammed time-tables and a strong emphasis on “practice”’, and they were not known for their research.630 As a result, however, and in the context of GEAR, provinces began to impose quotas on enrolments. According to Paul Londal, a lecturer at Edgewood College of Education in Natal, ‘this was the kiss of death […]. The only thing that kept us going was the B Prim Ed through the University of Natal. That was the moment of decline of the colleges. They removed loans. Students weren’t guaranteed a job. For a number of years, our students weren’t getting jobs. Black colleges were just dying’.631 In this context, and given ‘serious concerns about the quality and relevance of many programmes’, Parker argues that the logical conclusion was the incorporation of colleges as subdivisions of an existing university or technikon, as provided for in the 1997 Act.632 Ed Pratt, the Rector of the Hewat College of Education in Cape Town, however, represents the view of the colleges.633 He, and they, did not see incorporation as a foregone conclusion: the option of colleges to become a part of the higher education sector as autonomous entities and part of a mix of institutions was part of the discussion, he maintains, until 1999, when finances began to dictate otherwise.634 He shows how new policy priorities related to the provision of schooling, adult and early childhood education began to drive out any interest in teacher education within the provinces, how budgeting processes at provincial level were constrained by ‘the constant threat of over-expenditure’ and how the establishment of optimal pupil:teacher ratios by the Education Labour Relations Council helped to ‘destroy the widespread belief of a huge shortage of teachers in South Africa’.635 He saw the role of the National Teacher Education Audit of 1995 as being to help create a climate in which colleges were seen in terms of their ‘deficits and deficiencies’ and as generally being responsible for poor quality and expensive provision.636 One of the authors of the Audit similarly felt strongly that the Report was used in ways that had not been intended.637 Indeed, its colleges report is at pains to paint a picture of considerable diversity of approaches,

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‘ranging from the most progressive to the most conservative’ within the college sector. Alongside institutions ‘working from the premise that subject knowledge is open-ended, and discovery methods and critical thinking are promoted’, were institutions where ‘the dominant pedagogy is content-focused and teachercentred, and encourages rote learning’.638 Nonetheless, this more nuanced approach was not the dominant one, nor would it find a place in policy. The Audit endorsed the view embedded in the ANC’s Education and Training Policy Framework a year earlier that ‘the typical college curriculum is overloaded with subjects, content learning and the official doctrine of “Fundamental Pedagogics”’.639 It was further critical of their neglect of programmes for the preparation of teachers in Maths, Science and Technology, adult and early childhood education, their use of ‘prescribed textbooks that remain unchanged for years’, and their stifling of ‘enquiry, critique and engagement with the realities of South African educational conditions’. At this stage, the policy was that while teacher education would be ‘a sector of higher education in partnership with provincial and local governments’, ‘delivery systems would include universities, technikons, teachers’ colleges and NGOs’.640 Writing about the merger processes, Jansen argues that policy in its implementation was neither rational nor coherent.641 Authors involved in framing and at the receiving end of teacher education policy and college closures found similar irrationalities.642 Policy during this period can indeed be seen as being both irrational in its details and implementation and as having a broader political logic. Power struggles were intimately involved in both the unfolding political logic in teacher education policy and in its implementation through policy: at one level, as a struggle between former adversaries over the future, and at another as part and parcel of the struggle over the power to determine how and by whom teacher identities in a unified South Africa would be forged. The latter was ultimately determined through the power of policy that ensured that teachers’ identities would not be forged within institutions dedicated to ethnic and racialized identities but rather within institutions which had a better chance of guaranteeing broader identities more consonant with the aims of the new Constitution. The latter would see new provincial authorities in some cases placing former Bantustan officials in charge of college rationalisation and incorporation processes: old scores could be settled and the ‘rationality’ of the process undermined.643 In this way, policy might be interpreted as having been both logical and irrational.

Teacher Supply and Demand The combination of absorbing teacher education within higher education and increasing the requirements to qualify as a teacher to four instead of three years after matriculation which was the norm for black teachers had the immediate impact of reducing the number of students applying to do teaching. A Ministerial Committee on Teacher Education was appointed in 2003 to investigate and reported in 2005. It was led by the distinguished teacher educators

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May Jiya (from Fort Hare), Michael Samuel (from the University of DurbanWestville, incorporated into the University of KwaZulu-Natal) and Wally Morrow (from the University of the Western Cape). They found that the system was producing a third of the number of teachers needed per annum to replace the teachers leaving it annually and that the incorporation of colleges into higher education institutions had led to ‘more centralized provisioning, predominantly in urban settings and less accessible to rural students, (including an) increased cost to individuals to become teachers’.644 They also recognised that higher education institutions, because of the nature of funding to teacher education, had less and less capacity to recruit and train students. Articulating principles similar to those of the ILO-UNESCO Recommendation on the Status of Teachers that recognised schooling as a public good and teachers as key agents in ensuring the quality of the system provided they were recognised as members of a profession whose qualifications were ‘protected and benchmarked’, the Ministerial Committee recommended reinforcing and consolidating the role of higher education institutions as the principal providers of initial teacher education. It provided an incisive critique of the way in which higher education subsidy programmes systematically ‘side-lined’ teacher education by pegging it on a lower funding category than subjects such as Management Sciences and Communication. The consequence was that many education faculties were ‘facing financial meltdown’ and key aspects of teacher preparation, such as supervision of teachers in school and classroom practice, could not occur. It recommended both increasing the subsidy to BEd and Post-graduate Certificate in Education (PGCE) programmes at higher education institutions and also re-instituting full-cost loans tied to service contracts for students.645 This was possible in 2005 but not for much longer. An improved growth rate between 2003 and 2008 allowed for increased spending, also in the following years, despite the negative growth rate of 1.5 per cent in 2009, an immediate consequence of the global crisis in 2008. Revenue decreased, and the debt to growth ratio increased as government was forced to borrow more to sustain earlier spending levels. Allocations to higher education, and therefore teacher education, declined over the next decade, showing a consistent downward trend, as student fees and third-stream income to universities grew.646 Government subsidy simply failed to keep pace with student enrolments, placing pressures on staff that began impacting on quality. In April 2007 however funds were still available. A new Policy Framework for Teacher Education and Development was gazetted and funding became available for the implementation of the Funza Lushaka bursary programme for initial teachers. The uptake was immediate: in 2009 there was, according to the Department of Higher Education, an increase in applications for teacher education programmes of between 50 and 100 per cent across institutions when compared to 2008.647 During the years 2008 and 2009, South Africa was in a financial position to fund such bursaries. But its rapidly declining economy thereafter impacted massively on the amount allocated to and number of bursaries available in subsequent years. In 2011 an amount considerably less than had been made available in 2010 was distributed to institutions for teacher bursaries.

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Budget cuts in subsequent years meant that the number of bursaries declined from 8,527 in 2011 to 5,135 in 2018.648 No additional funding was made available for teacher education, however, and the subsidy peg within higher education remained at the lowest level. In 2009, the Department of Higher Education stated publicly that despite the need to increase the supply of teachers, higher education institutions simply did not have the capacity to take in more students.649 In 2014, two new universities were founded, in the provinces of Mpumalanga and Northern Cape respectively, with a strong focus on preparing teachers. They established good links with established universities, whose staff have assisted in developing their programmes and in some cases teaching on them. The evidence on teacher qualifications at this time was not encouraging. Despite efforts to upgrade teacher qualifications in the latter years of apartheid, the number of qualified teachers in the system remained low, at least in part, as the NEPI and National Teacher Education Audits recognised, because teacher education was seen as a means of obtaining a higher education qualification. Very few intended to enter teaching, and very few did. During the 1990s and around the turn of the millennium, rationalisation of colleges, the HIV/AIDS pandemic and recruitment of South African teachers abroad reduced the number of qualified teachers even further. A major priority in the early 2000s accordingly became not only supplying new teachers, but also upgrading existing teachers in the system. In the early 1990s, the Departments of Education training whites had required a minimum of four years’ diploma or degree study or three years’ degree study plus one years’ diploma study. Those catering for black teachers required a minimum of three years’ diploma study. While secondary school teachers were required to have done a degree if they entered the white system, this was not the case in the black, where they could teach with either a diploma or a degree.650 The Education Renewal Strategy of 1991 had advocated a ‘simplified structure’ that would allow for three-year diplomas for pre-primary, primary and secondary school teachers; a four-year integrated degree in education and a one-year higher diploma after an initial three-year diploma or degree at a university or technikon.651 This assumed the continued existence of colleges. In 2000, in the absence of colleges, the new Department of Education plumped for a four-year BEd degree and a one-year PGCE following a three-year degree. The Department intended to phase out all certificates and diplomas by 2003, and hoped to provide a fast-track qualification, the National Professional Diploma of Education (NPDE), for all unqualified teachers in the system.652 This was to be an interim qualification for five years, intending in one fell swoop to upgrade all unqualified teachers. The Education Labour Relations Council was to provide the bursaries. A 2009 report on teacher upgrading conducted since 2000 found that ‘a great deal was expected of the NPDE’ that it would ‘upgrade all teachers requiring upgrading within a short space of time’, reach the ‘most remote and rural teachers’, ‘improve classroom practice and train teachers to implement the new (school) curriculum’ but that while it managed to reach large numbers of teachers, few of the other goals were met.653 A survey conducted by the Human

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Sciences Research Council also showed that ‘despite the extensive efforts made since 2002 to upgrade un- and under-qualified teachers through the NPDE, there are still many schools in which (such) teachers are employed’.654 The survey showed that the majority of teachers had a senior certificate and by far the most frequently found qualification was that in existence at the end of apartheid, in 1991 the three years’ teachers’ diploma. Only 18 per cent of teachers were graduates. A large percentage teaching Grade R did not have a senior certificate. The Report commented wryly that ‘we are still a long way from a graduate teaching force’.655 Shortly hereafter an Integrated Strategic Plan for Teacher Education and Development emerged from a combination of players in the field of teacher education that sketched the way forward for continuing professional development.656 Its priorities were linked to departmental concerns with learner under-performance as revealed in both international and national annual standardized national assessments of students’ languages and mathematics abilities. The annual national assessments have been conducted since 2011. The Department of Basic Education sought to use them as a tool by which teachers can conduct diagnostic self-assessment tests and design their own professional development activities. Such tests were part of the strategic plan, as were the establishment of a National Institute for Curriculum and Professional Development, provincial Teachers’ Centres and Professional Learning Communities. The plan prioritised underperforming schools and teachers of Languages, Mathematics, the Sciences and Accountancy. A National Teacher Education and Development Committee was established to coordinate the plan and the South African Council of Education was tasked with developing a pilot for a Continuing Professional Development System based on points and time as recommended by the 2005 Ministerial Committee. A review of South African Council of Education (SACE) revealed however that it lacked the capacity to put such a system in place. To help the Department respond to some of these challenges, a European Union-funded Teaching and Learning Development Capacity Improvement Programme focusing on research, teaching standards, curriculum frameworks, materials, assessment tools and capacity building was initiated. Immediate research tasks were a new study of teacher supply and demand and a review of initial teacher education programmes at UNISA.657

Curriculum Change Curricula for the preparation of teachers at colleges and universities in place in 1990 were widely perceived to be highly compromised by their association with a system designed to determine the futures of people on the basis of their ascribed race and ethnicity. Despite the wide variety of curricula in existence at colleges, they were generally seen as mimicking school curricula, stressing content and relying on memorisation and rote learning, while those at universities were underpinned by the dominant ideology of ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’.

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Conceptual and subject-based knowledge was considered to be weak, and teaching methodology and the links between theory and practice poorly developed.658 Within this context, the competence and outcomes-based alternative offered by the unifying National Qualifications Framework of the Congress of South African Trade Unions was at first appealing, and found expression in the South African Qualifications Authority Act of 1995. Although in practice a formal system for the registration of qualifications, the philosophical approach of creditbearing equivalence and articulation of programmes developed through standards-generating bodies became an ambitious edifice for re-designing curricula from schools to colleges and universities. While the outcomes-based system was being designed for implementation in schools in 1995 1996, new norms and standards were prepared by the Committee on Teacher Education Policy (COTEP) for colleges and universities. All teacher education providers were required to redesign their programmes in terms of the norms and standards and submit them for approval to the Department of Education. In 2000, Norms and Standards for Educators were legislated. Using an outcomes-based approach, these defined seven roles that teachers were expected to perform.659 By this stage, a storm had broken out over the outcomes-based system in schools and the lack of preparedness of teachers to implement it.660 According to Parker, one of the authors of the Norms and Standards for Educators policy, the latter were ‘intended to contribute significantly to the implementation of Curriculum 2005 (the name by which the new outcomes-based curriculum was known: LC) by training educators […] to make learning more relevant to the economic and social needs of South Africa’.661 Sayed has observed that these discussions of curriculum occurred at a macrolevel and were more concerned with establishing ideal educator types and recognition of programmes than the specific content and pedagogies of initial and continuing teacher education.662 Head of a teacher education college, Steele, also observed tartly that the translation of these curriculum policy statements were somewhat idealistic: ‘ […] teachers are not simply produced on command by policies […]. Producing teachers is more than simply accumulating a compendium of skills and competencies, no matter how impressive the articulation of the theory supporting these competencies may be.’663 By 2005, when the Ministerial Committee on Teacher Education reported, the critique of the now-dominant competence-based philosophy as well as of the distance between the ideal types established in policy and practice had gathered ground.664 The Ministerial Committee Report distanced teacher education from the approach by downplaying the role of the National Qualifications Framework as merely ‘a system for registering qualifications and recording learning achievements in terms of those qualifications’ and describing the norms and standards’ seven roles for teachers as ‘utopian’, resulting in ‘cluttered and overloaded curricula’. It recommended, instead, improvement of studentteachers’ literacy and numeracy, a focus on HIV and AIDS, pedagogical content knowledge, responsiveness to national curriculum policies, a thorough understanding of the South African Council of Educators’ Code of Ethics and how to find accessible learning resources.665

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Kruss’s analysis of the attempts by university-based teacher educators to prepare new programmes and qualifications for the new four-year BEd and PGCE, legislated alongside the norms and standards, highlights that they were required to do so under the stressful conditions for the majority of them of merger. Their efforts at recurriculation ‘tended to be technical and bureaucratic’, she argues, and ‘demonstrate(d) a trend towards bureaucratic compliance’ rather than the deep curriculum change expected by policymakers and reformers.666 New requirements were unable to change the established disciplinary commitments and approaches of academics who on the whole adapted the new requirements to their own practices. Papier’s study confirmed that historical epistemological traditions and dispositions of particular faculties shaped how new curriculum development was carried out: far from the official norms and standards standardising curricula, these were simply modified to comply with official requirements.667 The new Department of Higher Education now developed a new approach to teacher education curricula. It was informed by ‘knowledge-based’ approaches to curriculum, absorption of the messages of available research, as well as the findings of the Higher Education Quality Council’s review of teacher education programmes that both programmes and staff teaching especially the BEd programmes were of ‘questionable quality’. The new approach was developed through its statements of intent guiding the minimum requirements for teacher education qualifications.668 A 2010 Draft made available for public comment explicitly ‘backgrounded’ the seven roles established by the 2000 Norms and Standards as a guide for curriculum development and ‘foregrounded’ ‘the importance and interconnections between different types of knowledge and practices’ for teachers.669 During 2015, the university-based RhodesMustFall# student movement raised hard-hitting questions about the degree to which university curricula had decolonised. This movement coincided with the publication of the 2015 Policy,670 known colloquially as ‘Mr Teq’, that described the range and types of qualifications and knowledge that should structure curricula in whose design, policy, implementation and research it was expected that teacher educators would become engaged. ‘Mr Teq’ placed particular emphasis on the ‘critical challenges facing education in South Africa education today’, but defined this not as the decolonisation of knowledge, as students were doing, but in terms especially of ‘the poor content and conceptual knowledge found amongst teachers, as well as the legacies of apartheid’.671 It made provision for the development of curricula in terms of disciplinary (subject matter knowledge), pedagogical (methods), practical (school or workplace based), fundamental (language and literacies) and situational (contextual) dimensions. In its key elements of subject matter, method and practical learning, it shows continuity with earlier versions of teacher education curricula. Its formal language and contextual knowledge requirements differ however: they are expanded, broadened and modernised. In addition to taking on these requirements, many university schools and faculties of education began a process of discussion and debate about decolonising the curriculum. While some scholars have drawn attention to continuities

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between apartheid and post-apartheid intellectual traditions that need to be addressed, others have been critical of the failure of the decolonisation movement to recognise that efforts to decolonise the curriculum have a long history and to go beyond political symbolism.672 Jonathan Jansen’s Knowledge in the Blood had shown just how difficult it is to change the institutional curriculum ‘words do not change society’ and his call for ‘a more sophisticated curriculum practice’ that engages with the ‘entangled’ nature of knowledges rather than re-establishing binary oppositions is important.673 The Policy also outlines the qualifications available for initial, continuing professional and Grade R teaching. Qualifications for initial teacher education include the BEd and PGCE, for continuing professional and academic development of teachers an Advanced Certificate, and Advanced Diploma, Postgraduate diploma, BEd Hons, MEd and PhD, and for Grade R teachers a Diploma in Grade R teaching. Unlike the past, where qualifications were defined in the number of years required, these are ranked on the National Qualifications Framework level descriptors, which consist of 10 levels divided into three bands: Levels 1 to 4 equate to high school grades 9 to 12 or vocational training; Levels 5 to 7 are college diplomas and technical qualifications and Levels 7 to 10 are university degrees. Only the Advanced Certificate corresponds to Level 6 (equivalent to a college diploma). The 2015 policy was in some ways akin to the 2002 revision of the 1997 outcomes-based curriculum for schools. Between 2002 and 2009, the Revised National Curriculum was criticised for its lack of specification. In 2009 it was reviewed, then revised and in 2012 the Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statements, promising clearer and more detailed content-specification, began to be implemented.674 The 2015 Policy it appears was also criticised for lack of specification as the draft for public consultation states that it responds to demands for ‘more clarity and further description’ as far as language requirements and minimum pass requirements, inter alia are concerned and seeks to address these. In addition, it responds to pressures ‘to take account of emerging priorities such as digitalization, 21st Century skills and imperatives related to the 4th Industrial Revolution and the Sustainable Development Goals’. Interestingly, it replaces a list of Beginning Teacher Competences with SACE’s Professional Standards.675 Not only has the retreat from a competence or outcomes-based curriculum come full circle, but the connectedness and responsiveness to new global trends is transparent.

Conclusion Separate curricula were no longer created for people separately defined. All teachers are bound by similar policies and approaches. In as much as the new South Africa has sought to unify and reconcile black and white South Africans, it could be argued that it has also implicitly rather than explicitly sought to create the conditions for a more inclusive national identity among teachers. The dissolution of a college system explicitly organised around race and ethnicity

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and the incorporation and preparation of teachers within institutions which have the potential to engender identities based on universal rather than particularistic precepts had distinct implications for efforts to re-shape those identities. However, this has not been an explicit goal of new teacher education programmes or of the Norms and Standards for Educators first introduced in 1996, then revised in 2000 and remaining a central feature of teacher policy since then. The Norms and Standards for Educators conceived of teachers in broad generic terms, as do current teacher education curriculum and qualifications policies. Whatever the implicit implications of policy to locate teacher preparation in universities rather than racially- and ethnically-constituted colleges, universities have histories, identities and contradictions of their own that have generated a new set of conflicts and identity struggles for students.

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The preparation of South Africa’s teachers has in recent years emerged as a critical issue for the improvement of the quality of South Africa’s schooling system. Although the majority of teachers are formally qualified, their actual teaching abilities are questioned. How, where and with what emphases they should be prepared for teaching has become a matter of considerable debate: whereas there is widespread agreement that it should involve a continuum of initial and continuing education, and policy has underlined the importance of improving teachers’ pedagogical content knowledge, how and where it should occur is still a matter of some contestation. History enters into these debates in decisive ways. Deeply-embedded historical differences in the education and development of teachers classified into different racial and ethnic groups and subjected to different schooling systems have left its mark. So too has the entanglement with colonial, international and global trends. At no point in its history has the South African system been independent of these. It has nonetheless developed a distinctive pattern, cleft by gendered racial and ethnic division. Divided as the system has been, its different parts have been deeply connected not only through the operations of power, policy and politics, but also through the relationships, albeit unequally structured, across the divisions. These historical legacies continue to shape the new challenges and future prospects.

Historical Legacies Until the early twentieth century, South Africa was not a unified entity. Until this time, most of the teachers in schools were either imported from abroad or trained as part of the pupil-teacher system, often associated with the monitorial system, whether they were intending to enter schools for children of colonists or mission schools. By the end of the nineteenth century, a number of leading institutions were training both black and white teachers to teach in elementary schools and providing certificates for different levels. These had grown out of pupil-teacher training classes or centres attached to schools. The main certificate qualifying a teacher for a primary school was the T3. The Cape Colony provided the lead in policy, curriculum and assessment, and many from other parts of the country wanting to enter teaching, whether white or black, travelled to the Cape to obtain certificates. A patchwork of forms of provision emerged at this time, including schools, colleges and universities. By this stage, white

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teachers preparing to become primary school teachers were overwhelmingly female, whereas the reverse was the case with black teachers. Although small numbers of women did enter teacher training, even fewer survived the programmes.

Inter-war Years After the South African War (1899 1902) and Union in 1910, the trend towards indigenisation of the teaching force, especially in white schools, which now came under state control, grew. During the first two decades of the twentieth century, the main patterns of development of the system were established: in all parts of the system, the pupil-teacher system gradually declined in favour of dedicated training within a separate section or college. The number of colleges grew rapidly, mainly in cities and towns for white teachers and rural areas, where mission stations were based, for black teachers. The entry requirement for white teachers to qualify to teach in primary schools was gradually raised: in 1909, it was raised from Standard VI to Standard VII, in 1920 to Standard VIII for Lower Primary and to Standard X for Higher Primary. By 1929 Standard X had become the minimum requirement for all prospective white candidates wanting to enter any type of teacher training. By contrast, it remained at the lower level of Standard VI for coloured and African students until 1935 when it was raised to Standard VIII. During the apartheid period it reverted back to Standard VI. Raising the standard of qualification for white teachers but not for black meant the exclusion of the vast majority of black teachers, already facing hurdles posed by poverty, from any exposure to a higher form of education. New universities had begun to focus on preparation of secondary school teachers for white schools, and part of the intention of the establishment of Fort Hare University in 1916 was to do the same for black teachers for mission schools. During the 1920s, in addition to training secondary school teachers, universities also provided the academic education of white primary school teachers-inpreparation, while the colleges provided the professional side of the preparation. Provinces controlled teacher education during this period, and there was some variation between provinces, but not as much as between sites for the provision of teacher education for black and white teachers. Conducted within colleges and universities for whites, it was contained within multi-purpose state-aided mission institutions for blacks. Although there was substantial cooperation between colleges and universities preparing white teachers, there was also some contestation between provinces and universities over who had ultimate control. Provincial education administrators and inspectors of education in particular sought tighter control over college training, whereas leading educationists of the time such as E. G. Malherbe fought for a stronger role for the university. By the end of the 1930s, provinces were strengthening their hold on colleges. If during the war years the basic scaffolding of the differences in preparation of black and white teachers was set in place through unequal entry requirements and relationships between colleges and universities, it was cemented in different curricular goals and expectations. Curricula were simultaneously broadly

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modelled on British curricula and linked to South African primary and secondary school curricula. They were also versions of one another in essential subject areas and in their association with practice teaching. Yet, there were also significant differences: whereas white teachers were prepared primarily for their roles in the school and classroom, that is professionally, black teachers were also and especially also prepared for community and social work. The colonial notion of ‘adapting’ education to suit the needs and special conditions and expected futures of black students that were dominant throughout the colonial world also found expression in teacher training curricula. While the curricula of both black and white teachers included academic, professional and vocational elements, black teachers were allocated more time for vocational education than white teachers, even if in practice it could not be realized because of inadequate funding. The other major difference was language preparation: whereas curricula for white teachers focused on ensuring they became bilingual in English and Afrikaans, those for black teachers emphasised first English and then the home language. However, much less time was allocated to language preparation in curricula for prospective black teachers than for white. Underpinning these developments was a system of finance developed in 1922 that enabled the growth of the white system and pegged the growth and development of the black to a fixed and unchanging amount. Although the 1930s Depression affected all institutions, the ceiling on growth and development within mission institutions was particularly severe, stifling the appointment of teachers in schools and therefore preparation of teachers. Black teachers’ salaries and conditions were so poor that more highly qualified teachers chose to leave the profession, a pattern that persisted to the end of the century, exacerbating the shortages of qualified teachers. It was also during this time that an alreadyexisting colour bar between black and white hardened and began to be further divided, as efforts were made to separate out coloured from African teacher training. It accompanied the steady secondary industrialisation of the country based on cheap black labour, the growth of manufacturing industry and the movement towards the complete disenfranchisement of black people. The colour bar was reinforced by removal of black people from the common voters’ roll and restriction to defined parts of the country in 1936, as well as by the consolidation of legislation providing for segregation in urban areas, labour and all forms of social policy. White liberal segregationist and Afrikaner nationalist ambitions and ideologies suffused white colleges and universities, while a universalizing, humanist and egalitarian ethos pervaded many mission institutions, in theory if not in practice. The latter nonetheless provided the foundation for the growth of African and coloured nationalisms as well as broader internationalist and cosmopolitan identities. Colleges began to take on, and teachers-in-preparation were schooled in ‘white English’, ‘Afrikaner’, ‘coloured’, ‘Indian’ and ‘African’ identities. The radicalization of black politics from the late 1930s, through the Second World War, was also manifested in teacher politics, which reflected the political divisions of the day. Colleges, universities and teachers all played a critical role in the new nationalisms of the time.

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The gendered pattern of students preparing to become teachers continued during this period. There was a constant refrain in white education, then, as there is now across the system, that not enough men were entering teaching and that in any case men needed to be in the upper standards and classes and in positions of authority. Despite efforts to change the balance, it remained largely female in the elementary classes and largely male in the upper, although this began to change. In black education, by contrast, unsuccessful efforts were made to bring women into Infant classes. It was only during the 1940s and specifically the Verwoerdian period, when African primary schooling was restricted to females, that primary schooling in African education became fully feminised. During the apartheid period, as today, women dominated primary schooling, while men dominated secondary schooling as well as positions of authority in primary schools.

Apartheid The Afrikaner nationalists who came to power in 1948 with an ambitious programme of promoting white supremacist interests and quelling and re-directing African aspirations towards the reserves that soon became re-engineered into Bantustans also had teachers and their preparation in their sights. Indeed, the small but rising elite emerging from the mission schools as teachers were considered a threat. The takeover of mission schools and teacher training institutions by the state had major implications. First, while some of the major institutions closed, others were taken over and re-directed towards preparing students for matric. Many good and established institutions closed, while many experienced teacher trainers lost their jobs. Second, the long-term vision and goal of the Nationalists to provide mass primary schooling for Africans at reduced cost and to train teachers for these in the Bantustans resulted on the one hand in the growth of colleges and universities for black teachers in the Bantustans, continuing the pattern of its location in rural areas established in earlier centuries, and on the other a focus on primary teachers and under-provision of secondary teachers. Numbers qualifying with secondary teacher qualifications were miniscule. Many, who had so qualified, as in previous years, used the qualification for other purposes and did not enter teaching. The crunch came as more students began enroling in senior secondary classes to meet the shortages, teachers who had primary school qualifications were employed as junior secondary and sometimes even as senior secondary school teachers. This would have catastrophic consequences for the future. While more teachers who qualified now entered with a Standard VIII, matric remained a distant dream for the majority. Those qualifying from both the white liberal and new ethnic universities established after 1959 continued to do so in very small numbers. Staffed and run by Afrikaner nationalists, the paternalist pedagogy of Christian National Education found expression in the new universities in the philosophy of ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’ developed at the Universities of Pretoria, Potchefstroom and University of South Africa (UNISA). For many

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students, engagement in oppositional activity was a major factor in enabling them to transcend the limitations of their formal training. If teacher preparation for Africans became focused on preparing primary school teachers in colleges concentrated in the Bantustans during the apartheid period, there was only a very gradual shift towards preparation of Indian and coloured secondary school teachers after coloured and Indian education were brought under separate administrations in 1963 and 1964, respectively. New colleges and universities came into being to prepare teachers classified as coloured and Indian. In the colleges, the basic entry requirement remained Standard VIII while Standard X or matric was the minimum requirement for a university education qualification. By the 1970s, matric was becoming the basic entry qualification at colleges too. Tight repression and control characterised the management and administration of coloured, Indian and African institutions. Opposition to apartheid among student-teachers took both implicit and explicit form, especially from the late 1960s. Teacher organisations during this time represented teachers along racial lines, their main focus being their members’ salaries and conditions of work. The ongoing tussle between white universities, colleges and provinces over control reached a high point in the early 1970s. The 1974 National Education Policy Amendment Act (No 92 of 1974) made provision for closer liaison, drawing on international precedent as rationale. Colleges began to establish Councils and Senates with strong university representation and a number of universities began awarding degrees to students prepared in colleges, often in collaboration with universities. These developments were closely watched in the other racial compartments and links were subsequently developed also between specific Indian and coloured colleges and universities, as well as colleges and universities in the Bantustans from the 1980s. The educational watershed year of 1976 precipitated a series of reforms by the state as well as the re-emergence of radical teacher organisations which challenged the quiescence of the older, more established organisations. During the 1980s hardly a college or university was untouched by the wider political opposition to apartheid in education.676 Teachers and their organisations were a significant presence in both reform and resistance movements during the 1980s. Whether considered as a major leap forward or as simply consolidating the status quo both views that prevailed at the time the reforms initiated at this time were simply too little too late to make a significant dent on the patterns of inequality established over the previous century. The Human Sciences Research Council’s de Lange Report of 1981 recommended raising entry qualifications of black teachers and the introduction of massive upgrading programmes. The main focus was on addressing the massive teacher shortages that were evident in the high pupil:teacher ratios in black schools. During this period, and well into the 1990s, colleges for black teachers mushroomed. Many were now being built in the previously under-served urban areas. White universities began opening up to black teachers, but white colleges only started opening up when their numbers, as in white schools, began declining towards the end of the decade. Numerous private sector initiatives were undertaken in the area of teacher upgrading, but these

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were a drop in the ocean. Some Bantustan ruling elites were closely integrated into the dominant reform movement and attempted, under highly financially constrained conditions, to initiate changes in pre- and in-serve teacher education, including linking up with universities. Although the dominant ideology of ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’ began to be challenged in some of the liberal universities’ education faculties, it was a pervasive presence in all of them. By the end of the 1980s, then, a system of teacher preparation had come into being that had taken shape in a disconnected and entangled manner. The purposes of teacher preparation for black and white teachers had taken shape in the context of broader expectations of the place of black and white people in the broader society and the role that schooling was presumed to play in achieving this. Teachers were to be imbued with the gendered and racialized and ethnic identities inscribed in the literal and metaphorical construction of separate spaces for their preparation and considered necessary for the successful reproduction of the racial order. Central to this racial order was the inequality of black and white teachers. Over successive decades, institutional provision for black teachers was hampered by insufficient finance; access to such opportunities was moreover constrained by the generalised poverty of black communities, despite the existence of loans and bursaries to study teaching. Those who made it into teaching were a small elite, but it was an elite that was not educated on equal terms with whites: entry qualifications were lower and curricula were adapted from the white. Especially during the apartheid years, quality deteriorated in ever-expanding colleges marked by authoritarian control. The bitterness and frustrations produced by such a system exploded during the 1980s. The task for the incoming democratic government was to be substantial.

The Post-apartheid Challenge Two main questions about the past are often raised in the present: the first is whether government has managed to overturn the legacy of the past and the second is whether history, policy (since 1994) or indeed teacher unions are to blame for continuing low learner performance in South Africa. Assessments of whether government has succeeded in overcoming the legacy or not are political and will reflect the relationship of the assessor towards government. On the one side are those who point to major gains, especially in teacher qualifications and knowledge.677 On the other are the critics, who point to the lowering of standards through the lowering of university entry requirements and poor selection mechanisms for recruitment to teacher education programmes.678 Whatever the assessment, it is clear that government has taken major steps to overhaul the system. The direction and discourse of policy has shifted away from restricted access and segregated inequality to one allowing access and providing for equality. The language of adaptation is no more. This direction, as well as discourses of rights and inclusivity, is new. Major continuities remain however in the gap between policy and practice. This is in part not only the product of history, but also that of the contexts, contents and effects of new policies, as well as the very nature of education.

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The drive for equality and quality within a framework of neo-liberal austerities in the first post-apartheid decade resulted in the initial adoption of a set of policies that aimed to raise the overall standard of teacher preparation but within such a diverse set of expectations and such a reduced number of institutions not giving much attention to curriculum they were impossible to achieve. Short-term workshops to prepare teachers to teach new school curricula failed spectacularly. Multiple policy changes impacting simultaneously on institutions and people in them, as well as new performative and managerialist approaches in higher education, had the effect not only of neutralising potential opposition but also of stimulating compliance cultures. A measure of policy naiveté led to the hasty introduction of upgrading programmes within frameworks that commercialised the endeavour of teacher preparation, undermining the intention to improve teacher knowledge and pedagogy. The ‘learnification of education’ with its empty and unproblematised notion of ‘learning’ as a technical process together with instrumentalist competence-based approaches to education trumped questions of what was being learnt and why, obscuring the purposes, content and relationships of education.679 Only very gradually have policymakers come to recognise that the history of decades of inequality will require thinking and acting for the long rather than short term. As in previous decades, however, good intentions and even policies are likely to be undercut by inadequate support. The link between poor educational outcomes and adequate support for teacher preparation is conveniently ignored by those holding the purse and is moreover poorly understood in the press of public opinion. Teacher unions are often seen as responsible for the poverty of learning outcomes and multitude of ills in South Africa’s schooling system.680 Since the advent of democracy in South Africa, a reconfigured set of teacher unions has however played an important role in emphasising the importance of teacher development.681 In this psychological, developmentalist approach, they have tended to cast teachers as dependent on educational emancipation from the outside. Nonetheless, their consistent emphasis on teacher development is often a response to calls for greater accountability among teachers. Closely connected with Education International and global initiatives for the achievement of quality education, teacher unions in South Africa have been strongly agentive, and have striven to keep pace with as well as to influence and shape where possible new policy developments.682 As part of the tri-partite alliance of the African National Congress, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and the Communist Party, the South African Democratic Teachers’ Union (SADTU) has been in a strong position to do so. Together with the state, all teacher unions including SADTU, the National Professional Teachers’ Organisation of South Africa (NAPTOSA) and the Suid Afrikaanse Onderwysersunie (SAOU) have supported and participated in new initiatives to promote teacher development: whether in the form of participation in the development of strategic frameworks for policy, the roll-out of pilots by the South African Council of Educators to test new models of continuous professional development or indeed the formation of their own institute for professional development. They have also in recent years called for the re-opening of colleges of

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education and the state has responded by doing so, although within an altered economic and political terrain from that which prevailed during the heyday of colleges. Reconstructing colleges as they were in the past within a new political, economic and social context would be difficult, but closer examination of their multi-faceted history could perhaps provide pointers for what to avoid and what to emulate.

Future Challenges and Directions More than a century has passed since the Union of South Africa under white rule and the consolidation of a system of teacher education that prepared black and white teachers in South Africa for different types of schools, futures and identities. For the last 25 years, sustained efforts have been undertaken to change this legacy of inequality and racial division. Almost a century ago, the major historian of South African education, preoccupied with building a white system of education, was concerned that it needed to be decolonised and indigenised. South African (white) teachers needed to know about the history of South African education, conceived as white, and not European or British. This was important in their formation as (white) South Africans.683 Today, similar anxieties are expressed about university curricula more broadly that they are insufficiently decolonised and insufficiently related to African realities and identities. History is important to identity and the nature of the new histories of South African education available to teachers will be important in determining how they see themselves and their roles. It is also vital for understanding how to navigate and to deal with the tensions and conflicts of the present. This is arguably one of the greatest challenges and needs of the future, as the last 25 years has also witnessed a decline in interest, knowledge and understanding of history. This is a global trend in teacher education programmes reinforced by the neoliberal emphasis on the present without a past. South Africa’s turbulent and conflictual make-up has also involved struggles over the nature of knowledge that have displaced critical engagements with its complex history. Teachers’ exposure to history of education, the past of the institutions into which they will enter, and of their own formation, is negligible. It is vital that this changes, as ignorance of the past can only lead to repetition of its errors. A great deal more research can be done on the history of teachers, teaching and teacher preparation in South Africa in order to inform action in the present for the future. Contemporary pressures do however also demand attention. Teachers are expected increasingly to enable future generations to interact intelligently and creatively with a technologically changing, digital and increasingly robotised world revolutionizing the world of work and education. They are expected also to act energetically and supportively with classrooms of children traumatised by migration and environmental disruption and degradation, social and intellectual precarity and marginalisation, and many forms of abuse, exclusion and rejection. They are also expected within this context to improve learning outcomes.

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As before, teacher education programmes are adapting to and adopting the languages and discourses of new social changes, initiating research programmes and projects to ascertain the potential impact and use of new technologies in classrooms and for learning. But the challenges for the future remain significant. In this context, the joint ILO-UNESCO Declaration of 2018 on teachers, the right to education and the future of work is apposite: namely to ensure that teachers are well-prepared and qualified, as well as ‘supported in preparing learners for a changing world through both high-quality pre-service education and continuing professional development. This should include preparation to work effectively with diverse learners, especially in areas related to digital technologies, socio-emotional development and demands from the world of work and society. The teaching profession at every level should be inclusive and reflect societal diversity. Adequate funding of the education sector must occur to ensure equality in the provision of decent salaries and conditions of work for teaching personnel’.684 However, a broader challenge remains namely that of recognising and acting on the insight expressed by Biesta, that education cannot be limited to learning and that for education to occur we need to embrace its risks and the weaknesses at the heart of it.685 ‘Educational processes and practices do not work in a machine-like way (and) education is not an interaction between robots but an encounter between human beings […]’.686 Much of the contemporary literature on teacher education positions teachers in terms of what they need to deliver in terms of economic and broader societal goods: most crucially, they are seen as the vehicles for achieving improving learning outcomes. As such, their own preparation considers them as empty vessels to be filled with the appropriate knowledge, skills and competences to fulfil their prescribed task. Biesta’s profound critiques of this approach can serve as a basis for radically re-thinking how we think about the future of teacher education not just as a preparation for a future life of service to the state and society, but also as an activity in which the principal goal is a teacher capable of exercising wisdom, virtuosity and judgement.687 Although competences are not a bad thing, the purpose of teacher education should transcend this goal and seek to open teachers to new ways of confronting the world. As such, it should not just aim to equip them with specific knowledges, skills and competences, and try to socialise them to fit into a changing world or specific type of society, however well-conceived, but should enable them to think beyond it. As he puts it, ‘The main focus is on the development of a certain virtuosity in making educational judgments—not, again, as a set of skills or competences but rather as a process that will help teachers to become educationally wise’.688 For this to happen, however, and for education to become emancipatory, the flawed ‘idea of emancipation as a “powerful intervention”’, the idea of an external emancipator able to transform a relationship of inequality into one of equality needs to be abandoned as it relies on a notion of the intrinsic inequality of human beings.

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References

Introduction (1) In the international context, the most significant initiatives include those of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and United National Educational and Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), and especially the Education For All Global Monitoring Initiative. In the local context, there are regional and national initiatives, including those of the Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Education Quality (SACMEQ) and the Annual National Assessments of the South African Education Department. In addition, reports by international investment and consulting firms such as McKinsey are also influential. See for example: M. Barber, C. Chijioke, and M. Mourshed, How the World’s Most Improved School Systems Keep Getting Better (London: McKinsey & Company, 2010), https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/social-sector/our-insights/how-the-worlds-mostimproved-school-systems-keep-getting-better (2) My use of the terms ‘desegregated’ and ‘integrated’ are based on the assumptions that a desegregated system is one that has not yet overcome all racial divisions and that both a desegregated and an integrated system continue in different ways to manifest racialized discourses and practices. (3) The nomenclature referring to these institutions has changed over time: at first, they were referred to as normal schools or colleges, then training institutes or colleges or teacher training colleges and finally, in the latter years of apartheid, as teacher education colleges. For the sake of historical accuracy, I will use the terms used at the specific times. The South African terminology ascribing race to people has officially converged around the socially constructed notions of white, Indian, coloured and African. Social, economic and political life has been structured for people so described in defined ways. For this reason it is unavoidable to use these terms in order to ensure historical specificity. The term ‘black’ is used as an allencompassing term to cover all the formerly disenfranchised and coloured is used in preference to Coloured or coloured in inverted commas to indicate the constructed nature of the category. (4) I use the term teacher preparation in preference to teacher education and teacher training to signal the wide array of activities and processes associated with it. However, for stylistic reasons, I sometimes use the words ‘preparation’ and ‘education’ interchangeably.

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References

(5) The term ‘bantustan’ is used in preference to the term ‘homeland’ that the National Party regime used to refer to the entities it established from the 1960s to bolster the apartheid system. The system and its relation to teacher preparation is dealt with in detail in later chapters. (6) See for example P. J. McEwan, ‘Improving learning in primary schools of developing countries: A meta-analysis of randomized experiments’, Review of Educational Research, Vol. 85, No. 3, September 1, 2015, pp. 353 394. (7) M. Gustafsson and F. Patel, ‘Managing the teacher pay system. What the local and international data are telling us’, Stellenbosch Economic Working Papers: 26/06 (Department of Economics and the Bureau for Economic Research: University of Stellenbosch, December 1, 2008). (8) N. Taylor and J. Muller, ‘Equity deferred: South African schooling two decades into democracy’, in J. V. Clarke (Ed.), Closing the Achievement Gap from an International Perspective: Transforming STEM for Effective Education (Dordrecht: Springer Science + Business Media B. V., 2014), p. 16. (9) Republic of South Africa Department of Higher Education and Training, Statistics on Post-school Education and Training in South Africa: 2016 (Pretoria: Department of Higher Education and Training, 2018), pp. 11 12 & 20 21. (10) Ibid., p. 27. (11) Y. Sayed, ‘Changing forms of teacher education in South Africa: A case study of policy change’, International Journal of Educational Development, Vol. 22, 2002, pp. 381 395; D. Webbstock, ‘The changing landscape of private higher education in South Africa’, Briefly Speaking, Vol. 5, February 2018, pp. 1 13; G. Kruss, ‘Distinct pathways: Tracing the origins and history of private higher education in South Africa’, Globalization, Societies and Education, Vol. 3, No. 3, 2006; C. Sehoole, ‘A decade of regulating private higher education in South Africa’, International Higher Education, Vol. 66, 2012, pp. 261 279. (12) M. Cross and L. Chisholm, ‘The roots of segregated schooling in twentieth century South Africa’, in M. Nkomo (Ed.), The Pedagogy of Domination (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990), pp. 43 77. (13) See for example E. G. Pells, The Story of Education in South Africa 1652 1938 (Cape Town: Juta & Co., 1938); M. E. M. McKerron, A History of Education in South Africa 1652 1932 (Cape Town: J. L. Van Schaik, 1934); E. G. Malherbe, Education in South Africa (1652 1922) (Cape Town: Juta, 1925); A. L. Behr, Three Centuries of Coloured Education: Historical and Comparative Studies of the Education of the Coloured People in the Cape and the Transvaal, 1652 1952, Ph.D. Dissertation (Potchefstroom: Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education, 1952); A. L. Behr and R. G MacMillan, Education in South Africa, 2nd ed. (Pretoria: J. L. van Schaik, 1966); Peter Kallaway (Ed.), Apartheid and Education: The Education of Black South Africans (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1984); Peter Kallaway, The History of

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Chapter 1 (39) Malherbe, Education in South Africa (1652-1922), p. 74. (40) A. L. Behr, New Perspectives in South African Education: A Blueprint for the Last Quarter of the Twentieth Century (Durban: Butterworths, 1984); Behr, Education in South Africa, p. 151; Behr and MacMillan, Education in South Africa, 1966, p. 261. (41) Behr and MacMillan, Education in South Africa, 1966, p. 262. (42) As C. Soudien, ‘“What to teach the natives”: A historiography of the curriculum dilemma in South Africa’, in W. Pinar (Ed.), Curriculum Studies in South Africa: Intellectual Histories and Present Circumstances (New York,

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(164) P. Randall, Little England on the Veld: The English Private School System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1982). (165) McKerron, A History of Education in South Africa 1652-1932, p. 67. (166) Oscar Emil Emanuelson, A History of Native Education in Natal between 1835 and 1927, M.Ed. Dissertation (Durham: University of Natal, 1927), p. 53. (167) Colony of Natal, ‘“Indian immigrant School Board minutes,” 1879-1894, minutes of 21 June 1883’, National Archives of South Africa (NASA), Pietermaritzburg Archive Repository (NAB). (168) Colony of Natal, ‘Indian immigrant School Board minutes’, minutes for 8 August 1885. (169) Colony of Natal minutes for 14 May 1886. (170) Colony of Natal, ‘Indian immigrant School Board minutes, 1879-1894’, minutes for 10 December 1886, NASA, NAB. (171) Behr and MacMillan, Education in South Africa, 1966, p. 384. (172) See for example Colony of Natal, Report of the Superintendent for Education, 1878 (Pietermaritzburg: Government Printer, 1878), pp. 25 33, 8/1/6/6/1-2, NASA, NAB. (173) Behr and MacMillan, Education in South Africa, p. 274; Colony of Natal, Report of the Commission of Education (Pietermaritzburg: P. Davis & Sons, 1891), B2, NCP 8/3/34, NASA, NAB. (174) Emanuelson, ‘A history of native education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’, p. 98. (175) Vietzen, A History of Education for European Girls in Natal 1837-1902, p. 327. (176) S. E. Duff, ‘From new women to college girls at the Huguenot Seminary and College, 1895-1910’, Historia, Vol. 51, No. 1, May 2006, pp. 1 27; Vietzen, A History of Education for European Girls in Natal 1837-1902, pp. 247 251. (177) Colony of Natal, Report of the Superintendent of Education for the Year 1898 (Pietermaritzburg: Government Printer, MDCCCXCVIII), p. 8, NCP 8/1/7/2/1/3, National Archives of South Africa (NASA) Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository (NAB); Colony of Natal, Statistical Yearbook for the Year 1908, 1908, pp. 264 265, NCP 7/3/15, NASA, NAB. (178) Colony of Natal, Report of the Superintendent of Education for the Year Ended 30th June, 1907 by CJ Mudie (Pietermaritzburg: “Times” Printing and Publishing Company, 1908), p. 10, NCP 8/1/7/2/1/4, NASA, NAB. (179) Colony of Natal, Report of the Superintendent of Education for the Year Ended 30th June, 1909 (Pietermaritzburg: Times Printing and Publishing Company, 1909), p. 3, NCP 8/1/7/2/1/6, NASA, NAB. (180) Swartz, ‘Industrial education in Natal: The British imperial context, 18301860’. (181) Emanuelson, ‘A history of native education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’, p. 72; see also Healy-Clancy, A World of Their Own: A History of South African Women’s Education, p. 70 where Healy-Clancy describes

190

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References these visions of industrial education as being ‘constrained by the austerity of Natal’s governance’. Emanuelson, ‘A history of native education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’, p. 65. Ibid., pp. 86 87. Ibid., p. 91. N. Etherington, ‘Gender issues in South-East Mission’, in H. Bredenkamp and R. Ross (Eds.), Missions and Christianity in South African History (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1995), p. 140. Healy-Clancy, A World of Their Own: A History of South African Women’s Education, p. 45. McKerron, A History of Education in South Africa 1652-1932, p. 167. Healy-Clancy, A World of Their Own: A History of South African Women’s Education, p. 83. Emanuelson, ‘A history of native education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’, p. 134. Behr and MacMillan, Education in South Africa, 1966, p. 382. Emanuelson, ‘A history of native education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’, p. 142. Ibid., p. 148; Healy-Clancy, A World of Their Own: A History of South African Women’s Education, p. 74. Evidence given by Mr P. A. Barnett, Superintendent of Education, Natal, 21 April 1904, South African Native Affairs Commission (SANAC) 1903 1905. South Africa, Volume III. Minutes of Evidence Taken in the Colony of Natal (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1904), p. 235. Emanuelson, ‘A history of native education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’, p. 194. Colony of Natal, Report of the Inspector of Native Education on the Government-aided Native Schools for the Year Ending June 30th, 1892 (Pietermaritzburg: Government Printer, 1892), pp. 5, 31 & 39, NASA, NAB. Emanuelson, ‘A history of native education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’, p. 175. Etherington, ‘Gender issues in South-East Mission’, p. 149; HealyClancy, A World of Their Own: A History of South African Women’s Education, pp. 45 48. Duff, ‘From new women to college girls at the Huguenot Seminary and College, 1895-1910’; Healy-Clancy, A World of Their Own: A History of South African Women’s Education, p. 39. Healy-Clancy, A World of Their Own: A History of South African Women’s Education, p. 39. Ibid., p. 84. Ibid., p. 29. Malherbe, Education in South Africa (1652-1922), p. 272.

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(203) Kellerman, J. E. Die Geskeidenis van die Opleiding van Blanke Onderwysers in Suid Afrika. D.Ed. Stellenbosch, 1936, p. 139, as cited by Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’, p. 7. (204) McKerron, A History of Education in South Africa 1652-1932, p. 147. (205) M. C. E. van Schoor, ‘Onderwys in Die Oranje-Vrystaat’, in J. Coetzee, Chr. (Ed.), Onderwys in Suid-Africa, (Pretoria: van Schaijk, 1963), p. 139. (206) Ibid., pp. 146 149. (207) Ibid., pp. 153 154, 159. (208) McKerron, A History of Education in South Africa 1652-1932, p. 146. (209) J. C. Coetzee (Ed.), Onderwys in Suid-Afrika, 1652-1960, 2nd ed. (Pretoria: van Schaik, 1963), p. 292; Lugtenburg, Geskiedenis van Die Onderwys in Die Suidafrikaanse Republiek 1836-1900: Bydrae Tot Die Kennis van Onderwystoestande in Die Transvaalse 1836-1900 (Pretoria: J. L. van Schaik, 1925), pp. 65 66; Compiled from R. Peacock, Die Geskiedenis van Pretoria 1855 1902, D.Phil. Dissertation (Pretoria: University of Pretoria, 1955), pp. 264 274; R. Swanepoel, ‘Pretoria nuusbrief, 2005.05(1)’, May 2005, http://repository.up.ac.za/handle/2263/3533. (210) Coetzee, Onderwys in Suid-Afrika, 1652-1960, p. 440. (211) Ibid., p. 442. (212) McKerron, A History of Education in South Africa 1652-1932, p. 163. (213) E. W. Said, ‘Traveling theory’, in The World, The Text and the Critic (Boston, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983).

Chapter 3 (214) S. Dubow, A Commonwealth of Knowledge: Science, Sensibility and White South Africa 1820-2000 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). (215) Cape of Good Hope, Report of the Select Committee on Education, A.17’06, p. vi. (216) Ibid., p. vii. (217) Cape of Good Hope, Report of the Select Committee on Education, A.17’06; Colony of Natal, Report of the Education Commission, 1909 (Pietermaritzburg: Government Printer, 1909), p. 2, NCP 8/3/79, National Archives of South Africa (NASA), Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository (NAB). (218) Cape of Good Hope, Report of the Select Committee on Education, A.17’06, p. iv. (219) A. R. Goodwin, Cape Town College of Education 1894-1994 (Cape Town: Centre for Conservation Education (CCE) archive, Cape Town College of Education (Box file 214), n.d. circa 1994), pp. 1 2, CCE Cape Town College of Education (Box file 214); Edgar Lionel Maurice, The Development of Policy in Regard to the Education of Coloured Pupils at the Cape, 1880 1940, Ph.D. Dissertation (Cape Town: University of Cape Town, 1966), p. 368.

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(220) Cape of Good Hope Department of Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education, for the Year Ending 30th September 1908. G. 7.-1909 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1909), p. 12, Centre for Conservation Education (CCE) 370.968 REP. (221) Maurice, ‘The development of policy in regard to the education of coloured pupils at the Cape, 1880 1940’, p. 365. (222) Cape of Good Hope, Report of the Select Committee on Education, A.17’06, p. vi. (223) Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’, p. 11. (224) Goodwin, ‘Cape Town College of Education 1894-1994’, p. 2. (225) Anon, ‘Emgwali Native Training School’, The Education Gazette Vol. XIII, No 24, 16 April 1914, pp. 1129 1164. (226) E. Lekhela, ‘The origin, development and role of missionary teachertraining institutions for the Africans of the North-Western Cape. An historical-critical survey of the period 1850-1954, Vol II’, D.Ed. Dissertation (Pretoria: UNISA, 1970), p. 439. (227) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 30th September, 1907, C.P. 26-1908 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1908), p. 22, CCE 376.968 REP. (228) Cape of Good Hope Department of Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education, for the Year Ending 30th September 1908. G. 7.-1909, p. 13. (229) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 30th September, 1907, C.P. 26-1908, p. 16. (230) Cape of Good Hope, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ending 30th September 1906 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1907), p. 26, CCE 370.968 REP. (231) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 30th September, 1907, C.P. 26-1908, p. 22. (232) Colony of Natal, Interim Report of the Superintendent of Education for the Year Ended June 30th, 1903 (Pietermaritzburg: ‘Times’ Printing and Publishing Company, 1904), p. 17, NCP 8/2/3, National Archives of South Africa (NASA), Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository (NAB). (233) Colony of Natal, Report of the Superintendent of Education for the Year Ended 30th June, 1909, p. 3. (234) Ibid., p. 3. (235) Healy-Clancy, A World of Their Own: A History of South African Women’s Education, pp. 73 & 54. (236) Colony of Natal, Report of the Superintendent of Education for the Year 1902 by Robert Plant (Pietermaritzburg: ‘Times’ Printing and Publishing Co., 1903), p. 67, NCP 8/1/7/2/1/3, NASA, NAB. (237) Colony of Natal, Education Department, Directory (Pietermaritzburg: P. Davis and Sons, 1904), p. 67, NCP 8/1/6/6/1-2, NASA, NAB.

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(238) Colony of Natal, ‘Interim report of the Superintendent of Education for the year ended June 30th, 1903’, p. 13; Colony of Natal, ‘Report of the Superintendent of Education for the year ended 30th June, 1909’, p. 11; Emanuelson, ‘A history of native education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’, pp. 183 & 195; Evidence given by Robert Plant, Inspector of Native Education, 21 April 1904, South Africa, SANAC, 1904, pp. 245 256. (239) Colony of Natal, ‘Report of the Superintendent of Education for the year ended 30th June, 1909’, p. 46. (240) Ibid., p. 10. (241) N. Boyce, The Johannesburg College of Education: A History (Johannesburg: Acorn Books CC, 1999), p. 13. (242) According to Rademeyer, the biggest CNE schools were the Oost Eind and Eendracht Schools in Pretoria, the Volksschool in Heidelberg, the Uitkomst School in Ermelo and the schools in Middelburg in the Transvaal, Styensburg in the Cape Province and Bloemfontein and Reddersburg in the Free State. J. I. Rademeyer, Geskiedenis van Die Heidelbergse Onderwyskollege 1909-1964 (Johannesburg: Voortrekkerpers, 1964), p. 11. A teachers’ college was established in 1914 in Steynsburg. (243) D. O’Meara, Volkskapitalisme: Class, Capital and Ideology in the Development of Afrikaner Naitonalism 1934-1948 (Johannesburg and Cambridge: Ravan Press and Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 70. (244) Rademeyer, Geskiedenis van Die Heidelbergse Onderwyskollege 19091964, p. 37. (245) Andrew Bank, ‘The Berlin Mission Society and German linguistic roots of Volkekunde: The background, training and Hamburg writings of Werner Eiselen, 1899-1924’, Kronos, Vol. 41, No. 1, November 2015, pp. 175 176. (246) O’Meara, Volkskapitalisme: Class, Capital and Ideology in the Development of Afrikaner Naitonalism 1934-1948, p. 70; Rademeyer, Geskiedenis van Die Heidelbergse Onderwyskollege 1909-1964, pp. 14 15, 42. (247) A. L. Behr, Education in South Africa: Origins, Issues and Trends: 16521988 (Pretoria: Academica, 1988), p. 157. (248) Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’, pp. 91 92. (249) M. Halim, interview conducted in Johannesburg on the Eurafrican Training Centre and Practising School, 25 October 2017. (250) Commissioner of Native Affairs Transvaal, Annual Report for the Commissioner for Native Affairs for the Year Ended 30th June 1903 (Pretoria: Government Printing and Stationery Office, 1903), A. 11 and Appendix 5 & 7, http://wiredspace.wits.ac.za/handle/10539/18750. (251) Rev W. E. C. Clarke, Superintendent of Native Education, Transvaal, 6 October 1904, South Africa, SANAC, 1904, p. 604. (252) Lekhela, ‘The origin, development and role of missionary teacher-training institutions for the Africans of the North-Western Cape. An historicalcritical survey of the period 1850-1954’, Vol. I and II, p. 125.

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(253) Ibid., pp. 121 122. (254) M. Adhikari, The Teachers’ League of South Africa, 1913-1940, M.A. Dissertation (Cape Town: University of Cape Town, 1986), p. 229; see also Maurice, The Development of Policy in Regard to the Education of Coloured Pupils at the Cape, 1880 1940, pp. 384 385. (255) Lekhela, ‘The origin, development and role of missionary teacher-training institutions for the Africans of the North-Western Cape. An historicalcritical survey of the period 1850-1954’, Vol. I and II, p. 559. (256) Rev C. H. W. Orford, President Native Teachers’ Association, O.R.C., 22 September 1904, South Africa, SANAC, 1904, pp. 315 316.

Chapter 4 (257) Dubow, A Commonwealth of Knowledge: Science, Sensibility and White South Africa 1820-2000, p. vi. (258) S. Dubow, Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, 1919-36 (New York, NY: St Martin’s Press, 1989), pp. 1 8; see also S. Marks, The Ambiguities of Dependence in South Africa: Class, Nationalism and the State in Twentieth Century Natal (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1986), p. 38. (259) The National Bureau of Educational and Social Research, Bulletin of Educational Statistics for the Union of South Africa 1939, p. 5. (260) Union of South Africa, First Report of the Education Administration Commission, U.G. 41-’23 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1923) p. 129. (261) R. Glotzer, ‘Sir Fred Clarke: South Africa and Canada Carnegie Corporation philanthropy and the transition from Empire to Commonwealth’, Education Research and Perspectives, Vol. 22, No. 1, 1995, p. 13; R. Aldrich, ‘The New Education and the Institute of Education, University of London, 1919 1945’, Paedagogica Historica, Vol. 45, No. 4 5, 1 August 2009, pp. 485 502; R. Aldrich, ‘The training of teachers and educational studies: The London Day Training College, 1902-1932’, Paedagogica Historica, Vol. 40, No. 5/6, October 2004, pp. 617 631; P. Kallaway, ‘Fred Clarke and the politics of vocational education in South Africa, 1911 29’, History of Education, Vol. 25, No. 4, December 1, 1996, pp. 353 362; G McCulloch, ‘Fred Clarke and the internationalisation of studies and research in education’, Paedagogica Historica, Vol. 50, No. 1/2, February 2014, pp. 123 137. (262) C. T. Loram ‘The Phelps-Stokes Education Commission in South Africa’, International Review of Mission, Vol. 10, No. 4, 8 February 2011, pp. 496 508; L. Mafela, ‘Phelps-Stokes Commissions’, World History, 20 April 2015, http://www.worldhistory.biz/sundries/42422-phelps-stokescommissions.html. (263) R. Hunt Davis, Jr., ‘Charles T. Loram and an American model for African education in South Africa’, in P. Kallaway (Ed.), Apartheid and

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Education: The Education of Black South Africans (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1984). B. Fleisch, ‘The teachers’ college club’, D.Phil. Dissertation (New York: Columbia University, 1995); M. Lawn and I. Deary, ‘The New Model School of Education: Thomson, Moray House and Teachers College, Columbia’, Paedagogica Historica, Vol. 50, No. 3, 2014, pp. 301 319. Oscar Emil Emanuelson, ‘A history of native education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’, M.Ed. Dissertation (Durban: University of Natal, 1927), p. 266; R. L. Peteni, Towards Tomorrow: The Story of the African Teachers’ Associations of South Africa (Reference Publications, World Confederation of the Teaching Profession, Washington D.C., 1979), pp. 20, 48, 69 and 97. Peteni, Towards Tomorrow, p. 97. M. Adhikari, Against the Current: A Biography of Harold Cressy, 18891916 (Cape Town: Juta, 2012) South African History Online, 2011, http:// www.sahistory.org.za/people/harold-cressy. Adhikari, ‘The Teachers’ League of South Africa, 1913-1940’, Abstract & Chapter 5, passim. Ibid., p. 78. P. Thakur, ‘Education for upliftment: A history of Sastri College, 19271981’, M.A. Dissertation (Durban: University of Natal, 1992), pp. 55, 61, 63, 66 & 67. Adhikari, ‘The Teachers’ League of South Africa, 1913-1940’, pp. 235 236. Peteni, Towards Tomorrow. Anon, ‘Supply of teachers’, The Education Gazette, 22 January 1914, p. 28. Ibid., p. 783. They included the Cape Town Normal College, Cape Town Training College, Grahamstown Training College, Wellington Training College, Stellenbosch Victoria College Class, Cradock Training College, Kimberley Training School, King William’s Town Training School, Oudtshoorn Training School, Paarl Training School, Robertson Training School and Steynsburg Training School. Anon, ‘Training school system’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XIV, No. 24, 29 April 1915, p. 1097. Cape of Good Hope Department of Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ending 30th September 1914. C.P. 4-1915 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1915), p. 29, CCE 370.968 REP. Anon, ‘Students in training’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XII, No. 17, 30 January 1913, p. 784. Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education, for the Year Ending 31st December, 1920. C.P. 2-’21 (Cape Town; Cape Times, 1921), p. 31a, CCE 370.968 REP.

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(280) Anon, ‘Supply of teachers’, p. 786. (281) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Acting Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ending 30th September 1918. C.P. 5-’19 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1919), p. 11, CCE 370.968 REP. (282) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ending 30th September, 1912. C.P. 4-’13 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1914), p. 29, CCE 370.968 REP. (283) Cape of Good Hope Department of Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ending 30th September 1914. C.P. 4-1915, p. 32. (284) Anon, ‘Training school system’, p. 1097. (285) Inspector Andersons’ Report on Training Colleges and Schools, Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Acting Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ending 30th September 1918. C.P. 5-’19, p. 21. (286) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ending 30th September, 1912. C.P. 4-’13, p. 29. (287) Anon, ‘Pupil-teachers’ examination reports’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XI, No. 19, 15 February 1912, p. 819. (288) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education, for the Year Ending 31st December, 1920. C.P. 2-’21, pp. 35a & 36a. (289) Ibid., p. 33a. (290) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Acting Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ending 30th September 1918. C.P. 5-’19, p. 12. (291) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education, for the Year Ending 31st December, 1919. C.P. 4-’20 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1920), p. 7, CCE 370.968 REP. (292) Cape of Good Hope, Report of Commission on Native Education (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1920), p. 62. (293) Ibid., pp. 66 69. (294) Ibid., p. 70. (295) Ibid., p. 99. (296) Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’, pp. 89 90. (297) Ibid., pp. 70 82. (298) See Dubow, A Commonwealth of Knowledge: Science, Sensibility and White South Africa 1820-2000, p. 199, fn 138. (299) Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’, p. 33. (300) Ibid., p. 95. (301) B. K. Murray, Wits, the Early Years: A History of the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, and Its Precursors, 1896-1939 (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1982), p. 149.

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(302) Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’, p. 72. (303) The National Bureau of Educational and Social Research, Bulletin of Educational Statistics for the Union of South Africa 1939, pp. 64 & 72. (304) D. Gaitskell, ‘“Doing a missionary hard work … in the Black Hole of Calcutta”: African women teachers pioneering a profession in the Cape and Natal, 1880-1950’, Women’s History Review, Vol. 13, No. 3, 1 September 2004, pp. 407 425.

Chapter 5 (305) Malherbe, Education in South Africa (1652-1922), p. 78. (306) Anon, ‘General notes’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XXI, No. 11, 17 November 1921, p. 366; Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1920 (Pretoria: Government Printing and Stationery Office, 1920), pp. 29, 33, 35, 46, 49. (307) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Years 1923 and 1924. C.P. 4-’25 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1925), 48, CCE 370.968 REP. (308) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1930, T.P. No 3-’31 (Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1931), pp. 16 18. (309) Ibid., pp. 17 22; Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1931, T.P. No 3-’32 (Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1932), pp. 13 14. (310) Union of South Africa, Report of the Interdepartmental Committee on Native Education 1935-36, U.G. No. 29/1936 (Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1936). (311) 13 European training schools: Cape Town Training College, Cradock Training School, Graaff-Reinet Training School, Grahamstown Training College, Kimberley Training School, King William’s Town Training School, Oudtshoorn Training School, Paarl Training School, Robertson Training School, Stellenbosch Training School, Steynsburg Training School, Uitenhage Training School and Wellington Training College. Coloured training institutions: Zonnebloem, Genadendal, Hankey, Kimberley, Salt River and Uitenhage; in 1926 Battswood (DRC) and Paarl were added to Zonnebloem (EC), Kimberley, Perseverance (EC), Paarl, Athlone, Salt River (Wes), and Uitenhage (Ind.) In 1930 Worcester (Rhenish) was added to make seven colleges and in 1937 recognition was given to Parow (RC), where teachers had already been trained for several years. Hewat College was opened in 1941. African training institutions: Bensonvale, Blythwood, Buntingville, Emfundisweni, Emgwali, Engcobo, All Saints, Healdtown, Lovedale, Mvenyane, St Matthews, Shawbury Girls, Tiger Kloof and Umtata. In 1926 Mariazell (RC) and Ndamase (Wes) were added, in 1935 Gore-Browne. At the end of 1930 Buntingville was closed down.

198

References

(312) Anon, ‘General notes’, pp. 224 225; Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 31st December 1926. C.P. 3-’27 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1927), CCE 370.968 REP; Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 31st December, 1939 (Cape Town: Unie-Volkspers Beperk, Riebeeck Square, 1940), p. 102, CCE 370.968 REP. (313) From the Report of an Education Commission in Natal in 1937, largely following the recommendations of the 1935 1936 Interdepartmental Committee, it is clear that the system set in place at the beginning of the century was still in place: white primary school teachers trained at the training college for the Third Class Certificate, a two-year course that they could only enter on having passed matric. The first-year curriculum was mainly professional, while the second required that they complete three academic courses at the University College of Natal, e.g., English, Dutch and History (a BA), and continued with their professional training at the training college, a training that included practical experience for a month or a year. The Natal University College prepared students for the education diploma of UNISA. This provided for a one-year qualification following a degree course. The full university course thus comprised four years. There was also a three-year diploma for non-graduates that included two years academic and one year professional training. Professional courses were done in discussion with the training college. Thus a person who wanted to obtain a teaching qualification could choose between a training course designed in collaboration with the university or a university diploma designed in collaboration with the training college. P. Natal, ‘Verslag van die Onderwyskommissie 1937’ Offisiële Koerant van die Provinsie Natal, No. 60 (Pietermaritzburg: Natalse Pers, 1938). (314) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Years 1923 and 1924. C.P. 4-’25, pp. 19, 21; Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 31st December 1925. C.P. 2-’26 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1926), p. 8, CCE 370.968 REP; Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Two Years 1932 and 1933, C.P. 4-’34 (Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1934), pp. 32 34. (315) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Two Years 1932 and 1933, C.P. 4-’34, pp. 53 57. (316) According to the Bulletin of Educational Statistics for the Union of South in 1939 issued by the National Bureau of Educational and Social Research in Pretoria, enrolments in the Standards qualifying enrolees to be primary school teachers were tiny: in the Cape in 1937, 327 were in Standard VIII, 57 in Standard IX and 34 in Standard X, some 0.20 per

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cent of the school-going population. This means that of the 41,957 who started school in 1926, only 34 survived to matric in the Cape. In Natal, only 23 African matriculants (0.21 per cent) survived from the 12,521 who started in 1926, in the Transvaal only seven (0.02 percent) from 29,812 and in the Orange Free State none out of 11,745 (pp. 76 77). Roughly two-thirds of children of school-going age were in the early Standards, but they tailed off rapidly throughout schooling. In 1938, only £93,211 was spent on the training of teachers in all four provinces. Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Two Years 1934 and 1935. C. P. 4-’36 (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1936), p. 57, CCE 370.968 REP; Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 31st December, 1937 G.P.-S.21673-1938-6330 (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1938), p. 105, CCE 370.968 REP. P.A.W. Cook, The Native Std. VI Pupil: A Socio-Educational Survey of Std. VI Pupil in Native Schools in the Union of South Africa, 1935 (Pretoria: van Schaijk, 1939), pp. 113, 10 12. Maurice, ‘The development of policy in regard to the education of coloured pupils at the Cape, 1880 1940’, pp. 400 401. P.A.W. Cook, The Transvaal Native Teacher (Socio-Educational Survey) (Pretoria: van Schaijk, 1939), p. 4. Ibid., p. 117. Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 31st December 1925. C.P. 2-’26, p. 6; Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1931, T.P. No 3-’32, p. 17. Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’. Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 31st December, 1939, pp. 43 44; Maurice, ‘The development of policy in regard to the education of coloured pupils at the Cape, 1880 1940’, pp. 374 375. Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General for the Year Ended 31st December, 1929, C.P. 3-’30 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1930), pp. 33 34. Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 31st December 1938. G.P.-S.21673-1938-6330 (Cape Town: Mercantile-Atlas Publishing Co., 1939), pp. 112 114, CCE 370.968 REP. E. G. Malherbe, ‘Memo: Educational development in the union 19051930’ (Killie Campbell Africana Library, EG Malherbe Papers, KCM 56973 (305) in File 427/7, 1930), pp. 10 11. Malherbe, Education in South Africa (1652-1922), p. 151. Ibid., p. 155.

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(330) Inanda Seminary, ‘Prospectus of Inanda seminary’ (Folder 3b, 1930 1934. Killie Campbell Africana Library, Inanda Seminary Papers, circa 1930-1934). (331) Anon, ‘Adams College (Amanzimtoti Institute): A short historical sketch’ (Killie Campbell Africana Library, Adams Collection, n d. circa 1935), pp. 8 9. (332) The National Bureau of Educational and Social Research, Bulletin of Educational Statistics for the Union of South Africa 1939, p. 15. (333) Y. Omar, ‘“In my stride”: A life-history of Alie Fataar, teacher’, Ph.D. Dissertation (Cape Town: University of Cape Town, 2015). (334) Ibid., p. 129. (335) Ibid., p. 136. (336) Ibid., p. 152. (337) Ibid., p. 160. (338) Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’, passim. (339) Ibid., p. 96; Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1924 (Pretoria: Government Printing and Stationery Office, 1925), pp. 63 65. (340) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1936, T.P. No 8-1937 (Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1937), p. 59. (341) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1924’, p. 6. (342) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1935, T.P. No 4-1936 (Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1936), p. 139. (343) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1924, pp. 64 72; H. Gutschke, ‘Some remarks on the training of teachers’. (344) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1920, p. 48. (345) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1924, p. 67. (346) A. L. Charles, ‘Memorandum on teacher training in the Cape Province’ (Killie Campbell Africana Library, EG Malherbe Papers, KCM 56980 (102) in File 479/8, 11 June, 1933). (347) Anon, ‘Conference on training of teachers’ (Killie Campbell Africana Library, EG Malherbe Papers, KCM 56980 (101) in File 479/8, 7 September 1933). (348) E. G. Malherbe (Ed.), Educational Adaptations in a Changing Society: Report of the South African Education Conference Held in Cape Town and Johannesburg in July 1934, under the Auspices of the New Education Fellowship (Cape Town: Juta & Co., 1937), pp. 272 287, 285. (349) Ibid., pp. 287 289. (350) Ibid., pp. 501 512.

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(351) Rademeyer, Geskiedenis van Die Heidelbergse Onderwyskollege 19091964, pp. 49 51. (352) Murray, Wits, the Early Years, p. 264. (353) Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’, p. 100. (354) Murray, Wits, the Early Years, p. 264. (355) Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’, p. 99. (356) Murray, Wits, the Early Years, p. 265. (357) Gaitskell, ‘Doing a missionary hard work … in the Black Hole of Calcutta’, pp. 420 421; see also M. E. Healy, ‘To control their destiny’: The politics of home and the feminisation of schooling in Colonial Natal, 1885 1910’, Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 37, No. 2, 1 June 2011, pp. 247 264 for a consideration of the politics of feminisation of schooling in an earlier period in Natal’s history. (358) The National Bureau of Educational and Social Research, Bulletin of Educational Statistics for the Union of South Africa 1939, p. 61. (359) Cook, The Transvaal Native Teacher (Socio-Educational Survey), pp. 118, 124. (360) Emanuelson, ‘A history of native education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’, p. 321. (361) Gaitskell, ‘Doing a missionary hard work … in the Black Hole of Calcutta’, p. 421, fn. 54. (362) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 31st December 1926. C.P. 3-’27, p. 41. (363) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 31st December, 1940 (Cape Town: Mercantile-Atlas Printing Co., 1941), CCE 370.968 REP. (364) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1933, T.P. No 7-’34 (Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1934), p. 163; Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1934, T.P. No 4-’35 (Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1935), p. 83; Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1935, T.P. No 4-1936, p. 231; Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1936, T.P. No 8-1937, p. 212. (365) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 31st December 1922. C.P. 2-’23 (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1923), pp. 15 16, CCE 370.968 REP. (366) L. Chisholm, Between Worlds: German Missionaries and the Transition from Mission to Bantu Education (Johannesburg: Wits Press, 2017), pp. 74 77. (367) Healy-Clancy, A World of Their Own: A History of South African Women’s Education, p. 89.

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Chapter 6 (369) See for example Board of Education. Great Britain, Handbook of Suggestions for the Consideration of Teachers and Others Concerned in the Work of Public Elementary Schools. Board of Education. (London: H. M. Stationery Office, 1928); Cape of Good Hope (South Africa), Education Department, The Primary School: Suggestions for the Consideration of Teachers (Cape Town: Cape Times Ltd., 1928) (370) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, The Native Primary School: Suggestions for the Consideration of Teachers (Cape Town: Cape Times, 1929). (371) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Years 1923 and 1924. C.P. 4-’25, p. 49; Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, The Native Primary School. (372) Shepherd, Lovedale South Africa. The Story of a Century 1841-1941, pp. 396 397. (373) Lekhela, ‘The origin, development and role of missionary teacher-training institutions for the Africans of the North-Western Cape. An historicalcritical survey of the period 1850-1954’, Vol. I and II, pp. 158 & 259. (374) Natal Education Department, Native Teachers’ Journal, Vol. XV, No. 2, January 1936, p. 75. (375) Union of South Africa, Report of the Commission on Native Education, 1949-1951 (Eiselen Report). U.G. No. 53/1951 (Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1951), p. 118, para 648. (376) A. Zimmerman, Alabama in Africa: Booker T. Washington, the German Empire, and the Globalization of the New South (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012); H. Davis, Jr., ‘Charles T. Loram and an American model for African education in South Africa’; Swartz, ‘Industrial education in Natal: The British Imperial context, 1830-1860’. (377) Anon, ‘Native education: Teachers’ membership of District and General Councils’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XIV, No. 23, October 29, 1925. (378) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, The Native Primary School, p. 1. (379) Ibid., p. 6. (380) Healy-Clancy, A World of Their Own: A History of South African Women’s Education, p. 90; Gaitskell, ‘Race, gender and imperialism: A century of black girls’ education in South Africa’. (381) Chisholm, Between Worlds: German Missionaries and the Transition from Mission to Bantu Education, pp. 110 112. (382) Natal Education Department, ‘The aims of the journal’, Native Teachers’ Journal, October 1919, p. 16.

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(383) Natal Education Department, ‘South African Native Education Vacation Courses: Report of the First Course held at Mariannhill Training College, Natal, 1 20 July 1928’, Native Teachers’ Journal, Vol. VII, July 1928, p. 243. (384) Natal Education Department, Native Teachers’ Journal, Vol. XI, No. 1, October 1931, p. 33; Natal Education Department, Native Teachers’ Journal, Vol. XV, No. 1, October 1935, pp. 197 207. (385) S. Couper, Albert Luthuli: Bound by Faith (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2010), pp. 37 85. (386) Ibid., p. 40. (387) See for example M. Adhikari, “Let Us Live for Our Children”: The Teachers’ League of South Africa, 1913-1940, 1st ed. (Rondebosch: UCT Press, c1993.); Peteni, Towards Tomorrow. (388) Natal Education Department, Native Teachers’ Journal, Vol. IV, No. 3, July 1924. (389) Natal Education Department, ‘Our training colleges I: Amanzimtoti Institute, by W. C. Atkins’, Native Teachers’ Journal, April 1921, p. 101. (390) Natal Education Department, Native Teachers’ Journal, July 1921, p. 102. (391) Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’, pp. 91 92. (392) Although religious and moral instruction was a component of all primary schools, there were no curricular specifications for it in curricula for training white teachers. Those for coloured and African teachers specified that each training school was free to draft its own syllabus, which was however subject to departmental approval. The main requirement was that it should bear a close relationship to the curriculum followed in the primary school. (393) Anon, ‘Syllabus of courses of training for European teachers’, The Education Gazette, 25 May 1922. (394) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1927 (Pretoria: Government Printing and Stationery Office, 1928), p. 53. (395) Anon, ‘New training courses for coloured teachers’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XXII, No. 40, 6 December 1923. (396) Anon, ‘Native education: Primary school course’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XXI, No. 13, 1 December 1921; Anon, ‘Courses of training for native teachers’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XXII, No. 19, 1 March 1923; Anon, ‘Courses of training for native teachers’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XXIV, No. 4, 12 February 1925. (397) Anon, ‘Native education: The new primary and normal courses’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XXII, No. 9, 26 October 1922, p. 184. (398) Anon, ‘Courses of training for native teachers’, 1 March 1923, p. 383. (399) Shepherd, Lovedale South Africa. The Story of a Century 1841-1941, p. 426. (400) Ibid., pp. 427, 477 & 485. (401) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1921 (Pretoria: Government Printing and Stationery Office, 1922), p. 109.

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(402) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1931, T.P. No 3-’32, p. 15. (403) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1933, T.P. No 7-’34, p. 122. (404) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1921’, p. 49. (405) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Year Ended 31st December 1925. C.P. 2-’26, p. 51. (406) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1933, T.P. No 7-’34, p. 121. (407) Natal Education Department, ‘Native Teachers’ Certificates’, Native Teachers’ Journal, Vol. IV, No. 2, January 1924, pp. 81 82. (408) Oscar Emil Emanuelson, A History of Native Education in Natal between 1835 and 1927, M.Ed. Dissertation (Durban: University of Natal, 1927), pp. 284 288. (409) Transvaal Education Department, Report for the Year Ended 31st December, 1937, T.P. No 4-1938 (Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1938), p. 141. (410) Natal Education Department, ‘South African native education vacation courses: Report of the first course held at Mariannhill Training College, Natal, July 1 20 July 1928’. (411) Anon, ‘Native education: Infant School Teachers’ Course’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XXIV, No. 18, 3 September 1925. (412) Cape of Good Hope Department of Public Education, Report of the Superintendent-General of Education for the Two Years 1934 and 1935. C.P. 4-’36, p. 89. (413) Anon, ‘Syllabus of courses of training for European teachers’; Anon, ‘European Primary Teachers’ Lower Certificate Course’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XXII, No. 36, 25 October 1923; Anon, ‘New training courses for coloured teachers’; Anon, ‘Draft Primary School Course for Native Schools’, The Education Gazette, Vol. XXI, No. 3, August 1921; Anon, ‘Courses of training for native teachers’, 1 March 1923; Anon, ‘Courses of training for native teachers’, 12 February 1925. (414) Emanuelson, ‘A history of native education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’, p. 295. (415) Chisholm, Between Worlds: German Missionaries and the Transition from Mission to Bantu Education, pp. 108 109. (416) Ibid., pp. 106, 110 112. (417) I. Hofmeyr, The Portable Bunyan: A Transnational History of the Pilgrim’s Progress (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), pp. 114 130. (418) Omar, ‘In my stride’. (419) Thakur, ‘Education for upliftment’, pp. 87 88.

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Ibid., pp. 138 141. Ibid., p. 165. Ibid., pp. 291 293. Ibid., p. 203. Ibid., pp. 310 313. Ibid., p. 175. See for example P. R. Randall, The Role of the History of Education in Teacher Education in South Africa, with Particular Reference to Developments in Britain and the USA, Ph.D. Dissertation (Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand, 1988). Niven, ‘Teacher education in South Africa’, p. 150. Union of South Africa, Report of the Commission on Native Education, 1949-1951 (Eiselen Report). U.G. No. 53/1951, p. 69, Table LXX. Ibid., p. 70, Table LXXVI. Ibid., p. 70, Table LXXVII. Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1957-58, p. 193. Ibid., p. 193. M. Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1959-60 (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1960), p. 228. M. Vick, ‘Australian teacher education 1900-1950: Conspicuous and inconspicuous international networks’, Paedagogica Historica, Vol. 43, No. 2, April 2007, pp. 245 255. See for example Randall, ‘The role of the history of education in teacher education in South Africa, with particular reference to developments in Britain and the USA’. R. Jaff, M. Rice, J. Hofmeyr, G. Hall, The National Teacher Education Audit: The Colleges of Education (Auckland Park: EDUPOL, 1995), p. 59; Randall, ‘The role of the history of education in teacher education in South Africa, with particular reference to developments in Britain and the USA’. I. Westbury, S. Hopmann and K. Riquarts (Eds.), Teaching As A Reflective Practice: The German Didaktik Tradition (Mahwah, NJ: L. Erlbaum Associates, 2000); S. Hopmann, ‘“Didaktik meets curriculum” revisited: Historical encounters, systematic experience, empirical limits’, Nordic Journal of Studies in Educational Policy, 1 January 2015), pp. 14 21; S. Hopmann, ‘Restrained teaching: The common core of Didaktik’, European Educational Research Journal, Vol. 6, No. 2, 2007, pp. 109 123; C. Suransky-Dekker, ‘A liberating breeze of Western civilisation?: A political history of fundamental pedagogics as an expression of Dutch-Afrikaner relationships’, Ph.D. Dissertation (Westville: University of Durban-Westville, 1998). P. Duvenage, ‘“Die Mens as Deelname aan ’n “Geskonde en Beste Wêreld”: C.K. Oberholzer, Fenomenologie en Pretoria’, HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies, Vol. 65, No. 1, 2009, p. 5. P. Enslin, ‘The role of fundamental pedagogics in the formulation of educational policy in South Africa’, in P. Kallaway (Ed.), Apartheid and

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Education: The Education of Black South Africans in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1984), pp. 145 146; P. Enslin, ‘Science and doctrine: Theoretical discourse in South African teacher education’, in M. Nkomo (Ed.), Pedagogy of Domination: Toward a Democratic Education in South Africa (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990), pp. 77 93. (487) B. Ndimande, ‘Struggles against fundamental pedagogics in South Africa’, in N. Hobel and B. Bales (Eds.), Navigating the Common Good in Teacher Education Policy: Critical and International Perspectives (New York, NY: Routledge, 2018); ‘Transformation in education Or the lack of it’, Notes from Underground (blog), 4 January 2008, https://ondermynende.wordpress. com/?s=Transformation+in+education+-+or+the+lack+of+it. (488) C. Suransky-Dekker, ‘A liberating breeze of western civilisation?: A political history of fundamental pedagogics as an expression of DutchAfrikaner relationships, Ph.D. Dissertation (Westville: University of Durban-Westville, 1998), Abstract.

Chapter 8 (489) In 1955, only about 4 per cent of coloured, 4 per cent of Indian and some 3 per cent of African children in school were in secondary classes. M. Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1954-1955 (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1955), p. 170. In 1956 1957 only 0.6 per cent of those in educational institutions were training to be teachers compared with about 40 per cent of whites. Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1957-58, pp. 184 & 191. (490) Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1957-58, pp. 259 260. (491) L. Phillips, ‘History of South Africa’s Bantustans’, in Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), p. 2. (492) See for example Soudien, ‘Teachers’ responses to the introduction of apartheid education’; E. Unterhalter, ‘Gender, race and different lives: South African women teachers’ autobiographies and the analysis of educational change’, in P. Kallaway (Ed.), The History of Education under Apartheid 1948-1994. The Doors of Learning and Culture Shall Be Opened (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman, 2002), pp. 243 259; A. Wieder, ‘Informed by apartheid: Mini-oral histories of two Cape Town teachers’, in P. Kallaway (Ed.), The History of Education under Apartheid 19481994. The Doors of Learning and Culture Shall Be Opened (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman, 2002), pp. 197 211; A. Wieder, ‘White teachers/black schools: Stories from apartheid South Africa’, Multicultural Education, Vol. 8, No. 4, July 15, 2001, pp. 14 23. (493) E. G. (Ernst Gideon) Malherbe, Education in South Africa: Vol.2: 192375; 1977 (Cape Town: Juta and Company, 1977), p. 349.

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‘Social conflicts over African education in South Africa from the 1940’s to 1976’, p. 363. Hyslop, ‘Social conflicts over African education in South Africa from the 1940’s to 1976’, p. 363. Ibid., p. 363. Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1957-58, p. 186. K. Hartshorne, Crisis and Challenge: Black Education 1910-1990 (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 240. M. Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1964 (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1965), p. 280. Hartshorne, Crisis and Challenge: Black Education 1910-1990, p. 240. Ngubentombi, ‘Teacher education in Transkei’, p. 176. S. Mahlase, The Careers of Women Teachers under Apartheid (Harare: SAPES Books, 1997), p. 75; see also Elaine Unterhalter, ‘The impact of apartheid on women’s education in South Africa’, Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 17, No. 48, September 1, 1990, pp. 66 75. S. Magona, Forced to Grow (London: The Women’s Press, 1992), p. 45. Em Beale, ‘“The task of Fort Hare in terms of the Transkei and Ciskei”: Educational policy at Fort Hare in the 1960s’, Perspectives in Education, Vol. 12, No. 1, January 1990, pp. 48 51. M. Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1969), p. 232. Ibid., pp. 224 225. M. Horrell, D. Horner, and J. Hudson, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1975), p. 275. See for example Ngubentombi, ‘Teacher education in Transkei’, pp. 129, 166, 167. Ibid., pp. 167 & 172. In 1968 the Transkei phased out the Lower Primary Teachers’ Course and reorganised the Higher Primary into a Primary Teachers’ Course. This development seems to have occurred in other African areas too. Ibid., p. 172. M. Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1965 (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1966), p. 255. See A. L. Behr and R. G MacMillan, Education in South Africa (Pretoria: Van Schaik, 1971), pp. 281 283 for a summary of the main initial professional training courses for white primary and secondary teachers provided by South African universities. See Ibid., pp. 287 288 for an outline of the white Primary Teachers’ Diploma course offered by the Cape Province. Hartshorne, Crisis and Challenge: Black Education 1910-1990, p. 239; see also for example Ngubentombi, ‘Teacher education in Transkei’, pp. 124 125 for discussion of courses in Transkeian colleges during the 1950s and 1960s.

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(530) I have here adapted and slightly altered Soudien’s categories for my own purposes. Soudien, ‘Teachers’ responses to the introduction of apartheid education’. (531) Mudney Halim assisted with some of the interviews in 2018. (532) F. Macgilchrist, ‘Backstaging the teacher: On learner-driven, schooldriven and data-driven change in educational technology discourse’, Kultura-Społecse´nswo-Edukacja, Vol. 2, No. 12, 2017, p. 87. (533) Unterhalter, ‘Gender, race and different lives: South African women teachers’ autobiographies and the analysis of educational change’, p. 246. (534) Interview with Hennie Kock conducted by Linda Chisholm in Durban, 29 May 2018. (535) Hartshorne, Crisis and Challenge: Black Education 1910-1990, p. 239. (536) Ibid., p. 243. (537) Interview with Paul Londal conducted by Linda Chisholm at Edgewood in Pinetown, Durban, 2 July 2007. (538) Symposium was the journal at JCE. Others may have existed. (539) Michael Gardiner, an English lecturer at JCE, became so involved. (540) Interview with Curtis Nkondo conducted by Linda Chisholm in Johannesburg, 15 and 16 June 2008. Curtis Nkondo was 80 years old when I interviewed him, still reading and writing and thinking about education. (541) Interview with Thandi Mabena (pseudonym) conducted by Linda Chisholm at Mariannhill, 20 June 2008. (542) Interview with Joseph (Yusuf) Jacobs conducted by Linda Chisholm in Durban, 23 June 2008. (543) https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/yusuf-joe-jacobs accessed 9 November 2018. (544) Interview with Thandi Mabena (pseudonym), conducted by Linda Chisholm, 9 November 2018. (545) Rand College had started life in the early part of the century as the Eurafrican Training Centre. It was removed from Vrededorp to Coronationville until eventually it was moved even further out of the city to Shaft 17. Interview with Edwin Bennett conducted by Mudney Halim on 11 May 2018. (546) I. Vadi, ‘Speech delivered at the Transvaal College of Education reunion’, 10 August 2018. (547) Interview with Derrick Naidoo conducted by Linda Chisholm in Johannesburg, 19 November 2018. (548) Vadi, ‘Speech delivered at the Transvaal College of Education re-union’. (549) B. Nasson, ‘The unity movement: Its legacy in historical consciousness’, Radical History Review, Vol. 46, No. 7, 1990, pp. 189 211; L. Chisholm, ‘Education, politics and organisation in South Africa: The educational traditions and legacies of the Non-European Unity Movement, 19431986’, Transformation, Vol. 15, 1991, pp. 1 24.

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References 202006%20teacher%20graduates%20and%20costs%201999-20%E2%80% A6.pdf?ver=2009-09-18-142321-277 I conducted an unpublished analysis of the fate of teacher education colleges in 2009. For the fate of those within higher education, during the merger process, see Kruss, 2008, Annexure 1. See for example J. Papier, ‘The notion of “vocational pedagogy” and implications for the training of vocational teachers Examining the field’, International Journal of Education, Vol. 6, No. 2, 2012, pp. 87 96; V. Wedekind, ‘Chaos or coherence: Further education and training college governance in post-apartheid South Africa’, Research in Comparative and International Education, Vol. 5, 2012, pp. 302 315; J. Papier, ‘Report on the training of FET college lecturers in South Africa, England and other international contexts’ (FETI Institute: University of the Western Cape, January 2008). The South African Qualifications Authority Act, No 58 of 1995; The National Education Policy Act, No 27 of 1996; Higher Education Act, No 101 of 1997; Employment of Educators’ Act, No 76, 1998; Norms and Standards for Educators, No 82 of 2000; The South African Council of Educators Act, No 31 of 2000. C. Cooper et al., Race Relations Survey 1993/4 (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1994), p. 718; C. Cooper et al., Race Relations Survey 1991/2 (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1992), p. 211. Interview conducted by author with Graham Hall, 5 June 2018 in Johannesburg; see also C. Sehoole, ‘The incorporation of the Johannesburg College of Education into the University of the Witwatersrand’, in J. Jansen (Ed.), Mergers in Higher Education: Lessons Learned in Transitional Contexts (Pretoria: University of South Africa, 2002). M. Gustafsson and F. Patel, ‘Managing the teacher pay system. What the local and international data are telling us’, Stellenbosch Economic Working Papers: 26/06 (Department of Economics and the Bureau for Economic Research: University of Stellenbosch, 1 December 2008), p. 9. Jaff et al., ‘The National Teacher Education Audit: The colleges of education’, p. 12. Parker, ‘Roles and responsibilities, Institutional landscapes and curriculum mindscapes: A partial view of teacher education policy in South Africa 1990-2000’, pp. 33 34. Interview conducted by author with Paul Londal, 2 July 2007 at Edgewood College in Pinetown. Parker, ‘Roles and responsibilities, institutional landscapes and curriculum mindscapes: A partial view of teacher education policy in South Africa 1990-2000’, pp. 35 36. The Committee of College of Education Rectors of South Africa (CCERSA) was founded in 1992 but had a weak voice in the discussions and negotiations around the fate of the colleges. Pratt explains that they

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were weakened by the rationalization processes and poor organizational infrastructure. Parker, ‘Roles and responsibilities, institutional landscapes and curriculum mindscapes: A partial view of teacher education policy in South Africa 1990-2000’, p. 33; Pratt, ‘Remodelling teacher education 19942000: A perspective on the cessation of college-based education’, p. 11. Pratt, ‘Remodelling teacher education 1994-2000: A perspective on the cessation of college-based education’, pp. 12 13. Ibid., p. 8. Graham Hall, interviewed by the author on 5 June 2018, in Johannesburg. Jaff et al., ‘The National Teacher Education Audit: The colleges of education’, p. 67. African National Congress Education Department, A Policy Framework for Education and Training (Johannesburg: African National Congress, 1994), p. 49. Ibid., p. 50. J. Jansen, ‘Mergers in South African higher education: Theorising change in transitional contexts’, Politikon, Vol. 30, No. 1, 1 May 2003, pp. 27 50. J. Reddy, ‘Regional incorporation, rationalisation of programmes and mergers in higher education: A case study of colleges of education in Natal’, in K. Lewin, M. Samuel and Y. Sayed (Eds.), Changing Patterns of Teacher Education in South Africa: Policy, Practice and Prospects (Sandown: Heinemann, 2002), pp. 91 106; M. Steele, ‘Teacher education policy: A provincial portrait from KwaZulu-Natal (1994 to 2000) “dead men walking”’, in K. Lewin, M. Samuel, and Y. Sayed (Eds.), Changing Patterns of Teacher Education in South Africa: Policy, Practice and Prospects (Sandown: Heinemann, 2002), pp. 107 117. B. Steele, ‘Teacher education policy: A provincial portrait from KwaZulu-Natal (1994 to 2000) “dead men walking”’ and Reddy, ‘Regional incorporation, rationalisation of programmes and mergers in higher education: A case study of colleges of education in Natal’ show how irrational several closures and mergers were in KwaZulu-Natal, where former Inkatha Freedom Party stalwart, Simon Mbokazi, was placed in charge of the process. Department of Education, A National Framework for Teacher Education in South Africa. Report of the Ministerial Committee on Teacher Education (Pretoria: Department of Education, 2005), p. 10. Ibid., p. 20. Republic of South Africa, ‘Commission of Inquiry into Higher Education Report (Heher Report)’, pp. 252 262. D. Parker, ‘Access to pre-service teacher education’ (CEPD/UMALUSI Seminar, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2009), p. 6. National Assembly, Parliamentary Monitoring Group Committee meeting reports, Basic Education, Initial Teacher Education Programmes;

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References Teacher Development, 23 October 2018, https://pmg.org.za/committeemeeting/27305/?utm_campaign=minute-alert&utm source = transactional&utm medium = email accessed 7 December 2018. Parker, ‘Access to pre-service teacher education’, p. 8. South Africa Department of National Education Committee of Heads of Education Departments, Education Renewal Strategy (ERS): Discussion Document (Pretoria: Deptartment of National Education, 1991), p. 44. Ibid., p. 45. South African Institute for Distance Education (SAIDE), Report on Research into Teacher Upgrading (Pretoria: Department of Education, 30 April 2009), p. 8. Ibid., p. 12. Ibid., p. i. Ibid., p. 130. Department of Basic Education and Department of Higher Education and Training, Integrated Strategic Planning Framework for Teacher Education and Development in South Africa 2011-2025 (Pretoria: Department of Basic Education and Department of Higher Education and Training, 2011). National Assembly, ‘Initial teacher education programmes: Teacher development’, Parliamentary Monitoring Group, Committee Meeting Reports, Basic Education (Cape Town: National Assembly, October 23, https://pmg.org.za/committee-meeting/27305/?utm_campaign= 2018), minute-alert&utm source = transactional&utm medium = email. Hofmeyr, Buckland, and Sayed, Teacher Education, p. 3; J. Hofmeyr and G. Hall, The National Teacher Education Audit. Synthesis Report (Johannesburg: Centre for Education Policy Development, 1995), p. 74; African National Congress Education Department, A Policy Framework for Education and Training, pp. 48 50. These were: learning mediator; interpreter and designer of learning programmes; leader, administrator and manager; scholar, researcher and lifelong learner; assessor; a community, citizenship and pastoral role; and a learning area/subject/discipline/phase specialist role. J. Jansen and P. Christie, Changing Curriculum: Studies on OutcomesBased Education in South Africa (Cape Town: Juta and Company, 1999). Parker, ‘Roles and responsibilities, institutional landscapes and curriculum mindscapes: A partial view of teacher education policy in South Africa 1990-2000’, p. 29. Sayed, ‘Changing forms of teacher education in South Africa: A case study of policy change’, p. 393. Steele, ‘Teacher education policy: A provincial portrait from KwaZuluNatal (1994 to 2000) “dead men walking”’, p. 108. See for example K. Harley and E. Mattson, ‘Teacher identities and strategic mimicry in the policy/practice gap’, Changing Patterns of Teacher Education in South Africa: Policy, Practice and Prospects (Sandown: Heinemann, 2002), pp. 284 306; Ken Harley et al., ‘“The real and the

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(685) G. J. J. Biesta, Beautiful Risk of Education, 1st ed. (Boulder, CO: Routledge, 2014); G. J. J. Biesta, Beyond Learning: Democratic Education for a Human Future, 1st ed. (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2006). (686) G. J. J. Biesta, The Beautiful Risk of Education (Boulder, CO: Routledge, 2013), p. xi. (687) Ibid., pp. 119 137, Chapter 7. (688) Ibid., p. 137.

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Appendix 1: List of Colleges, 1838 1990

Date Founded

Province

Institution

Race

Gender

1838

Cape

Genadendal

1841

Cape

Lovedale

African

Male

1861

Cape

Bensonvale (closed in 1935?)

African

Male

1865 1910

Natal

Amanzimtoti Institute (Adams College)

African

Male

1867

Cape

Healdtown

African

Male

1869 1910

Natal

Inanda Seminary (American Board Congregationalists)

African

Female

1874

Cape

Huguenot Seminary and White College, Wellington, recognised as a College in 1898

1878

Cape

Cape Town Normal College

White

Tvl

Botshabelo BMS

African

1882

Cape Clarkebury (Transkei)

African

1883

Cape

Cape Town Training College

White

1886

Tvl

Kilnerton (Methodist)

African

Male

1893

Cape

Wellington Training College

Tvl

Staatsmodelskool

White

Male

Cape

Grahamstown Training College

Cape

Caledon Training College

Tvl

Staatsmeisjieskool

White

Female

1896

Female

Co-ed

250

Appendix 1

(Continued ) Date Founded

Province

Institution

Race

1899

Cape

Uitenhage (Dower Memorial Congregationalist?)

1900

Cape

Burgersdorp

1902

Tvl

Staatsmodelskools and White Staatsmeisjieskool combined to form Pretoria Normal College and then Transvaal Normal College

OFS

Bloemfontein Normal College (originally established in 1898 but closed because of the war)

1904

N Cape

Tigerkloof

1905 1928

Tvl

Eurafrican Training Centre and Practising school (interdenominational)

1906

Tvl

Lemana (Swiss Mission)

African

1907

Tvl

Grace Dieu (Anglican)

African

1908

Cape

Stellenbosch Training School

White

Natal

Natal Teachers’ Training White College

OFS

Normal school classes started at selected schools in terms of Education Act;

African

Gender

Largely female

First male, then co-ed

Female

African

Stoffberggedenkskool (DRC) 1909

Tvl

Johannesburg Normal College; Heidelberg College of Education

White

Female

Appendix 1

251

(Continued ) Date Founded

Province

Institution

Race

Gender

1910 1912

1913

1914

Cape

Robertson Training School

Natal

Umpumulo (Lutheran) closed in 1954

African

Co-ed

Cape

Paarl Training College

Coloured

Co-ed

Kimberley Training School (Perseverance);

Coloured

Male

Cradock Training School;

African/ Coloured

Zonnebloem (Anglican);

Coloured

Wesley Teachers’ Training College

African

Natal

St Chad’s at Modderspruit nr Ladysmith (Anglican)

Cape

Kingwilliamstown Training School

White

Steynsburg Training School

White

Oudtshoorn Training White but School (Opleidingkollege eventually Suid-Kaap, OKSK) for coloured teachertrainees Natal

1915

1916

KwaMagwaza in Zululand (Anglican)

African

Edendale (Pmb) 1871 1914 opened

African

Cape Shawbury (Transkei)

African

Natal

St Francis College at Mariannhill (Catholic)

African

Cape

Graaff-Reinet Training School

White

Male

252

Appendix 1

(Continued ) Date Founded

Province

Institution

Race

1917

N Cape

Perseverance Coloured Training School

Mixed race until 1935 then exclusively coloured

1918

Tvl

Potchefstroom

White Afrikaans

1919

Cape

Uitenhage Training School (Dower Memorial College)

1924

Tvl

Bethel (Hermannburg Mission)

African

1926

Cape

Battswood, Wynberg, Cape Town (DRC)

Coloured

Athlone Coloured Training School, Paarl (interdenominational)

Coloured

1929

Female

Cape

Rhenisch Söhnge School, Coloured Worcester (absorbed the old Genadendal)

Natal

Sastri College

Indian

1930

Cape

Oudtshoorn Teachers’ Training College

Coloured relation to one started in 1914?

1935 1954

N Cape

Gore-Brown (Native) Training

African

1935

Tvl

Bethesda (nr Pietersburg, African DRC); Pac (Roman Catholic)

1937

Tvl

Wilberforce (AME), Nr Evaton

1939

Tvl

St Thomas (Roman Catholic in Jhb)

Gender

African

Male/ female

Appendix 1

253

(Continued ) Date Founded

Province

Institution

Race

1941

Cape

Hewat

Coloured

1946

Tvl

Tshakuma (BMS) (Vendaland)

African

Gender

Bantu Normal College (State) 1947

Tvl

Mokopane (state)

African

1948

Natal

Evangelical Teacher Training College near Vryheid (The Evangelical Alliance Mission) closed in 1954

African

1951

Natal

Springfield

Indian

Natal

Inkamana (Catholic)

African

Male

St Bruno’s (Catholic)

African

Female

1952

Cape Arthur Tsengiwe (DRC, (Transkei) Cala district)

African

1954

Tvl

1954

Cape Cicira (DRC, Umtata (Transkei) district)

African

1955

Natal

Bechet

Coloured

Tvl

Laudium

Tvl College of Education shared premises with the Indian High School in Bree Street

Indian

1955

Cape Mount Arthur (Transkei)

African

1957

Cape Bensonvale (Herschel (Transkei) district)

African

Natal

Applesbosch (ex-Church African of Sweden/Lutheran) Pholela (ex-Church of Scotland)

African

Eshowe (ex-Lutheran)

African

Re-opened after closed in 1935?

254

Appendix 1

(Continued ) Date Founded

Province

Institution

Race

1957

Natal

Durban College of Education (Dokkies)

White Afrikaans

1961

Tvl

Goudstad

White Afrikaans

Natal

Vryheid

African

1964

Transkei

Mount Arthur College (Lady Frere district)

African

1966

Cape Sigcau (Flastaff (Transkei) district)

African

1974

Cape Maluti (Matatiele (Transkei) district)

African

1976

Cape Butterworth (Transkei) (in town Butterworth)

African

1977 1979

Soweto Soweto Education College

African

1983

Cape Bethel (Transkei)

African

1987

Cape Lumko (on premises of African (Transkei) RC Church) had been a training seminary

1988

Cape Clydesdale (district (Transkei) of Umzimkulu)

1988

Cape Mfundisweni (had been African (Transkei) a high school in Flagstaff district, eastern Pondoland)

1990

Cape Transkei College of (Transkei) Education (in Umtata)

Colleges in KZN formed during apartheid period

Indumiso (DET) Umlazi Technical College (KDEC) Ezakheni (KDEC) Ntuzuma Amazimtoti

African

African

Gender

Appendix 1

255

(Continued ) Date Founded

Province

Institution

Race

Gender

Umbumbulu at KwaMakhutha Esikhawini Mpumulanga Madadeni KwaGqikazi Notes: This list is incomplete for the later period. It is intended to provide an overview of when major colleges were started for whom. It is drawn from various sources, including: The Cape Education Gazette, S. Duff, ‘Head, Heart and Hand: The Huguenot Seminary and College and the Construction of Middle Class Afrikaner Femininity, 1873-1910’ (MA, University of Stellenbosch, 2006) O. Emanuelson, ‘A History of Native Education in Natal between 1835 and 1927’ (MEd University of Natal, 1927); M. Horrell, The Education of the Coloured Community in South Africa, 1652-1970. (Johannesburg: SAIRR, 1970); M. Horrell, Bantu Education to 1968 (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, n.d.); E. L. Ernest. ‘The Origin, Development and Role of Missionary Teacher-Training Institutions for the Africans of the North-Western Cape. An Historical-Critical Survey of the Period 1850-1954, Vol I and II’. (DEd, UNISA, 1970); E. L. Maurice, ‘The Development of Policy in Regard to the Education of Coloured Pupils at the Cape, 1880 1940’ (PhD, University of Cape Town, 1966); M. C. J. Mphahlele, ‘The Development, Role and Influence of Missionary Teacher Training Institutions in the Territory of Lebowa (1903-1953) (An Historical-Pedagogical Survey)’ (PhD, Turfloop, 1978) and C. Salmon and C. Woods. Colleges of Education: Challenging the Cliché (Durban: Education Research Unit, University of Natal, 1991); J. M. Niven, ‘Teacher Education in South Africa: A Critical Study of Selected Aspects of Its Historical, Curricular and Administrative Development.’ (PhD, University of Natal, 1971);

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Appendix 2: List of Colleges at the End of the 1990s

Province Eastern Cape

Colleges of Education Algoa College of Education Lovedale College for Continuing Education Cape College of Education Masibulele College of Education Dower College of Education Dr WB Rubusana College of Education Griffiths Mxenge College of Education Arthur Tsengiwe College of Education Bensonvale College of Education Clydesdale College of Education Bethel College of Education Lumko College of Education Butterworth College of Education Cicira College of Education Mfundisweni College of Education Clarkebury College of Education Mount Arthur College of Education Shawbury College of Education Sigcau College of Education Transkei College of Education Transkei Teacher’s In-service College Maluti College of Education

Free State

Bloemfontein College of Education Mphohandi College of Education Boitjhorisong In-service Training Center Sefikeng College of Education

258

Appendix 2

(Continued ) Province

Colleges of Education Bonamelo College of Education Thaba’Nchu College of Education Kagisanong College of Education Tshiya College of Education Lere La Tshepe College of Education

Gauteng

Soweto College of Education Goudstad College of Education of South Africa (SACTE) Kathorus College of Education College for Continuing Education Pretoria College of Education Daveyton College of Education Promat In-service College of Education East Rand College of Education Rand College of Education Johannesburg College of Education Sebokeng College of Education Transvaal College of Education South African College of Open Learning (SACOL) TVL College of Education

Mpumalanga

Ndebele College of Education Middelburg College of Education Elijah (EC) Mango College of Education Hoxani College of Education Mgwenya College of Education Dr NC Phatudi College of Education (Limpopo) Mamokgale College of Education

KZN

Adams College of Education Bechet College of Education Springfield College of Education Esikhawini College of Education Appelsbosch College of Education Ezakheni College of Education

Appendix 2 (Continued ) Province

Colleges of Education Durban College of Education Indumiso College of Education Edgewood College of Education KwaGqikasi College of Education Eshowe College of Education Madadeni College of Education Mpumalanga College of Education Umbumbulu College of Education Ntuzuma College of Education Gamalakhe College of Education Siza’s Center for In-service Training

Limpopo

Mapulaneng College of Education Marapyane College of Education Mamokgalake College of Education Lebowa In-service Training Center Bochum College of Education Naphuno College of Education Makhado College of Education Giyani College of Education Kwena Moloto College of Education Modjadji College of Education Lemana College of Education Mokopane College of Education Shingwedzi College of Education Ramaano Mbulaheni Training Center Thabamoopo College of Education Sekgosese College of Education Tivumbeni College of Eduation Sekhukhune College of Education Tshisimani College of Education Setotolwane College of Education Venda College of Education MASTEC (College of Education)

259

260

Appendix 2

(Continued ) Province

Colleges of Education

North Cape

Phatsimang College of Education

North-West

Hebron College of Education

Perseverance College of Education Batswana College of Education Potchefstroom College of Education Lehurutshe College of Education Taung College of Education Mankwe Christian College of Education Tlhabane College Moretele College of Education North-West In-service Education College Western Cape

Bellville College of Education Boland College of Education Roggebaai College for Further Training South Cape College of Education Cape Town College of Education Sohnge College of Education Good Hope College of Education Hewat College of Education

Notes: I compiled this list on the basis of various departmental sources for the purposes of Chisholm (2010). Useful sources for the number and location of colleges of education at the end of the 1990s include R. Jaff et al., The National Teacher Education Audit: The Colleges of Education (Auckland Park: EDUPOL, 1995) and P. Kallaway, Colleges of Education in South Africa (Unpublished paper, May 29, 2008). G. Kruss’s Teacher Education and Institutional Change in South Africa (Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2008) provides a valuable table showing which colleges were merged into which universities.

Index Aborigine schools, 37, 52 Academic and professional training, 31 Academic subjects, 96 97, 98 Adapted education, 62 in black schools, 92 Advisory Council on Teacher Training, 116 African colleges, 131 134 African curricular development, 84 African education, 75 76 African Education: A Study of Educational Policy and Practice in British Tropical Africa (1953), 107 108 African, Indian and coloured teachers, colleges for, 114 African language, 97 98 African National Congress, 107 African pre-capitalist societies, 30 African Primary Schools, teachers for, 109 114 African pupil teachers, 39 African schools, massification and teacher provision for, 124 127 African secessionism, 49 African taxation, 124 125 revenues, 108 Afrikaans cultural movement, 61 62 Afrikaans-speaking white institution, 55

Afrikaner domination, 107 Afrikaner nationalism, 50 Afrikaner nationalist project, 55 Afrikaner Republics, 28 mission schools in OFS and ZAR, 46 47 Orange Free State, 45 Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR), 46 All African Convention (AAC) roots, 135 Anglo-Zulu War, 29 Anti-assimilationist, 30 Anti-Indian legislation of 1924, 64 Apartheid and teacher preparation African, Indian and coloured teachers, colleges for, 114 African Primary Schools, teachers for, 109 114 and Bantu education, 107 establishment, 109 practice teaching, 110 universities, preparation in, 116 119 White Secondary Schools, teachers for, 114 116 Apprenticeship, 32 33, 45 Art of teaching, 19 20, 54 Assistant missionary, 24 Athlone College of Education, 156 Bantu Education Act, 91, 110 111, 112 113 Bantu Education system, 108, 109, 115, 144 145

262

Index

Bantustan reports, 142 145 Bantustan teacher preparation, 149 Bechet College of Education, 156 BEd course, 115 116, 154 155, 163 Berlin Mission Society, 58 Black education system, 141 Black labour, 61 Black teachers, 61, 62, 63, 64 65 Boland College of Education, 156 Border Department − Aborigine schools, 34 35 British annexation of Natal, 40 British colonial liberalism, 130 British social engineering, 30 Bureaucratic efficiency, 107 108 Buthelezi Commission, 142 143 Cape colony education implications, 23 25 pupil-teacher system, 36 38 schooling and teaching, 33 36 tiered teacher certificates, 38 39 training in colleges and higher education institutions, 39 40 Cape Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), 46 47 Cape Education Department, 112, 124, 143 Cape Education Gazette, 91, 93 Cape mission schools, 20 Cape Province, 65 70 Cape School Board Act (1905), 49 Cape Town College of Education, 51 Capitalism, 28 29 Certificated teachers, 76 Certificates in use in 1920, 80, 81

Certification Council for Teachers’ Training, 141 142 Christian National Education (CNE), 50, 64 65 policy, 107 Christian National vision of schooling, 55 Church Cape Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), 46 47 dominance of, 20 22 English Church, 46 47 Methodist Church, 51 Citizenship rights for Africans, 107 Class and elite formation, 142 elite manqué, creation, 145 148 CNE. See Christian National Education (CNE) Co-educational institutions, 94 Colleges Adams College, 44 45 African colleges, 131 134 African, Indian and coloured teachers, 114 Athlone College of Education, 156 Bechet College of Education, 156 Boland College of Education, 156 Cape Town College of Education, 51 closure, 156 157 Edgewood College of Education in Natal, 157 English-speaking, 130 Further Education and Training (FET) colleges, 155 156

Index

Gill College, 45 Giyani College of Education, 144 145 Grahamstown College, 39 Grey College, 45, 46 Hewat College of Education in Cape Town, 157 158 Huguenot College, 32 33 Indian and coloured colleges, 134 138 institutional provision and teacher preparation, 76 79 college system expansion, 76 77 tensions, 78 79 white and black teachers production, 77 78 Johannesburg College of Education, 55, 156 Matriculation Examination of the South African Native College, 70 ML Sultan Technical College, 126 127 Natal Training College, 42 New York Teachers’ College model, 63 Normal College, 32 33, 36 37, 70, 71 72 Pax Training College, 110 111 Pietermaritzburg-based Natal Technical College, 126 127 preparation, 133 Pretoria College, 70 Pretoria Normal College, 56 57, 132 pupil-teacher and normal college systems, 30 33 Rand College of Education, 156

263

Sallie Davies College of Education, 156 Sastri College, 64 South African College, 40 South African College of Learning (SACOL), 155 South African College of Teacher Education (SACTE), 155 South African Native College, 70 St Aidans Training College, 41 stand-alone, 72 state-controlled Training Colleges, 113 Technical College in Pietermaritzburg, 126 127 training in, 39 40 Transvaal College of Education (TCE), 136 137 university-college conflict, 154 Victoria College, 71 Wesley College of Education, 156 White Colleges, 128 131, 148 White English-speaking colleges, 130 Zonnebloem College, 64 Colonial and mission education, 19 Colonial and non-colonial educational literature, 107 108 Colonial beliefs and practices, 36 Colonial forces, 29 Colonialism, 20, 27 Colonists and slaves, schooling, 19 Coloured teachers, 64, 67, 126 127 colleges for, 114 Coloured teachers-in-training, 88

264

Index

Commission of Education, 50 Commission on Native Education, 66 Commissions of Inquiry, 122 123 Committee on Teacher Education Policy (COTEP), 162 Compulsory schooling, 19 20 Continuing Professional Development System, 161 COTEP. See Committee on Teacher Education Policy (COTEP) Cultural differences, 107 Curriculum and pedagogy higher primary teachers’ certificates, 101 102 lower primary teachers’ certificates, 97 101 teachers as professionals and community change agents, 93 96 Curriculum change, 161 164 Curriculum Committee, 69 Darwinism, 27 De Lange Report (1979 − 1981), 139 142 Democratic participation, 107 108 Demonstration lessons, 91 “Developing country”, 142 143 Developmentalist colonial discourses, 107 108 Developmentalist discourses, 121 Direct transplanting, 19 20 Discrimination, 88 89 Double-digit inflation, 156 157 Dual system of professional training, 31 32 Dutch colony in South Africa, 22

Dutch East India Company (DEIC), 19 20 rule, 19 Edgewood College of Education in Natal, 123 124, 157 Educated natives, 41 Education diplomas, 126 leadership, 36 officials, 62 1865 Education Act, 34 35, 37 Education Administration Commission, 62 Educational independence, 50 Education and Training Policy Framework, 158 Education Labour Relations Council, 157 158, 160 Education Renewal Strategy of 1991, 160 Elementary Science and Physiology, 98 Elementary Teachers’ Certificate, 37 38 Elite manqué, creation, 145 148 English Church, 46 47 English historiography, 31 English monitorial school, 32 English-speaking colleges, 130 English-speaking ethnic/national character, 50 English-speaking liberalism, 55 56 English-speaking universities, 118 English-speaking white teachers, 64 65 English workers, enfranchisement, 30 Equality, 107 108 ‘Equal Pay for Equal Work’, 64 65

Index

Ethical religious approach, 129 Ethnic citizenships, 142 Ethnicized political identities, 149 Eurafrican Training Centre and Practising School, 57 Evangelist-teacher, 32 33 Extension of Universities Act, 117 118, 139 140 Extra-curricular activities, 92 Extra-mural activities, 134 Farming communities, 61 Female Industrial School, 36 Female supervisors (Jeanes teachers), 82 Feminisation, 68 of teaching, 31 Financial meltdown, 159 First- and second-class schools, 33 34 First Class Certificates, 53, 55 Formal schooling, 12, 19 Fourth Class Teachers’ certificate, 54 Free Evangelical Swiss, 46 47 ‘Free’ labour for farmers, 23 Free State’s Herzog Act (1907), 49 ‘Fundamental Pedagogics’, 119, 127, 129, 142 143, 158 Funding, 175 practical subjects, 99 Funza Lushaka bursary programme, 159 160 Further Education and Training (FET) colleges, 155 156 GEAR. See Growth, Employment and Redistribution Strategy (GEAR) Genadendal Training Institution, 24 Gender-differentiated form, 97

265

Gendered expectations, 125 126 Gender inequalities, 121 Giyani College of Education, 144 145 Government Teachers’ Certificate, 41 Grahamstown Training School, 51 52 Great Orange River, 24 Great Trek, 23 Growth, Employment and Redistribution Strategy (GEAR), 156 157 Hampton and Tuskegee model of adapted education, 62, 63 ‘Hegemonic or consensus ideology’, 49 Heidelberg catechism, 22 Hermannsburg Mission Society, 23 24 Hewat College of Education in Cape Town, 157 158 ‘High’ apartheid, 1959 − 1976 African schools, massification and teacher provision for, 124 127 authoritarian curricula and control, 127 138 white teachers preparation, 122 124 See also Apartheid and teacher preparation Higher Education Act, 156 157 Higher education and white teachers, 40 Higher Education Policy Act, 156 Higher normal school, 32 Higher primary course, 78 Higher primary teachers’ certificates, 101 102

266

Index

Historical legacies, 167 174 apartheid, 170 172 inter-war years, 168 170 post-apartheid challenge, 172 174 Housecraft Teachers’ Course, 99 Human Sciences Research Council, 160 161 Human Sciences Research Council Commission of Inquiry, 139 Ideology of segregation, 30 ILO-UNESCO Recommendation on the Status of Teachers, 159, 175 Imperial and colonial contexts, 27 Importation, 27 Indian and coloured colleges control, negotiation and resistance, 134 138 Indian Education Acts, 122 Indian Immigrant School Board, 40 Indian teachers, 126 127 colleges for, 114 Individualism, 130 Individual rights, 107 108 Industrial and agricultural education for Africans, 62 Industrial capital, 30 Industrialisation, 30, 49 and urbanisation, 108 Industrialism, 61 Inequality, 61 Inflation, 124 125 Informal curriculum, 92 Informal teaching, 19 In-service education, 124, 147 Institute of Education, 62 Integrated degrees, 145

Integrated Strategic Plan for Teacher Education and Development, 161 Intellectual education, 85 Interdepartmental Committee on Native Education of 1935 − 1936, 76 International and local economic climate, 149 Internationalisation, 27, 62 in education, 62 Interpersonal relationships, 129 Interpreters and motor-drivers, 75 76 Italian bookkeeping, 22 Johannesburg College of Education, 55, 131, 156 JSTC. See Junior Secondary Teachers’ Certificate (JSTC) Junior and Senior Indian Teachers’ Certificate, 41 Junior Certificate (JC), 125 examination, 78 Junior Secondary Course, 126 Junior Secondary Teachers’ Certificate (JSTC), 125, 145 146 Junior Third Class examinations, 68 Juvenile Mixed School, 36 Kindergarten Certificate, 52 53 Languages and academic subjects, 97 ‘Late’ apartheid phase (1976 − 1990), 121 Liberalism, 30 Liberal segregationists, 62 Literacy and numeracy, 162

Index

Local-class hierarchies, 34 London Missionary and Wesleyan missionary societies, 46 47 London Missionary Society (LMS), 23 24 in Vryburg, 52 Lower Primary Teachers’ Certificate (LPTC), 80, 97 101 Lower Secondary School Certificate, 80 LPTC. See Lower Primary Teachers’ Certificate (LPTC) Madrassah, 21 22 Manual training, 96 97, 98, 100 Married teachers employment, 115 Mass primary schooling, 113 114 Matriculation Examination of the South African Native College, 70 Methodist Church, 51 Middle Class Certificate, 39 Military training, 97 Ministerial Committee on Teacher Education, 158 159, 162 Mission-controlled institutions, 73 Mission schools, 24 college courses, 102 industrial education and the pupil-teacher system, 42 45 ML Sultan Technical College, 126 127 Monitors, 24 ‘Mr Teq’, 163 Natal African Teachers’ Union, 94 coastal belt, 23

267

colonial forces, 29 mission schools, industrial education and the pupilteacher system, 42 45 pupil-teacher system and model schools, 41 42 schooling and teaching, 40 41 Natal Education Commission, 54 Natal Education Department, 148 Natal Indian Congress (NIC), 64 Natal Indian Teachers’ Society (NITS), 64 Natal Native Teachers’ Union, 63 64 Natal Native Trust, 29 National Advisory Education Council, 123 National Bureau of Educational and Social Research, 61 62 National Congress’s Education and Training Policy Framework, 156 157 National Education Commission, 142 National Education Crisis Committee (NECC), 139 140 National Education Policy Act, 122, 123 National Education Policy Amendment Act, 123 National Education Policy Investigation (NEPI), 146, 155 National Education Union of South Africa (NEUSA), 133 National Institute for Curriculum and Professional Development, 161 National insurrection, 139, 148

268

Index

Nationalist Party, 61 National Party, 107 National Professional Diploma of Education (NPDE), 160 161 National Teacher Education and Development Committee, 161 National Teacher Education Audit, 155, 157 158 Nation-wide insurrection, 149 Native Affairs Commission, 75 76 Native Educational System, 35 Native Infant School Teachers’ (NIST) Course, 101 Native mission schools, 33 Native Primary Higher Certificate, 78 Native Primary School: Handbook of Suggestions, 93 Native teachers, 75 76 Native Territories, 38 39 ‘Nazi-like regimentation’, 113 114 Neo-Calvinist inspiration, 107 New Education Fellowship, 86 New Education movement, 62 New York Teachers’ College model, 63 Nineteenth-century South Africa economy and society shaping educational developments, 28 30 pupil-teacher and normal college systems, 30 33 pupil-teacher system, 33 47 Non-European Unity Movement (NEUM), 134 Non-racial sports movement, 135 Normal College, 27, 32 33, 55, 70, 71 72

Official languages, 61 62 Opleidingskollege Suid-Kaapland (OKSK), 65 66 Orange Free State (OFS), 29, 54 55, 64 65 Orange River Colony, 58 Organic unity, 20 ‘Overloaded’ academic curriculum, 99 Parliamentary grants, 30 31 Parsimoniousness, 75 76 Pass rates, Elementary Teachers’ examinations, 38 39 Paternalism, 30 Pax Training College, 110 111 Pedagogy. See Curriculum and pedagogy Pestalozzian teaching method, 32 Phelps Stokes Education Fund, 62 Physical exercises, curriculum, 97 Pietermaritzburg-based Natal Technical College, 126 127 Pietermartizburg College of Education, 70 71 Policy Framework for Teacher Education and Development, 159 160 Population Registration Act of 1950, 109 Postgraduate Certificate in Education (PGCE) programmes, 159 Post-Standard X teachers’ certificate, 146 Poverty and policy, teacher training, 77 78 Practice teaching, 110, 127 Practice-teaching lessons, 91 Practising Schools, 52

Index

Pre-capitalist Khoisan societies, 28 29 Pre-service education, 175 Pretoria Normal College, 56 57, 132 Primary Teachers’ Certificate (PTC), 126, 129 130, 143 Primary Teachers’ Diploma (PTD), 145 146 Private ownership, 29 Professional subjects, 71 72, 98, 101 Professional training, 86, 96 97 Promotion of Bantu Selfgovernment Act, 113 114 Provincial Native Education Commission, 68 69, 73 Pseudo-European Mission school teachers, 79 PTC. See Primary Teachers’ Certificate (PTC) PTD. See Primary Teachers’ Diploma (PTD) Pupil-teacher system, 31, 36 38, 50, 65 66 Afrikaner Republics, 45 47 Cape colony, 33 40 decline of Cape Province, 65 70 teachers’ associations, 63 65 Transvaal, Orange Free State and Natal, 70 71 Universities, 71 72 and model schools, 41 42 Natal, 40 45 and normal college systems, 30 33 Pupil-teacher Training Centres for Africans, 57 58

269

Qualified teachers, 65 Race and ethnicity, 27 Racial and ethnic divisions, 121 Racial cooperation, 62 Racial discrimination, 63 64 Racial divisions and differences, 141 142 Racially-constituted social order, 75 Rand College of Education, 156 Recommended readers and textbooks, 94 Residence life, 134 Resistance, 132 133 Resources and under-staffing, 99 RhodesMustFall#, 163 Rural Teachers’ Diploma, 85 Salaries and motivation, 79 80 scales, 75, 113 Sallie Davies College of Education, 156 Scheme of training, 99 Schmidt, George, 22 Schooling and patriarchy, 30 and teacher training, 61 and teaching, Natal, 40 41 Secondary Class Certificate, 66 67 Secondary Class Certificate Examination, 65 66 Secondary Teachers’ Diploma (STD), 125, 145 146 Second-class black elite, 82 83 Segregation, 29, 61 strengthening higher primary teachers’ certificates, 101 102

270

Index

lower primary teachers’ certificates, 97 101 teachers as professionals and community change agents, 93 96 Segregationism, 61 Segregationist policies, 61 Self-assessment tests and design, 161 ‘Self-governing’ territory, 121 Sex-segregated education, 36 Slave Compensation and Bible and School Commission, 37 Social and intellectual precarity and marginalisation, 174 175 Social-class relationship, 35 36 Social conflict, 61 Social constructs, 128 Social Darwinism, 30 Society of Young Africa (SOYA), 134 South African College of Learning (SACOL), 155 South African College of Teacher Education (SACTE), 155 South African Council of Education, 161 South African Council of Educators’ Code of Ethics, 162 South African Democratic Teachers’ Union (SADTU), 130 South African economy and society, 20 South Africanism, 55 56, 61 ‘South Africanist’, 107 South African Missionary Society, 23 24

South African Native Affairs Commission (SANAC), 49 South African Republic, 64 65 South African Teachers’ Association (SATA), 62 South African War, 30, 53 55 Staatsmeisjiesskool, 46 Staatsmodelskool, 46, 54 55 Stand-alone colleges, 72 State-controlled schooling, 19 20 State-controlled Training Colleges, 113 STD. See Secondary Teachers’ Diploma (STD) Structural adjustment, 149 Students, personal development, 130 Student-teachers’ tuition, 65, 75 Swiss missionaries, 144 145 System, dismantling and reconfiguring colleges of education into higher education, closure and incorporation, 155 158 curriculum change, 161 164 decolonization’ of curricula, 154 global languages, 154 155 intellectual and social development, 154 policymakers, 154 155 teacher education policy, 153, 154 teacher supply and demand, 158 161 technical and vocational teacher preparation, 154 155 university-college conflict, 154

Index

T2 Certificate, 39, 49 50 students, 71 72 Teachers, 22 associations, 63 65 education policy, 153, 154, 156 educator qualifications, 146 147 mobilisation, 148 as professionals and community change agents, 93 96 and teaching, 24 Training Departments for Africans, 67 68 unification of, 63 64 Teachers’ associations, pupilteacher system, 63 65 Teachers’ Centres and Professional Learning Communities, 161 Teachers’ College model, 63 Teachers-in-training at satellite schools, 95 Teachers’ League of South Africa (TLSA), 57 58, 64 Teachers provision in Cape colony, 50 53 in Natal, 53 54 in Transvaal and Orange River Colony, 54 58 Teaching conceptions, 84 Teaching method, 54 Teaching profession and certification, 79 82 Technical College in Pietermaritzburg, 126 127 The Junior Secondary Teachers’ Course, 143 144 Theory of Education and General Method, 143 Third Class Certificate, 38, 52, 55, 85

271

Third Class Certificated teachers, 51, 65 66, 67 Tiered teacher certificates, 38 39 Tiger Kloof, 52 Time-tabling, 134 Tool subjects, 112 Training Centres in Durban, 53 Training in colleges and higher education institutions, 39 40 Transkeian Taylor Report, 144 Transkeian territories, 66 Transnational ‘links, 27 Transplantation, 27 Transvaal College of Education (TCE), 136 137 Transvaal Education Department, 83 84 Transvaal Native Primary Lower Certificate, 110 Transvaal Native Teachers’ Association, 63 64 Transvaal, Orange Free State and Natal, 70 71 Transvaal’s School Board Act (1907), 49 Tri-cameral Parliament, 139 Unattractiveness, 88 89 Uncertificated teachers, 76 Undenominational public schools, 36 Under-qualified teachers, 141 Under-staffing, 77 78 Unemployment rates, 156 157 Unequal financing and teacher preparation, 75 76 Unification of teachers, 63 64 Uniform educational will, 86 United Democratic Front, 131 Universities, 71 72

272

Index

black students enroled, courses in, 118 colleges and, 83 89 relationships with, 83 University-based teacher educators, 163 University-college conflict, 154 University Education Diploma (UED), 125 University Enrolments 1957 − 1958, 117 University of London, 62 University of Port Elizabeth, 143 Unmarried female missionary teachers, 43 Unresponsive head office, 34 Unworkability, 75 76 Upgrade teacher qualifications, 160 Urbanisation, 30 Vacation courses, 100 Values, 107 108 Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC), 19 20 Verwoerdian discourse, 109 Violence of slavery, 20 21 Voluntary religious societies, 31 Voluntary societies, 19 20 Wellington Training School, 51 52 Wesleyan Missionary Society, 23 24 Wesleyan Training School, 67

Wesley College of Education, 156 White certificated teachers, 79 80 White colleges cultures of complicity and compliance, 128 131 desegregation, 148 White education, 20 White English-speaking colleges, 130 White schools, expansion and development, 61 62 White Secondary Schools, teachers for, 114 116 White teachers’ association, 62 White teachers preparation university cooperation in, 122 124 White trusteeship, 107 Working-class schooling, feminisation, 37 World capitalist system, 20 ZAR. See Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) Zonnebloem Training Department, 67 Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR), 29, 54 55 Zuid Afrikaanse Onderwysers Unie, 64 65 Zulu population, 40 Cape classification, 40 Zulu resistance, 29