Talking beads: the history of wampum as a value and knowledge bearer from its very first beginnings until today 9783830088271

Table of contents :
0.1_Title-Page_print.pdf......Page 1
Dok1......Page 2
1.1_Acknowledgement_print_pV-VII_final......Page 3
Dok1......Page 6
1.2_Contents_print_pIX-X_final......Page 7
1.3_Figures and Tables_print_pXI_final......Page 9
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1.4_Introduction_print_p1-5_final......Page 11
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1.5_Historical Background_print_p7-11_final......Page 17
2_Of Its Origin_print_p12-17_final......Page 22
3_Etymology_print_p18-20_final......Page 28
4_Wampum Bead Production_print_p21-30_final......Page 31
5_Wampum as an Adornment_print_p31-46_final......Page 41
6_Wampum as a Value Bearer_print_p47-58_final......Page 57
7_Wampum as a Knowlegde Bearer_print_p59-91_final......Page 69
Dok1......Page 102
10_Surrogates_print_p.207-219_final......Page 217
9_Wampum Belts and Patterns_print_p.109-206_final......Page 0
11_Diffusion of Wampum_print_p220-240_final......Page 230
12_Wampum Outside its Original Context_print_p241-250_final......Page 251
13. Summery and Conclusions_print_p251-256_final......Page 261
14.1_Catalogue_title......Page 267
Dok1......Page 268
14_Explanation of Table and Plates_print_p257-259_final......Page 269
15_Explanation of Tables_print_p260-262_final......Page 272
16_Table 5_p.263_final......Page 275
17_Explanation of Tables_print_p265-267_final......Page 276
18_Plates_print_p268-273_final......Page 279
19_Plates_print_p274-279_final......Page 285
20_Plates_print_p280-285_final......Page 291
21_Plates_print_p286-291_final......Page 297
22_Plates_print_p292-297_final......Page 303
23_Plates_print_p298-303_final......Page 309
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24_Explanations of Plates_print_p305-362_final......Page 316
25_EBibliography_Archival Sources_print_p263-264_final......Page 374
26_Bibliography_Primary Published Sources_print_p365-385_final......Page 376
27_Bibliography_Secondary Sources_print_p386-424_final......Page 397

Citation preview

Nikolaus Stolle

TALKING BEADS: THE HISTORY OF WAMPUM AS A VALUE AND KNOWLEDGE BEARER, FROM ITS VERY FIRST BEGINNINGS UNTIL TODAY

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Acknowledgment I would like to thank Professor Dr. Marin Trenk, who encouraged me to pursue this topic and assisted me with his invaluable knowledge. I would also like to thank Apl. Professor Dr. Iris Gareis for her guidance. Furthermore, I wish to thank three people in particular: Dr. Peter Bolz, former Curator of the Department of Native American Ethnology at the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin, Germany; Michael J. Galban (Washoe/Paiute), Public Historian at Ganondagan State Historic Site in Victoria, NY, USA; and Jonathan C. Lainey (Huron/Wendat), MA, Curator, First Peoples, Canadian Museum of History, Gatineau, Canada. They have pointed me to important information, without which this dissertation would not be the same. I am also grateful to the individuals listed here in alphabetical order, who have been helpful during the course of my research: Lisa Marie Anselmi, Associate Professor, Buffalo State, State University of New York, Buffalo, New York; Marshall J. Becker, Professor emeritus; Dr. Yuri Berezkin, Head of the Department of America, Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), St. Petersburg, Russia; Pamela Berger; Dr. Philippe Bihouée, Director of Arts, Musée des Beaux-arts Chartres, France; Anne Bisset, artist; Marie-Laurence Bouvet, Administrator of the collections at the musée du quai Branly, Paris, France; Dr. Gerard van Bussel, Curator of the Native North American Collection, Weltmuseum Wien, Vienna, Austria; Christiene Chávez, MA, Curator, Museum für Völkerkunde Hamburg, Germany; Susan Collier, Documentation and Exhibition Officer, Saffron Walden Museum, Saffron Walden, England; Tom Connin; Alan Corbiere, MA, Executive Director, Ojibwe Cultural Foundation; Dr. Neil Curtis, Head of Museums, University of Aberdeen, King’s College, Aberdeen, Scotland; Anne Czichowksi, MA, Assistant Curator, Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Braunschweig, Brunswick, Germany; Richard Dabb, Picture Library, National Army Museum, London, England; Dr. André Delpuech, Curator and Head of Department of the Americas, musée du quai Branly, Paris, France; Dr. Christina Donald, Curator at the McManus: Dundee’s Art Gallery and Museum, Dundee, Scotland; Dianne Doyle; Madeleine Duing, MA, Assistant Curator, Pitt Rivers Museum Oxford, England; Tony Eccles, MA, Curator of Ethnography, Royal Albert Memorial Museum, Exeter, England; Monika Egli, MA, Executive Director, Nordamerika Native Museum, Zurich, Switzerland; Shona Elliott, Assistant Curator, University Museums, University of Aberdeen, Marischal College, Aberdeen, Scotland; Dawn Eurich, Archivist at the Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Public Library, MI, USA; Thomas E. Evans, Museum Specialist, Smithsonian Institu-

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Acknowledgment

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tion, National Museum of the American Indians, Suitland, MD, USA; Christian Feest, Professor emeritus and former Director of the Weltmuseum Wien, Vienna, Austria; ; Raghnall Ó Floinn, MA, Head of Collections, National Museum of Ireland, Dublin; Wolfang Geier, former collection manager, Städtisches Museum Braunschweig, Brunswick, Germany; Hans Grunert, former Curator, Karl-May-Museum, Radebeul, Germany; Dr. Evelin Haase, Curator, Städtisches Museum Braunschweig, Brunswick, Germany; Mark A. Hall, BA, Curator, Perth Museum and Art Gallery, Perth, Scotland; Dr. Richard D. Hamell, Curator, Rochester Museum and Science Center, Rochester, NY, USA; James Hamill, Curatorial collections and research enquiries, British Museum London, England; Kenneth Hamilton; Rachel Hand, MA, Curatorial Assistant for Anthropology, Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Cambridge, England; David Haugaard, MA, Director of Research Services, Historical Society of Pennsylvania; Dr. Gwyneira Isaac, Curator of North American Ethnology, Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC, USA; Ljuba Jakovleva, MA, Assistant, Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), St. Petersburg, Russia; Dr. David Jones, Keeper of Human History Colchester and Ipswich Museum, England; Dr. Theo Jülich, Director, Hessisches Landesmuseum Darmstadt, Germany; Peter Kadenbach; Dr. Jonathan C. H. King, former Curator of Anthropology, British Museum London, England; Dr. Sergey Korsun, Senior Researcher, Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), St. Petersburg, Russia; Bengt Kylsberg, former Curator, Skokloster Slott, Skokloster, Sweden; Dr. Markus Lindner, Institut für Ethnologie, Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt am Main, Germany; Dr. Regine Marth, Curator, Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Brunswick, Germany; Jennifer McCormick, Archives/Collections Manager, The Charleston Museum, Charleston, USA; Dr. Megan M. McCullen; Mary Jane McFadden, Park Ranger/Volunteer Coordinator, Fort Necessity, Farmington, PA, USA; Ciara C. Martin, Assistant, Smithsonian Institution, National Museum of the American Indians, Suitland, MD, USA; Olga and Pavel Mishen’ka; the Staff of the Library and Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Canada; the Staff of the New York Public Library, NY, USA; Dr. Patricia L. Nietfeld, former Supervisory Collections Manager, Smithsonian Institution, National Museum of the American Indians, Suitland, MD, USA; Paz Nunez-Regueiro, Conservator of the American collections, musée du quai Branly, Paris, France; Dr. Wulf Otte, Curator, Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Braunschweig, Brunswick, Germany; Raewyn Passmore, Assistant Curator, National Currency Collection at the Bank of Canada, Ottawa, Canada; Thomas Peace, Museum Specialist, Department of

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Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Suitland, MD, USA; Dr. Laura Peers, Lecturer and Curator of World Cultures, Pitt Rivers Museum Oxford, England; Miguel Pereira, Linguist and Translator, Ruth B. Phillips, Professor at the Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada; Felicia Pickering, Museum Specialist, Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Suitland, MD, USA; Gail DeBuse Potter, Director, Museum of the Fur Trade, Chadron, NEBR, USA; Dr. Thomas Psota, former Curator, Bernisches Historisches Museum, Berne, Switzerland; Dr. Marie-Paule Robitaille, Curator, Musée de la civilization du Québec, Canada; Bernd Schäfer, Director, Schlossmuseum, Gotha, Germany; Dr. Sonja Schierle, former Curator, LindenMuseum Stuttgart, Germany; Natalie Scholz, MA; Martin Schultz, MA, research assistant, Bernisches Historisches Museum, Bern, Switzerland; the late Arthur Speyer, Jr.; Dr. Doris Stambrau; Dr. Anne de Stecher; Dr. Wolfgang Stein, Assistant Director, Städtisches Museum für Völkerkunde München, Munich, Germany; Therese Stolle; Andrew K. Sturtevant, Assistant Professor, Lawrence University, Appelton, Wisconsin; Dr. Mona Suhrbier, Curator of the Americas, Museum der Weltkulturen, Frankfurt am Main, Germany; Wilma T. Townsend, Curator, Ontario County Historical Society, Canandaigua, NY, USA; Isabel Völker, Foreign Language Secretary, Institut für Ethnologie, Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt am Main, Germany; Dr. Boris Wastiau, Director of the Musée d’ethnographie Genève, Geneva, Switzerland; Dr. Carolyn Wingfield, Curator for World Cultures, Saffron Walden Museum, Saffron Walden, England. Last but not least I would like to thank my parents, who were my rock of support during the entire undertaking and my most important unofficial advisors. And I am very grateful to Dr. Hans J. Stolle, emeritus, Western Michigan University, USA, for reading the manuscript. Any errors are, of course, my own responsibility.

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Contents Acknowledgement Introduction 1. Historical Background 2. Of Its Origin: Archaeological and Documentary Evidence 3. Etymology 4. Wampum Bead Production: Indigenous and Euro-American, from the 17th Century Onward 5. Wampum as an Adornment, from the 17th Century Onward 6. Wampum as a Value Bearer

V 1 7 11 17 21 31 47

7. Wampum as a Knowledge Bearer, from the 17th Century Onward 1. Wampum Belts and their Different Uses 2. Reciprocal Gift-Giving and Mnemonic Devices 3. Way of Sitting in Councils 4. Wampum Belts and their Use in Council 5. The Right to Deal with Wampum 6. Storage and Keeping 8. Wampum Belts: Weavers, Techniques, Materials, and Size 1. Weaver: Gender and Culture 2. Techniques 3. Materials 4. Belt Size and Number of Rows 5. Wampum Belts with Attachments 9. Wampum Belts and Patterns from the 17th Century Onward 1. Belts and their Descriptions in First Hand Accounts 2. On Patterns and Meaning 1. Monochrome Belts (a) Monochrome White (b) Monochrome Black (c) Half Black and Half White (d) Monochrome Outlined 2. Belts with Geometric Patterns (a) Single Horizontal Line/Row (b) Several Horizontal Lines/Rows (c) Diagonal Lines (d) Spots (e) Squares/Blocks (f) Diamonds (g) Triangles

59 66 75 77 86 88 93 97 102 103 105 109 115 127 139 140 141 142 145 149 150 156 160 160

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(h) Equilateral Crosses (i) Unique Forms 3. Figurative Patterns (a) Hatchets/Axes (b) Latin Crosses (c) Animals and Plants (d) Hands (e) Human Figures 4. Textual (a) Dates/Initials/Names (b) Votives/Ecclesiastical Conclusions 5. Colors and Meaning 10. Surrogates for Shell Wampum from the 17th Century Onwards 11. Diffusion of Wampum Based on Results 1. Origin and Regional Preference of Patterns 2. Geographical Distribution and Indigenous Wampum Archives 12. Wampum Outside its Original Context 13. Summary and Conclusions Catalogue Abbreviations Explanation of Tables Synopsis of Plates Bibliography Manuscript Sources Published Primary Sources Secondary Sources

160 162 164 168 161 169 172 173 182 196 199 203 207 219 235 241 251 257 260 305 363 365 386

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Figures Fig. 1. Map of Eastern North America in c. 1750 Fig. 2. Collar of strung shell wampum beads, 17th century Fig. 3. Manufacture of wampum beads Fig. 4. Girl’s wrap-around skirt, c. 1790 Fig. 5. Wampum bead pectoral, pre1820 Fig. 6. “William Augustus Bowles”, 1791 Fig. 7. Glass wampum belt, c. 1840-50 Fig. 8. Wampum weaving techniques Fig. 9. Detail of sketch of Fort Erie and Niagara, 1773 Fig. 10. Joseph Brant, 1785 Fig. 11. Wampum belt, British “covenant chain”, c. 1760 Fig. 12. Pouch decorated with glass wampum beads, c. 1770s Fig. 13. Glass-wampum wrist cuffs, c. 1790s Fig. 14. A Huron-Wendat group, 1880

4 16 23 35 39 84 96 98 101 180 202 213 233 244

Tables Table 1. Figurative Patterns Table 2. Geometric Patterns Table 3. Human Figures Table 4. Key into Colors, Patterns, and Techniques Table 5. Wampum Bead Varieties and Suggested Chronology

224 226 228 260 263

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INTRODUCTION Sometime during the early 17th century, white cylindrical shell beads called wampum served as a medium of exchange between Europeans and Native Americans in Northeastern North America. Among the indigenous inhabitants, wampum was used for social, political, and ornamental purposes. In some places along the eastern seaboard wampum also circulated among Europeans as legal tender or cash. By this time, Native Americans started to rely on wampum as mnemonic devices, in the form of belts and strings. In the 18th century wampum lost its legal status in the British colonies, but continued to be exchanged by the indigenous population during councils. Along with the fur trade, wampum moved westwards toward the Great Lakes, but belts and strings dropped out of use for political reasons in the 19th century. Since the late 1800s several belts and strings held by indigenous people were acquired by Euro-American collectors and became part of museums and private collections. Almost a century later, numerous “sacred” objects, as wampum is classified today, have been returned to their “former” owners. Lack of Basic Research An extended search for secondary material published since the second half of the 19th century found a large variety of existing primary and secondary sources. However, since William M. Beauchamp’s pioneering compendium on wampum, no attempt to reevaluate the principal material has been made. Works published since then can be divided into two groups, those dealing with wampum primarily as a “value”- and those treating it as “knowledge” bearer (Bushnell 1906c; Wieschoff 1945; Polanyi 1968; Quiggin 1970; Ceci 1980; Becker 1980a; Smith 1983; Peña 1990; Ceci 1993; Mar 1997; Graeber 2001, or: Hale 1897; Farabee 1922; Hemming 1925; Speck 1925; Keppler 1929; Heye 1930; Jacobs 1949; Fenton 1960; Greenman 1962; Fenton 1971; Fenton 1989; Meier and Neumann 1990; Williams 1990; Karklins 1992; Foster 1995; Jennings 1995; Druke 1995; Becker 2002; Becker and Lainey 2004; Lainey 2005; Turgeon 2005; Power 2007; Muller 2008; Lainey 2008; Bourque and Labar 2009; Schnurmann 2009). Moreover, some photographs of wampum belts were discovered in a number of publications, having some interest in Native American art (Hale 1897; Beauchamp 1901; Hunter 1902; Bushnell 1906b; Farabee 1922; Hemming 1925; Kasprycki (ed.) 2013; Keppler 1929; Heye 1930; Clarke 1931; Krickeberg 1954; Greenman 1962; Speck 1964; Benndorf and Speyer 1968; Woodward 1970; Peterson 1971; Brasser 1976; Coe 1976; Dockstader 1977; Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977; Molloy 1977; Ewing 1982; King 1982; Acevedo et al., (eds.) 1983; Feest 1984; Dubin

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1987; Harrison et al., (eds.) 1987a, b; Williams 1990; Lagrange and Dubois 1992; Penney 1992; Tehanetorens 1993; Woodhead (ed.) 1993; Dongen (ed.) 1996; Tooker 1998; Orchard 2000; Beaulieu and Viau 2001; Wray 2003; Lainey 2004; Becker and Lainey 2004; Stephenson 2005; Feest (ed.) 2007; Zavattaro and Ferretti (eds.) 2010; Feest 2014a; Feest 2014b). Despite meticulous scrutiny of a wide variety of references to wampum, several questions, addressing the origin of the beads, the definition of wampum as such, its use as legal tender or as a mnemonic device and the where, when, and up to when it was really used, remain unanswered. It also includes questions about the wampum’s function in council, the techniques used to make it, and the way it was kept safe. Some assertions made by scholars differ widely. Likewise, information on glass wampum beads, sometimes called surrogates, is scarce, and colors, design elements, and sizes of belts are rarely specified in historical records (Becker 2002: 54. There are hints that belts became more elaborate since 1750 and some experts say that “realistic figures of houses, animals, or other natural phenomena”, human figures included, were found only on later dated belts (e.g. Foster 1985: 109; Becker 2002: 58). Although some contemporaries in the early 18th century identified wampum as writing, no one had tried to find out if there exists any standardized ‘grammar’ for designing these patterns, which were used by Natives and Euro-Americans alike. Even the defining criteria for “true” wampum beads are more vague than definite, and no one ever attempted to establish a chronologically arranged catalog of well-dated shell and glass wampum beads, as had been suggested in the early 1970s (Fenton 1971: 443). Research for the Thesis In search for more answers, an extended investigation set out to find as many primary sources as possible, to gather more factual information and to amend misleading existing statements, of any written, illustrated, or material kind. An abundant amount of documents, including more than 1,500 written sources, were found and needed to be examined. However, first I had to take off some time, working in steel construction, to finance all the necessary research trips to Berlin, Dublin, Montreal, New York, Washington, D.C., and St. Petersburg. During that time of research a number of original unpublished works, like the Haldimand and Pickering Papers, several maps, as well as 18th and 19th century newspapers, all proving to be useful for the study, were found. A large number of primary documents from the 19th century and later, such as the New York Colonial Documents, often referred to as the "Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York", the Jesuit Relations and Allied

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Documents, the Pennsylvania Archives, the Collections and Researches of the Michigan Pioneer Historical Society, were compiled from various archives in the Netherlands, England, France, and the United States of America, and, when necessary, transcribed and translated. The Papers of Sir William Johnson rendered several specific references to Native Americans, minutes of council he attended, as well as lists of trade goods including their amount and costs. As a fire in the New York State Library in 1911 had destroyed many records, parts of some transcribed pages were blank since the originals were either severely damaged or completely destroyed by the fire. In addition, my search located more than 300 wampum belts, including some belts recovered archaeologically, which can help identify incorporated patterns as well as once used materials and techniques. These included several dozens of glass wampum belts and straps, whose attribution was often based on arbitrary criteria. Even some beads inlayed in clubs and other wooden objects were argued to be part of their “common” utility. Relevance of the Study Wampum is one of the leading themes in the Cultural Anthropology of Native North America because it combines the aspects of value and knowledge. Both are expressed by means of wampum and are discussed extensively by formalists and substantialists in the publication Research in Economic Anthropology. Its interdisciplinary approach (based on anthropologic, archaeological, ethnographic and ethnohistorical, linguistic and material sources) to research on wampum makes it relevant to various fields of inquiry. The study contributes directly to acculturation processes, monetary aspects, writing systems, and gender roles. Aside, it provides historical and cultural documentation for Native Americans, public institutions and individuals owning wampum. Only a relatively small number of material objects become external symbols that embody tradition and, thus, the present investigation of wampum hopes to furnish information that can illustrate the role of material objects in a pattern of acculturation processes. Moreover, the wampum’s role as currency will be explained in its historical context, which helps identify reasons for its use up to the times that are currently being examined2. Systems of writing are essential to comprehend human thoughts and actions and provide communication in 2

Further investigations, in particular of the New Netherlands are omitted, as another thesis was in progress at the time at the Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt am Main, Germany focusing in particular on this phenomenon among the Dutch in Northeastern North America. Unfortunately, Mario Schmidt’s published theoretical approach is based on insufficient historical data compared with systems of value in Africa, which led him to erroneous assumptions and makes it of little help for this study (2014).

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time and space. Hence, wampum’s history as mnemonic device will be examined, since knowledge, as a social phenomenon, constitutes a central part of culture. It mirrors the society in which this knowledge is formed and how it is accumulated and disseminated, though not always shared by all members. In addition, this study aims to provide particulars regarding gender roles and division of labor, and to improve understanding of cultures and social activities as well. To help narrow present time frames of preserved belts and strings, this study will introduce a mechanism for dating wampum shell and glass beads, while historical references will be used as necessary context for interpretation. For lack of basic research it was impossible to compare wampum with theories, yet some theories on value and money will be discussed. This thesis is an empirical study, assuming that everyone reflects human ideas in time and space with given intentions. While not the focus of this study, it is of interest that harvesting the wampum snail for culinary use has not been acknowledged anywhere. Although it has been practiced since prehistoric times it is mentioned only briefly in a few historic records (Beauchamp 1901; Ceci 1989; Lainey 2004: 14f.). Out of respect for Native Americans I relied on today’s preferred indigenous designations, which are still evolving. For example, Anishnabek (or Anishnabeg), a central Algonquian word, signifying “the people”, as used by the closely related indigenous inhabitants of Ottawa/Odawa, Ojibwa, Potawatomi, and some Eastern Cree (Ruth B. Phillips, personal communication September 2012). Likewise Huron-Wendat replaces the former term for the Huron nation, Kahnawake for Caughnawaga, Kanehsatake for Lake of Two Mountains, as well as Akwesasne for Saint Regis, three Mohawk communities along the lower St. Lawrence River, Micmac (in Canada Mi’kmaq), Ottawa (in Canada Odawa), Meskwaki (or Mesquakie) for former Fox, and Lenni-Lenape for former Delaware. While in the USA Native Americans use Indian as self-designation, in Canada the term is rejected. For that reason Indian is omitted throughout this thesis and replaced by Native Americans, First Nations and indigenous inhabitants (see: King 1999: 10ff.; Bourque and Labar 2009: 3). Organization of the Dissertation The contents of all chapters are arranged in chronological order to offer an overview of where and when something was first recorded and can first be verified. Chapter 1 gives a brief historical description of the study area. Chapter 2 provides the basis for the archaeological and historical evidence of wampum. Chapter 3 is an etymological investigation searching for original terms

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once used for wampum. Chapter 4 presents the historical background of the bead production, and introduces a chart facilitating correct dating of shell beads. Chapter 5 discusses wampum’s utility as an adornment among the Native Americans from the 17th century onward. Chapter 6 refers to wampum as a value bearer and legal tender, from its first mention to its abandonment. Chapter 7 focuses in detail on knowledge aspects, different functions wampum belts were used for, the mode of reciprocal gift-giving and the origin of wampum as mnemonic device and its precursory forms. Moreover, an explanation of council places, the handling of wampum in council, the legitimacy to trade with wampum, whether among Euro-Americans or Native Americans, and the safe keeping of the belts and strings are presented. Chapter 8 renders insights into cultural affiliation and gender of weavers, followed by a detailed analysis of the different techniques and their historical and geographical distribution. Comments on identified materials of warps and wefts, the changing sizes of belts over time, and a list of items, which once were attached to the belts, are given. Chapter 9 provides a chronological listing of first hand accounts, describing wampum patterns and their meaning in more detail. It also compares these documents with several hundred belts, grouped by their respective pattern: first monochrome, then geometric, figureative, and finally textual ones. Thereafter, a closer look focuses on color and meaning. Chapter 10 is dedicated to all forms of surrogates, whether glass or today’s synthetic materials, and furnishes a table of correctly dated beads. Based on all retrieved information, Chapter 11 delineates the geographical and historical distribution of wampum in Northeastern North America and attempts to depict regions of preferred patterns. Finally the wampum’s enduring readability is demonstrated, several indigenous archives are named and exemplary changes of meaning are pointed out. Chapter 12 is dedicated to a different field, the wampum’s extra-contextual use, a subject too long neglected by scholars and collectors alike. Chapter 13 is comprised of a summary, recommendations for future inquiries, and closing arguments. Last, an object catalogue of schematically redrawn wampum belts, including the respective descriptions of their material, width, techniques, history, and present locations, are given. All drawings and the map were created by this author and may, therefore, not be copied without his permission.

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1. Historical Background We have “our own way of conveying our thoughts to one another that is by word of mouth and by wampum; […] we have sent speeches and belts of wampum to the different nations upon this subject”, such was the reply of Crain, chief of the Wyandots to Colonel James Smith's talk in the early 19th century (Anonymous 1802: 2). Crain had referred to a phenomenon long since known in Northeastern North America as wampum, or small, tubular shell beads, that were used throughout the region in the form of strings or belts. To better comprehend this complex subject and its utility, let’s first review its history. Since the early 16th century, European whalers and fishing vessels arrived at the North American Atlantic coast in search of natural resources, like fish and pelts, making contact with the indigenous inhabitants with whom they exchanged goods. Unfortunately, with highly desired objects, like metal tools and kettles, they also brought some lethal diseases (Brasser 1978a: 78ff.)2. Consequently, local inhabitants began to shield themselves. Evidence shows that the formerly scattered Algonquian3 speaking groups formed larger bands or coalitions, like Powhatan’s, mainly known by his famous daughter Pocahontas, and relocated in newly built fortified towns, which Europeans called “castles” (Harriot 1972; Brasser 1978a: 84; Brasser 1978b: 198f.; Snow 1996: 47ff.) 4. These walled villages, whether occupied by Algonquian or Iroquoian 5 speakers, consisted of several long-houses, each inhabited by families related by lineage. Among the Iroquois a lineage had a matrilineal and matrilocal structure, which defined kinship through the line of a female, who continued to reside at the same place after marriage and was exogamous, to prevent incest. Several lineages formed a clan, as shown by the Mohawks’ eponymous animal crests of bear, wolf and turtle, which were divided into two moieties, consisting of one or more clans, who provided service for each other, mainly at times of death. Then relatives of the deceased fell into mourning while the other moiety condoled the loss and buried the dead (Jennings et al., (eds.) For an exemplary description of diseases and their destructive influences among the Wendat-Tionontate (Huron-Petun) see: Warrick (2007: 269ff.). 3 For a brief insight into the Algonquian language see Goddard (1978a: 70ff.). 4 The settlement patterns changed similarly among the Iroquian People, whether the Iroquois or Ontario Iroquoian, known as Hurons-Wendats, Neutral and Petun, who in 16th century built up their palisaded villages on hilltops during a period of enduring threat (Hasenstab 2007: 164ff.; Fitzgerald 2007: 253f.). 5 Part of the Iroquoian language group are the Northern Iroquoians, as Hurons-Wendats, their closely related Wyandot, Erie, Neutrals, Petun and Wenro, the Iroquois or since 1723 the Six Nations (Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, and Tuscarora), Susquehannock, 2

and Nottoway, while the Cherokee are of the Southern Iroquoian speakers (Lounsbury 1978: 334ff.).

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1995: 10f.; Snow 1996: 55f.; Fenton 1998: 24ff.). The Women’s sphere was not limited to daily life inside the village, but included work in the surrounding fields, which were per se hereditary to the lineage, where they planted corn, beans and squash. Even personal names as well as official positions, like hereditary titles of chiefs, were given according to lineage, under the auspices of a clan mother, or elderly woman, who appointed one of her male relatives for this post. In contrast, a man’s domain was that of a warrior to protect and a hunter to provide meat and pelts, mainly beavers for trade, which were tanned by the women (Brasser 1978b: 200f.; Graeber 2001: 120). Alongside coastal Algonquians, such as Mahicans and Wampanoags, most other Algonquian speakers, living further north, e.g. Abenakis, Micmacs and Penobscots, and inland like Ojibwas and Ottawas/Odawas, were hunters and gatherers, who inhabited cone or dome shaped wigwams covered with bark or mats woven of plant fibers. Contrary to the Iroquoians, their progeny was patrilineal and patrilocal. In the early 17th century, the first permanent European settlements of Dutch and English origin were founded along the northern coast, while the French populated the lower Saint-Lawrence River valley6. Soon thereafter, wampum became the principal collateral of the fur trade. Europeans bartered wampum beads for trade goods, which were manufactured by coastal Algonkins (or Algonquins), living mainly near present Long Island. They then exchanged this wampum with inland living indigenous inhabitants for beaver pelts, which were in high demand for hat production in Europe. Before long, the expanding trade network led to competition between Native Americans and colonists or each other. Both Iroquoian speakers, the 5 Nations Iroquois living nearby Dutch and English settlements in present state New York, and the Hurons-Wendats, who settled along the Saint-Lawrence River, engaged in military actions to keep control of and access to the profitable trade. For this period much more detailed information is preserved for the Hurons-Wendats than the Iroquois, thanks to some missionaries, like the French Jesuits, who had settled among them and kept detailed records. During this time, the socalled “Beaver Wars” (1641-1649), which ultimately led to the destruction of the Huron-Wendat confederacy, were fought. A large number of captives were adopted by the winning Iroquois, while others took refuge among the French along the lower Saint Lawrence River at Lorette, present Wendake (Brandão 1997: 45ff.). Likewise, English colonists subjugated their neighboring Algonkin bead makers to take over their bead manufacture. This allowed them to control 6

Spanish settlements and catholic missions were founded along the southern coast nearby present Florida, and are out of the region where beaver and wampum trade took place (see: Lewis 1988: 481ff.).

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the fur trade in their region, since wampum was not only used as trade commodity, but for want of minted coinage, was used by settlers as legal tender. The increasing influx of beads into Dutch New Netherland eventually caused its collapse through inflation in 1665. But even then the struggle did not end, to the contrary, France and England, the main colonial powers in the North-eastern North America, continued to fight endless wars, in which Iroquoians and Algonquians took part. Especially during this period belts and strings of wampum played a role in politics, establishing relations, forming alliances, declaring wars and making peace. At that time Iroquois and Algonquins received tributes in form of wampum from the conquered indigenous neighbors or by barter for their furs (Graeber 2001: 120), see: (Fig. 1). As fighting these wars had decimated the native population, Iroquoians as well as Algonquians adopted prisoners of war or captives to replace their lost relatives. Women organized to delay war efforts so they could replace their fallen relatives by means of wampum. While women were officially not allowed to speak publicly during council meetings to declare war or make peace, they actually took an active part in every decision, which always ended in consent, a practice followed long after France had lost its colonies during the first world war7 in 1760. Just about then, new conflicts arose between Britain and the formerly loyal French allies of the Great Lakes region, when the French stopped paying them the usual annual gifts. Under Pontiac’s command several western Algonkins and Senecas fought against the British, to protect their rights and to de-fend their lands against settlers pushing westwards (Stephenson 2005: 67). By war’s end they had suffered great losses, and most Native Nations living in the east were reluctant to support either side during the upcoming war of the American Revolution (1776-1783), as they had always ended up losing. At the eve of the war, the Iroquois or Six Nations were split into groups, some willing to engage with the British, others with the Americans, and third parties wanting to stay neutral. Moreover, since the late 1760s almost half of the League’s people had moved north to resettle in present day Canada. By the end of the war, Iroquoia, the homeland of the Iroquois, had been totally destroyed. The loyal Mohawks had fled to Canada to relocate at the newly founded Six Nations Reserve at the Grand River, nearby presentday Burlington, while some Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas 7

This worldwide fought war between Britain, France and their European allies for the predominance in Europe and its respective colonies was fought in Europe, North America, Cuba, and India, known in North America as the French and Indian War (1754-1760), while in Europe as the Seven Years War (1756-1763). For a short summary read Stephenson (2005: 57f.).

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Historical Background

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Fig. 1. Map of Eastern North America in c. 1750. Map: © N. Stolle.

stayed in their homelands. At this time the most important belts and strings of wampum, once collectively kept at Onondaga, the capital of the League, were divided with half of them taken to Canada, while the other half remained at Buffalo Creek until 1847 (Snow 1996: 216). Wampum were used to form ties of alliances at the beginning of wars and then employed to declare a lasting peace, which some-times turned out to be a treacherous endeavor. At least one more war was fought between the United States and Britain, allied by their Native Americans, in quest for Canada (1812-14), and wampum was often exchanged again. Several scholars have claimed that wampum was not used after the war’s end (Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977: 20; Becker 2002: 63). Beginning late in the 19th century, indigenous wampum keepers

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sold the archives to private collectors and public institutions (Snow 1996: 216ff.; Lainey 2004: 99ff.). But since then, some traditional leaders have tried to get them back, which was partially achieved by the latter 1900s. 2. Of Its Origin: Archaeological and Documentary Evidence During the second half of the 20th century, archaeological investigations increased and new data were gathered and published (e.g. Ceci 1989). However, very few attempts were made to compile all available sources. Slotkin and Schmitt took a first step, but unfortunately mingled the archaeological and historical written sources dealing with “true” wampum and any other kind of shell bead, to point out its old usage since Prehistoric times (1949: 223-236; Ceci 1993: 49). Throughout the following chapters the term wampum will be used instead of the often applied, confusing terms “belt/true/council” wampum (e.g., Bushnell 1906: 172; Fenton 1971: 440; Ceci 1989: 63). The classic wampum bead type was characterized by three criteria: the species, whelks (Busycon canaliculatum, Busycon carica) and hard-shell clam (Mercenaria mercenaria). Carl von Linné, the Swedish naturalist, introduced the Latin term “Venus mercenaria” as part of his nomenclature meaning “leased, bought beauty” (my translation), which was later changed to “Mercenaria mercenaria” in 1758 (Ceci 1989: 68; Feest 2003: 90). The name clearly reflects the European attributed meaning of the shell, or more specific the beads of it. In contrast, quahog, as the shells are also called, is loaned from the Algonquian poquaûhock or quahaug (Williams 2009: 152; Hewitt 1910: 906). Secondly, its shape is defined as smooth, tubular, and wellfinished. While size, the last criterion, has an average length of 5.5 mm, diameter of 4 mm, and small bore of 1 mm, which needs verification for a number of reasons, that will be discussed in detail in chapter 7 (Ceci 1989: 63; Fenton 1998: 225; Lainey 2004: 11)8. As very first account of wampum in 1535, Jacques Cartier’s observations are quoted although his description lacks any specifics about the bead named esnoguy, second, Charlevoix’s challenge of the Cartier memoirs’ questionable regional distribution on the island of Montreal, and third, Beauchamp’s striking

8

To point out the recent change of definition, which took place to characterize wampum beads, up to the late 1970s the dimensions were defined, as “[w]ampum beads typically range from 0.6 to 1.0 cm in length, with average diameter of 0.3 cm and bores of less than 0.1 cm” (Peña 1990: 23).

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Of Its Origin

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analysis resulting in an explanation for Cartier’s esnoguy as eyestones of fresh water lobster (Beauchamp 1901: 359ff.; Slotkin and Schmitt 1949: 226; Lainey 2004: 15f., 33; Schnurmann 2009: 191)9. A mythical tale of the culture hero Deganiwidah (or Hiawatha) affirms wampum’s early use, when he gathered and strung spiral fresh water shells from an inland lake, to cement tribal relations and form the league of the Iroquois before the first Europeans had arrived (Tooker 1994: 215; Hale 1969: 54-79; Converse 1908: 139ff.; Beauchamp 1901: 340; Peña 1990: 33; Lainey 2004: 35f.; Schnurmann 2009: 189)10. Some tubular shell beads, called proto-wampum, are recorded for some sites dating to the Woodland Period (ca. 1000 B.C.-A.D. 1520), while they are not found on coastal New York sites. These proto-wampum beads differ little in size from later wampum beads, but have a significantly larger bore, and they were an indigenous invention attributed to the inland inhabitants (Ceci 1989: 67f.)11. Especially Cartier’s description of the way how esnoguy was obtained leaves little doubt in Beauchamp’s explanation, when he wrote: “They procure it from shells [cornibots] in the river in the following manner. When an Indian has incurred the death-penalty or they have taken some prisoners in war, they kill one and make great incisions in his buttocks and thighs, and about his legs, arms, and shoulders. Then at the spot where this esnoguy is found, they sink the body to the bottom and leave it there for ten or twelve hours. It is then brought to the surface; and in the above-mentioned cuts and incisions they find these shells, of which they make a sort of bead” (Cartier 1924: 158.; Slotkin and Schmitt 1949: 226). 10 Morgan himself wrote: “At a subsequent day the wampum in present use was introduced by the Dutch, who in the manufactured shell beads offered an acceptable substitute for the less convenient spiral shell” (Tooker 1994: 215). And Ceci obviously followed, when she associated the original “wampum” used by Deganiwidah as whole freshwater snails, of typical spiral-shape, which were recovered on contact and historic sites, but defined them as less suitable for stringing or weaving them into belts for its “awkward shape” (1989: 69). Certainly the mythical names of the protagonists were first recorded prior to the mid 18th century by John Christopher Pyrlæus, a Moravian missionary, while the complete Myth was first recorded by Lewis Henry Morgan in the mid 19th century, therefore like with all other oral narratives changes may have occurred, as lately Anthony Wonderley demonstrated for the Iroquois creation story (Heckewelder 1971: 55f.; Morgan 1962: 120; Fenton 1995: 15; 2001: 1-16; Lainey 2004: 36). Estimates for the founding of the League ranged from ca. A.D. 1400 to 1605 (Heckewelder 1971: 55ff.; Tooker 1978b: 420; Ceci 1989: 64). Recently, Kuhn and Sempowski narrowed the range for the League’s foundation to between 1590-1605, which actually fits to the time when wampum beads became standardized (2001: 301-314). 11 Proto-wampum beads were singly recovered from Geneseo Mound, a Hopewell burial (approx. A.D. 200-700?), from Seneca Alhart Site (1335-1510), several from the Tottenville, Pelham Bay Knolls, Port Washington, and Sebonac Sites, all dated to (A.D. 875-1485), from Elwood Site (1475-1500), Huron Kirche Site (ca. 1495-1550), Saint Lawrence Iroquoian Mandeville Site (ca. 1500), and Onondaga Barnes Site (ca. 1500) (Hamell 1977; Bradley 1987: 42; Chapdelaine 1989: 102, Figure 7.15; Pendergast 1989: 98; Ceci 1989: 67f.; Ceci 1993: 229; Kuhn and Funk 1994: 78-79; Turgeon 2001: 72). The dates indicated for the different sites, like the Alhart Site, were recently advanced in time to 1500-1550, Eldwood Site to 1500-1535, as well as Onondaga Barnes Site to 1540-1560 (Turgeon 2001: 72). 9

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The very first archaeologically recovered woven band of white wampum beads, probably a bracelet composed of 62 beads, was found at the Tram Site (ca. 1570-1590). The first tubular purple beads, possibly part of a wampum belt of some 231 beads, were recovered from the Feugle Site, which approximately dates to 1600-1620. Like the proto-wampum, it is worthy of note that both sites are located in western New York State (Ceci 1989: 72, 75; Ceci 1993: 50, 229; cf.: Fenton 1971: 440; Lainey 2004: 34) 12. In the following chapters the color purple will be referred to as black, although some historical accounts called it blue (Becker 1980a: 2; Hamell 1992: 460; Clarke and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 571; cf. Jacobs 1949: 597). Historical descriptions do not always match the archaeological findings 13, as Marc Lescarbot reported for the Micmac prior to 1607 that they “make them [wampum] into rosaries, of which the beads are black and white, and very pretty they are […]. And if things are to be prized according to the fashion, as is done in our merchandises, these collars, scarves, and bracelets, made of vignol or porcelain […] To-day they have no more of it, or else they have lost the art of making it; for they greatly use matachias, which are brought them from France”14. In an earlier version it is said that they “[m]ake them into rosaries, like those which we call porcelain. Between each of these beads they set other beads, as black as those of which I have spoken are white, made of jet, or of a certain black wood resembling jet, which they polish and make as small as they list […] but they esteem more highly the matachias [marine shell beads] which come from the country of the Armouchiquois [Eastern Abenaki], and these they buy very dear” (Lescarbot 1914, 3: 157f.; Slotkin and Schmitt 1949: 227; Day 1978a: 148ff.)15. Lescarbot’s description is the most important 12

An earlier dated disc bead made of the hard clam shell (Mercenaria mercenaria) dates to approx. A.D. 1565 (Hamell 1992: 460). 13 Somewhere else John Brereton describes the adornment of the indigenous inhabitants of the northern parts of Virginia in 1602 as, “their collars they weare about their bodies like bandalieres a handful broad, all hollow pieces, like the other, but somewhat shorter [than a finger in length], foure hundred pieces in a collar, very fine and evenly set together” (2003: 337). Of course, the mentioned shell beads are much larger than wampum, but it seems to be the earliest reference of any shell bead band in Northeastern North America, dating a little later than the recovered bands. While Hamell identified “stropes of beads” as “the earliest possible reference to shell beads woven into a strap-like or “belt”, presented by Mahicans (Algonquian speakers) to Henry Hudson in 1609 (quoted in Lainey 2004: 32). Most probably, Fenton followed Hamell’s statement and therefore credited the “Mahican or River Indians” for the invention “of weaving wampum beads into belts” (1971: 442; Lainey 2004: 34). 14 Somewhere else Lescarbot is translated as, they “make great use of Matachiaz, [the Mi’kmaq word is employed here to designate marine shell beads] which we bring to them from France” (Turgeon 2001: 71). 15 Interestingly, the term jet bead defined the French “patinote de gayet”, beads which were reportedly purchased for the North American trade in 1584 (Turgeon 2001: 76). Otherwise jet

14

Of Its Origin

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because of three reasons: firstly, if the text was accurately translated, he named wood or jet instead of black wampum beads, which leads to the assumption that black wampum beads were not, or scarcely, available at that time and substituted by wood. Secondly, he stated that the beads were imported from France, a source overlooked until Laurier Turgeon became interested and discovered some unexpected facts, and thirdly, that the wampum beads were obtained from the Eastern Abenaki. No later than the 1520s, trade16 was established between European seamen and Native groups of New England and of Cape Breton Island, like Verrazzano, who “exchanged gifts, including “azur crystals” (bright blue glass beads)"17 in 1524 (Turgeon 2001: 72). More significantly, Turgeon proved that shell beads, particularly those of discoid shape shipped to North America, were manufactured in towns like Paris. Here, Charles Chelot sold large quantities of marine shell beads called “porcelaine” to Pierre Chauvin, “a wellknown Canadian fur-trader” in 1599 (ibid 2001: 71; 2005: 21)18. In the years that followed, stringed wampum objects, called “colliers”, and bracelets were mentioned by Frenchmen on numerous occasions. Randel Cotgrave’s French and English dictionary of 1611 defines “Collier” as “[a] coller (or chaine) of gold, for the necke; also, a dog-coller; horse-coller; any coller”, but not specifically as a belt (1970). Prior to 1610, the Jesuit priest Joseph Jouvency recorded for the Huron that “[t]hey were [“colliers”, translated as] belts and bracelets ingeniously manufactured from Venus shells 19, which we

may have been misidentified by Lescarbot for steatite, out of which beads were made at that time, too (Orchard 2000: 69). 16 Even earlier, but more sporadic, fishing vessels brought European trade goods like beads, knives and brass goods to North America and traded for furs, too, like Gaspar Corte Real (1501), Thomas Aubert (1509), while at later times Verrazano (1524), Gomes (1525), and Cartier (1534-42) were active (ibid. 2001: 72; Brasser 1978a: 78ff.; Karklins 1992: 55ff.). In addition, Turgeon pointed out the long lasting trade relations between French cod-fishers from La Rochelle and Rouen in 1530s, and since the late 1530s French and Spanish Basque fishers and whalers (ibid. 2001: 73). Some years after, the first beaver skins from North America are referred to in post mortem inventories of Parisian furriers in 1545 and 1564 (Allaire 1995: 82; 2001: 74f.). 17 In 1587, the Basque merchant and ship master Johannes Hoyarsabal shipped 50,000 “turquoise” beads to North America (Turgeon 1990: 86; Turgeon 2001: 76; ibid. 2005: 21). In a list of trade goods, as part of the cargo of L’Aigle de La Rochelle, are mentioned in 1656 white glass beads (“marguerites”), and tubular or oval blue glass beads (“canon bleuz”) (Turgeon 2001: 75). 18 At that time shell beads were made into belts in France, when for example as part of Jehan Pieron’s inventory, who was specialized in the manufacture of shell beads in 1581 “a belt made of white shells beads (“corps de ceinture de porcelaine blanche”)” is mentioned, and beaded belts were fashionable in France between 1573 to 1631 (Turgeon 2001: 71). 19 Jouvency is the first author mentioning venus shells as source of wampum beads, but no black beads.

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commonly call porcelain” (JR 1898, 1: 280), or as Samuel de Champlain, first Governor of New France between 1608-1618, wrote, were given as gifts20 of friendship by Hurons, who presented beaver-skins and four wampum collars. Somewhere else he mentioned a gift as peace offering, when Algonkins presented the Hurons with “fifty wampum necklaces with one hundred fathoms of the same” (Slotkin and Schmitt 1949: 229f.; Champlain 1971, 4: 285). The original French text distinguishes between necklaces and strings/chains respectively as “colliers” and “chaisnes”, in Champlain’s note on bridle gifts of wampum as “[c]ét amoureux ou seruiteur presentera à la fille quelques colliers, chaisnes & bracelets de pourceline [[t]he lover or suitor will give the girl a present of some wampum necklace, chains and bracelets]” (ibid. 1971, 4: 315). In 1623-1624, the most detailed description of wampum collars was given by Gabriel Sagard-Théodat about the Huron and Petun: “[t]heir wampum is strung in different ways, some of it to make necklaces three or four fingers in breadth, made like a horse’s girth with all its threads covered up and inserted in the pieces of shell. The circumference of these necklaces is about three and a half feet or more” (Wrong (ed.) 1939:144; cf. Turgeon 2005: 20). Yet, it is not known what these early collars or necklaces actually looked like. Whether they were made of several joined strings as Sagard-Théodat believed (Fig. 2), or like an ornamental woven band. As Isaac de Rasieres reported for Eastern Algonkins in 1628, as “they also make bands of it [wampum], which the women wear on the forehead under the hair, and the men around the body” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 106). The most probable earliest written source for the use of wampum among the Iroquois dates to April 21st 1613. The agreement between their delegates and Jacob Elkens, a Dutchman, con-cluded with the words “in love and friendship to continue and to maintain for as long as grass is green and as evidence of the honor and goodwill we exchange a silver chain for a fathom of wampum” (NYSL, Manuscript, 14164, Jacob Elkens’ agreement with Indians, signed by Hendrick Christianseen)21. In summary, the facts leave little doubt that tubular white shell beads, defined as proto-wampum beads, recovered from graves dating as early as the Hopewell period of 20

Gifts require another gift in return, a reciprocal human action that is described by Graeber as: “forms of exchange that are reciprocal—a term here defined as one in which two parties act, or are disposed to act, towards one another in equivalent ways” (2001: 225). 21 The original Dutch text reads: “belooven wy Participanten weedersydts in Amitie ende vriendtschap vol te houden ende te handthaven voor soelangh t’ gras groen is ende als een bewys van Eere ende Toegeneeghnheydt ver ruylen wy eene silverketting voor een vaedem Seewant” (NYSL, Manuscripts, 14164). Authenticity of the document is questioned (see Jennings et al. (eds.) 1995: 158).

16

Of Its Origin

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Fig. 2. Collar of strung shell wampum beads ending in tubular glass beads, from Condarae near present Holcomb, NY, 17th century. Length: 95.3 cm. From the Collection of the Ontario County Historical Society, Canandaigua, New York, USA (Cat. No. I-288, new number: 1925.002.0288). © Photograph by OCHS Photo Service Staff.

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A.D. 200-700, were an indigenous creation. Some historical descriptions support a ritual use of shell beads for the early 17th century, and especially in ceremonies of gift-giving of strings of “beads” as early as the 1530s (cf. Slotkin and Schmitt 1949: 226f.). But not until the early European contacts, in the late 16th century, did the very first “woven” white shell wampum bands emerge, while the black wampum beads were introduced later, after the turn of the century. By the early 16th century, long-term trade relations between Native Americans and Europeans were well established. Therefore, wampum is generally recognized as a “contact period phenomenon” (Ceci 1980: 840; Peña 1990: 24). The standardized size of beads, and their increase in availability began after 1600, which correlates well with the increased use of glass beads. Therefore, it is quite likely that indigenous bead makers were motivated by the competition of glass beads and particularly their size and color, when they came up with the first black tubular beads of hard clam shells. This innovation has to be dated after 1600, as will be explained later in chapters 7 and 922. 3 Etymology When studying any human society, linguistic investigations are of utmost importance, especially when trying to establish possible local and chronological derivations of terms, whether of common origin or newly formed words. In general, several studies dealing with this subject have quoted the works of Holmes (1883), Beauchamp (1901) and Hodge (1910), although more recent research exists. (cf.: Michelson 1991). Next, the most frequently used terms will be listed first, followed by less known and ending with nouns for surrogates. It is generally agreed that the term wampum is a colonial loan word of the early 17th century, adopted from the New England Algonkins, Mohegans and Narragansetts (all Algonquian speakers), wampumpeak, wampumpeag, or wampampig, translated as “white string (of shell)”, in singular given as wompam, wampam, wampen, wampamp, which means “white bead” (Williams 2009: 155; Speck 1964: 5; Hewitt 1910: 904; cf.: Ceci 1989: 73)23. In contrast, the

George R. Hamell came to the same conclusions, when stating: “Consequently, on the basis of archaeological evidence in the northeastern North America, one might posit the iconoclastic conclusion that the indigenous coastal manufacture of purple (“black”) wampum beads was catalyzed by the contemporary popularity of the earlier occurring, dark blue tubular glass trade beads” (1992: 460; e.g. Moreau 1994: 31ff., figure 2). 23 Interestingly, Beverley wrote in 1705: “The dark colour is the dearest, and distinguish’d by the name Wampom Peak”, instead of Williams’ plural form in 1643 (1968: 227). In the United States, the term “wampum” was used as slang for money up to the late 1920s (Prenner 1929: 357). 22

18

Etymology

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dark or black wampum was named suckauhock, suckáuhock by the Narragansett, as stated by Williams in 1643 (Williams 2009: 155; Speck 1964: 5). Another name for wampum was peak or peeg, and zewant (zeewant, zeewand, sewan, seawan, sewant, seewant, sewared), all variations of the same Algonquian stem for “loose or scattered beads”, which were in use in New Netherland and Virginia (NYCD 1853, 3: 323; Hewitt 1910: 908; Wendell 2008: 241, note 227)23. Similarly, the Dutch used the term Sijven/schijven in the 17th and 18th century (Wendell 2008: 95). Among the Algonquians, living north, different names were used for wampum. The Penobscots, St. Francis Abenakis, and Wawenoks of present Maine used the term woba´bi for a “white string”, while Maliseet-Passamaquoddy named it wapeyik, Maliseet wábap, and the further north living Mi’kmaq of Bear River in present Nova Scotia called it wabê´k, all mean “white beads” (Speck 1964: 5f.; Leavitt and Francis 2005: 23). Zeisberger recorded a similar term for the LenniLenape (Delaware)24 in mid 18th century as wapapi, or schéjeek for “white wampum” (1887: 220)25. The Iroquoian people used various names as well. The Five Nations Mohawk term for wampum was onekeora, onnegorha, anogógha (today’s onekórah), Onondaga otgora (today’s otkóæ)26, and Susquehannock words were ahghââra, ahgoora, ottchowrha, or otthohwrha (Michelson 1991: 109). Similarly, the Huron noun for wampum/shell was ononcoirota in 1625, and more than a hundred years later onnonk8ar8ta meaning “branche de porceline [bundle of wampum strings]”, and andioaskon “white shell/wampum” (ibid 1991: 110). Michelson reconstructed the possible noun roots, as -ęrhar- “wampum bead” and stem nyoʔask- “white wampum”, of which the oldest root refers to wampum in use among the St. Lawrence Iroquoians, Mohawks of eastern New York, and Tuscaroras in Northern Carolina, dating back 1900 to 2400 years, a fact that Michelson concluded as being “evidence that the invention of wampum as a 23

The Powhatan (Algonquian speakers) term Roanoke, Ronoak or Roenoke defined flat discoidal beads, which are not the focus of this investigation. For example a pouch with a disc type shell bead decoration from the Tradescant collection is listed in the original catalogue of 1656 as part of “Virginia purses imbroidered with Roanoake” (Feest 1983: 136; MacGregor 2007: 144; Holmes 1883: 239). Lawson confirmed the definition in 1714, for: “in making their Ronoak, four of which will scarce make one Length of Wampum” (1714: 194). However, scholars sometimes misleadingly confuse it with rough-edged or unfinished wampum beads (cf.: Michelson 1991: 108; Feest 2003: 90). 24 For a brief history of the Lenni-Lenape, formerly known as Delaware see: Goodard (1978b: 213ff.). 25 In an earlier version Zeisberger differentiated between the Lenni-Lenape (Delaware) word goek for “Wampum, Money”, and schejek for “A string of Wampum” (1806: 8, 15). On “Dutch Loan-words in Delaware” read Goodard (1974). 26 The Mohawk phrase for wampum string was onnong8ira (Michelson 1991: 109).

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device to fulfil certain societal functions is an aboriginal achievement of considerable age” (Michelson 1991: 109, 114f.). Although its considerable age can be founded linguistically, “certain societal functions”, whichever are meant, are highly speculative (see: Feest 2003: 98). Interestingly, the root –swęht- meaning “wampum belt(s)” recorded for the Onondagas and Senecas was obviously borrowed from the Algonquian sewant (ibid 1991: 114). On the other hand, Carver noted in 1778, that the Eastern Sioux, or Dakota once knew wampum as wampam or weokèah, signifying “belt”, (1976: 214, 217). His comment leaves no doubt that the term wampam can be traced to the loan word wampum27. In conclusion, wampum was defined among eastern Algonquian and Iroquoian speakers as a white bead/string, which very well describes the archaeologically excavated white shell beads. An idiom for belt had apparently not been created until the 1670s. For the Cherokee, Southern Iroquoian speaker, a Northern Iroquoian root could not be found, leading to the assumption that they were not familiar with this custom before it was introduced in the 18th century (Michelson 1991: 114). Apparently, the Dakotas were introduced to wampum in a similar way, when the French Governor probably presented every indigenous delegate with a belt of wampum during the Great Peace of Montreal in 1701. No term for string seems to have been recorded (Bacqueville de la Potherie 1997, 2: 685)28. In contrast to other colonial powers, the French named wampum commonly porcelain, a term which derived from the Italian porcellana, standing for “cowry shells”29. The word porcelain was used by Parisian bead makers in inventories as well as in early French travel literature to denote “shell beads”, while the raw material or whole shells and fragments were defined as coquilles (Hamell 1992: 464; Karklins 1992: 13; Turgeon 2001: 70f.)30.

27

While in 1902 wampum was no longer named by the Dakota as more than a century early, but instead as wamnuhadaņ, or waboslata, which doesn’t signify “belt” (Williamson 1992: 256). Unfortunately, no specific terms for wampum could be identified for the Anishnabek (Ojibwa, Ottawa/Odawa and Potawatomi) (cf.: Speck 1964: 7; Phillips 1998: XVI). 28

Or as any other time else, as René Godefroy de Linctôt, commandant at La Pointe, stated in early 1730s: “In the Council which I held in the spring, I told the savages, in giving them a collar [belt of wampum] in your [the governor’s] name, that it was by your orders that I was barring the road to the Sioux among whom the French are; and I sent to the Sioux a collar” (Burpe (ed.) 1927: 99). 29 Actually snails, for cowry is part of the genius of snails. 30 During the early historic period Europeans brought some marine cowry snails to North America, probably in hope to establish a similar value-system as used in Africa since the 16th century, for archaeological excavated cowry beads were found along coastal New York (Quiggin 1970: 26ff.; Ceci 1982: 101; Ceci 1989: 71, 73; Desjardins 1994: 115f.).

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The French substituted wampum with tubular glass beads, which Lescarbot called in ca. 1607 “spurious glass ‘quills’”, of which “200 quills” were traded in Illinois country in 1688 (1914, 3: 158; Quimby 1978: 65)31. Whether these beads received equal acceptance or not will be clarified later. During the French reign tubular glass beads were named porcelaine, façon de porcelaine, or canon (Desjardins and Dugnay 1992: 55; Turgeon 2001: 67).

31

Most probably some scholars were induced by the late recorded Iroquois myth and the French term “quill” to identify porcupine/bird quill as predecessors of wampum (cf.: Beauchamp 1901: 340, 401f.; Becker 2002: 50).

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4. Wampum Bead Production: Indigenous and Euro-American, from the 17th Century Onward Although several authors have explored the subject of production, none have succeeded, in a wider sense, to develop a comprehensive overview in particular of the makers, their cultural affiliation, and the production centers through time32. While archaeological research helps establish dates and regions of distribution for certain objects, human activities, like stages of technical production, can’t be explained without ethnographical descriptions. Therefore, those accounts are listed next in chronological order and are then compared with the archaeological evidence. In the very first report, written by Marc Lescarbot in approx. 1607, he wrote: “[t]he […] Armouchiquois [Eastern Abenakis] make carcenets and bracelets (called […] matachias) of the shells of those great sea-cockles, called vignols, like snails, which they break into a thousand pieces and collect, and then polish them upon a sandstone till they make them very small; then they pierce them” (Lescarbot 1914, 3: 157; Slotkin and Schmitt 1949: 227; Day 1978a: 138)33. All bordering inhabitants traded with the Eastern Abenakis for wampum, which “they buy very dear”, as Lescarbot added (ibid 1914, 3: 158). Some fourteen years later, the first entry, part of the Virginia Company’s records, lists an English bead maker in 1621, as “[t]he makinge of beades is one of Capt Norton’s cheife employments wch being the mony you trade with the natives” (Murray 2000: 121). Prior to 1628, Isaack de Rasieres roughly outlined the process for Siwanoys (Munsee speaker) Shinnecocks, and Eastern Abenaki bead makers, in his statement: “As an employment in winter they [Wappeno, Eastern Abenaki] make sewan, which is an oblong bead that they make from cockle-shells, which they find on the sea-shore” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 103, 106; Slotkin and Schmitt 1949: 233; Goodard 1978a: 237; Snow 1978: 147). At about the same time, in 1628, William Bradford wrote, that “[b]ut after it grue thus to be a commoditie in these parts [New England] these Indeans fell into it also, […] to learne how to make it; for the Narigansets doe gather the shells of which they make it [wampum] from their shores. And it hath now continued a current commoditie about this 20 years, and it may Elizabeth Shapiro Peña’s unpublished PhD-thesis on wampum makers in New Netherland and colonial New York is of note (1990: 23ff.). 33 Very similar, without quoting Lescarbot’s description, is James D. Burggraf’s reconstructed manufacturing process, where he explained the archaeological findings (1938: 57). In a report by William Stith, dating to 1608, he tells of “Roanoak”, which were disc beads, made in large quantities by “Sarapinagh, Nause, Arseck, and Nantaquack” people living on the “Pokomoke” river (1747: 63). 32

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prove a drugg in time” (Slotkin and Schmitt 1949: 234; cf.: Gookin 1792: 12). Roger Williams reported about Narragansett wampum bead makers in 1643: “[b]efore ever they had Awle blades from Europe they made shift to bore this their shell money with stone” (2009: 156; Peña 1990: 23; Orchard 2000: 46). In great detail, Adriaen Cornelissen van der Donck described the process in 1653 for the indigenous inhabitants from New Netherland, as wampum “is made of conch shells, which are cast up by the sea about twice a year or taken from it [.] They knock off the thin shell wall all around, keeping only the middle standard or pillar that is surrounded by the outer shell. These they grind smooth and even, and trim them according as the sticks are thick or thin. They drill a hole in each, string them on tough stalks, and file them down to equal size” (Snow, Gehring and Starna (eds.) 1996: 119). Later in the same century, Daniel Denton took notes of the indigenous wampum bead production on Long Island in 1670. He wrote: “[t]he Indians broke off about half an inch of the purple colour of the inside, and converted it into beads. These, before the introduction of awls and threads, were bored with sharp stones […]. A black bead, of the size of a large straw, about half an inch long, bored lengthwise and well polished […] Seawant was also sometimes made from the common oyster shell, and both kinds [black and white] were made from the hard clam shell” (1845: 41f.; Beauchamp 1901: 332). His is the very first description of the manufacturing process for black beads, see: Fig. 3. Additional references of colonial European bead makers, primarily living in Albany, are found throughout the second half of the 17th century34. On the other hand, archaeological investigations lead to the assumption that wampum beads were made by indigenous males in New England, because unfinished beads, whelks cores, drills and whetstones were found in 17th century male graves (Peña 1990: 27). The next accounts date to the early 18th century, when in 1705 Robert Beverley wrote in his history of Virginia “Peak is of two sorts, or rather of two colours, for both are made of one Shell, tho different parts; one is a dark Purple Cylinder, and the other a white; they are both made in size, and figure alike, and commonly much resembling the English Buglas, but not so transparent nor so brittle. They are wrought as smooth as Glass, being one third of an inch long, and about a quarter, diameter, strung by a hole drill’d thro

34

Remarkably, Peña was able to prove a labor division, that men made the beads, but colonial women principally strung them, reportedly in 1659 at Fort Orange, in 1665 at Yonkers, New York, and at Albany in 1669 (1990: 29f.). For example Henry Zeewant ryger was listed as wampum bead maker in 1662 (Fernow (ed.) 1881: 230).

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Fig. 3. Manufacture of wampum beads. On top: Snow whelk (Busycon laeostomum), trimmed columella, columella blank, drilled and finished beads. On bottom: Hardshell clam (Mercenaria mercenaria), broken off violet part, bead blank, drilled and finished beads. Drawing: © N. Stolle.

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the Center. The dark colour is the dearest, and distinguish’d by the name of Wampum Peak”. He makes no mention of any cultural affiliation (1968: 227; Orchard 2000: 46f.). In 1714 John Lawson described the process of the indigenous people of Carolina, who made beads of shells “which are found on the Coast of Carolina, which are very large and hard, so that they are very difficult to cut. Some English Smiths have try’d to drill this sort of Shell-Money, and thereby thought to get an Advantage; but is prov’d so hard, that nothing could be gain’d. […] [Peake] This is that which at New-York, they call Wampum, […] and is made at New-York in great Quantities it is ground smaller than the small End of a Tobacco-Pipe, or a large Wheat-Straw. Four or five of these make an Inch, and every one is to be drill’d through, and made as smooth as Glass, and strung, as Beds are […] This the Indians grind on Stones and other things, till they make it current, but the Drilling is the most difficult to the English-men, which the Indians manage with a Nail stuck in a Cane or Reed. This they roll it continually on their Thighs, with their Righthand, holding the Bit of Shell with their Left, so in time they drill a Hole quite through it, which is a very tedious Work; but especially in making their Ronoak, four of which will scarce make one Length of Wampum” (1714: 193f.; Orchard 2000: 46). Obviously, Lawson was not familiar with the British wampum bead makers of Albany. As Pierre de Charlevoix, a French traveler, briefly reported in 1720 “[t]here are two sorts of these shells, or to speak more properly two colours, one white and the other violet. […] Small cylindrical grains are made of both, which are bored through and strung upon thread, and of these the branches and collars of Porcelain or Wampum are made” (1761, 1: 319; Burch 1990: 267). Some ten years later, another reference is found in “Miscellanies” of Sir Hans Sloane’s catalogue. Under the number 1728 he recorded “[a]n Indian breastplate which they wear when they go to warr or at any great feast, made of shells out of the up country freshwater lakes, with the collar consisting of blue & white shells […] they drill the holes with the point of a sharp flint & work them round on a fine gritty stone [from New England by Mr. Wynthorp35.]” (cf. Bushnell 1906c: 177; Feest 1992: 90)36. In 1744 Alexander Hamilton wrote 35

Actually John Winthrop (1681-1747), a botanist living in New England, collected for Sir Hans Sloan Native American objects (King 1999: 43). 36 I’m indebt to Jonathan C. H. King, former curator at the British Museum London, who provided me with a copy of the “Miscellanies” entries in 2004. Bushnell dated the quoted entry to 1700, for a later one, no. 1730, bears the year 1702, but actually the objects were not listed chronologically, as Bushnell assumed, for example no. 1280, was acquired in 1725, while the number is listed 448 positions earlier than the quoted wampum bead drilling process. In another article Bushnell wrote about the Sloane collection and pointed out: “[u]nfortunately dates are seldom given, but we must remember that all the material was brought to England before 1753” (1906b: 671).

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about the manufacture of wampum beads, as quoted by Douglas E. Leach, “certain recognized craftsmen in the colonial towns, especially Albany where busy-fingered Dutchmen drilled the beads with a well tempered needle dipt in wax and tallow…” (1966: 155; Peña 1990: 122, 125). Similar but less detailed is the description of the process and its historical background by Peter Kalm in 1749: “The Indians formerly made their own wampum, though not without great difficulties, but at present it is made mostly by the Europeans, especially by the inhabitants of Albany, who make a considerable profit of it. […] Many people at Albany make the wampum of the Indians […] by grinding some kinds of shells and muscles” (1987: 129, 343)37. Up to this point, the quoted documents lead us to believe that wampum beads were primarily made by colonial craftsmen since the mid 18th century, but a reference to a letter dated even earlier, outlines a contradicting scenario. Along with his order of black and white wampum beads from England on November 25th 1735, Philip Livingston sent along some samples requesting: “the same Colour & bigness even & smooth pray get them made if possible”. Douglas E. Leach commented as “[s]o the New York trade was pursued, by whatever means were thought necessary for success” (1966: 156) 38. This special reference helps better understand Isaac Weld’s account prior to 1797: “The shell is send in its original and rough state to England, and there cut into small pieces, exactly similar in shape and size to the modern glass bugles worn by ladies, which little bits of shell constitute wampum” (1799: 390; Orchard 2000: 45; cf. Lainey 2004: 16)39. The last and most detailed description of the wampum manufacturing process of larger beads, approx. one inch long, using a revolving grindstone instead of a whetstone, is quoted at length by Orchard and observed by Barber and Howe’s prior to 1844 in New Jersey, see Table 5, II, 7. It’s of particular interest that the production was done by women, as they tell “[i]t has been manufactured by the females in this region from very early times for the Indians. […] The wampum is made from the thick and blue parts of sea clamshells. The process is simple, but requires a skill only attained by long practice […] When bored half way the wampum is reversed and the same operation repeated”

37

Many families are listed as wampum makers in the mid 18th century, like for example in 1755 “John David of the City of Albany Wampum Maker” (NYCD 1854, 4: 126; Peña 1990: 29). 38 Even the raw material is sometimes mentioned, like for example in a letter by Cornelius Cuyler, who ordered from William Darlington on January 20th 1753 "40,000 best clam shells and 500 best conch shells for to make white wampum” (Leach 1966: 156).

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(2000: 50f.; Beauchamp 1901: 333f.; Peña 1990: 28f.)40. Then, prior to 1850, the invention of a wampum drilling machine by the farmer brothers James and David Campbell of Park Ridge changed all that. It could drill six shell pipes at once and thus greatly increase the production of the Campbell’s factory, founded at Pascack in 1746. When the Campbell mill closed in the late 19 th century, this unique machine became part of the collections of the John C. Storms Museum in New Jersey (Williams and Flinn 1990). Archaeological research helped identify the raw materials originally used for wampum beads, which were named in historical accounts in a more general sense as clam, whelk and oyster. Most likely these descriptions explain the differing shades of the color white, visible on preserved historical wampum belts, ranging from white to pale yellow (Ceci 1989: 68ff.). Prior to 1885, Erminnie A. Smith gave a brief account of the manufacture of wampum beads in Paskack, New Jersey: “The blue ‘heart’ of the clam, as it was called, was cut out, and made up into beads used for the ground-work of belts. My informant said, further, that he had often paid out thousands of dollars per week, buying the beads of the white country-people, who manufactured them in their several homes. The hole of the bead was made with an ‘arm drill’, and the beads were polished or rounded on grindstones. He says the white beads cannot be made from clam, but from conch shells, which they have always imported from the West Indies” (1885: 4). This reference is very significant as it states that the raw material had been traded from the West Indies. Almost one century later, wampum beads were manufactured once again. Sometimes in the 1990s, the first beads in white and black were made commercially as more craftsmen entered the business. In the era of computer controlled production, the new beads are far more uniform in size than a century before. Today’s manufactured beads range in length from 7-22 mm and in diameter from 3-6 mm, and are drilled from opposite ends with a bore of 1 mm (Dianne Doyle, personal communication September 2010). Let us review the information discussed so far. The earliest reference of any indigenous wampum maker dates approx. 1607, when Eastern Abenakis did the work until sometime around 1620, when colonial English- and Dutchmen joined them. Since that time several indigenous groups were listed as wampum bead makers, in particular the Mahicans, Narragansetts, Pequots 39

Of note is a brief remark done by William Johnson in 1749, when he wrote that Abeel, a Native, “is now gone to Canada with Beaubasin […] to Shew the French the art of making Wampum, which they never knew any thing of before” (JP 1939, 9: 51). 40 Orchard used arranged photos of the different production stages to contextualize Barber and Howe’s account (2000: 52, 69f.).

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and Algonkins living on Long Island, Carolina and New England (cf.: Holmes 1883: 236ff.; Ceci 1993: 58ff.).Then, Euro-American production centers developed in and around Albany, in today’s states of New York and New Jersey, because the hard clam shell, Mercenaria mercenaria, is “especially abundant between Cape Cod and coastal New York” (ibid. 1993: 48f.). But apparently wampum beads were also made in England, where the very first manufacture took place in the 1730s; and its success is confirmed by Isaac Weld’s account dating much later that same century41. Thus, it can be assumed that the wampum bead production of the United States, regulated by a legal act of 1793, could not meet the British merchants’ needs to maintain their lucrative fur trade in Canada (Lainey 2004: 25)42. Almost always, men, whether indigenous or Euro-American, made the wampum beads from the earliest times up to late 18th century. Then, as reported before 1844, women entered the business. Up to the mid 17th century, historical accounts name flint drills as major implement for boring the beads, but iron drills were needed when the hard clam was made into black or white beads. As test, the production stages were re-enacted by archaeologist, starting with breaking the shell, rough shaping, drilling, final shaping and polishing it (Burggraf 1938: 57f.; Francis 1989: 25ff.). For this reason, the criteria mentioned earlier, which differentiate between proto-wampum and wampum have to be questioned, as up to that time bores were as large as in the earliest times, measuring in diameter up to approx. 2 mm (Ceci 1989: 63; Fenton 1998: 225; Lainey 2004: 11, 202)43. Then, in 1929 Orchard suggested a possibility of dating beads by the improvements of drilling techniques. To test his idea, x-rays of some preserved historical belts were taken, they showed that the older technique

41

Obviously, British merchants followed their French counterparts, who produced shell disc beads, sometimes referred to historically as “Roenoke”, for trade in North America more than a century earlier. Even grinding wheels were used by Parisian craftsmen in the late 16th century, when for example Jehan Pieron’s inventory is listed, specialized on making shell beads in 1581, as “more than 500 shell beads, 12 whole shells, three grinding wheels equipped with belts, and 37 oak moulds of different length to hold the beads” (Turgeon 2001: 68). 42 With the end of the war of Independence (1783), Great Britain lost access to the shell occurrences, located along the Atlantic coast, and therefore their merchants, especially in Montreal, petitioned their government to ratify an agreement with United States officials. The according act dated March 1793 is printed in the “Journal of the House of Assembly, LowerCanada Quebec", by John Neilson, and was frequently referred to in contemporary magazines, like the “Minerva, & Mercantile Evening Advertiser", New York, March 8th 1795, 3(901) on page 2 (both sources are not listed in the literature). 43 Many historical preserved wampum beads, parts of belts, show both sizes of bores, which would have been explained without the above cited written source, as recycled earlier beads. See for example belts in the collections of the National Museum of the American Indian,

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drilled from opposite ends and the later one in a single direction. Unfortunately, the relative age of wampum beads cannot be determined by the drilling techniques, because the “opposite” technique had been used as late as the 1840s (2000: 47ff.; Fenton 1971: 443; Lainey 2004: 201f.). In fact the opposite technique is superior when working with hand held drills, for the rough bead blank can easily be transformed into a bead, whether the bores meet exactly or not. On the other hand, with the single direction drilling the bead blank can easily be ruined if the drill is off center and ends near the edge of the opposite end, thereby wasting time and material. Sadly, given historical descriptions are of little help to draw conclusions on bead sizes and their respective time period. William N. Fenton was the very first to propose a novel methodology for establishing a chronology of wampum beads “using loose wampum recovered from dated graves, belts of known historic association, and comparative material from European collections” (1971: 443)44. Indeed, his electronic measurements of more than 7,000 shell beads taken sometimes prior to 1990, were dated between 1640 and 1687. In conclusion, the average mid 17th century wampum bead was found to measure 5.5 mm in length, 4 mm in diameter with a metal-drilled bore of 1 mm (Ceci 1993: 49, 229). These dimensions fit very well the preserved historical wampum belts, dated to 1656, and prior to 1685, see Plate 24 and 32, Fig. 289 and Fig. 364, and lead to the supposition that beads were relatively standard in size throughout the second half of the 17th century. Moreover, Fenton made the important observation, “the use of a continuous weft, double or single, makes it virtually impossible to repair a frayed belt by inserting a new bead near the middle of the fabric” without leaving a visible trace of the repair (Fenton 1971: 443). For that reason, I took high-resolution photographs of wampum beads of average size, using some well-documented belts and strings and arranged them chronologically in Table 5, II. Thus, following Fenton’s suggestion, I had made a bead guide that could help date any undated bead, singly or as part of strings and belts, within about 30 years by relying on the latest incorporated bead. Then, using both, archaeological and historical records, it became possible to fill in missing dates for beads from the late 17th to the early 18th century.

Washington D. C. (Cat. No. 02/1047; 20/0898), and Ethnologisches Museum Berlin (Cat. No. IV-B-12836). 44 Noteworthy, some of his listed comparative material has no wampum bead inlays, as for example the three ball-headed clubs from the Tradescant collection (1971: 443; cf. MacGregor (ed.) 1980: 110ff.).

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More than 14,000 excavated wampum beads from the Lasanen site, in Mackinac County, Michigan, were dated to between 1694 to 1697 with average bead measures of 5.8 mm in length and 4 mm in diameter with a bore of 0.8 to 1 mm (Cleland (ed.) 1971: 39)45. Historical descriptions vary, in 1705 the length is given as 8.5 mm, while somewhat later in 1714 as 5 mm to 6.4 mm (Beverley 1968: 227; Lawson 1714: 194). If the recorded data are correct, the diameters of wampum beads were reduced after that time, for the next photographed bead, dated to pre-1742, measures about 4.5 mm in length and only about 3 mm in diameter, see Table 5, Fig. II, 3 (Meier and Neumann 1989: 344; Feest 1992: 91, 2014a: 36; Kasprycki 2013 (ed.): 143, no. 211) 46. After 1753, wampum bead size increased again, first in length and at some point around 1800 even in diameter, as can easily be seen in the table of photographed beads. This is also supported by historical records, as William Johnson once bought “1000 Large black Wampum” in 1756, and he ordered “30 thousand of the largest black Wampum” and ”10 thousand White ditto”, in 1758 (JP 1921, 2: 612, 835). Further research on measurements of dated beads will undoubtedly lead to further narrowing of any existing time frame. Arriving at a fairly exact total number of beads, that had ever been produced during that time, is quite impossible and by some accounts we can only guess that number. Ceci Lynn estimated the amount for New England between 1634 and 1664 at seven million beads (1993: 61f.). In the Expenses of the Indian commissioners of Pennsylvania some “15250 lb. [pounds] black wampum” are listed, making it 7,62 tons or nearly 48 million beads (PIC 1787: 3). And in search of 80,000 white wampum beads, Jasper Parrish “went to some house in Philadelphia with T. Francis, where he saw a large quantity-two millions” in 1793 (Clarke and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 345). Thomas L. McKenney, “Superintendent of Indian Trade” listed as part of the amount of goods for the “Indian trade in the year 1820 […] Wampum [Grains.] 600,000 [Amount.]”, which were bought from A. C. Zabriskie in New York (Clarke and Lowrie (eds.) 1834, 2: 344). These records lead to believe that production of wampum beads grew 45

Remarkably, these measurements strikingly correspond to some undated wampum bead woven objects in the collections of the musée du quai Branly (Cat. No. 71.1878.32.61; 71.1878.32.60), see Plate 31 and 35, Fig. 360 and 389, 390. 46 To the contrary, Charles F. Wray identified four distinctive types of wampum beads, which he defined as “the earliest being the native made long, flat sided, thin walled, large bore, tapered drill, white bead” dating “from 1535 to 1640”, the second as “native made shorter, barrel shaped, thick, often flat sided, large bore and tapered drill white bead” dating from “1550 to 1650”, the third as “Dutch” wampum, “characteristically short, flat, round sided and with a small bore taper drilled from opposite ends of beads”, and fourth a “Colonial American variety”, which “is distinctively longer and thinner than the earlier “Dutch” variety”, dating till “after the middle 1700’s” (2003: 7).

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over time. Taking into account these incredibly large numbers, it is remarkable that the harvested shell species did not become extinct.

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5. Wampum as an Adornment, from the 17th Century Onward When wampum beads came into use in the early 17th century, they were almost immediately made into decorative ornaments, whether being strung as strings, made into bands, or sewn on backings of leather and cloth, or even inlayed into wooden bowls and clubs. The oldest account, handed down by Marc Lescarbot, describes wampum bracelets of Eastern Abenakis in approx.1607 (Lescarbot 1914, 3: 157). Gabriel Sagard-Théodat’s account of 1632 provides more detail regarding the ornaments of the Huron-Wendat. As “[t]heir wampum is strung in different ways, some of it to make necklaces three of four fingers in breadth, made like a horse’s girth with all its threads covered and inserted in the pieces of shell. The circumference of these necklaces is about three and a half feet or more, and the women put many of them on their necks, according to their means and wealth. Then they have others, strung like our rosaries, fastened to their ears and hanging down […] And I have seen other women who also wore bracelets on their arms and great plates in front over the stomach, with others behind circular in shape and like a teasel for carding wool hanging from their hairplaits” (Wrong (ed.) 1939: 144; Turgeon 2005: 20; cf.: Sagard-Théodat 2010: 133). His report for the indigenous habitants of New England is verified by Roger Williams. In 1643 he wrote: “[t]hey hang these strings of money about their necks and wrists; as also upon the necks and wrists of their wives and children. Máchequoce. A Girdle: Which they make curiously of one two, three, foure, and five inches thicknesse and more, of this money which (sometimes to the value of ten pounds and more) they weare about their middle and as a scarfe about their shoulders and breasts. Yea the Princes make rich Caps and Aprons (or small breeches) of these Beads thus curiously strung into many forms and figures: their blacke and white finely mixt together” (2009: 157). In contrast to Sagard-Théodat, Williams identified the wampum beads as money; a difference in colonial perceptions that will be discussed in the following chapter. In a similar manner, Johannes Megapolensis Jr., reported the use of wampum beads by the Mohawks in 1644. “Their money consists of certain little bones, made of shells or cockles […] and these they string upon thread, or they make of them belts as broad as a hand, or broader, and hang them on their necks, or around their bodies. They have also several holes on their ears, and there they likewise hang some” (Snow, Gehring and Starna (eds.) 1996: 44). Adriaen Cornelissen van der Donck’s portrayal of the adornment for Mohawks is even more explicit, as he states in 1653: “[a]round their waist they all [women like men] wear a belt made of leather, whalefin, whalebone, or

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wampum. […] The wealthier women and those who have a liking for it wear such skirts wholly embroidered with wampum, often worth between one and three hundred guilders. […] Men’s and women’s stockings and shoes are of deer or moose skin, which some decorate richly with wampum, but most wear it as it comes. […] Over it they [women] draw a kerchief, often exquisitely worked with wampum. When they want to appear rather splendid and lovely they wear around the forehead a strap of wampum shaped like the headband that some believe was worn in olden times. […] Many of them drape beautiful girdles of wampum around the waist and wear fine little ornaments through the earlobes” (Snow, Gehring and Starna (eds.) 1996: 109f.)47. One application against a leather backing is preserved by a fragment with applied wampum beads, archaeologically unearthed at the Seneca Dann Site (1655-1675), and is part of a leather garment, mentioned by contemporaries and quoted above (Dongen et al. (eds.) 1996: 48)48. A girdle or garter was reportedly acquired sometimes prior to 1685, most probably as part of the Tradescant collection. In 1886 it was transferred from the Ashmolean Museum (Cat. No. AM 833) to the Pitt-Rivers Museum, Oxford (Cat. No. 1886.1.833; Bergvelt and Kistemaker (eds.) 1992: 187, fig. 414). It seems to be the only surviving garter dating to the 17th century, because its wampum beads are strung entirely with vegetable fibers, which were braided together at both ends into ties, which are now missing, see Plate 12, Fig. 155 (Feest 1983: 122; Mowat (ed.) 1993: 52; MacGregor, Mendonça and White (eds.) 2000: 330, no. 833; Kasprycki (ed.) 2013. 118, no. 132; Feest 2014a: 34). Throughout the 17th century, primary accounts describe the Native Americans’ use of wampum as ornaments similar to those of authors quoted above (JR 1898, 26: 205; Snow, Gehring and Starna (eds.) 1996: 70; JR 1899, 56: 173). Even high ranking Europeans adopted its use in similar ways, as did Governor Printz, who possessed a complete outfit “of clothes, with coat, breeches, and belt, made by those barbarians, with their wampum, which was curiously wrought with the figures of all kind of animals, and cost some thousand pieces of gold” prior to 1656 (Holm 1834: 130). At some time in the latter half of the 17 th century another fashion emerged, when wampum bands were decorated with colored porcupine quills along the

47

Furthermore, van der Donck pointed out a correlation between age and adornment, when he mentioned “[m]ost of them wear the same kind and shape of clothing and are not showy or luxurious in that respect, except for some young lads who soon forget about it when they grow older” (Snow, Gehring and Starna (eds.) 1996: 109). 48 This backing was erroneously identified as rawhide (Dongen et al. (eds.) 1996: 48, 226).

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edges, as Thomas Church describes King Philip’s, or Metacom’s49, wampum ornaments, which he received as victor after the war, in 1676, by Annawon, as “they were all edg’d with red hair, which Annawon said they got in the Muhhogs [Mohawks’] Country” (Church 1716: 52; Little 2001: 247, 265). The Huron-Wendat of Lorette, present day Wendake, sent a wampum belt decorated with porcupine quills, devoted to the Virgin Mary, to the Chapter of Chatres, France. It was first described in 1674 but was not received until 1678 (Farabee 1922: 46ff.; Lainey 2004: inside cover; Becker 2008: 28). Likewise in 1684, Tall Jeanne wove a large wampum belt, while Colette, another Abenaki woman, adorned it with porcupine quills (JR 1899, 63: 30; JR 1900, 63: 30f.; Beauchamp 1901: 390). And another votive belt of wampum was sent to France by the Abenakis of St. François in 1699, which was later described as it “contained about eleven rows of beads, and was also about six feet long, and ornamented to the best of their ability with porcupine-quills” (JR 1899, 69: 69; Farabee 1922: 46ff.). In a similar way, the American surgeon James Thatcher described a Six Nations belt of wampum as “curiously worked with porcupine quills” in 1777 (1969: 115f.). Prior to 1806, James Mease gives an historical description of the indigenous color red that “[t]he Indians fix the color on their porcupine quills, used in ornamenting their wampum belts”, sadly he failed to name any tribal name (1806: 301). Some historically preserved wampum ornaments bear quill decorated edges, a wrapping technique described by Orchard (1984: 52f.). These quill wrapped bands were, when finished, sewn to the edges of a wampum item, presently in the collections of the Musée du quai Branly (Cat. No. 71.1878.32.56; 71. 1878.32.60), Trésor de la cathédrale de Chartres, and Saint Petersburg (Cat. No. 1901-23), published for example in (Harrison et al (eds.) 1987a: 80; ibid. 1987b: 47; Guillet and Pothier 2005: 33, 67; Feest (ed.) 2007: 46, 85; Feest 2014b: 71, 76). In the early 18th century wampum served as ornament, but more in forms of strings, bracelets and wristbands (Lafitau 1974, 1: 310). Some 25 years later, Peter Kalm described its use for the Huron-Wendat of Wendake (Lorette), “[r]ound their neck, they have a string of violet wampums, with little white wampums between them“ (1770: 472). Similarly, Louis Antoine de Bougainville, a high ranking French officer, refers to the ornaments of the Caughnawagas, present Kahnawake Mohawks, in July of 1757. “Two canoes, each with ten naked Indians, the finest men of all the villages, painted for war in red and blue, adorned with bracelets of silver and of wampum” (1964: 124). 49

His name is differently spelled, sometimes even written as Metacomet (cf.: Silverman

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Sometimes prior to 1760, his comrade Pierre Pouchot described the appearance of his native allies. “Around their neck [men] they were a pendant collar, like our knights who belong to an order. At the end of it is a silver plaque as big as a saucer, or a shell of the same size, or a porcelain hoop. […] on the upper arm a kind of muff made of wampum” (1994: 443)50. In like manner, an anonymous account portrayed a Mohawk delegation, which came to Dublin in 1764: “Round their necks are hung silver gorgets and medals, strings or belts of wampum, &c.” (1764, 1: 263). During the War of Independence, August Wilhelm Du Roi the Elder, a Brunswick mercenary, gives an account on August 16th 1776 of “a delegation of 50 Indians of the Outagamis [Sauk and Mesquakie] and Quicapous [Kickapoo] [who] had arrived at Montreal. These are powerful nations living along the Mississippi. […] Around their necks they wore wampums and bracelets on their arms” (1911: 48; Callender 1978b: 646; Callender, Pope and Pope 1978: 667). Even later, David Zeisberger described part of the embellishment of the indigenous inhabitants of Pennsylvania: “[t]heir ornaments are partly round shields and half moons of silver, partly the same forms made in wampum. These are usually worn upon the breast for adornment. They also have great belts of wampum made of the violet, not the white, wampum” (Hulbert and Schwarz (eds.) 1910: 152). Meanwhile in March of 1782, John Fitch was captured along the Ohio river, and later wrote about his captor: “[w]ho sent his man with a valuable Brich clout [breechcloth] decorated with Wampum and offered it to me and demanded my Breeches” (1976: 77). Wampum bead decorated garments like this girl’s wrap-around skirt, see: (Fig. 4.) are rarely preserved. In 1785, Joseph Hadfield described the ornaments of high ranking St. Regis, present Akwesasne Mohawk men: “Round their necks they have a broad necklace of wampum of shells turned into small cylindrical forms to which they hang, 2, 3, and 4 silver gorgets with several figures engraved upon them” (1933: 62). When William Bartram traveled through the southeastern states of North America, prior to 1791, he described the local indigenous inhabitants as “[t]here are several Christians among them, many of whom wear little silver crucifixes, affixed to a wampum collar round their necks”, and further on he gave a detailed account of significant men’s headdresses, as “[a] very curious diadem or band, about four inches broad, and ingeniously wrought or woven, 2007: 46, 78). 50 Furthermore, he stated for the Christianized indigenous women, that they “are laden with necklaces, like maidens in special finery. They are strings of porcelain beads at the ends of which are attached Calatrava crosses” (1994: 442).

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Fig. 4. Girl’s wrap-around skirt of blue stroud cloth decorated with silk ribbons and applied shell and glass wampum beads, sewing with yarn, lower St. Lawrence River valley, c. 1790s. Length: 80.8 cm. From the collection of the Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), Russian Academy of Science (Cat. No. 1901-5). Photograph: N. Stolle.

and curiously decorated with stones, beads, wampum, porcupine quills, &c. encircles their temples, the front peak of which is embellished with a high waving plume, of crane or heron feather” (1791: 118, 318f). Somewhat different, Francis Baily specified the footwear of the Chicasaw in April 1797, that “they are sowed together at top with the sinew of the deer, and are finished oftentimes in a curious manner with wampum and porcupine quills” (1856: 143). A year before, a Spaniard travelling along the Astungo river described his fellow-traveler: “Tomhegan [his companion] […] was equipped in the true Indian stile of this country. He had on a pair of Moggasons, decorated with wampum, [and] a wampum belt” (Decalves 1796: 16). Several moccasins, preserved in public and private collections, are embellished with shell and/or glass wampum beads, such as a pair dating prior to 1828 (Bushnell 1906a: 248, Pl. XX; Zavattaro and Ferretti (eds.) 2010: 17, 157).

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After 1800, wampum is frequently mentioned as ornament, and in particular noted for the indigenous inhabitants of the Great Lakes area, as Thomas Nuttall51 wrote in 1819: “[t]he young and unmarried women of the Quapaws, according to a custom equally prevalent among many other tribes of Indians, wear their hair braided up into two parts, brought round to either ear in cylindrical form, and decorated with beads, wampum, or silver”, and described the ornaments of the Arkansas, Lenni-Lenape (Delawares), Osages, Shawnees, and Ojibwa in a similar way (Chippewa) (Thwaites (ed.) 1905, 13: 125, 127, 239, 249, 250)52. Earlier, Pierre Blanchard, a French voyager, observed the ornaments of the Cherokees and noted that the men decorate their heads with wampum beads and wear: “d’un collier de wampum, d’un pectoral d’argent, et de bracelets de meme metal [a belt of wampum, a pectoral of silver, and bracelets of the same metal (my translation)]” (Blanchard 1818: 146f.). Prince Maximilian of Wied53 mentioned strings of wam-pum used as ear ornament by the Sauk and Meskwaki (Fox) in 1832-1834: “These nations adorn their ears in a very original manner, three large holes, one above the other, are made at the outer rim, in which short strings of blue and white wampum shells are hung, like tassels. […] and similar strings, and pieces of blue and white shells, are worn in many rows around the neck”, and later for the Oto, Omaha, Iowa, and Dakota Sioux (Thwaites (ed.) 1906, 22: 222, 271, 307, 325)54. During the same time, George Catlin noticed that Four Bears, or Mahto-toh-pa, a Mandan leader, owned a belt “of the richest shell wampum” (McLaughlin 2003: 273). A couple of years later, Anna B. Jameson described a chief of the Ojibwa, whom she met at Toronto in 1837. He “had about fifty strings of blue wampum round his neck”, and later that year she saw another at Manitoulin Island, who wore “a magnificent embroidered belt of wampum,

51

Thomas Nuttall, a British traveler, visited the frontier area of the Midwest, along the Ohio river to Cincinnati, Chillicothe, and Louisville in 1818-1820 (Hubach 1998: 52). 52 Edwin James, a surgeon, who studied medicine, botany and geology, wrote an account of Stephen Long’s expedition to the Rocky Mountains in 1819 to 1820, and confirmed Nuttall’s description for the Kansa, Oto and Omaha (Thwaites (ed.) 1905, 15: 196, 277, 310; Hubach 1998: 13, 54). 53 Prince Maximilian of Wied, a German traveler, was accompanied by the painter Karl Bodmer, a Swiss, who did many sketches and aquarelles while on their journey in North America. For example in 1833, Bodmer took a watercolour of Massik (“Turtle”), part of a Sauk and Meskwaki (Fox) delegation (Goetzmann et al. (eds.) 1984: 132; Hubach 1998: 74). 54 As part of his footnote on wampum he writes: “These small shell cylinders are known to be cut out of the shells of the Venus mercenaria, and strung on threads; they are arranged blue and white alternately. All the northern and eastern nations, in the neighbourhood of the great lakes, and even the tribes on the Lower Missouri, use this ornament, but not those on the Upper Missouri” (ibid. 1906, 22: 222).

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from which hung his scalping-knife and pouch” (Jameson 1965: 149; Karklins 1992. 30)55. In conclusion, wampum as ornament, whether woven, strung or sewn to clothes, was used by both sexes as well as children of several indigenous groups56. The fashion started somewhere in eastern North America along the Atlantic coast and spread north to the lower Saint Lawrence valley and westwards to Iroquoia in the early 17th century. During the early 18th century, the fashion reached as far south as the present state of Carolina and westward to the regions of the Great Lakes and the Eastern Plains. Strings of wampum were universally used as adornment, while woven bands were not. Wampum woven or sewn ornaments with quilled edges had a limited distribution and were reportedly used only by Abenakis, Huron-Wendats, Mohawks, and Six Nations between the 1670s up to late 1770s. During the 17th and 18th century, privately owned wampum belts and headbands defined the status of high ranking individuals, in particular chiefs. But other encounters mention headbands that are not specifically linked to rank or status, as observed by François Joseph le Mercier, a Jesuit priest, who saw a captured Iroquois in 1637, who wore wampum beads arranged “in the form of a crown around his head” (JR 1898, 13: 89), or in 1642, when Father Barthelemy Vimont saw one made “of deerskin, dyed scarlet, and enriched with a collar of porcelain beads” (ibid 1898, 22: 279; Karklins 1992: 66f.)57. Yet, the following example suggests otherwise: Iwanchou, a famous indigenous war chief, traveled to France for an audience prior to 1639, “and was very well received by his Majesty, at whose feet he laid his Crown of Porcelain beads, as a sign that he recognized that great Prince, in the name of all these nations, as their true and lawful Monarch” (JR 1897, 25: 223). Another report, probably written by Reverend John Clayton, says about the indigenous inhabitants of Virginia prior to 1689: “They goe bare headed both winter and summer. Only the king and his nobles wear something like a ring made of feathers or a coronet made of their money which they call peek, about their head, the crown of their head being bare” (Pargellis 1959: 230; cf.: Williams 2000: 157). Also, an oil painting of Ninigret, an eastern Niantic chief, made by an anonymous artist in early 18th century, confirms these statements, by showing him 55

Unfortunately she did not provide any hint for the bead material, but likely she referred to imitation wampum, which evidently was used for straps of pouches. 56 For further historical descriptions see Karklins’ book on “Trade Ornament Usage Among the Native People of Canada” (1992). 57 A similar, but much later dated headdress, was published by Orchard, which is encircled by an imitation wampum headband (2000: 98, Plate XXIII).

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with a wampum band encircling his head, (Feest (ed.) 2000: 112). With this information, it becomes possible to interpret contemporary illustrations like an engraving of a Lenni-Lenape (Delaware) family, printed as part of Peter Lindström’s “Geographica Americae” and based on notes taken prior to 1656, as being of high status (cf.: Brunius 2007: 22; Feest 2014a: 32) 58. On the other hand, smaller wristbands were obviously worn by both sexes, while a larger trapezoidal form, defined as cuffs, was probably not worn by females and males. Recently, Joseph M. Becker came up with new insights for this particular group, which he attributed to Huron elders or officials (2007: 59; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f.). After further discussion of techniques and patterns, this object group will be later referred to in more detail. Beside headbands and cuffs, wampum pectorals, in particular discs, seem to have been reserved for use by high rank individuals. Unfortunately, most historical accounts are too vague, or no attention was paid to status, unlike those of above cited authors: Sagard-Théodat (1632), Pouchot (1760), and Zeisberger (1782). Yet, Bacqueville de la Potherie made an interesting observation, when he wrote that in 1701, Joncaire “il alla à la tête de cinqu-antetrois Iroquois de la montagne de Montréal, leur faire son compliment particulier sur la morte de leur Chef. Il leur parla par un Soleil de porcelaine, soutenu de deux Colliers. Le Soleil s’était éclipsé, dit-il, et je le fais reparaître. Il est vrai que le Chef des Hurons est dans la terre, mais son esprit règne encore avec vous. [walks in front of fifty-three Iroquois of the Mountain [Kahnesatake] near Montreal to make their compliments in particular for the death of their chief. He spoke for them on a Sun of wampum, fastened to two belts. The Sun is an eclipse, he said, and I have to repair it. It is true that the chief of the Huron is in the earth, but his spirit still rules you (my translation)]” (1997, 2: 681; Lainey 2004: 69). This sun of wampum seems to be a wampum disk attached to two wampum bands, with which it was fastened around the neck. But since the chief is dead, its sun had to be repaired, or a new chief installed, while his mark of distinction is shown to the public. A very similar disk with a woven strap, although of a much later date, is shown on (Fig. 5). Actually, the later dated preserved pectoral very well fits an early historical description of “Schackhook [Schaghticoke] when he returned from Onondaga “presenting to him [Governor of New York] a round Plate of Wampum, with For other “crowns”, like feather headdresses from eastern North America sometimes even decorated with glass wampum beads, dating to prior 1800, I could confirm the restricted use for chiefs, and could even establish a tribal attribution for the Kahnawake Mohawk (Stolle 2009: 109ff.; 2012). 58

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four spots in it, signifying four Castles, and four Propositions which they had to offer. The first was, that the Plate of Wampum came from four Castles of the Onogangoes” (Courtlandt 1693: 4). The Schaghticoke were indigenous inhabitants of Southern New England (Cokey, Boissevain, and Goddard 1978: 177ff.).

Fig. 5. Wampum bead pectoral sewn on cloth, backed with muslin, and edged with white globular glass beads, attached to wampum bead neck strap. Diameter of disk 13.3 cm, length 45.4 cm. Courtesy of the Warnock Coll., ex Drumond Coll., pre1820 (Cat. No. 8912007-A4.2).

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Moreover, contemporary illustrations from the 17th to the 19th century confirm the statement for wampum pectorals, whether of whole shells or applied beads. They are depicted only in combination with headdresses of early times, consisting of wampum woven bands, and in all instances the identified individuals are officials or chiefs with their families (Bancroft-Hunt 1995: 31; Karklins 1992: 39, 62, 91; Lainey 2004: 44; Corbier 2012: 45)59. An unknown 6 Nations chief wearing a wampum bead disk around his neck was photographed at some date in the mid 19th century (LAC C-84932; Kasprycki (ed.) 2013: 119, comp. ill. for 136). Besides their use as personal ornaments, wampum beads were attached or inlayed into other materials, such as strings attached to cradle boards, mentioned by Lescarbot for the Mi’kmaqs/Micmacs in approx. 1607, by Sagard-Théodat for the Hurons in 1632, by Father Chrestien Le Clercq for the Mi’kmaqs/Micmacs in 1691, and by Joseph François Lafitau for the Mohawks of Sault St. Louis, present Kahnawake, prior to 1724: “[o]n this half hoop [of the board] are put little bracelets of wampum” (Karklins 1992: 13, 58, 69; 1974, 1: 357). Or, wampum beads, split or whole, were inlayed into wooden war clubs, whether crescent shaped, ball-headed, or pick axe type, dating from probably 1605 to prior 1750, likewise Beverley stated for indigenous inhabitants of Virginia in 1705 that they “use the Peak, Runtees [to] adorn their Tomahawks” (Beverley 1968: 228; Brasser 1978a: 87; Salwen 1978: 171; Feest 1980: 55; Zehnacker and Petit 1989: 78f.; Becker 1980b: 1f.f; 1990: 22ff.; Meachum 2005: cover, 4ff.; 2007: 68ff.; Brunius 2002: 18f.; 2007: 27ff.; Stolle 2010: 28ff.)60. Furthermore, wampum beads were inlayed into wooden bowls, dated prior to 1700 but are rarely preserved (Willoughby 1908: 429, Plate 27 c; Cook 2001: 64). Some archaeologically excavated shell beads have been identified as inlays of wooden objects, no longer preserved. For example some 300 split wampum beads, found in a burial at the Culbertson Site, are possibly part of a wooden pipe stem or war club (Wray et al. (ed.) 1987: 145; Karklins 1992: 66).

59

Whelk shell pectorals, called moons, are not identically with wampum bead disks, called “Suns”, but both emblems seem to have been used as symbols of status. Interestingly, the meaning seems to be much older, for from 1585-1588, Utina, “king” of the Saturioua and his commandants wear round shaped metal ornaments only in front of their breasts, as depicted by de Bry after White (Berger (ed.) 1977: figures 35, 37, 41, 58). On the other hand, a Timucuan chief of Florida, after Jacques Le Moyne, is shown with a metal pectoral, explained as: “the number and abundance probably denoting this man’s status as a chief” (Sloan (ed.) 2007: 134). 60 Even the buttstock of a single trade gun bears inlayed wampum beads in equilateral cross pattern, dated to pre-1680 (Centre de conservation du Québec, unknown Cat. No.).

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Furthermore, wampum was used for specific ritual purposes, such as marriage customs, ceremonial paraphernalia and burying the dead. Prior to 1702, Thomas Campanius Holm wrote about bridal outfits among the indigenous inhabitants of Pennsylvania, “[w]hen a warrior or sachem marries, his wife must wear her bridal clothes for a year, completely covered with strings of wampum, in various figures, with which her hair, her ears, her arms, and her waist even down to her knees, are decorated” (ibid 1834: 126). In like manner Samuel Smith confirms it for the Native Americans of New Jersey, in ca. 1680, when he reported: “[t]heir young woman […] at marriageable ages [,] distinguished themselves with a kind of work’d mats, or red or blue bays, interspersed with small rows of white and black wampum, or half rows of each in one, fastened to it, and then put round the head, down to near the middle of the forehead” (1765: 138). This particular use was documented for the Penobscot in Maine more than a century later (Speck 1964: 40ff.). Wampum beads adorned pipe stems, especially calumets or peace pipes, such as Shikellamy, an adopted Oneida61, “[l]aid [down] several fine Tobacco Pipes adorned with Wampum & fine Feathers” at a council held on July 9th, 1747 (PHMC, Pennsylvania Provincial Records, Vol. 50, p. 21, Conrad Weiser’s account of a meeting at Shamokin). John F. Carmichael, surgeon under the command of Major General Anthony Wayne, wrote in his diary about the peace treaty, signed at Greenville on August 3rd, 1795, that “a pipe highly decorated, with wampum and feathers” was presented (HEHL, Diary of John F. Carmichael, HM 827)62. Lewis and Clark complied with that custom, when they attached strings of wampum to pipes in the early 1800s, as Clark noted among the Nez Perce: “I deckorated the Stem of this pipe with blue ribbon and white wampum and informed the Chief this was the emblem of peace with us” (Gilman 2003: 62; McLaughlin 2003: 209f.)63. And Major Pike explained in minutiae in 1806, that a: “Chipeway chief made a speech and presented his peace pipe to me to bear to the Sioux, on which were seven strings of wampum, as authority from the seven bands of Chipeways, either to conclude peace or to make war” (1810: 85f.) Several decades later, such a pipe was described in a magazine as:”[t]he Shawnee’s pipe was then produced; it was a large, long, and profusely decorated with shells, beads, and painted eagle and porcupine quills” (Anonymous 1860: 122). 61

A short biographical sketch is given in Jenning's edited publication (1995: 247). Carmichael’s diary contains several sketches. One of it shows the mentioned calumet (HEHL, Diary of John F. Carmichael, HM 827). 63 Some historical pipes which do still have attached wampum beaded strings are preserved in collections (cf.: McLaughlin 2003: 237; Greene, Richard and Thompson 2007: 67f.). 62

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For a different purpose, wampum beads were used to decorate effigies of supernatural beings, often described as idols. The earliest reference, made by father Le Clercq for the Mi’kmaq/Micmac in 1691, states a “juggler” showed a super-natural representation of “Oüahich”, or the “master Devil”, which “was a bit of bark on which was a figure, hideous enough, made from black and white wam-pum […] rather in shape of a little wolverine, which was adorned with black and white beadwork” (Karklins 1992: 13f.). And John Lawson observed among the indigenous inhabitants of Carolina in 1714, that “they set a sort of an Idol in the Field, which is dress’d exactly like an Indian, having all the Indians Habit, besides abundance of Wampum, and their Money, made of Shell, that hangs about his Neck […] to encourage the young Men to labour stoutly, in planting their Maiz [corn] and Pulse” (1714: 174f.). Decades later, during a visit to the Lenni-Lenape (Delawares) in October 1741, brother Rauch, a Moravian, ob-served a doll: “made of leather, and decorated with wampum” (Anonymous 1806b, 11: 403)64. In 1819-1820, the contents of a war bundle are described as “upon which much reliance is placed, for the successful termination of their ad-venture, contains, almost always, the skin of a sparrow hawk (Falco spar-verius), and many small articles, such as wampum, beads, and tobacco, all attached to a belt, but carefully and neatly enveloped in bark, and tied around by strips of the same material, forming a cylindrical figure, of about twelve inches in length” (Thwaites (ed.) 1905, 15: 80f.)65. Some early wampum beads even served as rattle stones for turtle shell rattles (JR 1898, 20: 306). Further-more, wampum was offered to supernatural beings, whether Christian Saints or Native Spirits, as “[t]hereupon he [Huron] threw a collar of two or three thousand Porcelain beads on the step of the Altar” prior to 1645, while other Natives “cast their pipes, wampums and trinkets into the water [Niagara Falls], as offerings to the water spirit” (JR 1898, 27: 147; Beste 1855, 2: 242). Since earliest times, wampum was buried with the dead, as the Jesuit Paul le Jeune reported to his superior about the Huron mission in 1636: “[s]o they enveloped the dead body in several robes; they gave her her trinkets, her ornaments, a quantity of porcelain [wampum], which is the diamonds and

Most probably the text refers to an O’das-doll, like one which is decorated with a small black wampum belt, being part of the collections of the Presbyterian Church, Department of History, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, see Plate 2, Fig. 19 (Pannabecker 1996: 270, Fig. 2; cf.: Canton Museum of Art (ed.) 2003: 25). 65 Several bundles were collected by scholars in the early 20th century, of which very few contain objects decorated with wampum beads, see for example a buffalo’s tail amulet, part of an Iowa doctor’s bundle, preserved in the collections of the Milwaukee Public Museum 64

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pearls of this country” (JR 1898, 8: 267f.)66. Father Brébeuf named the same practice, as: “sometimes a Porcelain collar is put around his [deceased’s] neck” (JR 1898, 20: 265; cf.: Du Creux 1952, 2: 280ff.; Lafitau 1974, 2: 217). Or, as father Lalemant wrote about the Huron “Feast of the Dead”: “[a]fter that, the same Women carried the bones of their Dead into this magnificent Room. These bones were enclosed in caskets of bark, covered with new robes of Beaver skins, and enriched with collars and scarfs of Porcelain Beads” (ibid. 1898, 23: 217). A few years later, father Barthelemy Vimont described the funeral of a recently deceased indigenous woman: “[they] put in her grave all that she had most precious in the way of Beaver, Porcelain, and other articles of which they make account” (JR 1899, 24: 173). The very same practice was recorded by Adriaen Cornelissen van der Donck for the Mohawks in 1653: “After a few days and nights of vigil and lamenting, they carry the corpse to the grave where they do not lay it down, but seat it […] they place money [wampum], a pot, kettle, dish, and spoon with some provisions next to it in the grave” (Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996: 116). Samuel Smith confirmed this custom for the indigenous inhabitants of New Jersey in 1681: “It was customary with the Indians of West-Jersey, when they buried their dead, to put family utensils, bows and arrows, and sometimes money (wampum) into the grave with them; as token of their affection” (1765: 137). And indeed, numerous wampum necklaces, strings, belts and wristbands were archaeologically recovered. As for the Senecas, wampum belts were rarely interred with the deceased after 1687, a fact which Wray explained with an incident that took place at the time the French army, under command of general Denonville and his Native allies, destroyed Seneca villages and plundered their graves, in search of valuable goods (2003: 7f.; Karklins 1992: 68). Wray identified the robbed Seneca wampum belts from some wampum fragments recently unearthed in a cemetery in Northern Michigan (1681-1700), as a possible source (2003: 8)67. This seems highly speculative, as wampum was widely traded throughout eastern North America during the latter half of the 17th century. But similar actions had taken place even earlier, when, among others, Dutchmen plundered an Esopus village in 1663 and took, besides other goods, some 31 belts of wampum (Fernow (ed.) 1881: 339). (Cat. No. 31572). And Alexander Henry described a wampum belt decorated bear’s head in 1764 (1809: 144). 66 Earlier shell beads excavated from burials dating to the Late Archaic Period (ca. 30001000 B.C.) led to the assumption that the use of shell as grave good was well established in pre-historic times (Ceci 1989: 67). 67 For a brief account of this French expedition see Nicolas Perrot’s description (Blair (ed.) 1969, 1: 243ff.).

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Several wampum bead fragments, whether strings, belts, or fragmentary head bands were found at the Susquehannock occupied Strickler Site (1629-1675), as well as at Long Pond, a Mashantucket Pequot cemetery in Ledyard, Connecticut (1670-1720), see Plate 25, Fig. 304 (Cadzwo 1936: 82; Ordoñez and Welters 2004: 172f.). Some wampum items were unearthed at Burr’s Hill, a Wampanoag burial site in Warren, present Rhode Island (17th century), (Billings 1980: 118f., 158). Other fragmentary belts were excavated from the Odawa/Ottawa occupied Lasanen site, at Mackinac County, present Michigan, along with more than 14,000 beads dating to the 1690s (Cleland (ed.) 1971: 39f.). Nicolas Perrot described the funeral customs for the Odawa/Ottawa in the Sault Saint Marie area prior to 1717 as: “at the point of death, he is decked with all the ornaments owned by the family […]. They take care to adorn the place where he is [lying] with necklaces of porcelain [wampum] and glass beads” (Blair (ed.) 1969, 1: 78; Mainfort 1979: 290). For the Five Nations or Hodenosaunee, prior to 1747, Cadwalleder Colden recounted: “They always dress the Corps in all its Finery, and put Wampum and other Things into the Grave with it” (1973, 1: XXXVII). A decade later, Peter Williamson referred to the same use for the Lenni-Lenape (Delawares) in his captivity narrative: “When they found no Remains of Life in him, they put him into a Hole […]. Into his left Hand they put an old Gun, and hung a small Powder-Horn and ShotBag about his Shoulders, and a String of Wampum round his Neck” (1757: 28). Some purely white wampum beads and part of a woven band were excavated at the Odawa/Ottawa occupied Fletcher Site Cemetery, Bay County, present Michigan (1740-1750), see: Plate 1, Fig. 9 (Mainfort 1979: 404f.). At some time in 1762, Heckewelder attended the funeral of a high ranking chief’s woman, “lying in a coffin […]. Her garments, all new, were set off with rows of silver broaches, one row joined the other. Over the sleeves of her new ruffled shirt were broad silver arm-spangles from her shoulder down to her waist, on which were bands, forming a kind of mittens, worked together of wampum, in the same manner as the belts which they use when they deliver speeches” (1971: 270). Interestingly, Zeisberger noted a discontinuation in burying grave goods for the Lenni Lenape (Delawares) in the latter half of 18th century, as he wrote: “[f]ormerly it was the custom to place the pouch, tobacco, pipe, knife, fire material, kettle and hatchet in the grave but this is no longer done” among the Christianized Natives (Hulbert and Schwarz 1910: 89; cf.: Loges 1956: 181). Yet, he described the funeral of Manitto, an Ojibwa in 1790: “Er wurde ganz

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roth gemahlt, ganz neu gekleidet […]. Am Hals wurde er mit einem großen Belt of Wampum u. an den Armen ebenfalls mit Wampum [geschmückt] [He was painted red over, dressed completely in new clothes [...]. His neck and his arms were adorned with a large belt of wampum (my translation)]” (Loges 1956: 181f.). Further south, Lieutenant Henry Timberlake reported for the Cherokee prior to 1765 that “the dead having commonly their guns, tomahawks, powder, lead, silver ware, wampum, and a little tobacco, buried with them” (2007: 35). In general, David McClure, of Irish origin, stated in his diary for indigenous funeral customs: “They sometimes bury bows and arrows, wampum, spoons &c. with the dead”, and he continued: “They explain this by believing that everything animate and inanimate has a spirit: that the Spirit of the deceased, in the other world, makes use of the spirit of the bow & arrow, to kill the spirit game” (1899: 90). The last dated account of 1810 is given in the very same manner by Goldsmith: “They always dress the corpse in all its finery, and put wampum and other things in the graves with it” (1810, 1-2: 203). Since the late 18th century, several excavations, among them a grave found near Exeter, were recorded “Swamscot”, in 1789 which was “in a perpendicular position and enclosed in a birchen hollow log. Some strings of wampum and twelve spoons, apparently of European manufacture, were found near it” (Merrill and Merrill (ed.) 1817: 13, 130), or in 1797, “an Indian grave, containing the bones of six persons [was found]. They were in a sitting, circular position; and where their feet met, was a small quantity of wampum and some horn spoons” (Kippis (ed.) 1835: 170). Another report mentions several graves found at Middletown, Catham and Pautapoug, Middlesex, Connecticut, in more detail. All three were carefully excavated in 1808, and part of their contents described: “around the wrist was wampum strung on deer-skin, and near by were beads formed apparently from the hearts of oyster-shells, supposed to have been placed about the neck” (Field 1819: 5). Unfortunately, all early archaeological attempts to give any estimated date for these graves failed. In conclusion, wampum ornaments were used throughout eastern North America, first documented for eastern Algonkin groups in the early 17th century, like Eastern Abenakis, and then for Native Americans living to the north and west. No later than 1700, its utility can be traced to the regions of the Great Lakes, while the practice reached the southern parts, present Carolina, at some time in the mid 18th century. Evidently, its ornamental diffusion advanced along the same geographical paths that the invented wampum bead had taken earlier. Universally, strings of wampum decorated the wearers' limbs, while belts apparently did not. Woven bands indicated the owners' high

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status. When worn around the head, it marked the position of a chief or his relatives. Most probably, pectorals served in the same way. In contrast, wampum beads sewn to garments of any kind of fabric, were worn by both sexes, if they could afford them. Up to the mid 18th century, the amount of beads reflected a person’s wealth just as trade silver, introduced later, did (Quimby 1978: 91ff.). While wampum primarily served the living, it also catered to the dead as it was buried with all the necessities for a life hereafter.

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6. Wampum as a Value Bearer In this chapter an attempt is made to outline the evolution of wampum from a highly valued medium68 among Native Americans to Euro-American money69, or from commodity to legal tender. To attain a more detailed background, several early reports are used to draw further conclusions, given later. Prior to 1609, Marc Lescarbot wrote in one of his first statements about the Mi’kmaq/ Micmac: “these collars, scarves, and bracelets, made of vignol or porcelain [wampum], are richer than pearls (though none will believe me), and so it is that they esteem them more than pearls, or gold or silver” (1914, 3: 157). In a more careful evaluation, father Jouvency assessed necklaces of wampum among Northeastern Algonkin as purely high value, prior to 1613 (JR 1898, 1: 279). At the same time Samuel de Champlain agreed with Lescarbot’s appraisal, when he wrote about wampum collars of Hurons-Wendats in 1613: “which they value in their dealings with one another as we do gold chains” (1971, 4: 143). His comparison is matched by an earlier quoted dictionary entry of 1611. In like manner, Nicolaes van Wassenaer commented on a high ransom of “one hundred and forty fathoms of Zeewan, which consist of small beads they manufacture themselves, and which they prize as jewels” to be paid by Sequins (Algonkins) to the Dutch in 1622 (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 86). He added that “the whole north coast is tributary” to them, including the Shinnecocks, Wappingers, Mohawks and Mahicans (ibid. 1909: 87) 70. Only 68

The sociologist Georg Simmel explained in 1900 the attributed value of economic goods by social interactions, and in particular the difficulties of its obtainment, or the sacrifice made during the exchange, in this instance the value is founded by the exchange itself (2009: 21ff.). Arjun Appadurai went further and explained the attributed meaning of things as sequel of social interactions, a means of exchange that was argued by Marshall D. Sahlins, too (1986: 3ff.; 1965: 139ff.). 69 Several anthropologists who studied exchange systems in different world cultures debated about the definition of money. Braudel and Polanyi ascribed to any object the function of money, in particular everything which can be exchanged (1979: 442ff.; 1968: 176). While Wieschoff defined money in his Euro-American society by certain characteristics, like an attached “specific value […] it must be divisible into small enough units”, to allow payment for less valued objects; “it must be easily recognized by everyone” as well as portable, and durable (1945: 8). By his criteria he closely followed Jevon’s of 1875, as “1. a medium of exchange, 2. a common measure of value, 3. a means of accumulating wealth, 4. a standard of deferred payments”, as cited by Peña (1990: 17). For a historical review on the discussion about a general definition of “money” see Peña (1990: 17ff.). Another ongoing debate is about the meaning of “non-capitalist societies operated on market oriented principles” (ibid. 1990: 20). 70 Obviously, Pequot took seizure of power, for only six years after Siwanoys and Shinnecocks, tribes that planted corn and made wampum beads, had to pay tribute to them (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 103). Tribute is generally agreed to be a contact phenomenon. While epidemics reduced the indigenous population in early times of contact, a growing demand for furs had had further deep impacts, whether socially or economically, on the indigenous inhabitants. Firstly settlement patterns changed, and smaller groups relocated and formed

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four years later, Isaac De Rasiere wrote in a letter that French allied Natives came to New Netherland in 1626, “for no other reason than to get wampum, which the French cannot procure unless they do barter for it with our natives in the north [Eastern Algonkins], just as the Brownists of Plymouth come near our place to get wampum in exchange” (Laer (ed.) 1924: 223) 71. And, he shared an even more important observation, when he wrote to Samuel Blommaert in 1628: “they [Eastern Algonkins] consider it [wampum] as valuable as we do money here, since one can buy with it everything they have” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 106). Prior to his comment, all European travelers were aware of the high value of wampum, as acknowledged by indigenous inhabitants, and they, therefore, reconciled it with their own value system of gold and silver. Actually, Rasiere goes further, when he ostensibly equaled it to coinage, with which to buy everything. However, in the above quoted letter, dated 1626, the following incident was recounted by William Bradford, later governor, in his History of Plymouth. But it turned out to be a myth that de Rasiere visited the Plymouth plantation in 1627 and introduced them “into the trade of Wampampeake”, which was explained as “[n]either did the English of this plantation, or any other in the land, till now that they had knowledge of it from the Dutch, so much as known what it was, much less that it was a commoditie of that worth and valew”, which most authors accepted up to the present (Bradford 1898: 281f.; Ingersoll 1883: 472f.; Beauchamp 1901: 355; Jameson (ed.) 1906: 110; Ceci 1980: 843f.). But was de Rasiere the first to recognize its importance for the fur trade, and was he the first to equate it to European cash? The answer is most likely no; or how could a Euro-American “wampum” bead maker be listed as part of the Virginia company’s records in 1621? “The makinge of beades is one of Capt Norton’s cheife employments wch being the mony you trade with the natives” (Murray 2000: 121)72.

larger villages, secondly powerful band chiefs emerged with authority to divide the communally held lands, thirdly neighbouring groups were conquered and had to pay periodical tributes in furs or wampum, and fourthly women had to carry an even heavier burden, for besides their daily work they had to prepare the furs then, which were in need for trade of luxury goods (Brasser 1978a: 81ff.). 71 On the other hand, Native Americans could rely on an intertribal trade network to obtain objects of request, as Lescarbot reported, and quoted above. Champlain also mentions such trade relations as he wrote about the clothing of Hurons-Wendats: “these are made in several ways and styles, of various skins of wild animals, both those they catch and others they get in exchange for their Indian corn, meal, wampum and fishing-nets, from the Algonkins, Piserini [Nipissings], and other tribes who are hunters and have no fixed abodes” (Champlain 1971, 4: 309f.) 72 Soon after Virginia became a crown colony in 1624.

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This seems to be the very first time wampum is thought of as European money, something which Native Americans could not comprehend. In all likelihood, de Rasiere learned of its value from someone else, probably the Virginia Company, whose major interest was the horticulture of tobacco. Nevertheless, soon thereafter the new definition reached the northern colonies through the Dutch. But even up to 1624 the exchange of goods dominated the trade, as characterized by Nicolaes van Wassenaer in 1624: “Their [Native American] trade consists mostly in peltries, which they measure by the hand or by the finger […] In exchange for peltries they receive beads, with which they decorate their persons; knives, adzes, axes, chopping-knives, kettles and all sorts of iron work which they require for house-keeping” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 71). And for similar reasons and for lack of coinage73, colonial Euro-Americans used corn and tobacco as trade goods. For example, traders acquired the surplus of corn from locally settled indigenous inhabitants with trade goods, then sent the maize northwards to exchange for beaver pelts, which in turn were shipped to Europe and exchanged for cash or new trade goods (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 113). Vying for higher profits, merchants and shopkeepers exploited their EuroAmerican laborers “by supplying their necessaries with Commodities at such unreasonable rates, that they are usually forced to pay fifty or sixty pounds weight of Tobacco for a pair of Shoes”, as reportedly happened in New England up to 1634 (Bozman (ed.) 1837: 375). Thus, settlers of low standard of living, like Reverend Jonas Michaëlius, were forced out of the market. He complained in 1628 that: “The savages also bring some things, but one who has no wares, such as knives, beads, and the like, or seewan, cannot come to any terms with them” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 130). On the other hand Dutch officials like de Rasiere bought wampum which had accidentally come into colonists' hands, “in order to take the fur trade away from them” as he wrote in 1626 (Laer (ed.) 1924: 250f.). After 1630 wampum is unequivocally referred to as money, even among the French in New France, who “bought his [Huron]” tobacco with wampum to be transported by the Hurons-Wendats by canoe (JR 1898, 7: 217). Even the Jesuits affirmed its value, as father Paul le Jeune recorded in 1632: ”Their gold and silver, their diamonds and pearls, are little white grains of porcelain which do not seem to amount to much” (JR 1898, 4: 60). His colleague Brébeuf referred to the indigenous use in 1636, when he wrote: “the During the 17th century “[t]he majority of all coinage in circulation in the European colonies of North America was of colonial Spanish origin”, which were crudely made products (Krohn, Miller, and Filippis (eds.) 2009: 236f.). 73

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Porcelain that takes the place of gold and silver in this Country is all-powerful” (JR 1898, 20: 29). So, Europeans came to view trading commodities as buying, in particular with wampum, while Native Americans did not. In a similar way, beaver skins were valued in terms of European money, for le Jeune wrote as early as in 1636: “Peltry is not only the best thing and easiest to make use of in this country, but it is also the coin of the greatest value […] Whoever wishes to pay in this coin for the goods he buys here, saves thereby the twenty-five per cent that the market price gives them over that in France […and even the] day-laborers also would rather receive the wages for their work in this money than in any other” (JR 1898, 9: 173). While he later explained the importance of wampum, which “is the best part of their [Native American] money, and with it they [missionaries] pay for their frugal provisions of Indian corn and smoked fish, as also for the materials and building of their bark Palaces [chapels]” (ibid. 1898, 9: 175). In conclusion, le Jeune gave the reason for its later acceptance as currency among the Dutch and English, for “[i]f France were reduced to such a condition that money was not in circulation, one would be obliged in commerce to use the articles and commodities themselves, trading one for the other” (ibid. 1898, 9: 179). Those were the circumstances at that time, and wampum based on the value of beaver became a legal tender, for it met “the criteria for currency since it was durable, lightweight, difficult to manufacture (only 36-48 beads per day74), and in units from the single bead to the fathom could conveniently cover the prices of a wide range of goods and services”, as Lynn Ceci observed (1980: 844). But before wampum was made legal tender, English settlers had to solve one more problem. At this time wampum beads were primarily produced by the Eastern Algonkins, but if used as currency, gaining control of its production would be quite profitable. Hence the English conquered the Pequots in 1637 and not only took away their trade control but, as practiced before, forced the conquered to pay high tributes in wampum, (Ceci 1980: 845; Murray 2000: 118)75. During November of 1637 wampum became legal tender in Massachusetts76. For lack of military strength, the Dutch were forced to trade for

Peter Lindstöm’s account supports the given number prior to 1656, if he was not her source, for “one person […] cannot make more in a day than the value of six or eight stivers”, with a stiver given as “six beads” by him (Holm 1834: 132). 75 Governor Winthrop for example recorded in 1646 that “[t]he Narrangansetts having broken their covenants with us in 3 days of payment, so as there was now due to us above 1300 fathom of wampum, they now send us to Boston to the value of 100 fathom (the most in old kettles)” (Winthrop 1826, 2: 262f.). 76 The General Court of Massachusetts “declared that white beads would pass at six to a penny as lawful payment for amounts under 12d.” (Rabushka 2008: 157). 74

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wampum with the local indigenous communities77 over and above what they produced themselves, yet established it as legal tender at an even earlier time.78 In a short time, Connecticut followed accepting “wampum as payment for taxes at the rate of four beads to a penny” (Rabushka 2008: 157). Thomas Morton assessed the situation more precisely than any other of his contemporaries in 1637: “We have used to sell them our commodities for this Wampampeak, because we know, we can have beaver againe of them for it; and these beads are currant in all the parts of New England, from one end of the Coast to the other”. Soon after, Puritans followed the trend as they created their own market among the Native Americans living in the interior (Murray 2000: 119)79. As wampum served as a commodity to trade pelts, Roger Williams recorded wampum’s fluctuation as currency. In 1643 he wrote “one fathom of this […] stringed money, now worth of the English but five shillings (sometimes more) some few yeeres since was worth nine, and sometimes ten shillings per Fathome80: the fall is caused by the fall of Beaver in England” (2009: 154). He also explained the different value of black and white wampum, with the time it took to produce them. Black beads took almost twice as long as making the white ones, for: “amongst themselves [Native Americans]; as also the English and Dutch, the blacke peny is two pence white; the blacke fathom double, or, two fathom of white” (ibid. 2009: 155; Ceci 1982: 100; Peña 2001: 158).

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Even as late as 1661 is recorded for the Dutch town of Manhattan that several merchants were living there, “whereby it has much trade, of beaver, otter, musk, and other skins from the Indians and from the other towns in the River and Contry inhabitants thereabouts. For payment give wampen and Peage money of the Indians making, wch they receave of them for linen cloth and other manufactures brought from Holland” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 423). 78 Just how early the Dutch recognized its value can be anticipated by the seal of the province dating to 1623. The central crest bears a diagonal arranged beaver, surrounded by a white string of wampum beads (Krohn, Miller, and Filippis (eds.) 2009: 173). While a letter dated to 1626 makes clear that wampum was not a legal tender at this time for why would wampum have been taken from their own settlers if it was a currency, as quoted above. 79 On the other hand colonial officials followed the Native American mode of paying atonement, as will be described at a later stage, as in 1638 Pequot had to pay “a thousand fathom of wampum, by way of satisfaction” for the murder of captain Stone (Webster 1802, 1: 125). The very same way David Pieterz de Vries described an atonement paid by Pequots, too. Cornelis van Thienhoven demanded “one or two hundred fathom of zeewan” to be given to the widow of a killed Dutch man in 1640 (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 215). 80 The fathom was an unite of length, given by Ceci as “thought to be 6 feet or 360” beads (1980: 843). But actually Adriaen van der Donck and other petitioners wrote in 1649: “There is frequent much discontent and discord among the people on account of weights and measures, and as they are never inspected, they cannot be right” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 331). Adriae van Tienhoven gives the measure as a “fathom of wampum contains three ells” or less in length in 1648 (Fernow (ed.) 1877, 12: 47).

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In 1640, the very first mention of the black wampum was made for the New England colony of Massachusetts, where it reportedly had not been available three years before (Mar 1997: 89). At the same time, Dutch New Netherland faced problems, as Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary of the province, stated in 1650: “During the time of Director Kieft good sewan passed at four for a stiver81, and the loose bits were fixed at six pieces for a stiver. The reason why the loose sewan was not prohibited, was because there is no coin in circulation, and the laborers, farmers, and other common people having no other money, would be great losers” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 365)82. But in fact at this time, loose wampum was devaluated for being neither drilled nor finished and “some of Stone, Bone, Glass, Muscle-shells, Horn, yea, even of Wood and Broken Beads”, were therefore, forbidden as legal tender by the Director and Council of New-Netherland (Rosendale (ed.) 2011: 3f.; Beauchamp 1901: 352). On the other hand, good strung wampum was used as payment for labor and other expenses since the late 1640s, while poorly strung was not (Fernow 1877, 12: 97)83. The difference, as recognized by indigenous inhabitants, is as follows: “Their way of trying them [wampum strings] is to rub the whole thread full on their noses; if they find it slides smooth and even, like glass beads, then they are considered good, otherwise, they break and throw them away”, as Peter Lindström recorded for the Lenni-Lenape (Delaware) prior to 1656 (Holm 1834: 132). In contrast, the government of New Netherland regulated in 1650 that this “poor strung wampum shall be current and accepted by every one [Dutch], without distinction and exception for small and daily necessary commodities […] as currency to the amount of twelve to twenty-for guilders”, which clearly indicates the need for wampum as current money, even if not universally accepted, as the same ordinance cited refusal by some “Shopkeepers, Brewers, Bakers, Tapsters, Tradespeople, and Laboring men” (Rosendale (ed.) 2011: 5).

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The stiver was a Dutch coin. At this time the monetary system based on penningen, stiver and guilder. 12 or 16 penningen of copper were worth 1 stiver or sliver coin, and 20 stivers equal to 1 guilder of gold, florin or silver ducat. (James and Jameson (eds.) 1913: 30; Mar 1997: 63). In relation to the English coinage, 1 “stiver was one English penny”, and 1 guilder worth some 2 ½ dollars (Rosendal (ed.) 2011: 2). 82 Actually “Kieft’s regulation was adopted” in 1640 in Connecticut and a year after in Massachusetts, while “the legal valuations varied from four beads to the penny (or stiver) to six beads” (ibid. 1909: 365). 83 For example captain Marten Kryger and his men were paid in 1657 by “three hundred guilders in wampum” for service, and likewise school teachers, as well as reverends, one of whom should receive “417 guilders in wampum” as voluntary offering in 1662 (ibid. 1877, 12: 187; Ceci 1980: 845; Fernow (ed.) 1881: 232).

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As Lynn Ceci recounted, the profitable trade of beaver skins for the European market caused an inflation of wampum, as contemporary authors like Roger Williams quoted above, had partially foreseen in the 17th century (1980: 839ff.). Father Isaac Joques made another point, as he noticed in 1646: the “[t]rade is free to all [Dutch]; this gives the Indians all things cheap, each of the Hollanders outbidding his neighbour, and being satisfied provided he can gain some little profit” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 262). Van der Donck went further when he wrote in 1653: “Yet the use of gold and silver or any other minted currency is unknown there. In the areas which the Christians frequent the Indians use a kind of currency they call zeewant. Anyone is free to make and acquire it, so that no counterfeiters are to be found amongst them. The currency comes in white and black, the black being worth half as much again as the white” (Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996: 119). He was the first to recognize that wampum as currency among indigenous groups was interconnected with the Europeans. At least since the early 17th century, European fashion promoted fancy felt hats, which were made from barbed hairs84 of several fur bearing animals, like “rabbit, muskrat, otter, and raccoon”, but the most prized was the beaver, and customers judged a hat’s value “by the amount of beaver it contained”. This custom persisted up to the early 19th century even after the form of hats had changed (Norton 1974: 104; Gilman 1982: 81ff.). So it made sense that the price of all other fur bearing animals was based on the beaver’s value, as in 1657 when “[f]or a merchantable beaver two strings of wampum” were paid, and differing amounts for bear, catamounts, elk, deer, fox, raccoons, and otter skins (Fernow (ed.) 1877, 12: 157)85.This increasing demand for beaver pelts caused the decimation of beaver populations nearby every established European settlement. New Netherland alone shipped some 14,891 beaver skins to Europe in 1635, and more skins had to be fetched further west for trade (Dunlap 1839, 1: 51). Adriaen van Tienhoven assessed the situation in New Netherland in 1648, which was “seriously injured, for we must give two fathoms of white and one of black for one beaver”, while the

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Only the soft fur of the pelts was used and the guard hair had first to be removed. Therefore it is not surprising that early European trader looked for Native worn beaver coats, already missing the guard hair (Norton 1974: 104). On the perception of beavers by Native Americans and Euro-American since the 17th century, see (Sayre 1997: 218ff.). 85 Another method was to pay the furs by loose wampum measured by the handful, as recorded in 1660 among the Dutch “30 hands full of black wampum for one beaver”, and respectively “60 hands full of white wampum” (Fernow (ed.) 1881: 185).

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indigenous inhabitants selected only the largest beaver to trade, which turned out to be “somewhat too costly” (ibid. 1877, 12: 47; Ceci 1980: 843)86. On the other hand, the New England colonies87 expanded their territory up to the Dutch dominion and settled among the indigenous bead makers on Long Island. In due course they controlled almost all of the wampum bead production, which allowed them to pay higher pelt prizes than the Dutch could afford (Fernow (ed.) 1881: 35)88. Eventually Massachusetts minted the first metal coins in 1652, which allowed New England settlers and traders to buy Dutch goods with wampum while New Netherland’s inhabitants had no metal coinage to pay for English goods. Thus, thousands of wampum beads flowed into the Dutch colony, which inflated their prices (Ingersoll 1883: 473; Ceci 1980: 846; Rosendale (ed.) 2011: 14f.). Although Dutch officials recognized the rapid expansion of English settlements, any requests to the mother country, such as the one written by Peter Stuyvesant in 1659, were made in vain. Neither the minting of coins was initiated nor new settlers were sent, while all needed victuals had to be bought from their neighboring Natives by wampum (ibid. 1881: 107, 132). This struggle for wampum led to a number of incidents, and sometimes indigenous inhabitants were killed by settlers who blamed it in 1660 on “only from the damnable desire of wampum” (ibid. 1881: 305). Even indigenous graves of recently buried high ranking individuals were ransacked in search of wampum, as reported in 1661 and described in the previous chapter (ibid. 1881: 335). A little later, the Dutch colony collapsed on August 26th, 1664, when Reverend Samuel Drisius witnessed four English frigates landing near Staten Island with “a patent or commission from the King of Great Britain to summon this province to surrender and to take possession of it in the name of his Majesty” (Fernow (ed.) 1881: 393). Because of its military weakness and bankruptcy, caused by a failing fur trade and inability to pay for its obligations, New Netherland surrendered peacefully (ibid. 1881: 394; Ceci 1980: 847)89. But wampum remained as legal tender in the colony, unlike Massachusetts, where it was discontinued in 1661. Rhode Island and Connecticut followed, 86

While white wampum passed for a stiver as 4 beads in 1650, by 1663 the value was 16 beads (Fernow (ed.) 1881: 255). 87 The New England Confederation was a loose alliance of four Puritan colonies, Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, founded in 1643 (Leach 1966: 53f.). 88 In approx. 1660 a French traveller noted for New England that four black or eight white beads of wampum were current as one penny or stiver (LAC C11E Fol. 13. Description de la Nouvelle-Holland et Angleterre et de la France septentrionale présentement, p. 118). 89 For an official report of the surrender read Peter Stuyvesant’s version of 1665 (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 458ff.).

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even though the wampum continued to play a crucial role as a commodity (Rosendale (ed.) 2011: 17f.; Mar 1997: 89). In 1672 New Castle, Delaware, for example, penalties had to be paid in wampum when a house was not finished on time (Fernow (ed.) 1881: 501). John Lederer reported prior to 1670 that indigenous inhabitants “purchase[d] them [trade goods] at any rate, wither with their currant Coyn or small shells, which they call Roanoack or Peake, or” other valuable minerals like pearls and crystals (Talbot (ed.) 1672: 27). Nevertheless, the wampum taken in was less than the amount taken out of the colonies, which led the Governor of New York to issue "a proclamation in 1673 instead of eight white and four black, six white and three black wampums should pass equal value as a stiver or penny” (Smith 1765: 76)90. At this time the fur trade was still based on wampum and beaver pelts. Indigenous inhabitants bartered wampum for European trade goods such as “knives, combs, scissors, hatchets, hoes, guns, needles, awls, looking glasses, and such like necessaries”, and in return sold “their peltry for their wompeague” (Gookin 1792: 12). Jasper Danckaerts had to pay taxes on his household effects and goods, which were sent from England to the colony. For a small packet he had to pay “24 guilders in zeawan or five guilders in the coin of Holland” in 1679 (James and Jameson (eds.) 1913: 49)91. While he bought venison from the Native Americans living nearby “for three guilders and a half of seewant, that is, fifteen stivers of Dutch money” or thirty cents (ibid. 1913: 54)92. It is most interesting, as Danckaerts noted, that barter or exchange of goods in place of wampum was common on Long Island, “because no money circulates among themselves, they pay each other in wares, in which they are constantly cheating and defrauding each other” (ibid. 1913: 79; Krohn, Miller, and Filippis (eds.) 2009: 222). Much alike, inhabitants of Massachusetts were short of minted coins and had to use their tobacco, which was “their chief staple, and the money with which they [had to] purchase every thing they require[d]” (ibid. 1913: 133). Even indigenous inhabitants, like Hans of nearby Constables Hook, had to work as hired hand, serving as a guide or otherwise he would “lose so much time in making zeewant” (ibid. 1913: 173; ibid. 2009: 221). Since this time, wampum was constantly converted into Dutch currency as Danckaerts did, and as At this time “[e]ight white wampum or four black, passed […] as a stiver, twenty stivers made what they called a guilder, which was about six pence present currency” (Smith 1765: 76). 91 In 1673 it was established that six white beads of wampum were equivalent to the stiver or two cents (James and Jameson (eds.) 1913: 49). 92 For example, a pair of shoes cost 16 up to 20 guilders of wampum, which was equal to 4 Dutch guilders or 1 dollar and 70 cents in 1679 (James and Jameson (eds.) 1913: 247). 90

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documented much later by a list of outstanding debts after the widow Margrieta van Varick, who arrived on Long Island in 1686, had died in 1696. Most likely, the continued use of wampum as legal tender was “due to the instability and fluctuating values” of minted currency during times of war (Krohn, Miller, and Filippis (eds.) 2009: 222f.). Therefore, it was not surprising when an act by the New York Assembly decreed in the second half of 1701 that wampum’s use had to be continued at a fixed exchange rate for minted coinage. So at that time a “Hogg [was worth] in Wampum eight Stivers, or a silver two Pence, each Sheep four Stivers Wampum, or a silver Penny, each Barrel of Rum, Sugar, Molasses, Oyle [oil], Pork or other thing three Pence; each empty Barrel four Stivers wampum or a silver penny” etc. (New York (Province) 1701: 174; Dubin 1987: 271). On May 4th, 1701 the European Grand Alliance declared war on France, and the “War of the Spanish Succession” began (Jennings et al. (eds.) 1995: 166). Some five years later Niettewapwae, a Mahican “sold his belt [of wampum, which] was 145 black [beads] long and wide 10 long with 61 white places on it [,] each place 36 small white [beads]” to Evert Wendell, an Albany trader, for trade goods in 1706 (Wendell 2008: 58, 108, 230). Since the early 18th century all indigenous inhabitants surrounding the 5 Nations Iroquois had to pay yearly tributes in wampum to the Pequots, like in 1630s. Cadwallader Colden recorded that: “[t]wo old Men commonly go about every Year or two, to receive this Tribute; and I have often had Opportunity to observe what Anxiety the poor Indians were under, while these two old Men remained in that Part of the Country where I was” (1973, 1: XVIIIf.). John Lawson stated that wampum was still being used by New York’s citizen prior to 1714, when he wrote: “and have used it as current Money amongst the inhabitants for a great many Years […]. Five Cubits of this purchase[d] a dress’d Doe-Skin, and seven or eight purchase[d] a dress’d Buck-Skin” (1714: 197). For the following decades up to the mid 18th century, wampum payments became less frequent, but increased again throughout the frontier areas of colonial America during the French and Indian War (1754-1760). For instance “French Inds. were very scant of Provisions and obliged to sell their Wampum &ca to the farmers for food”, which William Johnson recorded in 1756 (JP 1921, 2: 649). In like manner Frederick Post reported in 1758 “[e]very thing here, upon the Ohio, is extreme dear, much more so than in Pennsylvania: I gave for one dish of corn four hundred and sixty wampum” (Thwaites (ed.) 1904: 227). While on the other hand Frederick Post “bought corn [from indigenous inhabitants] for four hundred and fifty wampum for [their horses]”, and a few days after he “gave 300 wampums to the Cayugas, to buy some

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corn for their horses” (ibid. 1904: 279f.). Again, at times of war, whenever minted coinage became scarce, wampum was used as a commodity to acquire venison, and even after the end of this war, wampum was used as small change in the colonies up to 1775 (Mar 1997: 89). In conclusion, wampum was regarded as a highly valuable medium by Native Americans and as integral part of their social life before Europeans recognized its economic value. Indigenous people did not regard it as cash, an idea totally foreign to them, for four reasons: Firstly, the linguistic terms for wampum among the Iroquoians and coastal Algonquians are not equal to the words for European cash money. Secondly, those groups who came in touch with wampum at a later time, like the Sioux in 18th century, clearly differentiated between wampum and money with the loan words they introduced. Thirdly, indigenous literate authors used different terms when speaking of wampum and money from the 17th century onward. And, fourthly, it explains why in the 18th century Europeans had to buy back captives of war from indigenous inhabitants by means of trade goods and not with wampum, although it would have been much cheaper to procure. Due to its useful function, colonists introduced wampum as a currency because of the two facts: 1) the indigenous population was eager to trade pelts for wampum, and 2) the newly established provinces had no minted coinage for circulation. Prior to 1640, not a single black bead, only white, glass, wood and jet beads were mentioned, with one exception of an excavated wampum ornament from the Feugle Site, which ostensibly dates to approx. 1600-1620. But if black wampum beads had been available prior to the late 1630s, why would European travelers have designated the white beads as gold and silver. Yet, once black beads became available denoted them as gold, because black beads were twice as valuable of whites. Moreover, the coat of arms of the Province of New Netherland would have been embellished with the higher value black instead of the white string of wampum, but that did not occur in 1636 and respectively in 1623. To the contrary, white wampum became the first legal tender in the provinces, first in Dutch New Netherland sometimes after 1626 and then in New England in the early 1630s. Yet, in New France minted coinage was used and wampum never gained acceptance as legal tender. The English strategy to settle conquered indigenous lands with an ever growing population and a military dominance turned out to be a success. It allowed them to defeat the indigenous wampum bead makers and take over their monopoly of production. Ransoms and tributes were collected from Native Americans and Euro-Americans alike. Most likely, colonists embraced the indigenous mode of accepting atonement for murdered settlers, a practice that was totally new to them. With an increasing

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production of wampum beads, New England was able to flood the Dutch market, which finally drove the province into bankruptcy and its surrender in 1664. Nonetheless, wampum remained legal tender in many English colonies up to the early 1700s. During times of war, wampum was relied on again whenever minted coinage was not at hand, and as late as 1775 it was still used as a commodity in the colonial frontier and some colonies.

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7. Wampum as a Knowledge Bearer, from the 17th Century Onward 1. Wampum Belts and their Different Uses Scholars have assigned several functions to wampum belts, and in particular for the Iroquois, who are credited as the originator of its use for diplomatic affairs. Some researchers have identified as many as 40 different uses for wampum, but their work did not differentiate between categories of value and knowledge or belt and string, which does not make it very helpful for future investigations (Smith 1983: 227f.). For diplomatic transactions, wampum served several purposes, as is documented for the Hurons-Wendats and Iroquois or present Six Nations. In this section some exemplary documented examples from the 17th century are listed chronologically and are supplemented by accounts of later dates in the footnotes to demonstrate its endurance, and help draw further conclusions. When the Jesuit Brébeuf presented a collar of wampum to the Huron chiefs in 1636, he gave the earliest and most excellent explanation for its general use, with the following words: “I told them that, if they wished to go to Heaven, we would teach them the way; and, inasmuch as all affairs of importance are managed here by presents, and as the Porcelain that takes the place of gold and silver in this Country is all-powerful, I presented in this Assembly a collar of twelve hundred beads of Porcelain, telling them that it was given to smooth the difficulties of the road to Paradise. It is customary to employ such terms, when they make presents to succeed in some difficult enterprise” (JR 1898, 10: 2, 29)93. During March of the very same year, “Island Savages”, probably Abenakis, invited Hurons and Algonquins to join them in war against the Iroquois, who then killed 23 of their members. For that purpose “[t]hey had collected some twenty-three collars of Porcelain”, but both refused the presents, for the Bear clan of the Hurons, “which constitutes the half of the Hurons, was piqued because the Island Savages had not invited them as well as the others” (JR 1989, 10: 75f.)94. The very first illustration of a belt of wampum is part of an anonymous copy of a Seneca pictography dating to

Brébeuf’s symbolic language very well matches the Iroquois political rhetorics of later times, often reported as part of “treaty documents”, when he said: “to smooth the difficulties of the road to Paradise”, an expression meaning to remove any obstacles which hinder the relation (Jennings et al. (eds.) 1995: 121). 94 Bougainville explained the use of war belts in more detail in 1757, as: “[t]he time of release should be determined when the Indians are invited to an exhibition by giving them belts, and when they accept these it is a pledge that they bind themselves to follow the general in whose name they are presented and for the [entire] expedition proposed to them” (Hamilton (ed.) 1964: 98). 93

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1666. Depicted are clan animals such as a bear presenting a wampum belt to a beaver as a declaration of war (Fenton 1978: 299). Father Lalemant described emissaries coming in 1646: “In short, they [Kahnawake] offered a brasse of Porcelain to kindle a council fire at three Rivers, and a great necklace of three thousand beads to serve as Wood, or fuel for this fire. […] In the third place, he offered a necklace of a thousand Porcelain beads, for assurance that he would keep lighted that council fire which they had requested at three Rivers, and that the fuel should not fail for it” (JR 1898, 28: 293f.)95. Some time prior to 1670, Nicolas Perrot mediated between the Potawatomis and Menominees, because their relations were tense at that time. For that purpose he presented, along with other gifts, a necklace of wampum with the following words, recorded by Bacqueville De La Potherie: “Here is a porcelaine collar, by which I bind you to my body; what will you have to fear, if you unite yourselves to us, who make guns and hatchets, and who knead iron as you do pitch?”, an offering that the chiefs accepted (Blair (ed.) 1969, 1: 312)96. Similar in February of 1677-78, “Sopes Indyans [Esopus delegates]” renewed an earlier agreement arranged by Governor Stuyvesant at Fort Amsterdam in 1664, and “a belt of sewant, in token that from this time they will remain content” (Ulster County Clerk’s Office (ed.) 2009: 14). During the summer of 1689, Odawas/Ottawas and Senecas met to make peace, when the Odawa/Ottawa deputy arose and spoke as follows: “We by this Belt wipe away the Tears from the Eyes of your Friends, whose Relations have been killed in the War, and likewise the Paint from your Soldiers Faces” (Colden 1973, 1: 130)97. 95

In like manner belts were used when a council fire was extinguished, as Major General Philip Schuyler stated for the Onondaga in a letter written on January 25 th 1777: “to let the Belt be forwarded […], that he may know, that our Council Fire is Extinguished & can no longer burn” (NARS, Diplomatic Branch, Papers of the Continental Congress, i153, Vol. 3, p. 60). For an minutious account on where and how a council fire place was established, look at the case among the “Vincent, one of the Great Chiefs of the village of Loretto”, present Wendake, in 1740 (NYCD 1855, 9: 1069f.). 96 At another time, Bougainville made an interesting observation when he wrote: “[t]here [Sillery] is a little chapel dedicated to the archangel Michael. They have hung up there a wampum belt which the Hurons offered him one year to get him to come on the warpath with them” (ibid 1964: 190). This clearly marks an alliance between human beings and the supernatural, or the need for assistance in critical times. This religious belief concept was known by indigenous and Euro-Americans alike, when for example mass was held before the army engaged in military action (Hamilton (ed.) 1964: 29, 100). 97 Tyawarunt, then speaker for the Onondaga, acted in exactly the same manner when he performed the ceremony of Condolence “usual on the like Occasion with two Belts of Wampum, instead of Strings as formerly, which was to shew in a stronger light their Concern for our losses, and for what the Senecas had done” (JP 1953, 11: 113). Further condolence

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In February of 1694, deputies of the Five Nations had sent a belt of wampum for save passage to the Kahnawake Mohawks or their French allies if they “have any Thing to propose to the Five Nations, they may safely come into [their] Country. This Belt opens the Path, and secures it to them both coming and going” (Bacqueville de la Potherie 1997, 2: 517; Colden 1973, 1: 209; Fenton 1998: 332)98. In 1731 the French governor acted in a different way, when “he sent another Message [for the first was refused] with a large Belt of Wampum, threatening them if they did not come to him. Hereupon the Onondagoes sent five of their People to the Governor” (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 3: 441)99. Apparently, wampum in form of strings was only used by the Iroquois for diplomatic affairs until 1673, as Count de Frontenac recounted, that “[e]ach Captain presented, at the conclusion of his speech, a Belt of Wampum, which is worthy of note, because formerly it was customary to present only some fathoms of stringed Wampum” (NYCD 1855, 9: 105). More explanation of this note is given by Van den Bogaert, who wrote about the Iroquois in 1635: a “chief had brought back [“a belt of sewant and some other strung sewant”] from the French Indians as a token of peace” (ibid 1996: 9). If Van den Bogaert’s statement is reliable, woven belts of wampum were first used for political affairs by French allied native people and later by the Iroquois, since no earlier Iroquois reference could be found (cf.: Wray 2003: 16; Beauchamp 1901: 432). Lalemant’s account seems to challenge Frontenac’s given date, for an Iroquois emissary on their way to New France had “among other gifts, a hundred collars, some of which were more than a foot width” in 1663-1664 (Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996: 141). However, no “woven” band or belt is mentioned, while the term collar, as had been pointed out before, is not clearly defined,. An excavated stringed wampum bead object from the Seneca Marsh site (1650-75)

belts and strings are mentioned elsewhere (Colden 1973, 1: 142f., 175, 193, 258f.; Doughty (ed.) 1916: 229; JP 1953, 11: 113, 246f., 453, 478f., 708, 872f.). In chapter 9 numerous samples will be listed, as marking an important point of “treaty documents”, which Foster defined as second stage of the wampum protocol of the Iroquois (1995: 105f.). 98 Several friendship or “road” belts will be listed in chapter 9. 99 In like manner Six Nations delegates acted, when their speaker Canassatego addressed the Lenni Lenape with a belt of wampum, and pointed out: “this Belt of wampum serves to chastise you. You ought to be taken by the Hair of the Head and shaked severely, till you recover your Senses and become sober”, for they tried to sell land, which was not permitted to them due to their subordinated role in 1742 (Colden 1973, 2: 105f.; Hazard (ed.) 1851, 4: 578f.). When the Lenni-Lenape (Delaware) were conquered by the Six Nations, they were named “women”, meaning that they were not given full sovereignty, meaning they were not allowed to conclude peace nor to declare war in council (Anonymous 1743: 21; Johnson 1757: 8; Clinton 1812: 17f.; Hamilton (ed.) 1964: 105f.). The French governor used the same

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may help explain the difference. It consists of numerous long wampum strings arranged side by side in a line, in width of some 15 cm (RMSC un), (cf.: Fig. 2). Most likely 5 Nations Iroquois preferred these collars for diplomatic matters at that time, and a width up to a foot or more could have been manufactured easily. Algonquians had used woven belts of wampum for the same affairs earlier, as recorded by Dutch officials in 1661 and 1663 (Fernow (ed.) 1881: 191, 339). Wampum as gift was also sent by relatives of a murderer to the family of his victim to prevent blood feuds. Such an instance was recorded for the Hurons in 1636, as: “[t]he Captain present[ed] them in person, and makes a long harangue at each present that he offers, so that entire days sometimes pass in this ceremony. There are two sorts of presents; some, like the first nine, which they call andaonhaan, are put into the hands of the relatives to make peace, and to take away from their hearts all bitterness and desire for vengeance that they might have against the person of the murderer. The others are put on a pole, which is raised above the head of the murderer, and are called Andaerraehaan, that is to say, 'what is hung upon a pole.' Each of these presents has its particular name. Here are those of the first nine, which are the most important, and sometimes each one of them consists of a thousand Porcelain beads” (JR 1998, 20: 215f.; Beauchamp 1901: 459)100. Van der Donck specifically referred to the use of gifts and presents of the Mohawks in 1653 as well (Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996: 125). Charlevoix recognized the importance of this code of conduct, as he wrote to his relative: “Would you believe that this very circumstance has more power in preventing these disorders than the most severe laws?” (Charlevoix 1761, 2: 36). Pierre Pouchot received such a symbolic reparation in June of 1759, when Senecas of Geneseo “sent wampum collars […] by which they apologized for the capture of La Militiere on their territory” (1994: 188). Adding another dimension, Zeisberger pointed out that gender determined the amount of wampum given, as he wrote: “the murderer must pay a hundred fathoms of wampum for the murder of a man and two hundred for that of a woman. If he is too poor to raise the amount, which is commonly the case, his friends help to raise it and turn it over to the relatives of the slain”. If the wampum was accepted, everything was resolved, otherwise he had to leave the region symbolic language, when he “said the English was Old Women and Could not fight” (JP 1921, 3: 337). 100 The very same use was described by David Pieterz de Vries on his expedition with Cornelis van Thienhoven, secretary of New Netherlands, for “Raritanghe”, Munsee speaker, in 1640 (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 215).

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(Hulbert and Schwarz (eds.) 1910: 91). The same justification was given in the Jesuit Relations in 1648 for the Hurons,: “because she could not well defend herself, and because they thought women’s lives worth more” and as Thomas Clarkson explained: women bear children and men not, and therefore sustain the tribe (Beauchamp 1901: 459; 1813: 307). In conclusion, all of the quoted sources, dating to the 17th century, compared with some 18th century documents and listed as footnotes, illustrate wampum’s enduring symbolic meaning, and covers the primary functions of wampum belts, when used for diplomatic transactions. Some time later in the 18th century, minor variations occurred, which will be described when belts and their symbols are discussed101. Wampum belts were presented only as gifts at important affairs, as Brébeuf had stated above, which was confirmed by most first hand accounts (cf.: Druke 1995: 89; Murray 2000: 125, 134). In total, seven different functions, which are identical to the original use of gifts and in which two or more groups of sovereign members, indigenous and EuroAmericans trusted, could be identified as: 1. confirming friendship by opening the path/road (between natural/human beings or with supernatural/divine), 2. founding alliances (between natural/human beings or with supernatural/divine), 3. mediating peace, 4. declaring war, 5. kindling/extinguishing council fire (to establish a proper site as meeting place/gaining full sovereignty), 6. Admonishing members, or subordinate groups, and 7. atonement, or symbolic reparations. Beside their public use, wampum belts and strings were used covertly, something Beauchamp referred to as “underground” belts (1901: 403). In that case the message was intended only for a particular recipient, not for the public. In general the messages of such exchanges are named “secret, private” or in French called “ferret”, Bacqueville De La Potherie explained in 1722: “When the Indians desire to speak of some agreement in particular, they give a belt in secret to the person with whom they are treating” (Fenton 1998: 333). Somewhere else a Miamis speaker addressed Thomas King in 1764 as follows: “These six Belts I have explained to you: as to the rest you are privy to them” (JP 1953, 11: 372). And as late as 1786, Park stated for the “Chepawas”, Ojibwa who announced that “a belt was brought privately” to wage war against the British (MPHC 1895, 24: 31). Other accounts mention 101

First of all, a unique variation, only once reported, was documented by reverend Charles Beatty, when he met with Lenni-Lenape (Delaware), who settled there, in Pennsylvania, “three hundred and seventy years ago”, and stated: “they keep an account of this, is, by putting on a black bead of wampum every year since, on a belt they have for that purpose” (1768: 27). Most probably, the belt was actually a string, for technically it seems questionable to add only a bead to the belt every year, when belts are generally wider than one row.

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this special use, of which Beauchamp provided some (ibid. 1901: 403). Marquis de Vaudreuil,Governor and Lieutenant General of New France from 1703 to 1725, explained the danger these belts bear in 1719: “the English, who do not cease to have belts to attract them slipped secretly among all the nations by means of certain Iroquois couriers and others whom they have in their employ […]. To prevent these belts from being effective, a commandant must have much vigilance to discover them; and when he has discovered them, he needs much artfulness to render them useless” (Krauskopf (ed) 2000: 159, 165). Most likely, the meaning of these belts did not differ from the official belts that were sent overtly, and therefore they are part of the 7 categories identified above. On the other hand, indigenous people used wampum for internal affairs, not only in the form of belts but as strings as well. Father Brulé recorded for the Huron prior to 1638 that to “gain her friendship and estrange her from the French, made her a present of bracelets and earrings, and a necklace of porcelain” (JR 1898, 14: 163)102. They were also used for the mobilization of war parties when revenge was required. “They observe the same ceremonies when some brave man has been slain by their enemies. If he had a porcelain Collar, or something else of value, his friends offer it to some good warrior, or make him some presents from their own means. If this man accepts them, together with the name of the dead man, which they publicly give him, he binds himself to go to the war” (JR 1898, 26: 154f.)103. 102

An Odawa/Ottawa chief presented Sir William Johnson a belt during the conference held at Niagara in 1764, and spoke as follows: “Brother. I am now to assure you of my own Resolution, and fixed Determination in favour of the English, to assure likewise that our Hearts are all Streight, and that we shall with Pleasure accompany the Troops to Detroit. As a Proof of this Friendship I now give you this Wampum, which is my own private Property” (JP 1953, 11: 306). 103 In like manner, the French officer Pierre Pouchot explained its function prior to 1760: “The war chief is careful to give the promised belt [a belt of black wampum with red paint on it, the invitation] to the man who was the first to attack the enemy, or the one who performed the most admirable exploits. The judgment is made fairly among themselves, without any grumbling” (1994: 474, 478). While he wrote about the prisoner and its paraphernalia: “[a]round his neck [captive], they [warriors] place a necklace of wampum, of the sort worn by our ladies. It is painted red and signifies his status as a slave”, which actually denoted prisoner (ibid 1994: 478; cf.: Colden 1973, 1: 94). On the other hand, belts were given when prisoners should be released, as Jérôme Lalemant referred to in 1646 when he wrote that “[h]e present[ed] a necklace of 5000 Porcelain beads, in order to break the bonds of the little Frenchman captive in their country, and the like for the deliverance of Therese [a former Seminarist of the Ursulines]”, and added: “[a]t the request of the little Frenchman, they [Mohawk] drew forth a necklace of 2000 beads. “There,” said they, “is the bond which held him captive; take the prisoner and his chain, and do with them according to the will of Onontio [Governor of New France]” (Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996: 58f). Pierre

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Wampum functioned also as a visible pledge, when chiefs were installed in their office, as reported for the Hurons prior to 1644, they put “about his neck a collar of porcelain beads […] So and so, that collar of porcelain beads will tell your tribe that there is a Captain in Tadoussac, and that Etouait has come back to life” (ibid 1898, 26: 155ff.)104. And wampum was used for bride courtship, as cited by the Jesuits for the Hurons prior to 1638 (JR 1898, 14: 19; Sagard-Théodat 1939: 122), and by David Pieterz van Vries for Eastern Algonquian in 1640: “Whoever courts best and gives the most zeewan takes her home with him” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 218). Lafitau is more specific regarding the Mohawks, and in general the Iroquois prior to 1724: “No sooner is the marriage decided upon than the husband’s relatives send a present to the wife’s lodge. This consists of wampum belts, skins, fur covers and other usual furnishings which go to the girl’s kin of whom no dowry is demanded by only that she be willing to accept the husband offered her. Presents of this sort are not made just this one time, there is, between the future wife’s and husband’s lodges, a sort of reciprocal exchange, the rules of which are prescribed by custom. Once gifts are accepted, however, the marriage is considered concluded and the contract sanctioned” (1974, 1: 342)105. Again the gift is mentioned as an important Esprit Radisson reported the occurrence in a similar way, while being captive among the Mohawk prior to 1654: “Being sett downe, smoaked againe whilest my father, mother, brother, and sisters weare present. My father sings a while; so done, makes a speech, and taking the porcelaine necklace [given before by his mother] from off me throws it att the feet of an old man, and cutts the cord that held me, then makes me rise” (ibid 1996: 80). 104 Lafitau described the very same act for the Iroquois in 1724: “When the choice has been made [by the clan mothers, or matrons], the nomination is made in the village by wampum belts. The one chosen is exhibited there, and, as soon as he is shown, he is immediately proclaimed and recognized”, and later he added: “The other tribes have almost the same manner of having a chief recognized” (1974, 1: 292). Like at Fort Washing-ton, present Ohio, were Doctor Brown was installed as chief in 1792. “They had procured for him all the Kingly robes on their power, and dressed him in the grand belt of wampum they had made” (Anonymous 1792: 3). A record made for the Penobscot in 1816 offers even more detail, when on September 19th new chiefs, John Aitteon and John Nepuae, were installed. For this end at least three tribes had to be present with their official delegates, consisting of some 15 to 20 chiefs of the Penobscots, Maliseets of St. Johns, and Passamaquoddies. Altogether there were assembled “[o]ne of the St. John’s men soon after being seated, unfolded a piece of cloth brought in by him, which enclosed four strings of wampum, and laid them on the ground near the medals; St John’s chief then arose took one of the strings, addressed Aitteon in a speech of ten minutes long in the Indian dialect and then laid the wampum at his feet. Three others of the St. John’s principals, or captains, in rotation did the same unto three of the Penobscot according to grade. This betokened a renewal of perpetual friendship, and mutual assurance; of unshaken confidence” (Anonymous 1817: 2). 105 David Zeisberger also described the bride gift for the Lenni Lenape. “In the wooing of a bride, custom demands that if an Indian would proceed honorably and at the same time have assurance that his wife when married will remain with him, he first sends a present of blankets, strouds, linen and whatever else the Indians commonly use for clothing and

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social medium, which will be referred to later when belts and their diplomatic use during meetings is explained. Wampum played a major role when names were given to individuals, who were adopted to replace deceased relatives, as noted by Jesuits for the Hurons in 1642: “This ceremony takes place at a solemn feast in the presence of many guests. He who brings back the dead to life makes a present to him who is to take his place. He sometimes hangs a collar of Porcelain beads around his neck” (JR 1898, 22: 289)106. And lastly, wampum was used as part of official confessions of sins, as recorded for the Hurons prior to 1645, when a man “threw a collar of two or three thousand Porcelain beads on the step of the Altar, saying: “This is to atone for my sin, and to succor the poor” (JR 1898, 27: 147). When in 1653, an Iroquois mother felt guilty for the death of her son, she confessed her sins and gave a great necklace of wampum to the Jesuit priest for Jesus Christ (JR 1898, 40: 241). Obviously, this practice was introduced to North America by Christian missionaries, and some converted later by Nativity movements in the late 18th century, such as Handsome Lake, the Seneca prophet, who combined the white dog sacrifice with the public confession of sins during the new year’s ceremony in the early 19th century (Fenton (ed.) 1975:14ff.; Beauchamp 1985: 235ff.; Hale 1985: 8; Deardorff 1985: 79ff.)107. 2. Reciprocal Gift-Giving and Mnemonic Devices Whether used privately or officially, wampum, like all other gifts, always had to be reciprocated with another belt/string or present, a required response that has been very well described and analyzed by several scholars (Druke 1995: perhaps a few belts or fathoms of wampum. If he has no cloth, wampum alone will do”. Later he pointed out the reciprocal character: “After the bride has joined her husband, the things constituting the presents are divided among the friends and the belts of wampum cut and a piece given to each” (Hulbert and Schwarz (ed.) 1910: 78). Henry Trumbull wrote more generally: “[w]hen a young Indian wishes for marriage, he presented the girl with whom he was enamoured, with bracelets, belts and chains of wampum” (1809: 84). The long and universal use of wampum as bridal gift can be substantiated by the quoted accounts. 106 Similarly, a reference is made for the Lenni Lenape (Delaware) in the last quarter of the 18th century: “The name is given at a sacrifice, on which occasion the Indian brings to some aged person, who performs the offering, a string of wampum, and tells him that he wishes his child s name to be named thus and so” (Hulbert and Schwarz (eds.) 1910: 80). 107 Actually, the wampum decorated white dog sacrifice is much older, as for example noted by Adam Hubley in 1779: “In this town a dog was hung up, with a string of Wampum round his neck, on a tree curiously decorated, and trim’d [.] On inquiry I was informed it was a custom among the Savages before they went to War to offer this as a sacrifice to Mars the God of War, and praying that he might strengthen them. In return for those favours they promise to present him, with the skins [scalps] for a Tobaccoe Pouch” (Jordan (ed.) 1909: 298).

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89, 93; Fenton 1998: 180, 185, 333, 512; Murray 2000: 125, 130, 134; Becker 2002: 51)108. This phenomenon is explained by some of the earlier accounts, e.g., when a Huron delegation went to make peace with the Onondagas, center of the League of the Iroquois, prior to 1649: “A Christian Captain, named Jean Baptiste Atironta, was the head of it, and four other Hurons went with him […] and carried reciprocal presents in response to those of the Onnontaeronnons. For these presents the Hurons use fur, which are of great value in the enemies’ country; while the Onnontaeronnons used collars of Porcelain beads” (JR 1898, 33: 121)109. In 1637, a Jesuit priest made a very similar observation about the Abenaki and Montagnais: “It is a custom of the country to act ordinarily only through presents” (JR 1898, 12: 187). Gabriel Sagard-Théodat’s writing “of the gifts of savages” is quoted in length, published in 1632: “In all towns, boroughs, and villages of our Hurons they lay in a kind of stock of wampum necklaces, glass beads, axes, knives, and in general all that they gain or obtain for the community [as gift], whether in war, by treaty of peace, exchange of prisoners, tolls from the tribes which cross their territory, or by any other means and method. Now all these things are placed and deposited in the hands and under the care of one of the captains of the place, appointed for this purpose, as treasurer of the republic; and when it is a question of making some present for the common benefit and safety of all, either to be released from making war and to secure peace, or for any other service to the public, the council meets, and there, after having expounded the pressing necessity obliging them to draw from the treasury, and having determined the amount and quality of the goods which should be withdrawn” (1939: 266). Note that chiefs were keepers of these presents at that time, and compare his specified uses of gifts with the primary functions of wampum in diplomatic affairs, listed above. Lafitau’s description matches the way wampum belts and strings were saveguarded by the chiefs in 1724 (1971, 1: 310f.). It is hard to say when wampum first became a mnemonic device, beside its use as a gift, but it most probably took place some time in the early 1650s. For instance, when the Hurons were defeated by the Five Nations in 1649 and asked the French for refuge: “they made a display of ten large collars of porcelain (the pearls and diamonds of these countries); they told us that that was the voice of their women and children, who made us a present of the little 108

Even for the ecclesiastical belts there were reciprocal gifts such as a monstrance or something else, as Becker listed for almost all known samples (2006: 118ff.). 109 “Onnontaeronnons” is a French synonym for the Onondagas, which varied in its spelling (cf.: Blau, Campisi, and Tooker 1978: 499).

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which was left to them by their misery” (JR 1899, 34: 209)110. These records equate wampum with “voice” or spoken words, a connotation given for the first time when Hurons met in council some time in 1653 and a “Captain displayed his presents [“consisted of beaver-skins and porcelain; and each of them had its name, and testified the desire of the speaker and of those who had delegated him”], which, among all these Barbarous tribes, have the same use that writing and Contracts have with us” (JR 1899, 40: 165). As far as we know, this is the very first time wampum is described as “writing” for any Native People in Northeastern North America, and in particular the HuronWendat. Only one year later, in 1654, the very first votive belt, inscribed with the Latin text “Ave Maria gratia plena” was sent to France, made by Huron members of St. Mary’s congregation under the direction of the Jesuit Le Mercier (JR 1898, 41: 165f.; Du Creux 1952, 2: 680). After that, wampum in form of belts and strings, is defined by indigenous as well as Euro-Americans as writing, as during the council held at Detroit in 1701, when “Aouendando, chef Sonnontouan, parle par quatre branches de porcelaine.-Mon père, ces quatre branches de porcelaine sont ma lettre [Aouendando, chief Sonnontouan111, speaks on four branches of wampum.-My father, the four branches of wampum are my letters (my translation)]” (Margry (ed.) 1886, 5: 262)112. Or in 1722: “Un Collier c’est un Porte-parole, ou un Contract, qui a la même vertu que celui que l’on ferait pardevant Notaire [A necklace is a carried word, or a contract, which has the same consequence as made in presence of a notary (my translation)]” (Bacqueville de la Potherie 1997, 2: 418). Having no written language, what did the indigenous inhabitants use as mnemonic devices, given that wampum was not intended as a medium for recording? Ted J. Brasser was the first to divulge the use of wooden sticks at an early date (1976: 20). Prior to 1653, several accounts referred to this mnemonic aid, yet while recognized as such, its function was not really understood by contemporaries and scholars alike (e.g. Beauchamp 1901: 455; Foster 1995: 99). One of the very first to observe it was Sagard-Théodat in his description of an indigenous funeral in 1632. “[S]he [widow] put beside him [the deceased] his Atsatonewai,

110

Somewhat earlier Du Creux made a report of a council held between Mohawks and Hurons prior to 1647: “These presents consisted of eighteen belts of wampum, whose meaning was faithfully interpreted by the Frenchman. By the first belt the Annierronons wished to indicate that the voice of Montmagny [French governor] was like the thunder” (1952, 2: 435). 111 Sonnontouan is a French synonym for Seneca (Abler and Tooker 1978: 515f.).

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this is his package of Council sticks which are all the books and papers of the Country” (Kinietz 1965: 104). When David Pieterz de Vries attended a council held with Algonquin delegates in 1642, he spoke of the use of wooden mnemonic sticks but did not understand their importance. In fact, showing his ignorance, he wrote: “There was one among them who had a small bundle of sticks, and was the best speaker, who began his oration [after finished] he laid down one of the sticks, which was one point [the next speech followed and he] then laid down another stick. This laying down of sticks began to be tedious to me, as I saw that he had many still in his hand”. He even interrupted the speaker and asked him to come to an end by giving him “ten fathoms of zeewan” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 230f.). At some time in 1653, Bressani commented on the indigenous inhabitants of New France: “They have neither books nor writings; negotiations are carried on through embassies, in which I have been amazed to see how many things and how many circumstances they recollect. But this faculty shines forth still more in the Captains [chiefs], who use little sticks instead of books, which they sometimes mark with certain signs, sometimes not. By the aid of these they can repeat the names of a hundred or more presents, the decisions adopted in the councils, and a thousand other particulars, which we could not rehearse without writing” (JR 1898, 38: 261; Le Clercq 1910: 23). Van der Donck confirmed their utility for the Mohawks in 1653, when he wrote about sticks remembering gifts: “All their treaties, accords, peace negotiations, atonement, proposals, requests, contracts, and pledges are sealed and sanctioned with gifts and offerings. Without these, their acts and promises are not worth much, but when followed or preceded by a presentation, they are regarded as duly executed and attested. That is why an offering113 is commonly made with each point requested or agreed, the points being represented and remembered by means of wooden sticks that they have with them to that end […] Matters thus concluded with and among them they will exactly remember and perform to the utmost by all possible means” (Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996: 125). It apparently took a few more years before wampum belts/strings were recognized as official mnemonic devices, which this account of a treaty concluded between Esopus (Algonkins), and the Dutch in 1665 supports: “[i]n token of the aforesaid Agreem’t, the aforesaid sachems, do deliver two Small Warren Johnson, William Johnson’s brother, gave the same explanation in 1761: “An Indian Letter or Message is A String of Wampum” (Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996: 260). 113 Van der Donck listed as gifts or offerings: “zeewant, pelts, duffel cloth, and munitions of war; very seldom corn” (ibid 1996: 125). 112

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Sticks, to the said Richard Nicolls, And in the name of the Indyans their Subjects, and of the Subjects, do deliver two other round Small Sticks in token of their assent to the said agreement” (Postupack (ed.) 2009: 9)114. By the time the above agreement had to be renewed in 1677-8, a belt of wampum is mentioned for the first time. They “being now satisfied and glad that all is well, they have offered a belt of sewant, in token that from this time they will remain content” (ibid. 2009: 14)115. Meanwhile, wampum strings or belts as memory aids were introduced by Native Americans, as Jasper Danckaerts observed in 1679-1680: “Their contracts are concluded […] with shells or counters. They hold one in their hand as long as that point is being discussed, and when that point or article has been decided upon and the entire gathering on both sides is satisfied with it, then the counter is marked […] and then put it away. […]. Then they add up their counters, representing so many articles and the specific meaning which each signifies. […] all these shells or counters are bound together with a string in such a manner, signifying such a treaty or contract with such and such a nation” (Gehring and Grumet (ed.) 1987: 108). But up to the late 17th century, most indigenous chiefs used the little sticks of wood as memory aids as Colden noted for the Iroquois or 5 Nations in 1689: “The sachem, who presides at these Conferences, has a Bundle of small Sticks in his Hand; as soon as the Speaker has finished any one article of his Speech, this Sachem gives a Stick to another Sachem, who is particularly to remember that article; and so when another Article is finished, he gives a Stick to another to take Care of that other, and so on” (1973, 1: 120). Sir William Johnson was aware of this function and banked on these wooden sticks when he presented some to the assembled Six Nations delegates in 1755 The Onondaga speaker “took the Bundle of Sticks in his hands” and replied: “You exhorted us by this bundle of Sticks to Union, friendship and Brotherly love” (NYCD 1855, 6: 979). Wooden sticks were reportedly also used as counters by indigenous inhabitants since the 17th century. Prior to 1649, a native man “brought 2 bundles of sticks whereby he signified how many beaver and otter skins he 114

And likewise in early 18th century, when for example Dekanissore, speaker for the Onondagas, addressed governor Hunter in 1715: “When we were here last yeare we made three propositions, and not haveing then Belts of Wampum to lay down according to our custom, gave three sticks, and now bring the three Belts of Wampum for the said three propositions” (NYCD 1855, 5: 439f.; Beauchamp 1901: 455). 115 The very same belt is still preserved at the Ulster County Clerk’s Office, Kingston, N.Y. The same agreement was verified again in 1745, when “Sandor Chief sachim of the Esopus Indians, Hendrick Hekan Sachim and severall other Indians, by Abell their interpreter [brought] in court, a beaver and four strings of wampum, and they said they gave also a deer skin and five minks to shake hands in friendship” (Postupack (ed.) 2009: 21).

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would give us for that end” (Winthrop 1826: 74). Or when a Seneca “presented a Belt of Wampum, with twenty eight sticks tyed to itt, to shew the number of the Indians taken by the French” in 1689 (NYCD 1853, 3: 560; cf.: Fortescue (ed.) 1901: 1ff.). During the year 1750, a belt of wampum “and 15 bloody Sticks tyed to it, [was] sent through all the Nations [as a warning] that the French had a design to Cutt them all”, where the fifteen sticks denote 15 native allied castles, who joined the French in their expedition (JP 1921, 1: 278). In a similar way a speaker of the Cherokee, took out six wooden sticks saying: “Our eldest Brethren the Six Nations, there are not many of us going to War this Spring, each of these Sticks signifies 200, so that we make in all but 1200, that now go to War” (JP 1921, 2: 860). And in 1762, a chief of the western Senecas presented William Johnson with “a bundle of nine Sticks, being the number of Prisoners, which they had at Chenussio” (JP 1921, 3: 700). After the mid 18th century, wooden mnemonic sticks are no longer mentioned by contemporaries, as wampum took over their role, as Joseph Priestley pointed out in 1788: “It is a very good method which the Indians of North America use, to enable them to retain in memory all the articles of a complex treaty. The public orator delivers to one of his attendants a string of wampum upon the recital of every article” (1788: 37). During the course of diplomatic affairs, which took place between indigenous and Euro-American delegates, another medium soon gained in importance. As early as 1656, Huron converts sent an ecclesiastical belt to France which was “accompanied by a letter of thanks in their language, written upon birch-bark, penned by Chaumonot in their name” (JR 1898, 41: 12f.)116. This probably marks the very first time that the meaning of a belt of wampum was commented on by a written letter. Several decades later, another missionary influenced the wampum protocol, when in 1694 the adopted Onondaga Sachem Jesuit Milet “wrote and read […] the Purports of their Belts, and we [Onondaga delegates] have brought their Papers with us, to shew to our Brethren”, the English (Colden 1973, 1: 204). Up to the mid 18th century, written copies were frequently exchanged together with belts of wampum, and in 1755 the younger Oneidas addressed Sir William Johnson by means of a letter written by Reverend Hawley: “Now, brother, we that are young ones here would say a few words; by and by you shall hear from our heads […] according to the English custom, to use paper instead of wampum” (JP 1939, 9: 337).

116

The Jesuit Jacques Bigot wrote a letter which accompanied another ecclesiastical belt, made by Abenakis, and sent to Annecy, France in 1684 (JR 1900, 63: 30f.).

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Obviously, the younger generation of Natives adapted, and soon preferred the Euro-American system of writing. His sentiment about change is shown, when Governor Denny took “a Belt and three Strings of Wampum, which were delive’d with the Paper [and], he said, he wou’d interpret them; but as all that was said was truly set down in the Writing, it was not necessary. Let it be read” (Pennsylvania (Province) 1758: 12)117. In that case, oral recitation of agreements gave way to writing. Yet, retelling was the major indigenous way of remembering, since we know that wampum keepers met periodically to recall the hidden meanings of their belts, as Lafitau reported for the Mohawks in 1724: “The Agoïanders [chiefs] and Elders have […] the custom of reviewing them [belts] often together and dividing among themselves the responsibility of noticing certain ones assigned to them individually so that, in this manner, they forget nothing” (1974, 1: 311; cf.: Heckewelder 1971: Lainey 2004: 56). Deiaquande, the chief warrior of the Onondagas, characterized the difference between writing and wampum, when he addressed the assembled native delegates as follows: “Our Bretheren the English make use of Paper in all their Contracts, Agreements & Treaty's, and we make use of Wampum only, but when we come to forget the subject matter of the Contents, the Belts can be of no further use, but it is not the same thing as to their papers; when after times, they come to forget any Transactions of Consequence, they have recourse to their Writings which recall to their minds whatever they have agreed to, so that you can never deceive them, neither can you change their Speech and altho' you could do so yet the Supreme Being whose Worshiper & Servant our Great King & Father is can punish you, because all these promises & engagements have been entered upon before Him, & have been ratified in the Face of all your Friends, Brothers & Allies” in 1763 (NYCD 1856, 7: 757). Fenton made this important point: “[o]nce the chain of public recitation, hearing, seeing, and motor performance is broken, the information looked up in the mnemonic cannot be retrieved” (1971: 456). Elsewhere, Sir William Johnson addressed the assembled Senecas in 1762 as follows: “In consequence of the Message […] the Governor of Virginia […] has transmitted an Answer in writing, together with a belt of Wampum, which I am

At the council held at Easton, several indigenous delegates were present: “Mohawks, Oneidoes, Onondagoes, Cayugas, Senecas, Tuscaroras, Tuteloes, Skaniadaradigronos, consisting of the Nanticokes and Conoys, who make one nation; Chugnuts, Delawares, Unamies, Mahickanders, or Mohickons; Minisinks, and Wapingers, or Pumptons” (ibid 1758: 12). 117

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now to lay before you” (JP 1951, 10: 592)118. Robert Rogers summarized the connection between wampum and written letter in 1759: “With this letter, or any other wrote to them, in order to give it any credit or influence, must go a belt of wampum, suitable to the matter and occasion of it, and upon which the bearer, after having read the letter, interprets it, and then delivers both to the Sachem, or person they are directed to” (1765b: 127). Some Native leaders like Joseph Brant, a well educated Mohawk leader, preferred the traditional, oral recitations over fixed written records, as he wrote in a letter to Alexander McKee in 1793: “If I recollect right the result of the last General Council was that a Written Message was sent by Young men to the Commissioners and return with an answer in writing but we now understand that some principal Chiefs are gone to meet the Americans and that they have Authority to relax from the Written message if they see cause” (Cruikshank (ed.) 1931, 5: 67)119. While Brant was literate, most Native Peoples were not, and therefore had to rely on Euro-Americans to read the attached written documents. Heckewelder noted in the late 18th century: “If any paper or parchment of writings are connected with the belts, or strings of wampum, they apply to some trusty white man (if such can be had,) to read the contents to them” (1971: 108). After the War of Independence, the United States Indian agents started to ignore the indigenous way of record keeping, and they stopped sending belts or strings of wampum. Red Jacket, a Seneca chief, rebuked this new procedure in his address to Colonel Pickering in 1791: “Formerly our treaties were confirmed and recorded with wampum: But the Thirteen Fires [USA] seem desirous to let our ancient customs aside, by treating with us upon paper”. Later he added: “[t]here is not a man in our nation who can explain your rolls to us, and we are obliged to apply to our British neighbors to know what they contain” (Anonymous 1791b: 3). But soon the American agents realized that without wampum, no agreements could be reached and so, especially during times of conflict, wampum belts were again presented to the indigenous people to form an alliance or to negotiate peace, such as the treaty of Greenville of 1795 (Clarke and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 564ff.). In review, let’s sum up what has been discussed so far. For political affairs, wampum was first used as a gift or present for its value. Its meaning was exIn like manner a written copy of the speeches were “at their [Six Nations] own request delivered to them”, at Easton in 1777 (SROE, Cunningham of Thorton Collection, GD21/493). 119 In another instance, Brant sent a letter to chief Cornplanter and added: “The bearer of this will deliver you the strings of Wampum to confirm what I have already said” (Anonymous 1794: 3). 118

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panded after 1650, when probably in 1653/4 strung belts became mnemonic devices, as first recorded for the Huron-Wendat and somewhat later for the Five Nations. In 1656 the very first ecclesiastical belt with an interwoven Latin text was made by Hurons and sent to Europe, a combination Christian Feest noticed when he stated that “its specific development [as mnemonic device] cannot be seen in isolation from contacts with European systems of communication” (1984: 24). Whether this was an exclusively indigenous innovation or not, is not known. Obviously, it took several decades until the newly attributed meaning was more generally accepted by the neighboring inhabitants, Natives and Europeans alike, who dealt with the above mentioned confederacies. At about 1680, Euro-American descriptions of wampum became more detailed, as some specific references to the interwoven patterns were recorded and the first pictures of belts were drawn. But the interwoven patterns helped only to get a general idea of its contents, while the specific meaning was hidden and recorded by means of wooden sticks. Since the early 17th century and up to the mid 18th century, indigenous inhabitants used these sticks to remember every point of each agreement made. Apparently only a single wooden stick bound to the end of a wampum belt has been preserved (AMNH Cat. No. 50.2/582). In the late 1700s, wampum in the form of strings took over the function of wooden sticks, while Euro-American written records gained wider acceptance among the Native Peoples since the mid 18th century. Written copies of agreements were demanded and sometimes attached to the wampum belts, where both were kept together120. But even then, indigenous orators preferred their traditional way of record keeping, so that they could alter the contents if required. It could be said that some written records, especially those of a juristic kind, could also be interpreted in a different way. Therefore, wampum, woven or strung, served two primary functions when used for communication: firstly, as major medium for validating any information, like wax seals did in Europe, and secondly as a general mnemonic device. As shown later, it should not come as a surprise that wampum was substituted by other valuable goods in times, wampum was scarce.

Once William Johnson “fixed a parchment to [a belt] that its contents may be better known hereafter” (NYCD 1857, 8: 505). And elsewhere it is recorded on September 22nd 1784: “An Original of this Treaty [Fort Stanwix] is preserved in the Secretary’s office on a Sheet of Parchment about two Feet square, with thirty-five Seals of the Parties, and appended to it is a Belt of Wampum made of six Rows of cylindrical White and Blue beads strung upon Deer Skin Cords. The Belt is about two Inches wide and nearly two Feet long” (New York (State) Commissioners of Indian Affairs (ed.) 1861, 1: 241). 120

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3. Way of Sitting in Councils The places where councils were held varied somewhat in form, most being circular or square in shape. The earliest description is given by David Pieterz de Vries in 1642, when he met in council with 16 chiefs from Long Island. “They placed us two by ourselves, and seated themselves around us, so that we sat within a ring” (Jameson (ed.) 1909: 230). Prior to 1645, the delegates sat in a rectangle, on one side the 5 Nations, opposite Algonquins and Montagnais and on both flanks the Hurons and French. “In the center was a large space, somewhat longer than wide, in which the Iroquois caused two poles to be planted, and a cord to be stretched from one to the other on which to hang and tie the words [wampum] that they were to bring” (JR 1898, 27: 251f.)121. In 1684, Onondagas met the French Governor Frontenac, with “the French Officers making a Semi-circle on one Side, while Garagula [an Onondaga chief], with his Warriors, completed the Circle on the other” (Colden 1973, 1: 63). The Lenni Lenape (Delaware) assembled in the same way, as Campanius Holm described in 1702: “The council is held the following order; the king sits in the middle, and the counsellors sit around him on one side, like a half moon, and the common people on the other side, in the same order” (Holm 1834: 133). Sometime in the middle of the 18th century, Athinson gave a somewhat unique account of the council that took place at Albany in 1754. Several governors and native delegates assembled in a square: ”the Place appointed which was before the Govrs Door where were about 10 rows of boards, each row would hold abt [about] 20 Indians opposite & between the Indians & the Govr House were Placed a row of Chairs the Lt Govr & Council of New York Seated in the Center at the Extream End on the right hand the Massa [Massachusetts] next N H [New Hampshire] then Connecticut then the Govr & Cn [Carolina] next on the Left hand road Island then Pensilvania & on the Extream Maryland” (NYSL, Theodore Athinson’s journey as one of the commissioners on treaty with the Six Nations of Indians, at Albany, 14f.). It is interesting, that benches were assigned to the native delegates, while chairs were reserved for the governors. Charles Bonin, a French officer, stated that the indigenous delegation122 “assembled in a half circle” at Michilimackinac in 1754 (Gallup (ed.) 2007: 67). 121

Baron de Lahontan gave a description of the treaty of peace held at Montreal in 1701 with an accompanying engraving (Thwaites (ed.) 1905, 1: 124; cf.: Murray 2000: 132; Havard 2001: 135). 122 Present were “Hurons, Ottawas, Sauteux, Algonquins, Potwawatomies, Outgamis or Foxes, Miamis, Malomines or Follavoines, Assiniboines, Pawnees, and Weas” (Gallup (ed.) 2007: 66).

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How much crowded together the participants must have been at times can be deduced from Bougainville’s account of a council, held with 40 different nations at the Portage in 1757, where Menominees and Meskwakis “left the meeting because the crowd of French officers expanded the circle so that it prevented them from seeing their father [the French Governor] and hearing his words” (Hamilton (ed.) 1964: 149f.). A Brunswick mercenary, who attended a council held in 1777, where delegates of Kahnawakes, Huron-Wendats, and Abenakis as well as General Bourgoyne and Major-General von Riedesel were present, wrote: “For the audience, a huge summer-house was build. […] The deputies sat all in a circle on the naked ground” (Uythoven (ed.) 1833: 4861f.). Obviously, tribes and confederate nations had dedicated buildings, as Bougainville noted for the three nations Nipissings, Algonquins and Mohawks, at “Lac Des Deux Montagnes”, present Kanehsatake or Oka, in 1757: "There is a special council house for each nation and a large one, which must be three hundred feet long, for the general councils of the three nations” (1964: 122). The 6 Nations Iroquois had a similar longhouse at Onondaga, where the entire confederacy assembled. For later council places see Fenton (1998: 212f.). But some councils took place inside city halls, like at Albany or Philadelphia. Colden mentioned an invitation speech given at the city hall of Albany in 1689: “You are welcome to this House, which is appointed for our Treaties and publick Business with the Christians” (1973, 1: 120). These places were chosen carefully for having an intact infrastructure and offering provisions for dozens of people (Colden 1973, 2: 135). For that purpose, William Johnson rented special council rooms at Johnson Hall and Fort Johnson (JP 1921, 1: 41; JP 1951, 10: 75, 236, 501; NYCD 1857, 8: 52; Burch 1990: 264f.). Inside of the commander’s rooms, like the one at Fort Niagara, “conferences are held, & where all the belts which the Indians delivered are hung-up” (JP 1921, 3: 454). And a French note, recorded in 1748 that the commander of Ouiatanon asked for permission to built a house on the King’s land “to use for the men near by as well as to lodge savage war parties who are going toward our enemies and to hold savage councils, since there is no other house in this fort suitable for this purpose” (Krauskopf (ed.) 2000: 209). The fort was also named Wawiachtas and is situated south of present Lake Michigan (ibid. 2000: 221). An interesting point is made by Bougainville, who reported that the “Nations took their place according to the rank settled among themselves” (NYCD 1858, 10: 609). The significance of rank will be explained later as it also played a major role in the distribution of the presented belts of wampum.

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4. Wampum Belts and their Use in Council The council procedures of the Iroquois have been studied the most. Scholars divided the studies into four segments for analytical purposes, which are defined as 1. invitation, 2. preliminary meeting of delegates, 3. major transactions, 4. ratification of treaty (Druke 1995: 92)123. Early accounts lead one to presume that the council protocol was very similar among the Huron-Wendats and the Six Nations. Probably their influence as well as colonial officials like Sir William Johnson, French governors and officers had dispersed it among the different tribes. Wampum was required for all stages in the form of strings and belts, How the belts and strings were handled during these meetings will be discussed next. As with the earlier gifts, wampum was reciprocally exchanged, like a belt returned for a belt, and a string for a string (JR 1898, 33: 121; Lafitau 1974, 1: 311). William Johnson pointed out in 1761: “This belt which you have delivered us, shall be sent to the several Nations […] and when they are all acquainted therewith you will receive a belt in return” (JP 1921, 3: 445). Or when several Nations124 met and all “returned a belt for every one which they had received” (ibid. 1921, 3: 471)125. At times, this obligatory practice presented some unforeseen problems, like when Teedyuscung, a Lenni Lenape (Dela-ware) chief, presented a very large belt to the Governor at Easton in 1756. First, all council wampum126 was brought together, but still “having no new white Wampum, nor any proper Belt to give in return for Teedeuscung’s peace Belt, a messenger was sent to bethleham [a Moravian settlement], and he Returned with five Thousand” beads, with which a new belt was quickly made (Hazard (ed.) 1851, 7: 216). Additionally, belts of wampum were given separately for individual proposals, like their earlier counterparts of presents or gifts. Du Creux described this process prior to 1654: “When the speaker had won their hearts he went on to say that he had nineteen proposals which he wished to make in the name of 123

A very detailed account of the proceedings of a council are given for the year 1758, starting with the first meeting, appointment of the place and time the conference should take place, etc. (Hazard (ed.) 1831, 8: 84ff.). Charles Dennis Rusoe D’Eres, a French Canadian, described the whole process in detail in 1800 (1800: 128ff.). 124 Present were delegates of the Wyandot, Lenni-Lenape (Delaware), Odawa/Ottawa, Ojibwa, and Potawatomi (ibid 1921, 3: 471 125 And elsewhere when, Anáiásá, then speaker for the Hurons, spoke as follows: “These three belts which we now deliver you [Johnson], are in return for three belts which you delivered us” (JP 1921, 3: 497). 126 The council wampum was in part loose beads, but more often belts and strings, prepared for the forthcoming proposals. In this case the bag contained some “Seven Thousand” beads, which are listed as “fifteen Strings & Seven Belts” (Hazard (ed.) 1851, 7: 216).

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the Governor, the Hurons, the Algonquins and the whole of New France, producing, after the custom of the tribe, one present [primarily wampum] for each proposal” (1952, 2: 669). Therefore, large numbers of beads must have been necessary for every council, and “[t]heir wampum would soon be exhausted if it did not circulate”, as Lafitau stated (1974, 1: 311). But what did he mean by circulate? We find the answer in a letter by Lahontan dated 1687, “after that age [40-50 years] is over, they [belts] are made use of for new Treaties” (Thwaites (ed.) 1905, 1: 76). In other words, wampum belts of past agreements were recycled to use their beads for new ones, as mentioned sometime in 1759, when Lenni Lenape (Delawares) said he would be pleased “if he [George Croghan] send them proper Belts made out of old CouncilWampum” (Thompson (ed.) 1759: 105; Hale 1897: 237; Fenton: 1971: 445) 127. Even French officials, like de Beauharnois, gave instructions to recycle older wampum belts stored at the royal magazine in 1728 (Lainey 2004: 78). Sometimes belts with burdensome proposals were gladly handed over to more powerful allies, to relay their responsibility, as Tarke, chief of the Wyandots, did in 1795 when he spoke about a war belt as follows: “You may burn it if you please, or transform it into a necklace for some handsome squaw and, thus change its original design and appearance, and prevent, for ever, its future recognition. It has caused us much misery, and I am happy in parting with it” (Lowrie and Clarke (eds.) 1832, 4: 574). There was one more factor one had to know when dealing with wampum belts or strings in council, as Lieutenant James Gorrell stationed at Green Bay, present Wisconsin, found out. When he met with native delegates in 1760s he had ordered “six belts made, one for each nation that visited that place, but [he] found that some nations required two, some three and some four, as they had towns”, something the French knew all about, he added (JP 1951, 10: 699). Obviously Gorrell had expected that a single belt would be sufficient for each nation, as it used to be in 1713 (NYCD 1855, 5: 374; cf.: JP 1951, 10. 705). After all delegates had assembled, whether in a circular or square shaped arrangement, and taken their respective seats, all belts and strings were publicly displayed at the center of the space. Since the earliest times, the strung wampum was placed over a string stretched between two poles, as mentioned before, and which van der Donck briefly described for the Mohawks in 1653, as the “offering […] is hung up” (Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996:

127

Beauchamp depicted a belt he once saw, but at the time he published his research data, the belt was no more, having been being reused for “messages, offerings and ceremonies” (1901: 415, 474, Plate 22, no. 250).

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125)128. As late as 1743, John Bartram recorded for the Onondagas that “[t]here was a pole laid a-cross from one chamber to another over the passage [floor], on this their belts, and string were hung, that all the council might see them”, which Conrad Weiser estimated as being “about six feet from the ground” (Bartram 1751: 60; Beauchamp 1901: 442). Since the latter half of the 18th century, belts were put on a table, as it is described in 1780, e.g.: “[t]hen having arranged his [Kayashota, a Seneca Speaker] Belts in Order on the Table, he took up a Scalp with a Number of strings of wampum fastened to it, and proceeded” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Folio 91-95, Haldimand Papers. Proceedings of a meeting with the deputies of the Six Nations). All of the speeches had to be translated by skilled interpreters such as Conrad Weiser or Jasper Parrish, who did so for the Mohawks and vice versa for the English replies. Missionaries, like the Jesuits Garnier, Bigot, Enjalran, Bruyas, and Perrot, often acted as mediators during the councils and translated the discourses given at a peace treaty held in Montreal in 1701 (Havard 2001: 136). Indigenous orators used a highly symbolic language, which one had to understand. Metaphors129 such as “Bushes, Chain, Clouds, Fire, Hatchet, House,

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Van den Bogaert described the same process even earlier in January of 1635, when the Iroquois “hung up a belt of sewant and some other strung sewant that the chief had brought back from the French Indians as a token of peace” (ibid 1996: 9). Another reference prior to 1654 mentions the “presents which had been suspended on the cord”, which “is a book which contains my people have told me to tell you” (Du Creux 1952, 2: 648). In 1689, the “[p]resents [wampum belts] were hung up in the House, in the Sight of the whole Assembly, and afterwards distributed among the several Nations, and their Acceptance was a Ratification of the Treaty. […] The Belt of Wampum sent from Albany [belt reciprocal from Albany officials] was in like Manner hanged up, and afterwards divided”, similarly described by Bacqueville de la Potherie in 1701, when 31 belts were hung over a small wooden tripod (Colden 1973, 1: 132f.; 1977, 2: 683). Somewhat different, yet in a similar way, the Jesuit François-Joseph le Mercier acted at the mission of Sainte Marie prior to 1668: “But, in order to inspire them with greater terror, and make more impression on their minds, as these peoples are greatly influenced by external phenomena, the father caused to be erected, in the middle of the place where the Council was being held, a pole forty or fifty feet in length, from the top of which hung a Porcelain necklace. He declared that, in like manner, should be hanged the first of the Iroquois who should come to kill a Frenchman or any of our Allies” (Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996: 156). The wampum was put on a long pole as a sign visible from afar. And again in 1702, a belt of wampum was attached at height by Lamothe during a council held between Iroquois, Odawa/Ottawa, Huron-Wendat, Nipissing, and Mississauga at Detroit to keep the established peace of 1701: “regardez d’abord ce collier, qui vous tiendrez tousjours pendu à la plus haute cabane de votre village […] [look first at this belt, which you ever keep hanging at this very high cabin of your village]” (Margry (ed.) 1886, 5: 280). 129 Obviously, some metaphors refer to practices which were actually realized, like the war kettle for example, which was put over the fire at the war feast (Colden 1973, 2: 243). Also the war hatchets or clubs were buried to conclude peace, as happened in 1684: “Then the

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Kettle, Mat, Path, Rope, Smoking, Tree, Women, etc” were used by the various speakers addressing each other with specific kinship terminology, which referred to their relationship and respective status (Colden 1973, 2: 47, 49, 67ff.). Even colonial governors received specific names, like “Corlaer”, derived from Arent van Curler, who signed the first treaty of mutual assistance between Mohawks and Dutch in place of the Governor of New York (Jennings et al. (eds.) 1995: 235). While “Onas”, or father, was the Iroquois title for William Penn, the Governor of Pennsylvania, “Tocarry-hogan”, or Precedency, or Excellency, for the Governor of Maryland, and “Onontio”, Great Mountain, the Iroquois title for the governors of New France, derived from Governor Huault de Montmagny (ibid. 1995: 246f.; Colden 1973, 2: 171f.).,The Algonquians, on the other hand, named the governor differently, for example the Lenni-Lenape (Delaware) used “Kitschi Sakima”, Great Sachem (Zeisberger 1887: 85). This particular treaty diplomacy was universally observed at least since the 1670s (Bacqueville De La Potherie 1997, 2: 417f.; Jennings et al. (eds.) 1995: 115ff.). Not listed, but most important, was the “Sun”, which was believed to drive away the night or darkness. Treaties were concluded only during day times; several times the sun is referred to in treaty protocols, as in 1655, for the Mohawks: “The first and finest of these presents was a large image of the Sun, made of six thousand porcelain beads,—its purpose being, as he said, to dispel all darkness from our councils, and to let the Sun illumine them even in the deepest gloom of night” (JR 1898, 42: 39; JR 1898, 27: 251f.; JR 1896, 40: 165; JP 1939, 9: 363; JP 1951, 10: 675; JP 1962, 13: 429; Bacqueville De La Potherie 1997, 2: 417, 645, 681). A similar wampum disk is preserved at Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), Russian Academy of Sciences, Saint Petersburg, Russia (Cat. No. 1901-23). Its beads are sewn on red stained leather, backed with linen and birchbark to stiffen the disc and edged with red porcupine quills, see Plate 36, Fig. 418 (cf.: Harrison et al (eds.) 1987 : 80 ; cf.: Lainey 2004: 69; cf.: Feest 2014b: 76, no. 9)130. Van der Donck explained the sun’s purpose differently: “[w]hen swearing an oath they take as witness the sun, regarded as all seeing” (Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996: 126). Another meaning referred to earlier was restated by Red Head, speaker on behalf of the Six Nations in 1756, “upon it [belt] was Axes were buried in the southeast End of the Court-yard, and the Indians threw the Earth upon them” (ibid 1973, 1: 44). 130 Beside wampum sun disks, other materials are recorded, such as “a red Marble [catlinite] Sun as large as a Plate” to “[l]et the Sun, as long as he shall endure, always shine upon us in Friendship” for the Odawa/Ottawa in 1689 (Colden 1973, 1: 130f.). Which “Sun of a round polished Stone” is mentioned again in 1694 (ibid 1973, 1: 226).

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wrought the sun, by way of the emblem of light […] it was intended to signify, that they now saw objects in their proper light, and that they were fully convinced of the truth of every thing proposed” (JP 1939, 9: 375)131. It was custom that, indigenous orators used a unique type of performance when delivering their speeches: “Then the oldest or the most eloquent person of the family delivers a harangue, — either standing erect, or, more frequently, walking about. At times, he speaks in lugubrious tones, drawling out his words: at others, in a sharp tone calculated to produce emotion; sometimes in a joyful voice, intermingled with songs, which the other elders repeat in harmony, At the conclusion, he shows all these collars” (JR 1899, 58: 185f.). Father Chaumonot imitated that style when he addressed the assembled Iroquois with some 30 presents prior to 1656: “Then like an actor on the stage, walking up and down as the Indians do, and adapting the tones of his voice, his gestures and the movements of his body to their manner of speaking, he exhibited about thirty presents not indeed of any great value but appropriate to the occasion. The second of these presents was important, and in making this present he twisted a wampum collar into a crown and placed it upon the head of each of the Iroquois in turn, thereby intimating that he restored the reason of each to its proper seat after so many years” (Du Creux 1952, 2: 714) 132. While talking or chanting, they held the strings or belts of wampum and handled them in particular ways to accentuate important parts of the speech. Gifts or precursors of mnemonic wampum belts were handled the same way, as van der Donck recorded in 1653: „ While each subject, article, or point is being stipulated, determined, and recapitulated, the person making the request or speech has the offering [wampum, pelts, trade cloth, etc.] either before him or in his hand. At the close of the parley he places it before the one for whom it is intended.” (Snow, Gehring, and Starne (eds.) 1996: 125). At the beginning of his speech, a speaker would always repeat the talk of the last speaker to verify that he had correctly understood its essence (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 46). Some different ways of handling the belts and strings are illustrated by the following examples, e.g. when a Menominee father in mourning “took the collar that Nicolas Perrot had given him [for his murdered son] he began to sing,

Note, Sir William Johnson called the second council fire at Johnson Hall “the Sun rises” (Burch 1990: 265). 132 Compare this action to the function of wampum as “crowns” attributed above. Prior to 1654, Poncet gave a “sixth present [which] also consisted of wampum; some cords and some belts had been twisted into a kind of wreath” (ibid 1952, 2: 648). A larger belt bound with both ends was recorded much later in 1793: “A belt of white wampum, made in a circular form, representing their place of meeting, as in the centre, and crossed by four stripes of 131

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holding the calumet in one hand, and the collar in the other”, which happend prior to 1670 (Blair (ed.) 1969, 1: 313). A delegation of Kahnawake, on the other hand, acted in another way, as their speaker addressed the assembled chiefs in council at Onondaga in 1690, by “taking the Belt of wampum in his Hand, holding it by the Middle, he added, what I have said relates only to Half of the Belt [the news from New France], the other Half is to let us know, that he intends to kindle again his Fire at Cadarackui [Cataraqui, present Kingston] next Spring, and therefore invites his Children, and Dekanasora an Onondaga Captain in particular, to treat there with him about the old Chain [after he had finished] Adarahta the chief Sachem of the praying Indians [Kahnawake] stood up, and said, with three Belts in his Hand, I advice you to meet the Governor of Canada as he desires; agree to this, if you would live, and gives one Belt of Wampum” (Colden 1973, 1: 129; Jennings et al. (eds.) 1995: 211) 133. Similar to Europeans throwing down a glove as challenge to a duel, war belts were generally thrown to the ground, and once picked up, the challenge was accepted, as Pouchot wrote prior to 1760. “The chief who has the highest reputation ends [“after announcing his plan”] by throwing disdainfully to the ground a belt of black wampum with red paint on it, inviting those men with pluck to pick it up & announcing that he will award it to the man who shows himself to be the bravest” (1994: 474). Beatty’s description of William Johnson’s handling of a belt is very detailed: “held by one end, and they [native delegates] by the other, that when they had any thing to say, they must go along that path (meaning the white Streak on the belt) to him; and that, when he had any thing to say to them, he must come to that council-fire, (referring to the diamond in the middle of the belt) and there speak to them” (1768: 51)134. Any part of a speech, which the orator had forgotten, could be added at the end (cf.: Boyd (ed.) 1938: 248). Sometimes even several belts and strings were held together in one hand135. black wampum, representing all their confederates, East, West, North, and South”, as symbol of the Iroquois confederacy (Clarke and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 477; Stone 1838: 360). 133 Heckewelder pointed out “[o]n the manner in which the belts or strings of wampum are handled by the speaker, much depends; the turning of the belt which takes place when he has finished one half of his speech, is a material point, though this is not common in all speeches with belts” (1971: 108). 134 John Long often credited as a reliable source copied the part, as he wrote in his journal: “When Sir William Johnson held a treaty with the Savages, he took the belt by one end, while the Indian chief held the other: if the chief had any thing to say, he moved his finger along the white streak; if Sir William had any thing to communicate, he touched the diamond [his council fire] in the middle. In: Voyages and travels of an Indian interpreter and trader, describing the manners and customs of the North American Indians” (1791: 47). 135 Like King Hendrick, who “held up two Belts” at the close of his speech in 1754 at Albany (PROK, CO5/1274, p. 68.). Or when a chief of the Shawnees took “all the Belts in his hands”

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In later times, written records were handled in council in the very same way, e.g. at Michilimackinac, where delegates of Ojibwa and Odawa/Ottawa conferred in 1806: “My father-When our father General Wilkinson came here, and took us by the hand, he gave us this; (shewing his speech in writing) it was a good talk, it tickled our eras; but it did not warm our backs” (Anonymous 1806c: 1). If the belts were accepted, they were picked up and sometimes even put around the neck, as in 1751, when Onondaga chiefs presented a peace belt to a Choctaw and added: “we give you this white Belt of Wampum, to wear about your necks, that all that see it, may know that you have been here and were received as our Friends” (NYCD 1855, 6: 725)136. Thomas Hardy painted Augustus Bowles wearing a belt of wampum around his neck in 1791, see (Fig. 6), (cf.: Speck 1911: plate 8; Bonvillain 1989: 76). If belts were refused, however, no one picked them up, as in 1690, when Mohawk delegates “absolutely reject it [French belt of wampum], and are resolved to prosecute the War as long as we live. Then they left the Belt lying on the Ground” (Colden 1973, 1: 156)137. This procedure is described by Zeisberger as “wampum that has been rejected is thrown on the floor of the council house, after it has been announced why the message was not welcome. The refusal is considered a great affront and no one of the chiefs or counsellors will touch the rejected wampum belt or string. This lies on the floor, the men of the Council leaving the place, until some old woman removes it” (Hulbert and Schwarz (eds.) 1910: 111f.). A belt could also be returned to the sender, as the Miamis did in 1765, for “they will never listen to any message sent them from the English” (JP 1953, 11: 765). Hendrick acted in an even more demonstrative (JP 1953, 11: 726). And Messquakenac, a Shawnee chief, “rose and said Brothers The badness of the weather, prevented our assembling yesterday: I will now tell you all I have to say; then taking up a handful of strings, and a Belt of Wampum” in 1792 (Cruikshank (ed.) 1923, 1: 219). 136 In like manner, as noted above, belts were put around the neck of prisoners, a meaning described as “she was informed that her life was not in danger, for that belt of wampum, said she, about your neck, is a certain sign, that you are intended for an adopted relation” (Loudon (ed.) 1808, 1: 61). 137 Also for example in 1694, 1708, and 1777 (Colden 1973, 1. 224f.; Wraxall 1915, 2: 62f.; Pouchot 1994: 280; SROE, GD21/493, Cunningham of Thorton Collection, Treaty of Easton, 1777). In like manner, Onondaga deputies and colonial officials discussed how to deliver a refusal to the governor of New France, agreeing upon the following terms at Albany in 1697: “The belt was folded double, one half to shew his [Onontio] affection for the bearer, the other half to shew the Five Nations his inclination to make peace with them. […] Father, you sent a message that you were inclined for "peace and desire us to come to you for that end. "Father, is that peace?" (Here they would let fall the fold out of the belt of wampum.) "We know not how "your heart is inclined for peace. You speak of peace "and knock our people on the head […] (Then they shall throw down the belt…)” (Fortescue (ed.) 1904, 15: 528ff.).

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Fig. 6. „William Augustus Bowles, Chief of the Embassy from the Creeke & Cherokee Nations“. Engraved by Joseph Grozer and printed by Thomas Hardy after his oil painting in 1791. Courtesy of the British Museum London (Cat. No. 1870.1008. 2426).

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way prior to 1754, when he took “a Stick and [threw] it behind his Back”, commenting: “You have thus thrown us behind your Backs, and disregarded us” (HSOP, Pennsylvania Miscellaneous, Indian Affairs, Vol. 2. Copy of proceedings of council at Albany). Yet the worst incident happened in 1764, when Colonel Bradstreet “cut the Belt [Pontiac’s] in Pieces” with an Axe, which caused loud murmurs among the indigenous deputies. William Johnson commented the action as: “the Circumstance of cutting the Belt would have appeared well enough, but since that was all we did, he [Pontiac] must think little of us” (JP 1953, 11: 515, 802ff., 832). A similar action happened after George Washington had sent a belt of peace, “and, placing it over his [chief’s] right shoulder, [when] a mob of drunken Indians broke up the assembly by threats of violence, and also tore the peace belt in pieces, and manifested marks of disapprobation” (Clarke and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 271f.). However, one needs to take into account that the trouble makers were intoxicated. Thus far, the following has been discussed. Since the mid 17th century, council assemblies took place in an area of square or circular shape. The wampum belts and strings were publicly displayed at the center of the space so that the entire audience could see it. Originally they were hung on a stretched string, later placed on a blanket138 and later yet laid on a table, like written documents, a practice still in use today139. The skilled orator performed like an actor on a stage, delivering an elaborate, figurative speech, which was universally understood. All speeches given were repeated by the orator that followed, before presenting his own part, and for every presented belt or string one was given in return. Belts and strings could be handed over, dropped on the floor, rejected or even destroyed, which rarely happened. A high rank of a nation determined its seating position in council opposite the other dominant party, such as Euro-American delegates, as well as the receiving of newly-made belts, such as war, covenant chains or friendship, pro-

138

First recorded by Bacueville de la Potherie after 1694, when a Kahnawake delegation “disposèrent par ordre leur Colliers sur un tapis [lay their belts in order on a blanket (my translation)]” (1997, 2: 519). In particular at private rehearsals, belts and strings were put “on a large piece of bark or on a blanket, all documents [were] laid out in such order, that they can at once distinguish each particular speech” (Heckewelder 1971: 108). A contemporary mid 18th century engraving is an illustrative depiction of such a council meeting, as an orator stands on the mat between the several belts of wampum (Lainey 2004: 51). Even as late as 1887, belts of wampum were put on a “white table cloth” by chief John Buck, the Onondaga wampum keeper (Grant Gilkinson 1928: 48). 139 A treaty of renewed friendship was signed at the Penn Museum University of Pennsylvania on August 21st, 2010. The wampum belt was put on the upper margin of a table and below the written papers (Penn’s website).

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duced by colonial officials. Louis Antoine de Bougainville is one of the very few who offered an insight into this significant matter, when he reported to Minister de Paulmy of 1757: “The Iroquois, to whom of right the Belt belonged, as being the most numerous of all the Nations present with the army, did the honors on the occasion, in their name, and that of the other domiciliated 140 Indians, to the Nations from above141, out of regard for their character as strangers” (NYCD 1858, 9: 609). One more reference is made by William Johnson in 1762, when “[t]he Speaker of the Onondagos desired that the Belt Which Sir William had produced, as Sent by the Senecas to Detroit Might be given them” (JP 1921, 3: 695). Both tribes provided the headquarters for each confederacy, respectively the Seven and Six Nations, where the central inter-tribal council fire places were located, such as Kahnawake and Onondaga (Blanchard 1983: 5f., 9f.). In general, belts and strings had to be exchanged reciprocally, but some belts, in particular large war and covenant chain or friendship belts, did not. War belts were reused after the campaign was over, while chain belts were kept as official pledges. These were periodically shown during council meetings to remind of the founded alliances (cf.: JP 1921, 3: 444; JP 1939, 9: 331, 359, 375; JP 1951, 10: 506). 5. The Right to Deal with Wampum Without authorization no one, native or Euro-American, was permitted to officeate publicly with belts or strings of wampum. Since historical times, it is documented that indigenous delegates were given the authority from the community, and that always in consent. Skilled orators, who not always were chiefs, were instructed on what they had to say in council, and in case of any disagreements, they had to consult the community again. Therefore, the meetings were often attended by large delegations, and among the Iroquois, women carefully watched their official speakers142. A detailed account of the pro140

Meant are the mission communities located along the lower Saint Lawrence River, listed as: “Nepissings, Algonkins, Abenakis, Iroquois (Kahnawake, Kanesatake, Oka, Oneidas of the 5 Nations), Micmacs [Mi’kmaqs], Hurons, Amalecites [Maliseet]” (ibid 1858, 9: 607; Erickson 1978: 135). 141 These French allies were: “Tete de Boule, Odawas, Sauteurs, Potawatomis, Menominees, Miamis, Puans, Ayesais, Foxes, Ouillas, Sacs, Loups” (ibid 1858, 9: 608.) 142 While indigenous women were not allowed to speak in public councils, they exerted direct influence when orators gave speeches and belts of wampum on behalf of them, as for example when “[a] Black Belt from the Chief Women [was presented] to ye. Sachims & Warriors on their declaring their resolution” in 1763 (JP 1951, 10: 946). This particular practice has benn recorded several times by contemporaries (JP 1951, 10: 770). Yet Bougainville’s report does not clearly indicate who actually gave the speech. “The council women [12 Oswegatchies] were present at the sitting. They presented some sentiments in their [own] name. The Marquis de Vaudreuil promised his answer the next day”. Bougainville

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cedure is provided for the Iroquois prior to 1669. “They are called Agoiandères [chiefs], and they provide the porcelain beads and the collars. When it is intended to send an embassy to other nations, the families first meet, each in private, and collect all the porcelain beads that they can give; then each family displays to the others what its richest members have supplied” (JR 1899, 58: 185f.). Colonial governors, on the other hand, received their permission from the king to deal with the indigenous inhabitants. The British Crown created its own agency, the Superintendency of Indian Affairs in 1755, to deal with the Native Americans, whose territory was divided into a northern and southern district. William Johnson as Superintendent of the northern district and his three deputies, George Croghan, Daniel Claus, and Guy Johnson, as well as high ranking military officers like Arent Schuyler DePeyster, Robert Rogers, and Pierre Pouchot143, had to negotiate on behalf of the monarch or governor respectively, and had to report to them with written records of the council minutes. In like manner, the French governors had to report to the Minister of Marine, and United States Indian agents received their authority from the U.S. Senate (Burch 1990: 265; Jennings 1995: 52f.; Druke 1995: 94ff.)144. A remark made by Governor Gage in 1762 makes it quite clear how difficult it was at times to enforce this authority: “some Traders at Toronto have been Guilty of very Unwarrantable Behavior, by taking upon them to Send Belts of Wampum to the Indians at Michillimakinac” (JP 1921, 3: 942). Ultimately, that type of “unwarranted” behavior led to the legislative act that traders had to sign licenses, as stated in 1770. They were not allowed to: ”publick Talk with any of their Chiefs; nor enter into any of their Councils, nor make any [ ] or any of them, save and except such as are merely relative to the Purpose aforesaid, [ ] I will not deliver, or cause to be delivered, or consent to the being delivered, [ ] Wampum, or other Belts, or Strings, to any Indian Chief or Chiefs, or other continued for the following day, [t]he sitting ended with the presentation of wampum belts to the council women. The gravity with which they attended the deliberations deserves to be noted. They have, moreover, the same standing among the Indians that the matrons formerly had among the Gauls and Germans” (Hamilton (ed.) 1964: 103f.). 143 Lieutenant Colonel John Connonlly recapitulated his time at Fort Pitt: “I received their thanks, and procured assurances from the Indian chiefs to support his Majesty, at all events, as his Majesty’s most faithful friends and auxiliaries; as a proof of which, I was authorized to transmit a large belt of wampum to Lord Dunmore, from him to be sent to his Majesty, as a symbol of their inviolable attachment to his royal person” (1783: 12). 144 Sometimes, less accepted deputies were installed, leading to criticism, as in 1690: “It is exceedingly scandalous among the Indians, to employ a Merchant in publick Affairs; Merchants, (I [Cadwallader Colden] mean the Traders with the Indians) are looked upon by them [Native American] as Liars, and People not to be trusted, and of no Credit, who by their Thoughts being continually turned upon Profit and Loss” (Colden 1973, 1: 137).

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Indian or Indians, [ ] Course of Trade, or merely for the Purposes of Trade, and for no other Purpose whatsoever (JP 1931, 7: 545, 548). As late as 1818, traders like Daniel Borassa had to sign “for a licent to trade with the “Ke-as-KeKe” Indians [as third point is stated]. You will attend no Council held by the Indians, nor send them any talk or speech accompanied by wampum” (Thwaites (ed.) 1911, 20: 87). On the other hand, religious representatives such as priests and reverends were not under secular jurisdiction. For example, Jesuit priests acted by means of wampum in public councils, and furthermore operated as mediators and interpreters for the French governors during worldly council meetings. Sometimes they were even adopted as tribal leaders, such as Milet (Beauchamp 1901: 392). But they had to sent their reports, known as the Jesuit Relations, to their order and were thereby authorized by the Pope himself, until Pope Clemens XIV abolished their order in 1773 (Lippy, Choquette and Poole 1992: 114). Protestants, like Eleazar Wheelock, pastor of the Congregational church, tutor of indigenous students and later president of Dartmouth College, utilized wampum, as indicated by an entry in his son’s journal, dated Saturday 12th 1767: “This day hired a Boy to carry a Letter after David to stop him at the Mohock Castle, […] and another to carry a belt of wampum to the Chief at Old Onoida [Oneida], desiring him to come and hear my Message” (Anonymous 1769: 31; Washburn (ed.) 1988: 695). He, like Samuel Kirkland, had to receive his authorization from the congregation. 6. Storage and Keeping When belts were not used, they were apparently rolled up for storage and kept by authorized keepers. This practice was first recorded for an Iroquois delegation in 1645: “[t]he remainder [of wampum] were enclosed in a small pouch placed quite near them [deputies]” (JR 1898, 27: 253; cf. Becker 2013: 25). Even earlier, Hurons had similar bags, as Du Creux reported prior to 1647. ”Five days ago (that is five years ago, according to the writer of the Relation) you had a bag full of wampum and other presents to make peace” (1952, 2: 410). Danckaerts wrote in 1679-80: “After they [wampum strings] have been bound together, the bundle is put in a bag and hung up in the house of the sachem or chief where it is carefully preserved” (Gehring and Grumet (eds.) 1987: 108). In his account of a treaty held at Albany in 1755, Reverend Hawley wrote, that after the council was finished, the Onondaga deputies put back all the belts in “a very large Bag” (JP 1939, 9: 216; cf.

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Becker 2013: 29f.)145. Numerous reports mention a council bag, which was used by the Lenni-Lenape (Delawares) (Hazard (ed.) 1: 762; Beauchamp 1901: 384). And more precisely, Heckewelder stated the belts were “again handed to the chief, who puts them up carefully in the speech-bag or pouch” (1971: 108). Meanwhile Weiser was informed by Scaiohady, or Half King 146, “that they often must send Messengers to Indian Towns & Nations, & had nothing in their Council Bag, as they were new beginners, either to recompense a Messenger or to get Wampum to do the business, & begged [he] wou'd assist them with something” (Thwaites (ed.) 1904, 1: 43; cf. Becker 2013: 29). The Cherokees stored their belts in a wooden chest, as reported in 1758, and “Henely open'd the Casket with the Belts and Strings of Wampum and several Pipes” (JP 1921, 2: 859; Becker 2013: 32). John M’Cullough described in his captivity narrative that “the old chief drew out a small bag from behind his bed and took out a large belt of wampum” (Loudon (ed.) 1808, 1: 258). Similarly, Blackbird, aide-de-camp of Pontiac, kept “in his hand the speech bag, from which he was about to draw a belt” in 1763 (MPHC 1886, 8: 352). The Abenaki reportedly used a pouch to store their wampum, called pitaugan, meaning pouch/bag, containing nine collars in 1771, as well as the Mohicans of the Hudson River valley, who put their wampum into a pouch when they were not in use (Speck 1964: 34; Becker 2013: 28). The following reports’ descriptions give some idea what these bags or pouches may have looked like. Probably the oldest “wampum bag” located so far was brought back home by Susannah Wood, when she was released from her captivity in 1699. The bag is twined on a warp of basswood fibers with a weft of brown-dyed basswood fibers and lightly colored material, possibly rushes, in a cylindrical shape with a round bottom. In the 19th century, one bag was converted into a sewing bag with a cardboard insert and clothbound top edge (Drooker and Hamell 2004: 200). While its old age is confirmed by the family’s history as well as by the materials and technique used, the attribution as being a wampum bag does not predate the late 19th century. Its actual size supports its “former” usage, measuring some 18 cm in diameter and currently 21 cm of height, large 145

Remarkably, the bag is characterized as large, which does very well correlate to the Onondaga’s responsibility, for an appointed chief was keeper of the League’s or Six Nations confederacy’s wampum (Fenton 1971: 447; cf. Becker 2013: 29f.). In another reference, the description is not very conclusive, being defined as “pulling out a large belt”. No reference is made to the container (JP 1921, 3: 443). 146 “Half-King” was more an informal title than a personal name”, which was primarily applied to the Seneca overlords in the Upper Ohio Valley, who were known as “Mingos”, allies of the French (Blanchard 1983: 9; Johansen and Mann 2000: 141f.).

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enough to store more than three belts (cf.: Drooker and Hamell 2004: 199; cf. Becker 2013: 27). A small fiber bag decorated with moose hair in a technique called “false embroidery”, identified by a catalogue entry as “A Basket in which is Muscovian and other Country money” (Schuyl 1727: 12), was apparently used to store wampum. This square shaped bag was first part of the collections of the University of Leiden and was later transferred to the Rijksmuseum Volkenkunde, Leiden (Cat. No. 720-2; Orchard 1929: 354ff.; Brasser 1975: 6f., 64; Feest 1992: 86). Yet its small size of 20 by 17 cm raises questions whether it was actually used as a council bag. Another one described as a “bag woven of elmbark fibre” was kept by the Onondagas until the middle of the19th century (Beauchamp 1901: 410). Clark saw the bag prior to 1849 and identified the material as “made of the finest shreds of elm bark, and a person without being apprised, might easily mistaken it for the softest flax. Its capacity would exceed a bushel”. Since then, its whereabouts has become unknown (Fenton 1971: 447; Beauchamp 1905: 166; Becker 2013: 38)147. The last bag to be described is made of dyed fibers with an interwoven turtle pattern on one side and parallel zigzag lines on the opposite “in which the Penn Wampum Belt” was kept is part of the collections in the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto (Cat. No. 911.3.130, formerly HD 6364/2a; Cumberland 1904: 58). This pouch seems also be too small for storing any belts or strings, for it measures only some 12 by 18 cm. Marshall J. Becker was first to take interest in this topic and listed 16 sources for wampum containers. Nine additional sources could be located by this writer. It can be concluded that leather and fiber bags were used in the “Core Area [Huron-Wendat, Iroquois, Susquehannok]” while fiber baskets were used in the adjacent regions for storing wampum belts and strings (Becker 2013: 21ff., 41f.). Only one source makes specific reference to a buckskin bag for the Six Nations in 1887 (see footnote below). Wooden sticks, used as mnemonic precursors of wampum, were apparently buried with the dead chief, as Sagard Theodat reported for the Hurons in 1632. The chief’s widow “put beside him his Atsatonewai, this is his package of Council sticks which are all the books and papers of the Country” (Kinietz 1965: 104). More than a hundred years later in 1750, a Six Nations chief tried to follow the earlier practice, as Conrad Weiser was told “that all the Belts of Wampum belonging to the Publick from the several English governors, that remained unanswered at the death of Canasatego, and found in his possession, were by his Orders burnt with him; this the said Chief [Tahash147

Chief John Buck, then wampum keeper of the 6 Nations, stored the belts in a “little old

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wuchdioony ] said to make Canasatego a Thief” (HSP, Indian Affairs, Vol. 1, Conrad Weiser’s journal of proceedings with the Six Nations during his journal to Onondaga, 15 Aug - 1 Oct 1750; cf. Becker 2013: 30). Yet, Zeisberger’s general report on the death of chiefs states: “[e]verything is distributed among the people except the wampum and belts, which belong to the chief in his official capacity. The Council Bags. These are preserved and turned over to his successor in office” (Hulbert and Schwarz (ed.) 1910: 100). With Euro-Americans introducing intoxicants like whiskey and brandy came immense challenges for the indigenous population, as pointed out by Weiser in his communication with Peters in 1747: “Olumapies would have Resigned his Crown before now, but as he had the keeping of the public treasure, [that is to say the Councel Bagg,] Consisting of Belts of Wampum, for which he buys Liquor, and has been Drunk for this two or three years, almost Constantly, and it is thought he wont Die, so long as there is one single wampum left in the Bagg” (Pa. Arch. 1852, 1: 761f..). Timothy Pickering mentioned a similar instance on July 18th, 1791: “I should have compensated Red Jacket for a neck Belt of wampum which he told me [crossed out] he had lost in a drunken frolic, and have given him eight or ten Dollars to complete the payment for a new he had purchased & brought to the treaty” (MHS, Pickering Papers, Vol. 60, p. 116. Timothy Pickering to the Secretary of War, about treaty with the Six Nations)148. In conclusion, special wampum containers are recorded for several indigenous groups, first in 1642 for the Huron-Wendats and soon after for the Five Nations, and eastern Algonkins. Since the 18th century other tribes had bags made of fibers or cases of wood. Many accounts make specific notes of these council bags but omit the materials they were made of (cf. Becker 2013: 21ff., 42). Unfortunately, no sample seems to have survived. Before wampum became writing, the precursory mnemonic wooden sticks were buried with the deceased chief. Chiefs were reportedly entrusted with the safekeeping of the belts and strings. Since the late 1700s it was no longer permitted to bury them with the deceased, as their value had been recognized and shared by the entire community. Documents, on the other hand, were passed on to the successor and were therefore preserved, sadly, some were sold.149 buckskin bag” in 1887 (Grant Gilkison 1928: 49). 148 For a survey of alcoholic drinks and their usage among the North American Natives see (Trenk 2000). 149 Another preserved bag was collected at some time in the 1870s from chief John Tecumseh Henry. It is described in a catalogue under number 57: “This pouch, made of buckskin and highly decorated with porcupine quills, was used by messengers in carrying the “wampum belts” (Cumberland 1904: 21). The account leaves no doubt that the bag was definitely not a council bag, but instead used to transport messages.

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8. Wampum Belts: Weavers, Techniques, Materials, and Size 1. Weaver: Gender and Culture Very little has been published about those, who had woven beads into belts of wampum, their gender and cultural affiliation, although primary documents, published since the early 20th century provide some clues (Beauchamp 1901). Unfortunately, some of these sources fail to give dates, needed for a more detailed inventory (cf.: Lainey 2004: 31). In this section, twenty-one new primary sources, most located and retrieved by my research, are listed in chronological order to help shed more light on this subject. These written accounts mention names, gender and cultural affiliation of the weavers at least since the second half of the 17th century. The first (1) and oldest description, located so far, is part of the Jesuit Relations, as part of “father Simon le Moyne’s wintering in the country of the upper Iroquois” between 1662 to 1663: “this generous Savage [an Onondaga messenger] and protector of the French ceased not to express his gratification at the present that had been given him, and, among others, at a beautiful porcelain collar made by the hands of the Ursuline Mothers, in a pretty and ornamental design such as pleases and charms those people” (JR 1899, 47: 188f.). The second (2) reference is made some decades later by Jacques Bigot, another Jesuit staying at the Abenaki mission in January of 1684: “Tall Jeanne [Abenaki], who made the whole Collar, and Colette, who set the porcupine quills in it, have done so with a great zeal for honoring that Saint“ (JR 1899, 63: 30f.; Beauchamp 1901: 390). In her captivity report, reference (3), which was originally printed in 1682, Mary Rowlandson wrote about the second of her master's wives, called Wettimore, that: her work was to make girdles of wampum and beads” (Rowlandson 1770: 33; cf.: Murray 2000: 137). In the fourth (4) Alain Beaulieu and Roland Viau wrote, unfortunately without naming the original source: “Shortly before the Great Peace treaty of Montréal [1701] was ratified, the French colonial authorities enlisted several Native women to make 31 wampum collars for Governor Callière to present to the Native delegates” (2001: 36; see Lainey 2004: 31; cf.: Bacqueville de la Potherie 1997, 2: 685). The fifth (5) source explains that the weaving of wampum belts was part of the young Native women’s duty. And when John Gyles, commander of a garrison on St. George’s River, was released from his captivity he wrote: “If Parents have a Daughter marriageable [A Virgine who has been educated, to make Monoodah’s [Indian Bags] and Birch-Dishes, to lace Snow-Shoes and make Indian-Shoes, to string Wampum-Belts, sew Birch-Canoes, and boil the Kettle, is esteem’d as a Lady of fine Accomplish-

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ments]” (1736: 29). The following three French sources were first cited by Jonathan C. Lainey and will be given as my translations (2004: 31; 2005: 63). First, the sixth (6) description of French officials mentions payment for the weaving of wampum belts in 1741 and 1742: “A Thegarichoghen Sauvage du Sault St-Louis pour la façon de 40. Colliers de porcelaine faits pendant lad. Année à 3” pièce…120 [To Thegarichoghen, a Native of Sault St. Louis, for weaving 40 wampum belts last year, 3”[livres] the piece…[in all] 120” [livres]” (Lainey 2004: 31). Some five years later the second and third account, listed as sources (7) and (8), are articles of commerce and ammunition in “work days of men and women” of 1747: “Au Sr Joseph Gamelin pour façon de 13 grands Colliers de porcelaine à 5”[livres] pièce…..65”; A Marianne Lafayette pour la façon de 31 colliers de guerre de porcelaine à 5” pièce…155” [To Mr. Joseph Gamelin for making 13 big wampum belts, 5 pounds a piece…65 pounds; to Marianne Lafayete for making 31 war belts of wampum, 5 pounds a piece…155 pounds] (ibid. 2004: 31; 2005: 63) . In source 9 Arent Stevens, an Indian Interpreter, received payment “for the Expence of providing Belts of Wampum for the Five Nations of Indians, when he carried to them the Letter from the Catawba Indians, in the Year 1751” (New York (State). General Assembly 1752: 17). The tenth (10) source, is an excerpt of the proceedings of a council held between the Governor of Pennsylvania and several Native Peoples: “Then the Governor sent to Newcastle & Teedeuscung; the new Belt not being finished; he Explained the proposed figures to them, & desired the women might finish it on rainy days, or resting in their Journey” (Hazard (ed.) 1851, 7: 218; Pennsylvania (Province) 1757: 26f.; cf.: Beauchamp 1901: 386). The eleventh (11) source has been cited by scholars on several occasions. John Hays wrote in his diary on May 14th, 1760: “Very Rainy Wether, so that we Could not set out, So we followed our old Business of Belt [wampum] making”, and on the following day: “Wether the same, so that we were Oblidged to Ly by as Before and Mad Belts [wampum]” (Pa. Arch. 1874, 3: 735; Beauchamp 1901: 386; Lainey 2005: 63). The twelfth (12) source also dates to the early 1760s, and can be found in Thomas Gage’s papers: “Lieutenant James Gorrell at Green Bay paid Mr. Bolris one pound, twelve shillings to construct four wampum belts, all presumably small, and ten shillings for a dressed deer skin with which to make the belts” (Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977: 22). The thirteenth (13) was found in Lieutenant Henry Timberlake’s journal of a journey to the Cherokee prior to 1765. Here, he states: “the women, likewise, make very pretty belts, and collars of beads and wampum, also belts and garters of worsted” (2007: 33). The next report (14) is an account of the payment of wampum belts at Detroit in 1765: “Paid 6

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livres in beavers for each belt made [missing] seventeen belts which I [Monsr. Marsac] had made in my [missing] The whole amounts to the sum of onehundred and two livres, which I paid in beavers” (JP 1925, 4: 803f.). Some years later, before 1769, G. Taylor's travel log, source (15), reports: “These belts [wampum] are only used upon affairs of great importance. Their wives (or squaws) have a surprising art of interweaving and stringing a thousand different figures, forms, &c. into the belts, collars, blankets, and other parts of their dress” (1771: 202) . Source (16) dates to the 1770s, when “trader Peter Pond had six large belts made at Michilimackinac for use in a peace conference between the Sioux and the Ojibwa” (Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977: 22). The following sources are more general descriptions. For instance, in number (17) David Zeisberger, a Moravian missionary, wrote in 1780: “The Belts are of pure wampum worked in all manner of clever forms by the Indian women, they being informed in each case what the figures must be, inasmuch as the figures must correspond with the message” (Hulbert and Schwarz 1910: 95; cf.: Loges 1956: 66). Of similar content is source (18) written by Georg Heinrich Loskiel, another Moravian missionary, who, prior to his publication had never set foot on American soil and, therefore relied on his brothers’ accounts: “Die Indianerinnen verstehen die Kunst, die Belte aus den wampum gleichsam zusammen zu würken, und mit allerhand Figuren zu zieren, nachdem es ihre Bestimmung erfordert” (1989: 37). The English translation differs in some way: “the Indian women are very dexterous in weaving the strings of wampum into belts, and make them with different figures perfectly agreeable with the different subjects contained in the speech” (1794: 27; see Beauchamp 1901: 386). The next source, number (19), is an authorization for payments, but in this case by the Treasurer of the United States, in 1792, to “James B. Smith, for making three large wampum belts for the use of the Indian department 43 [dollars]” (U.S. Treasurer 1793: 18; U.S. Treasury Dept. 1793: 22; ibid 1793: 24). The description (20) dates to May, 31st 1830, when “one of the Cherokee delegation presented Mr. Theodore Frelinghuysen [Senator of New Jersey] an elegant wampum belt, wrought by a female of his nation” as pledge of gratitude for his support (Niles and Niles (eds.) 1830, 38: 291; Anonymous 1830: 3). The last source (21) is an historically preserved belt of glass wampum, which reportedly was made by Hetty Catherine McIntosh (1822/3?-1887), daughter of the famous William McIntosh, half-Scottish Chief of the Lower Creek, sometime during her lifetime, see: Plate 14, Fig. 186 (Martha Zierden, personal communication, January 2015). It is one of the very few documented belts whose maker is known by name (Fig. 7)

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Fig. 7. Glass wampum belt made by Hetty McIntosh, Creek, ca. 1840-50. Deerskin, globular and tubular glass beads, plant fibers. Length: 125 cm. Courtesy of the Charleston Museum, Charleston, South Carolina, USA (Cat. No. ETN 114). © Photograph by CM Photo Service Staff.

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According to the chronologically arranged sources listed above, it appears that prior to the 1740s only women wove belts of wampum (numbers 1-5). At first this work was done by Native women and by some Ursuline nuns. Up to the middle of the 18th century, when the struggle for North America between the major colonial powers was at its peak, French-Canadian officials apparently started to employ Native Americans as well as Euro American women and men as weavers of wampum belts. Evidently, this practice was then copied by the English and later followed by United States agents. Therefore, we can assume that, with an increasing demand for belts for political transactions, men joined the occupation of weavers and the gender-specific division of labor, which probably once prevailed, broke up. 2. Techniques Since Orchard’s first publication on beadwork (1929 [1975]), no one has attempted to compare and verify his descriptions with preserved wampum bands, belts, and collars (Feest 2014b: 76f.). Instead, scholars have used his drawings, accepted his explanations and have cited them over and over again (cf.: Lainey 2004: 253f.; Molloy 1977: 76). Therefore, an effort was made to reevaluate his findings and instead of his two, this author has identified four different techniques of stringing beads into belts. These techniques are discussed next. The first way of weaving (I), named “double thread weave” by Orchard, see: (Fig. 8. I.), was correctly described and schematically redrawn (Orchard 1925: 17ff.; Orchard 2000: 97, figure 105). In general, a two-ply weft thread is doubled over an outside warp strand. These two wefts pass through the first bead and then one over and the other under the next warp before passing through the next bead. This process is repeated until the opposite outside warp strand is reached, then both weft threads are twisted together with one or several turns before each thread crosses the weave in the opposite direction. Again, both wefts pass through the first bead, then one over and the other under the second warp and so on until the weft thread is finished and knotted. In the end all beads are arranged vertically, and as many threads have to be used until the final length of the belt is reached. The so-called “double thread weave” is the oldest documented technique of weaving belts of wampum (see: Feest 1983: 121). There is one variation, where the numbers of rows or warps change throughout the entire length of the weave, something noticed a few times on preserved belts. One, for example, is 13 rows wide in the center, but is widened to 15 rows at both ends, see: Plate 20, Fig. 256. Another one, known as the “Red Jacket Belt”, varies between 15 and 16 rows, see: Plate

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Fig. 8. Wampum weaving techniques

© N. Stolle

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12, Fig. 158. The Cherokee Keetoowah keep a wampum belt whose one end is reduced by two rows to some 13 rows wide, while the other end has only 11 rows, see: Plate 9, Fig. 110. The second technique (II), which Orchard designates as “single-thread weave” following Morgan’s description, could not be found on any preserved belt except for Morgan’s recreated one. Its schematic drawing leads to the assumption that the technique was not correctly identified and described (Orchard 2000: 97). There is not a single belt known with only one edge or outside warp strand wrapped with an additional binding. Instead, all preserved objects use a similar technique with two symmetrically bound wefts, see: (Fig. 8. II). I will, therefore, name it “wrapped double strand weave”, which is done the same way as described above up to the point where the two single weft threads are twisted to cross over the outside warp strand in the opposite direction. At that point, an additional binding, consisting of a narrow strip of leather, is wrapped around the outside warp strand and crossed weft threads in a single turn to conceal the threads and secure the edge. Bands woven in this technique are sturdier and therefore probably often used as carrying straps for pouches and powder horns (Pearson and Connor 1976: 188; Harrison (ed.) 1987a: 85, 1987b: 48). At the end of the weave, the binding was commonly twisted together with the outside warp strand. This second technique can be safely dated prior to 1778, when August Wilhelm du Roi, a Brunswick mercenary, collected a glass wampum pouch (cf.: Feest 2007a: 52; Becker 2006: 84). The handwritten inventory by du Roi, which was once preserved inside the pouch stated: “Eine Jagdtasche aus Sangt Charls a[m] Chambley Fluß in Canada den 3ten October 1778” [a hunting pouch from Sainte Charles on the Champly River in Canada, October 3rd 1778] (NLMB VMB 7250). While he named the Champly or Richelieu River as place of acquiring the pouch, he failed to document the tribal origin. Most probably this pouch was obtained from the Western Abenaki, who stayed along the Richelieu River and St. François at that time (cf.: Feest 2014b 73, 75 no. 7). But their eastern relatives, the Abenaki-Penobscot of the Maritime Peninsula, seem to have shared the very same style as Luigi Castiglioni, an Italian traveller, recorded during his visit to Old Town, present Maine in 1785: “They also wear, sometimes across their shoulders, sometimes around their necks, canvas bags covered with wampum or tiny bugle beads or [of] various colors arranged in pattern” (1983: 39). Therefore, we can assume that the lower Saint-Lawrence-River valley and in particular the Western and Eastern Abenaki or Penobscot used the method described as second technique to weave wampum beads into bands and belts prior to 1778 (Stolle 2014: 86f., Fig. 8).

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The third technique (III) for weaving bands of wampum has never been described or mentioned in any literature before, see: (Fig. 8. III). In this case the beads are arranged in parallel with the weave instead of been inserted in a right angle between the warps. There are neither exclusive warp strands nor weft threads. The warp becomes the weft and the weft becomes the warp. Due this characteristic I name it “interchanged double thread weave”. Two weft threads pass through every bead. Then a single thread of both outside weft threads crosses the entire weave in the opposite direction as warps in order to pass the next row of beads at the edge of the weave again. This process is repeated row by row until the weave is completed. There seems to exist only one band using this technique, and it is a recreation. (AMNH Cat. No. NAE 0406). Beside any preserved object from a relatively late date, visual representations are helpful to narrow down the time frame and to locate a possible place of origin. The earliest depiction of such woven belt is part of an ensemble of indigenous objects, found on a drawing depicting views of Fort Erie, the Niagara Falls, and Fort Niagara produced by Henry De Berniere of the 10th Regiment in 1773, see: Fig. 9 (NAML 1015615; Armour and Widder 1978: 65). The above-mentioned Castiglioni illustrated his publication with several copper plates, of which plate, fig. IV labeled “Indian artifacts”, shows a portion of a woven wampum band below figure 2 (cf.: Grimes et al., (eds.) 2002: 37; Bourque and Labar 2009: 58). The drawn copy is consistent with the technique described above and was, therefore, also practiced by Eastern Abenaki or Penobscot for weaving wampum or glass wampum beads into belts. Thus, the third technique can be quite safely dated prior to 1773. In addition to these two works, some other illustrations help put the third technique into context. Joseph Brant, a Mohawk chief, painted by Charles Wilson Peale in 1797, shows Brant wearing a wampum belt draped over his left shoulder. It is clearly visible that the beads are arranged in parallel with the weave, therefore done in the same way as described before (Hodge 1928: 214; Kelsay 1986: 577). The second oil painting, executed by an unknown artist in 1834, shows George Lowry, a chief of the Cherokee. Over his left shoulder Lowry wears a band, that looks like a wampum belt, done in “interchanged double thread weave” (Power 2007: 116). Other oil paintings are self-portraits by Zacharie Vincent, a Huron/Wendat chief, in the 1840s. He depicts himself several times wearing different wampum belts draped over his left shoulder. Some of the paintings clearly portray the belts woven in “interchanged double thread weave” (Labelle and Thivierge 1981: 327f.; cf.: Karklins 1992: Plate 5.). Perhaps even older, a line drawing by an unknown artist shows a wampum belt sent by Kahnawake Mohawks to the Mi’kmaqs

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[Micmac] of Restigouche in 1778. The drawing, identified as “interchanged double thread weave”, is more speculative than factual and is, therefore, given last (Lainey 2004: 181). By relying on the well-documented illustrations (Abenaki/Penobscot, Huron-Wendat, Kahnawake Mohawk, 6 Nations Mohawk, Cherokee) and the preserved belt itself (Abenaki), one can conclude that the primary area of activity was most likely in the Saint-Lawrence-River valley.

Fig. 9. Detail of sketch of Fort Erie and Fort Niagara. The illustrated objects are, starting at the bottom: a quiver with arrows placed horizontally, above a pipe tomahawk and unstrung bow in crossed position. To the left a scalp is depicted dangling on a bar, and above a tomahawk and ball-headed club in parallel position. A belt of wampum is draped over both weapons, consisting of a white background with black outlined crosses and diamonds. Strings of wampum frame the entire group. At the very bottom, below the quiver, is a knife and pipe placed in crossed position. Drawn by Henry De Berniere of the 10th Regiment in 1773. Courtesy of the National Army Museum London, Picture Library 1015615.

The fourth and last technique (IV) was named “bias weave” by Orchard, although not specifically designated as the oldest technique of weaving

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wampum bands (cf.: 2000: 101f.). Again, there are no exclusive warp or weft strands. Every warp becomes a weft and vice versa, see: (Fig. 8. IV). A double warp passes through each bead of the first row before a single strand of the outside warp of the very left bead turns to the right, becoming a weft, and passing between all other double warp strands, in order to produce the next outside warp to the very right. The double warp of the former second bead of the first row, now the first bead of the second row, passes as a weft between all warps so it becomes the next warp thread to the very right and so on. This technique can be safely dated to the 17th century with a fragmentary collar, excavated from Burr’s Hill, a Wampanoag burial ground in Warren, present Rhode Island (Billings 1980: 118). Additional fragments of wampum bands, woven that way, were recovered in Iroquoia (Michael Galban, personal communication, Nov. 2013). Historically, the technique can be documented by the above mentioned glass wampum pouch, collected by August Wilhelm du Roi in 1778. Two single bias woven bands flank the central decoration of the pouch (Feest 2014b: 73). Except this possible Western Abenaki pouch, and possibly an Eastern Abenaki/Penobscot pouch (cf.: Kasprycki (ed.) 2013: 173, Fig. 266; cf.: Feest 2014b: 75, no. 6), see Plate 36, Fig. 409, most bias woven wampum bands were obtained in present Maine. Most likely, this technique was originated by eastern Algonquians, who migrated northwards during King Philip’s war in 1675 (Day 1981: 16ff.). As Christian Feest recently pointed out: “a principle used by both historical linguistics and old-fashioned diffusionist anthropology holds that the point of origin of a phenomenon is most likely to be found in the area of the greatest local variation of the basic form” (2006: 79). In summary, three of the four different weaving techniques “wrapped double thread”, “interchanged double thread” and “bias weave” are first documented for the Abenaki/Penobscot. Although this may not have been the place where wampum belts originated, it was evidently here that their techniques of weaving diversified. 3. Materials The following comments are about the material used for stringing beads into belts. The oldest dated archaeologically excavated belts were all strung on vegetable fibers, which were used for wefts and warps alike (Wray 2003: 8). The earliest preserved wampum belt of historical times which is dated prior to 1656 is strung with cordage fiber wefts on two single twisted leather warps (Feest 1983: 120). An excavated fragmentary wampum band has wefts identified as sinew (Ordoñez and Welters 2004: 173). Later historical belts are

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strung on single leather, coarse red, and blue twine warps (actually wool yarn) with natural hemp, cotton or linen wefts (Beauchamp 1901: 406, 409, 414; Lainey 2004: 203ff.). Even silk thread is mentioned in an account from 1793 (MHS, Pickering Papers, vol. 59, 45). In 1941, Whitford published an analysis of textile fibers used in North America, based on studies of preserved wampum belts and strings of the collections in the American Museum of Natural History, New York, and the McCord Museum, Montreal (formerly McGill University Archaeological Museum). While his tribal attributions are questionable, the analysis is the very first known to be pub-lished. As a result, basswood fiber (Tilia americana) and stingless nettle (Boehmeria cylindrical) were identified for the objects in the American Museum of Natural History, New York (Cat. No. 50-7203; 50.1-1579). Milkweed (Asclepias tuberose) as well as singly stingless nettle (Boehmeria cylindrical) and flax (Linum usitatissimum) were identified for wampum belts in the collections of the McCord Museum, Montreal (Cat. No. M1905; M1908; M1913; M1912; M5932), (1941: 17ff.). Both analyses are very useful as they help verify a much greater diversity of used thread materials than was thought before. In summary, warps were reportedly made of “Indian hemp” and leather at the outset, while trade products, such as differently colored coarse wool yarns, were added later. For wefts, and sometimes even warps, indigenous plant fibers such as nettle, basswood, milkweed, stingless nettle, and sinew were used alongside threads of cotton, linen, flax and silk, introduced by the Euro-Americans. 4. Belt Size or Number of Rows There are several references for the dimensions of wampum belts, such as Lafitau’s, who stated in 1724: “The usual belts are commonly of eleven rows [wide and] of a hundred and eighty beads each [rows in length]” (1974, 1: 310), and described by Colden in 1755: “they are woven as broad as one’s Hand, and about two Feet long” (1973, 1: XIX), and in 1760 as being ”four, five, six, or seven rows of beads of a due proportion in length” (1760, 1: 52). Pickering gives a more detailed account in 1793, defining the belt’s size as “8 or 10 rows wide, & 2 ½ or 3 feet long” (MHS, Pickering Papers 59: 54). Forsyth reported in 1827: “[b]elts are of various sizes, some more than two [yards] in length” (Blair (ed.) 1969, 2: 185). Obviously, these descriptions led many scholars to believe that the belts increased in size after “1750” (Beauchamp 1901: 412; Fenton 1960: 5; Fenton 1971: 446; Becker and Lainey 2004: 39). Yet, all too often reports failed to mention the dimensions of the belts, and when given, they focus more on the width than length, hence the former is looked at more closely in the following synopsis. A careful examination of

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primary accounts found large variations of wampum belt widths. The given references are listed by number of rows, starting with the smallest figure and ending with the largest. For 1750 a “Wampum of three Rows” is mentioned (HSP, Indian Affairs, Vol. 1, Conrad Weiser’s journal…). An archaeological belt of three rows width from the Steele Site dated to 1635-50 (Wray 2003: 27), “A Belt of four Rows” in 1758 (Hazard (ed.) 1831, 8: 296), and “a belt of five Rows of Wampum” in 1762 (JP 1951, 10: 550), as well as “a belt of six Rows” in 1761 (JP 1921, 10: 476) are given. A “Belt seven deep” was mentioned in 1694 (Colden 1973, 1: 213). “A belt of 8 rows” for the year 1750 (Hazard (ed.) 1851, 5: 451), and a “Belt of 9 Rows”, as well as “of 10 Rows” in 1762 (JP 1921, 3: 699, 708) are recorded “A large Belt of eleven Rows deep” is mentioned in 1694 (Colden 1973, 1: 206). Belts “of wampum twelve deep” and even “of wampum thirteen deep” are recorded for 1687 (Fortescue (ed.) 1899, 12: 364ff.). “A large Belt of fourteen deep” and another, “great Belt 15 deep”, in 1694, as well as earlier in 1675 “15 [rows] high” (Colden 1973, 1: 207, 215; Fernow (ed.) 1877, 12: 524) are named. In 1682 a belt is recorded being “of Zewant or Peak 16 deep” (NYCD 1853, 3: 323). In 1757, “a Belt of 17 Rows” (NYCD 1856, 7: 297), and four years later a “Belt of eighteen Rows” (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 249) was given. In 1761, William Johnson “[g]ave a belt of […] 20 Rows” (JP 1921, 3: 447), while a “belt of 21 Rowes” is mentioned in 1706 (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 2: 246). Johnson provided another belt of “23 Rows broad” in 1764 (JP 1953, 11: 310), while yet another of “Twenty-five Rows in Breadth” was mentioned in 1758 (Boyd 1938: 227). In 1787, a “[b]elt of Twenty seven Rows” was listed (LAC, MG17-AF-2, Vol. 2, pp. 1099-1105). And a belt “of 30 rows broad of Wampum” is on record for 1757 (NYCD 1856, 7: 265). Although, higher numbers could not be found in historical accounts, there are some historically preserved examples with even more rows. These are the “Hiawatha” belt of 38 rows, the “Thadodaho” of 46 rows and the “Wing or Dust Fan” with as many as 50 rows width (cf.: Fenton 1998: 236, 238f.). Next, some brief descriptions of belt widths are given, although exact numbers of rows were omitted. There exists, for example, a belt once in the possession of King Philip, some “Nine inches broad”, dating prior to 1676 (Church 1716: 52), and another reference names “a belt of wampum three feet wide and six feet long”, as late as 1812 (Anonymous 1812 5(28): 3). If ever such a large belt existed, it would definitely not have been of conventional size, as its measurement of some 100 cm by 200 cm resemble more a mat than a belt. The length is less surprising than its width. In 1759, William Johnson mentioned several long belts, “2 very large belts 6 feet each on particular Occassions”, and even “a very long Belt of 14

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feet”, which is equals more than 4 meters (JP 1921, 3: 169, 707). Or more yet, a preserved ecclesiastical belt from the Abenaki, made in 1699, was described as “about six feet long” (JR 1899, 69: 69). In summary, earliest descriptions of wampum belts’ numbers of rows, sometime in the last third of the 17th century, were relatively large. They ranged between 7 and 17 rows, a number that correlates well with excavated wampum belts, except one unit of 20 rows from the Dann Site (1655-1675) (Wray 2003: 8, 12). Supported by these written records we can believe that belts increased in size after 1750, like one 30 rows wide in 1757, or the questionably large belt of 1812. And the above listed wider “Hiawatha, Thadodaho, and Wing or Dust Fan” belts suggest even more, although some scholars claimed that “it is probably not 150 years old”, or dated it to “the third quarter of the eighteenth century” (Beauchamp 1910: 412; Fenton 1960: 5; Fenton 1971: 446; Fenton 1998: 238). However, William N. Fenton’s suggestion of a later date is based on drilling techniques and a single incorporated glass bead, both of which are not very reliable factors, and will be explained later. The average size of the shell bead used for the three belts also contradicts such a late date, and suggests a timeframe between 1690 and 1710. Consequently, these belts contradict the assumption that belts increased in size after 1750. An average belt breadth of 5 to 11 rows was found in the 170 years of its recorded use. Wampum belts of smaller size are less frequently recorded and all others, larger than 11 rows, were made only for very important proposals. 5. Wampum Belts with Attachments Numerous wampum belt descriptions mention objects attached to them. The very first account was made in 1689, when Seneca deputies presented the Governor at Boston with a “belt of wampum with twenty-seven small sticks of wood fastened to it” to get their 27 captured relatives released by him (NYCD 1853, 3: 560; cf.: Fortescue (ed.) 1901: 1ff.; cf.: Beauchamp 1901: 431). Several other records refer to attached wooden sticks as quoted above. Moreover, some wampum strings were fixed to belts, a function that Colden explained in 1755: “every Bead is of a known Value, and a Belt of a less Number, is made to equal one of a greater, by so many as is wanting fastened to the Belt by a String” (1973, 1: XIX.). This particular purpose is documented a number of times, as in 1755: “a Belt of wampum with several strings of wampum to it” was given (NYCD 1855, 6:978); also in 1776, when Six Nations delegates “produced a Belt of white & purple Whampum with strings of white Beads & purple Wampum fixed to it” (PROK, CO5/77, Council at Chote in June 1776, p. 181). In another reference a “large belt, with a white string

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attached” is mentioned in 1795 (Lowrie and Clarke (eds.) 1832, 4: 753). Also during a conference between Huron and Six Nations deputies in 1780, “2 white Belts, and a bunch of black Wampum joined to them” were presented (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 91-95, Haldimand Papers). Tarke, a chief of the Wyandots, spoke “on a blue belt [and] on a blue string attached, and both delivered” in 1795 at Greenville (Clarke and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 571). Besides, small figures were hung from belts, as recorded first in 1745, when Governor Clinton of New York invited the Six Nations to attack the French, by offering “[a] large Belt with the figure of a Hatchet hung to it” (NYCD 1855, 6: 298). Likewise, scalps were attached to wampum belts. In 1752, for example, Shawnee and Miami delegates presented “a large black belt, with a scalp tied to the end of it” (Goodman (ed.) 1871: 89). In 1758, Captain Jacob, Head of the Stockbridges, presented William Johnson with a set explaining its meaning as follows: “This scalp (the one with a black belt tied to it painted) I desire may be delivered to my wife’s uncle, old Hickus [Nickus], of Canajoahrie, to replace her mother, who was his sister” (JP 1962, 13: 112)150. Somewhat different, a “Cherokee had sent a Tomahawk Belt with two scalps tied to it to the Shawanese [Shawnee] informing them that they had struck the White Peoples and it was their opinion that the Shawanese would join provide the other Nations did” in 1776 (HSP, Yeates Papers, Miscellanous January to June 1776, Folder No. 5, p. 3). Quite similar, another belt with two scalps was sent by the Six Nations to the Shawnees in 1780, who then delivered it to Lieutenant Caldwell (BL, Add. Ms. 21,782, Fol. 301-308f.., Haldimand Papers). William Johnson, and afterwards Guy Johnson, acted in the same manner to invite warriors to go on the warpath, as “he wished to replace several of his Indian Friends, who were in high Estimation among their own People as well as with himself, & accordingly proceeded, with the usual Ceremonies, to replace Dekanady, Oghsquichohak, & Tiase of Rughquago, with 9 Scalps a Black belt of Wampum affixed to each” (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831. Minutes of Indian Affairs, about meeting between Guy Johnson and the Six Nations, p. 96). Moreover, indigenous people attached decorated disks or animal figures to belts, as in 1758, when Teedyuscung presented a belt with “a round Circle Pendant, representing the Sun” (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 240; cf.: Beauchamp 1901: 434). Beauchamp identified the sun disk as “a flat, metallic ring” (1901: 391). Becker, on the other hand, suggested it “might be official wax seals”, while Lainey identified it as a “Sun of Wampum” (Becker and Lainey 2004: 31). 150

Several earlier references fail to report whether the scalp was actually attached to the belt

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Lainey’s suggestion is most likely correct, since only natives made disks of wampum, similar to the ones of stone, which were described in the records as a “sun”. As mentioned earlier, one such disk is preserved at the Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), Russian Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg, Russia. Another belt of wampum, preserved at the British Museum, London (Cat. No. 1931.12), features a small leather figure of a turtle decorated with Roanoke, or shell disc beads (Hemming 1925: 130; King 1982: 66f.). Euro Americans, on the other hand, affixed official emblems to the belts, since they were accustomed to affix seals of wax to documents, e.g., when it “was agreed by the Committee of both Houses [Massachusetts] that a belt of wampum with [his] Majesty’s Great Seal of this Province […] should be given in ratification” in 1723 (Headlam (ed.) 1936: 202ff.). Apparently, the governors of New France operated in like manner, for up to 1846 a coronation medal of King Louis XV, engraved with the date 1722, was attached to a belt of wampum, (Lainey 2004: 110) 151. DePeyster’ description is very similar, if not of the same belt. While he was stationed at Michilimackinac, he sent a letter to Frederick Haldimand on July 21st 1779, saying: “The last accounts from Lieut Bennet say that the Indians join the Collier de Guerrie [belt of war] fast it is a yard and a half in length, and has a great medal tied to it as a reward for him who does the greatest action free from cruelty” (MPHC 1886, 9: 391). As late as 1785, during the treaty of Greenville, “a road belt, with the eagle of the United States attached” was recorded (Clarke, and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 1: 567f.). A similar belt, although white in color, “with a silver medal annexed, upon which is engraved the arms of the United States” was sent by Tuscaroras to the New York Missionary Society (Miller 1802: 67). Other records mention attached papers that explain the meaning of a particular belt (JP 1951, 10: 771; Beauchamp 1901: 434). One such sample is still preserved at the Detroit Historical Society (Greenman 1962: Plate 2). An unique case was reported in 1803, when Mahicans sent a “white belt of wampum with a or not (e.g. JP 1921, 2: 326; JP 1939, 9: 595; JP 1951, 10: 74). 151 Medals bearing the the monarch's likeness and inscriptions were frequently presented as a token of friendship to native chiefs or tribal leaders, who generally wore them around the neck. French, English and Americans acted that way (Hamilton 1995: 139ff.). After an alliance ended, e.g. when France ceded their colony to the British, indigenous leaders endeavored to obtain tokens from the British, such as William Johnson on March 3rd 1765, when he “gave a Meddal, and a Paper in ye. lieu of that he had from the French Govr.” (JP 1953, 11: 619). Similarly flags were exchanged, as recorded for the Menominee in 1762. The chief “brought with him a pair of French Colours Flying on Board of his Canoe he Excused himself by saying he did know any better & hoped I wou’d Excuse him & give him a Stand of English Colours & he wou’d Burn the French Ones” (JP 1951, 10: 708).

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piece of paper sewed on one end to the “Delaware Nation” on which was written, A, B, C, 1, 2, 3” . Its meaning was that the Mahicans renewed their friendship and advised the Lenni-Lenape (Delaware) to learn the Euro American way of reading, writing, and counting (Livingston 1804: 94f.). In conclusion, the reciprocal exchange of belts required that any belt too short for a return gift had to be made equal in length by adding wampum strings. Again, the value of wampum played an important role. Wooden sticks as counters, scalps as compensation for killed ones or as an incentive to start a war, as well as small figures of hatchets, medals as official symbols of friendship, sun discs as pledges of authority, and written records of respective agreements, were sometimes attached to belts of wampum.

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9. Wampum Belts and Patterns from the 17th Century Onward 1. Belts and their Descriptions in First Hand Accounts Ever since the early18th century, some historical accounts dealing with wampum and in particular its hidden symbolic meanings, have been published. But all too often these reports are not sufficiently detailed to aid further investigations. Some accounts made by Indian agents, missionaries, soldiers, and travelers shed a little light on the function of belts of wampum, their utility, meaning and even interwoven pattern. Hence, a more comprehensive search was implemented and successfully retrieved a number of diverse and valuable accounts, which are listed below in chronological order. The first, by Sabastien Rasles, a Jesuit residing among the Eastern Abenaki152, explained the indigenous writing to his brother in a letter dated October 12th, 1723153. Rasles pointed out that the words of men were written “upon a collar, on which a person can say everything that he wishes” and continued: “I must mention that the custom of these Tribes, when they write to another Tribe, is to send a collar or a broad belt, upon which they make many figure with porcelain beads of different colors. They instruct him who bears the collar, by saying to him: 'This is what the collar says to such a Tribe, to such a person, and they send him away'” (JR 1900, 67: 187; cf.: Murray 2000: 133). Joseph François Lafitau, the well-known Jesuit who resided among the Mohawks at Caughnawaga, or Sault-Saint-Louis, present Kahnawake, gave a more detailed description in 1724: “the wampum used in these [forms of strings] is usually very white and they are used only for matters of slight importance or as a preparation for other, more important presents. The socalled collars are wide belts in which little purple and white cylinders are arranged in rows and tied together by little leather bands of which a proper enough fabric is made. Their length, width, and the variations of colour are proportionate to the affair’s importance. The usual belts are commonly of eleven rows of a hundred and eighty beads each” (1974, 1: 310).154 Conrad Weiser, an interpreter for Indian affairs of German descent, left his memorandum on wampum at the secretary’s office in October 21st, 1748. While he provided an exact account of the number of beads for belts and

152

On tribal identification see Handbook of American Indians (Snow 1978: 146f.). Even earlier, Nehemiah Grew, described the interwoven pattern of wampum belts like “black Rhombs or Diamond-Squares, and Crosses” but he failed to give any explanation of its meaning (Grew 1681: 371; Feest 2014a: 35). 154 Almost identical accounts are given by Claude le Beau in 1738 and La Pause in 1756, which were probably both derived from Lafitau’s (see: Beau 1986: 327f.; Lainey 2004: 28). 153

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strings, he failed to mention the occasion the belts and strings were intended for.155 Some years after that, Cadwallader Colden, Governor of New York State, wrote prior to 1755: “they are woven as broad as one’s Hand, and about two Feet long; these they call Belts, and give and receive at their Treaties as the Seals of Friendship; for lesser Matters a single String is given. Every Bead is of a known Value, and a Belt of a less Number, is made to equal one of a greater, by so many as is wanting fastened to the Belt by a String” (1973, 1: XIX.).156 Two years later an interesting description on the wampum’s meaning was printed in a German edition: “Davon [Perlen] werden viel oder wenig Neben auf ein Tuch gehefftet, entweder von lauter weißen Stücken, welches so dann Friedens-Zeichen sind. Oder von solchen schwarzen Stücken, welches so dann Zorn und Krieg bedeutet. Nachdem sie nun etwas bedeuten sollen, nachdem werden Figuren auf das Tuch gemacht, und solches wird ein Belt oder Gürtel von Wampum genannt [Thereof [beads] many or few are attached to a fabric, either of only white pieces, which then are signs of peace, or of black pieces, which means anger and war. After that they are supposed to have a meaning, figures are made on the fabric, and that is called a belt or girdle of wampum (my translation)]” (Pennsylvania (Province) 1757: 5)157. Pierre Pouchot, a French artillery officer, was more detailed, when observing the diplomatic missions of Native Americans with a keen eye, providing the following information: “They bear belts of white wampum on which the subject of the mission is expressed. If it is a question of alliance, they design huts to represent their villages, the course of the trail from one village to another & Indians grasping one another’s hands. The meaning naturally has to be guessed. […] If they want to persuade a nation to join them in making war, they wear belts of black wampum, with axes painted on them and painted vermilion. The larger it is, the more pressing is the invitation. It is their way of offering the axe” (1994: 472f.)158. At the same time Thomas Jefferys wrote, as part of his “History of the French dominion in North and South America”: “The collars are made in form of fillets, 155

See (Pa. Arch. 1852-1853, 2: 17), on his life (Thwaites (ed.) 1904: 17ff.), and Wallaces (1945). 156 Colden’s report was copied for the printed version of Joseph Bloomfield’s journal of 1776 (cf.: Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996: 283). 157 The original part of the English version, if there ever was one, could not be located and therefore my own translation is given. The German version was made possible by activities of the German Baptist Brethren (see: Flory 1906: 308). 158 Another French officer, Louis Antoine de Bougainville, aid de camp of Montcalm, commander of the French troups in New France, briefly mentions in his diary in May 1757: “They [Oneida] have given the usual complimentary belts” (Hamilton (ed.) 1964: 110).

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or diadems, composed of those necklaces, bound together with threads so as to make a contexture of four, five, six, or seven rows of beads of a due proportion in length. All these circumstances are regulated according to the importance of the business to be negotiated, and the rank and quality of the person to whom the collar is to be presented. By the different mixture of these beads of various colours, they form any character at pleasure, and this often serves to distinguish the business in agitation. They are also sometimes painted; at least, it is certain the red collars are often sent when war is upon the tapis” (1760, 1: 52). Prior to 1765, Robert Rogers, a British Ranger officer, described the function of wampum belts, which were used only to ratify important agreements: “They dye the wampum of various colours and shades, and mix and dispose them with great ingenuity and order, and so as to be significant among themselves of almost any thing they please; so that by these their records are kept, and their thoughts communicated to one another, as our’s are by writing. […] It must, however, be an affair of national importance in which they use collars or belts, it being looked upon as a very great abuse and absurdity to use them on trifling occasions” (1765a: 223). In a printed letter, Sir William Johnson, Superintendent of Indian affairs for the northern district, explained the meaning of wampum belts to his friend Dr. Arthur Lee. Johnson, who as an official agent of the British crown was familiar with the Native American customs wrote: “Their belts are mostly black wampum, painted red when they denote war. They describe castles some-times upon them by square figures of white wampum; and in alliances, human figures holding a chain, which is their emblem of friendship, and each figure represents a nation. An axe is also sometimes described, and always imports war; the taking it up being a declaration of war, and the burying it a token of peace” (Rivington 1774: 1; Jacobs 1949: 600)159. Charles Beatty160, a Presbyterian missionary, published in detail the explanation given by an indigenous wampum keeper of a particular belt once given to them by Sir William Johnson: “They then brought out, and shewed us a large belt of wampum, of friendship […]. On each edge of this […] were several rows of black wampum; and in the middle, several rows of white wampum, running parallel with the black; the white streak between, they called the path from them to him, and him to them. In the middle of the belt was the figure of a 159

See also: New-Haven Gazette, and Connecticut Magazine ([1789]: 1). For further reading on Charles Beatty and his relation to the Moravian missionaries see Ulrike Kirchberger’s publication on British Indian-Missions in the Atlantic World (2008: 81) and more in general (Hubach 1998: 24). 160

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diamond, made of white wampum, which they called the council-fire” (1768: 51). The cited description is identical to John Long’s, but William Johnson is mentioned as the receiver, not the giver of the belt. It is likely that Beatty’s account was copied and added to Long’s voyage, printed 20 years after that (Long 1791: 47; Thwaites (ed.) 1904, 2: 83f.). In another printed version, Johnson’s description of war belts was cited as follows: “The Indian war belts are mostly black wampum, painted red. They also use for the purpose of notifying war, a number of sticks, about six inches long, very slender, and painted red. These belts and sticks they send from tribe to tribe, as a declaration of hostileties. Likewise an axe, or hatchet, painted on the belt, always imports war; the taking it up, being a declaration of war; and the burying it, a token of peace” (Sampson 1807: 442). David Zeisberger, a Moravian missionary, noted in his manuscript of 1778-80 about the function of wampum: “A belt is three or four inches broad and about a yard long. Neither colour nor the other quantities of wampum are matters of indifference, but have an immediate reference to those things which they are meant to confirm. A white string of belt signifies a good message and such a belt may have figures in dark wampum. If a treaty is to be made or renewed with another nation the message is commonly accompanied by a Road Belt. This is a white belt with two rows of black wampum running the entire length with a white row between the two black rows also running the entire length of the belt. This signifies that the way from one nation to another has been cleared of all brush, trees and stones. At the ends of the belt the two nations are likewise represented by two small dark spots. If a string or belt of wampum is intended to confirm a warning against evil or an earnest reproof the belt delivered is in black. When a nation is called upon to go to war or war declared against it the belt is black or marked with red, having in the middle the figure of an hatchet in white wampum. A peace belt is quite white, a fathom long and a hand broad and of not inconsiderable value. […]. For the same reason nothing red may appear on a string of wampum. A war-belt is smeared with red paint or cinnabar. If for want of a white wampum belt, one made of the violet colored shells has to be used, this is whitened with clay and then has the same significance as a white belt. The dark wampum belts are used, whenever they wish to give someone a severe lesson or a reproof” (Hulbert and Schwarz (eds.) 1910: 95, 152). Arent Schuyler DePeyster, a British officer stationed at Michilimackinac and later Detroit, gave a more general description in a speech addressed to the western Nations at l’Arbre Croche, on July 4th 1779: “The white [wampum

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belts] are for peace; the blue, when wrought with a figure of the tomahawk thereon, signify war” (Thwaites (ed.) 1908, 18: 386). In contras Georg Heinrich Loskiel, a Moravian missionary, wrote for the history of the mission in 1789: “Whatever the speaker has pronounced some important sentence, he delivers a string of wampum […]. But the chief subject of his discourse he confirms with a belt. The brown, or deep violet, called black by the Indians, always means something of server and doubtful import […]. When a nation is called upon to go to war, or war declared against it, the belt is black, or marked with red, called by them the color of blood, having in the middle the figure of an hatchet, in white wampum. [...]. These figures are marked with white wampum upon the black, and with black upon the white belts. For example, in a belt of peace, they very dexterously represent in black wampum two hands joined. The belt of peace is white, a fathom’s long and a hand’s breadth” (1989: 36f.; 1794: 27f.)161. The next report is part of an examination done by captain Hendrick on the usage of wampum in council, added to Timothy Pickering’s162 Papers, U.S. General and Commissioner, in 1793: “[question] 9. What quantity of white & what of black wampum will be necessary? [answer] Fifty thousand, or more of both sorts. In what forms will it be proper to use the wampum? Some (say 3) black belts should be made, to be ready in case a chief should die. These may be 8 or 10 rows wide, & 2 ½ or 3 feet long. Must it not chiefly be made up before-hand? One large belt to confirm the treaty may be made. Two or three belts of 10 rows, 3 feet for important speeches. Strings will answer for other [purposes] & may be fixed on the spot” (MHS, Pickering Papers 59: 54f.; Fenton 1998: 230). John Heckewelder, like his Moravian brethren, took an interest in wampum and characterized the usage as follow: “Their belts of wampum are of different dimensions, both as to the length and breadth. White and black wampum are the kinds they use; the former denoting that which is good, as peace, friendship, good will, &c., the latter the reverse; yet occasionally the black also is made use of on peace errands, when the white cannot be procured; but previous to its being produced for such purposes, it must be daubed all over with chalk, white clay, or any thing which changes the colour form black to white. […]. Roads from one friendly nation to another, are generally marked on the belt, by one or two rows of white wampum interwoven in the black, and running through the middle, and from end to end. It means they are on good terms, and keep up a friendly intercourse with each other. A black belt with the 161

Regarding the comment on the author and for the English translation see page 106.

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mark of a hatchet made on it with red paint, is a war belt, which, when sent to a nation together with a twist or roll of tobacco, is an invitation to join in a war” (1971: 109f.). The last description was made by Thomas Forsyth, Indian agent for the U.S. Government, as part of his account of Sauk and Meskwaki prior to 1827. He pointed out: “the wampum belts are woven together by thread made of the deer’s sinews, the thread is passed through each grain of wampum and the grains lay in the belt parallel to each other, the Belts are of various sizes, some more than two [yards] in length, if for peace or friendship the Belts are composed solely of white grained wampum, if for war, they are made of blue grained wampum painted red with vermillion, the greater the size of the Belt, the more force of expression is meant by it to convey. In forming alliances other Belts are made of white wampum interspersed with diamond like figures of blue wampum, representing the various nations with whom they are in alliance or friendship” (Blair (ed.) 1969, 2: 185)163. Let us summarize the records given up to this point. The cited authors published their accounts between 1723 and 1827. Lafitau, Colden, Pouchot, Jeffery, Rogers and in particular Hendrick and Forsyth mention the correlation between the size of the belt and the importance of the affair. The average dimension of the belts is given as the width of a hand, or 8-10 rows of beads, and as 2 to 3 feet in length. Moreover, the meaning of the color white is defined by Zeisberger, DePeyster, Loskiel, Pennsylvania (Province), Heckewelder and Forsyth as denoting peace, a good message, friendship and good will, while black denotes the opposite meaning, such as war or contrite expression of condolence. Seven authors have described belts with interwoven figures of axes as war belts, often painted red with vermilion. Most sources agree on these designations and others give explanations of patterns. More symbols of alliance and friendship are huts, standing for villages, squares for castles, which can be connected by a path, human figures joining hands or a link of human figures for nations, hands for friendship, and connected diamonds for nations (ibid. 1912: 188f.). According to Beatty, a single white diamond stands for a council fire, while other accounts identified roads by rows of alternating colors denoting friendly intentions, free access, safe passage, or dealings between tribal groups or nations. Last, the whitening 162

For a brief description of Pickering see Jennings (et al. (eds.) 1995: 248f.). An even later, a more general account is given by Josiah Gregg, a trader, dating between 1831-1839: “Among some of the tribes their memory is assisted by the famous ‘wampum belt,’ which is a list or belt made of wampum beads, so interwoven in hieroglyphic figures as to form a record of important events” (Thwaites (ed.) 1905, 20: 323). 163

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of belts with chalk, when there was need for that color, was revealed by a Moravian brethren. Most accounts list several patterns, such as square, diamond, row, axe, hand, human figure. Unfortunately, no information of historical background or regional distribution is given,164 and warrants further investigation. 2. On Patterns and Meanings In this subchapter, all belts so far located as part of primary written-, materially preserved-, and pictorial sources will be listed in chronological order to corroborate the authors quoted above. Marshall J. Becker was the first to take interest in the subject and categorized the belts by function, grouping them into two distinctive types: 1. secular belts and 2. religious belts (2002: 54). At a later stage he extended the categories to: Secular-Political (1 a, b), Ecclesiastical (2) and Secular-Ornamental (3) (Becker and Lainey 2004: 27). Both authors list the belts under heading (1 a) as monochromatic (1.), simple designs (2.), complex designs (3.), date and/or initials (4.), and internal-political (1 b). Type (2) is classified as belts with Latin text (2 a) and belts with a Latin cross (2 b), while the last group (3) is categorized as personal ornaments (ibid. 2004: 27). In any case, it has to be recognized that the arrangement is a thesis to be tested rather than accepted as unequivocal fact. For this reason the belts will not be listed by function, which is not very clear as of now, but instead is sorted chronologically by pattern, and will be compared later with the categories quoted above. The following order of diagnostic attributes starts with 1. monochrome, 2. geometric, followed by 3. figurative and finishes with 4. textual (dates/initials/names). 1. Monochrome Belts (a) Monochrome White The first monochrome white belt (1) can be found as part of a French source, dated July 18th, 1701: “Ils [Tounatsouha, Sonouehouca, Houacheon, et Teniares, Chefs des guerriers] lui présentèrent un Collier de blanche pour mettre à son col, afin qu’il était leur Plénipotentaire [they [Tounatsouha, Sonouehouca, Houacheon, and Teniares, war chiefs] present a white belt to be placed around his neck, to show their authorization]” (Bacqueville De La Potherie 1997, 2: 645). The second (2), “a Small White Belt” was presented by the “Five Iroquois Nations” to “M. de Beauharnois, Governor-general of Montreal” as a pledge of peace in 1740 (NYCD 1855, 9: 1064). Two years later 164

Fenton explained the cited symbols somewhat differently when listing a circle for the council fire instead of a diamond (Fenton 1998: 234f.)

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Beauharnois addressed the Seneca as follows: “Children. I thank you for renewing the white flag, which the Chiefs placed over my head. I will always preserve it, and will never be occupied except in good business” accompanied by “a White Belt” (3) (NYCD 1855, 9: 1091). Zeisberger recorded the next four belts (4-8) while he stayed at Onondaga in 1750. “Nachdem er seine Worte gesagt, zog er 4 Belte heraus, die zur Botschaft [Danksagung und Friedenserneuerung] gehörten [...]. Die Belte waren nur weiß [after he [an older Oneida speaking in part of the Nanticokes, who were allowed to reside among the 6 Nations] spoke his words, he took out 4 belts, which accompanied the message [thanksgiving and renewal of peace] The belts were purely white]“ (Loges 1956: 171). One year later, Six Nations deputies presented another belt (9) to some Catawbas: “And, as a token that you came to make peace, and were received as our friends, we give you this white belt of wampum, to wear about your necks; that all that see it, may know that you have been here, and were received as our friends” (NYCD 1855, 6: 751). Captain William Trent165 described the tenth (10) belt in 1752 as part of a council. “The next was a large white belt [“An emblem of peace and friendship”] that the Six Nations had sent them [Miami]” (Goodman (ed.) 1871: 90). That very same year Trent recorded a speech from the Six Nations to the Miami, as: “a belt of white wampum [(11)], in favour of themselves and the English” (Goodman 1871: 97f.). “A large white belt” (12) was presented by Israel Pemberton during a conference held between Six Nations delegates and Quakers at Philadelphia in 1756: “We [Quakers] shall now arise, and shew ourselves to you; for as we are sorrowful that differences have arisen between your cousins the Delawares and our people; and if they will stop from doing further mischief, we shall be ready to stand between them and the government, that they may be forgiven; and as a proof of our sincerity, we give you this belt, (a large white belt) which you see is white, without any mixture, as our love and friendship to you is” (Anonymous 1756: 69f.). In contrast, the Governor of New France condoled with a “White Belt” (13) the death of a chief who had recently died in June 1756 (NYCD 1856, 7: 137). Bougainville noted the fourteenth belt (14) on June 12th, 1757: “One of the Oneida villages sent the Marquis de Vaudreuil a white belt, that is to say, soft words to say that they had had no part in this affair” (Hamilton 1964: 113f.). And in the same year William Johnson received a “white Belt of 16 rows” (15) from Onondaga as pledge of friendship:”Brother. You and the French are two powerful nations, and we hope you will so exert yourselves as On Trent see Goodman’s biographical sketch as part of the journal. Trent was employed by the State of Pennsylvania and later entered the service of Sir William Johnson as assistant to George Croghan, deputy agent of Indian affairs (ibid. 1871: 57ff.). 165

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to get the better of them, and if it pleases God that you overcome them, we shall remain steadfast to you, but should it happen that the French are too strong for you, we must then fall with you” (NYCD 1856, 7: 256). Fifteen days later delegates from “southern Indians” presented Johnson with a “large white belt” (16) to “keep fast hold of the Covenant Chain of Friendship” (JP 1939, 9: 808). About the same time The Belt, a Seneca chief, presented the Cherokee with a “very long and broad White Belt which Sir William furnished” (17) in name of the Six Nations, denoting peaceful intentions (NYCD 1856, 7: 328). The following “large Belt of white Wampum” (18) was exchanged between Choctaws and British agents “recommending a mutual Friendship between them and all his Subjects whatsoever on this Side the great Water” (Anonymous 1757, 1486: 2). Chief Red Knife acted in the very same way, as he handed a “wampum of white beads” (19) to the French Governor as a symbol of their faith (Anonymous 1813, 3(146): 1). The twentieth white belt (20) was sent to the several Indian nations at a conference held at Easton in 1758. This “Peace Belt was made a Fathom long, and Fifteen Rows” wide, and was then returned and kept by “Lapachpeton’s”, a Lenni-Lenape (New Jersey (Province) 1758: 20f.). William Johnson presented the Seneca delegates a ”white Belt” (21) as a sign of his gratitude for their military support against the French in September 1758 (JP 1951, 10: 12). One month later, Johnson showed his gratitude towards the “Mohocks, Oneidas & Onondagas, the Schohary & River Indians” for their assistance once more by giving them “a White Belt” (22) at Fort Johnson on October 10th (JP 1951, 10: 31). Frederick Post recorded in his journal in 1758 (23): “Pesquitomen looked his things over, and found a white belt, sent by the commissioners of trade, for the Indian affairs”, whose meaning was unknown (Thwaites (ed.) 1904, 1: 248). Pierre Pouchot received “a large white belt” (24) in response to his from the Onondaga chief Hanging Belt: “We have listened to what you had to say. You spoke the truth. […] and promised […] henceforth to be peaceful" (1994: 204)166. On August 3rd, 1759, Captain John Knox of the 43rd Regiment recorded that Johnson had sent the Chenussios [Seneca] 167 a white belt (25) “to thank them for the good salve they gave [him] for [his] wounds, meaning Niagara, and to desire they would continue to have a careful eye over it” See Sieur LaForce: “At 4 in the afternoon my longboat returned with a wampum collar that 3 Indians of the 5 Nations currently with the English brought to M. Pouchot. This collar is of white porcelain and was brought by an old chief [Collier Pendu or Kaghswagtaniunt] to ask for peace with Onontion [Governor of Canada]” (ibid 1994: 534; Jennings et al., (ed.) 1995: 240f., 247). The passage above is also quoted as part of the “Journal of the Siege of Fort Niagara” (NYCD 1858, 10: 982). 167 A Seneca village on Genesee River (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 216). 166

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(Doughty (ed.) 1916: 194)168. Late in August, Johnson instructed “the Bunt, speaker of Onondaga, and 2 Seneca chiefs, viz., Karaghyianaghqui and Belt” about his concerns regarding a white belt (26) as follows: “Brethren: I have received messages from the Mississagays169 and other nations on the lake, very friendly to us, and you. They, among other things, earnestly desire an extension and plentiful trade may be carried on by us at Niagara, and this place, so that they and all other nations around them, may be supplied with the necessaries of life, at as cheap a rate as can be afforded. […] I, therefore, by this belt of wampum, desire that you will not be uneasy or alarmed at them. (Doughty (ed.) 1916: 203). And again William Johnson reported on September 2nd: “Two Oneidas and two squaws set off with a white belt [(27)] from the Sachems [chiefs], for Swegatchie [Akwesasne], in order to bring me intelligence, and to call all the Sewgatchie Indians from thence immediately ” (Doughty (ed.) 1916: 208). Just five days later Johnson got a white belt (28) from Six Nations’ delegates, accused of being too hasty “in thinking of another expedition […] the whole Confederacy would be overset [and] all their nations would think ill of it, and give them great uneasiness” (Doughty (ed.) 1916: 212). In January of 1760, William Johnson provided Skanarady, a Mohawk, with “a white Belt” (29) to perform the ceremony of condolence for a recently deceased chief: “With this Belt we cover his Grave that the Sight of it may no longer given you or us Concern” (JP 1951, 10: 98). Daniel Claus170, Indian agent under the auspice of Johnson, received a “large white Belt [(30)] of Wampum” by Kahnawake and Kanehsatake Mohawks, promising to ”never again [to] take up the Hatchet for the French agst. the English, but always remain steadfast Friends to the latter”, while at Montreal, on March 19th 1761 (JP 1921, 3: 362). A “very Large white Belt of 18 Rows” (31) was returned by Tokahais, a Cayuga chief, accompanied by the following speech: ”By this Belt three Years ago, at a Treaty held here at Easton, the governor Invited us to come Down in greater Numbers […] we return you the Belt that had been given us at the making the Peace” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,655, Folio 131ff.; cf. Boyd (ed.) 1938: 248f.; cf.: Snyderman 1954: 484). In May of 1762, some “Susquehanna & Otsiningo” attended a general meeting of Six Nations, where they desired Sir William Johnson to read and explain the meaning of a “white belt” (32) given by Governor Bernard’s of Boston (JP 1951, 10: 443). The The very same instance can be found as part of Johnson’s papers, as he “sent them [Seneca] a white belt to thank them for the good salve they gave [him] for [his] wounds, meaning Niagara, and to desire they would continue to have a careful eye over it, and not suffer any nation to insult, or hurt it” (JP 1962, 13: 120). 169 Mississauga, meaning the most eastern Ojibwa (Rogers 1978: 768f.). 170 For a short biographical sketch of Daniel Claus see (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 234). 168

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same year a “Belt of Peace of white Wampum” (33) was sent down by the Chiefs of the Cherokee nation to the Governor of Virginia to conclude the treaty of peace (Virginia (Colony) 1762: 3). Early in 1763 some Tuscaroras visited William Johnson, with an offering from the chief: “a Belt of White Wampum” [(34) his Service] to go with his Party to War” (JP 1951, 10: 854). Later, William Johnson thanked the assembled Onondagas and “delivered them a white Belt [(35)] to be given to the Cayugas, desiring them from him to Attend the Meeting to be held at Chenussio” to solve the unhappy affair of a recent murder (ibid 1951, 10: 643). During a meeting at Fort Detroit, Blackbird, principle aide-de-camp of Pontiac, "[…] was about to draw a belt of white wampum” (36), when another warrior, La Butte, drew forth a war belt instead of the white belt (MPHC 1886, 8: 352). In May 1763, Six Nations’ delegates presented William Johnson with “a large white belt” (37) to condole the death of Johnson’s father (JP 1951, 10: 675)171. As part of James Bird’s and Thomas McKee’s speech to the assembled Six Nations, Lenni-Lenape (Delawares) and Munsees, living on the River Susquehanna, presented “a White Belt 7 Rows” (38) to inform them that the Euro-American settlers have to leave the indigenous lands (JP 1951, 10: 692). The very same year “a large white belt” (39) was sent with a speech of the “8 Nations”172 of Canada to the western Nations: “We by this belt entreat and desire you to recollect yourselves, what you are about, in disturbing the peace of the Confederacy, and immediately lay down the hatchet” (NYCD 1856, 7: 544; JP 1951, 10: 793). In the summer time, a meeting between General Gage, several chiefs, and head warriors of the Odawa/Ottawa living nearby Michilimackinac was held at Montreal, where they presented “a large white Belt” (40) to show their friendly intentions towards the British and to gain access to trade (JP 1951, 10: 781f.). In September 1763, an Onondaga speaker presented “a large white Belt” (41) on 171

Even more detailed is the following description of the ceremony of condolence given by Johnson himself, too: “Brother. Your Mind being greatly disturbed, & of Course Your Attention to business prevented by the aforesd. Loss, We the Six Nations now with this belt pour the clearest Water into yr. Body and cleanse yr. Breast therewith, that You may by prepared to hear what Your brethren have to say to You. A Belt of White Wampum” (JP 1951, 10: 675). 172 The 8 Nations of Canada are given as: „Caghnawageys [Mohawk of Kahnawake], Caneghsadarundax [Mohawk of Kanehsatake], Skaghquanes [Nipissing of Kanehsatake], Swegachies [Mohawk of Akwesasne], St. Francis [Abenaki of St. Francis], 3 River Indians [Algonkin of Three Rivers], and Hurons [Huron-Wendat of Wendake] nearby Quebec” (JP 1951, 10: 793; Day 1978b: 791; Fenton and Tooker 1978: 479). So in general they were known as the 7 Nations, a differing number that Blanchard explained as “[i]n some instances the Npissing and Algonkins were counted as separate groups at Kanehsatake” (1983: 21; Delâge and Sawaya 2001: 43-54). For a very brief description see Dean R. Snow (1996: 140).

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behalf of the western Senecas to William Johnson, showing their desire to restore peace and to receive permission to participate again in the fur trade (JP 1951, 10: 830). A few month later some Tuscaroras from Oghquago visited William Johnson to promise, by means of a “large white Belt 11 Rows” (42), to assist him “in bringing them [“Delawares & Chenussios” (western Seneca)] to reason” (JP 1951, 10: 946; Abler and Tooker 1978: 507). On December the 17th, 1763, William Johnson admonished the Cayuga deputies for the recent misbehavior of some of their own people who killed five English folk on the frontier of Pennsylvania, and made plain with “a white Belt” (43) his good intentions towards them (JP 1951, 10: 968). At a conference with the Six Nations, on March 24th of 1764, Tagaaio, chief and then speaker for the Cayuga, explained to William Johnson their difficulties due to the dangerous situation on the frontier and trade, which was meanwhile interrupted, using “a belt 8 Rows, white” (44), contrary to Johnson’s former promises in the previous fall (JP 1953, 11: 134ff.). In July, Huron-Wendat delegates showed William Johnson “a large white Belt” (45) and addressed him as follows: “We beg and hope that the Master of Life will procure us a lasting Tranquillity, as we are Baptized, and don’t see what should prevent us from always living in eternal Peace” (JP 1953, 11: 178f.). Using a second “Belt (white)” (46) they proceeded: “These Words are from our Women, who pray continually for a Peace, it being what they most desire in this World” (JP 1953, 11: 179f.). Several Onondagas showed William Johnson their integrity through “a Belt of white Wampum” (47) and begged for clothing and ammunition for their “young men being out with the Army” in September (JP 1953, 11: 361). In March of 1768, William Johnson invited Six Nations and Cherokee delegates to establish a lasting peace with “a large White Belt” (48) saying: “You see now before you several Chiefs of the Cherokee Nation sent hither as Deputy’s and fully Authorised to treat with you about a peace” (NYCD 1857, 8: 41; cf.: Pennsylvania (Province) 1769: 7). Another "large White Belt” (49) was exchanged during a conference with several indigenous inhabitants at Fort Pitt, on April 2nd, 1768, with the following comment: “With this Belt of Wampum I clean the Blood off the Leaves and Earth whereon it was sprinkled, that the sweet Herbs which come through the earth may have their usual Verdure, and that we may all forget the unhappy Accidents that have happened” (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 9: 520). At the same conference, a Kahnawake delegation presented “a large White Belt” (50) on behalf of the 7 Nations of Canada as a symbol of peace (NYCD 1857, 8: 45; cf.: Pennsylvania (Province) 1769: 7). Several years later, on August 28th, 1775, commissioners of the United States presented the Six Nations with “a White Belt” (51), adding: “Brothers, We are

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now twelve Colonies, united as one man. We have but one heart and one hand. Brothers, this is our Union Belt. By this belt, we, the Twelve United Colonies, renew the old covenant chain” (NYCD 1857, 8: 619). In the following year, at a council held in Chote, “a white Belt” (52) was produced as a sign of peace and received by the Raven, a chief (PROK, CO5/77, Folio 181). The following account is part of Zeisberger’s diary of March 9th, 1777, when White Eyes addressed the Moravian missionaries with a white belt (53): “Wir sind noch nicht so wie wir seyn sollen, daher ist unser Begehren von euch, daß ihr uns unterweisen mögtet wenn wir etwas nicht recht machen und uns sagt wie wirs machen sollen. [...] Darauf wurde ein weißer Belt gegeben. [We are not as we should be, therefore it is our request to you that you may instruct us if we do something wrong and tell us how to do it right. […] Then a white belt was given (my translation)]” (Wellenreuther and Wessel (eds.) 1995: 361). On September 28th, 1777, Hendrick Aupaumut, American agent at a council of peace recorded that a speaker of the 7 Nations of Canada took up a “large white belt173 (54) of beads to answer the message of Muskog [Muskogee] nation with the following words: “We the 7 nations do comply with it [his talk]. But you cannot see us this time” (NARS, Diplomatic Branch, Papers of the Continental Congress, i167, p. 333). That same year, at a council held at Detroit, the Lieutenant Governor addressed the assembled chiefs as follows: “Children! This belt will I hope dry up your tears, and clear your Hearts, that the accident shall not be remembered again, this I request of you, to pay due attention to, when you shall look upon this belt [and presents] A White belt of Wampum 7 Rows” (55) (PROK, CO42/37). In answer, Egeshaweg, war chief of the Odawa/Ottawa, replied with a “belt of White Wampum” (56) to the “Ouashtanon [Wea174]”: “Father and Brethren: You know that we are not guilty of these follies but in our liquor, therefore we beg all may be forgotten, We have no more to say” (PROK, CO42/37). Colonel Campbell, Superintendent for Indian affairs, presented on August 14th, 1778, “a Belt of white Wampum” (57) after he had addressed the assembled Natives: “I once more repeat to You that you will find me strong in what I say & that I will take fast hold of the Mans hand who holds a hatchet against my Enemy, but Those who give me one hand, & give the other to the Enemy – I will spurn me with all my force” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Folio 12, Haldimand Papers). One year after, in October 1779, Colonel Guy Johnson175 was welcomed by Tayawarunte, speaker for 173

Aupaumut is probably referring here to a belt of glass beads, for in all other cases he explicitly mentions wampum. 174 For tribal identification see (Callender 1978c: 689). 175 For a very brief biographical sketch read Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995, p. 240.

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the Six Nations, in the following manner: “Brother! We heard that you was at Nyork [New York] & afterwards disappointed in your Passage have stretched out our Necks for a long Time to look for you. You are now arriv’d have most animously come you to this Place at which you have made a Council Fire [Niagara] therefore agreeable to Custom we begin at your Feet to pluck the Thorns out, we also wipe the Dust off your Body, we clear your Sight from your Ears & we cleanse your Body removing all Inspirities & serfing [serving] the Council Seat that you may proceed to Business & can assure you Brother that we are made happy by your Arrival. A White Belt, 8 Rows” (58) (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, pp. 74f.). In March 1780, Six Nations delegates handed Guy Johnson some US belts (59-62) which they had formerly received: “the three others were common white Belts, sent with different messages, of not so much Consequence” (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, pp. 219-221). While Deyonquat or Half King, a Lenni-Lenape (Delaware), presented Alexander McKee, Deputy Agent of Indian Affairs, in 1783 a “White Belt” (63) and promises that “they leave all that are yet among them, at liberty to go when they please, or to remain with them, as they consider them as their flesh & blood” (Burton (ed.) 1912, 20: 181). And George Clinton, US-Superintendent of Indian Affairs, send a “large White Belt” (64) to the Six Nations in 1784 to invite them to an upcoming meeting (New York (State) Commissioners of Indian Affairs (ed.) 1861, 1: 11). Later in June, a meeting between US-Commissioners and Six Nations176 was held at Loyal Village to conclude peace with a “large White Belt” (65): “We the Six Nations assure You that we are glad to hear that You are disposed to Peace, and as it clearly appears to Us by the Manner of your Speech, that a firm and perpetual Peace can be established” (New York (State) Commissioners of Indian Affairs (ed.) 1861, 1: 14f.). Colonel McGillwray177 attended a general meeting with the Creeks and deputies of Northern Indians, in particular “Mohawks, Iroquois, Huron, Odeldas [Odawa/Ottawa], and Shawanese” in 1787, when a chief of the Mohawks presented a large “Belt of White Wampum” (66) accompanied by the following words: “Brothers, This is the Belt of Peace, given to us by our fathers and friends the English, when they told us that a peace was concluded between them and the Americans” (Archenholtz

176

Interestingly the Six Nations are referred to as: "the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas, Tuscaroras and Delawares”. 177 Alexander McGillwray, variously spelled [Macgillwray, McGillivray], was a half-breed of a Creek mother and a British father, who received a good education and became chief of the Creek (see: Archenholtz 1787, 2: 323; Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 49f.).

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1787, 2: 327f.)178. At the same meeting a second “large white belt” (67) was exchanged as “a token from our Chiefs to your’s; by this they desire that you will consider well what we the warriors have spoken, and that you likewise will open your hearts that we may se it, as we have done to you” (ibid: 329). And in June of 1790, Clear Sky, speaker for the Six Nations, presented the USCommissioners with “a long white Belt with 18 Rows” (68) to proclaim the established peace (New York (State) Commissioners of Indian Affairs (ed.) 1861, 2: 397). Early in 1792, George Washington sent a belt of white wampum (69) to the Cherokee and Chickasaw as “a token of friendship from the President” (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 248f.). Later that year, Red Jacket, a Seneca chief, addressed the President at Philadelphia, holding a “white belt” (70), which he had received from him and spoke: “And at the close he [USPresident] observed, that our profession of friendship and regard were commonly witnessed by some token: therefore in the name of the United States, he presented us with this white belt, which was to be handed down from one generation to another, as a confirmation of his words, and a Witness of the friendly disposition of the United States towards the peace and happiness of the five confederated Nations“ (BECHS, Indians (Odgen Treaty), B00-2; Beauchamp 1901: 418). In April of 1792, Captain Alexander Trueman, Secretary of War of the United States, presented the assembled Wyandot, Lenni-Lenape, Odawa/Ottawa, Ojibwa, and Potawatomi with a belt (71) and said: “all this is confirmed, in your manner, by the great white belt” (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 230179). In a journal about the “Grand Cherokee National Council”, dated Tuesday, 26th of June 1792, Leonard D. Shaw, United States agent, who resided among the Cherokees, acted by means of a white belt (72). He “took out a large belt of white wampum, which he observed to the chiefs was a token of friendship from the President, and, placing it over his [Little Turkey’s] right shoulder” (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 271). On September 30th, 1792, at a general council180 held at the Glaize, Cow Killer, a Seneca chief provided a “large white Belt” (73) to remind the other members that he: “desire[s] that the warriors would take notice and remember what their Another printed version is more specific on the meaning: “This belt, the token of amity from twenty four nations, we were desired to deliver to you from our grand council, held near Detroit last winter” (Dunlap and Claypoole (eds.) 1787, 2747: 2). 179 The United States Commissioners used a white belt of wampum to prevent a threatening conflict (see: MPHC 1895, 24: 390-395). 180 The council lastet from the 30th day of September to the 9th day of October. Assembled were “Delawares, Shawanoes, Miamis, Chippawas, Ottawas, Wyandots, Munseys, Connoys, Nantikokes, Mohikens, Potawatamies, Cherokees, Creeks, Six Nations, Seven Nations of Canada, Mingoes of the Glaze, Sawkies, Reynards & a few Ouiatenons” (MPHC 1895, 24: 483). 178

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Sachems shall fix upon for the good of their women, their Children and their Country” (MPHC 1895, 24: 485-489; Cruikshank (ed.) 1923, 1: 222). Next spoke Messquakenoe, a Shawnee chief, “on a very large white Belt” (74) to the Creeks and Cherokees: “It gives us great pleasure to see you here and of the same mind with the Shawenoes, Delawares, Miamis, Hurons &c. and I speak on this large Belt to confirm our union, to take care of our Country, our women & children and to listen to our Father, the King who always gives us good advice” (MPHC 1895, 24: 489; Cruikshank (ed.) 1923, 1: 223). During the same council chiefs spoke on “a large White Belt” (75) addressing John Graves Simcoe, British Governor of Canada, in the following manner: “Father, In confidence of your ready compliance, We take you by the hand with this Belt of wampum, to lead you to the Council Fire, as soon as it shall be kindled at Sandusky the ensuing Spring” (MPHC 1895, 24: 498; Cruikshank (ed.) 1923, 1: 229). A month later, on November 13th, 1792, Cow Killer addressed the assembly181 at a council of the Six Nations held at Buffaloe Creek, accompanied by a “White Belt six Rows of Wampum” (76): “Brothers, While at the Council of the Glaze, our Brethren called us Elder Brothers; said, they had often sent to us for four years past for our Advice and assistance” (ibid 1895, 24: 509f.; ibid 1923, 1: 256). In a letter dated June 20th, 1793, Timothy Barnard, US deputy agent, recorded the exchange of a white belt (77): “McDonald [US commissioner], received the white wampum, in token of peace and friendship, from the Upper Creeks, which was to keep the path white between them, and you [James Seagrove, US Indian agent], and General Washington” (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 395). While in a council held at Mason’s Hall, Niagara, on July 7th, 1793, Joseph Brant182 spoke on “A Belt of White Wampum” (78): “Brothers […] Our intention & business is peaceable and our inclination is to do what is right & just. We are all of one mind & wished Your Excellency to be present” (Cruikshank (ed.) 1923, 1: 377). One day later, the Commissioner replied to Brant’s talk with “A white belt of seven rows, and twenty-six strings of wampum, nearly all white, annexed” (79), (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 350; Pa. Arch. 1895, 24: 560-67; cf.: Stone 1838: 346). The next day Brant spoke again “and, addressed himself to the English and Americans, [that] he was glad the Great Spirit had preserved them all in Peace to meet this day [and gave] A Belt of White Wampum” (80), (Cruikshank (ed.) 1923, 1: 381). And during the same council Captain Johnny, 181

Present were representatives of several indigenous nations, British and US-Americans (MPHC 1895, 24: 509f.; Cruikshank (ed.) 1923, 1: 256). 182 For Brant’s biography refer to Isabel Thompson Kelsay’s monumental work “Joseph Brant, 1743-1807, man of two worlds” 1986.

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a Shawnee, spoke in behalf of the “Indian American Confederacy” of Western Nations “with [a] belt of White Wampum” (81): “Father, […] many have united themselves with us at this Council fire, yet we can depend on nothing, so certainly as your protection & friendship” (Cruikshank (ed.) 1924, 2: 36; MPHC 1895, 24: 597ff.). Brant’s journal provides a description of a council held at the rapids of the Miamis, on July 25th, 1793, when the principal men of the Anishnabek183 renewed “their former Friendship with the Six Nations and Brighten the Chain”, as well as with the Shawnees, Lenni-Lenape (Delawares), Miamis and Wyandots with “a Large White Belt” (82), (Cruikshank (ed.) 1924, 2: 9f.). At the same council, Chenolou, a Huron-Wendat chief, spoke on a “White Belt” (83): “Brothers, We assure you before the Great Spirit that we do not mean the least Deviation from the Confederacy, and our hearts are true to their Interest” (Cruikshank (ed.) 1924, 2: 11). Late in 1793 Captain Brant again provided a “white belt of 12 rows and 30 strings of wampum, in five bunches, nearly all white” (84) as a sign of peace and friendship (Lowrie 1832, 4: 349; Stone 1838: 344). In February 1794, at a council held at Buffalo Creek between Six Nations and US delegates, General Chapin presented a “large Belt of White Wampum, and thirteen strings of Black Wampum” (85) to the Iroquois. The interpreter Jasper Parish184 translated as follows: “Brothers […] The United States consider that they have taken all the requisite means to obtain a Peace with their duty or humanity required” (Cruikshank (ed.) 1924, 2: 142). In October of that year, a Wyandot chief addressed the Six Nations and Governor Simcoe as follows: “We have long expected your assistance. […] We have long been fighting for our Country and we will be ready immediately as soon as you let us know that your Warriors are ready to join us, we speak for all the Nations present” using a “White Belt wt. white Strings” (86), (MPHC 1896, 25: 44). Then, at a meeting of several Native Americans, a dispute arose concerning payments previously received by the United States and administered by the Wyandots. Therefore, General Wayne explained the facts to the satisfaction of all, and Ojibwa, Odawa/Ottawa, Potawatomi, Shawnee and Miami gave their reply on July 24th, 1795 accompanied by “a white belt [of] wampum” (87), (Cruikshank (ed.) 1926, 4: 69; Quaise (ed.) 1928, 1: 563). One day earlier, two white belts (88-89) were presented by “Mash-I-pi-nash-I-wish”, chief of the Ojibwa. The first to ”cover all the slain, together with our evil actions”, being allied with the British, and the second with the following speech: “I now use this white wampum, that the words I utter may descend to Today’s preferred self-designation for Odawa/Ottawa, Potawatomi and Ojibwa (Phillips 1998: XVI). 184 For Jasper Parrish see (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 247f.). 183

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the bottom of your heart, and that of the Fifteen Fires” (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4 :572). One month later, a “white belt of wampum” (90) was used by Natives to request John Askin Jr.’s release, who was imprisoned at Fort Jefferson, charged of being a spy (Cruikshank (ed.) 1926, 4: 69f.; Quaise (ed.) 1928, 1: 564f.). Some years later, in early 1799, according to information of Otter, an Odawa/Ottawa chief, “a large Belt of White Wampum […] eight inches wide, and upwards of three feet long” (91) is said to have been sent from the Kahnawakes to them with the following explanation: “If you meet us at the White River according to our request we shall consider you as friends-but if not take care and go out of the way”. Later, he added: “the Belt was called a Tomahawk and in case the Indians above mentioned did not come on as was expected then the Tomahawk was to lay still” (MPHC 1892, 20: 627f.). And in 1802, Senecas sent “a belt of white Wampum, four feet in length, five inches broad” (92) through Reverend Elkanah Holmes to the New York Missionary Society "in wish to get a church and school house built”, accompanied by a helpful hint: “[t]he dimensions are thus particularly mentioned, because by these the Indians estimate the value of the pledge” (Miller 1802: 67). One year later, Shawnees and Wyandots sent a “belt of white wompum” (93) to the Governor of Ohio with the following speech: “to cover the deceased’s body, that not a drop of blood may be any more seen. It is a long standing custom of ours, that when we send wampum, it is a signification of peace as well as to settle matters of consequence, so that there can be nothing said afterwards” (Anonymous 1803: 2). During a chiefly indigenous meeting, the “Muheakunnuk nation” [Mahican185] delivered to Lenni-Lenape, residing at “Waupekumakuhk, or White River” a “white belt of wampum with a piece of paper sewed on one end, on which was written, A, B, C, 1, 2, 3” (94) with the following meaning: “Grand-Fathers, as my ancestors and yours have established a covenant of friendship, which has been kept sacred, and never been violated” on April 16 th, 1803. (Livingston 1804: 94f.). Two years later, “a large fine belt of white wampum” (97) was refused by several chiefs of Chillicothe (Anonymous 1806a: 3). In 1807, Kickapoos delivered “a large belt of White Wampum” (96) together with a pipe of friendship to the Shawnees in order to apologize for the murder recently committed by their young men (Anonymous 1807a: 2). The last source omits any specific meaning of the belt. At a council held near Urban, Ohio, between Return Jonathan Meigs, governor and commander in chief of the State of Ohio, and several chiefs of Wyandots, Shawnees and Mingoes, “Cut-a-we-pa-sa”, or Black Hoof, chief of the Shawnees, spoke: “I 185

For explanation of the synonym see (Brasser 1978b: 211).

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(handing another white wampum) give you this from my heart, as a token of peace” (97) (Foster 1812: 16). Of the reviewed sources, a total of 97, describing white belts of wampum, were located and will be discussed more to shed light on the meaning of colors and their chronological and regional distribution. In general, almost all belts were combined with virtuous words, while one was called a tomahawk due its assigned urgent meaning (91). More precisely, the belts can be grouped into seven sets based on their different, yet closely related intentions. First, 27 belts accompanied peaceful counsels, promises, wishes or invitations, followed second by 15 belts of peace. Group three, including 12 belts, is related to peace and friendship. The fourth set consists of 11 belts of friendship, a fifth group of 11 belts share slightly different meanings like good words, integrity and/or apologies. Group six of nine belts are related to peace and/or gratitude, followed by a seventh, and by far the smallest set, composed of three belts, which were given to condole the loss of prominent individuals, such as famous sachems or chiefs186. Nine belts do not fit any group as three (59-62) were described as common belts, and fife did not have any particular meaning. By using these 7 groups it is possible to confirm the first hand accounts quoted above and to validate their statements. The first recorded white belt dates to 1701 while the latest one is mentioned in 1807. It is worth noting that the meaning of white changed very little over time, if at all. Considering the historical profundity and enormous geographical distribution from the lower St.Lawrence-River southward to the Carolinas and westward to the perimeter of the Great Lakes, this seems astonishing. Next, the monochrome black belts will be analyzed respective their meaning and distribution over time and space. (b) Monochrome Black The first recorded black belt (1) was presented by Mohawk delegates at Albany in September 1679187, as they “returned the Compliment, with an Assurance of their Friendship, and condoled Colonel Littleton’s Death, after the Indian Manner, by a present of a Belt of black Wampum” (Colden 1973, 1: 32). Many years later, in 1710, the French Governor addressed the Five Nations with a “large black belt of wampum” (2): “Children I hope that ye will keep this your promise & Covenant inviolable wh[ich] you made with the govr of Canada” (NYCD 1854, 5: 244). And, at the same meeting he urged the Five The exception is Sir William Johnson’s father, who was recognized due to his son’s standing among the Six Nations. 187 Even Beauchamp made note of an earlier sample, which could not be identified as an actual woven belt (1901: 437). 186

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Nations again with a “large blake Belt of wampum” (3): “Children I Desire that the young men shall be Obedient and do what the old Sachims shall order them for that is the Safety & Security of -yourselfs & Country” (NYCD 1855, 5: 244). On April 18th, 1728, at a council held at Philadelphia, a personal invitation was made by a Lenni-Lenape (Delaware) woman, to revenge the death of her recently killed son by “a Long Belt of black Wampum of twelve Rows” (4). However, this invitation escalated into a tribal warfare with the participation of Lenni-Lenape, Miamis and “five Nations”, who “lift up their Axes, and joyn with them against the Christians” (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 3: 296). Twelve years later, the Five Nations addressed Beauharnois, Governor at Montreal, in the following manner “by a Small Belt, almost Black” (5.): “Father. By this Belt. I request you to listen to your warriors when they will make any representation to you; we exhort them, also, to listen to everything you will say to them” (NYCD 1855, 9: 1064). In 1740, Onondaga and Mohawk delegates spoke to Beauharnois again by “a black Belt” (6): “Father: I forewarn you that I retain in my hand the good understanding between you and me. I shall not cease to strengthen it as long as I live” (NYCD 1858, 10: 22f.). In 1753, “a belt of black Wampum” (7) is described as a Shawnees war belt (Anonymous 1753: 2), and another black war belt (8) was used a year later for the same reason (Anonymous 1754: 354). Later, in June 1755, Waadory, an Oneida Warrior and son of the Half King188, presented William Johnson “a very large Belt of black wampum” (9) in a private meeting to show that he had had quit the French interest, adding that he would “be ready on every occasion to sacrifice [his] life in the cause of [his] Brethren the English” (NYCD 1856, 7: 135). At Albany, a month later, Lydius189 presented “a very large Black Belt of Wampum” (10) to the Cayugas to encourage them to revenge the death of Conochquanie, a Oneida chief, with the following words: “You Oniedas are Elder Brothers to the Cayouges, & the Pain will never get out of my Heart, till I have got a Scalp or Prisoner to put in the room of that Sachem” (JP 1939, 9: 215). In January 1756, Oneidas “brought with them a large Belt of black Wampum, 14 Rows broad and 2 ½ Foot long” (11) received from the Senecas, in order to confirm their own and the Tuscaroras’ military aid (JP 1939, 9: 342; MGAHD 1756: 11). One month later, during a meeting between Six Nations delegates and William Johnson, he used “a Large Black Belt” (12) urging them: “Brethren I tell you all with concern, that I plainly forsee, unless you the 188

Tanaghrisson was a captured Catawba, adopted by Senecas and later spokesman of all Ohio Natives (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 251). 189 John Henry Lydius acted as a trader, interpreter, adventurer and land speculator (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 245).

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six Nations who have always maintained a superiority over them Indians, will now exert yourselves in this case you will not only loose that authority which they have hitherto acknowledged 'but will have them your enemies” (JP 1939, 9: 364; NYCD 1856, 7: 59; Anonymous 1756: 32f.). At the same meeting, Johnson presented another “Belt [of] Black Wampum” (13) to inform the Six Nations of a threatening war with France and to ask them to join in with the British (JP 1939, 9: 365; NYCD 1856, 7: 60; Anonymous 1756: 33). Two Onondaga chiefs performed the “Requickening Address”190 at Fort Johnson in April 1756 with “a large Belt of Black Wampum” (14) (NYCD 1856, 7: 82). One month later, Johnson sent Oneida deputies with “a large Belt of Black Wampum” (15) to the Six Nations asking them for their immediate assistance against the French army (NYCD 1856, 7: 93). In September, Tyaworondo, an Onondaga chief, explained Johnson the meaning of some belts which the Six Nations delegates had received from the French Governor earlier that year. One “large War Belt of black Wampum” (16) is described by him as “a very big ax which would kill and destroy every thing it touched or came near” (JP 1939: 540; cf.: ibid 1856, 7: 137), by a second “Black Belt” (17) the governor “invited two of the Chief Warriors of every castle, to accompany and guard the Sachems and a few of their young women” (NYCD 1856, 7: 137). On June 29th, 1756, at a meeting held between Six Nations, Shawnees, Lenni-Lenape (Delawares), Nanticokes, and William Johnson, Tionighsarisis, chief speaker and Sachem of Onondaga, promised by “a very large Black Belt” (18), which he had received from Johnson to give ”back the Governor of Canada's Belt of Invitation by the Swegachie Indians” and to comply “with every thing [Johnson] requested” from them (ibid. 1856, 7: 144). A month later, Johnson presented the Senecas with “a Black Belt of Wampum” (19) “to revenge the Death of Captain Jonathan Stevens a great friend of theirs who was killed at Lake George”, which they willingly accepted (NYCD 1856, 7: 174). In contrast, the Governor of New France sent a “large Belt of Black Wampum” (20) to the Six Nations to warn them “not to come with the English Battoes further than the North end of the Oneida Lake” (ibid. 1856, 7: 191). In November 1756, William Johnson provided “a large black Belt of Wampum” (21) to the Six Nations, accompanied by the following speech: “Bretheren. I expect and desire you will be clear and positive in your answer, and dont let me write falsehoods by your saying what you do not mean or intend, as you have heretofore done” (NYCD 1856, 7: 231). Early in the following year, Johnson condoled the death of Old Abraham, a famous Mohawk chief, in the presence of many Sachems as he 190

The Requickening Address is part of the condolence ceremony and is given as its final

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“gave a large Black Belt to cover the Death [and] another very good one to drape up the grave, and a third to desire both Sachems & young Men would be unanimous in their Councils & firm in their Resolutions” (22-25), (JP 1939, 9: 593). Afterwards he presented Old Abraham’s relatives with “a French Scalp & a very large Black Belt of Wampum” (26), (JP 1939, 9: 595). On July 9th, 1757, Gaghwasaghtancient, or The Belt191, a Seneca chief, addressed the Six Nations in Johnson’s name with “a large Belt of black Wampum” (27): “Bretheren, Agreable to the Custom & rules laid down by your Forefathers, I by this Belt of Wampum take the Hatchet out of your Heads & throw it down the Stream so that it may never more be seen or found by either of us” (ibid 1939, 9: 797). In August, William Johnson invited several Native allies by “a black Belt” (28) to a meeting and to join him in war against New France (JP 1939, 9: 810)192. One month later, he gave a “black belt” (29) to Cherokee warriors for the same purpose (NYCD 1856, 7: 328). During the same month, another “Belt of black Wampum” (30) was given to Teedyuscung193 with a similar intention (Pennsylvania (Province) 1757: 150). On October 10th, 1758, Johnson provided “a Black Belt” (31) to urge the assembled Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, and River Indians to hunt, but also to stay in “His Majestys Service” and to be on call for defense in “these parts of the Country” (JP 1951, 10: 32). Late in December 1758, at a conference between Oneidas and Tuscaroras, William Johnson “replaced” Kindaruntie, who had recently died, with “a French Scalp & Belt of 3000 black Wampum” (32), (ibid. 1951, 10: 74). On April 12th, 1759, in council at “Conojohary”194, William Johnson invited the young men to take an active part in the war against their “enemies the French”, and “gave a very large black belt of Wampum” (33), (NYCD 1856, 7: 381). Three months later, Johnson spoke to Tequakareigh, a “Chippaway Sachem [Ojibwa]” with two black belts (34-35). With the first one, Johnson “took the hatchet out of the hands of his, and all the surrounding nations […] to quit the French interest”, and with the second one, he invited them to Oswego to receive “a large assortment of all kind of goods” (JP 1962, 13: 118f.; Schmalz 1991: 59)195. On August 11th of1759, William Johnson sent a delegation with “a black belt of wampum” (36) to Onondaga “to call the young men of that nation here [and] to section (see: Snow 1996: 66; Fenton 1998). 191 For different spellings of his name see (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 240f.). 192 Listed as attending tribal delegates are “Mohocks, the Aughquagas, Tuscarores, Nanticoches, Connays [Conoy] and 3 Cherokee's” (ibid 1939, 9: 810; Feest 1978: 247). 193 An influential Lenni-Lenape chief (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 252). 194 Actually Canajoharie, the upper Mohawk village, near present day Canajoharie, N.Y. (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 211). 195 Johnson’s private journal is partially printed in Knox’s account (Doughty (ed.) 1916: 191f.).

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go upon service” (Doughty (ed.) 1916: 195)196. Several Senecas and Onondagas met him at his tent on September 7th, 1759, and spoke on two belts, of which one “was a black” belt (37), given by him “some time ago, to unite them and strengthen [their] alliance with them, which [they] produced to show [him] it was fresh in their memory”, and further on to continue their friendship (Doughty (ed.) 1916: 211). Johnson addressed the “Swegatchie and Coghnauagey” with “a large black belt” (38) at a meeting with several Native delegates197 on October 11th, 1759, to get “their fixed resolutions to abandon the French [but if] they should act a different part, they must then expect no quarter from” British (JP 1962, 13: 155f.; ibid 1916: 231). Some years after, in March of 1761, Six Nations chiefs returned “a black belt” (39) given by Johnson in 1756 with the following reply: “to follow him thither, in order to oppose the Enemy” (JP 1951, 10: 224)198. That summer, George Croghan, deputy agent, received a speech by Kahnawakes, Kanehsatagehs 199 and other Native delegates accompanied by “a black belt 6 Rs [rows]” (40) askingt to have pity on their people if they “behave ill in their liquor” and to obtain the right for doing justice to themselves (ibid. 1951, 10: 304). Later at the same meeting another “black belt 5 Rows” (41) was presented to confirm their support and to “give them a Dose” in case they would not comply (JP 1951, 10: 304). In July, at a meeting held between Johnson, Oneida, and Tuscarora delegates at Burnetsfield, he gave “a black belt of 7 Rows” (42) accompanied by the following speech: “By taking these measures we keep up the Antient Custom subsisting between you and the five Nations of imediately condoling with each other on any mischance” (JP 1921, 3: 431). One month later, Johnson condoled the losses of several Nations200 present at Detroit, and “gave a black Belt of 15 Rows” (43), (JP 1921, 3: 475). On August 12th 1761, at a private council, Jeoquanta, an Onondaga, provided “a black Belt of seven Rows” (44) in a somewhat different context, requesting a horse from Governor James Hamilton to take his “old Mother and Children” safely back home (Pennsylvania (Province) 1761: 16). A month later, deputies of the Six Nations assembled when Abraham, a Mohawk chief, performed the “ceremony of On September 1st “he then returned a black belt of mine [Johnson’s], sent them some time ago” (Doughty (ed.) 1916: 208). 197 Listed as “Onondagas, Senecas, Cayugas, Oneidas and Mohawks [as well as] Swegatchie, Coghnawagey and Skanendaddy Indians” (JP 1962, 13: 155f.) 198 This belt was not mentioned in an entry dating to March 27th, 1756, and is therefore quoted here. 199 In the transcribed text “Canassadagas” is given for present Kanehsatake, or Oka. 200 The Nations were: “Wiandots, Saguenays, Ottawas, Chipeweighs, Powtewatamis, Kickapous, Twightwees [Miami], Delawares, Shawanese, Mohicons, Mohocks, Oneidas & Senecas” (JP 1921, 3: 475). 196

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condolence on the death of Bunt’s Sister” by means of “a black Belt” (45), (JP 1951, 10: 501). On September 15th, 1762, Johnson gave to “Saye-guaraghto and Kanias”, chief warriors of the Senecas, “two black Belts of Wampum” (4647) as an invitation for their warriors (ibid. 1951, 10: 519). Early in the following year, he insisted on a definite reply from Six Nations’ dele-gates, concerning the recent attack by some Ohio-Senecas, accompanied by “a Belt of Black Wampum” (48) (JP 1951, 10: 855). On March 16th, 1763, Onondaga, Mohawk, Seneca, and Oneida Sachems “gave a very large black Belt” (49), and desired: “We now conclude with earnestly entreating you would use your Interest in our behalf and persuade the general not to Undertake anything rashly until the Meeting at Chenussio shall be over” (ibid. 1951, 10: 632). Two months later, delegates of the Six Nations arrived with “a Black Belt of Wampum” (50) to tell the governor and William Johnson that American settlers were illegally staying at “Skahandowana” and demanded that they be removed (JP 1951, 10: 720). On Tuesday, July 11th, 1763, the Six Nations Confederacy sent “a very large Black Belt of wampum to the Senecas” (51), for they refused to attend the meeting at the German Flats. This was accompanied by distinct words asking not to “think putting their Hostile Schemes in Execution, as such conduct would break the Covenant Chain, wh. links them all, and the English in friendship” (JP 1951, 10: 770). A month later, some Oneida delegates desired a meeting with Johnson and went to the council room, where Takawaron took a “Black Belt in his hands” (52) and apologized for the misbehavior of their warriors " who lately took and killed some kettle”, and therefore begged Johnson for forgiveness (ibid 1951, 10: 796). Only a few days later, at a conference held between General Gage and 54 chiefs and head warriors of the Odawa/Ottawa together with 30 chiefs of several other Nations at Montreal, “a large black Belt” (53) was presented on behalf of the “Vriskako”, a tribe at Michilimackinac, to support their innocents during a recent attack by “Sauteux, or Chippaweys” (JP 1951, 10: 780). On Thursday the 25th, Gaghswangarora and Tyagawehe, two Tuscarora chiefs, requested Johnson’s assistance “in getting & bringing all their People from ye Southward, by such a road as [he] should Judge best” (JP 1951, 10: 801) by “a Black Belt” (54). Early in September, Onondaga Sachems and principal warriors held a conference with Johnson, where he presented them with “a large Black Belt” (55) with the following words: “I now therefore deliver you a good English Axe, made of the best stuff, which I desire you will give to the Warriors of all your Nations, with directions to use the same against these Covenant breakers

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[Pontiac’s allies201], by cutting off the bad links which have sullied the chain of friendship, in which they will not fail being supported by their Brethren the English” (NYCD 1856, 7: 559; JP 1951, 10: 843)202. A month later, in 1763, two Mohawk messengers returned from Onondaga with “a black Belt” (56) accompanied by the following message: that they would be “living & dying wth, the English, and that they were determined to assist [them] agst. any Nation whatsoever, as would the Five Nations now, provided the general would make any immediate attempt upon those Inds. now at War wth. [them]” (ibid. 1951, 10: 895). On the 21st of October, Johnson asked the Teyarhasere or Abraham, a Mohawk chief, to condole the death of “Kandock, a sachim of Onondaga”), who had recently died with “a large Black Belt & 3 Strings” (57 (JP 1951, 10: 902)203. During a conference on December 5th, Aneus, called Aniguit or Sasahanwonota, presented “a Black Belt from the Chief Women to ye Sachems & Warriors” (57.) in order to give William Johnson their consent, concerning the resolution, and to assist him against the “Delawares & Chenussios”, who "rose their arms against the British” (ibid. 1951, 10: 946). Afterwards, Aneus spoke on behalf of the women of Tuscarora Town with “a Black Belt 8 Rows” (59) expressing Johnson his thanks for his decision in “the present Quarrel, or War between these Mad Nations of inds. & our Brethren the English” (JP 1951, 10: 947). Early in February of 1764, William Johnson condoled the murder of “Conostoga Indians204” (JP 1953, 11: 38) with “a large black Belt of Wampum” (60). On February 11th, Johnson instructed Daniel Claus to deliver up a “large black Belt […] painted to Asserego, and Sughsanageghta” (61) to condole the loss of Captain John Lotteridge, in Indian service, and to coordinate a “War Feast” (JP 1953, 11: 52f.). On February 16th, at a meeting of several Nations205, Seneca George spoke on behalf of the “Warriors, Women & Children of the Nanticocks & Conoys” with a “Black Belt of 7 Rows” (62) as a pledge to follow Johnson’s advice (ibid. 1953, 11: 60). Early in May of 1764, William Johnson sent “a Black Belt” (63) by

201

For Pontiac and his idea of a Native alliance against British dominance, see Howard H. Peckham’s “Pontiac and the Indian Uprising”, 1961. 202 Later that year, on 21st October 1763, the “Sr. Wm’s black Belt” was returned (JP 1951, 10: 904). 203 It has to be pointed out that among the Six Nations Iroquois the concept of condolence prescribes that the “older brothers” (Mohawks, Onondagas, Senecas) perform the ceremony for the “younger” (Oneidas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras and once Lenni-Lenape) and the other way round (Fenton 1995: 10f., 20; Fenton (ed.) 1975: 110ff.; Snow 1996: 65f.). 204 “Conostoga”, or Conestoga, means Susquehannocks on the Susquehanna River, once a tributary tribe of the Six Nations (Jennings 1995: 40ff.; Jennings 1978: 367). 205 Attending the meeting were delegates of “Nanticoks, Conoyes, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Mohicans living along the Susquahanna [River]” (JP 1953, 11: 59).

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Taddainiendanhara, a Cayuga chief, to let the Six Nations know that he “desire[d] they would keep their Warriors all in readiness” (ibid. 1953, 11: 186). Late in May, Johnson sent two additional “Belts black Wampum” (64-65) by Onondaga messengers, one to the Six Nations and the other to the Natives on the Susquehanna River, at Niagara or Oswego, in time (JP 1953, 11: 207)206. One month later, at a peace treaty held at Niagara207, Menominees presented Johnson with two “Black Belts” (66-67) accompanied by the following words: “these two Belts we give You to let you know we have 2 Council Fires in [this] part of the Country” (JP 1925, 4: 487f.). At the same congress, a chief of the “Reynards [Meskwakis]” explained to Johnson the bad situation they were in, missing their usual trade with the British, and therefore begged him by “a black Belt 5 Rows” (68) to take pity on his people (JP, 1953, 11: 301f.). On August 1st, 1764, “Chenussios” [Seneca] spoke to William Johnson on “2 black belts to let ye. Six Nations know that they lived at Gasgughsagey & would remain there” (69-70), (JP 1925, 4: 500). On September 10th, Poton, chief of Wapaskotiang, a Mississauga Ojibwa, asked Johnson to take part in the recently negotiated peace at Niagara, adding: “With this Belt [a black belt (71)] we now take Hold of you by the Hand so fast that nothing can loosen it” (JP 1953, 11: 354f.). During a meeting held at Johnson Hall on October 11th, William Johnson told “Serrehoana chief of Chenussio” by a “large black Belt” (72) to “comply with every Article of the Treaty settled with them at Niagara in the presence of so many Nations” [otherwise] he could not look upon them as friends, nor honest Men” (JP 1953, 11: 378f.). Sometime later, in December of 1764, William Johnson condoled the death of the “great or chief Sachim of the Loretto Indians"208 who had died during the Campaign at Sanduskey (ibid. 1953, 11: 503) with “a Black Belt” (73). Early next year, Bunt’s son addressed Johnson with “a black Belt” (74) and informed him: “of their wretched State at present, destitute of Cloths, and every other necessary, which they [warriors] by this Belt beg” (JP 1953, 11: 594). In the summer of 1765, delegates of Kahnawake returned “a Black belt of 5 Rows” (75) by which William Johnson had asked their Warriors to forget "all their hardship or difficultys they had to 206

On November 20th, one of the said black belts was returned by Teyawarunte, speaker of Onondaga (ibid 1953, 11: 478f.). 207 Delegates of several Nations attended this treaty of peace, such as “Sakis [Sauk], Winbigoos, or Puoans [Winnebago], and Reynards, or Outagamies [Meskwakis] Otawas [Odawa/Ottawa], Chippeweighs [Ojibwa, Mississauga] of Toronto, of Lake Huron, and Lake Superior, the Nipissins [Nipissing], Algonkins, Meynomeneys, or Falsavoins [Menominee], & Ottawas of La Bay [Odawa/Ottawa], the Six Nations, & Indians of Canada [7 Nations]” (JP 1953, 11: 278; cf. Trigger (ed.) 1978, 15). 208 Meant are the Huron-Wendat at Lorette, present Wendake, Quebec (Delâge and Sawaya 2001: 43-54; cf. Tooker 1978a: 404f.).

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Struggle with” after their return of the campaign” (JP 1953, 11: 872ff.). In 1766, “Teiawaruat”, then speaker of Onondaga, condoled the death of the late “Ganughsadego” by “a large black Belt” (76) together with a Cherokee scalp (NYCD 1856, 7: 854) in William Johnson’s name. That same year in September, at a conference held at Philadelphia, Jemmy Nanticoke addressed the governor with the following words: “By this Belt [a black Belt (77)], therefore, we remove these Clouds, and we now present it to you to shew our Joy that the great God of Heaven has brought us again together to see one another with the same Brotherly affection we used formerly to do” (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 9: 329). Late in September, Kahnawake delegates presented the Governors of New-York and Quebec with “a large Belt of black Wampum” (78) to remind them that their hunting territory “lay closely to [their] two Governments” and to support and protect them as previously determined (Anonymous 1766a: 2). Two years later, William Johnson took with “a large Black Belt [(79)…] the Hatchet out of [their209] Heads”, and condoled the death of their peoples, who were recently murdered within the province of Pennsylvania (NYCD 1857, 8: 39). On October 24th, 1768, during a treaty held at Fort Stanwix between Six Nations, Shawnees, Lenni-Lenape (Delawares), “Mingos210”, and William Johnson as well as Governor William Franklin of New Jersey were present when Canaghquieson, an Oneida chief, “repeated all that Sir William had said on the Black Belts [(80)] given at the Condolence for all which he retuned thanks” (ibid. 1857, 8: 116). Two years later, in July, at a meeting held at the German Flats with several Native delegates211, Teyyawarunte, speaker of the Six Nations, performed the ceremony of condolence on Johnson's behalf and covered “the graves with a black Belt” (81), (NYCD 1857, 8: 232). Three days later, on July 22nd of 1770, Abraham, a Mohawk chief, replied to William Johnson with the following words: “Brother. We are not desirous of making war, but when the same appears necessary. We therefore now acquiesce with your advice to us, and shall let the Southern Nations alone, provided they act proper part towards us” and presented a “Black Belt of 10 Rows” (82), (NYCD 1857, 8: 239). On Thursday, July 14th of 1774, Conoghquieson, a chief of the Deputies of several Native tribes attended this general congress, listed as Six Nations’, Kahnawakes, 7 Nations, and Cherokees (NYCD 1857, 8: 38). 210 A Lenni-Lenape (Delaware) term applied to all “non-League Senecas, Cayugas, and other Iroquoians in the Ohio Valley in the eighteenth century” (Fenton 1978: 321). 211 Attending delegates were of the Six Nations, and their dependants given as “Nanticokes, Conoys, Tuteloes, Ganaghsaragues [inhabitants of the Tuscarora village called Ganaghsaraga or Canasseraga (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 211)], Oonoghquageys”, the 7 Nations from Canada, listed as Kahnawakes, Akwesasnes, Algonkins, Kanehsatakes, Abenakis of St. Francis, Huron-Wendat of Wendake, Nipissings and “River Indians”, Cherokees as well as Odawas/Ottawas and Mississaugas or Ojibwa (NYCD 1857, 8: 229). 209

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Oneidas, gave Guy Johnson212 “a large black Belt of 9 Rows” (83) to condole the loss of William Johnson, who had recently deceased (ibid. 1857, 8: 482). The very same year in November, at Onondaga, warriors of the Six Nations expressed their “strict attention to what [their] Brother Uraghquadirha” or Guy Johnson and their war chiefs had advised, i.e. to preserve the peace, and therefore presented “a Black Belt” (84), (NYCD 1857, 8: 526). And in summer of 1775, United States commissioners addressed the assembled Six Nations delegates at Albany with two black belts (85-86) and the following words: “Brothers, listen. […] The [British] soldiers have stuck the blow, killed some of our people. The blood now runs of the King’s American children […] Since the King’s wicked counsellors will not open their ears, and consider our just complaints, and the cause of our weeping, and have given the blow, we are determined to drive away the King’s soldiers, and to kill and destroy all those wicked men we find in arms against the peace of the Twelve United Colonies”, which would eventually become the United States (NYCD 1857, 8: 618). On September 17th of 1779, an Indian council was held at Fort Pitt, with participating Lenni-Lenape, Wyandots, Shawnees and Colonel Broadhead, when Doonyontat, the Wyandot chief, addressed Maghingive Keeshuch, chief of the Maquichee branch of Shawnees, in the following manner: “Brother, I now take a firmer hold of your hand then before, and beg that you will take pity upon the other nations who are my friends, and if any of them should incline to take hold of your hand, I request that you would comply and receive them into friendship”, and therefore he gave “a Black Belt of eleven rows” (87) (Anonymous 1779: 1; Almon 1780: 154f.; Stone 1838: 45). On October 20th, during a meeting between delegates of the “Mingoes, Hurons, Delawares & Shawnese” with Captain Lernoult, commander of Detroit, they presented “a Black Belt 8 rows” (88), and spoke: “In testimony of our sincerity we present you with this War Belt which will strengthen you in complying with our request as it is of our own manufacturing” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,782, Fol. 287-288, Haldimand Papers; MPHC 1886, 10: 265). On August 22nd, Lenni-Lenape and Shawnees addressed Major DePeyster, commandant of Detroit, with the following words accompanied by “A Black Belt of eight Rows” (89): “Whatever you are pleased to send let us be acquainted thereof, and we will send our horses to the Miamis for it. we beg your answer may be speedy and that this Belt be returned with it” (ibid 1886, 10: 421f.). Afterwards, Colonel Broadhead of the United States, stationed at Fort Pitt, sent a message to the Lenni-Lenape (Delawares) of Whitestone, accompanied by “a Black Belt 7 Rows” (90), and 212

Guy Johnson was the nephew of Sir William Johnson, and was appointed Superintendent

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added: “In the meantime let us take courage, & watch our Enemies motions, tho' they have drove us from our Cornfields, our hearts are firm & we can never be conquered while our father the English and the six nations are upon their feet” (MPHC 1886, 10: 428). In March of 1780, Cakadorie delivered some “rebel” belts to Guy Johnson, which they had received from U.S. agents earlier. Regarding “a small black Belt of 7 Rows” (91) he explained its meaning as follows: “by which the rebels declared to the Six nations that such great Grievance were imposed on them by the King, that they could no longer bear them, and must endeavour to shake off his Yoke” (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, pp. 219-221). Three months LATER, Six Nations delegates gave an account of their meeting held with some southern Native Nations. Kayashota213, a Seneca chief, informed Guy Johnson, that they had accepted his invitation to join as allies in the war and “gave a black Belt of 9 Rows” (92), (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 92f., Haldimand Papers). In May of 1786, two Huron-Wendat chiefs provided the following intelligence, passed between Half King and U.S. commissioners during a private meeting at Sandusky. With “a Large belt [black] Wampum” (93) they instructed him to quit contact with “white People”, in particular traders, who had no license to stay in their country. Otherwise, he would neglect their advice, “those people we mention[ed] will not escape our resentment when we take possession of Detroit” (MPHC 1895, 24: 27). And in August of 1793, at a general council, delegates of the 7 Nations of Canada addressed the Six Nations, Shawnees, Lenni-Lenape and Miamis with “a Large Belt of Black Wampum [(94)], and a Number of Strings laid between the Six Nations & Shawanoes”, then their speaker addressed them: “My opinion when I left home was that we were to defend the Old Boundary which is the Ohio […] you may think I speak very free, as I live at a Great Distance, but whatever you determine upon I will abide by, my words must be true as I have only one mouth” (Cruikshank (ed.) 1924, 2: 15). In a letter to Joseph Chew 214 dated April 21st, 1794, Lieutenant Colonel John Butler215 quoted an indigenous speech accompanied by “a large Black Belt” (95): “With this Belt I surround the Six Nations in order that they may be nearer together to consult their own Interest as all other Nations do. You know the Americans never will even ask your opinion, except for their own benefit; on the other hand you know the King your Father is always ready to serve you” (MPHC 1892, 20: 343; Cruikshank of Indian Affairs after Johnson’s death (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 240). 213 A short biographical sketch is given in (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 241). 214 Joseph Chew became in 1774 secretary to the “British northern department of Indian affairs” (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 234). 215 John Butler was a British agent and Indian interpreter (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 232).

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(ed.) 1924, 2: 218). A few months later, Tarhee, Mayouwatema, Wahoomat and Totaras, chiefs of the Wyandots, returned Colonel England “a belt of black Wampum with fifteen Rows” (96) and added: “Father: Listen. Here is the Hatchet you gave us which was buried under the leaves, and which we now return to you to sharpen for you and us, that we may be better enabled to strike the Big Knives [USA]” (ibid 1924, 2: 357). In October of 1794, Joseph Brant condoled the death of Wyandots, Lenni-Lenape (Delawares), Shawnees, and Odawas/Ottawas with “3 Black Belts” (97-99), (MPHC 1896, 25: 41)216. In the following year, at the end of August of 1795, Brant informed Governor John Grave Simcoe on behalf of the Six Nations about their poor situation and need for support with a “Belt Black Wampum” (100): “We are fearful that we should be under the necessity of disposing of some part of our land unless it was possible that the King’s bounty could be encreased to us” (MPCH 1896, 25: 101; Cruikshank (ed.) 1926, 4: 87f.)217. At Niagara, on May 16th 1796, Joseph Brant condoled the recent death of Lieutenant Colonel Butler, deputy agent of Indian Affairs, with “a Large Belt of Black Wampum” (101) and spoke as follows: “Brothers, We shall now conclude this melancholy ceremony and according to our customs with this Belt, we cover the grave that he may rest in peace, and his memory will ever be dear to us” (MPHC 1892, 20: 445). But on February 22nd of 1798, Brant sent “a Black Wampum Belt” (102) by messengers to the Kahnawakes, in order to invite them “to take up the hatchet against the U. States” (Anonymous 1798a, 1(124): 3). The very next record is dated 1807, when “a Black wampum belt” (103) was seen in the possession of an Indian chief near Michilimackinac, with its meaning being described as “never failing forerunners of a war” (Anonymous 1807b: 2). Much later, in March 1814, at a council near Detroit, held between representatives of Odawas/Ottawas, Shawnees, Lenni-Lenape, Mohawks, Sauks, Meskwakis, Kickapoos, Winnebagos, and the British Governor in Chief, Sir George Prevost, the Odawa/Ottawa chief Newash presented “a black wampum” belt (104) and spoke: “Father Listen. The Americans are taking our lands from us every day. They have no hearts, Father. They have no pity for us. They want to drive us beyond the setting sun. But, Father, we hope, although we are few, and are here as it were upon a little island, our great and mighty Father who At this meeting participated deputies of the “Six Nations, Wyandots, Delawares, Shawenoes, Miamis, Ottawas, Chippewas, Poutawatamies, Cherokees, Munseys” (ibid 1896, 25: 40). 217 Another black belt was presented by Red Jacket as part of the ceremony of condolence for General Israel Chapin, Agent for Indian Affairs of the United States, who died in 1795 (Severance (ed.) 1921, 25: 210). Red Jacket, or Sagoyewatha, was a sachem or chief and orator of the Senecas (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 249). 216

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lives beyond the great lakes, will not forsake us in our distress, but will continue to remember his faithful, red children” (Anonymous 1814: 2). Altogether we can draw on 104 black belts, located in sources dating between 1679 and 1814. All accounts confirm the statements quoted above regarding the color black and its general meaning as standing for important messages. In addition, the descriptions can be grouped into four different categories, listed by frequency. Firstly, 44 belts were given as signs of importance, earnest requests or apologies. Twenty-four belts were used in condolence ceremonies, to make amends to individuals or entire groups, closely followed by 19 belts, which were given with invitations to warlike actions. A slightly smaller number of 17 belts accompanied urgent reminders or emergencies. In general, it can be said that no relevant changes in color and meaning had taken place in more than one hundred years. This applies to the period of time as well as to the geographical distribution. (c) Half Black and Half White Only two belts, described as half black and half white, could be found. The first one is mentioned during a meeting, which took place at Johnson Hall on March the 4th of 1764, when Chicola, speaker of Chughnuts218, presented William Johnson with “a belt 5 Rows, half Black, & half White”. He addressed Johnson with the following speech: “Brother Gorah Warraghijagey219. your Admonitions to us at that time gave us of Wialoosing220 new Spirits, and we lodged them in our Hearts so deep as not to be Eradicated, and we are fully determined to keep up to the old agreement, so that if any Nation hurts you, we shall resent it, & share wth. you in the Quarrel” (JP 1953, 11: 90). The second one was exchanged on February 11th, 1775, at a conference between Guy Johnson with Oneida and Oughquaga221 delegates. Peter, probably meaning Good Peter or Agwerondongwas, an Oneida chief, gave “a Belt half Black and White, nine Rows” and “Then repeated Sir William Johnson’s past care of them, and his sending Soldiers to protect their families in the late war, his recommending it to them to cast their eyes one way, and use one road of A Native village located on the Susquehanna River in today’s Broome County, New York (ibid 1953, 11: 88). 219 This was William Johnson’s Mohawk name given in 1746, which can not be translated as Hewitt pointed out. Most probably it “came from a deceased Mohawk war chief”, as Edmund Carpenter suggested elsewhere (2005: 95). 220 Meaning Wyalusing, a Moravian mission village of Munsee and Iroquois in the State of Pennsylvania (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 228). 221 The term denotes a village also called Oquaga, which was primarily inhabited by Oneidas and Tuscaroras on the Susquehanna River, in present Windsor, New York (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 222). 218

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peace, which they faithfully observed, and refused all advice, and invitations from the Enemy, assuring Col: Johnson they still continue in the same sentiments” (NYCD 1857, 8: 550)222. In both instances, the speeches contain good and kind words of thankfulness as well as important or serious matters, such as mutual assistance during times of war. Taking into account the meanings of the two colors, as discussed above, it makes sense that the belts were made of “equal” parts of black and white. (d) Monochrome Outlined Only one monochrome belt, which is bound or outlined with a different color, could be located. Late in December, William Johnson met delegates of the Mohawks, Onondagas, and Tuscaroras at Onondaga and addressed them by “a Belt of 8 Rows, black, with a white Row around” as follows: “Brethren: I am hopeful that all of you present, and all those who are desirous to preserve Peace, and keep on good Terms with the English, must be greatly Concerned at the late publick Breach thereof, and will take every possible measure for procuring Us the just Satisfaction We require; I therefore, agreeable to my orders, insist on the two Murderers being immediately brought down the Country, and deliver’d up to Justice […] as the only means to prevent Us from being reduced to the Necessity of taking Satisfaction our Selves” (JP 1951, 10: 590ff.). Johnson insisted that the belt, mentioned above, be delivered to two Senecas, who had recently killed settlers. To underscore the importance of his urgent request the belt is black, but its white outline, on the other hand, seems to convey his affection or peaceful intention toward the Six Nations223. Belts with geometric patterns will be listed next, starting with lines and progressing to more unique forms.

222

The description of some belts is somewhat disputable, such as one which was presented by the Six Nations to the Pennsylvania government in 1761. Seneca George, speaker of the Six Nations, handed out “a black and white Belt of eight Rows” to condole Weiser’s death and also to request that his son Samuel Weiser follow his father as commissioner for Indian Affairs (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 4). Another “black and white belt of six Rows” was given by Teedyuscung to confirm his intention “not [to] leave so suddenly; but, if I should see any Danger, I will endeavour to jump out of the Way of that Danger” (ibid 1938: 6f.). 223 Compare for example the explanation of a preserved belt in reverse colours, see: Plate 1, Fig. 10 (Dockstader 1977: 72; Heye 1930: 321).

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2. Belts with Geometric Patterns (a) Single Horizontal Line/Row The earliest account dates to 1762224, as Adam, Sachem of Oquaga, presented “a belt of 9 Rows with a black Road thro’ the Middel” (1), and addressed the delegates of Otsiningo225 with the following words: “Brethren: I am sorry to hear of your meeting with so many stumps in the Road hither; you must consider it is newly repaired, & cannot be so smooth, and even as when a little more used, I will assist you in making it level, smooth, & wide, so that you, and we may travel it with safety, and pleasure by night or day to all, or any of our Towns” (JP 1951, 10: 447)226. The second instance was recorded in early December of that same year, at a meeting held at Onondaga, when Guy Johnson explained a message to the assembled chiefs, which he had recently received from the Governor of Virginia, “concerning a Passage thro’ his Country” accompanied by his belt “of 7 Rowes, with a Road thro’ the same”(2), (JP 1951, 10: 592). Two years later, during a meeting held between Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Nanticokes, and William Johnson, Gagswangaroras, a chief, returned Johnson’s belt “wth. ye. Road through it” (3) and added: “Brother. At that time we told you that it was with difficulty we passed the Road to you, being new and full of Briars, and other Obstructions, as also crooked. You then with this Belt assured us that we would open up the Road, and make it straight, and good, so that it might be passed by with ease, and Safety” (JP 1953, 11: 80f.). The following entry on March 24th of 1764 is even more detailed, describing a conference with Six Nations delegates, when Tyaanwhita, a warrior of the Cayugas addressed him with “a belt of 9 Rows-with 3 Rows of Black” (4) and spoke as follows: “Brother, I must again assure you of our Warriors good intentions & we have called the 5 Nations here together that they may be Witnesses of our promise, and that we are resolved for the future to follow the advice of our Sachems & do every thing for the good of the Confederacy” (ibid. 1953, 11: 134f). Somewhat later, Tyaanwhita presented another belt “of 7 Rows 3 Rows of Black” (5), adding: “Brother, In my last Belt we assured you of the resolutions of our Warriors but we see with concern,

224

Even a century before, in 1694, although not described accurately, Five Nations deputies gave a belt so that French and their Native allies “may safely come into [their] Country. This Belt opens the Path, and secures it to them both coming and going” (Colden 1973, 1: 209). Archaeological belts with a single horizontal line or row were recovered from the Steele Site (1635-1650), see: Plate 3, Fig. 30 (Wray 2003: 27). 225 Otsiningo was a village located on the Susquehanna River, near present Binghamton, New York. The inhabitants were composed of many different Nations like Conoys, Six Nations, Nanticokes, Mahicans and Shawnees (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 222f.).

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that you appear displeased, and therefore imagine you have some-thing that’s bad in your mind, wch we are desirous you sho’d not as we now assure you all our Warriors are of one mind & will consider nothing but the good of the Confederacy as you have often recommended & we desire you will do the same & undertake nothing rashly, as we shall have our Eyes upon you, to see that you promote the good of the 5 Nations in Conjunction with our Sachems” (JP 1953, 11: 136f.). Many years later, in 1775, a “Path Belt” (6) was exchanged between delegates of the Six Nations and commissioners of the United States at Albany. One of the commissioners spoke to the Six Nations as follows: “Brothers, the road is now open for our brethren of the Six Nations and their allies, and they may now pass and repass as safely and freely as the people of the twelve United Colonies themselves” (NYCD 1857, 8: 619f.)227. Six recorded belts with interwoven inverted color lines/rows, dating from 1762 to the 1780s, could be located. Five of them are explained as road or path belts, so the description of 1694 quoted above fits. Two belts denote good intentions and advice or promises (4-5), as explained by Zeisberger or as quoted before, were used to renew agreements or treaties, or in Jacobs’ words: “open paths connoted friendship since they could not be used freely during times of war” (1949: 601). (b) Several Horizontal Lines/Rows The very first reliable description of belts with differently colored horizontal rows through the whole belt is mentioned at the conference held at Easton on August 3rd of 1761228, when Seneca George spoke in behalf of the 7 Nations 229 to Governor James Hamilton of Pennsylvania: “Brother Onas230, We the Seven 226

There is one earlier source dating to 1761, which will be mentioned, although it is not ambiguous, as the belt is only described as “a Road Belt” (JP 1951, 10: 585). 227 The last belt could not be located in any primary source, but will be added last due to its congruent description, dated to the early 1780s. Back then the British provided the Wyandots with a belt of wampum, “with a white strip in the middle from one end to the other, representing their ever free road to headquarters”, and also signifying “the British Government’s friendship and protection to them for all time” as Peter Dooyentate Clark writes (1870: 50). Compare the described belt with Douglas Smith Huygue’s drawing and explanation of Huron-Wendat belts at Lorette, present Wendake in 1846 (Lainey 2004: 109). Even some twenty years later the very same belt seems to be handled by an Oka chief (Fenton and Tooker 1978: 477). 228 Some archaeological examples dating to the first half of 17th century were excavated at the Steele and Power House Sites (1635-1655), see: Plate 3, Fig. 43 (Wray 2003: 32). 229 The tribal names of the 7 Nations are listed as: “Chesochechrona, Cochnawagechrona, Connechsatagechrona, Neoquechta, Schesova, Scheiquoucchrona and Warontas” (ibis 1938: 249; cf.: Delâge and Sawaya 2001). 230 The term Onas means “Father”, which was used by the Iroquois as title for the governors of Pennsylvania (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 246).

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Nations, and all our Cousins, are sorry, from the Bottom of our Hearts, for the Death of your Men, Women and Children; and by this Belt [A black Belt of eight Rows, streaked with White. (1)] we collect all their Bones together, bury them in one Grave, and cover them up”. He then continued to condole the death of Conrad Weiser: "as since his Death we cannot so well understand one another: By this Belt [A white Belt of seven Rows, with four black Streaks. (2)] we cover his Body with Bark.” Somewhat later Seneca George proceeded with “a white Belt of 7 Rows, striped” (3), which was previously given to them by the governor. Its meaning was explained by Seneca George as follows: “Brother Onas. By this Belt, you at the same Time told us, that you cleared our Ears, that all the Nations might hear what you had to say to us” (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 248f.; BL, Add. Ms. 21,655, Folio 131ff., Minutes of conferences; Stone 1838: 451). In the afternoon of August 5th, Teedyuscung addressed the governor as follows: “I must steadily look towards the Mountains, and if you see English Brethren coming over the Mountains, you must light your Pipe, and come to us (the Mingoes) and we will receive you”, and delivered “a white Belt of six Rows, striped” (4), (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 251). Again he addressed Hamilton with another “white belt of five Rows, with three black Bars” (5) and added: “by this Belt, I remove the Clouds from the Sun, that we may see it rise and set, and that your Hearts may be eased from Sorrow” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,655, Folio 131ff., Minutes of conferences; Boyd (ed.) 1938: 248; Stone 1838: 451). Three days later, on August 8th, 1761, at the same conference, delegates of the 7 Nations presented the governor with “a white Belt of eight Rows, with three black Bars” (6) and addressed him as follows: “You desired us to open our Hearts, that nothing unknown might lay hid there, but that every Thing may come out: We desire, by this Belt, that you may do the same” (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 254; Pennsylvania (Province) 1761: 10). On the same day they delivered “a white Belt of nine Rows, and four black Bars” (7) to appeal their current situation. Joseph Pepy, then speaker of the 7 Nations, explained the constricted situation caused by the recently built forts, and the bad treatment they had received from William Johnson and the Governor of Virginia. He then concluded: “We want nothing but friendship with you, so long as the Sun shall shine, and the Waters run” (ibid. 1938: 254; ibid 1761: 10). Further on, he gave “a white belt of six Rows, and three black Bars” (8) to point out Johnson’s treatment, and spoke as follows: ”when we come to him for Ammunition, and bring our Skins, he does not give us the Worth of our Skins, but only a Handful of Powder […] We only mention this to you, but if you will continue to smile on us, we will look to you” (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 254; Pennsylvania (Province) 1761: 10). Only two days later, Tokahaio addressed Governor Hamilton with “a Belt

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of seven Rows and four black Bars” (9) on behalf of the 7 Nations with specific wishes to: “erect[ed] a Trading-house at Diahoga”, for cheaper access to goods, “especially of Powder and Lead”, and lastly the prohibition of any “strong Liquor” trade (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 255; Pennsylvania (Province) 1761: 11). Joseph Pepy proceeded as follows: “there were Ten [Euro-American prisoners] among the Cayuga, but our Brother General Johnson has also often spoken of them to us, and we have delivered them all up to him; there is none amongst us at present. You must now look for them amongst the Delawares, our Cousins” and gave “a Belt of five Rows, with three black Bars” (10), (ibid. 1938: 255; ibid. 1761: 11). Later in August, Six Nations delegates spoke to Governor Hamilton at the State House in Philadelphia. They presented “a white Belt of 7 Rows, three Bars” (11) and added that the former treaties with the French and their allies “occasioned a great number of Messages and great Consumption of Wampum. When the French Indians spoke to us, they spoke by pipes and Quills, but we returned answers with Wampum, whereby all our Wampum is expended [...] Now we desire the Governor would give us some Strings of Wampum and put them in our pouch” (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 8: 657). And in December of 1763, Aneus, Anigut or Sadahanwonota, spoke on behalf of the Tuscarora women of Oquaga as follows: “Brethren, Friends, & relations – We have now only to recommend to You all a Valliant & steady conduct in Action, as well as in Council, and we shall not fail in yr. absence, or in case of Death, to instill ye. principles you are now to act upon into the minds of your Children, so that they may always follow yr. Example, and when they grow up, and thereby merit their Brethrens Good Will”, and delivered “a White Belt wth. black Strokes 8 Rows” (12), (JP 1951, 10: 947). Afterwards Aneus gave another “White Belt wth. Black Strokes 8 Rows” (13) and added: “We [the chiefs] having now made known to You our fixed resolutions […] let what will be our fate, having only to request, that you will consider & take pity of our present poverty, occasioned by the evil disposition of those Inds. who are now at war with you” (JP 1951, 10: 947). Thirteen years later, on May 16th of 1777, Onondaga delegates recited speeches at Kayingwarertos, a village in Seneca country, formerly given by “Bostonians”. Regarding “a Belt of White and Black Stripes” (14) a French officer told them: “Children, Your Father who was once dead or put to sleep is now Arose again, […] I have plenty for you, and Remain and Rejoyce to think your Father has come to your Relief as well as all Indians to the setting of the Sun” (LAC, WO28, Vol. 10; PROK CO42/36). In June of 1778, several Nations assembled at a council held with Governor Hamilton, when Chamintawáa presented “a belt of 8 rows black, 3 white bars” (15) and spoke in the following manner: “we are not like you, we speak from

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the bottom of our hearts […] We address you as well in the manner of the village as the War Chiefs, and desire if you have anything bad in your hearts […] we beg you to have sense and listen to our father as we all do & obey his will. These are the sentiments of all here present & this is the last time we intend speaking to you” (MPHC 1886, 9: 448). Two years later, in June of 1780, Kayashota231, a Seneca chief, presented Guy Johnson with “a black Belt of 12 Rows with 5 white Rows across it” (16) and thanked him for his belt presented earlier with the following words: “The Belt you have sent to our Warriors, we received with the greatest Pleasure, and we have bound your Belt round us & give you the strongest Assurances that we will be firmly united. [… and we] will not suffer any bad Spirit to come into our Country to utter their artful Speeches in Councils, for we are well acquainted with the Decite of the Rebels, whom all our Nations have resolved to sourrender and treat as Enemies” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 91-95, Haldimand Papers). The latest account dates to 1794, when commissioners of the United States presented the Six Nations “a large Belt of White Wampum, and thirteen stripes of Black Wampum” (17), and Jasper Parrish interpreted the message as thanks for their commitment to establish peace between them, the USA and the western Nations (MPHC 1895, 24: 633f.; Stone 1838, 350)232. In conclusion, 17 belt descriptions, characterized by horizontally arranged stripes, were found. The very first dates to 1761, and the last one to 1794. Almost all given belts signified recurrent friendship, some added special requests, such as a better treatment or particular trade goods. Only four of the samples (1-3, 5) are accompanied by a condolence ceremony or at least parts of it, but in all cases the belts are linked with a continual renewing, which Dean R. Snow characterized for the Iroquois as a ritual of “life-giving” (1996: 65f.). (c) Diagonal Lines This group contains belts described with oblique lines, named in the sources as bars, strokes, streaks across, or diagonal and oblique lines. The very first belt (1) was presented by “Sopes Indyans [Esopus chiefs]” in February of 1677-78 to renew an earlier agreement made between them and Governor Stuyvesant at Fort Amsterdam in 1664233. They offered “Richard Nicolls, Esqre, Governor under his Royal Highnesse, the Duke of Yorke […] a belt of Kayahsotaʔ became famous during Pontiac’s war (see: Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 241f.). 232 Beauchamp dated the belt to 1793 (1901: 399). 233 Earlier archaeological samples were recovered from the Steele (1635-55), and Dann Site (1655-1675), see: Plate 5, Fig. 59 (Wray 2003: 35). 231

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sewant, in token that from this time they will remain content” (Ulster County Clerk’s Office (ed.) 2009: 14; cf.: Schoonmaker 1888: 46f.; Beauchamp 1901: 394, plate 13, fig. 171). The treaty enclosed nine clauses, of which the first four established peace with a belt 6 rows wide with three black diagonal lines, today preserved at the County Clerk’s office at Kingston, N.Y., see: Plate 5, Fig. 55 (Stessin-Cohn and Valdivia 2008: 66; Ulster County Clerk’s Office (ed.) 2009: 7ff.)234. Many years later, in 1712, thirty two belts of wampum were given by Lenni-Lenape to the Five Nations as “tributes” during a conference held at Whitemarsh, as James Logan235 documented the given speeches and described them as being “of Various Figures”, of which he redrew four designs in his manuscript (1938: XX)236. The three sketched belts (2-4) with black diagonal, double, and triple lines, accompanied wishes, such as “might have a Clear & free passage”. Other belts were sent by Teedyuscung to the 3 Nations237 in April of 1758, described as “a large Black Belt, with five strokes across, made of white Wampum” (5), with the following address to the LenniLenape (Delawares) and Shawnees: “Mark Men of Allegheny; you sent me word you had laid hold of the two ends of the Peace Belt […] Therefore, I must desire all your Captains to sit quiet at Home, and not partake of these Evils, or murder English any more […] By such doings you may hurt the Chain of Peace” (Hazard (ed.) 1831, 8: 116; Hazard (ed.) 1852, 8: 97). For a second, “a White belt, with black strokes across, set with black Wampum” (6), he spoke as follows: “You live near the Others, and if any of you live nigh the French, move a little further from them, and take each other by the Hand, and let all you Chiefs come, and I will take them by the Hand and go with them to the Governor” (ibid. 1831, 8: 116, 1852, 8: 97)238. Six years later, in March, at a Obviously, Beauchamp followed Schoonmaker’s description and characterized the belt as: “it has no pattern, being made entirely of white beads” (1901: 394). For that reason he misleadingly concluded that the earliest belt with “transverse lines” dated not earlier than 1757 (Beauchamp 1901: 398). 235 Boyd described Logan, as the one, who “was in charge of Indian affairs in the province [Pennsylvania] from 1701 to 1732” (Boyd (ed.) 1938: XIX). 236 The manuscript was first mentioned by Julian P. Boyd as being in possession of Logan’s descendants. Today it is part of in the collections of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. My inquiries concerning a copy of it could not be satisfied, as the archivists were not able to locate it. For his patience and support, I am indebted to David Haugaard, Director of Research Service, (personal communication, December 2011). Fortunately, Michael Galban provided me with a copy of the pages in question (Michael Galban, personal communication February 2012). 237 The 3 Nations is given as an alliance of Lenni-Lenape (Delawares), Shawnees and “Quahanoquesies” (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 8: 96). 238 The third belt is not characterized definitely, only given as “a white Belt set with black Wampum across”, which Teedyuscung delivered up to: “require and charge all the Indians here and there, not to acquaint the French anything of transactions here; but to stop their 234

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meeting between Natives from Chughnut and Wialoosing with William Johnson, Chicola as speaker presented “a Belt 8 Rows wth. 4 double strokes black” (7) and gave an account of their recent situation and removal to Otsiningo, finishing his speech with: “we are determined to live there, as You, and the Onondagas have lighted a Fire there, and keep the same burning clear, where nothing that is bad is transacted. This Brother, is our Resolution” (JP 1953, 11: 88ff). Little later, Chicola gave another belt of “8 Rows wth. 4 double black Strokes” (8) and added: “we will stand by our Brethren the English, and Act in Concert with the Nanitcokes, and Canoys &c - who have also given up their Warriors to you, and we hope you will take Care of them as of the Rest” (ibid. 1953, 11: 88ff.). On May 14th of 1776, a meeting between Hurons-Wendats, Odawas/Ottawas, and Governor Hamilton took place, Sartaaretze, speaker for the Hurons-Wendats, addressed them in the following manner: “Brothers: We desire you will have pity on the Warriers, the Women & Children not only them present but those unborn - We hope this Belt will make the Earth smooth & Even and present it to you brother and that we may live in peace as formerly”, then he presented “a belt of all: 6000 W. mostly black” (9), (LAC, MG19, F35, Series 1, lot 687, p. 34). Fortunately, the account is accompanied by several sketches, of which one depicts the belt briefly mentioned above. The drawing shows 6 diagonal lines, probably even doubled239. Another belt was presented on July 7th of the very same year during a meeting held between HuronsWendats and Governor Hamilton. Sartaaretze, again speaker for the Native delegation, gave the following talk: “Father - As Our Father Governor told us to come at any Hour when we had anything to say, we thought best not to loose any time in communicating what we have heard & we beg you will let him know that last night we had further information of our Lands going to be stolen […] We beg that this Belt [a large Belt of 12 Rows of Black W (10)] which is in the name of all the Hurons settled on this River [Rouge] may finally settle & prevent the bad effects of these proceedings” to prevent any “white People” from taking indigenous lands (LAC, MG19, F35, Series 1, lot 687, p. 64f.). For a second time, an added sketch clearly shows five white diagonal lines. Four years later, in June of 1780, at a meeting with Guy Johnson, Shanghnagenrat “gave a white Belt of eight Rows, with three Bars across it” (11) and addressed him with the following talk: ”Brother, In consequence of our misconduct of which we heartily repent and are sorry for, we humbly hope to be passioned, ears and Eyes, that they may neither hear nor see what passes amongst us” (Hazard (ed.) 1831, 8: 116; Hazard (ed.) 1852, 8: 97). 239 The sketches are not executed in detail, and it is not possible to discern between single or double lines.

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as we acknowledge our blindness, and weakness in acting so contrary to what we intended; but assure you that we shall in future exort ourselves as zealous Partisans to the Great King and his cause, and we intreat you to release our People that are in Confinement, as their families are all present here, making no doubt of their readiness to follow our Example and your advice” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 97f., Haldimand Papers). Ten years later, in June of 1790 at Fort Stanwix, Clear Sky, then speaker for the assembled Onondagas, addressed the Governor of the State of New York: “Brother! We in our Turn likewise exhort you to Peace and not to regard the Voice of the Birds 240 who will break our Peace. My Words are few but they are strong”, and delivered “a white Belt with eleven Rows of white Wampum & four oblique Rows of Black Wampum across it” (12), (New York (State) Commissioners of Indian Affairs (ed.) 1861, 2: 397)241. In July 1793, the commissioners of the United States met with “Deputies of the Confederated Indian nations”242 at the rapids of the Miami River, where the commissioners presented “a white belt, crossed with thirteen stripes of black wampum” (13) accompanied by a speech on land rights, and in particular the contested boundary line, the Ohio River. (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 353f.; cf.: Cruikshank (ed.) 1924, 2: 29). The next account will probably shed some light on its meaning, for, as Joseph Brant noted in his journal in August 1793, that in case of their late arrival, some “Lake Indians […] repeated what they had before said and gave a Belt with a Number of Streaks across it and said the tribes which these Streaks represent have made Peace with the Americans” (14), (Cruikshank (ed.) 1924, 2: 17). In October of 1794, Brant delivered to the Wyandots “a Black Belt with diagonal white lines and ends” (15) during a council held at Brown’s Town. On behalf of Governor Simcoe and the Six Nations he pointed out the “great loss” by the death of their “principal chiefs” recently caused in action with the “Big [Long] 240

This indigenous metapher was relied on by speakers to refer to rumors, and when given as “evil birds” it stood for lies or liars, as done in 1765: “I […] reccomeding to you not to listen to those evil birds which hover over your heads & whisper bad things in your ears” (JP 1925, 4: 805). 241 An oil painting shows William Augustus Bowles (1763-1805) wearing a white belt with diagonal black double lines around his neck, done by Thomas Hardy in 1791 (Wright 2010: cover; Belue 1995: 50). An engraving of the painting executed by Joseph Grozer is depicted on Figure 5. Bowles married Marry Perryman, a daughter of a Creek leader and gained influence among the Muscogee Nations. He even adopted the title “Director-General of the Muscogee Nation”, while in England, but in later life was turned over by Seminoles to the Spaniards, who brought him to Havana, where he died in prison (Washburn (ed.) 1988: 624; Wright 2010). 242 The tribes are listed as “Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanese, Miamies, Mingoes, Pattawatamies, Ottawas, Connoys, Chippewas, Munsees” (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 352).

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Knives”, or U.S.-Army cavalry, as well as those of the Lenni-Lenape and Shawnees. Then he proceeded: “Brothers, Consider what is best for us now to do for the advantage of our women our children and our warriors. This is ye step our Forefathers have always followed in like Circumstances” (MPHC 1896, 25: 41). The very last record tells of a belt given by Tuscarora delegates in 1798243. In a letter dated January 27th of 1799, Captain Israel Chapin explained the occasion to Theophilus Cazenove, agent of the Holland Company: “A few days before I left home the principal chiefs of the Tuscarora nation came to me with an earnest request that I would petition the Holland company that their reservation might be enlarged, and at the same time presented a large belt of wampum as a token of their earnest desire” (Severance (ed.) 1921, 25: 208f.). This belt was long preserved at the Buffalo Historical Society until it was lost in 1963244. Severance gave a more detailed description: “a wampum belt, 21 inches long, three and a half inches wide, of 10 strands, white with diagonal double bars of purple” (16), (ibid 1921, 25: 208), see: Plate 5, Fig. 66 In all, 16 belts featuring patterns given as oblique arranged lines, dating from 1677-78 to 1798, were found. Almost all of them are characterized by accompanying desires or wishes, while five are more in form of advice or caution. Two of them (7-8) are underscored by doubling the bars, and four of the belts (5, 10-11, 15) are outlined or stitched in inverse colors to denote threats of conflicts in case of military actions or land theft. Two, giving more detail (13-14), are the first that identify the oblique lines as actual counters, with one signifying the number of participating Nations. Unfortunately, both date to the very same time period and make a deposition of their historical utility impossible. The next section will list belts with spots of various colors. (d) Spots The very first recorded belt with interwoven spots was presented by 7 Nations245 delegates on Captain Claus’ behalf to the western Nations in Au-

Severance misleadingly dated the belt to “autumn or early winter of 1799”, which is impossible, when the above cited letter dates to the beginning of 1799 (Severance (ed.) 1921, 25: 208f.). 244 For the documentation of the belt up to 1921 read Frank H. Severance (1921, 25: 208f.). While the time to its disappearance is briefly described by Richard W. Hill (Kerber (ed.) 2007: 417). 245 Actually the number 8 is given, although the listed tribal nations are seven: “Caghnawageys, Caneghsadarundax, Skaghquanes, Swegachies, St. Francis, 3 River Indians, and Hurons near Quebec”, in both sources (NYCD 1856, 7: 544; JP 1951, 10: 792). 243

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gust 1763246. The “large white belt with black spots” (1) is accompanied by the following message: “Brethren, You cannot have forgot the agreement jointly made between us and our Brethren the English, when this Country was taken, of maintaining a firm peace and friendship with one another. We hereby acquaint you that we are resolved strictly to abide by our agreements, and expect you'll do the same” (NYCD 1856, 7: 544; JP 1951, 10: 792). The following year, in March, Chicola, a Munsee, spoke on behalf of the assembled 180 Natives from Chugnut as follows: “Brother Warraghijagey […] we see you have engaged our Uncles the Five Nations against them, we thought we could do no less, than act in Conjunction with them. We therefore now offer you our Service, and you may dispose of us, as you think proper.-this we speak from our Hearts” and they presented William Johnson with “a Belt wth 7 Rows, wth. 3 Spots of black mix’d” (2), (JP 1953, 11: 88f.). Afterwards Chicola addressed him again: “Brother, Our Sachims having now declared their Resolution of following your Directions in the p’sent affair you have now in hand, […] and are ready to follow your directions, to the number of 60 men, and you may depend upon our Services, and Sincerity” then he delivered “a Belt wth. 7 Rows, and 4 black Spots” (3), (JP 1953, 11: 88f.). Somewhat later, Chicola gave another “belt of 6 Rows with 6 black Spots” (4) to inform Johnson that “our very Women, and Children are pleased at our Resolutions, in so much that they have strongly Recommended it to the Warriors to exert themselves in your Cause […] and are determined to live & dye by our Brethren the English, and we confirm what we now say by this Belt of wampum” (JP 1953, 11: 89). The latest description dates to 1812, when Tenskwatawa247 explained that “a white belt of wampum, with a small spot of purple wampum in the centre” (5) was meant to “represent their town on the Wabash” (Anonymous 1812: 3). In total, 5 belts characterized by interwoven spots are listed, dating between 1763 and 1812. In all cases spots designate numbers, corresponding to agreements and/or promises. In a few instances the spots represent towns (5), while others seem to symbolize villages as well as their respective number of warriors, ready for deployment. Next is the group of squares. (e) Squares/Blocks A larger number of belts, characterized by having square shaped patterns, is found in the primary sources. The very first one was dated by Gérin and 246

A much earlier dated example was excavated at the Power House Site (1640-1655), (Wray 2003: 31), see: Plate 22, Fig. 275. 247 Tenskwatawa, the Prophet, and his brother Tecumseh, two Shawnees, forged a tribal alliance to resist American expansion (Callender 1978a: 631f.).

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Vangeois to 1689248, when Five Nations delegates presented Governor Buade de Frontenac a belt (1): “porte 5 carrés noir sur fond blanc pour indiquer que les Cinq-Nations envoient une ambassade [a Wampum with 5 black squares on a white background, indicating that the 5 Nations send the message (my translation)]” (1996: 152). Four years later, another source describes an almost identical belt (2) as interwoven with “five black squares on a white ground” sent by the Five Nations to the Governor of New France, indicating “the Five Iroquois Nations, who have all unanimously agreed to this embassy from the Iroquois to Kebec [Quebec]” (NYCD 1854, 4: 79; Beauchamp 1901: 392)249. Additional descriptions are hard to find during the next six decades. But in September of 1762, Six Nations delegates presented Sir William Johnson with “a Belt with five Squares” (3) accompanied by the following speech: “Brother; One of our People lately, in a vision, was told by the Great Spirit above, that when He first made the World, He gave this large Island to the Indians for their Use […] that He was quite displeas’d, and would, although their Numbers were ever so great, punish them if They did not desist” to quarrel for the Natives’ land (JP 1951, 10: 506). In February, two years later, Seneca George spoke on behalf of an Esopus Native at a meeting with several Nations250 held at Johnson Hall: “Brother [William Johnson]. Here is present an Indian born at Esopus, who having removed from thence to Otseningo nine Years ago, where he is happily seated, has resolved to make you a Present of his Lands there, being 8 Miles one way, and 7 another, and begs you will accept of it” and gave “a Belt 6 Rows black & white wth. Squares” (4), (JP 1953, 11: 62). In late November of 1764, William Johnson spoke to the Six Nations delegates at Johnson Hall with “a large Belt wth. a Square” (5): “That his Majesty, and great Men being of Opinion that nothing cou’d so effectually prevent Dispute between his Subjects, and the Indians, as a Boundary Line between them, had directed that he should propose the same to the Six Nations, and settle it with them in such a Manner as will most tend to the entire Satisfaction of both parties” (ibid 1953, 11: 481). The following year in July, chiefs of the Six Nations addressed Johnson with “a Belt 10 Rows with white Squares” (6), saying: “Brother. This is the belt which you gave us when you Confirmed all past Affairs, by wch you recommended it to us to keep always in the Good Road, & mind what was Right, & we now shew it to you, to 248

An even earlier example was excavated at the Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 37), see: Plate 10, Fig. 135. 249 Probably both references mention one and the same belt, with little variation in time. 250 At the conference were present “Nanticoks, Conoyes, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Mohicans living along the Susquahanna” (JP 1953, 11: 59).

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Convince you we have not forgotten your advice” (JP 1953, 11: 874). On April 7th of 1773, Teyyawarunte, then speaker of the Onondagas, gave a speech on behalf of the Six Nations and their dependence to William Johnson, accompanied by “a large Covenant Chain Belt with 12 Squares, 11 Rows” (7) to prevent trade in “liquor”, by adding: “In this hope we now on behalf of all our confederacy, renew, strengthen and brighten the Covenant Chain” (NYCD 1857, 8: 365). Two days later, Johnson replied with “a large Covenant Chain Belt 13 Rows Black with white Squares” (8): “I thank you for renewing & brightening the ancient chain of Friendship, and particularly in that the Senecas are so wise as to take a firm hold of it - Whilst they value themselves and their confederates” (ibid 1857, 8: 367). Two years later, at a meeting with Huron-Wendat delegates of Lorette, present Wendake, Guy Johnson provided “a Belt of 8 Rows 5 White + 4 Black squares” (9) to indicate his confidence in them “by now putting a Belt into their Hands as the great door of the Grand Confederacy wch. they Should Communicate to their People and then Send it thro’. all the Nations” (LAC, MG19, F35, Series 2, lot 611, pp. 4-5; Lainey 2004: 219)251. One year later, at noon of January 30th of 1776, several nations assembled for a treaty held at Easton, when Captain Johnston, a Seneca, spoke on behalf of the tribes present: “Brothers There is a place called Niagara you may perhaps be afraid that your enemies will come upon you from that Quarter. But we will not suffer them to come thro our lands to You nor you to go thro our lands to them. We are between you and will not let you come together. Brothers we must hold the old friendship fast each other. No hurt shall come to you from us nor from Your enemies thro our lands” and finished by presenting “a Belt of Seven Rows three four sided figures from the Six Nations” (10), (SROE, Cunningham of Thorton Collection, GD21/493). Next day, at the same conference, Johnston presented “a Black belt with 7 Rows 7 white Square figures” (11) on behalf of the Six Nations and added: “We hope Brothers you will stuck close to the old agreement and not suffer it to be broken and that you will call your People back again as you promised you would. […] Brothers we wish to live in peace but these things will make a great breach between us and cause dam troubles which will be great concern to us” (SROE, Cunningham of Thorton Collection, GD21/493). Later on May 14th of 1776, delegates of Huron-Wendat and Odawa/Ottawa met Governor Hamilton, when Sartaaretze, a Huron.Wendat chief, addressed him as follows: “Brother. We who are present are not thoroughly acquainted with the accident that happen last Fall; but since one has happen’d we present you with this 251

Jonathan C. Lainey noted the unique pattern of alternating squares, in colors black and

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Belt, to cleanse you Heart & wipe the Tears from your Eyes, and desire that it may be buried and no more said of it to the End that we may live in the same brotherly love we formerly did”. The belt is described as “mostly white” (12), while an added sketch shows one with two outlined squares and a diamond (LAC, MG19, F35, Series 1, lot 687, p. 34). A year later, on 5th April of 1777, Captain Pipe arrived at Fort Pitt with a message sent by Six Nations consisting of “a black & white Belt in Stripes devided by three Squares” (13) and the following speech: “Nephews, Delawares & Munsies, Remembring ancient times I send this Belt to remind you thereof […] I have long protected & taken care of. I shall continue to do so, & I desire you will place yourselves under my Arm […] If you see the white people moving towards me, I desire you will give me notice & I will come & meet them. Nephews, When you see the Western Nations [then] they will do it in a body & move with one consent over the Ohio & strike the first which people they meet” (CLP, George Morgan Letterbook 1). More than a year later, on 16th May of 1777, two Onondagas delivered a message from the United States at Kayingwarertos, a village in Seneca country, together with “a Belt Denoting ye 13 Provinces” (14) and the following speech: “Brothers once more we [“Bostonians”] must repeatedly Desire of you to continue in those wise steps, to follow Brothers by Love with us and not to engage on eighter Side”. A line drawing which is part of the record shows 13 square marks on a rectangular belt (LAC, MG13, WO28, Vol. 10, p. 1; PROK, CO42/36; Lainey 2004: 196, footnote 13). Some weeks after, on 9th July, U.S. commissioners presented to the assembled chiefs “a large belt of wampum […] which contains 15 rows and in the middle there is 15 Square marks, which denotes 15 United Sachems, and path of peace goes through the marks. The belt is purely white, except the marks and the path, near 4 feet long” (15) of the Miami to get intelligence on their position in the war of Independence (NARS, Diplomatic Branch, Papers of the Continental Congress, i167, p. 305)252. Three years later, on February 12th of 1780, Shawnee and LenniLenape (Delaware) delegates met with Mohawks and Oneidas at Fort Niagara, and as a pledge, reminding them to stay neutral, “[g]ave a white Belt with 13 Squares” (16) when Abraham, speaker of the Mohawks, said: ”Brothers! We have often observed to you that it was not the Business of us Indians to take white, and explained it by a possibly symbolic discourse or esthetic reason (2004: 219). 252 The same belt is recorded again in 1792 as part of a message of the “15 Sachems of the United States” delivered by Captain Hendrick Aupaumut to the “hostile” Natives, as “a Large belt of wampum delivered, which contains 15 rows & in the middle there is 15 square marks, and a path goes thro the marks & the belt is purly white except the marks & the patch-near 4 feet long. The 15 rows-& the 15 square marks denotes 15 Messengers of the 15 United States" (NYHS, O’Reilly Papers, Vol. 8, 24).

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Part in any Quarrels between the White People, as they are of one Flesh and Blood and their Affairs do not concern us. […] We the Mohawks and Oneydas, the Heads of the Confederacy while undivided, have remaind neuter as we said” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 75f., Haldimand Papers). Afterwards, at the same conference, Abraham gave another “Belt with 4 black Squares” (17) to advise them again not to take part in the war on either side, as he spoke: “Brothers! Being grieves of our distressed Situation, we went down to Philadelphia, and there proposed to 66 Principle Men assembled at that Place, that they should allow you to return & settle again in your Country on Condition that you lay down your Arms and remain neuter” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 76, Haldimand Papers). One month later, a delegation of the Six Nations met with Colonel Johnson to inform him of the meaning of seven wampum belts, which they had previously received from U.S commissioners in 1776. Cakadorie alias the Bunt, repeated the message of “a large white Belt of 16 Rows, with two Rows of black Wampum running through it, so as to divide it in to equal Parts, the middle of which represents a Road and on each side are seven large Squares” (18), expressing: “that the Path through the Country of the Six Nations might be kept clear and no Blood be spilt on it” (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, pp. 219-221). On June 17th of 1780, Kayashota, then speaker of the Senecas, informed Guy Johnson of their meeting held with deputies of some southern Nations. In answer to the road belt they had received “a long black Belt of 13 Rows with 14 white Squares and a white Road of 3 Rows through the Whole” (19), accompanied by their thanks for clearing the road, additionally meaning that their “Road Belt” denoted “all the Nations of [their] Confederacy” is ready for service (BL, Add. Ms. 21,799, Fol. 91-95, Haldimand Papers). On the same day, Shanghnagenrat returned “Colo. Johnsons small white belt of Six Rows, with three Black Squares” (20) provided in the previous spring and then noted that they were “exceedingly glad [for the] treatment and reception [was] beyond what [they’d] expected” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 98, Haldimand Papers). One month later, during a meeting held at Niagara between Oneidas, Tuscaroras of “Canaghaaragys”253, and Guy Johnson, Shanghnagenrat, spoke on behalf of the assembled Natives, expressing their sorrow for supporting the United States, and promised: “to lay hold on the King’s axe which Coln. Johnson had given & at being informed of its sharpness and that they were in reality determined to act with vigor against the Common Enemy”. Then he “gave a white Belt of eight Rows, with Eight squares” (20), (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 97f., Haldimand Papers). Four years 253

Several spellings of this Tuscarora village are known, which laid south of Oneida Lake

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later, on September 7th of 1784, four Nations254 held a meeting with the commissioners of Indian affairs of the United States. Joseph Brant addressed the deputies as follows: “You become a free and independent State, and so acknowledged by Great Britain and other foreign States. This, Brothers, We know and are fully sensible that You are a free and an Independent State, and therefore wish to re-establish Friendship and Peace between Us, and as a Token that We receive your Speech and confirm it, We give You this belt” (21), a “Belt of seven Rows with 3 Blocks” (New York (State) Commissioners of Indian Affairs (ed.) 1861, 1: 53). Somewhat later Brant presented another “Belt of seven Rows & ten Blocks” (22) “to confirm the Truth of [their] Words”, only to deal with representatives of all thirteen States instead of only some (ibid 1861, 1: 54). Three days later, Six Nations delegates met with the commissioners of Indian affairs of the State of New York, when Brant spoke on behalf of the assembly again: “We would faithfully continue to observe the ancient Rule established between You and Us while We were a Colony, and renewed by your Constitution, not to dispose of any of our Lands being within your State, without your Consent and Approbation. This We agree to, and assure You that We shall abide by the ancient Rule & Custom” and provided “a Belt of seven Rows & five Blocks” (23) (ibid. 1861, 1: 61). More than a decade later, on July 23rd of 1795, at the treaty of Greenville, Massas, an Ojibwa chief, presented “a belt with nine white squares” (24) and explained the meaning to the elder brothers255 as follows: “The white beads on this belt denote the number of large villages from the North, who have heard your word” (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 572). The very last account of a belt described in detail dates to May 24th of 1798, when brother Elkanah Holmes received a letter with a belt of wampum from the Stockbridge or Munheconnuk nations “by which they desired to open and perpetuate a path of lasting union, communication and friendship” with the New-York Baptists Association. This belt (25) is described as follows: “[it] is more than two feet in length and three inches in breadth, consisting of eight rows of [white] Wampum, two of which are purple, signifying a plain wide path, the other six rows (denoting the six nation of Indians) are white, implying peace; three rows on each side of the path, implies safety and liberty for each party to pass and repass to visit each other. At each end of the belt, or path, is a square, formed of purple and white (see: Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 211). 254 Instead of four Nations, deputies of the following are listed: “Mohawks, Onondagos, Cayugas, Senecas, Ogbwagas or Oneidas, and Tuscarora” (New York (State) Commissioners of Indian Affairs (ed.) 1861, 1: 51). 255 The elder brothers are given as “Ottawas, Chippewas, and Pottawatamies”, while the younger are “Shawanese and Miamis” (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 570).

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Wampum, signifying the Muhhecunnuk Nation of Indians, and the New-York Baptist Association united in love and friendship” (Anonymous 1798b: 4). Here is a review of the data discussed so far. Twenty-five belts characterized by square shaped patterns were listed chronologically. The very first dates to 1689, while the last one is mentioned in 1798. In all instances, squares symbolize nations, large villages, castles or autonomous units. This meaning changed little, if at all, in more than 100 years. And as pointed out before, colors express the importance of a message. Seven descriptions don‘t specify any colors, while six are mentioned with white grounds and black squares, and four with colors arranged in reversed order. One belt is an exception with alternating colored squares (9), see: Plate 10, Fig. 136. Furthermore, some belts have a mix of several patterns. Six of them incorporate a horizontal line going through the squares, denoting “road or path belts” (15, 18, 19, 25), sometimes referred to as “covenant chain belts” (7-8). One is characterized by a background of horizontally alternating colored rows parted by squares (13), in all probability used for renewing a former friendship with the respective number of participating nations. And another belt is described as a combination of squares and diamonds (12). Its meaning will be explained in the next section. Further on, we will see that squares were also mixed with more specific symbols, such as initials. (f) Diamonds Unfortunately, no records predating 1700 could be located256. Instead, the very first belt described with interwoven diamonds was mentioned in the second half of the 18th century, on November 26th of 1758, when Petiniontonka, a Cayuga chief, took a “belt with eight diamonds” (1) […] “formed by beads of wampum, of different colours”. Then he explained the diamonds as follows: “signifying the five united nations, and the three younger nations, which join[ed] them” (Thwaites (ed.) 1904, 1: 270). During the same meeting, Petiniontonka delivered a second “belt with eight diamonds” (2) and asked for the following in the name of the Six Nations: “Brethren […] our children and grand children will see that there will be an everlasting peace established. We desire you [Lenni-Lenape (cousins)] to be still; we do not hear from your uncles [6 Nations] what they conclude; in the mean time do you sit still by your fire at Kushkushking” (ibid. 1904, 1: 271). Three years later, on August 10th of 1761,

256

There is a number of archaeologically recovered belts from the Steele Site (1635-1650), see: Plate 13, Fig. 173, 165 (Wray 2003: 21ff.).

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at a conference held at Easton, several indigenous nations assembled257, when Tokahaio addressed Governor Hamilton on behalf of the Six Nations: “Brother Onas […] Some of the English have settled upon our Lands, but we don’t know from whence they came. We hope, that as you are strong, you will assist us in preventing them from settling upon our Lands, that we may not be wronged out of them” and concluded presenting “a Belt of 7 Rows with 6 Diamonds & a Bar” (3), (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 255; BL, Add Ms. 21,655, Folio 131, Minutes of conferences held at Easton). Afterwards Tokahaio pointed to the illegal settlements of some white people on their lands, saying that: “we do not like [this people], and hope you will be strong, and assist us in having them removed”, then he gave “a Belt of 7 Rows with three Black Diamonds” (4), (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 255; BL, Add. Ms. 21,655, Folio 131, Minutes of conferences held at Easton). Almost one year later, at a conference held at Lancaster, between the “Northern Indians [or] fourteen Nations” and Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania, Thomas King, an Oneida chief, “stood up and pointed out the needed support of the councillors by their warriors in making decisions" and presented “a Belt with Seven Rows, with Two Diamonds in it, representing the Councellors and Warriors, united in Council together” (5), (ibid. 1938: 281; Hazard (ed.) 1852, 8: 747; Beauchamp 1901: 398). While at a conference, held at Johnson Hall in August 1764, delegates of Six Nations258 met William Johnson. There, Tagaaio, chief and speaker of the Cayugas, addressed him in the name of the assembled sachems with “a belt of 7 Rows wth. black Diamds.” (6) and said: “We desire therefore you will take notice of what is passed & believe that our Warriors who hitherto sate with their Heads down, have now risen, & are determined to mind what the sachems say & to assist them” (JP 1953, 11: 137). That same day, on March 24th, an Onondaga speaker presented “a belt 8 Rows, black with White Diamonds” (7) and spoke to Johnson: “Brother I now speak on behalf of our Nation, to lay before you our great Satisfaction that affairs are so far amicably settled which we took no small pains to effect, and as we hear there is a Good General below we beg you will use your interest with him to get matters happily settled” (JP 1953, 11: 141). Sequaresera, chief of Ganaghsaragey259, presented Johnson with “a White belt, 15 Rows with black Diamonds” (8) and apologized for the words of the warriors and chiefs given by mistake, adding: “with this belt we wash your “Onondagoes, Mohickons [Mohawks], Cayugas, Oneidas, Delawares, Tuteloes, Nanticokes and Conoys” were present at this treaty (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 251). 258 Listed are the “Sachems & Chiefs of Chenussio & other Seneca Castles with a Number of Onondagas, Cayugas, Oneidas, Tuscaroras, & Mohawks” (JP 1953, 11: 135). 259 A Tuscarora village also called Canasseraga south of Oneida Lake (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 211). 257

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inside & Cleanse it from the rememberance thereof, and also bury the words which displeased you under the same Tree with the Axe” (JP 1953, 11: 142). Two years later, on September 25th of 1766, a meeting was held between Governor John Penn and the “Nanticoke, Conoy and Mohickon Tribes” at Philadelphia. Jemmy Nanticoke gave a speech on behalf of the councilors of Chenango. He said that “the Road between the Council Fire at Philadelphia, that at Chenango, and the other at Onondaga […] is opened again […] In confirmation of this” they gave “a White Belt, with four black Diamond Figures in it” (9), (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 9: 329). Another account is given by David McClure in his diary entry for October 6th of 1772: “At the King's house I saw an uncommonly large Belt of Wampum, about 5 feet in length. The ground work was grey wampum. 9 diamond figures of white wampum, and a line of the same colour, running through them, from one end to the other” (10), see: Plate 17, Fig. 223. When he asked for the meaning, he got the following reply: “Sir William Johnson, has advised the nations to unite and live in peace, and this is a Belt of Union. Eight nations have taken hold of it, & I am going to send it to the Chipewas, who live near Lake Huron” (McClure 1899: 85). Two years later the next description is given as “a very large white [belt] with black Diamonds” (11), which was returned by Col. Johnson to the Oneida and Tuscarora delegates in a private meeting on September 18th of 1774. The speaker of the delegation addressed Johnson as follows: “Brother […] when he [Sir William Johnson] observed to us that you knew our affairs & his mind, and he hoped you wou’d take care of us, at the same time charged us to behave well, and peaceably as we had done, & to shew this great Belt [given by William Johnson at the close of the French and Indian War] to his Successor, which we beg you will take notice of […] it” (NYCD 1857, 8: 505). In April of 1777, George Morgan, commissioner of the United States, pres-ented of Kaskasias “a Belt 13 Diamonds” (12) to the Lenni-Lenape with the harsh admonishment not “to promote a savage War against Women & Children” (PROK, CO42/36, p. 264). Three years later, on February 12th of 1780, U.S. allied Native delegates met with Six Nations deputies at Niagara. Agorandajats, as speaker addressed the Six Nations women in the name of their women, “desiring them to use their influence over the Warriors, to make them comply with the offer now made them”, and delivered “a large white Belt with black Lozinges” (13), (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 75, Haldimand Papers). Two months later, Colonel Johnson gave “a large black Belt of 13 Rows, with seven white Diamonds” (14) to the assembled Natives and instructed them as follows: “Brothers! I also request that you will pay no Attention to any Messages that may be sent to you from the rebels, whose Deceit is well known, and the Effects of it have been

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severely felt by those few Indians that were at first led to hearken to them. […] you shall find me acting in the same Manner as your late worthy Friend, my Predecessor, Sir William Johnson” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 88f., Haldimand Papers; LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, pp. 248-252). For the next five decades there were hardly any records260. But prior to 1827, the above mentioned U.S. Indian Agent Thomas Forsyth described the council fire at Brownstown in Michigan Territory: “The British as head of the confederacy have a large belt of white wampum about six or eight inches wide at the head of which is wrought in with blue grains of a diamond shape, which means the British Nation: the next diamond in the belt is the first Indian Nation who joined the alliance with the British […] each nation of the confederacy have their diamond in the belt, those diamonds are all of the same size and are placed on the belt at equal distances from each other” (15), (Blaire (ed.) 1969, 2: 188)261. In summary, most of the accounts of belts with interwoven diamonds, dated between 1758 and 1827, were found reliable. Eight of them denote nations or fires, while four examples denote groups of individuals, such as sachems or chiefs, warriors, or women (5-6, 8, 13). Two are poorly explained, and are, therefore, not specific enough to provide any conclusions. Probably one belt (9) represents council fires, as mentioned earlier in an account by Beatty (1768: 51)262. Another is characterized as having checkered diamonds (1), while two include a line or road through each figure (3, 10). All in all, the listed records support the statements of the authors quoted above. Further insights may be gained through a closer examination of some preserved belts, which will be done in detail later.

260

There are some illustrations. One belt was part of the Leverian Museum as can be seen by a water colour painting done by Sarah Stone in the 1780s, yet the present whereabouts of the object are unknown (King 1993: 42; Kaeppler 2011: 229). Furthermore there are two oil paintings of Joseph Brant, showing him with a black wampum belt with interwoven open diamonds draped over his right shoulder. Both were executed by Gilbert Stuart in 1786, while Brant was visiting England (Bancroft-Hunt 1995: 31; Pratt 2005: Plate 11). One is at the British Museum in London and was published by Bancroft-Hunt. Another version is part of the collections of the New York State Historical Association, Cooperstown (Kelsay 1986: cover, frontispiece). A 19th century copy, a small medallion, was executed after John Francis Rigaud’s painting, and is part of the Brant Museum at Burlington, Ottawa, Canada. 261 As first allies he names the Shawnees and Lenni-Lenape (Delawares). All in all this British confederacy consisted of Shawnees, Lenni-Lenape (Delawares), Mingoes, Wyandots, Miamis, Ojibwas, Odawas/Ottawas and Potawatomis (Boyd (ed.) 1969, 2: 188). 262 Another belt missing any distinct description of its interwoven patterns is mentioned as “a Belt, at one end of which, [is] placed your fire, in the middle ours, and at the other end that of St. Joseph’s Village opening a road for the People of it”, made by Potawatomis of St. Joseph at Detroit prior to January 26th, 1765 (JP 1953, 11: 547f.).

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(g) Triangles A very small number of belts can be grouped by a discernable triangle pattern. The earliest description dates to March 4th of 1764, when several Natives of Chughnut assembled in William Johnson’s council room at Johnson Hall. Chicola, their speaker, addressed Johnson as follows: “we are to acquaint you that our Women, and Children are also desirous of putting themselves under your Protection, and we beg by this Belt of Wampum you will accordingly take Care of them and not let them suffer by our attachment”, then he delivered “a large Belt 13 Rows, with 4 three Square figures” (1), (JP 1953, 11: 91). The second sample (2) was presented during a congress held between several Native delegates263 and William Johnson at Niagara, from July 17th to August 4th 1764. Here, an indigenous inhabitant of Michilimackinac spoke to Johnson: “Brother. […] We assure you that we do [remember], and shall never forget it, and that we shall keep fast Hold of the Covenant Chain as you directed, that we shall not listen to bad Birds, nor be corrupted with bad News, but that, if we shall hear any such Things, we shall cast our Eyes to you, as you recommended”, and gave “a Belt with white Triangles 14 Rows” (JP 1953, 11: 312f.). More than a decade later, on May 14th of 1776, Huron-Wendat delegates met Governor Hamilton, when Sartaaretze presented him with “a large Belt almost white” (3) accompanied by the following speech: “Brothers. We are but weak. You have spilt our Blood at different times, but we always endeavoured to look over it & make Matters easy - and are expect you well do the same - our Hearts do not contain any Mallice”. Fortunately a sketch of the belt, which clearly shows two black triangles, is part of this account (LAC, MG19, F35, Series 1, lot 687, p. 34). Remarkably, only three belts with interwoven triangular patterns could be located, dating between 1764 and 1776, a time period of less than fifteen years. All samples are closely linked to an appeal for care or protection. (h) Equilateral Crosses This sub-group of sources mentioning in particular crosses as pattern of wampum belts can be listed. The earliest account dates to the second half of 1736264. During a treaty of friendship between a delegation of the Six Nations The mentioned deputies are: “the Sachims, and Chiefs of the Otawas, Chippeweighs [Ojibwas/Mississaugas] of Toronto, of Lake Huron, and Lake Superior, the Nipissins, Algonkins, Meynomeneys, or Falsavoins [Menominees], & Ottawas of La Bay, the Six Nations, & Indians of Canada” (JP 1953, 11: 278). 264 A belt depicted with equilateral white crosses in an oil painting of Tee Yee Neen Ho Ga Row, alias King Hendrick, done by John Verelst in 1710 dates even earlier (Pratt 2005: 35ff.; Dongen et al. (eds.) 1996: 173; Fenton 1998: 370, fig. 28). Beauchamp’s redrawn belt differs 263

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and the Governor of Pennsylvania, Kanickbungo, speaker of the 6 Nations, “laid down a large Belt of white Wampum of eleven Rows, with four black St. George’s Crosses in it” (1) and he said: “We [Six Nations] are now come down from Towns of our several Nations to give our Answer to the great treaty which we & you held together at this place about four year since” (Hazard (ed.) 1851, 4: 83; Boyd (ed.) 1938: 6; Beauchamp 1901: 393). More than four decades later another one was presented during a council held at Fort Erie, in June of 1778, when Chaminitawaa, a chief of the Odawa/Ottawa, presented “a White Belt of 8 Rows with 4 black crosses” (2). He then addressed Governor Hamilton with the following words: “Father! Your children who are assembled from all parts see you, listen to you, you told those who were impatient to go to War this Spring to remain quiet, until you spoke to them, which they did, we thank you father for that good advice” (MPHC 1886, 9: 448). Twelve years later, on June 19th of 1790, at Fort Stanwix, Fish Carrier265, a Cayuga chief, addressed Governor Clinton as follows: “Brother! You will continue to open your Ears when we assign a Reason for the Resolution at Buffalo Creek. We consider that Reserve assigned to us, as circumscribed by Lands to be given to others, and that they will be overpowered by the strong waters. But if my Cousin Steel Trap choose to continue there, why let him remain, but it is our Judgment that it will not be his own, for we do not consider the Reserve as our own”, and then he delivered “a Belt with [missing] Rows and three Crosses of white Wampum” (3), (New York (State) Commissioners of Indian Affairs (ed.) 1861: 421). It is too bad that there are no descriptions, besides the three sources dated from 1736 to 1790, that could help explain the symbolic meaning of the equilateral cross. It can only be speculated that symmetrical crosses on wampum belts denote particular chiefs and their respective allotments or villages, as suggested by sources one and three. But on several occasions equilateral crosses are given as individual signs of chiefs, like in 1676 by a Lenni-Lenape (see: Goodard 1978: 221). More than a century later, in 1795, chiefs of the Lenni-Lenape (Delawares), Miamis, Kickapoos, and Potawatomis signed with equilateral cross-symbols (Josephy 1996: 302). In 1805, another LenniLenape used the cross for himself (Kvasnicka 1988: 198). Moreover, the equilateral cross is often incorporated as part of turtle depictions, such as at the treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1768 (Josephy 1996: 279). In any case they are not a

in some points, for instead of his 11 outlined crosses there are actually 13 depicted (see: Beauchamp 1901: 426, Plate 23, fig.: 255; cf.: Pratt 2005: 37). 265 For a very brief biographical sketch see (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 237).

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Christian symbol as it was misleadingly identified by Beauchamp as: “the crosses may refer to part of their mission” (1901: 426)266. (i) Unique Forms Different patterns, which are rarely mentioned in first hand accounts, are circles, ovals and combinations of both. But first, two unique belts are briefly interjected to illustrate some unusual cases. During a council, held between Six Nations delegates and U.S. Indian agents in 1775, the speaker of the 6 Nations presented “[a] broken Belt [and added] This is our present situation. Thus have many of the King’s counselors and servants dealt with us” (NYCD 1857, 8: 617). In like manner U.S. delegates presented a belt to the Six Nations in 1780. “The one End is torn & shattered [to visualize “the stragle between the King & them” for North America] in order to present, that they had pulled with such Violence, as had wrested it out of the Kings Hand” (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, pp. 219-221). In both instances the belt was deliberately damaged at one end to illustrate the strained condition of their particular situation. The very first sample with circles was mentioned by William Johnson in 1763 as “a Belt wth. B & W Circles” given by a deputation of the Six Nations, with a harsh criticism of General Amherst's failure to react to a murder recently committed by Euro-Americans. Then Teyyawarunte, speaker of the Onondagas, finished his speech with the following words: “we have reason to think it for our Lands, wh. ye. Great Spirit gave us for our Habitations or Living, it would be wrong, after all that the great King from time to time has told us on yt. Head to Attempt a thing of yt. kind, & we can hardly believe he would desire it. We therefore, beg Brother You may look back to the Old Agreement, & abide by it. Otherwise ye. great Spirit may be offended, & inflicted a punishment on those who do wrong” (JP 1951, 10: 679f.). Another belt of the same type, recorded as “a black Belt wth. 5 circles of white”, was given by Wabbicomicot, an Ojibwa chief, to William Johnson a year later at a congress held at Niagara267. Regarding the belt Wabbiicomicot added that: “several Nations with whom he spoke had declared their Disaprobation of a War with the English,-that for his part, he was determined to hold the English fast by the Hand, and not forget what he heard Sir Wm. say to him, and the other Nations For further reading on crosses and their symbolic meaning see Garrick Mallery’s monumental work on Native American “Picture-Writing” (1972, 2: 724-735). 267 Several Nations attended this meeting, listed as “Sachims, and Chiefs of the Otawas, Chippeweighs of Toronto, of Lake Huron, and Lake Superior, the Nipissins, Algonkins, Meynomeneys, or Falsavoins, & Ottawas of La Bay, the Six Nations, & Indians of Canada” (ibid. 1953, 11: 278). 266

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in 1761 at Detroit,-that he was very poor, and hoped his Brother would Consider it” (JP 1953, 11: 306f.; Schmalz 1991: 77). Both sources are too sketchy to allow any analysis. The next belt is described as “a belt of 9 Rows, & 4 Ovals thereon”, see: Plate 25, Fig. 297, which was presented by Sir William Johnson to the attending Kahnawake and Kahnasatake delegates in May of 1762. He spoke to them as follows: “Brethren. At the Meeting which I held with you in Canada after the reduction of that Country to his Britannick Majestys Arms, I spoke to you with Sincerity, and meant what I said, and you may rest assured that Whatever promises the English make, or engagements they enter into with you, or any other Nation they will punctually observe, as long as you continue to behave well and friendly towards them and this I recommend to you to do, as the most certain means of making you an happy people” (JP 1951, 10: 445f.). Sadly, the description is insufficient to draw any conclusions. A much more unique pattern, interwoven in a belt of wampum, was mentioned and redrawn in the year of 1777. It was presented at the treaty of Easton, where Captain Johnston, a Seneca, spoke as follows: “Brothers We used to keep the fire light at Philad[elphia] but now it is kindled at Easton. We Wish to keep it there. It is now Brs [Brothers] but a little smoke but we want to make it a great blaze that when we look from the longhouse of the Six nations we may always see it burning and We wish Brothers to have a strong man raised like a great tree [Pine tree chief] that we can depend upon to keep the fire up (Here they pointed to Col Bull and desired his Services to them make occasions…)”, then gave “a Belt 7 Rows two single figures one double one thus IIV” (SROE, Cunningham of Thorton Collection, GD21/493). Interestingly, the motive is very similar to two belts first recorded by Samuel Douglas Smith Huyghue in 1848, as part of the Huron-Wendat archive at Lorette, present Wendake. Here, Huyghue explained the meaning of one as “A pledge of peace with eight nations or villages”, but he fails to give an account of the other one illustrated in inverted colors. Their explanations differ significantly, the first one from 1777 reminds us of the diagonal lines signifying wishes, as explained earlier. It emphasizes the hope to get someone, who keeps the council fire burning, installed, while the second version, dating to 1848, denotes composite diagonal lines as a roman number, see: Plate 25, Fig. 306 (Harris et al., (eds.) 1987a: 84; Lainey 2004: 109)268.

268

One of the mentioned belts listed by Huyghue as number 3 was mostly preserved in 1912, when Marius Barbeau took a photograph of it. Then some black parts or diagonal lines were missing, as the highly valued black beads were probably needed and reused (see: Lainey

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Another uniquely patterned belt was first mentioned by John Buck, an Onondaga chief, as he explained at a grand council in 1840: “[it] contained the first treaty made between the Six Nations and the Ojebways. This treaty was made many years ago, when the great council was held at the east end of Lake Ontario. The belt was in the form of a dish or bowl in the centre [which] represented that the Ojebways and the Six Nations were all to eat out of the same dish”, see: Plate 25, Fig. 298 (Jones 1861: 119). At a later time this particular belt, with its historically altered meaning, will be discussed again. In the next section, belts with figurative patterns are grouped by designs and chronological order. 3. Figurative Patterns (a) Hatchets/Axes This group of belts is characterized by interwoven patterns resembling hatchets or axes. The very first one is sketched as one ”in which three Axes were represented” (1), given by the Onondagas to “Peter Schyler, Mayor of Albany” on behalf of the Five Nations in January of 1690, meaning that “by this Representation only three Nations joined in sending it, the Cayugas and Oneydoes being more under the Influence of the Jesuit Milet” (Colden 1973, 1: 137). Two decades later, on April 14th of 1710, at a council held at Philadelphia, another belt is given in more detail as: “there was a Tomahock in red in the belt” (2) denoting “that the French with five nations of Indians were designed for War, & to fall on some of these Plantations [English colonies]” (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 2: 509). In April of 1722, delegates of the “five Nations had sent down a large Belt of wampum, with the figure of a Rundlet and Hatchet on it to the Indians settled upwards on Susquehannah, with orders to stave all the Rum they met with” (3), (Hazard (ed.) 1853, 3: 154; cf.: Beauchamp 1901: 392; Smith 1983: 231f.). For the following two decades no reliable sources could be found, until October of 1744, when a treaty took place “between the French Governor of Canada and the united Nations of Indians”, in Montreal. There he invited them with “a large Belt of wampum, in which the Figure of a Hatchet was wrought” (4) to join in war, a request that the assembled Native deputies accepted (Hazard (ed.) 1851, 4: 772f.; Boyd (ed.) 1938: XLII, 97). More than a decade later, in 1755, Colonel Washington gave “an Hatchet Belt” to King Hendrick, so that he might follow him with “a few Warriors in his March to the French Fort, which he accepted” (5) and then fell on La Force and his troupes (JP 1939, 9: 155). In June of 1757, chiefs of the Senecas explained to 2004: 133, Fig. 23). The very same belt is today preserved in the collections of the Musée de

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William Johnson the meaning of “a very long black [belt] one with an Ax[e] in the middle” (6), which was given to them by the Governor of Canada two years ago in order to strike the British. A similar one was presented to the LenniLenape (Delawares), but they did not use it, but buried it “till they had just cause to use them” (Hazard (ed.) 1856, 7: 262). In May of 1757, Bougainville records a council held with Native delegates, noting that: “Marquis de Vaudreuil laid at the feet of the Oneidas a war belt of six thousand beads, painted red, and on which a hatchet was shown” (7), which the Oneidas accepted “in their own name and in that of the Indians of La Presentation and of the Tuscaroras” (Hamilton (ed.) 1964: 111)269. Eight years later, on May 17th of 1765, Ojibwa delegates showed “a Belt they had received, with the shape of a Tomahawk, worked with black Wampum, to strike against the English” (8) and informed Captain William Howard, residing at Michilimackinac, “that other Nations had received Belts for the same purpose”, reportedly being of French origin (JP 1953, 11: 740). There is one preserved belt that closely matches this description, see: Plate 26, Fig. 310 (Becker 2002: 58). Less than a decade later, in October of 1774, Guy Johnson was informed of another “French Axe-Belt“ (9), which was ostensibly given to summon their former allies to wage war against the British (NYCD 1857, 8: 507). One year later, on September 26th of 1776, William Wilson received news from the Wyandots: “that the Cherokees had sent a tomahawk belt, with two scalps tied to it, to the Shawnees, informing them they had struck the white people” (10), (HSP, Yeates Papers, Miscellaneous, Folder Fig. 5, p. 3; Hildreth 1848: 98ff.)270. On February 26th of 1777, George Morgan was told by Lenni-Lenape (Delaware) deputies, who had recently received news from Captain Killbuck’s cousin, that “a very large Tom Hawk Belt” (11) was at Detroit “and that in a Month hence all Nations271 are to take hold thereof & strike the White people on the Ohio” (CLP, George Morgan Letterbook 1, Vol. 1, Fol. 47-49). That very same belt is referred to on March 24th, 1777 as part of the Gnadenhütten diary:

la Civilisation, Quebec (Cat. No. 96-1080), see: Plate 25, Fig. 306 (Lainey 2014: 272). 269 This very same “French Hatchet Belt, very large, consisting of 6000 wampum” was delivered to William Johnson on April 16th, 1759, during a meeting held with Oneida, Cayuga, Tuscarora, Nanticoke, “Conoy & Sapony” delegates, when Conoquieson, an Oneida chief, recapitulated the French governor’s words as follows: “I here present you with a Hatchet (meaning a Belt of wampum with ye figure of Hatchet worked on it) for you to use against the English” (NYCD 1856, 7: 385). 270 Wilson mentions even two other belts, one black, which the “Mingoes” had received in the previous spring from “Guy Johnston”, and another one of white wampum, “which was sent by the Mingoes at Niagara” (HSP, Yeates Papers, Miscellaneous, Folder Fig. 5, p. 8). 271 The following tribal names are listed: “Wiandots, Ottawas, Chippawas, and Pottewatamies” (CLP, George Morgan Letterbook 1, Vol. 1, Fol. 47-49).

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“Die Wyandot, Chippewa, Tawa, Mingo und Shawnee hätten einen War Belt angenommen, der halb rot und halb weiß sei und in den ein Tomahawk eingezeichnet ist [the Wyandot, Chippewa, Tawa, Mingo, and Shawnee reportedly took a War Belt, which was half red and half white and marked with a Tomahawk (my translation)]” (Zeisberger 1995: 359). From June to July of 1778, at a council held at Detroit272, Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton delivered three axe belts (12-14), the first to Peemembikactack, a Potawatomi war chief, the second one to Chaka, a Miami war chief, and the last one to Misquitto, the Kickapoo war chief, “to use [them] against the King’s enemies”, namely the United States, adding: “I pray the Master of Life to give you success as also your warriors, wherever you go with your father’s axe” (MPHC 1886, 9: 454, 457). On August 14th of 1778, at a council held at Montreal, Colonel Campbell, Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs, presented the assembled chiefs of the 6 and 7 Nations273 with “a War-Hatchet-Belt colour’d with Vermillion” (15) and addressed them in the following manner: “I am afraid that the Hatchet you have had from me before has been rusted by some of the Dirt which the rebels wanted to throw into your Eyes. I now present you young warriors with a Sharp one; & I hope they will grip it firmly & that they will not allow things to turn aside its Edge” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 12, Haldimand Papers)274. On January 17th of 1780, Lieutenant John Caldwell held a meeting with several chiefs275 at Wakitamy, when “Weed, Chief of the Six Nations, […] addressed all present saying, that he had received from his Nephews the Delawares, the rebel Hatchet, which they had taken out of the Hands of the Cherokees of Chota”, and delivered “a large black Belt of Eleven Rows with the Figure of a Hatchet in it” (16) to his younger brethren the Shawnees, Present were war and village chiefs of the “Ouiattonons [Miami], Quiquaboues [Kickapoo], and Mascoutins [Mascouten]” (ibid 1908, 9: 452; Goodard 1978b: 671, Callender 1978c: 689). 273 In addition to both Federations, there were present delegates of “Renard du Ouisconsin [Mesquakie of Wisconsin], Saks du Ditto [Sauk], Courte oriel de Larbre croche [Odawa/ Ottawa from Arbre Croche], Scioux de La Re. St Pierre [Sioux from River St. Pierre], Ayouais de La Rre. Des Ayouais [Iowa, from the River Iowa], Puant du las de Puant [Winnebago from Lake Winnebago], Sol Aveine de Labbie [possibly Santee]” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 1-2, Haldimand Papers; cf. Trigger (ed.) 1978, 15; Wedel 2001: 445; DeMallie 2001: 749f., 758). 274 A year later, on July 4th of 1779, DePeyster spoke to the Western Nations at Arbre Croche: “that prisoners were fair game, but if any of their young warriors scalped even any of the dead during this war, they must never expect he would look upon them again”, then he provided “a large belt, called the war-belt of reward, consisting of 12,000 beads of wampum” (Thwaites (ed.) 1908, 18: 386). By this, probably a very large hatchet belt is meant, although the source does not mention one in particular. 275 Present were pro-British delegations of the Six Nations, Hurons-Wendats, Lenni-Lenape (Delawares), Shawnees, and Miamis (BL Add. Ms. 21,782, Fol. 301-308, Haldimand Papers). 272

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before they left it with Caldwell (BL, Add. Ms. 21,782, Fol. 301-308, Haldimand Papers)276. The very last account, dated September of 1780, quotes a French man at Fort Pitt addressing the assembled chiefs on behalf of the United States as follows: “Children […] if you still prefer listening to the English to peace, you will not only find the Virginian's Hatchet as sharp as theirs, but your antient Father the French have an ax as sharp as theirs, the Spaniards have one equally so, &,the six towns of my children have a hatchet tho' small as sharp as theirs”, and then presented “a large White Belt, 12 rows with two rows of black wampum in the center, a square at one end & the figures of two Hatchets at the other” (17), (MPHC 1886, 10: 427f.). In conclusion, belts with interwoven designs resembling hatchets had been recorded since 1690 and up to 1780. In all instances, the axe denotes war or a threat of war if other symbols were added (Snyderman 1954: 477)277. Most of them, about nine, may be put into one group, as they are briefly described as “axe/hatchet belts”. The second set, consisting of four belts, is characterized by a coating of red stain, sometimes referred to as vermilion (2, 11, 15), with one including its respective number of beads (7). One example stands out because of its three interwoven axes, probably denoting the number of participating tribes (1). The third group consists of belts bearing additional symbols, such as a barrel, threatening war if all alcohol would not be destroyed (3), as well as one, described as a white belt with a black pattern of two hatchets, a road and square (17). The belt’s white background, standing for peaceful counsel, wishes and invitations, makes it exceptional (cf. 8). Therefore, its meaning may be read as a friendly intention combined with the advice that the road is open, but to settle the question of being friend or foe, to attack their territory (square) or get struck by the two axes, probably denoting the United States and their allies. Strikingly, the actual composition of color is named for very few belts. Only three of them are described as black belts with white axes (2, 6, 16). In terms of regional distribution, the belts were used from Simon Jones states, that “it is almost certainly that shown held by Caldwell in the painting”, which may indeed be the fact, so both sources differ in the given number of rows, for Jones mentions “a large belt of seventeen rows” instead of eleven, which number actually matches the illustrated one (2007: 41). While Beth Fowkens Tobin quotes the same source, but refers to the number of rows as eleven (2010: 690, 706, note 20.). The present whereabouts of this belt is unknown, while most of Caldwell’s Native American objects were sold by his descendants to the German collector Arthur Speyer, Jr., instead of his father as believed by some authors elsewhere (Sturtevant 2001: 162ff.; cf.: Fowkens 2010: 704, note 4.). 277 Sometimes in early 20th century Harriet Maxwell Converse erroneously identified a preserved axe belt as a peace tomahawk wampum. Fortunately the earlier attribution was recently corrected by Jonathan C. Lainey (Keppler 1929: 130ff.; Lainey 2004: 198ff.; cf.: Peterson 1971: 89, fig. 24). 276

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the lower Saint Lawrence River valley extending southwards to the Cherokee and up to the Great Lakes. (b) Latin Crosses This chapter lists belts with Latin cross designs, also known as crucifixes. The very first account dates to April of 1775, when David Zeisberger recorded a council held between representatives of two Moravian towns and a delegation of Wyandots. The inhabitants of Gnadenhütten and Goschachgünk278 presented the Wyandots with three belts (1-3)279 to be sent to the “Delamattenoos, Tawas, Twichtwees, Wawiachtanoos”280 as a sign of gratitude and friendship and for permission to settle on their lands. Zeisberger explained the belts as: “Die Belte waren, wie sie White Eye uns selber angegeben hatte nicht nach Indianer Weise gemacht, sondern rein, ohne Figuren, in der Mitte durch die Länge eine Strasse und oben ein Creuz [...] daß sie was apartes zu bedeuten haben, weil sie sich von anderen unterscheiden und daß sie von den gläubigen Indianern kommen [The belts were, as White Eyes281 had instructed us, not made after the Indian fashion, but pure, without figures, in the middle through the length a road and above a cross […] denoting something unique, for they differ from the others and that they were from the pious Indians (my translation)]” (Zeisberger 1995: 266). Another belt (4), very similar to the three described before, was first published by Jonathan C. Lainey, showing a detailed sketch accompanied by an explanation (2004: 181). This friendship belt was sent by Mohawk chiefs of Sault Saint-Louis, present Kahnawake to the Mi’kmaq/Micmac of Restigouche in 1778 (Lainey 2004: 65). The belt is segmented into three equal parts by interwoven patterns. Lengthwise, a road goes through the middle of the belt, ending at the top in form of a cross, denoting the inhabitants of Kahnawake, while the middle is marked with three partitioned bars for Restigouche, and the bottom end bears a disk, described as the sun, as supernatural witness. A few years later, a letter dated August 18th 1780, refers to a special belt when “under Colo Allan’s Superintendency 278

Gnadenhütten (I) was a Moravian village in Pennsylvania, the later established Gnadenhütten (II) was located in the Ohio valley, while Goschachgünk, also written Goschgosching, was a Munsee village (Zeisberger 1995: 633). 279 He gives the dimensions as: “1/2 Klafter lang und die Breite nach Proportion [half a fathom long and width in proportion]”, so almost some 86 cm (Zeisberger 1995: 266). 280 The written tribal names denote Wyandot, Odawa/Ottawa, Miami, while the fourth group could not be identified (cf. Trigger (ed.) 1978, 15). 281 White Eyes, alias Coquetakeghton, was a Lenni-Lenape (Delaware) war captain who adopted the Euro-American way of living (fieldwork instead of hunting) and supported the progress of Christianity among the Lenni-Lenape, which he thought the only way to settle with the dominant culture (see: Sipe 1997: 410-418; Zeisberger 1995: 16, 28).

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[for the United States], as a pledge of their [Native allies282] friendship & Fidelity to the United States & the King of France” a belt was sent to congress. It is described thus: “thirteen Rows Wide, which represents the Thirteen United States, the Cross at the End their attachment to the French; the other white places the Difft Villages of the Indians”(5). It is further noted that the belt has to be returned with attached “medals at each End, as Token of accepting their alliance & Friendship, on one end for the United States; & the other for the French” (Woodward 1878: 31f.; Kidder 1971: 286; Leavitt and Francis 1990: 34). The very last account dates some days later, August 31st of 1780. During a council held between Johnson and the chiefs from Lorette, present Wendake and Kahnawake, the orator of the Hurons-Wendats spoke as follows: “You see here another Belt a large one sent to us from our Nephews the Micmacks to be forwarded to the Seven nations of Canada & from that to the Five Nations to shew you and them that our Nephews & you are now opened and that they want to join the Five Nations & and be one Tribe [and explained the pattern thus (6)] you see the Cross in the middle of the belt to shew you we are Christians & that we send this up to all the Christian Nations to be of the same mind having but one God an[d] one King” (LAC, MG19, F35, Series 2, lot 642, pp. 1f.), see: Plate 27, Fig. 324. At least six belts could be located in written records, dating to a very narrow time frame from between 1775 to 1780. Regionally, these belts were distributed along the lower Saint-Lawrence valley and south of Lake Erie. In five instances the Latin cross denotes christianized communities which used the symbol as self-identifiction (1-4, 6), of which one belt bears additional outlines (4). Four of them combine patterns of a horizontal line or road with a vertically arranged bar, forming a cross (1-4), while two cross symbols’ shapes are actually not described, but seem to be arranged vertically on the belts (5-6). One defines the Mi’kmaq/Micmac and the other the King of France, a topic that will be brought up again at the end of this chapter. (c) Animals and Plants This set of belts is characterized by interwoven animals and/or plants. The earliest detailed account dates to June of 1675, describing a wampum belt (1) once in possession of King Philip or Metacomet: “wrought with black and white Wompom, in various figures and flowers, and pictures of many birds and

282

For July 28, 1780 a list is provided, which makes specifically reference to the allied Native families, as Passamaquoddy, Mi’kmaq/Micmac and Penobscot (Kidder 1971: 284f.).

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beasts” (Church, 1716: 124; Woodward 1878: 23; Beauchamp 1901: 387) 283. The next belt mentioned (2) provides a far better portrayal, made by Stephanus Van Courtlandt, when attending a council held between Five Nations delegates and Benjamin Fletcher, Governor of the province of New York at Albany, on June 22nd, 1693. He noted that: “his Excellency gave them [two “Schackhook Indians”] a large Belt of Wampum, wrought with the figure of a Tree at one end, and an Ox at the other, in signification of Protection and Plenty, which they were ordered to present to the sixteen Castles of Onogungoes” (Courtlandt 1693: 4). For the following eight decades it is hard to find any reliable source, until June of 1777. Then, during a council held at Detroit, Tsundattong, a Wyandot chief, “explained the meaning of a large belt sent by the Six Nations to be shown to the Huron confederacy”, denoting that half of the 6 Nations support the British interest, “to encourage them to a firm alliance in Support of His Majesty and his Government and to serve as a Whetstone for the Axes of all the young men when called upon”, and delivered a “large Belt of six feet long, and thirty grains wide. White, with a Beaver of Black Wampum worked at one end” (3), (PROK, CO42/37), see: Plate 28, Fig. 331284. The last recorded belt was mentioned twice, first in 1781 and then in 1787285. At this time, on February 8th, 1787, the principal chiefs of Lake of two Mountains met with Sir John Johnson to discuss the dispute, which had arisen over their lands. Their speaker Aughneta addressed him as follows: “and as was the custom of our Forefathers we immediately set about making a Belt (which we now deliver to you) by which our Children would see that the Lands was to be their for ever, and was customary with our Ancestors, we placed the figure of a dog at each end 283

A belt which was mentioned earlier, i.e. in 1653, come with insufficient explanations as to allow for further investigations, but will be mention for the sake of completeness. It was described as a collar “composed of white and violet-colored porcelain, so arranged as to form figures […which] are the lakes, there the rivers, there the mountains and valleys that must be passed; and there are the portages and waterfalls […] The roads will be easy now, and no more ambuscades will be feared” (JR 1899, 40: 205; Beauchamp 1901: 391). 284 Thomas R. Henry listed the belt cited above as well, but gave a different story, without quoting any source: “The belt is chiefly of white beads, with the figure of a beaver, symbolizing peace, in purple beads in the center. Only half the figure is in the Smithsonian specimen. It is presumed that the belt was torn in half through the beaver design-half to be retained by the Senecas and the other half by the Hurons” (1955: 117). 285 Instead of 1787 some authors gave the year 1788, while the earlier source of 1781 briefly describes the belt’s pattern as a white line through it, symbolizing the length of their territory with figures holding a cross, denoting their fidelity in the Catholic religion, and two dogs at the ends to guard the borders of their possession (Lafontaine 1991: 93; Lainey 2004: 265). Jonathan C. Lainey makes further use of another explanation of probably the same belt, sketched as symbolizing the union of the two catholic mission villages, of Iroquois and Algonkins (ibid 1991: 93; ibid 2004: 265f.).

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of the Belt to guard our prosperty and to give notice when Enemy approached, and as soon as it was finished we spread it on the ground and covered it with earth that no evil minded persons should find it” (LAC, MG17, AF2, Vol. 2, pp.1101f.). Aughneta continued his speech in a somewhat different tone, when speaking of the belt’s history in the year 1760, during a meeting held with William Johnson, who: “confirmed to us our Land as granted by the King of France, and the free exercise of our Religion with the indulgence of a Priest to reside in our Village, in confirmation of which he delivered us the Belt which we now lay at your feet”, the very same belt which they handed over “of Twenty seven Rows made on the occasion of the first settlement of the Indians at the Lake of Two Mountains” (4), (LAC, MG17, AF2, Vol. 2, pp.1104f.; Dubin 1987: 266f.). This particular record makes one question the belt’s history, especially when considering the different statements about its origin, made by the speakers mentioned above. A wampum belt matching this description and its number of rows, is still preserved (Harrison et al., (eds.) 1987b: 47; Lainey 2012: 105), see: Plate 27, Fig. 320286. In summary five belts, with interwoven animal/plant figures, could be located in first hand reports. The earliest is referred to in 1675 and the latest record was made prior to 1801. While the former leaves room for speculation of its actual appearance (1), the latter specimens shed some light on their form and meaning. The tree stands for a symbol of protection, while the ox symbolizes plenty (2). Some accounts mention dogs, emblematic in that instance for guarding animals (4), (see: Delâge 2007: 279ff.). Beavers are named twice and are given in inverted colors (3, 5). Interestingly, two are closely linked to military intentions, one referred to as a whetstone for the warriors’ axes (3) and somewhat later as sign of an underground message, intended for the addressed receiver only (5). Belts with interwoven hands are listed next.

286

The very last record ostensibly dates to between 1790 and 1801, when Joseph Brant, “started off two messengers with a glass bead belt, of a dark green color, and having the figure of a beaver animal, made of white beads on it, emblematic of the secret underground errand that the messengers were entrusted with” (5.). Its intention is described thus to form a union under Mohawk command, and: “by destroying the Wyandots, who were acknowledged by the British Government and the different Indian tribes, as the leading nation in these days”. Peter Dooyentate Clarke, the author, concludes: “Captain Brant’s Beaver Belt is now (or was) in the hands of the Senecas, in Kansas, some 200 miles south of Wyandott City" (1870, 62ff.; Cumberland (ed.) 1904: 29). Unfortunately, Clarke did not provide any primary source for his statement. Whether he used one or relied on a later explanation of the wampum keeper who preserved the belt at that time, is unknown. In any case, the protagonists mentioned seem to be questionable, for Joseph Brant and Louis Vincent, a HuronWendat chief, knew each other, for they both attended Moors Indian Charity School (Thomas Peace, Dartmouth College, personal communication June 2012). The special reference to

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(d) Hands The very first recorded belt incorporating human hands dates to August of 1681. At this time, several Native delegates met in council with chancellor Philip Calvert at the city of St. Marie, when the chief of “Mattawoman 287” informed the assembly “That sometime since the Nanjatico Indians came over to Choptico and told the Choptico Indians that they were makeing a present to make peace with the Sinniquos [Senecas] which they did with three hands in a belt of Peake [wampum] and sent it over […] to the Eastern shore Indians who presently demanded where was the other hand for the Mattawomans” [as] the other three hands being for the Zachaiah Choptico and Nanjatico Indians288” (1), (Browne, Hall and Steiner (eds.) 1898, 17: 7). Twenty-five years later another account probably refers to the same instance, for the belt is described as, “a very large Wampum belt of 21 Rowes, with three hands wrought in it in black, (the rest White)” (2), a meaning, the Native speaker explained, as “a pledge of peace formerly delvd. by the Onondagoe Indians, one of the 5 nations to the Nantikokes, when they made the said Nantikoes tributaries […] and that they had another of the same also at Conestogoe, to shew to those of the 5 Nations” (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 2: 246f.). Several decades later, on April 2 nd of 1768, “a Belt, representing a Chain hold by a hand at each end, of 11 Rows” (3.) was presented at a council held at Fort Pitt to the assembled Nations by George Croghan in the name of Governor John Penn of Pennsylvania 289. He addressed them as: “Brethren: With this Belt I renew, brighten and make strong the Chain of Friendship that Subsists between us, I have still fast hold of one End of it, and desire you will also keep fast hold of the other End, and let us both for ever hold it fast, that We may hereafter continue as one Man, and act together in all Matters relating to our mutual Welfare as Brothers” (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 9: 521f.; Pennsylvania (Province) 1769: 9ff.). The described belt is very similar to a preserved example, with the difference that it is one row wider, see: Plate 28, Fig. 338. For the next half century not a single source, referring to hands, could be located.

glass beads instead of shell is remarkable, a subject that will be dealt with in a following chapter. 287 Identified as a sub-tribe of the Conoy (Feest 1978: 250). 288 Zachaiah Choptico were a neighbouring tribal group of the Nanticoke, spelled Nanjatico (Feest 1978: 242, 250, 252). 289 Present were delegates of Six Nations, Shawnees and Lenni-Lenape (Delawares), (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 9: 519), while another source also lists Munsees, Mahicans, Wyandots, “residing on the Waters of the Ohio” (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 196f.).

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But on November 15th of 1810, Tecumseh gave a speech to Major Taylor at Amherstburg and said: “Father, We have a Belt to shew you, which was given to our King’s when you laid the French on their back. Here it is, Father; on one end is your hand, on the other, that of the Red People (both hands in black Wampum, but the Indian End of the White Belt darker than the other) and in the middle the hearts of both. […] He [the chief] ordered the Belt to be passed round and handled & seen by every person present, saying they never would quit their Father or let go his hand” (4), (MPHC 1896, 25: 276). The very same belt’s sketch shows at “the centre of [it] was the figure of a heart worked in with wampum and at each end that of a hand”. It is mentioned again by General Proctor in 1813, when he addressed Tecumseh with the following words: “the great wampum belt of friendship and alliance binding the hands of the King of England and of the Indian nations, would be cut in the centre of the heart, and that the hands at each end of it would be eternally separated; My Children, Seventy snow season have now passed since we met in council at the crooked place (Niagara,) at which time and place your great father the king and the Indians of North America tied their hands together by the wampum of friendship” (Doucet 1847, 2: 33). In conclusion, some relevant data on belts with hands was located. The earliest one was recorded in 1681, while the last is given in 1813. In all instances, hands denote peace and friendship, as noted above by George Heinrich Loskiel. Two out of the group are characterized by a design consisting of three hands (1-2). The others bear two hands combined with additional patterns, one with a chain (3) and the other with two hearts at the center (4), cf.: Plate 28, Fig. 337. Human Figures Numerous belts with interwoven human figures are mentioned in written accounts, the very first dating to the 1690s. One, showing six human figures in black on a white background, is depicted in an engraving dating to 1692, part of the collection of the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève (Molinet 1692: pl. 4; Feest 1992: 78, 90). However, in a recently revised catalogue of the same collection, this belt could not be found. According to the authors, it probably got lost or is stored in one of the spacious store rooms (Zehnacker and Petit 1989: 78)290. On September 8th of 1748, Conrad Weiser wrote in his journal 290

A very similar one, although probably not the same, is depicted as part of an engraving dating to approx. 1800. It shows Native American objects, which were part of the Marquis de Sérent Collection prior to the French Revolution (Feest 2007c: 132f.). Erroneously, Marshall J. Becker identified the wampum belt at the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, Paris as a quill

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that “above fifty Years ago they [6 Nations] made a Treaty of Friendship with the Governor of New York at Albany” with a belt described as “25 Grains wide & 265 long, very Curiously wrought [with] seven Images of Men holding one another by the Hand” (1). Then the chief explained the figures as: “the 1st signifying the Governor of New York (or rather, as they said, the King of Great Britain), the 2d the Mohawks, the 3d the Oneidos, the 4th the Cajugas, the 5th the Onondagers, the 6th the Senekas, the 7th the Owandaets [Wyandots], the two Rows of black Wampum under their feet thro' the whole length of the Belt to signify the Road from Albany thro' the 5 Nations to the Owendaets” (Thwaites (ed.) 1904, 1: 30; Beauchamp 1901: 393; Jacobs 1949: 600). Two years before, during a treaty between delegates of the Six Nations and Governor George Clinton of the Province New York, an Onondaga chief spoke on behalf of the assembly saying: “Brethren, This is the Belt of Union with which we are to go Hand in Hand to the Gate of our Enemies”, previously given by the governor “as a War-Hatchet”, and described as “a Belt of Union, in which the Figures of several Persons join’d Hand in Hand, was wrought” (2), (Anonymous 1746: 14; Colden 1973, 2: 239). Seven years later, on October 2nd, 1753, at the Carlisle Treaty291, Conrad Weiser gave a “Belt, whereon six Figures [were] delineated, holding another by the Hands” (3) on behalf of the governor, and explained its meaning as: “This is a just Resemblance of our present Union: The five first Figures representing the five Nations, to which you belong, as the sixth does the Government of Pennsylvania; with whom you are linked in a close and firm Union. In whatever Part the Belt is broken, all the Wampum runs off, and renders the Whole of no Strength or Consistency” (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 129; Mann 2001: 94; Lemay 2009, 3: 331). Three years later, another belt is briefly described as a ”White Belt wherein a Chain of Friendship was wrought […] a Fathom in length, and a Man worked upon it at each end, signifying the Governor of Canada, and the 5 Nations, holding each other by the hand in token of Friendship” (4), given by a French officer to an Oneida hunter (NYCD 1856, 7: 137; Beauchamp 1901: 398f.). One month

woven band, even though not a single reliable documented quill strap with incorporated human designs dates prior to 1750 (2002: 58f.). The earliest historic examples of porcupine quill woven straps are part of a dress dating prior to 1656, but purely done in geometric patterns (Harrison et al., (eds.) 1978b: 36; Feest 1983: 123-130; Feest 1992: 75f.). A single prisoner tie was once dated prior to 1743 and several times prior to 1746, bearing human figures decorated in moose hair false-embroidery, differently attributed to Mohawk from Kahnawake and Abenaki (Grimes, Feest and Curran (eds.) 2002: 79, Stephenson 2007: 60; Bourque and Labar 2009: 50). 291 At the meeting were present delegates of: “Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Twightwees, and Owendaets” (Boyd (ed.) 1938: 127).

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thereafter, in July of 1756, at a council held at Easton292, the governor advised indigenous women “to make a Belt of a fathom long & sixteen Beads wide, in the Center of which was to be the figure of a man, meaning the Governor of Pennsylvania, and Each other side five other figures, meaning the ten Nations” (5) in return for one given by Teedyuscung (Hazard (ed.) 1851, 7: 216f.; Pennsylvania (Province) 1757: 26ff.)293. At the same conference, Teedyuscung provided another belt formerly given to him by the Six Nations. He explained the symbols as: “You see […] a square in the middle, meaning the Lands of the Indians, and at one end the figure of a man, indicating the English, and at the other End another, meaning the French; our Uncles [6 Nations] told us that both these conveted our Lands; But let us Joyn together to defend our Lands against both; you shall be partakers of us of our Lands” (6), and added: “this Belt holds together ten nations; we are in the middle between the French & the English” (Hazard (ed.) 1851, 7: 213). It is remarkable how closely the description resembles a preserved belt, see: Plate 29, Fig. 341.294 On March 15th of 1758, at a conference held at Philadelphia, Teedyuscung presented the governor another belt with interwoven figures, representing instead of the previous ten: “in all eighteen Nations 295 who have taken hold of the Covenant Chain”. It was “of ten rows, with the figures of two men wrought in the middle of it; which, [he] said, represented himself and the English taking hold of one-another by the hand. At each end of the Belt were figures, representing the Sun-rise and Sun-set, and between them eight figures in white Wampum, representing the Nations who had taken hold of it” (7), (Hazard (ed.) 1831, 8: 84f.). One year later, delegates of the Cherokees met with Six Nations delegates and presented them with “a Belt of Nine Rows,

292

Present were deputies of the Six Nations and Lenni-Lenape (Hazard (ed.) 1851, 7: 207). The same belt is mentioned again in April of 1759, characterized as: “the Cov' Chain Belt which was a very large black belt with the figures on it representing 10 Nations of Ind" & the English” (NYCD 1856, 7: 388; Beauchamp 1901: 397). 294 Less than a year later, an invitation belt was refused by Senecas and Lenni-Lenape (Delawares) living on the Ohio for not being appropriate for the occasion. Garistagee, a Seneca, explained their decision as: “if he [George Croghan] will send a proper Belt with Men wrought in it for the several Tribes he wants to meet with, taking us by the hand, made of old Council Wampum, which is the Custom of the Six Nations on these Occasions, I will go down with you & see him” (JP 1939, 9: 739f.). 295 The following nations joined in the covenant: “1. The Nalachewonna [eastern Abenaki, Kennebec], who live back of New England, on the South side of the river St. Lawrence. 2. The Cagnawagas [Kahnawakes], who live, some upon the river Sorrel, and some near the East end of the Lake Ontario. 3. The Tawaas and Outawaas [Odawas/Ottawas], who live about Lake Erie. 4. The Mahooas, who inhabit an Island in one of the Lakes. 5. Tweghtwees [Miamis], who live between the Ohio and Aubash. 6. The Chippawas [Ojibwas], who live west of the Tweghtwees. 7. The Shawanese, who live, some on Susquehannah, and some about 293

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with Three Figures of Men wrought in it, one at each End and one in the middle, and a Row of black from one End to the other” (8). Kool, a Cherokee captain, explained: “This Man at the End is the King of the Six Nations; This Man in the Middle is the Kiowee King (the Wolf King) who says to [their] eldest Brothers the Six Nations” that the road is cleared (JP 1922, 2: 861; Burch 1990: 270; Power 2007: 61)296. Three months later, in August, at a meeting held between several Native deputies and Governor Francis Bernard of NewJersey, John Hudson, a Cayuga, presented to the “governor a belt, on one side of which are three figures of men in black Wampum, representing the Shawanese, Delawares, and Mingoians, living on the Ohio; on the other side, four figures representing the united councils of the six nations, in their own country” (9) and told him that “their being now joined in this belt”, expresses their union (Smith 1765: 452; Beauchamp 1901: 398). A few months later, Frederick Post gave Governor Denny’s reply to a message sent by the Natives, living along the Ohio, when he said: “brethren, the chiefs of the United Nations297, with their cousins, our brethren, the Delawares, and others now here, jointly with me send this belt, which has upon it two figures, that represent all the English, and all the Indians”. This chain of friendship (10) was a “large white belt, with the figure of a man at each end, and streaks of black, representing the road from the Ohio to Philadelphia” (Pennsylvania (Province) 1758: 25; Thwaites (ed.) 1904, 1: 263f.; Boyd (ed.) 1938: 234f.; Beauchamp 1901: 398). This description was used by several authors when referring to a preserved belt, now part of the 6 Nations at the Grand River Reserve, called “Governor Denney belt” (Beauchamp 1901: 424, Plate 16, figure 190; Fenton 1989: 395ff.; Tehanetorens 1993: 61f.; Tooker 1998: 230f.). Unfortunately, its account fails to give any number of rows, so it does not verify the preserved object’s correct attribution, see: Plate 29, Fig. 345. On August 10th of 1760, Pierre Pouchot attended a council at Isle Piquet with “representatives of the Five Nations”, who brought with them “a very fine belt of wampum, a gift from Colonel Johnson” (11). Pouchot described it briefly as: “on [it] were designated the Englishman, the Five Nations & the three villages of our Iroquois missions, Chouegatchi, the lake and St Louis, with a man & a fine road leading from one

Fort Du Quesne. 8. The Pooteotamas [Potawatomis], who live to the West and North West of Fort Detroit, between Lake Erie and Lake Huron” (JP 1938, 8: 84; Snow 1978: 147). 296 Probably the same belt is desribed as a white one “with one black Row of Wampum in the middle signifying the Road and 3 Figures of Men, signifying Sir Wm. Johnson & the 6 Nations, and the Kohy & Tsyoody Nations” (quoted in Burch 1990: 270). 297 The United Nations were composed of: “Mohawks, Senecas, Onondagas, Oneidas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras, Nanticokes, Conoys, Tutelos, Chogknots, Delawares and Unamies, Mun-

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to the other, in order to invite our Indians to take it, [and] to remain neutral” (Pouchot 1994: 297), compare this description with Plate 29, Fig. 340. A very similar belt is referred to on December 4th of 1760, when a Wyandot chief spoke as follows: “Brethren: Yesterday you desired us to be strong and preserve the Chain of Friendship free from rust, Brethren look on this Friend-ship Belt where we have the Six Nations and you by the hand […] delivered us by our Brethren the English & Six Nations when first you came over the great Water” (12), (Thwaites (ed.) 1904, 1: 119)298. Another one “with the figures of three men in it” (13) was provided by William Johnson during a conference held at Fort Detroit in 1761, mentioned afterwards at Lancaster on Friday, the 13th of August 1762, as: “which Belt represents us, the Delawares, in the Middle, & the Western Nations of Indians at one end, & the English at the other, Hand in Hand together holding fast the Chain of Friendship” (Pennsylvania (Province) 1762: 527; Hazard (ed.) 1852, 8: 732; Boyd (ed.) 1938: 271). Six days later, Thomas King, an Oneida chief, addressed Governor Hamilton with the following words: “Brother Onas […] I will brighten up our old Chain of Friendship […] We have one Head, and one Heart. We Fourteen Nations tell you so” and delivered “a Belt of Nine Rows, representing the Figures of two Men in the Middle, with a Heart between them, and Six Diamonds on each Side; one of the Men represents the Indians, the other the English” (14), (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 8: 747; Beauchamp 1901: 398; Boyd (ed.) 1938: 280f.). One year later, in May of 1763, Teyawarunte, speaker for the Onondagas, complained to William Johnson about the “Little Regard” given to them by General Amherst, and therefore presented “a Belt of 7 Rows black wth. ye. Emblem of 2 Men” (15) to warn him that “the Chain may break” if he did not change his attitude (JP 1951, 10: 677f.)299. In March of 1764, William Johnson “gave the War Belt above a Fathom long & 9 Rows with 2 Men & an axe worked thereon” (16) to the assembled Mohawks, Onondagas, Oneidas, Cayugas and Tuscaroras and addressed them as follows: “Brethren […] I now sies or Minisinks, Mawhickons [Mahican], Wawpings or Pomptons [“Munsee-speaking Bands”]” (Smith 1765: 456; Brasser 1978b: 211; Goodard 1978a: 238). 298 Several decades later, the respective belt seems to be mentioned by a Wyandot at Buffalo in 1793, given with a slightly different interpretation, as “a very large belt of wampum, with three pictures upon it, one in the middle, and one on each end, representing the Americans at one end, the Six Nations in the middle, and themselves at the other end” (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 477; Stone, 1838: 361). This lead to assume that the former meaning was altered as was likewise done with other official symbols of alliance, such as peace medals and flags. 299 At this conference held at Johnson Hall delegates of the Six Nations, except the Oneidas, were assembled (JP 1951, 10: 674). Soon after, on July 24th, Six Nations deputies laid before Johnson “a very large Covenant Chain Belt” to express their urgent situation once more, since it had not been changed by Amherst since May (JP 1951, 10: 755).

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give you this English Axe the Edge of which is Strong & Sharp to be made use of against our Enemys in Conjunction with our Troops, and as I am your Friend” (JP 1953, 11: 149f.)300. Later that same year, on July 29th, Sir William Johnson spoke to the assembled chiefs301, and “produced a large Belt with a Figure representing Niagara’s large House, and Fort, with two Men holding it fast on each side, and a road through it [(17)], and desired that he, Wabbicomicot [an Ojibwa chief], and his People would come, and settle at their old Place of Abode near Toronto, and have a careful Eye always over said Fort, and Carrying Place” (JP 1953, 11: 307; Schmalz 1991: 77)302. Somewhat later, Assikinawk referred to the 24 Nations belt (18), provided by Johnson at Niagara in 1764, featuring 24 human figures clasping hands, each symbolizing a tribal chief, and a vessel representing the British, which Johnson explained like this: if they find "the strength of [their] life reduced" the Nations have to pull this vessel, and when it arrives, all will be "supplied with plenty", see: Plate 30, Fig. 355 (LAC, RG10, Vol. 613, pp. 440-442). This special belt was sketched by artist Paul Kane in the 1840s while at Mackinac Island (Harper 1971: 177; Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977: 20). At some point in 1852, Reverend George Hallen made a sketch of the very same belt and additional notes regarding its pictographic meanings. Hallen identified the trapezoidal symbol at the left end as a wigwam and referred to a similar belt in possession of an old chief at the Lake of two Mountains, present Kanehsatake (Hunter 1902: 53f.). In a newspaper article dating to 1847, Thomas G. Anderson, then superintendent at Manitoulin, interprets the belt’s symbols differently: “[o]n the other Wampum belt is marked on one end a hieroglyphic denoting Quebec or this Continent [instead of an wigwam]; on the other, is a ship with its bow towards Quebec; betwixt those two objects are wove 24 Indians; one holding the cable of the vessel with the left hand; and the next figure with his right, and so on, until the figure on the extreme left rests his foot on land at Quebec” (I am indebted to Jonathan C. Lainey, who shared this information with me in July 2012). In October, Miami delegates gave a belt of wampum to the British on

300

The mentioned belt is very similar, although not identical to a wampum belt kept by a “traditionalist group known as the Keetoowah” of the Cherokees, see: Plate 26, Fig. 312 (see: Dockstader 1977: 272ff.; Power 2007: 95f.). 301 Present were delegates of the Odawa/Ottawa, Ojibwa, Nipissing, Algonkin, Menominee and Six Nations (JP 1953, 11: 278). 302 The same belt is again mentioned at a conference held in the council room at Johnson Hall, on June 4th of 1765. Then Wabbicommicott addressed Johnson with the following words: “Brother. You are at one Side of the Great house at Niagara & We are at the other side, we shall therefore on our side take particular care of that Great House as you recommended it to us” (JP 1953, 11: 770). Note that Wabbicommicott’s name is differently spelled.

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behalf of the Senecas at Sandusky303, “on it six human Figures five of which are Represented with two Hearts, the sixth with one” (19), to express “the other five [Indian] Nations as false, and deceitful, and they themselves alone to have Integrity of Heart” (JP 1953, 11: 371)304. During a meeting held at Fort Pitt, on May the 10th of 1765, Lawoughqua, speaker for the Shawnees, addressed George Croghan as follows: “Father. We will now comply with every thing you have asked of us, and assure you we are sincer in every thing we have said. Here is a Belt [of 20 rows (20)] with the figure of our Father the King of great Britain, at one end, and the Chief of our Nation at the other. this represents them holding the Chain of Friendship, and we hope that neither side will slip their hands from it, so long as the Sun & Moon give Light” (JP 1953, 11: 727f.; Bouquet 1997: 46)305. During the treaty held at Fort Stanwix with several indigenous deputies306 on 24th October of 1768, Sir William Johnson addressed the assembly as: “I think it highly necessary in the next place that we father strengthen the Union between us end with that view I do therefore by this Belt in the name of your Father the great King of England, on behalf of all his American Subjects renew & confirm the Covenant Chain” and provided a “Belt of the Covt Chain 15 Rows with human figures at each end” (21), (NYCD 1857, 8: 117f.; BL, Add. Ms. 21,670, Fol. un., Haldimand Papers). A very similar covenant chain belt is shown in an anonymous watercolor, dated 1785, depicting Joseph Brant in full adornment, holding in his right hand the wampum belt and a calumet, or pipe of peace, see: (Fig. 10) next page. For the next two decades no reliable sources could be located, until 1780, when Patt Sinclair, Lieutenant Governor of Michilimackinac, stated in a letter to Frederick Haldimand: “I have prepared nine large Belts Geographically descriptive of the strides made in Colonization, of our and the Spanish situation on the Mississippi, & placed two Indian figures with pointed hands & raised axes in the Country between this & that River. It serves to please them” (22), (MPHC 1886, 9: 546).

303

Present were representatives of the Six Nations, Kahnawakes and Miamis (JP 1925, 4: 553f.). 304 The message of the Senecas is recorded more in detail in the Johnson Papers, volume 4, although some passages were lost and therefore the meaning of the two and respectively the single heart are missing (see: JP 1925, 4: 554). 305 The accounts differ regarding the protagonists. Once it is Custaloga, as speaker for the Lenni-Lenape (Delawares) who gave the talk and presented the above mentioned belt (JP 1953, 11: 729), another time Lawaughqua is credited as speaker, whith Custaloga as the one who “delivered a friendship belt of twenty rows, with the figure of two men, representing the English and themselves” (Hildreth 1848: 62f.). 306 Present were delegates of the “6 Nations, Shawnees, Delawares, Senecas of Ohio & Dependants” (NYCD 1857, 8: 112).

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Fig. 10. Joseph Brant, Thayendanegea, a Mohawk captain in full adornment, holding a calumet or peace pipe and a „covenant chain“ belt of wampum in his right hand. Anonymous watercolor, 1785. Courtesy of the Library and Archives of Canada, Ottawa (Cat. No. C-114476).

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Later, in March of 1780, Six Nations delegates delivered some belts, which they had received earlier from the United States commissioners, to Guy Johnson. The third one was explained by Cakadorie as, “a Belt of 12 Rows, on which were represented in Black Wampum a Number of Figures with Hands united” (23), denoting, that, “it was their Intention to cut the Covenant Chain just at the Point that might include all their Friends and leave out all their Enemies” (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, pp. 219-221). Here, I am indebted once more to Jonathan C. Lainey, who answered my request for a document describeing a belt (24): “[a] large black belt, a fathom in height, human figures hand in hand a heart”, which was used to “reestablish the Great Council Fire of our [western] Confederacy that was formed at Sandusky” in 1786 during a council held between the Six Nations, Lenni-Lenape, Wyandots, Odawa/ Ottawa, and Shawnees (LAC, RG10, A9, Vol. 16, pp. 170f.). Almost a decade later, in July of 1795, Augooshaway, an Odawa/Ottawa chief, showed “a large belt, with men and a house designated upon it” (25) and addressed the assembled Native delegates307 as follows: “I now present you with a belt, which has been given us by the Hurons, who received it from our brothers, the Americans, as a seat upon which we all should sit and rest […] we considered it as a carpet spread for our use, and we now show it you, that you may recognise it” (Clark and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 572; MPHC 1896, 25: 101)308. The last account dates to April of 1808. At this time Colonel Close, “superintendent of Indian affairs for the British in Upper Canada”, sent by Kahnawake messengers “an elegant war belt of wampum” (26) to the chiefs of the Senecas residing at Buffalo as an invitation to join them in war against the United States. “[O]n which [belt] was represented a figure emblematic of the British nation presenting a tomahawk to the Indians, and other hieroglyphics of war” (Anonymous 1808, 27(9151): 2). Of the records listed up to this point, 26 belts are characterized by interwoven human figures. The very first dates to the 1690s, although actually recorded for the first time in 1748, while the last one is mentioned as part of a magazine article in 1808. For the most part, figures may denote individual chiefs (20) and/or allied Native People and their respective Euro-American counterparts 307

At this council treaty of Greenville chiefs of the Wyandots, Lenni-Lenape, Odawas/Ottawa, Ojibwas, Potawatomis, Miamis, “Eel River”, Kickapoos, “Piankeshaws”, Kaskaskias were present (Clarke and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 564). 308 The mentioned belt is very similar to a preserved one among the Six Nations at the Six Nations Reserve, Grand River, called “George Washington belt” (cf.: Fenton 1998: 237; see: Beauchamp 1901: 413, 422, Plate 22, figure 248; Clark 1931: 89, 108; Fenton 1971, 115(6): 443; Tehanetorens 1993: 42f.). But even in that case no count for the number of rows is given.

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(21). In four instances, the covenant chain, or chain of friendship, is shown with figures holding the silver chain (4, 21, 22), and one of inverted colors denotes an adversary relationship (15)309. Interestingly, the very first one is of French origin, dating to 1756 (4). Their size could reach up to 20 rows. A second group of belts is characterized by 2 depicted figures combined with additional symbols, such as a road (10), a road plus house (17), a square denoting the native territory (6), a single or several hatchets, sometimes together with signs of topographic or war-related symbols (16, 22, 25), as well as a heart with numerous diamonds, referring to the honest intentions of the joined nations (14). About four belts bear three figures joined by a line, denoting a road (8, 11-12), while one is given as a chain of friendship (13). A single belt is interwoven with 6 figures, accompanied by single or double hearts, meaning their true or false intent (19). Three belts are characterized by 7 figures holding hands, one denoting the Five Nations with their dependents, allied with the British with an additional road (1) or without one (3), while the third one depicts 4 figures for the Six Nations in alliance with three western nations (9). The last group of belts combines more than 7 figures. The first consists of 10 figures accompanied by sun rays (7), the second of 11 figures (5), followed by 24, which in this instance are arranged with other symbols, such as a ship (18). Only two samples are not specified (2, 23). At the end of this chapter, the results will be referred to again to point out more connections between written accounts and preserved belts. It should be noted that, the number six does not automatically signify the Six Nations, as some scholars have been led to believe (see: Beauchamp 1901: 429). 4. Textual (a) Dates/Initials/Names This next group is characterized by incorporated dates and/or initials and/or names. Marshall J. Becker and Jonathan C. Lainey were the first to take an interest in this particular group and recently presented 17 examples (2004: 28ff.)310. The earliest sample is a preserved belt with the inscription “John Tyzacke” accompanied by a date (Molloy 1977: 72). The year is turned on its 309

Several further covenant belts are briefly mentioned, such as one denoting Mohawks and Senecas holding the chain in 1763 (JP 1951, 10: 755), and three chain belts were shown by Seneca and “Chenussio” delegates to the Five Nations and William Johnson in August of 1764 (JP 1953, 11: 322, 327f.; NYCD 1856, 7: 652f.). 310 For some of the listed belts, Becker and Lainey could not find the primary written sources quoted earlier, and therefore labeled them “phantom” belts (2004: 28ff.; Beauchamp 1901:390f.). Unfortunately, Beauchamp’s note on another initial/date belt was not perceived by both authors (Beauchamp 1901: 462).

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head with the last number given as mirror image311, the first two numbers clearly show “16”, while the third seem to be an “8”, or the letter “O” as in John, which would resemble a zero and is executed in a different style. While the belt’s end is partially missing, it may be recreated based on a single black bead positioned in the center of the end, so it can be read either as “2” or a “5”. Consequently, the inscription reads “John Tyzacke 1682/5” (1), see: Plate 32, Fig. 364. Further investigations of literature dealing with early colonial records discovered that the name John Tyzacke appears in a compendium edited by John Camden Hotten. He stated: “25th April. Grant to Thomas Neale, Esq., and John Tyzacke, gent., all Wrecks, &c., &c., within 30 Leagues of the Isle of Stables, and betwixt 40 and 50 Degrees of North Latitude, to be gotton and recovered by them within seven years after the date hereof” (1874: 166). Unfortunately, the exact year is omitted and the entries do not provide more information since they are not listed in chronological order. But Hotton gives a helpful clue in the foreword, where he writes that the entries up to page 168 are based on “Proclamations, Commissions, and Grants of Offices, Land, &c., in different parts of America and elsewhere, are taken from the Indexes to the Patent Rolls in the Public Record Office, commencing in 1606 (4 James I.), and ending in 1702 (14 William III.)” (ibid. 1874: foreword). Also, the shell beads used for its construction point to the 17th century, as determined by extrapolation using Table 5. Although further references could not be found, an actual historical person was linked to the belt, who once obtained land rights prior to 1702. The belt was probably produced in connection with these land rights, as other records suggest312. The next belt (2) is mentioned on September 15th of 1724, when a meeting, between Governor William Burnet of the provinces of New York and New Jersey and Six Nations delegates, was held. An official speaker addressed the assembly on behalf of the governor: “Brethren […] But you must always remember that I do not speak to you from myself only but in the name of my great & good master King George, and your only true and loving father […] I now solemnly renew the Covenant Chain with you in behalf of this Province, and all His Maty's [Majesties] other Provinces in North America and I hope the chain will now remain bright & clear and lasting 311

In historical times, relatively common illiterate or inexperienced but language-trained craftswomen and men alike confound positions of letters and/or numbers, as can be seen on inscribed stone ware, powder horns and dated pipe tomahawks (Kunstgewerbemuseum (ed.) 1986: 13, plate VII; Dresslar 1996: 58f., 66f.; Stolle 2007: 44ff.). 312 Becker and Lainey identified the year as probably “1900” and attributed the belt as “an example of a tourist piece” (2004: 36), while Fenton identified the year as “1609[?]” (1998: 235). Recently, Becker revised his statement and attributed it to King Philip’s war of 1675-76, without citing any documentation (Becker 2006: 115).

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as the Sun”, and then presented “a Belt [with GR.]” for Georgius Rex, alias King George I. (NYCD 1855, 5: 715; cf.: Beauchamp 1901: 390; Molloy 1977; 73; Becker and Lainey 2004: 29). The very same belt seems to be referred to again on May 1757 at a conference held at Lancaster between Six Nations’ deputies and Governor William Denny, when Little Abraham, a Mohawk Sachem, gave “a Belt marked G. R.” and spoke as follows: “And we assure you, brethren, by this Belt of Wampum, that we will continue our good Office till this affair is brought to a happy Conclusion” (Hazard (ed.) 1851, 7: 522; Boyd (ed.) 1938: 178). The dots between the letters G and R are omitted in the Johnson Papers (JP 1939, 9: 748). During that very same meeting another belt, marked “[GPW.]” (3), was presented with the following words to encourage the beaver trade: “You [6 Nations] have made the Path open for the far Indians to come to trade with our People, among you, and to come through to Albany […] What I therefore desire and expect you is that you continue to keep the Path swept and clean for all farr Indians to come and trade with our People” (NYCD 1855, 5: 715f.). The initials were correctly identified by Beauchamp as “George, Prince of Wales”, son of King George I. and later King George II. (1901: 391; cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 29; Molloy 1977: 73). Lastly, Governor Burnet presented the Six Nations with another belt of wampum, marked “[PF.]” (4), and hoped that they would act as mediators in the continuing conflict between the New England Natives and the Governor of Boston, who was at this time Prince Frederick (NYCD 1855, 5: 716; cf.: ibid 1901: 391; ibid 2004: 29; ibid 1977: 73). Seven years later, during a meeting at Philadelphia on October 5 th, William Penn’s successor and Proprietor “presented them [6 Nations313] with a belt of wampum bearing his own arms and those of the province [, and] reminded them of the purchase of the Susquehanna lands from Governor Dongon and of the confirmation of it by the local tribes on the Susquehanna in 1701” (5). Further information of this belt was omitted (Boyd (ed.) 1938: XXVI). Exactly two years later, in 1736, the next initial belt is mentioned, when William Penn’s son presented the assembled Susquehannock delegates with “a very large Belt of Wampum of 21 Rowes deep made on purpose with his & their countrys Arms in the middle of it” (6) to verify the former purchase of their lands (ibid. 1938: 303). Some decades later, in 1758, at the treaty of Easton, Teedyuscung addressed Governor Denny on behalf of the “Wapings, or Wapinger Indians, called the River Indians, living near Esopus, and produced a short broad Belt of white Wampum, having in the Center two Hearts, of a

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reddish Colour, and in Figures 1745, wrote after the following Manner, “17♥♥45”. In addition the belt had a pendant, “a round Circle Pendant, representing the Sun” (7)314. He explained its meaning as follows: “the Belt was given them by the Governor of New-York, and represented their Union” (Pennsylvania (Province) 1758: 28; Beauchamp 1901: 391; Boyd (ed.) 1938: 240; Becker and Lainey 2004: 28ff.). On June 27th of 1754, a chain belt (8) was presented on behalf of nine united governments315 to the assembled chiefs of the Six Nations, which was explained to them in the following manner: “Brethren. This represents the King our common Father—this line represents his arms extended, embracing all us the English and all the Six Nations—These represents the Colonies which are here present and those who desire to be thought present—These represents the Six Nations, and there is a space left to draw in the other Indians—And there in the middle is the line represented which draws us all in under the King our common Father” (NYCD 1855, 6: 862). Nine years later, on September 6th of 1763, the belt is described in more detail, as “the Onondaga Speaker [Teyawarunte] Stood up & taking a verry large Covenant Chain Belt in his hand, whereon was wrought in white Wampum the figures of Six Men towards one End, as representing the Six Nations, towards the other End, the figure of Nine Men to represent the Nine Governments who Assembled at Albany in ye. Year 1754, the time when the Said Belt was delivered to them, between both was a Heart Signifying the Union & friendship the Settled between them. —at the Top were the letters G R made of White Wampum, & under that the full length of the Belt was a white line, wh. they were told was a long board to Serve a Pillow, whereon their & our Heads were to rest, and that as the French were a troublesome People, and had now begun to quarrel with the English, they should at a Stamp given to Said board all wake and rise up as one Man, and attack any Nations who disturbed their Rest” (JP 1951, 10: 835f.; Shannon 2000a: 4). The very same belt is referred to on April 25th 1762 at Johnson Hall (JP 1921, 3: 709, 712), as the “Covenant Chain […] given […] Several years ago by Nine Governments hereon represented, and His Majesty King George at the Top” September 10th 1762 (JP 1951, 10: 506). Timothy J. Shannon doubts this coincidence, writing

313

Instead of the Mohawks deputies of all other Six Nations were present (Boyd (ed.) 1938: XXVI). 314 Pendants attached to belts have been mentioned before. In this particular instance, scholars have identified the circle in different ways, Beauchamp as “a flat, metallic ring”, while Lainey suggested a “Sun of Wampum”, and Becker an “official wax seal of the colony” (Beauchamp 1901: 391; Becker and Lainey 2004: 31).

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that the belts descriptions differ “in several important ways [for the] official minutes of 1754 mention lines, not human figures, used to represent the Indians and colonists, and do not mention a heart or “G R” woven into” it (Shannon 2000a: 5). In fact only one line is mentioned, explained as the king’s open arms inviting all listed members, as quoted above. On the other hand, Shannon aptly connected a much later recorded Belt in 1774, sketched as “the great old Covenant Chain of twenty one rows”, formerly given “in presence of Commissioners from nine Governments”, with the one of 1754 (ibid 2000a: 5). The next specimen is a “Black Belt marked WJ 1756” (9) that was handed out by William Johnson to Oghquago316 delegates during a meeting held at his home on October 17th of 1763, accompanied by the following speech: “Brethren of Oghquago, and the rest of Your present317 […] I must desire by this Belt of Wampum that You will lay yourselves out for procuring all the Intelligence [on the Shawnees and Lenni-Lenapes] you possibly can, and transmit the Same to me (if of any moment) without the least loss of time [and] I expect to See this Belt with my name & year 1756, wh. I now give you whenever You Send me any news, that then I may know it comes from Your Cheifs” (JP 1951, 10: 898; Becker and Lainey 2004: 32f.) 318. During the treaty held at Easton on August 3rd of 1757, Teedyuscung presented Governor William Denny with “a large white Belt, with the Figures of three Men in it, representing His Majesty King GEORGE, taking hold of the Five Nation King with one Hand, and Teedyuscung, the Delaware King, with the other, and marked with the following Letters and Figures, G.R. 5.N. D.K. for King GEORGE, Five Nations, Delaware King” (10), (Pennsylvania (Province) 1757: 16; Woodward 1878: 31; Boyd (ed.) 1938: 204; Beauchamp 1901: 391; cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 31f.) to confirm the established peace. Elsewhere the 315

Instead of the listed nine governors, only seven governors for the colonies of New York, Massachusetts Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania and Maryland are mentioned (NYCD 1855, 6: 860). 316 Refers to Oquaga, an indigenous village, inhabited mainly by Oneidas and Tuscaroras (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 222). 317 At Johnson Hall were assembled in the council room “Chiefs of Canajohare, Mohawks, Scohares, Aughquagoes, & Chugnuts” (JP 1951, 10: 896). 318 The very same belt was described more in detail on February 10th 1775, when Oneida and Oughageys met with Guy Johnson and produced “a black Belt with nine Rows, with the letters W:I. and 1756 in white on it”, to recapitulate, that “it had been given to them formerly by Sir William Johnson, as a proof of his regard, advising them by the King’s authority to look only on him” (NYCD 1857, 8: 550). In reply of which Guy Johnson returned their belt by adding: “that he recollected the belt, with the initials of Sir William’s name, which was to keep them steadfast in obeying the King, and following the advice of those his Majty appointed to take care of them […] and that so long as they did so, they might be assured Col: Johnsons Ear would be open to them in like manner” (ibid 1857, 8: 553; cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 33).

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belt’s symbols are described somewhat different “Teedyuscung had confirmed the peace in behalf of the ten Nations he […] [g]ave a very large Belt with the Figures of three Men in it representing His Majesty, King George taking hold of the 5 Nations King with one hand, and Teedyuscung the Delaware King with the other, and marked with the following letters and Figure, G. R. or King George 5 N five Nations and D. K. Delaware King” (NYCD 1856, 7: 311). Two years later, on April 21st of 1759, a chief of the Oneidas presented William Johnson with “a Belt with the Figure of Niagara at the end of it, & Sir William’s name worked thereon” (11) as an advice “to march as speedily as [he] can with an Army against Niagara”, adding that this “Belt is to be returned them with the General’s answer” (NYCD 1956, 7: 391f.; Beauchamp 1901: 391)319. Five years later, on July 31st, William Johnson gave “the great Covenant Chain, 23 Rows broad, & the Year 1764 worked upon it, worth above-£30.-“ (12) at the congress held at Niagara with several Native deputies320, beginning on July 17th and ending on August 4th of 1764. The speech accompanying the belt was as follows: “Brothers of the Western Nations, Sachims Chiefs, & Warriors […] you have made so many Promises of your Friendship, and Attachment to the English that there now only remains for us to exchange the great Belt of the Covenant Chain that we may not forget our mutual Engagements. I now therefore present you the great Belt by which I bind all your Western Nations together with the English, and desire you will take fast Hold of the same, and never let it slip, to which end desire that after you have shewn this Belt to all Nations you will fix one end of it with the Chipaweighs [Ojibwas] at St. Mary’s whilst the other end remains at my House […] look upon this Belt as the Chain which binds you to the English, and never to let it slip out of your Hands”, see: Plate 32, Fig. 365 (JP 1953, 11: 309f.; Becker and Lainey 2004: 33f.)321. This chain belt was redrawn by Paul Kane as a crude sketch, done in the 1840s while he stayed at Mackinac Island (Harper 1971: 177; Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977: 20; Becker and Lainey

Becker and Lainey suggested that the “Figure of Niagara” may refer to an end design such as that commonly found on belts, taking the form of a series of parallel lines [which] could be interpreted as representing the famous falls or even a human namesake”, while in conclusion they considered “that the belt and the WJ 1756 belt are one and the same” (ibid. 2004: 33). As will be seen later, water was depicted in different ways by indigenous makers. 320 The assembly comprised chiefs of the Odawas/Ottawas, Ojibwas, Menominees, Six Nations and unlisted Natives of Canada (JP 1953, 11: 278). 321 In another reference William Johnson informed Thomas Gage of his successful meeting held with the several Nations at Niagara, noting: “by Exchanging a very large belt with some remarkable & intelligible figures thereon, Expressive of the occasion which should be always shewn at public Meetings” (JP 1925, 4: 331). 319

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2004: 33)322. Another example dates two years later. This belt is nine rows wide, composed of black wampum beads with a white road through the middle, separated into three equal parts by the numbers 17 and 66 (13). Furthermore, both ends bear horizontally arranged short bars, see: Plate 32, Fig. 366. Although no reliable documentation exists, the interwoven numbers clearly refer to the time the road belt323 was used, probably at the peace treaty between the western and northern Native confederacies324 in 1766, when William Johnson was mediator for the crown (NYCD 1856, 7: 854-867; cf.: Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 196). More than a decade later, General Gates of the United States Army presented Oneida and Tuscarora deputies with another initial belt. Tahuasquatsta, an Onondaga Chief, informed Lieutenant Colonel Bolton, representative for the King, and Major John Butler325, British Indian agent, about this incident during a council326 held at Niagara after July 1777. Tahuasquatsta spoke as follows: “Brethren As to what concern the Axe sent by the Rebels, I shall now inform You. [they accepted the axe] Next day the Oneidas, and Tuscaroras told the Onondagas that they [not] really meant to use the hatchet against the Kings Troops, and that they did intend by so doing to get the three prisoners of the Mohawk, Seneca, and Onondaga Nations released and to continue in Peace with all the Indians. According to the Ancient custom of our confederacy the Axe was brought to our Castle as the principal fire place, and the next day the Oneidas & Tuscaroras set off for Burgoynes Army, where they took ten prisoners whom they exchanged with Sch[u]yler for the three Indians who were prisoners with the Rebels. This is what I have to say on behalf of our Nation as to our having the Rebels axe in our Possession […] and in token of our Sincerity We now deliver to you the Axe given to us by them”, which is described as: “A large black & White belt & 322

The copy was used by Mrs. Irene Elk to recreate the belt with modern glass beads. By comparing her belt with a very detailed redrawing done by Reverend George Hallen in 1852 of the original, we can imagine how much less accurate Kane sometimes worked (Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977: 40, fig. 10; cf.: Hunter 1902: 53). Recently, Jonathan C. Lainey brought to my attention another drawing of the four belts, executed by Paul Kane in 1845, which is much more accurate than the published sketch (personal communication July 2012). 323 At the conference, Tiata, chief of the Hurons-Wendats gave a speech on July 25th accompanied by a belt of 9 rows, stating: “we must content ourselves at this time to thank you for all yr goodness, for having opened the road & made every thing smooth, and being willing to assist us in promoting Peace” (NYCD 1856, 7: 857). Tenor and size do very well fit to the preserved belt, nevertheless it is more speculation than fact. 324 Participating groups were the Odawas/Ottawas, Potawatomis, Ojibwas, Six Nations, and Hurons-Wendats (NYCD 1856, 7: 854; Jones 1988: 194). 325 For a very brief biographical sketch see (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 232). 326 Listed as participating Native allies were Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas, Tuscaroras, Lenni-Lenape, Munsee, and Conoys (PROK, CO42/38, Folio 108f.).

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the Axe Marked U.S. or the United States” (14), (PROK, CO42/38, Folio 109f.). Another initial belt is briefly described during a council held at Detroit on June 15th of 1778 between Governor Hamilton and several Native Nations 327: a “ large belt with 15 white squares thro’ the middle, marked at one end W. I., at the other 1774” (15), “which was sent here this spring from the six Nations, addressed to their brethren the Hurons” (MPHC 1886, 9: 444). Any accompanying message was omitted, but it was explained after the belt was handed over (MPHC 1908, 9: 445). The letters W.I. refer to Sir William Johnson, who held his last meeting with Six Nations chiefs at Johnson Hall in 1774, “to confer about continuing trouble in the Ohio country [when he] died at the height of the conference” (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 199). There is no doubt that the belt was presented by himself during that meeting, showing 15 square marks, symbolizing the Native allies of the British crown. The following seven belts with initials/dates were all presented by Guy Johnson on different occasions (cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 28, 34). The first one is mentioned on February 14th of 1779, when Hinandaraita, a Seneca chief, spoke on behalf of the Six Nations to the assembled Hurons-Wendats: “Brothers & Children. I am desired to write you the Contents of the Belt that accompanies this, which is as follows […] We now brothers, with this Belt […] renew our Engagement, and earnestly recommend[d]t it to you to be Unanimous and determined to die like Men & other than submit – We do not mean to let the Enemy come into our country, for we will know that as far as they set their Foot they will claim the Country as acquired. We therefore recommend it to you in the strongest manner not to suffer them to set a foot on your ground but meet them before they come so far”. Then he gave a “Black Belt 4 feet & ½ long” (16), accompanied with a sketch showing the initials G. I and seven outlined diamonds (LAC, MG23, GII, 10, Vol. 2, pp. 341f.; Lainey 2005: 65) 328. More than a year later, on January 25th of 1780, Guy Johnson gave a belt of condolence to the assembled Cayugas and added: “to give Strength & Sanction to your Proceedings, as well as to shew my Regard and Concern at the Death of Segoyawatha a Cayouga of the principal Tribe, I do now give this Belt to be added to the rest, [that] he may be replaced, and that I may no longer feel concern at the Loss of so good a Man”. This belt is described as “a black [one] of 8 Rows with G.I. at the End of it” (17), (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, p. 126). At this council were present: “Ottawas, Chippoweys, Hurons, Poutconatamies [Potawatomi], Delawares, Shawanese, Miamis, Mingoes, Mohawks & the Tribes of Ouashtanon [Mimis], Saguinan [band of Odawa/Ottawa and Ojibwa] &c. Delawares Senecas” (MPHC 1886, 9: 442; cf. Trigger (ed.) 1978, 15). 328 The sketch was taken when the belt was laid out in reverse position, rotated horizontally about 180 degrees. 327

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On the 3rd of March of 1780, Guy Johnson held a meeting with Kayashota, a chief of the Senecas of the Ohio, and other deputies of the Lenni-Lenape and other Nations. During that assembly, Johnson provided “a white Belt with G. I. at one End of 7 Rows” (18) and said: “Brothers! […] in Order to strengthen what I have now said, as well as to renew and confirm all former Engagements entered into with you both by Sir William Johnson & myself, I give you this Belt, which I desire you to preserve, & look at it often in Order to remind you, how closely you are connected by the most solemn Treaties & Engagements with your Father the great King of England” (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, p. 191). A few months later, on March 28th of 1780, Guy Johnson presented four belts marked with his initials, of which the first one was “a long black Belt with the Letters G. I. and the Impression of his Seal at one End” (19), accompanied with the following speech to the several chiefs329: In another reference, the belt is characterized as “a long black Belt of 9 Rows [the letters] with G. I. and his Seal at one End” (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, p. 227). “Brothers, Chiefs and Warriors of the Six Nations, and their Confederates here assembled! […] all these Points depend on the restoring Peace and Order to this Country, it is needless to say more on this Subject to Warriors, till that happy Event can take Place, which will depend much on the Vigor of those engaged in His Majesty’s Service, and therefore the better you behave, and the more you exert yourselves, the sooner will your Wishes be accomplished: and the King expects a Continuance of your Efforts” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 83-88, Haldimand Papers). The second belt bearing his initials is described as “a great Road Belt 14 Rows broad of black Wampum with seven white Squares, and one of them having G. I. in black, to white Road of 4 Rows broad this the Whole” (20). In another version of the speech it is described thus: “a great Belt of black Wampum 14 Rows broad, with 7 white squares one of the with the Letters G.I. in black, and a white Road of 4 Rows broad through the Whole” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 85f., Haldimand Papers). Johnson gave this explanation: “This Belt, which I now give you to renew the former one [covenant chain], has in it one Square marked for the King, who by his great General, and by myself, your Colo. and his sole Agent with you, retains fast hold of one End, and is ready to give you every Assistance; the other End will be kept as it has always been, by the western Door, in which all your Confederates, the Shawanese, Delawares & others, whose Hearts and Minds are one Way […] by your keeping fast hold of this great Belt, & I do renew and strengthen all the usual 329

At this proceedings of a general meeting were present chiefs of the Six Nations, Shawnees, Lenni-Lenape, Nanticokes, and further unnamed tribes (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 83).

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Conditions made thereby, that it may last as long as the Sun & Moon shall endure” (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, p. 231). The third one, “a great Belt of 16 Rows, with an Axe at one End & the Letters G. I. at the other” (21) had the following meaning: “Brothers! Having now according to our ancient Customs, to which I pay great Regard, renewed and enlarged my Road Belt, I shall next consider what is further necessary to be done, for the Protection of the Road, and support of the War in which we are engaged. This Brothers is my last Axe Belt which Major Butler delivered to you in 1777, I entirely approve of his Conduct thereon, and am highly pleased with yours; I know your gallant Actions, I have heard of them all, and I am sensible you have suffered much. In token of my Approbation of all which, and as I am disposed to extend & confirm your Alliances & Friendships, that all the Brothers of one Way of Thinking throughout your Confederacy may be enabled to help, as it is their Duty to do, I do confirm what is Past, and with this great Axe-Belt do renew, enlarge & sharpen the [same] Axe you have heretofore used so that it may reach far and cut deep” (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, p. 232). In another reference, the belt is described in more detail: “Gave a great black Belt of 16 Rows, with an Axe at one End, and the Letters G.I. at the other” (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 83-88). With the fourth and last initial belt, Guy Johnson addressed the chiefs as: “Brothers! […] it still remains, that in order to render more effectual what was done, we should bind the Warriors to the due Observance of these Transactions. I do therefore by this Belt, take in all the Warriors of the Six Nations and their Confederates, who are of one Heart and of one Mind; and I do bind them therewith about their Loins, that they may be strong and always ready to hear my Call, and that of their true Friends the Chiefs, recommending it to them to pay due Regards to the same, by which means we shall be strong, and enabled to support every Part of the Road” and gave “a black Belt of 15 Rows, with a white stripe and two black Figures in white Squares with the Year 1780” (22) (BL, Add. Ms. 21,779, Fol. 83-88; LAC, RG10, Vol. 1831, p. 232). No reliable written primary sources could be found so far for the following initials/dates belts. The first one, known as the “Seneca Condolence Belt” (23) was described and cited in several publications (Beauchamp 1901: 427f., 473, pl. 20, fig. 235; Clark 1931: 97, 115, fig. 30; Fenton (ed.) 1975: pl. 7, fig. 5; Tehanetorens 1993: 31f.). Beauchamp quoted Harriet’s brief descripttion as: “[t]his is a condolence belt, with two diamonds and a half circle in white”, which was accepted by all other authors (Beauchamp 1901: 427f.). But upon my careful examination, the “half circle” turns out to be the letter G with a stress, which seems to be the remnant of what used to be an “I”. The bar of the G is clearly visible, and its stepped block pattern consisting of two beads

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matches another preserved belt, which will be described below, see: Plate 32, Fig. 367. In fact, this belt seems to be the only “G. I.” belt that survived (cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 34). The next belt was first sketched by Paul Kane in the 1840s during his stay at Mackinac Island (Harper 1971: 177; Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977: 20; ibid 2004: 33)330. A much more precise drawing was provided by Reverend George Hallen in 1852. Its black belt is 20 rows wide and segmented into five equal parts with white pattern. Starting from the left, it first bears the Roman capitals “Sr I I Bt”, followed by two chain links, very similar to the date belt (12), then two human figures with clasped hands, followed by a pair of chain links, and in the last position the Arabic number “1786” (24), see: Plate 32, Fig. 368. Hunter correctly identified the initials as Sir John Johnson, Bart., and assumed the date to be the time the belt was given. He came up with information on an “Indian council” which took place in 1786 (1902: 53f.). In fact, several councils took place in 1786, for example one at Buffalo Creek, where delegates of Six Nations, Ojibwas, Weas, Shawnees, Wyandots, Lenni-Lenape (Delawares), Kickapoos, and Cherokees took part, and the Six Nations explained to the Western Nations Sir John Johnson’s speech relating to peace, given earlier in November (Kent 1974, 1: 177ff.). More likely, the above mentioned belt was delivered at one of the western councils which took place at the Miami River331 in October and at the Detroit River332 between November and December of 1786 (Hunter 1902: 54; Kent 1974, 1: 183; cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 35). The latter seems to be the council in question where the belt was handed over, as delegates of the whole confederacy were present. A photograph of an initial belt (25) taken some time after 1892, was recently brought to my attention by Jonathan C. Lainey (personal communication July 2012). This white belt is seven rows wide. The far left end bears an interwoven pattern of a cross followed by the letter “D”, while the major pattern consists of three diagonal lines, of which the first two are doubled. The right end of the belt is no longer preserved, but when assessing its original length based on the visible pressed marks on the warp strands, it once was identical to the first initial. Most probably, a “C” was interwoven, and both initials denoted Daniel Claus, British Indian deputy in Canada between 1760 and 1775, and since 1778 deputy agent “for the refugee Mohawks in Canada”, see: Plate 32, Fig. 369 (Jennings et al., (eds.) As noted earlier, Kane’s sketches leads to several possible interpretations of what the belts once might have looked like. 331 At that council delegates of the Six Nations, Wyandots, Lenni-Lenape, and Odawas/ Ottawas participated (ibid 1974, 1: 183). 332 The council took place at a Wyandot village with deputies of all members of the con-federacy (ibid 1974, 1: 138f.). 330

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1995: 234). Another undated initial belt is still preserved among the Keetoowah band of the Cherokees (Power 2007: 96). This very large belt is made of black wampum and 15 rows in width. One end bears two black Roman capitals “A. M.” on a white field next to two black human figures with joined hands. A white road through the middle connects this area with an outlined square at the other end (26) (Dockstader 1977: 72). The initials probably refer to Alexander McKee, who became “deputy superintendent and deputy inspector general of Indian affairs in Upper Canada”, and gained influence across the Ohio River (Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 245; Washburn (ed.) 1988, 4: 662). No additional information could be found, but the two figures resemble those of the initials/dates belts (12, 24), and therefore probably stand for the symbolic unity of all British and Natives, connected by an open road with a Native Nation, represented by the square pattern, see: Plate 32, Fig. 370. The next initial belt was described and published on several occasions (Beauchamp 1901: 409, 475, pl. 24, fig. 269; Cruikshank (ed.) 1925, 3: 126; Becker and Lainey 2004: 36; Lainey 2005: 65). It is a white belt of 11 rows with the initials “I G S” at one end and two black human figures clasping hands almost in the center (27), see: Plate 32, Fig. 371. In all cases, the ini-tials were identified as John Graves Simcoe, who was Governor-general of Upper Canada between 1791 and 1794. Unfortunately, the belt is not de-scribed or listed as an initial belt in the Simcoe Papers (see: Cruikshank (ed.) 1923-1931, 1-5). Yet one reference may relate to it, as Simcoe spoke to the assembled chiefs at a Wyandot village on December 13th of 1794: “Children: The Kings, your Father, has always advised you to be strong & unanimous & at present it is requisite for me to repeat his constant advice to you, which is to unite as one man-With this Belt-therefore I now collect and bind you together, and recommend to you that friendship and unanimity which is absolutely necessary as well as for your own interest as the general Welfare of the Country”, signed with “J. G. S.” (Cruikshank (ed.) 1925, 3: 125). Another initial belt had never been identified as such before. This black belt is 9 rows in width and marked with 8 different symbols, three of them revealing the letters “W x M”, or “M x W” (28), see: Plate 32, Fig. 372. The remaining five belts date after 1800. The first was briefly described by William M. Beauchamp as “a fine recent belt, 47 inches long and six broad, with 18 rows of beads, mostly white. It has three triple diagonal bands of black beads, and letters and figures in black at one end” (29). Moreover he stated: “It should be reversed and would then be W C 1800. Captain William Claus had then been recently appointed deputy superintendent of Indian affairs in Canada” as successor to McKee (1901: 462). Nothing can be added to this excellent characterization. Up to early 2012

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the belt was part of the collection of the Onondaga Historical Association, before being repatriated with the Onondaga, see: Plate 32, Fig. 360. The next belt is 10 rows in width, with a background divided into three unequal segments, of which the two at the end are white. One area features black Roman capitals “W C” and the other one shows the date “1807”. The black segment in the middle is decorated with two human figures holding a chain of friendship with a configuration donning above, which might actually be a peace pipe (30), see: Plate 32, Fig. 373 (Molloy 1977: 72; Becker and Lainey 2004: 35)333. The initials are closely related to a belt listed before, see (29). In 1807, the Chesapeake Affair took place, and the belt was probably presented during that year’s tumultuous summer (Emmerson 1954). Another belt, whose time of production is unknown, is preserved in form of a drawing (30). It depicts the belt to be black with a white horizontal row or “chain” linked at both sides with a human figure, and a large white heart shown at the center. Vertically interwoven are the initials F G at the very left side and the year 1808 on its right. The initials stand for Francis Gore (I thank Jonathan C. Lainey, for generously sharing this finding with me, personal communication Nov. 2012). Another initial belt is white and 7 rows in width, with two horizontal black lines or roads, separated in the center by the black Roman capitals “G.R.” and the Latin numbers “III” (31), see: Plate 32, Fig. 375. A brief documentation mentions that it was sent by British officials to the Shawnee asking for their support during the War of 1812 (Gail DeBuse Potter, Director, personal communication July 18th 2011). In any case, the information fits the belt’s symbolism, which may be read: the two horizontally arranged black lines refer to a recurrent friendship, sometimes of particular aspirations as explained above, while the initials undoubtedly stand for King George III., George the Third, or Georgius Tertius (cf.: JP 1931, 7: 548). Next to the last we have another white belt of 7 rows. Both ends are marked by mirrored initials in black, reading “G. T” (32), see: Plate 32, Fig. 376. The cross bars are clearly formed and therefore some authors have correctly identified its meaning as “Georgius Tertius”, while further information about its date and use are not known (cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 35)334. The last initial/name belt was first sketched by Paul Kane in the 1840s at Mackinac Island. But, as noted before, Reverend George 333

Anne Molloy reproduced the inventory information provided by the National Museum of the American Indians for her publication (Cat. No. 01/4004) while Jonathan Lainey correctly suggested “that the initials “WC” may be those of the Indian agent named William Claus” (ibid. 2004: 35). 334 Erroneously, both authors wrote: “there is not a single document linking [Georgius Tertius’] name with any wampum belt” and therefore suggested it might be the only surviving example of a Guy Johnson belt (ibid. 2004: 35).

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Hallen’s depiction is much more accurate. His black belt is 15 rows in width, with a white inscription reading “LIEUT COLL RT MC DOUALL COMMC MCKINAC” and the depiction of an axe at the end (33), see: Plate 32, Fig. 377. Hunter identified Lieut. Col. McDouall as a British commander at Fort Michilimackinac, who probably presented the belt in 1815 (1902: 55). Indeed, Lieutenant Colonel Robert Mc Donall, commandant at Michilimackinac, presented a wampum belt to Chebainse, principal chief of the Potawatomi: “giving him the full particulars of the intentions of our Government in their favour, & directing him to circulate the news among his own Nation, & also the Mimias, Kikapoos, Delawares & Wyandots” as he wrote in a letter to Captain A. Bulger, dated 26th February 1815 (MPHC 1895, 23: 489ff.). Apparently, Mc Donall’s name was woven into the belt of wampum by mistake, which, as reported for earlier belts, had happened sometimes. In conclusion, 33 belts bearing initials and/or dates and names were located, dating from between 1682/5 to 1815. All samples originated among the English and later the British. They were first introduced by individuals to confirm their acquired land rights (1, 5-6). Somewhat later, in the early 18th century, this practice was obviously copied by colonial agents with initials denoting the king or relatives of the royal family. This custom started with King George I. and came to an end with King George III. one century later (2-4, 8, 10, 30-31). Apart from these official pledges, other dated specimens were introduced by the colonial government at the eve of the French and Indian war (7) and continued to exist until the last quarter of the century (12-13, 22). Sir William Johnson definitely manifested his position as general superintendent for Indian affairs of the northern district, starting 1756 (9), by marking wampum belts with his own initials. There are two more belts bearing his initials (11, 15). By his doing so, he had obviously followed the royal example. Interestingly, one charismatic Native leader, Teedyuscung, adopted this mode as well, when he used “DK” for “Delaware King” (10). Most British agents for Indian affairs copied Johnson. First Guy Johnson, William's nephew, with as many as five documented belts (16-21, 23), then probably Daniel Claus (25), followed by his son William with two samples (29-30), and several other deputies, such as John Johnson, William Johnson’s son in law (24) and Alexander McKee (26). Even the Governor general of Upper Canada, John Graves Simcoe, was aware of this practice, as one of his belts is marked with his initials (27). In an other instance the practice was copied by a commander as well (33). The United States commissioners of Indian affairs were quite familiar with their British counterparts and their particular customs. Therefore, it is not surprising that at least one belt marked with “US” could be located (14). The belt size, its width

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and length, varies greatly between 7 and 22 rows (cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 39). At least ten of these initials/dates/names belts survived, a much higher percentage than suggested before. Indeed, this group is evidently part of the belts Becker and Lainey named “diplomatic-political” belts (ibid. 2004: 38f.). The pronouncement that belts increased in size and number after 1750 could be disproved. (b) Votive/Ecclesiastical The last group, describing wampum belts can be ascribed to very early dates. Yet it is listed last because of the Latin texts’ complexity. The first belt (1) is documented for the year 1654, when: “[t]hes good Huron members of the Congregation [St. Mary], meeting together a short time ago to thank them, in their own peculiar manner, for their alms, resolved to send them a collar on which are written, in black porcelain upon a background of white, the words, Ave Maria gratia plena” (JR 1898, 41: 165f.; Du Creux 1952, 2: 680). Obviously, the Jesuit Father Le Mercier instructed them on how to write the text, and the finished belt was sent to the “Congregation of Our Lady in the Professed House of the Society of Jesus in Paris” (Feest 1992: 89; cf.: Lainey 2004: 69). The present whereabouts of this belt is unknown. Two decades later, another belt (2) with an identical inscription was seen at Notre-Dame at Loreto, Italy together with a second one, briefly mentioned by Philippus Bonanni, reading “Ecce Ancilla Domini, Fiat Mihi Secvndum Verbvm Tvvm” (3), (ibid. 1992: 89; Bonanni 1709: 225; Lainey 2004: 69). Both belts were lost, when the chapel at Loretta was destroyed by fire in approx. 1860 (ibid. 2004: 68; cf.: Feest 1992: 89). The fourth and fifth belts were devoted by the HuronWendats to the Holy Anna (4) and archangel Michael (5) in 1675 and 1677 respectively, but only the inscription of the first one is given as “B ▪ ANNAE ▪ MATRIM ▪ V ▪ VOTVM ▪ HVR” (JR 1899, 60: 75; Lainey 2004: 67). Its present location is not known. Another ecclesiastical belt was sent by the HuronWendat mission of Lorette, present Wendake, to the cathedral of Notre-Dame, Chartres in 1678. This white belt is preserved and features 9 rows in width with black Roman capitals, reading: “VIRGINI PARITVRÆ VOTVM HVRONVM” (6), see: Plate 33, Fig. 379 (Hamy 1897, 1: Plate 1; Farabee: 1922: 46ff.; Coe 1976: 79; Morissonneau 1978: 390; Feest 1992: 89; Wiesinger (ed.) 1992: 39; Lainey 2004: 66)335. As recorded in 1684, the seventh belt is inscribed with black letters reads: “S. FRANC SALISIO ABNAQ D [Sancto Francisco salisio The Latin text was translated as: “Offering of the Hurons to the virgin with child” for the Handbook and copied by Bonvillain (Morissonneau 1978: 390; 1989: 73). More accurately it should read: “Offering of the Hurons to the virgin with born” (my translation). 335

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Abnaquiis Dedit]” (7). It was sent by the Abenakis of Saint Francis, present Odanak to the cathedral of Annecy (JR 1900, 63: 30f.; JR 1899, 61: 91; Beauchamp 1901: 390)336. More than a decade later, a very large belt of black wampum, 22 rows in width with a Latin inscription in white beads, reads: “MATRI VIRGINI ABENAQUÆI ▫ D ▫ D ▫” [Donum Dedit] (8). It was delivered by the Abenakis to the Cathedral of Notre-Dame in Chartres, France in 1699. This belt is still preserved at the Cathedral and has been reproduced in several publications (Farabee 1922: 46ff.; Coe 1976: 79; Bonvillain 1989: 73; Feest 1992: 89; Wiesinger (ed.) 1992: 39; Bourque 2001: 162f.; Guillet and Pothier (eds.) 2005: 33; Feest 2014a: 35, Fig. 4), see: Plate 33, Fig. 378. Feest mentioned another ecclesiastical belt (9) sent to the church of Notre-Dame de Foy near Dinant, Belgium, with an inscription reading: “Beata Qvae Credidisti” (1992: 89; Lainey 2004: 68)337. As pointed out by Lainey, a further example was published with the accompanying illustration done in 1846. The inscription reads: “V ▪ MATRI ▪ ILIN ▪ D ▪ D” [Donum Dedit] (10), referring to the Illinois, who presented the very same belt to “the mother virgin”. This belt was exhibited in the church of Notre-Dame-de-Lorette, present Wendake, until it and parts of the building was destroyed by a fire in 1862 (Lainey 2004: 67f.). Next to it, hung three other belts bearing abbreviated Latin words. They were redrawn by Samuel Douglas Smith Huyghue in 1846 and read: “B ▪ JOSEPHO ▪ MARIAE ▪ SPONSO ▪ HVR” (11), “B ▪ ANNA ▪ MATRIM ▪ V ▪ VOTVM ▪ HVR” (12) and “II DEIPARÆ : ABENAQVÆI ▫ D D II” [Donum Dedit] (13). All three were destroyed by the flames (ibid. 2004: 67f.). The next ecclesiastical belt is preserved, see: Plate 33, Fig. 380. Its Latin inscription reads: “VIRGINI ▪ IMMAC ▪ HVR D ▪ D ▪” [Donum Dedit] (14). The belt is 12 rows wide (Feest 1992: 88; Feest (ed.) 2007: 18)338. The last religious belt was made at Lac des Deux Montanges, present Kanehsatake, more than a century after the first documented belt was made, and it was presented by the converts to Pope Gregory XVI, in 1831. Around that time it was part of the collection in the

336

Several request sent to the administration of the Cathedral asking for further information on the whereabouts of this particular belt have not been answered. 337 Described as a white belt with black letters (Lainey 2004: 68). 338 Feest stated for the belt’s history that it was once part of the collections at the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, France (Feest 1992: 88, (ed.) 2007: 18). But it seems to have first been catalogued in 1878 at the former Musée du Trocadéro, later Musée de l’Homme, Paris. A particular note by Huyghue points out the use of different wampum beads for making ecclesiastical belts, when he writes in 1879: “The wampum with which the belts are wrought is unusually large and was made specially for the purpose” (Lainey 2004: 68). But in fact his statement could not be verified based on the two preserved belts at the Cathedral of NotreDame, Chartres, which are made of regular sized beads identical to the archaeological and historical conserved samples.

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Collegio di Propaganda Fide at Rome, as first published by Bushnell (1906a: 250ff., pl. 22; 1920: 185ff.; Feest 1992: 89; Becker 2001). Becker took a particular interest in this subject and located the supposedly lost “gem”, which he described in detail for an article. The black belt is 15 rows wide with six different units woven in with white beads (15), see: Plate 27, Fig. 326. One end, referred to as the left, shows a chapel crowned by a cross, very similar in shape to chapels originally built in New France (O’Malley and Bailey 2005: 365, 368). Next to it is a word, which Becker described as “WHOMPOM” in an upside down position, but O’Malley and Bailey identified as “a Gospel passage in Mik’maq” (ibid 2005: 395). Both explanations seem to be false, for Becker’s etymology of the old English word wampum does not make sense in a dominantly Francophone area of Quebec. It is also unlikely that a catholic missionary and his converts would use this term, while all preaching was still done in Latin. And what symbolic meaning would “WHAMPUM” have in context of an ecclesiastical offering? In contrast, O’Malley’s and Bailey’s versions seem plausible, but the belt’s history does not support their theory (O’Malley and Bailey 2005: 395; Becker 2006: 82, 96, 98, 107). A closer examination of this phrase identified two possibilities. The first posits that the text is composed of several abbreviations with the two “O’s” separating the “word”, but in that case its meaning remains a mystery. The second, and more plausible, provided by the author, postulates that the text stands for the Latin word “monitioni”, slightly changed by an illiterate weaver to “mionitioni”. This word, being the imperative of “remember”, makes perfectly good sense in this context (Becker 2006: 107). All authors properly identified the crossed keys of Saint Peter, followed by the third segment, which is composed of a Latin cross flanked by two human figures holding on to it. Becker identified the persons as a priest to the left and Native man to the right, while Feest interpreted them as a woman and a man. In all probability Feest’s explanation is more accurate, as a priest’s cassock always reaches his feet, while a Native woman’s skirt, at that time, ended below the knees (ibid. 2005: 374, 384f.; Wiesinger (ed.) 1992: 44, 51; cf.: Sturtevant 2007: 134ff.; Phillips 1984: 53, 90; 1998: 32f., 131, pl. 5, 211). This, by the way, is the very first time a woman is depicted on any belt of wampum. The following two symbols’ identifications are more speculative than supported by any primary facts (Becker 2006: 81, 94ff.). In summary, we can draw upon 15 recorded ecclesiastical belts of wampum. The first one is mentioned in 1654 and the last in 1699, with one exception of a combination of text and other patterns, dated 1831. A majority of eight belts, was dedicated to the Virgin Mary, two to her mother Anna (4, 12), and two others to Jesus Christ (3, 6). Joseph (11), St. Michael (5), St. Francis (7), and

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St. Peter (15) were each addressed on a single belt. Interestingly, several belts of the group make references to its offering community. Four are related to the Hurons-Wendats, three to the Abenakis, and one is associated with the Illinois (10). This evaluation clearly reveals the Huron-Wendat and Abenaki converts’ intimate relation to the Virgin Mary, reflecting the great influence of the Roman Catholic church (cf.: Becker 2006: 103ff.). Conclusions At this point, it is possible to draw the following conclusions. Since the very first universal use of wampum belts for political affairs in the late 1670s, all of the primary patterns of geometric, figurative or textual designs, as well as monochrome ones, were incorporated into belts (cf.: Wray 2003: 9; Becker 2002: 58). Monochromatic or “blank” belts known as “common” belts, were most frequently used during meetings, as correctly suggested by Marshall J. Becker elsewhere (2002: 51, 58, 61; Lainey 2004: 60; cf. Snyderman 1954: 483). It is of interest that these simple belts, unlike all other patterns, can neither be found in any archaeological context prior to 1700, nor are they mentioned in earlier historical accounts. Thus, it should be taken into account that belts no longer in use were, as stated in historical sources and pointed out by scholars, often disassembled and used for new belts (Fenton 1971: 445; Lainey 2004: 76ff.). Almost all patterns seem to be a Native American invention, and as primarily documented in particular the Five respectively Six Nations, despite of a dearth of written records. For instance, the zigzag pattern of archaeologically recovered and historically preserved belts identify this design for the early period from 1635-55 to the late 18th century, see: Plate 4, Fig. 47, 48. One belt with a zigzag pattern in white, as shown on two photographs, is being worn by Ojibwa leaders in around 1870 (Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977: 21). In contrast, wampum belts with Latin capital letters were introduced by Europeans, first French missionaries, in particular Jesuits, who encouraged their indigenous converts among the Hurons-Wendats to weave votive belts as gifts. Those were sent to the capitals of the religious orders in Europe and to their neighboring native church congergations, a practice that the other Native Christian Communities followed (Becker 2002: 56)339. Next, prominent English settlers, perhaps influenced by their French counterparts, used Latin capitals to denote their own name with a date in a secular context. This practice was soon adopted by colonial officials for treaty negotiations with their Natives allies. At first the initials were those of

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the king of Great Britain and/or his relatives, and therefore became an officially recognized emblem340. The practice was later adopted by Indian agents of the Crown, starting with Sir William Johnson in 1756. After the founding of the United States, the initials “U S” became an official state logo. The new state clearly followed the British way when using initials like “US” and “ USA”, which can also be found on arms, military buttons, etc. (Troiani 2001: 97ff.; Ahearn 2005: 46f., 67, 129,ff.). At some point during the American Revolution, the original royal British initials engraved on spoils of war were ground off and replaced by the American’s. Changes from “G R” into “G W” for George Washington on military arms, were sometimes still visible on markers of rank such as officer’s gorgets, (Neumann and Kravic 1992: 130; Ahearn 2005: 131, 220). Up to that point, Becker’s and Lainey’s categories for wampum belts, stated above, make sense except their heading “I. P” denoting “InternalPolitical” belts, which - as shown above - did not differ from their external counterparts in the 17th the 18th century (Becker and Lainey 2004: 27). The following can be said about the asymmetrically arranged crosses. Upon closer examination of the historically sketched and preserved wampum belts, two distinct patterns can be easily discerned by using formal criteria 341. The first is composed of two crosswise arranged simple bars, with the longer one mostly placed horizontally or in parallel to the length of the belt, often identified as a self-proclaimed sign for Christianized indigenous communities in historical descriptions. But not only for those living along the lower Saint Lawrence River, as often suggested, but also among the Moravian converts south of the Great Lakes (cf.: Becker 2002: 56; Beauchamp 1901: 413). The second group of crosses bears crossbars with flaring ends and a stand. All these Latin crosses are placed at the belt’s center, sometimes connected with human figures on each side, see: Plate 27, Fig. 320, and 322. One recorded belt mentioned above suggests its meaning as a symbol for the King of 339

The exception is the last votive belt made in 1831 at Oka, as quoted above, which was presented to the pope. 340 That particular use of royal initials was very well established in England, such as “W R” for Wilhelmus Rex, or King William III. (1689-1702) and later in Great Britain to mark all kinds of objects made for use and trade, such as arms and ceramics, denoting that the objects were made for the monarch, the quality guaranteed by her/himself and therefore used as an export mark, with “A R” for Anna Regina or Queen Anne of England, sovereign of Great Britain since 1707 (Kunstgewerbemuseum (ed.) 1986: 361; Ahearn 2005: 14). During the era of the personal union of the reigns of Hanover, starting with king George I., the initials “G R” are commonly used to mark e.g. Westerwald stone ware, knives, longarms, etc. (Kunstgewerbemuseum (ed.) 1986: 345ff., 361; MAAF (ed.) 1999: 8; Klann 1999: 7; Ahearn 2005: 21ff.). 341 Becker and Lainey identified all Latin crosses as ecclesiastical belts, only reserved for religious converts (2004: 27; Becker 2002: 56). Snyderman suggested a “probable Roman Catholic influence” for the cross symbol (1954: 848).

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France. In the second half of 12th century, the French kings were granted the title “Majesté Tres Chrètienne [Very Christian Majesty]” by the Pope and from that time on French monarchs took more interest in directing church affairs. In other words: the French king was chosen by God to command in his name, which gave him an important religious office as well. He became the defender of the Roman Catholic Church, “and kings like Louis XIV (1638-1715) declared that it constituted the king’s most important charge” (Lippy, Choquette, and Poole 1992: 139f.). Therefore, it should come as no surprise that the Latin cross was used as sign of the French kings. The source quoted above places the cross on one end of the belt, which may be explained by its late date. At this time, during the American Revolution, France was no longer a major colonial power in North America, but an ally of the newly founded United States. Finally, another fact, supporting this classification, needs be pointed out. In September 1682, Governor Count de Frontenac replied to the speeches of the Five Nations’ deputies, and in closing he presented them with a “Belt of Wampum in form of a Chain” (NYCD 1855, 9: 188; Beauchamp 1901: 432). Beauchamp did not recognize the importance of that document and falsely interpreted the belt’s appearance as “[t]his may refer to a primitive method of making these belts by tying strings together” (1901: 432). But at least since 1656, French officials were quite familiar with the symbolic meaning of the covenant chain of friendship, when Five Nations delegates showed the French Governor “a great collar of Porcelain beads” saying: “Here is an iron chain, larger around than the trees that grow in our forests, which shall bind the Dutch, the French, and the Agnieronnons [Mohawks] together” (JR 1899, 63: 147; Snyderman 1954: 476; Fenton and Tooker 1978: 479). This time, Beauchamp’s explanation would very well correlate with the presented collar Marquis de Vaudreuil gave the Iroquois (Onondaga and Cayuga) of “La Presentation”, or Oswegatchie, “a new belt to bind them with a still stronger chain” on April 27th of 1757 (Hamilton (ed.) 1964: 103f.; Snow 1996: 140). Based on these significant documents it becomes apparent that Five Nations, Dutch, and later English as well as French officials referred to this symbol during their council speeches. In fact, the major colonial powers even incurporated them into their belts of wampum. Under the auspice of Sir William Johnson, a larger covenant chain belt was made with interwoven, linked and outlined hexagons, like Euro-American metal chain links, redrawn in Plate 32, Fig. 365, and see (Fig. 11)342. 342

Sir John Johnson followed the mode with a belt dating to 1786, see: Plate 32, Fig. 368.

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Fig. 11. Wampum belt, British „covenant chain“, c. 1760s. Shell beads, deerskin, plant fibers. Length: 67.7 cm. Courtesy of the Reiss-Engelhorn Museen, Manheim, Germany (Cat. No. V-Am-1807), ex Hugo Schilling Collection, pre1881. Photograph: N. Stolle.

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Two historic belts may help identify the important symbolic pattern of their French counterparts. The first bears a Latin cross with flared ends and stand in central position with diamond, double outlined chain links at each side, see: Plate 27, Fig. 321343. The second example shows an identical link chain with additional checkered diamonds incorporated inside each chain link, see: Plate 15, Fig. 201 (cf.: Beauchamp 1901: 429, 476, Plate 26, figure 277; Tehanetorens 1993: 36f.)344. In all likelihood, both resemble the French chain. If this hypothesis is correct, both chain types differed very little in pattern, except that the links are of diamond instead of a rectangular shape, as shown in the schematic drawing in Table 2, p. 226. More importantly, both colonial powers used specific symbols to denote their royal monarchs, France used the Latin cross with flaring ends and stand, while Britain used initials instead. 5. Colors and Meaning Using the sources quoted above, it was possible to look closer into the topic of colors and their respective meanings. Natural wampum beads were white or black, their color could be altered by applying paint. The most often mentioned color is red, but sometimes also white, green and blue. George R. Hamell was first to take an interest in colors and their meanings among the northeastern Native Americans and the Iroquois in particular. His outstanding contribution’s definition of the functions of color, defines white “as a metaphor for light, and thus for life itself”, while he found “contrastive-complementary functions” for black while “red manifested the sentient and animate aspects of social -being” and black “states-of-being, characterized by the absence of sentience and animacy, as in states of mourning” (1992: 457, 465). Of course there are always exceptions to a rule, e.g. when white belts were presented on rare occasions to condole losses of prominent chiefs and groups. Tarke, a chief of the Wyandots, condoled the loss of the US Americans at Greenville in 1795, when he said: “I now wipe your body clean from all blood with this soft linen [white belt]” (Clarke and Lowrie (eds.) 1832, 4: 572). And a single record, which Zeisberger, and Heckewelder reported, even mentions a belt with white paint applied in 1701 when no white beads were at hand (Hulbert and Schwarz (eds.) 1910: 152; Heckewelder 1971: 109). Likewise Lamothe “parleray par un 343

This particular belt of wampum was long preserved at Kahnawake, before it was stolen in the 1920s, hence the present whereabouts are unknown (Lainey 2004: 267). 344 The belt was repatriated to the Oneida Nation, and was formerly part of the collections in the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago (Cat. No. A68566). Tehanetorens misleadingly made the chain symbol out of open squares or meanders, equal to closed squares, and therefore came up with differing conclusions (1993: 36f.). Lainey obviously followed his interpretation (2004: 268).

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collier et une couverte blanche aux Miamis [which he explained as] Ce collier et cette couverte blanche sont pour tarir vos larmes et pour couvrir le sang de vos morts [Lamothe spoke on a belt and a belt covered white to the Miamis [ibid] The belt and the white bedecked are to dry your tears and to cover the blood of your deceased (my translation)]” (Margry (ed.) 1886, 5: 262). A single painted white glass wampum belt could be located, which was reportedly acquired from the Abenaki, dating to prior 1890, see: Plate 30, Fig. 352. In a similar manner a belt of wampum, which was presented to Odawa/Ottawa and Meskwaki (Fox) deputies by William Johnson in 1766, was described “upon it all Towns and Nations are Painted, and he himself holds the Hands of all Nations” (Anonymous 1766b: 3). Contrary to white, black belts of wampum were always used in historical times to express words of great importance, whether earnest requests, apologies, invitations to war, or condolences. One contradicting color interpretation was given by King Hendrick345. When Theyanoguin, in 1755, chose “a large black Belt of Fourteen Rows” for an invitation to an upcoming council, which his companion Richard Peters considered as: “an improper Belt for a peaceable Invitation, and that the Six Nations wou’d interpret it as a Message of War”. But Hendrick justified his choice instead, saying that “he would not talk of War with that Belt, but only make Use of it to give the Invitation, and that as there was no Hatchet on it its being black signified nothing” (JP 1939, 9: 155). Kahnawake chiefs and their allies, on the other hand, interpreted a black colored belt sent by Joseph Brant in the accustomed meaning and said: “had the belt been mixed with white, or, had it been wholly red or altogether white, it would have indicated peaceable intentions, but being entirely Black, intimated mischief” (Anonymous 1798a: 3). In contrast, the color red, when applied to major black belts changed its previous meaning to a belligerent function, and these belts generally had a short life. After the campaign had ended, these belts were disassembled and the beads reused. Therefore numerous red painted beads can be found in historically preserved belts of wampum, with some even incorporated in ecclesiastical belts (Lainey 2004: inside front cover). Governor Hamilton reported in 1777 “that the Virginians had sent the Delawares a red Belt, had a little smeared with Vermillion, signifying that they did not want peace with any nation of Indians” (PROK, CO42/37, Minutes of council at Detroit). Also, as stated in 1776, when a Shawnee deputy “produced a War Belt about 9 feet long & Six Inches wide of purple Whampum Shewed over with Vermilion”

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(PROK, CO5/77. Council at Chote in June 1776 attended by Six Nations’ deputies, Folio 181). Upon careful examination of the belts, two different types of red colors are distinguishable: one is discerned by a crust-like coating, partially worn off by use, while the other one looks more like a thin stain. Most probably, the first was achieved by applying paint, while the other is due to rubbing against painted bodies, see: Table 5, IV, 1-3, 6. Contemporary accounts lead to assume that vermilion was the most often used red pigment for coloring war belts, such as the one by Pierre Pouchot, who pointed out that the Iroquois provided a “beautiful wampum belt” to the assembled indigenous delegates to lift up the hatchet in 1757, but “On the next day, the Ouias [Miami subgroup] presented the same belt to the Iroquois covered with vermillion, which is an invitation to war” (1994: 116f.). A few belts of green color are recorded in council minute protocols. For example, William Trent reported in 1752 that “Twightwees [Miamis] made the following speech to the English, with a green belt and pipe: ‘Brothers: […] if we live till Spring, our brothers may expect to see us, and we send this pipe that our brothers may smoke out of it, and think upon what we say, and they may depend upon seeing us in the Spring, at which time we will give a full answer” (Goodman (ed.) 1871: 101f.). While there is no reference to the meaning of the color green in this particular case, we can find some clues in a contemporary account, when Miamis presented to the Six Nations “a beaver blanket, with a green painted spot in the middle […] this green painted spot in the middle of the blanket, which represents the Spring in its bloom” (ibid 1871: 96; Jacobs 1949: 598). Several years later, Qui-qua-po-quois, the village chief of the Ouiatonons [Miamis] gave a green belt during a council held at Detroit in 1778, on which he spoke that it “denoted the uprightness of their intentions and was the custom, of their ancestors” (MPHC 1886, 9: 453)346. While another one was reportedly presented by Weshion, a chief of the “Sakis [Sauk]”, who delivered “a black Belt green painted” to William Johnson in 1764 (JP 1953, 11: 300f.). Yet, another reference, in 1764, Wassong spoke on behalf of the Miamis “on a Green Belt” as an earnest desire that “every thing may be Settled peaceably” with Johnson (JP 1925, 4: 526f.; JP 1953, 11: 349f.)347. Green painted belts are mostly reported for the Miamis and once for the Sauks, and 345

Theyanoguin was a famous Sachem of the Mohawks, but Mahican by birth (Jennings et al., (ed.) 1995: 253). 346 This conference was attendet by delegates of “Ouiatonons [Miamis], Quiquaboues [Kickapoos], and Mascoutins [Mascouten]” as well as “Ma-hi-nam-ba” the village chief of the Kickapoos (ibid 1886, 9: 453; Callender 1978c: 689; Goddard 1978c: 671). 347 In the same sense he presented “a String of purple and white Wampum painted Green and Blue” for peace (ibid 1925, 4: 527).

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seem to have been preferred only by these indigenous inhabitants of the Great Lakes area. Apart from the color's ascribed meaning as symbolizing the spring season, uprightness is another attribute mentioned, which fits the less frequently recorded instances as well (Hamell 1992: 464). Only one historical belt of wampum, entirely covered with green paint, is preserved. Lacking any reliable documentation, this belt was once attributed to the Huron-Wendat (Hale 1897: Plate XI, no. 1; 236ff.), see: Plate 28, Fig. 337, Table 5, IV, 4. Hale described belt patterns in a most speculative manner, and he therefore arrived at some questionable conclusions, as will be discussed later. In 1778, the following unusual incident took place, when De Couagne, chief of the Peoria, brought US American belts into council, whose meanings are quoted at length: “Here are several belts for you to consider upon-a white one for the French-a red one for the Spaniards who mean to assist them-a blue one in the name of the colonies-a green one offering peaceable terms from the Americans if you allow them to pass freely, and lastly a red one offering you war if you prefer that” (MPHC 1886, 9: 486). Most interesting, the American belts of wampum strictly followed the indigenous connotation of color symbolism. White and green as peaceful intentions, red as warlike, and blue not defined, most likely in-between green and black, as an earnest, upright intention (e.g. Hamell 1992: 460). In summary, the meaning of the colors white, black, and red had, in general, similar connotations throughout Northeastern North America, as has become evident from contemporary reports since the late 17th up to the early 19th century. The color green being applied to diplomatic belts of wampum has only been recorded for indigenous Great Lakes inhabitants. But green glass beaded belts were used by lower Saint Lawrence River inhabitants, as well as documented by an anonymous watercolor, dating to the second half of the 18 th century, depicting a Huron-Wendat couple of Lorette, present Wendake. The male figure wears a green beaded “glass wampum” belt draped over his left shoulder (Beaulieu and Viau 2001: 50). Yellow, as Hamell pointed out in another reference, was not liked much, and has never been recorded as a paint on belts, yet some glass wampum belts do bear yellow beads, although in small numbers (1992: 462).

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10. Surrogates for Shell Wampum from the 17th Century Onward The following chapter is divided into two parts: the first is comprised of all kinds of beads, including glass, stone, shell, or synthetic materials while the second focuses on furs, primarily of beaver, but also lists other animal skins, such as deer, martin etc. and other substitutes. Up to now, most scholars or authors, who have written about wampum, overlooked or neglected the importance of substitutes. One of the few exceptions is George S. Snyderman, who dedicated an entire subchapter of his paper, dealing with wampum, to substitutes. He very well recognized the importance of this topic, which he published as a tribute to his mentor, Frank G. Speck, (1954: 469, 473ff.). In contrast, almost all other scholars postulated that glass beads were never used like shell woven wampum belts for any political transaction (e.g. Woodward 1878: 47f.; Beauchamp 1901: 446f.; Kasprycki, Stambrau and Roth (eds.) 1998: 18; Becker 2006: 84; Jones 2007: 34; Lainey 2008: 420). Some even went as far as asserting that glass beads were incorporated only once in shell bead belts (Becker and Lainey 2004: 26). The earliest preserved glass bead belt was recovered from a Seneca occupied site named Factory Hollow (ca. 1615-1635)348, see: Plate 30, Fig. 349. This particular belt is composed of tubular glass beads in black, red, and white with colored stripes, as shown in Table 5, I, 1349. The black background shows interwoven human figures in red and white. Both figures are depicted with a single bead on the pectoral. Its meaning of a heart was explained earlier in chapter 11. Archaeologically recovered beads dated some 15 years later raise the ques348

In some cases, up to the late 1980s, Factory Hollow Site was dated to 1590-1610, but since the 1990s it is attributed to the above cited period (Sempowski 1988: 83; cf.: Stark 1995: 66). 349

These tubular glass beads are recorded from archaeological findings and will be listed according to Kidd’s definition as monochrome beads “made by adding simple or compound stripes of a different colour before drawing”, classified as type Ib3 of black colour with 3 longitudinal redwood stripes, Ib4 of black colour with 3 longitudinal white stripes, Ibb4 of pale blue colour with 3 white longitudinal stripes on redwood, and Ib12 of white colour with 3 black longitudinal stripes varying in length between 4 to 10 mm (Kidd and Kidd 1983: 223, 227, 234ff.). Similar beads are recorded from Dutch occupations such as Fort Orange, dating to appr. 1647 to 1667, differing in length or number of layers, for example characterized as “[t]ubular[;] op[age] Mustard Tan, with 6 Redwood stripes”, or “[t]ubular; ts [translucent] 1. oyster white (b) with 3 straight op[age]. redwood (6 ne) stripes” (Huey 1983: 87, 96ff., 118). Identical beads of Kidd’s type Ibb were found at the Marsh and Dann Sites (1650-1670 and 1655-1675) described as “[s]hort Tubular op. Black, 3 op. Redwood on op. White Stripes” (Wray 1983: 44). Burr’s Hill Site, a Wampanoag burial ground, contains Kidd’s type Ib4, or “opaque black with three broad vertical opaque white stripes without core” (Billings 1980: 121, 125). Even at Tunica Sites, 8 tubular beads of type Ibb4 have been excavated (Brain 1979: 100f., Plate I.). Laurier Turgeon stated on the value of these early glass beads that “[t]he strong presence of these polychrome beads, more difficult and expensive to manufacture [than monochrome], on contact sites [in North America], suggests that the consumption of beads was driven, to a certain extent, by Amerindian interest” (2001: 65).

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tion if this belt was actually found at the Factory Hollow Site or if this particular type of beads predates the presently estimated time frame. Nonetheless, the belt’s pattern and shape clearly reflect the later preserved shell wampum belts, and incidentally, contain the earliest known representation of human figures on any woven bead band. Strikingly, the very same tubular black glass beads, type Ib3-4, form the entire pattern of two other shell bead belts recovered from the Marsh Site (1650-1670), see: Plate 5 and 24, Fig. 57, and Fig. 289. Marc Lescarbot refers to this very phenomenon when he mentioned black glass beads as part of shell bead objects in 1607 for the Eastern Algonkins, as quoted before (1914, 3: 157)350. Together with his report it becomes obvious that glass and shell beads were once woven together into collars and belts of wampum in eastern North America. Additional historic accounts of the use of tubular glass beads are cited by William Beauchamp, when “Le Jeune presented a string of these [glass tubes] to three chiefs” in 1633. In a specific religious context, Jesuit missionaries distributed these beads among indigenous converts as rewards for having learned their catechism (Beauchamp 1901: 446). Father LeMoyne presented tubular glass beads and a glass bead collar to the 5 Nations deputies at Onondaga in 1654, which Beauchamp described as: “In this he makes these beads equal in value to [shell] wampum” (ibid. 1901: 447)351. Likewise, English representatives used strings of tubular glass beads like their shell equivalents, when negotiating with Onondaga delegates in 1687 (ibid 1901: 447). Prior to 1684, Jacques Bigot, a Jesuit, wrote about his Abenaki mission that the indigenous people adorned the image of a saint “with everything most beautiful in their possession. The whole Altar was covered with a great number of Collars, made in all sorts of designs; Bugle beads [glass] and strings of porcelain [shell]” (JR 1899, 63: 27). Whether these glass bead bands were purely ornamental or used for any political transaction is unknown. Tubular glass beads are mentioned several times in later historic records and used as trade goods, designated even for

350

Willoughby published a report on an Algonkin burial place at Winthrop, Massachusets, dating to pre1634, where a necklace of wampum shell and tubular blue glass beads was recovered (1924: 17f.). 351 In the original document described as “[a] large Porcelain collar, a hundred little tubes or pipes of red glass, which constitute the diamonds of the country” (JR 1898, 41: 111). Similarly, Du Creux mentioned the use of red glass beads during a council held between Iroquois, Hurons-Wendats, Algonkins and the governor of New France in 1653-54 when he wrote: “for in addition to wampum there were cheap but pretty pipes of red glass; and for the first present he put down a hundred of these and a moose skin already tanned and smoothed” (Du Creux 1952, 2: 669).

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the remotest areas in the French colony352. At some point in 1754, when Charles Bonin, a French soldier, attended a council held with the assembled indigenous allies353 near Fort Michilimackinac, he wrote about the use of tubular glass wampum beads. “Pour faire une alliance, inviter à la guerre ou á la paix, on donne réciproquement des branches de petits grains de verre de différentes couleurs appelés porcelain dans le pays: ces grains sont longs de trois à quatre lignes, percés dans le milieu de leur longeur, ils sont arrondis. On les enfile comme un chapelet en une seule branche de la longeur de dixhuit à vingt pouces: on en fait de grains tout blancs, d’autres de grains tout bleus et quelquefois melangés de deux couleurs. Les colliers sont de plusieurs branches réunies et consues à côté les unes des autres sur une bande de la longeur de trois à quatre pouces sur dix-huit à vingt de long. [In making an alliance, inviting to war or peace one gives reciprocally strings of little glass beads of different colors, called porcelain in the country: these beads are three to four lignes [a ligne is 2.25 mm] long, pierced through the center of their length, they are rounded. They are strung like a rosary in a single string in length of eighteen to twenty inches some are made of beads all white, other of beads all blue and some of the two colors mixed. The belts are made of several strings together and sewn one beside the other on a band of a length of three to four inches by eighteen to twenty long (my translation)]” (http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k1095006, recalled July 2015; I’m grateful to Isabel Völker for rereadding my translation, July 2015)354 Bonin’s comment leaves little doubt that in the mid 18th century glass wampum belts were used for secular political purposes in the Great Lakes area. An illustration in Bacqueville de la Potherie’s “Histoire de l’Amérique septentrionale” of 1753 shows a white belt with a black double zigzag pattern. Pauline Desjardins and Geneviève Dugnay correctly suggested the beads to In 1688 “200 quills” were listed, supposed to be “taken by a trader to Illinois country”. More than half a century later, in 1749, Peter Kalm wrote about French tubular glass beads designated as gifts for indigenous chiefs: “[An imitation wampum was made of porcelain, and sold to the Indians, hence the Canadian name porcelaine, presumably]” (1987: 521). And several tubular translucent blue, black opaque and longitudinal striped glass beads were excavated at the Lasanen Site, near St. Ignace, present Michigan, dating to (1694-1697), see (Cleland (ed.) 1971: 77ff., 95). 353 Listed are the following tribal names: “Hurons, Ottawas, Sauteux, Algonquins, Potawatomies, Outgamis or Foxes [Meskwakis], Miamis, Mississaugas [Ojibwas], Mascou-tens or the Fire Tribe, Puants, Sioux, Kickapoos, Malomines or Follavoines [Menominees], Assiniboines, Pawnees, and Weas” (Galup (ed.) 2007: 66). 354 The published translation differs in several parts, like “[s]ome beads are all blue, and some of two colors mixed.” (Gallup (ed.) 2007: 68). But the weaving process of these belts is not clearly explained. It is not certain whether the beads were actually woven into a band, which is most likely, or sewn upon a backing. 352

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be of glass instead of shell as they don’t resemble any preserved shell wampum bead, yet they are identical to excavated medium size ovoid glass beads (1992: 55; Feest 1992: 89; Cleland (ed.) 1971: 75ff.; Kidd and Kidd 1983; Mason 1986: 185ff; cf.: Becker 2002: 59). An accompanying description adds some confusion as it reads: “Coliers de porcelains.”, which is the French term used for shell wampum beads at that time. French officer Pierre Pouchot is more specific about the beads’ appearance when he refers to trade goods in New France prior to 1760: “The Québec store was a warehouse to supply that of Mont-Réal. It also supplied the trade with our resident Indians, the Abenakis and others located down river. […] The goods for trade with the Indians are […] porcelain [wampum beads] [and] porcelaine-style glassware of dark wine color” (Pouchot 1994: 323f.). Even earlier, in 1729, these tubular glass beads, called “façon de porcelaine”, are mentioned in French trade records (Desjardins and Dugnay 1992: 55). The majority of the listings of glass wampum beads come from the 1770s as part of the Montreal Merchants records (I am indebted to Ken Hamilton, who shared this information with me, personal communication September 2007). These tubular beads are traced back to archaeological sites, compare Table 5, I, 3-5. At the Fletcher Site Cemetery (1740-1750), several tubular glass bead necklaces interspersed with shell wampum were found. More interesting, Robert Mainfort Jr. pointed out that “Stone refers to [beads] as being opaque black are, in fact, translucent and dark red in color” (1979: 323, 333, 381). Therefore, it appears that Pouchot’s description exactly matches those of archaeologically recovered beads. Another reference can be found in part of a council held between delegates of the 6 Nations and governor James Hamilton on August 10th of 1761. Here, the speaker explained their scarcity of wampum, as they used it to keep the French allied Natives loyal to British interests, which: “has occasioned a great number of Messages and great Consumption of Wampum. When the French Indians spoke to us, they spoke by pipes [calumet, or peace pipe] and Quills [tubular glass beads], but we returned answers with Wampum” (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 8: 657). This passage supports Bonin’s statement that glass wampum was used by the Franco Canadian Native allies like shell wampum for political transactions prior to 1760. After the French and Indian war in 1760 and the British conquest, it took almost 10 years for tubular glass beads to be listed again in trade lists. In October of 1769, under the heading “memorandum of Sundry Articles for the Indians”, “50 pounds of black Glass Wampum, or Beads” and the same amount of white “[e]xactly to pattern Sent” are specified for the first time after that (JP 1931, 7: 780). In the following year glass wampum beads in black and white were again ordered by Wade & Keiuser in

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Toronto (ibid. 1931, 7: 824). In June of 1771, the same company lists among great quantities of silk ribbons, some wampum, silver wares and “Glass Wampum” as “the small Articles” (JP 1933, 8: 149f.). In another reference, Daniel Claus listed “5 ¼ lbs Bead Like Wampum” for June 14th 1770 (JP 1931, 7: 39). The actual demand for these glass wampum beads can be deduced from Richard Cartwright's letter to Sir William Johnson in the end of October 1772: “The Chief was unEasie that no glass wampum [missing] had. I wrote a line to Mr. Wallace desiring him to get four pounds wight, and Could not Satisfie him any other way” (JP 1933, 8: 627). Promptly, Hugh and Alexander Wallace replied and charged Johnson with the costs “for 4 pounds of Black Glass Wampum ₤ 0.16s.0 d in the whole ₤ 4.0s.11 d this money” (ibid 1933, 8: 631, 643). The British trade of tubular glass beads, used as shell surrogates, is hinted by Benjamin Gilbert, who was captured with his family by indigenous warriors on April, the 25th of 1780. Gilbert referred to the use of wampum in his narrative thus: “[b]ut since the whites have gained footing among them [Native American], they make use of the common glass beads for this purpose [wampum belts]” (Loudon 1808, 1: 100). His statement underscores the wider historical acceptance of glass wampum. Another account, supposedly dated a decade later, mentions: “a glass bead belt, of a dark green color, and having the figure of a beaver animal, made of white beads on it, emblematic of the secret underground errand”, as quoted earlier (Clarke 1870: 62). And, there are some historically and archaeologically preserved glass wampum belts. DePeyster’s “Great Belt of Alliance” with interwoven human figures holding hands stands out, see: Plate 31, Fig. 358, also a number of belts in monochromatic black, or with interwoven patterns, such as checkered or outlined diamonds, hexagons and connecting lines, were taken from the Big Tree Site, a Seneca residence, dating between 1770-1820 (Johnson 1983: 8; Armour and Widder 1986: 107; Wellenreuther and Wessel (ed.) 1995: 562; Wray 2003: 46ff., 54). Based on the listed sources, it can be reasonably assumed that DePeyster’s glass wampum belt was actually used for diplomatic transactions in the Great Lakes area, and not as a “commemorative copy” of a shell belt, as suggested by another reference. Three figures wearing coat-like garments are identified as long-tailed British coats. But besides Euro-Americans, chief coats of the same cut were presented to high ranking indigenous individuals since the 17th century, and indigenous leather shirts were depicted in the same way (Shannon 2000b: 351ff.; Jones 2007: 34; cf.: Lainey 2008: 420). Another small glass wampum belt, which was “requested from the War Office” in the 1790s is mentioned by Fenton (1998: 230). Furthermore, many archaeologically exca-

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vated tubular glass beads date between 1760 and 1820. For example, 14,733 black imitation glass wampum beads and 3,677 white ones were found in six graves, sometimes interspersed with shell wampum beads, at Rock Island, 1760-1770 (Mason 1986: 188f.). In another reference, George Quimby wrote on burial findings of a site south of Green Bay at Butte des Morts, Wisconsin, that the “[o]rnaments with the skeleton consisted of seventy-eight white seed beads of glass, some hundreds of small tubular beads (wampum) of shell or glass”, which was occupied by Menominee or Winnebago, dated between 1780 and 1800 (1978: 152f.). Regarding an Odawa/Ottawa Site, located at the junction of the Thornapple and Grand Rivers near Ada, Kent County, present Michigan, Quimby noted: “tubular beads of opaque black or light transparent blue glass (imitation of manufactured shell wampum)” were found and dated between 1790 and 1820 (ibid. 1978: 147). Glenn Black estimated that the beads came from burial mound F of the Angle Site, dated to approx. 1800, as “there were a total of 850 tubular glass beads which obviously had been strung as a necklace. Of the total number, 778 were black and 72 were white” (1967, 1: 55, 252). In another reference, Greenman mentioned the use of glass wampum beads for the present Michigan area (1962: 16). In conclusion, George Quimby commented that these “[i]mitation wampum beads in opaque white, black, or dark blue”, “are also characteristic of the late period [1760-1820]. They are small tubular beads about 1/8 inch in diameter and 3/16 to 5/16 inch in length” (1978: 88). Another account refers to its use among the Native Americans of the Prairie. Between 1831 to 1839, the trader Josiah Gregg wrote in his diary: “The legitimate wampum is only of shell, and was of aboriginal manufacture; being small long tubes with an ovate surface, or sometimes simply cylindrical; and handsomely polished: but imitations of glass or porcelain[e] seem now the most common. The colour is generally white, though sometimes blue or striped” (Thwaites (ed.) 1905, 20: 335). During the late 19th century, tubular glass bead belts are reported for the Abenaki of present Maine, who used them in ceremonial context, see: Plate 30, Fig. 352, and Table 5, I, 13. And in the early 20th century, blue and white tubular glass beads were woven into belts to recreate lost, and/or historically preserved belts, such as a group from the Penobscots, or a single sample preserved at the Linden Museum Stuttgart, Germany, see: Plate 24, Fig. 291 (Speck 1964: 37ff.). This particular practice was used in recent times, when a Tuscarora delegation presented a glass wampum belt, a copy of the so called “George Washington Belt”, to the Lakota-Sioux and is now on display at the Crazy Horse Memorial, South Dakota, see: Table 5, I, 15. The written message accompanying the belt states “We [Tuscarora Nation] send this belt in

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Fig. 12. Pouch decorated with woven panel of glass-wampum beads with thunderbird design. Attributed to the Anishnabek, c. 1770s. Deerskin, bison leather, porcupine quills, glass beads, tinned iron, deer hair, plant fibers. Courtesy of the Nordamerika Native Museum, Zurich, Switzerland (Cat. No. 1938-NA-00011), ex Hotz Coll., pre1938. Photograph: N. Stolle.

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friendship and Brotherhood, to share some of our history with other people. With this gift of wampum comes our wish of Wa-kwast ęyuhrhę? (Good Tomorrow’s) for all the people” (I am indebted to Markus Lindner, who brought this information to my attention, personal communication June 2012) 355. Starting some time after 2000, small tubular glass beads are manufactured in Asia. They are very similar in size to the 18th century glass wampum beads and are mainly used by re-enactors and Living History Actors for recreating historical events, see: Table 5, I, 17 (Tom Connin, personal communication February 2012). Besides glass surrogates another material for beads was introduced by colonial authorities, but it never gained the same acceptance as glass did. In 1729, M. de Beauharnois had asked the French minister to start manufacturing marble beads as substitute for shell wampum. However, within a year this undertaking was halted, as it became evident that the indigenous population rejected this material because it was too different from the original shell beads (Lainey 2004: 14). Another possible reason for the rejection may be that the polished marble beads were too much like indigenous made catlinite 356 beads, which have been found at many historic sites in the Great Lakes region, dating to between the 1690s and 1770 (Cleland (ed.) 1971: 41ff.; Mason 1986: 160ff.). Prior to 1607, Marc Lescarbot observed the use of painted wooden beads among the Mi’kmaq/Micmac, strung together with wampum beads, when he stated that they “[m]ake them into rosaries, like those which we call porcelain. Between each of these beads they set other beads, as black as those of which I have spoken are white, made of jet, or of a certain black wood resembling jet, which they polish and make as small as they list” (1914, 3: 157f.). The very same practice is mentioned by Sieur de Dièreville a century later, in 1708, for the indigenous inhabitants of Acadia, and thus probably Mi’kmaq/Micmac as well: “[t]heir way of writing to one another is altogether unique; […] they make themselves understood by means of little pieces of wood arranged in different ways. They make Necklaces of these little sticks, which serve to declare war or to sue for peace, & they are sent to the tribes with which they are at variance” (1933: 171). Ganong, a historian, believed “that Dièreville is here describing wampum, made of elongated cylindrical pieces of shell, which he has 355

Tehanetorens, a teacher, used the same glass wampum beads for the recreation of preserved “Iroquois” belts, a project done at the Onkwehonwe Neha or The Indian Way School at Akwesasne prior to 1972 (1993). 356 Catlinite is a soft red stone, primarily mined at present-day Pipestone, Minnesota, named in honor of the famous artist George Catlin (Ewers 1979: 69ff.).

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mistaken for pieces of wood, and points out that it is curious that the author did not use the well-known name”, which may very well be true (Dièreville 1933: 171). But interestingly, Dièrenville, just like Lescarbot, described this phenolmenon for the same region. Both accounts probably led Moravians to believe that the use of wooden wampum predated shell wampum, for Zeisberger wrote, in a general sense, on the origin of wampum belts in 1780: “Ursprünglich handelte es sich beim Wampum um zylindrische Holzperlen, schwarz oder weiß gefärbt [...] Als aber weiße Leute ins Land kamen, fingen die das Handwerck an und verhandelten die Wampum an die Indianer, die sie dann anstatt ihrer hölzernen gebrauchten [The wampum strings of the Indians were formerly made of bits of wood, some white, some black, which were used in connection with embassies and speeches. […] When whites came into the country these contrived to make wampum strings which they bartered to the Indians, who used them in place of their wooden wampum]“ (Loges 1956: 70; Hulbert and Schwarz (eds.) 1910: 31)357. Actually, blackened wooden beads were used as wampum substitutes prior to 1643, and its use is documented for the Mi’kmaq/Micmac even up to the early 18th century. In the course of the 20th century, other materials where introduced to copy preserved shell wampum belts. For example, the synthetic insulation of electric cables was used by Akwesasne Mohawks in the 1940s (Peter Kadenbach, personal communication December 2005; Herbst 1992: 20), see: Plate 33, Fig. 381, or, at some time in the 1980s, mother-of-pearl beads, not dyed or dyed purple to match the color of the quahog shell, see Table 5, III, 1 were used. These beads enjoyed especially great popularity among the Iroquois, whether at the Grand River Reserve or Kahnawake. Using chiefly mother-of-pearl beads, artists recreated their national pledges, namely the “Hiawatha”, “Wing” and “Thadodaho” belts, which were displayed at the tribal museums. These

Obviously, Loskiel copied Zeisberger’s passage for the “Geschichte der Mission der evangelischen Brüder unter den Indianern in Nordamerika“, in 1789, and the English translation of 1794 “History of the mission of the united brethren among the Indians in North America”, when he wrote on the origin of wampum in North America: “the Indians used to make their strings of wampum chiefly of pieces of wood of equal size, stained black or white. […] The Indians immediately gave up the use of the old wooden substitutes for wampum” after Europeans took over the shell bead production (1794: 26; Beauchamp 1901: 333). The original German edition of 1789 goes even further: “Ehe Nord-Amerika von den Europäern entdeckt ward, machten die Indianer ihre Belte und Stringe mehrentheils aus kleinen gleichgeschnittenen Stücken Holz, die sie Schwarz oder weiß färbten [Before North America was discovered by Europeans, the Indians made their belts and strings primarily of little equal cut pieces of wood, which they painted black or white (my translation)]” (Loskiel 1989: 34). In order to better understand him, Georg Heinrich Loskiel’s background should be taken into consideration, for he set foot on American soil for the very first time in 1801, long after his 357

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belts were also used in their former political context, when for example the Tuscarora Nation delegation and chief Leon Locklear visited Lakota-Sioux in 1999 and presented a belt of mother of pearl beads, now on display at the Crazy Horse Memorial (Markus Lindner, personal communication March 2010)358. After 2000, another kind of wampum bead made of synthetic material and very much like some original shell beads, see Table 5, III, 2, was introduced. With this type of bead historical belts are currently reproduced while some new belts are created, which are used for external political transactions, such as a Lenape belt publically showed in 2010 (http://www.lenapenation.org, recalled August 2013). In review it can be said that since the mid 17th century, glass wampum beads were used as surrogates for shell wampum, probably first introduced by the French. Since they had no access to the sources of natural shell along the Atlantic coast, they had to rely on material less expensive than shell359. Up to the end of the French reign, glass wampum belts were used in the Great Lakes area for political purposes in the same way as their shell counterparts. After the British conquest of New France, it took several years until they introduced imitation wampum as well, most probably to satisfy Native American demands. By the time of the American War of Independence, British traders promoted the glass wampum beads, as by now they had lost access to the shell grounds. After the end of the war they were urged to trade for shell wampum, due to a legal act with the Americans which was ratified in 1793 (Lainey 2004: 25). This mode was practiced up to the 1830s. Soon after, wampum lost its political function. Yet, glass wampum belts were made even later for internal tribal use, as has been pointed out for the Abenakis in 1890, and for the Penobscots and Iroquois, who substituted their “lost” shell belts. Other materials, such as marble beads in 1729, were historically rejected, while wooden beads were regionally bound and relied on until black shell beads became available. With the cultural revival in the second half of the 20 th “History of the mission of the united brethren…” was published, meaning he had to rely on his brothers’ accounts, as mentioned before (e.g. Loskiel 1989: 11ff.). 358 A typical aspect of these dyed shell beads is the rapid fading of colour, as can be seen when comparing the exhibited magazine’s print to the preserved belt. A single string of mother-of-pearl beads was presented by John White, chief of the Tamaroa and Metchigamea tribe of Illinois to the Royal Albert Memorial Museum, Exeter, in 2000 (Cat. No. 55/2000) in honor of the museum’s care of the ethnographic collection, in particular the objects from North America (Tony Eccles, custodian, personal communication January 2012). 359 As pointed out before, New France merchants had to buy true shell wampum from Albany traders to satisfy the local indigenous demands. Snyderman correctly identified glass beads as shell wampum substitutes, but failed to quote any source (1954: 474f.). Jacoby as well as Druke acted in a similar way (1949: 599; 1995: 88).

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century, new materials came into use, of which two, mother-of-pearl and synthetic beads, gained wider acceptance, even to the point that some belts of surrogate wampum are used for political transactions at present times. In contrast, beaver pelts were in use since the very first diplomatic meetings had taken place and were frequently exchanged in the way described before. Even after true shell wampum beads were used as a new political medium, pelts were accepted in times when little or no wampum was available. For example in 1684 and later, when the 5 Nations Iroquois fell short of shell wampum, “which they had been receiving through trade with the Albany Dutch for fifty years. The two colonial governors consistently document their wards with belts and strings, but the Iroquois give Beavers” (VSL, Colonial Papers, Fold. 4, item 2a). This passage is part of the proceedings of a council held at Albany between Governor Effingham of Virginia and Governor Thomas Dongan of New York with delegates of Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca, from July 31st until August 6th of 1684 (ibid., Fold. 4, item 2a). Even skins of deer and raccoon are mentioned in 1694 (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 1: 373). During their journey to Onondaga on August the 20th of 1701, Johannes Bleeker and David Schuyler recorded that the 5 Nations gave mostly beaver skins instead of wampum belts (PROK, CO5/1046). Less than a decade later, in May of 1712, delegates of the Lenni-Lenape (Delaware) met with Governor Charles Gookin, and in gratitude presented him with bundles of dressed deer skins (Hazard (ed.) 1852, 2: 549). At this time, 5 Nations delegates gave bundles of dressed beaver skins to the governor as well (ibid. 1852, 2: 557). During a council held between 6 Nations delegates and the Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts, which took place from the 22nd of August to the 20th of September 1723, he presented them with engraved plates bearing their clan symbols, such as Bear, Wolf, and Turtle, as well as a Sun and a Ship instead of wampum (MA, Vol. 29, Proceedings of council minutes including a journal of councils with the Six Nations)360. In 1724, Lafitau listed further substitutes: “Beside the wampum belts, they have also in the treasury furs, maize, flour, fresh or smoked meats and, in general, all the other things which can serve for common expenses and all expenditures made in the public’s name” (1974, 1: 312)361. In 1728, during a conference held at Albany between 6 Nations delegates and New York Governor Montgomerie, several skins were given instead 360

In another reference, further objects are listed, such as guns, flints, beads, and scratched plates with figures of clan insignia, e.g. Bear, Wolf, Turtle, without citing any source, still this does very well match the quoted document above (Druke 1995: 89). 361 L’Abbé Delaporte mentioned buck and deerskins for the Hurons-Wendats in 1769, which he obviously copied from Lafitau, as the text passages are almost identical (1769: 225).

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of wampum belts (NYCD 1855, 5: 860). Only two years later, Mohawk deputies met with New York Commissioners of Indian Affairs at the same place. At that occasion, their speaker pointed out: “In order that we & our Children postainely may live here quiet and peaceable as brethren as we have done hitherto & keep the Covenant chain firm whereupon they lay down five beaver Skins” (LAC, RG10, Vol. 1819, pp. 327f.). Several decades later, Thomas Jefferys provided an insightful description of the general use of surrogates: “None but affairs of great consequence are transacted by means of those collars; for those of less importance, they make use of brooches, or necklaces of porcelain, skins, coverings, maiz, or Indian corn, either in grain, or flower, and such like matters, for all these constitute part of the public treasury”. He stated further: “When the business is to invite some village or nation to enter into a league, or alliance with them, a flag dipped in blood is sometimes sent instead of a collar” (1760, 1: 52)362. Five years later, at the end of October, Gatskeisah, a Seneca, informed Sir William Johnson of recent news that the king of France intended to re-take his lost American colony, and “that this Piece of news was sent by him [Jigunswees, an unidentified Native American] to the Senecas by one of that Nation with Blankets &c in lieu of Belts to Confirm his Words” (JP 1953, 11: 962f.). Oliver Goldsmith’s statement from 1768 is less specific: “Of late, as the matter of which these belts is made is grown scarce, they often give some skin in the place of wampum, for so they call these beads in their language” (1768: 265)363. Pastor Jedidiah Morse364, mentioned the use of a red piece of cloth in place of a war belt for the Anishnabek (Ojibwa, Odawa/Ottawa, and Potawatomi) in 1822, to organize a war party with the warriors passing around the cloth like a belt of wampum (Morse 1822: 131; Snyderman 1954: 474). George S. Snyderman lists further surrogates such as the calumet or peace pipe sent by the French Governor to Onondaga, as well as “a pair of shoes” for the Senecas in 1715, and red stone

As the possible origin for this practice, Jefferys said: “But this custom is modern, and there is reason to think that the Indians have taken the first hint of it from the red flags of the English. Some assert that the French first used these red ensigns in transacting with the Indians, who from thence have taken the hint to stain their flags with blood when they intend to declare war” (ibid. 1760: 52). 363 Very similar, although not identical, is Frederic Watson's description from 1773, when he stated: “[o]f late, as the materials of which those belts are made, have become scarce, they [Native Americans] often gave some skin in place of the wampum” (1773: s.n.). Also printed by the Burlington Advertiser in 1791 (Anonymous 1791a: 1) 364 Morse studied at Yale College and later in 1786 was ordained at the First Congregational Church in Charlestown. His deep interest in “civilizing” the Native Americans led to his appointment “by the secretary of war in 1820 to visit the border tribes” (Washburn (ed.) 1988, 4: 671). 362

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axes for the Meskwaki during the 18th century (1954: 474; e.g. Jacobs 1949: 598)365. When summarizing the historical sources quoted above, it becomes apparent that true shell wampum was substituted by many materials even after wampum belts became the dominant medium and were used in the context of political negotiations. In most cases, animal skins were relied on whenever wampum was not available, since colonial officials held furs in high esteem. In the 18th century, Thomas E. Norton explained this: “[w]ithout specie or currency acceptable in Europe, the businessmen of New York as well as those of the other colonies constantly attempted to acquire raw materials which they could exchange in England for manufactured products. Beaver skins were uniquely” (1974: 105). In addition to skins, also flags, engraved plates, a model fish366, calumet or peace pipe, victuals such as corn, and other goods were used at times. Although accepted at less value among the colonists, they were valued all the more among Native Americans. In particular trade with cloth and Native made objects such as stone axes and shoes are named, a fact that Snyderman commented on: “the material accoutrements are of secondary import [, but] it is the way one acts and feels that counts” (1954: 473). On the surface, his statement makes sense, but since these listed goods were once used as gifts and presents, before wampum became a mnemonic device, it is safe to speak of a long lasting tradition. 11. Diffusion of Wampum Based on Results 1. Origin and Regional Preference of Patterns When regarding wampum as writing, some important factors need to be examined. As derived from the listed sources, one can assume that “words” were “spelled” differently in different languages. Especially two North American language families, Northern Iroquoian and Algonquian, played a major role in the evolution of the wampum’s system of writing. Most probably, both favored varying patterns when expressing one and the same narrative. In addition, French and English influences might have manifested themselves as pidgin language

365

In contrast, his example of beans as substitutes for wampum, as identified based on a portrait of the famous Shawnee prophet Tenskwatawa painted by George Catlin is more speculative than factually proven (ibid. 1954: 474). 366 Colden noted for the year 1690: “New England, which the Indians call Kinshon (that is a Fish) sent likewise the Model of a Fish, as a token of their adhering to the general Covenant. This Fish was handed round among the sachems, and then laid aside to be put up” (1973, 1: 133). Four years later they “shewed them [colonial officials] a Fish painted on Paper, which the Commissioners of New-England had given them, when they first entered into the Chain, as a Seal to the League” (ibid. 1973, 1: 219f.).

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in hybrid forms. This section attempts to identify regional forms and their probable origins. In case of the Iroquois, Fenton explained patterns of wampum belts as quoted by Ceci Lynn. “Oblique lines are said to designate confederations; slanted lines, the alliance of longhouse unites; ovals, the tribal council fire; squares or parallelograms, towns or nations; a white line through the belt, a path; linked diamonds, friendship; and the tree of peace, the League itself" (1982: 105; Fenton 1971: 55). It seems impossible to map the geographical distribution of belt size, but belts of the French Native allies had apparently been larger than their British counterparts, at least between the 1740s and late 1750s, when France relied heavily on its associates. In 1756 for example, Conrad Weiser mentioned that French officials “gave Great Quantities of Wampum to their Indians, and on matters of Consequence their Belts were several fathom long and very wide” (Hazard (ed.) 1851, 7: 216). Bougainville supports Weiser’s statement, citing two instances, when Marquis de Vaudreuil first presented “a war belt of six thousand beads, painted red” and later in the very same year another “belt of six thousand beads […] to reunite and bind together […] the 40 nations who are here”, at the grand council in July of 1757 (Hamilton (ed.) 1964: 111; 146f.)367. In contrast, William Johnson’s average belt had some 2,400 beads, or “29000 Wampum made into 12 Belts”, and 2,000 beads for a belt in 1756, which is almost one third of the size of the French counterparts (JP 1921, 2: 599, 625). Conrad Weiser’s “Memorandum of the Wampum” states the same on October 21st, 1748, for “[a] large Blake Belt, 2000 grains” (Pa. Arch. 1852, 2: 17). At that time French inventories list some 82,000 grains of black and white wampum beads. And the inventory of royal munitions and merchandize at Montreal listed higher numbers like 102,000 black and 40,153 white beads of wampum in 1747 (Lainey 2004: 79f.). Notably, important British diplomatic belts, such as large woven covenant chain belts, are first recorded in 1754 on the eve of the French and Indian War (1754-1760). After New France was ceded to Britain, Sir William Johnson embraced the French custom of giving larger belts since he had recognized the allure of magnificent belts to win over former indigenous French allies. Several scholars followed Beauchamp’s suggestion, which credited William Johnson as the one, who hastened the “belt use in treaties, leading to larger belts with more elaborate figures, or emblems”, but they failed to acknowledge the French origin (1901: 394f.; Jennings et al., (eds.) 1995: 123; Becker 2002: 58). In regard to patterns, G.

This one or an identical war belt, characterized as a “French Hatchet Belt, very large, consisting of 6000 Wampum” was handed over to William Johnson in 1759 (NYCD 1856, 7: 385). 367

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Malcolm Lewis made an important designation. Although not first, he classified wampum belts as “highly stylized maps” (Lewis 1998: 88). Since the earliest times, Native Americans were famous makers of accurate bird’s eye view maps, of which several copies are preserved today (Lewis 1998: 71ff.). As listed above, the three major belt patterns of square, diamond, and line are described in historical records as nation/village/castle, nation/fire and road/ path. Most likely, these geometric patterns are indigenous symbols of fortified villages or council fireplaces. Therefore, it should be possible to identify Algonquian and Iroquoian, and even regional or tribal symbols of castles when comparing them with early contemporary written accounts and graphic depictions. Before discussing wampum pattern designs any further, it must be understood that a pattern’s resolution or pixel is the size of a bead, which defines the smallest possible pattern element and explains stepped slanted lines. For this analysis, only belts composed of older bead types from the late 17th to the early 18th centuries, were used. Of these, one unique belt of wampum has a white background and four black cross outlines containing cross bars, see: Plate 19, Fig. 247 (Stephenson 2005: 16)368. This pattern closely matches that seen in Willem Blaeu’s engraved map of New England, 1635. There are two different village symbols of the Mahicans the circle and rectangle, fortified with cross-like protruding sides (Brasser 1978b: 199). The very same presentation is found in a map by Nicolaes Jansz Visscher I or Nicolaes Jansz Visscher II, approx. 1655 and in 1682, as well as by Nicolas de Fer in 1709 (Krohn, Miller, and Filippis (eds.) 2009: 184ff.; Guillet and Pothier (eds.) 2005: 85). Although, these maps predate the very first recorded political belts, indigenous settlement patterns became more complex after contact times, and fortified villages and house forms369 changed little during the 17th century (Boxer 1965: 187; Ceci 1982: 97; Snow 1997: 61ff.). The second belt is composed of white beads with eight interwoven black disk-like patterns connected by two black lines (Dongen et al. (eds.) 1996: 49), see: Plate 25, Fig. 299. These are most likely symbols for palisaded villages like those recorded for the Mahicans before370. Even in the early 18th century, square-shaped Five Na-

368

The inner equilateral crosses have been identified as possible symbols of village chiefs before. Smaller houses were built for European individuals by the Native Peoples, first of all Samuel de Champlain, who wintered among the Hurons-Wendats at Cahiagué, an archaeologically traceable direct influence (Kapches 2007: 185ff.). 370 On Marc Lescarbot’s map of New France published in 1609, Hochelaga is illustrated in a circular form as well (Hayes 2006: 56; Guillet and Pothier (eds.) 2005: 36). Further Algonquian village sites were built in a circular form, “fortified round about with sharp trees, to keep out their enemies”, as reported by Arthur Barlow for Algonkin settlements near the coast of present North Carolina in 1585 (Quinn (ed.) 1955, 1: 107; cf.: Nabokov and Easton 1989: 54f). 369

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tions villages were described by Cadwallader Colden: “Their Castles are generally a Square surrounded with Palisades, without any Bastions or Outworks”. William Johnson’s narrative of belt patterns describes “castles sometimes upon them by square figures of white wampum” (1973, 1: XXVII; Rivington 1774: 1). And, the village symbol in a map, attributed to the Jesuits Claude Dablon and Claude Allouez, published in the Relations for 1671, (Hayes 2006: 61) looks very much the same. Some Iroquois ground plans, such as the anonymous manuscript of an Onondaga town in 1696, confirms the square-shaped form (Blau, Campisi, and Tooker 1978: 494). The depiction of an “imaginary” Iroquois village of 1619 by Champlain shows a hexagonshaped palisaded town (Trigger 1978: 350). As illustrated in 1732, Wyandot villages, were square-shaped as well (Tooker 1978a: 400). More interesting are fortifications, made like a bastion with protruding corners, which are depicted on belts of glass wampum as well, see Plate 15, Fig. 199, 200. This way of constructing palisades had most likely been introduced by the French, who reportedly fortified several missions along the Saint Lawrence River, e.g. Sainte Régis, present Akwesasne, in the mid 18th century (Hamilton (ed.) 1964: 15; Pouchot 1994: 370). Archaeological investigations reveal that Iroquoian villages varied in form, but the “square” was definitely a typical footprint (Nabokov and Easton 1989: 80f.; Snow 1996: 46ff.; Hart 2000: 13ff.; Warrick 2007: 143, 147, 155f.). William Johnson and other British Indian agents copied the Iroquois square symbol on their own belts of alliance. Diamond patterns woven in wampum belts stood for nation/fire, but when linked in pairs by a line, they denoted joined groups, such as chiefs and warriors, as pointed out earlier371. Charles Beatty made a relevant comment regarding a belt given by Johnson as “the figure of a diamond, made of white wampum”, meaning the council fire (1768: 51). Lahontan’s illustration “Marche du Calumet de Paix” of 1703 depicts indigenous villages as square shaped palisades, and the sitting in council as a diamond (Guillet and Pothier (eds.) 2005: 92). A well-documented wampum belt of black color with white diamonds comes from the Iroquois (Tuscarora) and dates to the second half of the 18th century. It was part of the Duke of Hesse collection in Darmstadt, until 371

A few time this arrangement is referred to without being explained, as quoted before. Some two further accounts are even more vague formulated, as one instance took place at Easton, when Capt Johnston, a Seneca, and then speaker for the assembled indigenous Nations, gave a talk to US Indian agents on January 30th of 1776, and concluded: “We must not let the fire go out but always keep it light”. Then he gave “a Belt of Eight strings with three double figures” (SROE, GD21/493, Cunningham of Thorton Collection. Treaty of Easton, 1777). Next day, Captain Johnston presented another belt “with eight rows four double figures” in request for getting intelligence respecting their “brothers” living in Maryland (SROE, GD21/493, Cunningham of Thorton Collection. Treaty of Easton 1777). A few belts may be identified on hand of the descriptions, see Plate 12, Fig. 153, 155, 157.

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it was acquired by Arthur Spayer, Sr. in 1928 (cf.: Sturtevant 2001: 181, No. 97), see: Plate 13, Fig. 175. Most likely, William Johnson adopted the symbol of a white diamond from the Five Nations Iroquois, as seen in numerous belts of wampum recovered from Seneca digs, like the Steele Site, dating to 163550. The beads form several white diamonds which are arranged side by side in a line, see: Plate 13, Fig. 173 (Wray 2003: 21, 24f.). Symbols in inverse color, most probably for Mohawks, are depicted on an engraving in Lafitau, dating to prior 1724 (Feest (ed.) 2007: 17). Long after Johnson’s death, diamonds in inverse color on belts of alliance between Native American and British representatives, were defined as nations (Blair (ed.) 1969, 2: 185). There may be evidence that Algonquian speakers preferred a different presentation for the council fire. A single belt, erroneously named “The Jesuit Missionary Belt” by Hale, supports that (1897: 239), see: Plate 28, Fig. 334. While he correctly identified the thick white outlined diamond as a council fire, he also claimed the figures to be a “Lamb” and “Dove” (ibid. 1897: 240). There is not a single historical reference that supports that Jesuits were involved in producing a belt with interwoven animals, besides, the presentation appears to be purely Native American. Another picture, identical to this composition, made by an anonymous French hand, was copied from a Seneca Iroquois pictography in 1666. Part of this illustration groups the letter “K”, a bear and a turtle with a council fire in the center, which is explained as bear and turtle spokesmen conferring in council (Fenton 1978: 299; Guillet and Pothier (eds.) 2005: 43; Meachum 2007:70). Indigenous weavers often depicted animals in their natural habitat, but sometime limited work space and material forced them to sacrifice “accuracy” and the depiction became more abstract, see: Table 1 (Meachum 2005: 6)372. Lambs do not have an upright positioned tail, as it is anatomically impossible. Upon closer examination, the lamb turns out to be a wolf in alert position having an upright tail and ears, whereas the bird seems to be a heron or crane, both having long legs, larger tail feathers and long pointed beaks. Pigeons, on the other hand, have short legs and beaks. Other than a heron or a crane, a stork might be a possibility, but they were not used by Native Americans. While the wolf373 is often recorded as clan or tribal animal, the heron or crane is not. Yet, the “armorial bearings” of the Nipissings Two other belts of wampum, named the “Wolf Belt” and “Wolf Clan Condolence Belt”, resemble more a cat-like animal than of a wolf, as the characteristic pointed ears were omitted, the head shortened and a long bushy tail added, see: Table 1. Most probably, a mountain lion is depicted, which was often misleadingly identified as a tiger in contemporary accounts. The “armorial bearing” of the Winnebago was just described as “the Stag, the Polecat (Pichoux), the Tiger” in 1736 (NYCD 1853, 1: 20), see: Plate 28, Fig. 332, 333. 373 The wolf as a tribal device was used by Abenaki prior to 1664 and Mahican prior to 1667 (Snow, Gehring, and Starna (eds.) 1996: 143, 149). 372

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Table 1. Figurative Patterns meaning

smoth outlines

original bead patterns

axe (war)

pipe (peace)

cross (mission village, French King/France)

tree (protection)

dog (guardian)

wolf (clan/tribe)

lunx/panther (tribe)

lunx/panther (tribe)

heron/crane (tribe)

beaver (clan/plenty)

heart (love/truth)

hand (friendship)

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and Mississaugas (Ojibwa) were described as a heron and crane respectively in 1736 (NYCD 1853, 1: 18f.). The ultimate intention of the belt remains a mystery and it was most likely the Algonquians who depicted themselves, and not the Iroquoians. This hypothesis is confirmed by the much later glass wampum shoulder strap of a pouch belonging to a group reportedly made by the Abenaki/Penobscot in the 1770s, see: Plate 11, Fig. 146 (Sotheby’s 1988: 9f., Lot 75). As stated earlier, diamonds having thick white outlines were obviously copied by British Indian agents, because Guy Johnson had incorporated them into one of his own initial belts. Checkered diamonds are frequently found as belt patterns made of shell or glass wampum beads. Two belts bearing this particular pattern were excavated from the Dann (1655-1675) and Rochester Junction Sites (16751687), see: Plate 14, Fig. 183, 184, there are no records of other samples (Wray 2003: 33, 40). The latter one bears differently executed diamonds. The center of these checkered diamonds is composed of two rows, as found also on some preserved belts. Emphasizing symmetry, this particular design is split horizontally, making both halves mirror images. It’s of interest, that the Iroquois preferred symmetric concepts, as can be deduced from their social system and religious beliefs, and most probably manifested in their material culture as well. Although interesting, this topic falls outside the scope of this project (see: Feest 1987: 288; Stephensen 2007: 62). During the 18th century, checkered diamonds were documented on four shoulder worn pouches, whose origins are almost entirely Abenaki/Penobscot (cf.: Harrison et al., (eds.) 1987a: 85; King 1999: 48f.; Feest 2007a: 52; Zibert 1975: 30, plate II; Feest 2014b: 73f.; Stolle 2014: 86, Fig. 8), see: Plate 36, Fig. 406-407, and 409-410. Miniature or tourist belts, which will be discussed later, support this regional distribution as well. Though it is not clear where the pattern originated, it was obviously favored by Algonkins and “domiciliated” Natives during later times. Remarkably, ground plans of mission villages such as Lac des Deux-Montagnes, present Kanehsatake, show cabins or longhouses arranged in checkerboard-like position (Fenton and Tooker 1978: 472; Archives de la Ministère de la France d’Outre-Mer, Paris: Plan du fort et la mission du lac des Deux Montagnes, 290, no. 73). Moreover, numerous historic wampum bands, collected among the Penobscots, bear mainly checkered diamonds and triangles, see: Plate 18, Fig. 228-238 and Plate 21, Fig. 263-274. Outlined hexagons are most probably a later innovation, but the pouches cited above

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Table 2. Geometric Patterns line (road/path, sun rays)

zigzag (river, water)

diagonal line

diagonal-line (counter)

square (castle, village, nation)

diamond (council fire, nation, outstanding individual)

hexagon (nation)

cross (chief of village/castle)

triangle (care/protection)

chain (friendship: French, English) © N. Stolle

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indicate also an Algonquian association, see: Plate 36, Fig. 406-407, and 409410374. The last geometric pattern examined is the zigzag line. For that let’s revisit Lewis’ comparison of wampum belts and maps. Just like crosses, disks, and squares, the depiction of zigzag lines on belts is also similar to that of maps. This pattern was used by the First Nations to depict rivers, using either single or double zigzag lines, so did the Ackentjaekon and Kaejaegoehe, two Cayugas, and an unnamed Susquehanna in 1683 (Lewis 1998: 75f.). Another map, probably made by a Native American, shows single zigzag river lines (Lewis 1998: 78f.). The universal designation of this symbol is further confirmed by a map made by headmen of the Cherokees in 1785, which matches these earlier depictions as well, see: Table 2 (ibid. 1998: 106f.). Although less prominent, another belt pattern deserves a closer look. Mentioned for the first time in 1756 as: “wrought the sun, by way of the emblem of light”, and for a second time in 1758, describes the design in more detail: “At each end of the Belt were figures, representing the Sun-rise and Sun-set” (NYCD 1856, 7: 66; JP 1939, 9: 375f.; Hazard (ed.) 1831, 8: 84f., 129; Woodward 1878: 31). Most probably, both accounts refer to one and the same pattern symbol. Over forty preserved belts, bearing this special pattern, show what these sun rays look like. Always located at both ends of the belt, as described above, they consist of white dashed lines alternating in color against the background. Here, the geographic position of two important points illustrates that the council fire at Johnson Hall was named “the Sun rises”, Johnson’s western allies lived in Ohio, where the sun sets (Burch 1990: 265). The confederacy of the Seven Nations had the same alignment, from east among the Abenaki/Penobscot peoples of the dawn land, up to the lower St. Lawrence Mohawk further west. More detailed designs of geometric or pictorial symbols, depicting human beings, animals, and plants were recorded throughout history and several emblematic belts are preserved today. On these, two distinctive types of human figures can be identified, one having a v-shaped body with flexed arms, and the other a rectangular body with straight arms, see: Table 3. The former can be found on the above-mentioned anonymous illustration of an Iroquois pictography, dating to 1666, and by incised marks on an Onondaga war club of pre1758. Even as late as 1779, human figures were depicted the very same way by Mohawk warriors, and before that by Senecas and Onondagas Champlain’s “imaginative” depiction of an Iroquois village siege, cited before, might actually be an Algonquian village, which was probably once misleadingly attributed as Iroquois in a later stage of printing. 374

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Table 3. Human Figures Algonquian type

Iroquoian type

hybrid forms

hybrid forms

male figures

male

female

© N. Stolle

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(Carpenter 2005: 90ff.; Meachum 2007: 70ff.). If the human figures touch each other, an alliance was formed during the council meeting. Du Creux described this process prior to 1647, when a Mohawk chief, “Kiotsaeton grasped one of the French by one arm and an Algonquin by the other and drew them closely to him to show he would never let them go” (1952: 410). Later in 1735, the delegates shook hands, “they [Abenaki and Kahnawake delegates] having first made their Compliments to the Governour by shaking Hands” (Massachusetts Bay (Province) (ed.) 1735: 2). And by the mid 18th century, the metaphor was explained as follows, when Teedyuscung gave a belt of alliance: “we embrace this Meeting [at Easton] to exchange with you a Belt of Friendship, and taking hold of you [representatives of King George II.] with one hand, and of the Five Nations with the other”, which was woven into the design of the given belt, as “Figures of three Men in it representing His Majesty, King George taking hold of the 5 Nations King with one hand, and Teedyuscung the Delaware King with the other” (NYCD 1856, 7: 311). In contrast, Algonquians used to portray human beings with rectangular bodies, perhaps based on an early self-portrait of an Abenaki done in 1607. Some showing flared bottoms, but most of them have straight arms, as de-scribed in other references. “Ochiawompe (Okiawampe), great King of the Eastern Shore, signed a deed with his likeness in 1650" (Lewis 1998: 73, 91, plate 6; Simmons 1978: 194; Feest 1978: 245). Likewise, the human figure in center on the so-called “Powhatan’s mantle” is embroidered with shells, dating to before 1656. The man is depicted with a rectangular body and straight downturned arms and legs (MacGregor (ed.) 1983: 130ff.). Apparently, British Indian agents copied the Iroquois portrayal of human beings, sometimes with their arms slightly bent. In summary, it was found that since the late 17th century, Northern Iroquoian speakers, such as Huron-Wendat and Five Nations Iroquois, most likely used square shaped patterns to denote their villages on belts of wampum, and likewise interwoven lines for roads and paths. Five Nations apparently introduced the white diamond as a symbol for the council fire/nation, while their depiction of human beings can be recognized by v-shaped bodies and upward flexed arms. Also, the axe or hatchet was first documented for them. In contrast, Algonquian speakers usually favored outlined crosses and disks to depict their fortified villages, and thick outlined diamonds for council fires. They tended to depict human figures with more rectangular, sometimes flared at the bottom, bodies, with arms extended outwards or turned downwards. Interestingly, the symbol of the hand was first recorded on an Algonquian belt. At that time, Euro-Americans incorporated Native American patterns into their belts, like

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William Johnson, who copied the white diamond, line, and square from the Iroquoian repertoire. They, in turn, expanded their catalog with new patterns like ship, tree, ox, and complex chains375, oblong Christian crosses and texts, as well as Arabic numbers. The use of a tree as metaphor is evidently of Iroquoian origin, but it is first recorded on a belt of wampum by Benjamin Fletcher, Governor of the province of New York in 1693. Remarkably, Osseragoes, chief of the Kahnawake Mohawks and then speaker for the 7 Nations, addressed Colonel Campbell, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, on October 20th of 1779 as follows: “Voici un Colier qui représente le Roi, qui est l’arbre qui tient les Sept Branches, qui sont les Sept Villages, et toi le Colonel Campbell fait le huitième. [Look at a belt, which represents the King, who is a tree that holds the Seven branches, which are the Seven Villages, and you Colonel Campbell make the eights (my translation)]”, in commemoration of an agreement made between the “domiciliated” Natives and Britain at Oswegatchie in 1760 (BL, Add. 21,771, Haldimand Papers, Speech of Seven villages addressed to Lieut. Col. Campbell, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, given by Osseragoes, Chief of the Indians of Caughnavaga, Fol.172ff.; Lainey 2004: 58). The described belt closely resembles the preserved, so-called “Thadodaho” belt of earlier times, see: Plate 23, Fig. 285. Missionary influence led indigenous people to adopt Latin texts, churches or chapels, priests 376, and oblong crosses as self-designating symbol. It still remains to be answered if Algonquian or Iroquoian speakers were the first do define the zigzag line as rivers, the checkered diamond as village/nation, and the equilateral cross as village chief. Nonetheless, the interwoven patterns became more refined during the latter half of the 18th up to the early 19th century, when, for example, human figures were depicted with Euro-American shoes377, and the calumet or peace pipe, once considered an autonomous symbol of importance, was incorporated on belt patterns, see: Plate 32, Fig. 374. Before focusing on different geometric patterns, a short comment about depictions of human heads is in order. Several scholars tend to believe that a particular shape of head identifies the figure as Native or Euro-American (Speck 1925: 12; Fenton 1998: 235). In that case, the four “archers” shown on

375

Interestingly, smaller covenant chain belts, depicted with two human figures keeping a line, closely matches the illustration of a marriage ceremony in Lahontan’s voyage of 1703, where fiancé and fiancée grasp a wooden stick (1974: 133, plate 2). Such a small covenant belt is kept by Joseph Brant in 1785, see: Figure 10. 376 A single belt clearly shows priests depicted with their long cloaks reaching to the ankle, see Plate 27, Fig. 323. 377 A single belt shows human figures wearing Euro-American shoes with heels, see: Plate 31, Fig. 359.

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a belt would be Euro-Americans, see: Plate 31, Fig. 360. But we can be quite sure that the three-layered, rhombic stepped head is of Iroquoian origin, since the Algonquians favored “T” and cross-shaped heads. Preserved belts of wampum with interwoven human figures of Iroquoian/Iroquois shapes, flexed arms and v-shaped bodies lead to the assumption, that heads are always depicted as rhombic stepped pattern. If correctly identified, Johnson’s early large covenant chain belt relied on the Iroquoian pattern, whereas smaller chain belts did not. Further hybrid forms, like the conical stepped head, emerged in the 18th century, see: Plate 30, Fig. 355. Chief Sky and Chief Hill, indigenous consultants to Speck, were the first to realize that head presentations did not identify Native Americans or Euro-Americans (Speck 1925: 13). A variation of great interest can be detected on the Vatican belt, listed above, see: Plate 27, Fig. 326. Both central figures, identified as a chief and council woman, grasp a cross. Their heads are composed of two stepped layers, while the third figure to the right has a three-layered stepped head in Iroquoian style. Holding a bow in his hand, he can be identified as a “pagan” on his way down the Saint Lawrence River to be baptized at the mission of Lac des Deux Montagnes, present Kanehsatake. In that case, head shapes are apparently used to mark a person’s acculturation status, and together with the interwoven word, identified earlier as the Latin imperative of ‘remember’, the pictorial message makes even more sense. All of the discussed patterns had been redrawn, systematically sorted and arranged according to pictorial and geometric criteria, to identify similarities and variations, see: Table 1, 2, 3, and 4. The four ordinary patterns of square, diamond, equilateral cross, and hexagon, share the following features. Each was executed in four variations, black or white, single or double outline with an equilateral cross placed inside. This group is closely followed by diamond, hexagon and triangle, each filled by a checkered pattern and reportedly produced by Abenaki/Penobscot. Because of their proximity to the 7 Nations it is quite likely that they too preferred these patterns, which has been documented by miniature belts since the second half of the 18th century. While lines, diagonal lines and zigzags appear as single or double lines, some lines and diagonal lines may be triple or more (cf.: Fenton 1998: 234f.; Muller 2007: 134). Some unusual variations are shown to the right, see: Table 2. Before closing this chapter, the grouping and attribution of preserved belts need to be addressed. During historical times, Native American and/or EuroAmerican alliances or confederations were established, strengthened and dissolved, hence the numbers of diamonds and squares on the belts of wampum changed accordingly. For example in 1757, ten nations composed of

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“Lenopi, Wename, Munsey, Mawhickon, Tiawco, or Nanticokes, and the Senecas, Onondagoes, Cayugas, Oneidoes, and Mohawks” are named (Boyed (ed.) 1938: 191). Another confederacy, called eight nations, consisted of “Nalachewonna”, “Cagnawagas”, “Tawaas” and “Outawaas”, “Mahooas”, “Tweghtwees”, “Chippawas”, “Shawanese”, and “Pooteotamas” in 1758 (Hazard (ed.) 1831, 8: 84). Four nations were made up of Senecas or Mingos of the Ohio, “Delawares [Lenni-Lenape]”, “Shawanese”, and “Wyandots” (JP 1953, 11: 449). Pontiac showed a belt of five rows in 1764, which “contain[ed] the names of 47 villages who [were] wiling to die in alliance with the French” (NYCD 1858, 10: 1159). However, the information listed above should lead to more accurate interpretations. As test, one kind of style will be analyzed. Thirteen examples of large trapezoidal wrist bands were located by Marshall J. Becker, who attributed all of them to the Huron-Wendat. In his conclusion he stated: “All thirteen known examples of wampum cuffs appear to be fashioned with true wampum beads. Thus wampum cuffs are closely related to diplomatic wampum belts and not to the many decorative bands in which glass and metal beads are included”; he further suggested that they: “may have been worn on the coats of diplomatic representatives” (2007: 64). Recently, Christian Feest took an interest in this topic and came up with 15 trapezoidal cuffs, which he identified as “a fashion that spread from the Mohawks in the mission villages to their Huron-Wendat and Abenaki neighbors along the Saint Lawrence River” (Feest 2014b: 72). Actually, there are 17 poorly documented known cuffs, of which four are made entirely of glass wampum beads, see: Figure 13 (Feest 2008a: 61; Zibert 1975: 23, 30, plate II; Kasprycki (ed.) 2013: 174, Fig. 268; Feest 2014b: 7), see: Plate 35, Fig. 389-405. Thirteen cuffs of the group were woven with the “wrapped double strand weave” technique, which is documented for the Abenaki/Penobscot prior to 1778, but might have been used by their neighboring allied tribes as well. A single cuff was actually collected among the Penobscot in the early 20th century (Speck 1964: 25; cf.: Feest 2014, 2: 72). Two of the cuffs, which had reportedly been collected near Georgian Bay, Canada by S. H. Goodwin prior to 1895, had been repatriated with the Oneida Nation (Beauchamp 1901: 426, 470, plate 12; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71). One pair, in the collections of the musée du quai Branly, has an additional decoration of red quill work along two edges, a combination reported as typical for the Abenaki, Huron-Wendat, and Mohawk (Feest (ed.) 2007: 46, 85; Feest 2014b: 71, Fig. 2), see: Plate 35, Fig. 389-390. Nine of the incorpo-

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Fig. 13. Glass-wampum wrist cuffs, lower St. Lawrence River valley, c. 1780s. Glass beads, deerskin, plant fibers. Dimensions: 17.2 x 13 cm and 18 x 13 cm. Courtesy of the Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), Russian Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg, Russia (Cat. No. 1901-7). Photograph: N. Stolle.

rated design elements are checkered diamonds, four are stepped de-signs, three are stepped zigzag lines, and a single diagonal row of squares, all of which point to a possible corroboration of Algonquian and Iroquoian makers. In addition, written and pictorial records may help narrow down the regional distribution. Lainey supported Becker’s attribution by an anonymous descripttion of the contents of Monsieur de Paiot d’Oms-en-Bray’s cabinet of curiosities (2008: 410). Actually, this vague account is less helpful, given in 17261727 as: “Brasselets larges de 4 pouces au moins qu’ils mettent sur leur poignets [large bracelets of 4 thumbs or less [in width] which they wear on their wrists (my translation)]” (Anonymous 1949: 119; Lainey 2004: 45; Lainey 2008: 410)378. In contrast, a more interesting clue is given during a council of Lainey identified the cabinet’s owner as Louis-Léon Pajot, comte d’Ons-en-Bray (Onsenbray), a member of the royal academy, who built up a private collection in Bercy, France, where he died in 1754 (ibid. 2008: 410). 378

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Hurons-Wendats held at Fort Pontchartrain on June 3rd of 1703, when “deux bracelets de porcelaine” [two bracelets of glass wampum (my translation)] were presented by Sastaretsy in a diplomatic course (Margry (ed.) 1886, 5: 290). It is the very first time that a pair of glass beaded wristbands is explicitly mentioned in connection with diplomatic affairs, and is, in this case, documented for the Huron-Wendat. Unfortunately the description does not name any form or size. On the other hand, the only reliable icon, dated to prior 1722, is an engraving of an “Onondaga” chief, called “Chaudière noire” by the French, who wears a single cuff on his right arm, (Bacqueville De La Potherie 1997, 2: 615; Lainey 2004: 44; cf.: Feest 2014, 2: 72). The same illustration was copied from Lafitau’s “Mœurs des sauvages amériquains..” on plate II, “Figures of Iroquois and Huron Indians in modern dress, man and woman”, but it is a mirror image that has been extended by adding a single trapezoidal wampum cuff with stepped design, similar to the pair in the collections of the musée du quai Branly, Paris (Lafitau 1977, 2: plate 2, 285; Feest 2014b: 71, Fig. 2)379. An evaluation of the compiled cuffs’ data, helps conclude that there was a regional “melting pot”, where Algonquian and Iroquoian patterns, as well as both techniques of weaving, and the quill edge decoration were once shared. The proportion of shell and glass cuffs reflects the percentage of preserved wampum belts, and glass as a substitute was reportedly accepted among indigenous inhabitants of the Great Lakes area. The identified tribal distribution of techniques, patterns, and materials all point to the 7 Nations, such as Abenaki/Penobscot, Huron-Wendat, and Mohawk. The preserved pair of cuffs at the musée du quai Branly can be safely dated prior to 1724, firstly by the size of its beads, secondly by the red quilled edges, and thirdly by the pictorial documentation. In this case, all the evidence points to the Mohawks of present Kahnawake, who incidentally were the first to make this particular style of wristbands. Still, it is difficult to say who actually made any of the later dated cuffs dating up to 1790. But their owners can be identified as chiefs, who not only wore them, probably in pairs, as indicated by the preserved cuffs, but also used them as a sign of status and/or on diplomatic occasions, as suggested by the written report. A single pair at the CMH (Cat. No. III-I-1086a, b) led authors to believe that these wampum cuffs were worn on coats and that the weaving was once extended with a pair of moose hair decorated epaulets, which were attached at a later time. However, all other preserved cuffs, as well as pictorial and written records, do not support this idea (Feest 2014b: 72). The regional 379

The Jesuit father Lafitau resided among the Mohawks of Caughnawaga, or Sault St. Louis, present

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use of wampum belts, from the earliest historic times up to present, is chronicled in the next chapter. It will conclude with an example that illustrates the changes of pattern meanings over time. 2. Geographical Distribution and Indigenous Wampum Archives Since Beauchamp’s outstanding compendium, most scholars have debated whether there was a particular time, during which patterns incorporated into belts of wampum could be read universally (Brinton 1876: 16; Beauchamp 1901: 390ff.; Orchard 1925: 15; Fenton 1971: 437ff.; Fenton 1998: 224ff.; Snyderman 1954: 473ff.; Smith 1983: 230; Foster 1995: 99ff.; Mann and Johansen (eds.) 2000: 326f.; Becker 2002: 58; Feest 2003: 100; Becker and Lainey 2004: 26). The primary documents quoted above leave little doubt that, with some minor exceptions they indeed could, and that over a geographical area much larger than was thought before. Belts as mnemonic devices were recorded for the Huron-Wendat in 1653/4, and shortly after for the Five Nations Iroquois as well. From these two “core areas”380 this innovation spread first to their neighboring tribes of Eastern Algonquians, like Abenaki /Penobscot, then to the Esopus, who presented a belt of wampum in 1677/8. Thereafter, belts are recorded for the Susquehannock, Conoy and neighboring Algonkins, and since the late 1680s, reports of belt patterns began to increase in the source materials. French efforts to establish a lasting peace between the 5 Nations Iroquois and their Algonquian allies led to the dispersion of the writing system, and other nations started to use this mnemonic device as well. By the time of the great peace of Montreal in 1701, almost all indigenous nations, whether Ojibwa, Odawa/Ottawa, Eastern Sioux or Dakota, Meskwakie, Winnebago, Menominee, Potawatomi, Miami, Illinois, and other Algonquian speaking groups, had been introduced to it. Propagated by British influence, wampum writing spread southwards to the Cherokee in approximately 1730 and soon after it was known by their allies, the Catawba, Chickasaw, and Creek. For the Seminole, wampum is recorded first in 1790, soon after the tribe was founded. After British interests moved westwards, wampum as a mnemonic device moved along with them, and it helped forge alliances up to the late 1820s (Blair (ed.) 1969, 2: 185). In the Western Great Lakes and Eastern Plains it endured even longer. Father De Smet reported the use of wampum among the Potawatomi “or any of the northern nations” in 1841Kahnawake. 380 Becker introduced this term to classify the place where “true” wampum was mainly in use, as the “Core Area”, respectively as the “Iroquois and the Huron confederacies”, but in a later stage he extended the area to the “Five Nations Iroquois, Huron, and Susquehannock Confederacies” (Becker and Lainey 2004: 25; Becker 2006: 83).

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1842, stating that when they “make or renew a treaty of peace, they present a wampum, sash or collar. The wampum is made of a shell called baceinum, and shaped into small beads in the form of pearls. When they conclude an alliance, offensive or defensive, with other tribes, they send them a wampum, sash and tomahawk dipped in blood, inviting them to come and drink of the blood of their enemies” (Thwaites (ed.) 1906, 27: 305f.; Snyderman 1954: 473). Elijah Bryan Farnham confirms the use of wampum belts in political contexts for the western tribes, writing in 1839: “The council broke up tumultuously. The Indians carried back the wampum belts to their camp, held war councils, and whipt and danced around posts painted red”, and in particular for the Pawnee “the sacred wampum that records their treaties” (Thwaites (ed.) 1906, 28: 148, 169). Most of the belt designs were obviously very well understood, and reiterated even among the tribes living more to the east, who no longer used them for intertribal/Euro-American diplomatic affairs. For example, in 1840, during a meeting held between Six Nations and Ojibwa delegates, John Buck, an Onondaga chief, explained the meaning of several belts, of which “[t]he first contained the first treaty made between the Six Nations and the Ojebways. This treaty was made many years ago, when the great council was held at the east end of Lake Ontario. The belt was in the form of a dish or bowl in the centre, which the chief said represented that the Ojebways and Six Nations were all to eat out of the same dish; that is, to have all their game in common. In the centre of the bowl were a few white wampums, which represented a beaver’s tail, the favourite dish of the Ojebways” (Jones 1861: 119). In 1846, during a council of Wyandot, Shawnee, LenniLenape, Munsee, Sauk and Meskwaki deputies saw “a certain dark bead belt then in the hands of the Wyandots, with the shape of a tomahawk of red colour on it” was explained as “indicating some contemplated warfare whenever it was exhibited in a general Council” (Clark 1870: 131f.). In another instance, as reported for the Huron/Wendat of Lorette, present Wendake, Samuel Douglas Smith Huyghue recorded the hidden meanings of the belts kept, like one denoting “[t]he great war belt, bearing in the centre the device of an axe, painted with vermilion”, or a white belt as a “Collier de la paix [belt of peace]”. Expressing friendly intent, or wish for reconciliation” (Harrison et al. (eds.) 1987a: 84; Lainey 2004: 109f.). Some encoded meanings were reiterated even as late as 1862, when for example during a council at the Cattaraugus Reservation belts were laid out and read, like “a wampum with a dark spot in the middle represent[s] a bowl or dish with beaver tail in it”, while Seneca Johnson reacted in a contrary manner to another one, when a “road [belt]” was spread out, he spoke: “I say nothing about this wampum presenting it being

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the british” (Fenton (ed.) 1975: 145). Interestingly, Johnson identified the road belt as a British one, and therefore paid very little attention to it (ibid 1975: 145). As part of a bilingually written petition of Ojibwa delegates, dating to June 27th of 1862, the original contents of the initial/date belt of 1764, once presented by Sir William Johnson at Niagara, were repeated (LAC, RG10, Vol. 292, No. 195659)381. Wampum was used in another instance to ratify a treaty, as recorded in 1862 for a council among the Creek, Seminole, Wichita, Cache, Kickapoo, and Lenni-Lenape; and by de Smet in preparation for a council among the Menominee, Potawatomi and Winnebago (Office of Indian Affairs (ed.) 1863: 5, 174, 334). In the latter half of 19th century, some newly made belts emerged, e.g. among the Six Nations between 1892 and 1915, when Seth Newhouse 382, an Onondaga/Mohawk, came up with a new version of the “Two Row” and “Covenant Chain/Friendship” belt. It was obviously as part of a “larger process of revitalization” that took place during this time (Muller 2008: 166; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 41f.)383. Kathryn V. Muller correctly identified these belts as new versions by the techniques used, a lack of history and their patterns, which are different from any of their precursors. Firstly, the covenant chain belt’s human figures, whose head and shoulders are always connected by a line, see: Plate: 29, Fig. 344-346. Secondly, the friendship belt’s dark lines stop short of both ends, which never happened on old road belts, where lines extended to the very ends of the belt, see: Plate: 3, Fig. 31, 36-37, 39-43. Sometime earlier, the older meanings of the belts, like the road belt in 1885, began to change for the very last time. The new direction has to be viewed in the context of efforts to resist the pressure of the dominant society, such as the Canadian Government, which “tried to abolish traditional rituals” (Snow 1996: 179f.; Muller 2007: 136). Muller came up with additional information that this Two Row wampum was recorded in 1864, as being “presented by General Washington at the final treaty” (ibid. 2008: 170). In the USA, the Dawes General Allotment Act of 1887 clearly defined the new political directives 381

I am indebted to Jonathan C. Lainey, who brought this document to my attention; research was done by Alan Corbiere (personal communication July 2012). 382 Newhouse reportedly married a woman from Tyendinaga Reserve and did extensive research among the different Iroquois communities to record their political history. Furthermore, he acted as informant for early scholars like Arthur C. Parker (Fenton 1998: 80ff.; Muller 2008: 164). His differing versions of the Kayaneren’kó:wa, or Great Law of Peace, from the Six Nations Committee of Chiefs led to disputes, but he most probably did it to give access to non-Iroquois People and those who had left the reserves (Muller 2008: 165f.). 383 Other belts of wampum were recreated under the auspice of Frank Speck, when he stayed among the Penobscot, see: Plates 9, 19, 25, 26, Figures 115, 245, 308, 318-319 (Speck 1964: 39; Becker 2006: 115f.). And similar ones were collected by Lenders in 1907, see: Plate 24, Fig. 291, Plate 27, Fig. 330.

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towards Native Americans, which were to integrate them into the dominant Euro-American society (Snow 1996: 179f.). Therefore, old symbols were needed to affirm long lasting traditions and separate autonomous sovereignty. Since that time, the belt is concerned with mutual agreements between the first Euro-Americans and the Six Nations Iroquois, each to stay in his boat or canoe on the river, denoted by dark lines, and not interfere with the other (ibid 2008: 170f.)384. During this time a particular belt, the “Hiawatha”, became a national symbol for the Iroquois or Haudenosaunee, see: Plate 28, Fig. 336. (Becker 2006: 105f.). The “Dish with one spoon” belt very well illustrates the shift of meanings. When this belt was repatriated by the Royal Ontario Museum in 1999 as part of a larger group of wampum belts and strings, Paul Williams of Six Nations explained its meaning “as one with a small circle of purple shells represents the very root of the [Iroquois] Confederacy, when the Peacemaker put an end to the fighting over territory and hunting grounds by the five nations” (Barlow 1999). Historical references lead to a slightly different interpretation. The metaphorical message is first documented during the great council, called “the Great Peace”, held at Montreal in 1701, where peace between Algonkins and 5 Nations was established. Louis-Hector de Callière, then Governor of New France, used a symbolic dish with one spoon, “signifying all the hunting and fishing territories”, were communal, and “hunters should no longer kill each other when they [meet]” (Havard 2001: 145f.; Jennings et al. (eds.) 1995: 232). Havard strikingly pointed out that the “culinary imagery […] sometimes associated with war […] has here become symbolic of peace” (ibid. 2001: 147). From that time, the metaphor of bowl/dish is mentioned several times, like in 1765, when Conrad Weiser reported to Sir William Johnson: “the old Agreement made before the French Governor many Year ago, in the Presence of Five Confederate [5 Nations], and all the other Nations in Canada[.] That when a general Peace was made, and concluded between these Nations, the Governor told them, that as they were become one body, and of one mind, the Woods, and Hunting Grounds could be no otherwise than common, and free to one nation as to another, in the same manner as a large Dish of Meat would be to a Company of People who were invited to eat it” (JP 1953, 11: 918f.), and again in 1791 by a Kahnawake chief and afterwards by Six Nations deputies in 1793 (Havard 2000: 147; Cruickshank 1924, 2: 12). Interestingly, during the latter’s report, the history was changed, given as “[a]t this time we [Six Nations] placed […] a Dish with one Spoon in the Council which Signified 384

For further information on this complex situation consult Muller’s “Holding Hands With Wampum”

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that the Country was in Common” (ibid 1924, 2: 12). Obviously an agreement was reached between Six Nations and Ojibwa delegates at this time (Jones 1861: 119). And indeed, this date very well fits the period the preserved belt was made, and as verified by the size of the incorporated beads. Several decades later, in 1840, John Buck, an Onondaga chief, explained the meaning as follows: “The belt was in the form of a dish or bowl in the centre [which] represented that the Ojebways and the Six Nations were all to eat out of the same dish” (Jones 1861: 119). In another instance it is recorded during a council held at Cattaraugus Reservation in 1862, then as the “Dish represented with beaver meat in it [.] They should eat together-use no knife for fear they should cut and draw blood” (Fenton (ed.) 1975: 146). John Buck, Skan-awah-ti, wampum keeper of the Six Nations, reportedly explained the meaning twice, first in 1887 and then in 1892. First he described the belt as white with “a round purple patch in centre. This represents all Indians on the continent. They have entered into one great league and contract that they will be all one and have one heart. The pot in the centre is a dish of beaver, indicating that they will have one dish and what belongs to one will belong to all” (Grant Gilkison 1928: 48). The second time he said that the belt “was the record of a treaty granting hunting and fishing privileges […] the parallelogram was a dish, the spot in its center a piece of meat” (Beauchamp 1901: 416). Obviously, the metaphor’s meaning was adopted by Iroquois and Ojibwa in the 18th century for their own use, and continued throughout the 19th century, and then gave way to a more ethnocentric view of the present. Beauchamp recognized this process, when he wrote: “the Iroquois are fond of referring all they can to the foundation of the league”, but couldn’t explain the phenomena at this time (1901: 408). Actually, the Iroquois were not alone, asking what they had done and what they have to do. Since the 19th century, nationbuilding has taken place throughout the world, and symbols of tradition were often revived by external pressure. For example, Scottish people, like the famous author Sir Walter Scott, revitalized old myths and sagas as proud patrimony, and led the charge to make the Scottish kilt today’s national symbol. There are other examples385, where one relied again on older precursory forms, such as the belted-plate among the Scotts, or the belt of wampum among the Iroquois (Hugh 2004: 15ff.). The Huron-Wendat recently acted in a similar fashion. On their national emblem, they added a belt of wampum to the tribal sign of a beaver. Such a flag is displayed in the chapel at present Wen-

2008. A historical review of the “reading” of both belts is given by Muller as well (2007: 138ff.). 385 See for example Beckett (1988), Otto and Thomas (1997).

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dake (seen in June 2012). Similarly, the Wampanoags of Aquinnah made a belt of wampum to commemorate their federal recognition and to honor their town Aquinnah386 The next and final chapter is dedicated to wampum and its use outside its original contexts, a subject that has been overlooked up to the present. The focus is on collecting activities and the term’s use in other cultures.

386

(http://vineyardgazette.com/news/2011/08/04/cracking-code-quahaug-wampum-belttimeless-treasure?k=vg556876d705374&r=1 , recalled June 2012).

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12. Wampum Outside its Original Contexts From the earliest times, woven or sewn wampum objects were recognized by Euro-Americans as a highly curious man-made object. New Sweden’s Governor Printz possessed a complete outfit of wampum made for himself, in 1656, consisting of a coat, breeches and belt, as quoted above. A growing European interest in foreign material culture led to the collection of belts and strings of wampum, which were deposited in cabinets of curiosities or Kunstkammern and Wunderkammern. Christian Feest first compiled the available data at this time of Native North American items of these institutions and listed wampum belts and strings which entered the respective collections prior to 1750 (Feest 1992: 88ff.). After the mid 18th century travelers and traders acquired “curiosities” on their trips and sent them home, such as Nicholas Cresswell, who “[b]ought a belt of Wampum from” Captain McClure in 1775 (MacVeagh (ed.) 1924: 96). Yet the most prominent collector was William Johnson, who established a wide-ranging network to supply the growing demand for indigenous made artifacts of his clients living in North America and overseas. He also established his own cabinet of curiosities at Johnson Hall, which was dispersed after his death (Burch 1990: 263ff.). He, like other British upper-class members, had an interest in collecting to demonstrate intellectual status and prestige, as Sir Jeffrey Amherst, Sir John Caldwell, Arent Schuyler DePeyster and others did (Phillips 1984: 12ff.; Phillips and Idiens 1994: 21ff.; Idiens 2007: 10ff.; Jones 2007: 32ff.; Stevens 2007: 185ff.; Tobin 2010: 680ff.; Phillips 2011: 107ff.). During this time, model or miniature objects appeared in increasing numbers on the tourist market. Ursuline nuns reportedly made model canoe groups, consisting of a birch bark canoe, female and male dolls with child in cradle board, and accoutrements, as toboggan, or wooden sledge, snowshoes, paddles, et cetera. These miniatures presented in detail the apparel of the “domiciliated” indigenous inhabitants, living along the lower St. Lawrence river, like Abenaki from St. Francis, Huron-Wendat of Lorette, present Wendake, Kahnawake and Kanehsatake Mohawk, and Mi’kmaq/ Micmac of Restigouche (Phillips 1998: 83ff.; Phillips 1999: 39). Several groups of the 16 presently located models are no longer complete with some dolls or parts of the accoutrements and adornments missing, however, the intact dolls suggest that male dolls wore a belt of wampum around the neck. These belts are made of bugle or tubular glass beads, and the interwoven pattern consist chiefly of checkered diamonds and open crosses, dating from ca. 1760 to 1799, see: Plate 36, Fig. 411-417 (Phillips 1998: 290f.). Part of the earliest attributed model group is a small glass wampum belt made of globular beads,

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while all other belts consist of tubular glass beads (see: Harrison et al., (eds.) 1987a: frontispiece). Another privately owned model group was sold at a Sotheby’s auction in 2005. Unfortunately, not having been recognized as part of the male doll’s dress, the belt and blanket were auctioned off separately (see: Phillips and Idiens 1994: 25, 28, 32; Phillips 2011: 115). Several indigenous made objects were kept privately while others ended up in public institutions and newly founded museums, like the British Museum London, which opened its doors in 1753 (Feest 2002: 36f.). Its first brochures briefly listed all contents for the visitors of the British Museum: “We now come to the Utensils and Ornaments of the Indian Inhabitants of the great Continent of North America, as Feather Crows, Necklaces, Knives, and […] some Wampum”, which was followed by a detailed descriptions and their value, starting from strings, to bracelets and up to belts (Anonymous 1762: 197f.) 387. Privately owned collections often ended up on public auctions, for financial reasons or the death of its owner. A very interesting note was found in an auction catalogue of the Portland Museum. Under its entry 1283 several wampum belts are described as: “Two wampum belts of the Indians in North America, and an European Wampum given in exchange for their wampum when any treaty is made with those people” (Anonymous 1786: 59). The records of this collection are obviously much better than most others at that time, as the distinction between indigenous and European-made belts indicates. Unfortunately, no such record with a belt is known to have survived. Individually ordered wampum woven objects, like the earlier named Printz’s outfit, are documented for the late 18th century, as well. Captain Malcolm owned such an object, described as a “Degengehänge aus braunen schmalkantigen Steinchen verfertigt und darauf ‘en mosaique’ mit lateinischen Buchstaben und weissen Steinchen das Wort Ottawa. Ist den 5. Jul. 1828 mit Einwilligung des Präsidenten der Biblioth. Kam. an die hier anwesenden Osagen...vertauscht worden. [Sword belt made of brown narrow-edged stones [purple wampum beads] and on it ‘as mosaic’ in Latin letters and white stones the word Ottawa. With the consent of the library’s cabinet’s president it was exchanged with the Osages [who were] present, on July 5th 1828. (my translation)]” (Thompson 1977: 119). Marshal J. Becker translated the original German text incorrectly, and thus came up with some questionable conEven earlier, a printed guide was made for Don Saltero’s Coffee-House in 1739. Under heading 166 are listed “Belts of Wampum, Indian Money”, which were on display (Anonymous 1739: 7). A later edition is more explicit, as part of show-case no. 12, "An Indian belt of wampum, a present from one Indian king to another as a pledge of friendship” is listed under no. 10 (Anonymous 1780: 8) 387

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clusions (Becker 2006: 90). However, since Cook’s late 18th century voyages, collected objects were catalogued more frequently and thoroughly for further scientific studies, such as Meriwether Lewis and William Clark did in the early 19th century. Lewis Henry Morgan followed that direction after he had founded his “the Grand Order of the Iroquois” club and began to take interest in his neighboring Six Nations (Bieder 1980: 349ff.). As a hobby, he did extensive research and gathered valuable information about the culture of the Iroquois, which ended up in publications and an extensive collection of material testimonies (Tooker 1994; Stevens 2007: 192ff.). Because Morgan couldn’t procure any old wampum belt, he ordered a new belt made of old beads, which he acquired from Joseph Brant’s youngest daughter Catharine, (Tooker 1994: 72). During this time, several travelers mentioned collections. Willard W. Glazier wrote about the Buffalo Historical Society, Buffalo, founded in 1862, where “[b]elts of wampum, war hatchets and peace pipes, beside numerous oil paintings of celebrated red warriors” are displayed (1883: 69). During the latter half of the century, academic and private collectors entered the market to buy Native American objects. By then, most of the last indigenous kept wampum archives were divided up, e.g. among the Odawa/Ottawa, Six Nations, and Huron-Wendat (Clarke 1931: 85ff.; Krickeberg 1954: 228ff.; Fenton 1971: 437ff.). For example in 1880 Jules-Ernest Livernois photographed a HuronWendat group from Wendake, with several members wearing belts of wampum, see: Figure 14. Soon after they dispersed. In contrast, some Cherokee preserved theirs through custody of the Keetowa Society (Dockstader 1977: 272f.; Power 2007: 96). Unfortunately, Euro-American collectors and dealers of ethnographic art, like George G. Heye, Walter C. Wyman, William D. Webster, William O. Oldman, Harry G. Beasley, Captain A. W. F. Fuller, James H. Hooper, as well as Charles Ratton, Johann F. G. Umlauff, and the Arthur Speyers led to the scattering of its former documentation, when they exchanged and traded with publicly and privately owned collections (Phelps 1976: 7ff.; Gerlach 1995: 146ff.; Carpenter 2005: 13ff.; Waterfield and King 2009: 37ff.). Thereby, much valuable information accompanying the belts was lost, like the once well-documented belt of wampum formerly part of the collections of the institution, now known as the Perth Museum and Art Gallery, Perth, Scotland. William Blair described it in 1813 as “[a] wampum belt – purchased off the chief of the Oneida Indians – July 1809 – He was then considerably over 100 years old” (Craw-Eismont 1992: 5)388. In the 1960s came Blair’s correspondence is preserved at the Welcome Institute, London (NRA 28055, 18071808). He was in touch with British officers prior to 1798, which could have been a possible 388

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Fig. 14. A Huron-Wendat group photographed by Jules-Ernest Livernois in 1880 at Spencerwood, Quebec. Some outstanding members wear belts of wampum. From left to right: Maurice Sébastien Agnoilen has a belt draped over his right shoulder, see: Plate 9, Fig. 118. Philippe Vincent Theanwathasta, second from left, wears a belt over his left shoulder, see: Plate 25, Fig. 306. Ludger Bastien, the sixth person from left in the last row, has a belt draped over his left shoulder, too, see: Plate 20, Fig. 260. And Gaspard Picard to the very right side with a belt of wampum over his right shoulder, see: Plate 19, Fig. 243 (cf.: Lainey 2004: 132, 157, 159). Courtesy of the McCord Museum, Montreal, Canada (Cat. No. MP-0000.223).

an onslaught of upheavals. Afroamericans held massive freedom marches and some Native Americans caused the Wounded Knee incident at the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, S.D., both groups demanded civil rights and social justice. Younger Euro-Americans, in particular students, organized major antiestablishment, anti-war movements, opposing the law in confrontations of disobedience389. Eventually, the demands of Afroamericans, Native Americans source for his North American collection. The present whereabouts of his collection is unknown (Mark A. Hall, curator, personal communication, October 2010). 389 This very brief historical synopsis does not take into account any reasons leading to the extensive social and political changes. For further insights consult Herzberg 1971, Nagel 1996, Johnson, Nagel and Champagne (eds.) 1997, for a contemporary indigenous perspective see “Akwesasne Notes” since 1968. For a historical outline of the gender debate, see Wiesner-Hanks 2011, and for the social-political point of view consult Chalmers 1996, Joseph (ed.) 2006.

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and Euro-Americans succeeded in forcing a mixed bag of political and moral reforms. Over time, some other rules and regulations were modified and belts of wampum were repatriated with their “former” owners by institutions and museums. First 11 belts were transferred to the Six Nations in 1988, and again in 1996. The first group had been wrongfully returned be-cause it had once been legally acquired by Roddy (Fenton 1989: 392ff.; Barreiro 1990: 8ff.; Tooker 1998: 219ff.). A recently rectified act by George W. Bush Senior in 1990, called NAGPRA (Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act), provides a legal foundation. Although intended to stop grave robbery, meanwhile important cultural patrimonies classified as “sacred” have become part of it. So belts of wampum, medicine bundles and others objects are no longer allowed to be examined, handled nor published without permission of their “legal owners” and their respective communities (Feest 1991: 63f.; Snow 1996: 220). The act even had international impact and European institutions followed the same “ethic” principle, and repatriated parts of their former collections. The Ethnographiska Museet, Stockholm, Sweden, returned a crest pole (Staffan Brunius, curator, personal communication, August 2005). and at Fribourg, Switzerland, Sioux demanded “their” holy pipes, which actually had been collected among the Menominee (Christian Feest, personal communication, July 2003). Wampum was not only used as an object of collecting, but for other purposes as well. Interestingly, first off all US-Americans incorporated wampum into their own culture when they celebrated their independence. In search for plain symbols, American citizens relied on known indigenous emblems and changed little of their former meanings. Grand federal parades were held to celebrate their Day of Independence, which occurred on July 4th of 1788 in Philadelphia with: “Peter Baynton, esquire, as a citizen and Colonel Isaac Melchor a san Indian chief, in a carriage, smoking the calumet of peace together. The sachem magnificently dressed, according to the Indian custom; his head adorned with scarlet and white plumes; jewels of silver hanging from his nose and ears; ten strings of wampum round his neck; the broad belt of peace and brotherly love in his hand” (Hopkinson 1788: 3). Some fraternal associations, such as the Columbian Order or Tammany Society, were founded. In his address to the assembly in 1810 the orator referred to wampum in its original context: “Four hundred and fifty-five moons ago, after long suffering and great oppression, our thirteen (disjoined) ancient tribes united; they sent belts of white wampum and smoaked the calumet of peace with each other” (Anonymous 1810: 3). These groups copied indigenous attitudes, addressed each other in oratory manner, and relied on indigenous terms, like the Tam-

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many Society, which used Algonquian terms to identify themselves. They had a chief or headman, “Kitchi-Okemaw” (big chief) as treasurer, who kept the wampum, the secretary kept the written records on birch bark, as reportedly practiced by Native Americans, as in latter times, for example, in the Great Lakes region (Anonymous 1811: 2; Anonymous 1790: 3; Landes 1968). And, since the founding of the United States, indigenous attributes were used to name military implements of war. The United States clearly followed the European fashion at later times. Pouchot mentioned several French war-ships, schooner and brigs, which were named in honor of their allied Native Peoples, like Algonquin, Iroquoise, and Outaouaise (1994: 71, 173). In like manner, British vessels were named Ottawa, a schooner, and a sloop Wyandott prior to 1777 (Armour and Widder 1978: 66)390. The unusual wooden figure-head made for the frigate United States, built in 1797, was described by a contemporary as follows: “[S]he is crest with a Constellation, her hair and drapery flowing. Suspended to the ringlets of her hair, which fall or wave over her breast and reclining in her bosom, is the portrait of her favourite son, George Washington, President of the United States; her waist bound with a civic band. In her right hand, which is advanced, she holds a spear, suspended to which is a belt of wampum containing the emblems of peace and war” (Anonymous 1797: 2). Moreover, Europeans applied the term wampum to several other shell species of similar value connotation, as is described during a visit to the northern Northwest coast of North America in 1778: “Their richest skins when converted to garments are edged with a great curiosity. This is nothing less than the very species of wampum so well known on the opposite side of the continent: It is identically the same; and this wampum391 was not only found among all the aborigines we saw on this side the continent, but even exists unmutilated on the opposite coasts of North—Asia” (Ledyard 1783: 72). John Ledyard, as member of Cook’s third voyage crew, went even further as he wrote: “and found the wampum among them [Aleut Inuit], which proves the commercial intercourse as universal as I before observed” (ibid 1783: 80). This connotation Sir Jeffrey Amherst and Sir William Johnson renamed the Apollo to Onondaga “to influence the substantial number of Onondaga from the mission of La Présentation” who were loyal to the French. On August 1st of 1760, the ceremony was held at Oswego as quoted: “To please the Indians I desired them to christen the Snow and took all the Chiefs on board in the afternoon […]. I had a large flag made with an Onondaga Indian painted on it. This was hoisted just as I christened the Snow by breaking a bottle at the head. Then Gages Regt fired a volley […]. All this pleased the Indians extremely” (Pouchot 1994: 311). 391 Most probably dentalium (Dentalium pretiosum), a marine mollusc, is meant, slightly bent and conically shaped like miniature elephant tusks, a species which was used in the Pacific region (Pakes 2005: 116ff.). 390

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led to misidentifications of contemporarily acquired items, such as a “Belt of Wampum”, which had actually been obtained either from the Sandwich Islands or the North West Coast of America, and donated to the Historical Society, Boston in 1793 (Anonymous 1793: 1). Even Egyptian mummies were described as “are covered with the same wampum work that is common among Tartars” (Leyden 1799: 9f.). Therefore, it should not be surprising that an African belt was catalogued as a belt of wampum, in the collections in the McManus Dundee’s Art Gallery and Museum, Dundee, but which was later identified as decorated with cowry snails (Christina Donald, curator, personal communication October 2010). During the very same time, wampum entered Euro-American literature, first as part of poems, novels, tales, and then even musical pieces. Sometimes wampum was described in its actual context, at other times it was not. One of the very first printed poems mentioning wampum dates to 1771, done by an anonymous hand, as: “[s]o shall the Indian with strange rapture find The pow’rs unknown arrest his wand’ring mind […] Rude tubes rejoic’d their chiefs shall oft’ again The friendly wampum-press, and rub the chain”, annotated as “Tokens of peace” (Anonymous 1771: 217)392. John Trumbull393, the famous epic painter of American Revolutionary scenes, wrote a poem on the Boston Tee Party, printed as part of the “Fingal”. Under canto three, Trumbull described the dressed up Bostonians in indigenous garb, as they threw the tee chests into the harbor’s water. “And leaving [King] George in sad disaster, Most sinfully deny their master. What furies rag’d, when you in sea, In shape of Indians drown’d the tea, When your gay sparks, fatigu’d to watch it, Assumed the moggison [moccasins] and hatchet, 392

The above mentioned Arent Schuyler DePeyster wrote a similar poem about his experiences made as king’s officer stationed in North America (see: Armour and Widder 1978: 107). 393 Trumbull, the American painter, worked in Benjamin West’s London studio during the early stages of the American war of Independence. He clearly followed West in painting epic historic scenes like “The Battle of Bunker’s Hill” executed in London (Cooper et al. (eds.) 2008: 1ff., 25f., 63ff., 71, 73, 80ff.).

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With wampum’d blankets hid their laces, And like their sweet-hearts, prime their faces” (Trumbull 1795: 74). And several other authors followed up to the early 19th century (see: Julap 1802: 59; Anonymous 1807c: 37.; Campbell 1809: 18). Novels were published dealing with wampum in its true context, as Jane Penman did in 1788, characterizing an indigenous chief as merciful and intellectual, when he provided victuals for the starving Euro-Americans and provided wampum, which she commented as follows: “I ask not, said he, what country you are of. Whether you belong to our brother on the other side the lake; or whether you are an enemy to us and to him. I see you are in distress; that is country enough for an Indian to pour the balm of consolidation into the wounds of adversity” (1788, 1: 164). Prior to the turn of the century, long before James Fenimore Cooper wrote his famous novels like “Last of the Mohicans”, François René Chateaubriand, a French writer and politician, published “Atala, René, ou Les Natchez [Atala, René, or the Natchez]”394. Like Cooper, Chateaubriand borrowed from early encounters such as Lafitau, and Charlevoix, but also relied on his own experiences he had made on his trip to North America (Wiesinger (ed.) 1992: 72). His novel was translated into English in 1802. In it René presents a wampum collar to Atala and says: “I will tie around her neck a collar of wampum; on that shall appear three red beads, form y [y = the] love, three purple ones, form y fears, and three blue ones, form my hopes” (Chateaubriand 1802: 38). Note the meaning of colors, which slightly varies from the First Nations’ symbolic meaning. William Richardson wrote a tragedy, “The Indians”, which was first played at the Theatre-Royal, Richmond in 1791. Richardson mixed history with fiction. Using the historic Hochelaga, a former Huron-Wendat village site along the Saint Lawrence River for the setting, he placed on the side of Lake Huron. Likewise, he named the chief “Ononthio”, which was the Iroquoian name for the French governors, as pointed out earlier. Interestingly, the actors follow the council protocol to some degree, when Sidney presents a belt of wampum as pledge of truth (1791: 46f.). Seventeen years later, Barker wrote “The Indian princess”, which clearly reflects the story of Pocahontas. To safe Captain John Smith’s life, Pocahontas begs her father, chief Powathan: “She bows her head to his feet. Powhatan, after some deliberation, looking on his daughter with tenderness, presents her with a string of white wampum. Pocahontas, with the wildest

“Atala” and “René” are Chateaubriand’s break with the enlightenment according to Voltaire. His protagonists animated contemporary and later artists, like Eugène Delacroix with 394

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expression of joy, rushes forward with Smith, presenting the beads of peace”, which indeed reflects the former meaning of color white among the Native Americans (1808: 29). The German August von Kotzebue, a theatre poet and publicist, wrote a musical piece in three acts, which he called “Sultan Wampum, or the Wishes” (Hodgkinson (ed.) 1800)395. In addition, wampum entered the field of pictorial art since earliest times. First, indigenous delegates were painted in their garb, and since the 18th century even sculptured in stone and wax. While the earlier figures are generic representations of Native Americans as part of memorial monuments for deceased members of the administration, like Roger Townshend, John Graves Simcoe, and Major General Sir John Malcolm, later representations tend to depict individuals (see: Pratt 2005: 46f., 101, 104). But it is not unlikely, that Townshend’s warrior was modeled after an individual (see: Stolle 2015 in Press). Jean-Pierre Danta in 1827 made a bust of Esprit Noir, an Osage who visited Paris. He is shown with a string of wampum beads hanging around his neck (Wiesinger (ed.) 1992: 20). Be sheekee, an Ojibwa chief, was sculptured by Francis Cincenti around 1855. He wears wampum strings as part of his ear ornaments (United States Senate, Cat. No. 21.00002.000). At the same time, anonymous Iroquois artists illustrated their myths, like an Oneida artist, who most probably painted culture heroes like Tadodaho, Hiawatha and Deganawida around 1835. Hiawatha is depicted holding several white strings of wampum in his left hand (Sturtevant 2007: 140). Ernest Smith, a Seneca artist, painted Handsome Lakes in the early 20th century while preaching at Tonawada Reservation. He holds several strings of white wampum in his left hand, too (Woodhead et al. (eds.) 1993: 144f.). More recently, Iroquois or Haudenosaunee artists incorporated elements of important self-defining wampum patterns into their art, as Carson R. Waterman, a Seneca artist, did in 1993. The central background motive of this unnamed art poster shows a sun circle, surrounded by the “Wing” and “Hiawatha” belts with a hawk flying in front, most probably representing the clan animal (Doris Stambrau, personal communication June 2006). G. Peter Jemison, a Seneca, relied in similar fashion on the “Hiawatha”, and additionally the “George Washington” belt, which he included into a collage named “Grandmother’s Treaty” of 1996. Remarkably, the central human figure was executed like a wampum bead figure (Kasprycki, Stambrau, and Roth (eds.) 1998: 80). Similarly, the Mohawk Ryan Rice, referhis oil painting “Les Natchez”. Later Chateaubriand became the most important representative of the French First Romantic (Wiesinger (ed.) 1992: 72ff.). 395 In his later play, “Pizarro in Peru”, he took position against the criticism for “Sultan of Wampum” (Hodgkinson (ed.) 1800).

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red in his acrylic painting “RUB-A-DUB-DUB, THREE CLANS IN A TUB” to the “Two-Row” belt, as pattern of a ground carpet, above which stands a tub with the three Mohawk clan animals, wolf, turtle and bear, bathing inside (ibid 1998: 51). Likewise, Joe David, another Mohawk artist, put the “Two-Row” wampum as central motif of his acrylic of the same name in 1995 (ibid. 1998: 75). In contrast, the artist Anne Bisset made a woodcut print named “LOST IN TRANSLATIO (WAMPUM)”, as part of a series called “Pilgrim prints”, to question what “the lives of these early immigrants might really have been like”. Partially depicted is a belt of wampum some 11 rows wide, of dark color with two interwoven houses and three double end bars. Unlike the indigenous artists mentioned before, this wampum design was created by herself, based on several preserved belts (Anne Bisset, personal communication July 2012). In conclusion, this survey clearly demonstrates that the term wampum has been used in a much wider sense than the actual belts or strings once were. After wampum was made into ornamental bands, European got interested and started to collect them. Throughout the 18th and early 19th century, mostly members of the British upper class acquired belts of wampum for their personal curiosity rooms, in order to show-off sophistication and status. Primarily high-ranking officers or wealthy civilians could acquire these mnemonic devices, whether by means of gifts or reciprocal exchanges and/or financial support. During the same time, Euro-American explorers applied the name wampum to other marine mollusks of similar value, found in the Pacific area and in Africa. Wampum also entered the field of literature and theater during the second half of 18th century, as numerous poems, novels, tales, and musical plays, as well as tragedies were named after this term. Sometimes wampum was used in its original sense, sometimes it was applied for fictitious means. Once wampum was no longer used for political proceedings, it was also no longer incorporated into these western art forms. Since the first third of the 19th century, indigenous artists started to illustrate their myths, handed down orally, a practice that was picked up by later artists as well. Since the second half of the century, Euro-American academic and private collectors acquired old estates, which then ended up in public and private collections. During the 1960s, several movements in western societies, all in a wider sense part of the underlying social-political reformation, helped change existing attitudes. Belts of wampum were repatriated, and contemporary artists relied once more on these well-known national belts, demonstrating their long enduring tradition. On the other hand, only one American artist has created new belt de-signs that express different kinds of meanings.

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13. Summary and Conclusion After a summary of all the presented facts, some conclusions and remarks on future inquiries will be given. Without a doubt, tubular, irregularly shaped white wampum shell beads were invented by Native Americans, long before the first Europeans reached the east- coast of North America. During times of first contact, and in particular after 1600, these beads became more uniform in size, while the very first black wampum shell beads appeared between 1637 and 1640. Surrogates, such as glass, stone and wooden wampum beads were used whenever patterns needed to be incorporated into woven white bands. The very first belt was mentioned in 1635 by Van der Bogaert, when some Iroquois returned from a meeting with French allied Native Americans. Prior to this time, wampum was a highly valued medium, used by high-ranking Native Americans as ornaments and in the form of strings as gifts, while the meaning was recorded by wooden sticks. Europeans soon recognized wampum’s value and in the 1620s endorsed it as commodity, based on the price of a beaver pelt, which in turn was linked to European currency. Thus, wampum became part of a growing world capitalist market. Since there was no minted coinage, colonial officials of Dutch New Neatherland converted the commodity into a legal tender or cash, based on the price of beaver, between 1627 to 1636 and New England followed soon. Even after New Netherland had become a New England colony, wampum remained legal tender in New York until at least 1701, while in most other colonies it was replaced by metal coins. Later, wampum became a trade commodity again to serve the needs of the expanding frontier’s colonists, as well as at times of war or when the established currency’s value fluctuated a great deal. It stayed a commodity in Connecticut until 1775. Native Americans had originally used wampum collars and strings as gifts, which had to be reciprocated. When beads were not available in sufficient numbers, wampum gifts could be returned with other items, like pelts, cloth or victuals. By the middle of the 17th century wampum’s function was expanded. First recorded for the Huron-Wendat in 1653, and soon after for the Iroquois or Five Nations, wampum woven into belts or strung up in strings became a crude mnemonic device. For whatever reason, the first wampum belt with an incorporated Latin text emerged at that time. But even then, the details of a wampum belt’s meaning were retained by wooden sticks, which chiefs or high-ranking individuals held in trust. When worn as headbands or as pectorals, wampum signified status. Since the early 17th century, glass beads were used as surrogates, but when large numbers of shell wampum became available, their acceptance di-

252

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minished in the east, only Native Americans of the Great Lakes region continued to use them. Up to 1672, the traditional Iroquois apparently preferred branches of stringed wampum over woven belts for their political dialogues, when wampum strings started to replace the earlier wooden mnemonic sticks in the latter 1670s. At some time in the early 1690s, wampum patterns woven as belts and strings had become a universal instrument of exchanging messages among the Algonquians, Iroquoians, and Europeans alike. By then, weavers had developed a highly refined repertoire of patterns comprised of geometric and figurative symbols, which changed little, if at all, until the early 19th century. Wampum’s ‘sign writing’ was also supported by Euro-American colonists, and France played a crucial role in its distribution. For example, during the “Great Peace” of Montreal between several Algonquians and Iroquoians in 1701, belts of wampum were exchanged and as a result western Algonquians and Siouan speakers were introduced to the writing system as well. In the 17th century written copies of council records were introduced, while Native Americans continued memorizing the contents by means of wooden sticks and later wampum strings, as mentioned earlier. In the meantime, the existing pool of belt patterns was expanded by Euro-Americans. Missionaries, colonial officials, military commanders, and travelers began to report on the indigenous system of writing. As wampum strings had once replaced the earlier wooden mnemonic devices, European writing started to replace wampum as the sole medium. At that time, Native Peoples started to accept copies of written documents and, had it not been for traditionalists, the way of oral record keeping would have been discontinued. They had argued that wampum’s meaning could be altered when spoken, but it could not, or only little, once it was fixed in writing. Even after mid 18th century, wampum’s value was highly regarded in diplomatic settings and received belts had to be reciprocated with belts of equal size. For that reason, highly sought after wampum belts and strings were no longer buried with a deceased chief, as the previous wooden sticks reportedly were. In the late 18th century, wampum became quite popular entering the field of western art, e.g. as part of literature or theater. Moreover, Europeans applied the term to other shell species of similar value from around the world. Some decades later, in 1816, wampum was no longer used as mnemonic device among Native Americans living in the east, as the dominant society ceased to regard them as sovereign nations and wampum lost its vogue in western art as well. Since the 19th century, Iroquois artists started to portray their orally preserved history, such as the founding myth of their League, by incorporating strings of wampum into their pictures. Lasting longer, until the 1830s, wampum remained a record keeping medium

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for diplomatic purposes in the Great Lakes region, as Euro-Americans and the fur trade pushed westwards. But Native Americans in the east continued to use their medium to document internal and intertribal affairs. Consequently, most of their contents, including some very important treaties up to the 1860s, are very well preserved. In the second half of 19th century, political control of the dominant society, whether Canada or the United States, caused Native Americans to reassess the significance of their patrimonies. They needed to manifest their own sovereign status regarding land rights and their long lasting tradition, as well as insist on the agreements/treaties once made. Wampum turned out to match these criteria best and some belts became national pledges. Attracting collectors to the reserves, some wampum belts and strings were sold and ended up in collections of private and public institutions. To protect them, Native Americans reacted by stopping to present the belts and strings in public. Henceforth, Euro-Americans, several scholars included, were no longer permitted to see them. Since then, Iroquois peoples have been eager to get back the belts, which had been sold in the 1890s without common consent. In the 1980s their demands were granted and the first belts were returned. Setting a precedent, this case and a newly established act in 1990, enabled several Native Americans to claim back “their” patrimonies. Attitudes toward wampum belts in contemporary Native-American communities reflect a renewed reverence for reasons of tribal pride, tradition and heritage. Using high-resolution photographs of well-documented average sized shell and glass wampum beads, this study created the very first bead dating aid. Surprisingly, the picture table revealed a correlation of both bead types over time, with the European glass beads most likely setting the standard for the size of shell beads, from 17th century onwards. Weaving both of them together, as reportedly had been done, was thus facilitated. Apparently bead size increased over time, a phenomenon defined by scholars as swell process, which ended with its common use. While the beads varied in length and diameter over time, the opposite direction drilling technique remained the same from the earliest times until the second half of the 19th century. No documentation for the one side technique could be found. The prevailing idea that beads could be dated by their bore was ruled out. In addition, Hamel’s meanings attributed to colors were confirmed, and even some regional preferences were established. More than 300 preserved shell wampum belts were located and redrawn for very first time for this study’s attached catalog, showing missing or restored belt parts in gray. In 1901, Beauchamp had gathered some 58 belts and over 200 belts were uncovered by another survey from 1978 to 1982. In

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2004, Becker, who has been conducting research on wampum since 1970, wrote that the number of preserved belts “may exceed three hundred” (Becker 2002: 53; Becker and Lainey 2004: 26; Hill 2007: 420). This sizeable group of belts was increased further by more than 50 glass wampum bands, belts, and straps, as well as other wampum objects, over 400 in all. Until recently, the Mahicans were credited as the inventors of woven wampum bands, while in fact this study’s evidence points to the Eastern Abenaki. Another first of this study is the deciphering of their woven pattern writing, which had been forgotten since the 19th century. Based on an incredible amount of primary sources, its universal readability was ascertained, and that for a much larger geographical area than anticipated. Closely related, an attempt to point out the origins of specific patterns was made. Algonquian, Iroquoian and Euro-American influences could be identified, further underscoring the wampum’s phenomenon as an acculturation process. Wampum belts were woven by Native Americans and Euro-Americans alike. Since all weavers used the same materials and techniques, it is impossible to identify the maker of a specific historic belt without written records. While women did this work since earliest times, men did so as well whenever an increase in diplomatic affairs raised the demand for wampum belts. At that time, the existing gender-based division of labor among Native Americans ceased to exist. This acculturation process has been overlooked for too long, although it is closely related to other, betterresearched North American topics, like pottery and basketry. The two techniques of weaving wampum into bands, identified in earlier works, could be revised as this study added and named two new techniques. Furthermore, it was possible to establish and date them geographically. Although the third technique, designated “interchanged double thread weave” can not be traced back beyond 1773, it can be assumed to date much earlier. Closely resembling the earliest form of stringing wampum as strings, its beads are placed in parallel to the weaving, but they are connected at intervals. This study’s explanatory drawings of all techniques provide an important reference for anyone attempting to identify and attribute preserved belts. In addition, the present investigation provided more insights into the diplomatic settings, such as how council meetings took place, participants were seated, and how belts and precursory gifts were publicly displayed and presented. Seven major uses of wampum belts were found identical to those of gifts of earlier times. Besides the highly developed diplomatic language, some metaphors, such as “burying the hatchet”, could be traced back to their origins. It was also verified that only authorized men were permitted to publicly officiate with wampum during meetings. Chiefs or high-ranking individuals kept the records, among the First

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Peoples and Euro-Americans alike. Only experts recorded and reiterated the hidden contents, while all others, Native Americans and Euro-Americans alike, had but a vague idea of the entire content. In this context, Foster’s “Another Look at the Function of Wampum” has to be questioned, for we now know that the belts were only intended as crude mnemonic devices. The details were recorded by other means, like wooden sticks, wampum strings, and European writing, which was accepted by the 18th century. Yet some points of his criticism of the written records of the Euro-Americans could be substantiated. The difference between writing and acting by means of wampum makes it clear that human actions such as spoken or chanted words, intonation, gestures, walking or dancing, were too often neglected by the protocol recorders. This was probably not only due to ignorance, but because of difficulties to understand the procedures. This was made explicit in 1746: “At every Stop where a Belt was given, one of the Sachems call’d out Yo-hay, to which all the rest answered in a Sound which cannot be expressed in our Letters, but seem’d to consist of two Words remarkably distinguished in Cadence; it seem’d to this purpose, Do you hear? The Sachem calls; The Answer is, We attend and remember, or understand, or it is a Kind of Applaudit our Interpreters could not explain. And at the Close of the Speech, one Sachem of each Nation calls out severally the Yo-hay, to which the others of the same Nation answer severally” (Anonymous 1746: 12). Written accounts helped preserve the hidden meanings of the belts at an early time, as Onondaga Iroquois had recognized in 1759, when they addressed William Johnson as follows: “Brother. We now Deliver you a Belt of the Covenant Chain which was formerly given Us at Albany by One of the Governors; And as Our Chiefs, Who were present at that time are mostly Dead, those who are at present Alive, & Who Manage Our Affairs, would be very Desirous (as you know all these Matters) that you would remind them of the particulars of What was Said thereon, We having no Records, great part thereof hath been forgot, which we are Desirous to know and Observe” (JP 1921, 3: 709). The actual importance of writing can be deduced from a petition of the Stockbridge Nation from Wisconsin in 1840: “Lest this grant should fall into the hands of the white people, they gave us no writing at the time this took place; but, for better security, they have given us wampum, instead of a written deed. Our chiefs are doubtful with regards to such pledges in such a case; and, indeed, experience ought to teach us the weakness of such a measure” (U.S. Congress 1840: 11). Therefore, the details of any belt of wampum can only be reconstructed to some extent. A belt can be dated by the size of its beads, but the rest must be researched using the archives. Missing documentation of less “important” belts as well as

256

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inter-tribally exchanged belts makes their rereading in detail almost impossible. Indeed, the way the belts were once handled and bespoken can only be anticipated from more detailed accounts, while the important stage of human interaction is unfortunately lost forever. The Haudenosaunee or Iroquois have always played an important role in North America. In fact, they can be called keepers of the tradition as they have not only preserved the language and customs, but have also conserved the wooden masks, which, as demonstrated by Krusche in 1975, were once common throughout Eastern North America. Thus, it is not surprising that they have successfully reclaimed almost all of their belts and strings of wampum as their patrimony. As Beauchamp estimated, they had some 25 to 30 belts in the 1840s. At present they hold more than 50 belts (1901: 410). While they are without doubt best suited to safeguard these documents, the question whether they should keep social academics from studying human actions as being traditional or not, or make the data available to a wider audience possibly leading to new discourses, remains to be answered. Future inquiries can be made from different perspectives by diverse academic fields. For example, up to now no one has tried to study the fluctuation of wampum’s monetary value over time, although the existing data is very detailed and extensive, and might help better understand currency fluctuations. Likewise, archaeological investigations could recover wooden mnemonic sticks that exist, but were overlooked as unimportant. Moreover, a closer look at newly recovered wampum collars will probably prove the age of the “interchanged double thread weave”. In addition, further research of beads, their production centers, distribution, and size could help narrow their present time frames. As expected, wampum strings follow, in their color, the common meaning, and as several documents indicate it seems that they were once universally connoted like the belts. Future research in archives will, most likely find more information, which may help fill some of the existing gaps, and additional belts, unknown to this author, may possibly be found. Now, based on this mass of compiled data, theories on value and knowledge can be tested further and/or extended and existing debates of formalists and structuralists can be reconsidered.

Catalogue Explanation of Tables and Plates

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Abbreviations The following abbreviations will be used for institution collections referred to in the text: AMO AMNH ASN APS BML BHM BHS BMS CIS CLUM CMAH CMH CUMAA DAM DEG DHS DMNS DPL EMB EMG FJ FMNH GRPM HSP KMM LMS MA MBAA MCM MCQ MEG MET MFT MHNEL

Ashmolean Museum Oxford, Oxford, England American Museum of Natural History, New York, USA Archives du Séminare de Nicolet, Nicolet, Quebec, Canada American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA British Museum London, London, England Bernisches Historisches Museum, Berne, Switzerland Buffalo Historical Society, Buffalo, New York, USA Buffalo Museum of Science, Buffalo, New York, USA Cranbrook Institute of Science, Bloomfield Hills, Michigan Clements Library, University of Michigan, Michigan, USA Cayuga Museum of Art and History, Auburn, New York, USA Canadian Museum of History, Gatineau, Quebec, Canada Cambridge University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Cambridge, England Denver Art Museum, Denver, Colorado, USA Donald Ellis Gallery, Dundas, Ontario, Canada Detroit Historical Society, Detroit, USA Denver Museum of Nature & Science, Denver, Colorado, USA Detroit Public Library, Detroit, USA Ethnologisches Museum Berlin, Germany Etnografiska Museet Goteborg, Goteborg, Sweden Fort Johnson, Amsterdam, New York, USA Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois, USA Grand Rapids Public Museum, Grand Rapids, Michigan, USA Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, USA Karl-May Museum, Radebeul, Germany Linden-Museum Stuttgart, Stuttgart, Germany Musée d’Aquitaine, Bordeaux, France Musée des Beaux-Arts et d’Archéologie, Besançon, France McCord Museum, Montreal, Canada Musée de la civilisation Quebec, Quebec, Canada Musée d’ethnographie de Genève, Geneva, Switzerland Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, USA Museum of the Fur Trade, Chadron, Nebraska, USA Musée d’Histoire Naturelle et d’Ethnographie Lille, Lille, France

258

Abbreviations

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MPM MPMRC MQB MSNF MSUM MVH MVM MWF MYB NCM NBM ND NLMB NMAI NMI NML NMNH NONAM NYSM OHS PC PCDH PEM PGMAE PMAE, HU REMM RMVL PRMO RMSC ROM SAFWM SCNH SINM

Milwaukee Public Museum, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, USA Mashantucket-Pequot Museum and Research-Centre, Mashantucket, Connecticut, USA Musée du quai Branly, Paris, France Museo di Storia Naturale Florence, Florence, Italia Michigan State University Museum, East Lansing, Michigan, USA Museum für Völkerkunde Hamburg, Hamburg, Germany Museum Victoria, Melbourne, Australia Museum der Weltkulturen Frankfurt, Frankfurt am Main, Germany Musée d’Yverdon-les-Bains, Yverdon-les-Bains, Switzerland National Currency Museum, Ottawa, Canada New Brunswick Museum, New Brunswick, Canada Notre-Dame, Châtres, France Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Braunschweig, Brunswick, Germany National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., USA National Museum of Ireland, Dublin, Ireland National Museums Liverpool, Liverpool, England National Museum of Natural History, New York, USA Nordamerika Native Museum, Zurich, Switzerland New York State Museum, Albany, New York, USA Ohio Historical Society, Columbus, Ohio, USA Parks of Canada Presbyterian Church, Department of History, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA Peabody Essex Museum, Salem, Massachusetts, USA Peter the Great Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography, St. Petersburg, Russia Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard, University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA Reiss-Engelhorn Museen Mannheim, Mannheim, Germany Rijksmuseum Volkenkunde, Leiden, Netherlands Pitt-Rivers Museum Oxford, Oxford, England Rochester Museum and Science Center, Rochester, USA Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, Canada Saffron Walden Museum, Saffron Walden, England State Cabinet of Natural History, Albany, New York, USA Seneca Iroquois National Museum, Salamanca, New York, USA

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SMAH SMF SMB

Sainte Marie among the Hurons, Midland, Ontario, Canada Städtische Museen Freiburg, Freiburg im Breisgau, Germany Städtisches Museum Braunschweig, Brunswick, Germany

SMP

State Museum of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, USA

SMVM

Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde München, Munich, Germany

TCM TM UA UCCO UPMAA

The Charleston Museum, Charleston, South Carolina, USA

VEMM WF WMW

Tantaquidgeon Museum, Uncasville, Connecticut, USA Unitätsarchiv, Herrnhut, Germany Ulster County Clerk’s Office, Kingston, New York, USA University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA Vatican Ethnographic and Missionary Museum, Vatican City, Rom, Italy Watson Farm, Historic New England, New England, USA Weltmuseum, Wien, Vienna, Austria

Explanation of Tables

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Table 4. Key into Colors, Patterns, and Techniques Colors

Meaning

White

Friendship, Light, Peace

Unknown

Universal

Black

Great Importance (Apologize, Death, War)

Unknown

Universal

Blood, War

Unknown

Universal

Green

Life (Peaceful Intention)

Unknown

Algonquian (Great Lakes)/Iroquoian

Blue

Earnest, Upright Intention (Similar to Black)

Unknown

Universal

Red

Patterns (Geometric)

Meaning

Origin

Origin

Distribution

Distribution

Line

Path/Road (Alliance, Friendship)

Unknown

Universal

Lines

Paths/Roads, Sun Rays (Recurrent Friendship)

Unknown

Universal

Sun Rays

Unknown

Universal

River/Water

Unknown

Universal

Counter

Unknown

Universal

Castle/Nation/Village

Algonquian/Iroquoian

Universal

Diamond

Council Fire/Nation/Outstanding Individual

Iroquoian

Universal

Hexagon

Nation

Algonquian

Universal

Chief of Castle/Village

Algonquian/Iroquoian

Universal

Care/Protection

Unknown

Universal

Friendship (Square Style French, Hexagon English)

European (Dutch/English/French)

Universal

Lines/Dashes (at both ends) Zigzag Diagonal Line Square

Cross Triangle Chain

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Patterns (Figurative)

Meaning

Origin

Distribution

Axe

War

Unknown

Universal

Pipe

Peace

Algonquian

Universal

Cross (Latin Cross)

Mission Village

European (French/German)

Algonquian/Iroquoian

Cross (Latin Cross with Stand)

French King/France

European

European (French)

Tree

Protection

Iroquoian/European (English)

Universal

Dog

Guardian

Algonquian/Iroquoian/ European

Universal

Wolf

Clan, Tribe

Algonquian/Iroquoian

Algonquian/Iroquoian

Lynx/Panther

Tribe

Algonquian

Algonquian

Heron/Crane

Tribe

Algonquian

Algonquian

Beaver

Clan/Plenty

Algonquian/Iroquoian

Universal

Heart

Love/Truth

Unknown

Universal

Hand

Friendship

Algonquian/European (English)

Universal

Human Figures

Meaning

Origin

Distribution

Human Figure (Flaring Body)

Chief of Nation/Village, Outstanding Individual

Iroquoian

Iroquoian/European (English/US-American)

Human Figure (Rectangular Body)

Chief of Nation/Village, Outstanding Individual

Algonquian

Algonquian

Text

Meaning

Latin

Ecclesiastical, sometimes missionized Community included

English

Origin European (French)

King/Representative/Chief European (English)

Distribution French Missions

European (English/US-American/Algonquian)

Explanation of Tables

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Techniques

Origin

Distribution

Double Thread Weave

Unknown

Universal

Wrapped Double Thread Weave

Algonquian?

Algonquian/Iroquoian

Interchanged Double Thread Weave

Unknown

Algonquian/Iroquoian

Algonquian?

Algonquian/Iroquoian

Bias Weave

Table 5. Wampum Bead Varieties and Suggested Chronology timeline

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Explanation of Tables Table 5. “Wampum” Beads Extracted glass, shell and synthetic beads in average size of well dated objects. In brackets Kidd’s glass bead classification (see: Kidd and Kidd 1983: 227, Plate I., 235) Fig. I. Glass wampum beads: 1. Glass beads, red (Ia1), black with white (Ib4), and red/white stripes (Ibb2), as well as black with red (Ib3), white bead with black stripes (Ib12), Factory Hollow (ca. 1615-1635) NMAI Cat. No. 22/3470 2. Glass beads, red (Ia1), black (Ia2), and yellow (Ia8), Marsh Site (1650-1670), RMSC Cat. No. 10088/99, 17/3899 3. Glass beads, in bracket same black bead, which is actually translucent wine red, black (Ia2), and white (Ib4), West Coll. (pre1771), BML Cat. No. Ethno 1991.Am 9.10 a, b 4. Glass beads, in bracket same black bead, which is actually translucent wine red, black (Ia2), white (Ia4), translucent blue (Ia18), and green (Ia9), Du Roi Coll. (pre1778), NLMB Cat. No. VMB 7250 and 7251 5. Glass beads, in bracket same black bead, which is actually translucent wine red, black (Ia2), white (Ia4), translucent blue and green (Ia18 and Ia9), (pre1793), PGMAE Cat. No. 1901-8, 1901-9, (Sergey Korsun, personal communication November 2011). Yellow glass bead (Ia8), (pre1792), MQB Cat.-No. 71.1878.32.142, (Anne de Stechert, personal communication June 2012). The green beads are identically with those in the Foster Coll. (pre1795), NMAI Cat. No. 24/2034 6. Glass beads, white (Ia4), translucent blue (Ia18), translucent green (Ia9), and translucent yellow (Ia8), (pre1880), NMI Cat. No. 1880.257, identically with excavated beads from Old Birch Island (1779-1809) 7. Glass beads, translucent blue (Ia18), (pre1880), NMI Cat. No. 1880. 1911, identically with excavated beads from Old Birch Island (17791809) 8. Glass bead, dark violet (Ia16/17), War Department Coll. (pre1841), NMNH Cat. No. E5375

Explanation of Tables

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Fig. 9. Glass bead, white (Ia4) Weygold Coll. (pre1916), LMS Cat. No. 50456, the white glass bead is identical with beads in the collections at the NMNH Cat. No. E6954, Palmer Coll. (pre1868) 10. Glass bead, in bracket same dark blue bead, which is actually translucent light blue, dark blue (Ia2), (pre1890), NMAI Cat. No. 09/9938 11. Glass beads, dark blue (Ia18), and white (Ia4), Frank Coll. (pre1907), LMS Cat. No. 050568 12. Glass beads, white (Ia4), and translucent dark blue (Ia18), Private Coll. (pre1972) 13. Glass beads, translucent black (Ia2), white (Ia4), translucent blue (Ia18), translucent yellow (Ia8), and violet (Ia16/17), Private Coll. (1990s) 14. Glass beads, black (Ia2), white (Ia4), and green (Ia9), Private Coll. (after 2000) II. Shell wampum beads: 1. Shell beads, white and black (purple), Tradescant Coll. (pre1656), AMO Cat. No. 10 2. Shell beads, white and black (purple), Frank, alias Tobis Coll., ex Speyer Coll. (1682-1685), NMAI Cat. No. 20/0898 3. Shell bead, black (purple), Zinzendorf Coll. (pre1742), UA Cat. No. ES 404a, ES 404b 4. Shell beads, white and black (purple), (pre1760), DHS Cat. No. 1949. 091.001 5. Shell beads, white and black (purple), Grant Coll. (pre1809), NMI Cat. No. 1902.357, 1902.358, bead size is identically with belt at Six Nations, ex. NYSM Cat. No. E-37310, probably (early 1790s) 6. Shell beads, white and black (purple), Wied Coll. (pre1830), LMS Cat. No. 36062 7. Shell beads, white and black (purple), Speyer Coll. (pre1955), and Schreyvogel Coll. (1860-1880), LMS Cat. No. 119509, and Cat. No. 113499 8. Shell beads, white and black (purple), Private Coll. (1990s)

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Fig. III. Mother of pearl and synthetic wampum beads: 1. Shell beads, mother of pearl, natural and dyed, Private Coll. (1980s). The smaller size of 4 by 6 mm is not depicted. 2. Synthetic beads, white and black (purple), Private Coll. (after 2000) IV. Shell wampum beads painted red, green and white, as well as stained red: 1. Shell bead, white painted red, Speyer Coll., ex Beasley Coll., EMB Cat. No. IV-B-12836 2. Shell bead, white painted red, PRMO Cat. No. 1896.7.10 3. Shell bead, black (purple) painted red, NMAI Cat. No. 00/9776 4. Shell beads, white and black (purple) painted green, PRMO Cat. No. 1896.7.7 5. Shell bead, white painted green, Wyman Coll. (pre1908), EMB Cat. No. none (n.) 6. Shell bead, white stained red, Wied Coll. (pre1830), LMS Cat. No. 36062 7. Glass bead, translucent blue painted white (pre1890), NMAI Cat. No. 09/9938

Plates

268

________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 1. Monochrome, White and Outlined

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269

_______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 2. Monochrome, Black and Outlined

Plates

270

________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 3. Line, Single, Multiple, and Cracked

Talking Beads

271

_______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 4. Zigzag Lines and Variations

Plates

272

________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 5. Diagonal Lines, Black

Talking Beads

273

_______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 6. Diagonal Lines, Black and Variations

Plates

274

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 7. Diagonal Lines, White

Talking Beads

275

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 8. Diagonal Lines, White, Colored and Variations

Plates

276

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 9. Squares

Talking Beads

277

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 10. Squares, Linked

Plates

278

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 11. Diamonds, Outlined

Talking Beads

279

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 12. Diamonds and Linked Diamonds

Plates

280

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 13. Diamonds and Variations

Talking Beads

281

______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 14. Diamonds, Chequered

Plates

282

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 15. Diamonds, Chequered, Variations and Meander

Talking Beads

283

______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 16. Hexagons

Plates

284

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 17. Hexagons, Variations and Linked Hexagons

Talking Beads

285

______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 18. Triangles and Variations

Plates

286

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 19. Crosses, Equilateral

Talking Beads

287

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 20. Crosses, Equilateral and Variations

Plates

288

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 21. Crosses, Equilateral and Unique

Talking Beads

289

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 22. Unique Pattern, Simple Geometric

Plates

290

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 23. Unique Pattern, Zigzag and Variations

Talking Beads

291

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________

Plate 24. Unique Patterm, Stepped and Swastika

Plates

292

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Plate 25. Unique Pattern, Elaborated

Talking Beads

293

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Plate 26. Hatchets and Pipes

Plates

294

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

326

Plate 27. Latin Crosses, Human Figures and Variations

Talking Beads

295

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Plate 28. Animals, Plants, Heart and Hands

Plates

296

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Plate 29. Human Figures, Lines and Variations

Talking Beads

297

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Plate 30. Human Figures and Additional Patterns

Plates

298

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Plate 31. Human Figures, Vertically Arranged

Talking Beads

299

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Plate 32. Dates, Initials and Names

Plates

300

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Plate 33. Latin Texts and Kanyen’keha Text

Talking Beads

301

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Plate 34. Indiscernible Pattern

Plates

302

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Plate 35. Cuffs, Trapezoidal Wristbands

Talking Beads

303

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Plate 36. Pouches, Pectorals, Miniatures and Ornaments

Talking Beads

305

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Synopsis of Plates Grey parts indicate missing or restored spaces of pattern, which was not regarded for monochrome white and black belts. Only personally examined, photo documented and lately drawn belts are redrawn by the author for the catalogue, for in general these turned out to be still preserved. Plate 1. Monochrome, White and Outlined 1. White shell bead belt, 15 rows, L: 137.2 cm, NMNH Cat. No. E362068, bequest of Victor J. Evans, 1931, earlier history unknown 2. White belt, 14 rows, Keetoowah, or Keeper of the Flame of the Cherokee, no dimensions available, (Dockstader 1977: 273), unknown history 3. White shell bead belt, 15 rows, L: 149 cm, OHS Cat. No. A 2089/000001, acquired from Mrs. Sam Stiles, ex property of Colonel Return Jonathan Meigs (1764-1825) 4. White shell bead belt, 10 rows, wrapped edges, L: 105 cm, NMAI Cat. No. 02/1047, collected by Mark R. Harrington from Chief Charles Elkhair, LenniLenape, Oklahoma before 1909 5. White shell bead belt, 9 rows, unknown dimensions, Six Nations, ex ROM Cat. No. HD12712, gift of Evelyn H. C. Johnson in 1922, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1999 (Barlow 1999: u.p.; Chung 1999: 1) 6. White belt, 6 rows, dimensions not available, Keetoowah, or Keeper of the Flame of the Cherokee (Dockstader 1977: 273), unknown history 7. White shell bead belt, 8 rows, L: 78 cm, UPMAA NA 9143, gift of Walter C. Wyman (cf.: Becker 2005: 110) 8. White shell bead belt, 7 rows, unknown dimensions, Six Nations, ex ROM Cat. No. (unknown) u., gift of Evelyn H. C. Johnson in 1922, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1999 (Barlow 1999: u.p.; Chung 1999: 1) 9. White shell bead band, 3 rows, L: ca. 3.3 cm, MSUM Cat. No. u., Fletcher Site Cemetery (ca. 1740-1750), (Mainfort 1979: 405, Fig. 72, D) 10. White shell bead belt with black shell bead edging, 15 rows, L: 63.5cm, “Deganawida Belt”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 17/5206, presented by Blair S. Williams in 1930, purchased through William L. Bryant from William D. Loft, acquired from the Onondaga at the Brantford Reservation, Ontario, before 1929 (Heye 1930: 321; Dockstader 1977: 72), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1997 11. White shell bead belt outlined with single row of black shell beads, fragment of “Runners belt”, 5 rows, unknown dimensions, Seneca Nation, ex NMAI Cat. No. 02/1055, collected by Joseph Keppler at the Tonawanda Reservation, repatriated to the Tonawanda Band of Senecas, Seneca Nation in 1996

306

Explanation of Plates

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Plate 2. Monochrome, Black and Outlined 12. Black glass bead belt, 15 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 56/178, Big Tree Site (ca. 1779-1820), (Wray 2003: 47) 13. Black shell bead belt, 7 rows, L: 92.7cm, “Cornplanter Condolence Belt”, NYSM Cat. No. E-37426, purchased from Mrs Harriet M. Converse in 1903, collected among the Seneca (Clarke 1931: 102, 120, fig. 40; Fenton 1971: 458; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 55), on loan to the Seneca National Museum, Salamanca 14. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead belt, 9 rows, L: 116 cm, wrapped edges, ASN Cat. No. u., ex McGill University’s Redpath Museum, Montreal 15. Black shell bead belt, 10 rows, present location unknown (p. l. u.), Frank G. Speck photograph, APS Cat. No. 572.97, SP3 16. Black shell bead belt, 10 rows, L: 18.4 cm, “Gyantwaka Treaty Belt”, NYSM Cat. No. E-37432, purchased by the museum in 1899, collected by Harriet M. Converse on the Cornplanter Reservation the same year earlier (Clarke 1931: 101, 120, fig. 39; Fenton 1971: 458), on loan to the Seneca National Museum, Salamanca 17. Black shell bead belt, 9 rows, L: 15.9 cm, wrapped edges, “Governor Blacksnake Belt/Plumer”, NYSM Cat. No. E-37962, presented to the museum in 1933, collected by William A. Gibson among the Seneca (Fenton 1971: 458), on loan to the Seneca National Museum, Salamanca 18. Black shell bead belt, 7 rows, L: 15.9 cm, wrapped edges, RMSC Cat. No. 70.89.23, Lewis H. Morgan Coll., Joseph Brant property (c. 1779), (Tooker 1981: 9, Plate 3), misleadingly redrawn in Wray (Wray 2003: 52) 19. Black shell bead miniature belt, part of Lenni-Lenape doll, 2 rows, dimensions not available, red wool warps, PCD, Cat. No. u., presented to Rev. Cutting Marsh by Big Deer of the Stockbridge Munsee in 1838 (Pannabecker 1996: 270, Fig. 2) 20. Blue translucent glass bead bands, part of neck ornament, 3 rows, L: 17.7 cm and 16 cm, NMI Cat. No. 1880.1911, transferred from the Royal Dublin Society in 1880 21. Black painted glass bead belt, vertically arranged, 8 rows, L: 61cm, AMNH Cat. No. NAE/0406, unknown history 22. Black shell bead strap with white shell bead edging, 15 rows, L: ca. 35.5 cm, NMAI Cat. No. 08/6530, exchanged by Mr. Bayer with the museum in 1918, collected by Joseph Susep Socklexis 23. Black shell bead strap with white shell bead edging, 14 rows, L: 107 cm, MSNF Cat. No. 19960, donated by Kingsmith Mavis in 1925 (cf.: Becker 2005:110; Zavattaro and Ferretti (eds.) 2010: 185)

Talking Beads

307

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24. Black shell bead strap with white shell bead edging, 11 rows, L: 76.2 cm, NMAI Cat. No. 00/8182, collected by Mr. Covert from Ada Sockbesin, Oldtown, Maine in 1906 (Speck 1964: 21, Plate 1, 23; Orchard 2000: 109, Fig. 101; cf.: Becker 2005: 110) 25. Translucent blue glass bead band with white glass bead edging, neck strap of knife sheath, 9 rows, L: 82 cm, NONAM Cat. No. 0000-NA-00009, ex Gottfried Hotz Coll., Cat. No. 9. 1,3, (Schulamt der Stadt Zürich (ed.) 1975: 43, 154, Fig. 16), purchased from Charles Ratton, Paris before 1938 26. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead strap with white glass bead edging, 10 rows, L: 98 cm, PGMAE Cat. No. 1901-9, unknown history before 1901 (Zibert 1975: 24) 27. Black shell bead strap with white shell bead edging, 8 rows, L: 48.3 cm, NMNH Cat. No. E303686, exchanged with David J. Bushnell, Jr. in 1918 28. Blue translucent glass bead band with white bead edging, neck strap of knife sheath, 3 rows, L: 55 cm, MQB Cat. No. 71.1878.32.163, ex musée de l’Homme, ex musée de ethnographique du Trocadéro, 1878, ex Bibliothèque nationale at Paris, pre1792 (Hyslop 1996: 61; Anne de Stechert, personal communication June 2012) 29. Green glass bead band with black glass bead edging, neck strap of ornament, 3 rows, unknown dimensions, NMAI Cat. No. 24/2034, exchanged with George Terasaki in 1966, received by Major Andrew Foster before 1795 (cf.: Phillips 2011: 118, Fig. 8) Plate 3. Line, Single, Cracked and Multiple 30. Single black shell bead row flanked by white shell bead rows, 3 rows, L: 21 cm, RMSC Cat. No. 570/100, Steele Site (1635-1650), (Wray 2003: 27) 31. Three white shell bead rows flanked by two red glass bead rows, 7 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 612/100, Steele Site (1635-1650), (Wray 2003: 28) 32. Two white shell bead rows flanked by four black shell beads with two short extra rows at both ends, restored with white glass beads, 10 rows, dimensions unknown, “Shongo Belt”, Private Coll., ex F. Lou Casterline Coll. (Wray 2003: 53) 33. Black shell bead belt with single white row and several short white rows at both ends, 9 rows, unknown dimensions, Private Coll., unknown history 34. Black belt with single white row and two white vertical rows at one end, 7 rows, unknown dimensions, (present location unknown) p. l. u., MCM Cat. No. I-48877.1, kept by a Chief of the Six Nations, photographed in 1870, illustrated by Samuel Douglas Smith Hughes as part of Huron-Wendat wampum archive, Lorette, present Wendake, in 1848, (see: Harrison et al. (eds.) 1987a: 84; Fenton and Tooker 1978: 477; Lainey 2004: 108f.)

308

Explanation of Plates

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35. Black shell bead belt with white shell bead row, which is two times broken, 8 rows, L: 55.5 cm, grey parts missing, MCM Cat. No. M1908, gift of David Ross McCord, former history unknown 36. White shell bead belt with two parallel black shell bead rows, 13 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, “Two ways boundary commission 1789 belt/Six Nations Two Roads”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 3/1909, purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, collected by Thomas R. Roddy in 1899 (Merwin 1916: fig. 158; cf.: Williams 1988: 202f.) repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Woodhead (eds.) 1993: 74f.; Tooker 1998: 225ff.) 37. White shell bead belt with two parallel black shell bead rows, 8 rows, L: 85.1 cm, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 17/5205, (Heye 1930: 320; Williams 1988: 202; Fenton 1989: 396, fig. 2), presented by Blair S. Williams in 1930, purchased from William L. Bryant from William D. Loft, collected on the Brantford Reservation, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1997 38. White shell bead belt with two parallel black shell bead rows, which stop prior to the ends of belt, 13 rows, unknown length, one end with attached leather fringes, Six Nations, ex Newhouse Coll., made in 1892-1915 (Tehanetorens 1993: 41f.; Muller 2008: 167, Fig. 15) 39. White shell bead belt with two parallel black shell bead rows, 9 rows, unknown dimensions, “Path/Two-Row Belt”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-50033, (Beauchamp 1901: 464, Plate 3, Fig. 32 a), backed with linen in 1956, purchased by the institution from Mr. Loder in 1949, who acquired it from William Beauchamp, he obtained the belt from the Onondaga Nation sometimes after 1898 (Fenton 1971: 458; Tehanetorens 1993: 10), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1989 (Snow 1989: 110, 117, Fig. 12) 40. Belt of alternating rows of black and white glass beads, 5 rows, L: 27.2 cm, NMAI Cat. No. 09/9937, unknown history 41. Black shell bead belt with four parallel white shell bead rows, 13 rows, L: 57.2 cm, RMSC Cat. No. 1726/99, Marsh Site (1650-1670), (Wray 2003: 38) 42. Reused fragment of black shell bead belt with six parallel white shell bead rows, part of hair ornament, 15 rows, L: ca. 6.5 cm, NMAI Cat. No. 24/6888, (Bushnell 1908: Plate 2), exchanged with George Economos in 1972, ex BHM Cat. u., ex Captain Malcolm Coll. (pre1827) 43. White shell bead belt with three parallel black shell bead rows, 9 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 3482/24, Power House Site (16401655), (Wray 2003: 32)

Talking Beads

309

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Plate 4. Zigzag Lines and Variations 44. White shell bead belt with two black, parallel zigzag shell bead lines, 16 rows, reduced at one end to 14 rows, L: 62.8 cm, BML Cat. No. Ethno 1931.12, ex Arthur G. Hemming Coll. (Hemming 1925: 130, fig. 1.) 45. White shell bead belt with a single black shell bead zigzag line, 14 rows, L: 64.2 cm, NMI Cat. No. 1885.273, transferred from the Trinity College, Dublin in 1885 46. White shell bead belt with single black shell bead zigzag line, 8 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, BML Cat. No. Ethno 1949.Am 22.136, (Johnson 1983:15), purchased from William O. Oldman in 1949 47. Black shell bead belt with single white shell bead zigzag line, 8 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 572/100, Steele Site (1635-1650), (Wray 2003: 23) 48. Black shell bead belt with single broken white shell bead zigzag line, 6 rows, L: 25 cm, BML Cat. No. Ethno 1906.Am 0523.1 (Bushnell 1906c: Plate 18 D), purchased from William O. Oldman in 1906 49. Black shell bead band with single white shell bead zigzag line, part of finger-woven ornament, 4 rows, L: 6 cm, EMB Cat. No. IV-B-7606, exchanged with Walter C. Wyman in 1908 (Krickeberg 1954: 12) 50. White shell bead belt separated by three black shell bead sections with single white shell bead zigzag line, 10 rows, 61 cm, grey parts missing, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 17/9673, (Rautenstrauch-Joes Museum (ed.) 1969: 260, No. 1180), purchased from Walter C. Wyman in 1931, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee council in 1997 51. White shell bead belt with black stepped, meander in double line of shell beads, 15 rows, L: 62.3 cm, grey parts missing, NMAI Cat. No. 05/3151, acquired for the institution by Harmon W. Hendricks in 1916, formerly property of William Penn’s descendants, London, UK (Speck 1925: 10f., Pl. 1; Dubin 1987: 266; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 37) Plate 5. Diagonal Lines, Black 52. White shell bead belt with four black, diagonal shell bead lines, once five diagonal lines, 6 rows, L: 68.6 cm, “Treaty Belt”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-37421, backed with linen 1956, purchased by the institution in 1898, acquired by Paige Richmond from the Onondaga Nation the same year earlier (Beauchamp 1901: 414, 423, Plate 20, Fig. 238; Clarke 1931: 94f., 114f., fig. 27; Fenton 1971: 458), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1989 (Snow 1989: 110, 115, Fig. 8) 53. White shell bead belt with three black, diagonal shell bead lines, 6 rows, L: 54 cm, PEM Cat. No. E53/442, exchanged from the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions in 1976 (Grimes et al., (eds.) 2002: 103)

310

Explanation of Plates

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54. White shell bead belt with three black, wide, diagonal shell bead lines, 6 rows, L: 58.1 cm, grey parts missing, “Hospitality, or Welcome Belt”, NYSM Cat. No. E-37425, acquired through Harriet M. Converse in 1903, who collected it on the Grand River Reserve in 1898 (Clarke 1931: 104, 121, fig. 43; Fenton 1971: 458; Tehanetorens 1993: 19) 55. White shell bead belt with three black, wide, diagonal shell bead lines, 6 rows, L: 76.2 cm, Esopus belt (1677/1678), UCCO Cat. No. u., misleadingly redrawn in Beauchamp (see: 1901: 394, Plate 13, Fig. 171), became custody of the Ulster County Clerk in 1735 (Stessin-Cohn and Valdivia 2008: 64) 56. White shell bead belt with six black, wide, diagonal shell bead lines, 12 rows, L: 71.1 cm, grey parts missing, “Alliance Belt”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-37422, backed with linen in 1956, purchased by the institution in 1898, collected by Paige Richmond from the Onondaga the very same year earlier (Clarke 1931: 99, 119, fig. 36; Fenton 1971: 458; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 50), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1989 (Snow 1989: 110, 116, Fig. 9) 57. White shell bead belt with 10 black, diagonal glass bead lines, 6 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. u., Marsh Site (1650-1670) 58. White belt with 10 black, diagonal lines, 8 rows, dimensions not available, p. l. u., history unknown (Tooker 1998: 225f.) 59. White shell bead belt with 25 diagonal, black shell bead lines, 7 rows, L: 109.2 cm, RMSC Cat. No. 3898/28, Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 35) 60. White belt with a doubled black, diagonal line, 7 rows, dimensions not available, p. l. u., history unknown (Tooker 1998:225f.) 61. White shell bead belt with three black, doubled shell bead lines, 7 rows, L: 39.4 cm, “Fort Stanwix Treaty Belt”, NYSM Cat. No. E-37415, donated by Mrs Abraham Lansing in 1918, received by General Peter Gansevoort in 1784 (Clarke 1931: 92, 112, Fig. 24; Fenton 1971: 458; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 69f.) 62. White belt with three black, diagonal, doubled lines, 6 rows, dimensions not available, p. l. u., history unknown (Tooker 1998:225f.) 63. White shell bead belt with four black, diagonal, doubled shell bead lines and a single black bead near end of line, 7 rows, L: 61.5 cm, grey parts missing, SAFWM Cat. No. E393, gift of Jabez Gibson before 1838 (Pole 1987: 27, No. 261) 64. White shell bead belt with four black, diagonal, doubled shell bead lines, 10 rows, L: 58 cm, MVH Cat. No. B 1974, purchased from Hugo Schilling in 1886 (Kasprycki, Stambrau and Roth (eds.) 1998: 18)

Talking Beads

311

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65. White shell bead belt with four black, diagonal, doubled shell bead lines, 10 rows, L: 53 cm, CMH Cat. No. III-X-307, purchased from D. C. Ewing in 1975 66. White shell bead belt with four black, diagonal, doubled shell bead lines, 10 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, p. l. u., BHS Cat. No. u., missing since 1963, history unknown Plate 6. Diagonal Lines, Black and Variations 67. White belt with eight black, diagonal, doubled lines, 7 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, p. l. u., history unknown (Tooker 1998:225f.) 68. White shell bead belt with six black, diagonal, doubled shell bead lines, outer lines in reverse direction, 7 rows, L: 61 cm, BML Cat. No. Am.2767 (Bushnell 1906c: Plate 18, A; Johnson 1983: 15), Christy Coll., pre1869 69. White shell bead belt with five black, diagonal, doubled shell bead lines in differing size, incomplete length, 10 rows, L: 59.5 cm, WMW Cat. No. 15.253, purchased from Hugo Schilling in 1886 (Beauchamp 1901: 425f.; Feest 1993: 74, No. 59; Feest 2008: 60; Kasprycki (ed.) 2013: 118, Fig. 133) 70. White shell bead belt with three black, diagonal, doubled shell bead lines in differing size, 12 rows, unknown dimensions, prob. NMAI Cat. No. 17/5422, unknown history 71. White belt with five black, diagonal, tripled lines, 8 rows, dimensions not available, p. l. u., unknown history (Tooker 1998: 255f.) 72. White shell bead belt with four black, diagonal, tripled shell bead lines in alternating size, 13 rows, L: 71.1 cm, “Belt To Mark the Sight of the First Pale Faces”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-37311, backed with linen in 1956, bequest of Emma T. Thatcher in 1927, purchased by Henry Carrington from Thomas Webster, Onondaga in 1890/91 (Clarke 1931: 90, 109, fig. 21; Fenton 1971: 458; Tehanetorens 1993: 9) repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1989 (Snow 1989: 110, 114, Fig. 5) 73. White shell bead belt with three black, diagonal, tripled shell bead lines in alternating size, 6 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, NMAI Cat. No. 02/6389, purchased in 1910, unknown history 74. White shell bead belt with 16 black, diagonal shell bead lines in alternating size and two vertical end lines, 12 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 3364/24, Power House Site (1640-1655), (Wray 2003: 30) 75. White shell bead belt with five black, diagonal shell bead lines, which don’t extend to both ends, 8 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 537/100, Steele Site (1635-1650)

Explanation of Plates

312

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76. White shell bead belt with four black, diagonal lines and added short horizontal line, 12 rows, L: 57 cm, CMC Cat. No. III-I-1458, purchased from D. C. Ewing 1974, ex Heye Foundation Coll., Cat. No. u., acquired 1930 77. Fragment of white shell bead belt with single black, diagonal shell bead line and parallel stepped line, 12 rows, L: 7.5 cm, grey parts missing, BML Cat. No. Ethno Am.2768 (Bushnell 1906c: Plate 18, B), Christy Coll., pre1869 78. White shell bead belt with two black, diagonal shell bead steps, framed by single black lines, 8 rows, unknown dimensions, CLUM Cat. No. u., Harmar Coll., unknown history 79. White shell bead belt with two and a half black, diagonal shell bead steps, framed by single black lines, 10 rows, L: 74cm, grey parts missing, OHS Cat. No. H50297, purchased from Scott and Pamela Guthman, received by General Anthony Wayne at the Treaty of Greenville in 1795 Plate 7. Diagonal Lines, White 80. Black shell bead belt with three white, diagonal shell bead lines, 7 rows, L: 77.6 cm, grey parts missing, war-booty since 1945 in Russia, EMB Cat. No. IV-B-7610, exchanged with Walter C. Wyman in 1908, ex John Howell Hunt Coll., 1903, ex Charles Wilcox Coll., descended in family for ca. 150 years (Krickeberg 1954: 12, 237, Plate 47 b) 81. Black shell bead belt with five white, diagonal shell bead lines, 7 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, Oneida Nation, ex NMAI Cat. No. u., ex Goodwin Coll., 1895, collected from Georgian Bay, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1996/97 82. Black shell bead belt with six white, diagonal shell bead lines and two short white bars at both ends, 7 rows, L: 104.5 cm, red wool warps, BHM Cat. No. Po74.410.64, ex Albert Alexandre de Pourtalès Coll., 1832 (Thompson 1977: 146, Fig. 69; Psota und Jost 2004: 14f., cf.: Becker 2005: 110) 83. Black glass bead belt with six white, diagonal glass bead lines, which don’t extend to edges, and white vertical ends, 15 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 106/178, Big Tree Site (ca. 1770), (Wray 2003: 50) 84. Black shell bead belt with three white, diagonal, doubled shell bead lines, 6 rows, L: 66.2 cm, grey parts missing, PMAE, HU Cat. No. 985-2710/60264, unknown history 85. Black shell bead belt with two white, diagonal, doubled shell bead lines, 10 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 15/3281, acquired by the institution 1927, collected at the Caughnawaga Reservation before, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1997 86. Dark blue glass bead belt with three white, diagonal, doubled glass bead lines, one reversed, 7 rows, L: 250 cm, red wool warps, MHNEL Cat. No.

Talking Beads

313

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990.2.3342, (Feest 2008b: 127; Notter (ed.) 2013: 53, Fig. 6; Feest 2014a: 39, no. 7), transferred in 1991 from the Palais des Beaux Arts, pre1876, probably Alphonse Moillet Coll., pre1851 87. Black shell bead belt with four white, diagonal, doubled shell bead lines and comb like end design, 13 rows, L: 102.9cm, p. l. u., ex Sotheby’s, NY, 2000 (Sotheby’s 2000: 64, Lot 175), ex Private Coll., ex Sotheby’s, NY, 1998, ex Private Coll., gift of Chief Shingwauk, or White Pine, Western Ojibwa to Sir John Colborne before 1834 (Sotheby’s 1998: Lot 705) 88. Black shell bead belt with three white, diagonal, doubled lines, 6 rows, L: 102.5 cm, grey parts missing, edges wrapped, MCM Cat. No. M1911, gift of David Ross McCord, unknown history 89. Black shell bead belt with seven white, diagonal, doubled shell bead lines and two short white bars at both ends, 4 rows, L: 90 cm, NCM Cat. No. 1965.136.5538, transferred from the Public Archives of Canada in 1965 90. Black glass bead band, actually translucent wine red, with a white, diagonal, doubled line, 4 rows, L: 10.5 cm, red wool warps, edged with white glass beads, PGMAE Cat. No. 1901-12, unknown history before 1901 (Zibert 1975:24, Plate I, no. 5) 91. Black shell bead belt with 16 white, diagonal, double lines and three short bars at one end, 6 rows, L: 109 cm, grey parts missing, PMAE, HU Cat. No. 03-9-10/62375, collected by Francis West 92. Black shell bead belt with 12 white, diagonal, double shell bead lines, and two single diagonal lines, 11 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, AMNH Cat. No. 50/2902, gift of Lucia K. Whiteman 93. Black shell bead belt with six white, diagonal, double, outlined shell bead lines, each three pointing to center, and two short bars at both ends, 8 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 08/4474, ex Joseph Keppler Coll., repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1997 Plate 8. Diagonal Lines, White, Colored and Variations 94. Black shell bead belt with 10 white, diagonal, double shell bead lines and both ends white, 6 rows, L: 94 cm, MBAA Cat. No. 853.50.75, ex Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle de Besanҫon before 1853 (cf.: Lagrange and Dubois 1992: 110; cf.: Notter (ed.) 2013: 81) 95. Black shell bead belt with three and a broken white, diagonal, double shell bead line, 6 rows, unknown dimensions, red wool warps, NMNH Cat. No. E362065, (Woodward 1970: 27), bequest of Victor J. Evans Coll., 1931 96. Black shell bead band with two white, diagonal, double shell bead lines and white edges, 11 rows, L: 41 cm, including glass beads, grey parts missing, NBM Cat. No. #5097, collected among the Maliseet, probably from Susan Perley before 1898 (see: Speck 1964: 26; Pelletier (ed.) 1977: 38)

314

Explanation of Plates

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97. Black shell bead band with two white, diagonal, double shell bead lines, 11 rows, unknown dimensions, white edges, grey parts missing, AMNH Cat. No. 50.1/1431, purchased from Erastus T. Tefft in 1910, collected among the Penobscot (Speck 1964: 23, Fig.1.) 98. Black shell bead strap, parted, with two white, diagonal, double shell bead lines, white edges, 12 rows, L: 65.3 cm, incomplete length, MSNF Cat. No. 19959, donated by Kingsmith Mavis in 1925 (cf.: Becker 2005: 110; Zavattaro and Ferretti (eds.) 2010: 185) 99. Black shell bead belt with 10 white, diagonal, triple shell bead lines, center line wider, 5 rows, L: 73.7 cm, RMSC Cat. No. 2388/103, Boughton Hill Site (1670-1687), (Wray 2003: 41) 100. Yellow glass bead belt with nine red, diagonal, double glass bead lines and red ends, 5 rows, L: 38.1 cm, RMSC Cat. No. 3889/28, Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 44) 101. Black glass bead belt with 28 red, diagonal glass bead lines, 4 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 3890/28, Dann Site (1655-1675), (cf.: Wray 2003: 43) 102. Black glass bead belt with 28 red, diagonal glass bead lines, 4 rows, unknown dimensions, copy of above belt made with old beads, SINM u. 103. Translucent blue glass bead belt with six white, diagonal panels framed with translucent yellow glass beads pointing to triangle in center, ends with four short, white horizontal bars, 8 rows, L: 119 cm, grey parts missing, NMI Cat. No. 1880.257, transferred from the Royal Dublin Society in 1880 104. Black shell bead belt with four white, diagonal shell bead panels, 10 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, PMAE, HU Cat. No. 02-610/57172, unknown history 105. Black glass bead belt with three white, diagonal, checkered panels, 5 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, p. l. u., ex Tessier Coll., (Lainey 2004:107) 106. Black shell bead belt with 13 white, diagonal shell bead lines alternating with white dotted vertical bars, 10 rows, L: 78.7 cm, RMSC Cat. No. 3893/28, Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 34) 107. Black shell bead belt with eight white, diagonal shell bead lines alternating with white dotted vertical bars, copy of above belt made of old beads, unknown dimensions, SINM u., unknown history 108. Black shell bead belt with central white panel interwoven with five black, diagonal, double shell bead rows alternating with five black rectangles, 11 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 6218/28, Dann Site (16551675)

Talking Beads

315

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Plate 9. Squares 109. White shell bead belt with three black, outlined shell bead squares, 13 rows, L: 120 cm, grey parts missing, war-booty since 1945 in Russia, EMB Cat. No. IV-B-7598, exchanged with Walter C. Wyman in 1908, collected among the Odawa, Emmet County in 1901 (Krickeberg 1954: 234, Plate 46 b) 110. White belt with three black, outlined squares, 13 rows reduced to 11 rows at one end, dimensions not available, Keetoowah, or Keeper of the Flame of the Cherokee, unknown history (Dockstader 1977: 273) 111. White shell bead belt with four black, outlined shell bead squares and black blocks at both ends each with two short projecting bars, 10 rows, L: 94.5 cm, grey parts missing, “Four Nations Alliance Belt”, PRMO Cat. No. 1896.7.10, gift of E. B. Tylor in 1896, collected by Horatio Hale from Chief Joseph White at Anderdon Reserve, Ontario (Hale 1896: 241f., Plate XI and XII, Fig. 4 and 5; Harrison et al., (eds.) 1987b: 47, W 45; Mowat 1993: 28) 112. White shell bead belt with central black, outlined shell bead square and black ends, and three horizontal short black lines, “Huron-Iroquois Peace Treaty Belt”, L: 68.6 cm, NMAI Cat. No. 00/1855, misleadingly redrawn in Wray (2003: 20; Kelly and Smith 2007: 14, 168), received by the institution in 1904, collected by Harriet M. Converse in 1903 (Lainey 2004: 180f.) 113. White shell bead belt with central black, outlined shell bead square and three horizontally arranged short black lines at both ends, unknown dimensions, copy of above belt made of old Dann Site beads, SMAH Cat. No. u. 114. White shell bead belt with four black, outlined shell bead squares and four central black, diagonal, double lines, and at both ends three horizontally arranged short, black lines, L: 100.4 cm, MWF Cat. No. N.S.47389, (Völger 1976: 4.30.54; Atschekzai 2002: 97) purchased from Arthur Speyer, Jr., in 1969, acquired via Earnest Ohley between 1962 and 1967, ex H. G. Beasley Coll., pre1937 (Sturtevant 2001: 171) 115. White glass bead belt with central dark blue, outlined glass bead square flanked by two crosses on both sides, recreated design, 5 rows, L: 38 cm, AMNH Cat. No. 50.1/9951, purchased from Frank G. Speck in 1916, made by a Penobscot girl, an identical version is part of the collections in the CMH (Speck 1964: 39, Plate 3 e; Becker 2006: 109, 115f.) 116. White glass bead bands, each with six outlined, translucent blue glass bead squares, epaulets of coat, 7 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, MA Cat.-No. 14201, unknown history (Notter (ed.) 2013: 50f.) 117. Black shell bead belt with five white, outlined shell bead squares, 7 rows, L: 105.3 cm, edges wrapped, grey parts missing, MCM Cat. No. M11083, gift of Mrs. David Denne 118. Black shell bead belt with seven white, outlined shell bead squares, 6 rows, L: ca. 80 cm, grey parts missing, wrapped edges, CMH Cat. No. III-H485, acquired from Howard B. Roloff, purchased from Cyrille Bastien,

Explanation of Plates

316

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Grand Chief of the Huron-Wendat, Wendake, who inherited it from Maurice Bastien Jr., Grand Chief of the Huron-Wendat, worn in 1880, see: JulesErnest Livernois photography as Figure 14, p. 244., sewn to other belt before 1895 (cf.: Lainey 2004: 257) 119. Black shell bead belt with 10 white, outlined shell bead squares, a single glass bead, grey parts rearranged after 1908, 6 rows, L: 80 cm, red wool warps, EMB Cat. No. IV-B-7596, exchanged with Walter C. Wyman in 1908, who collected it among the Odawa, Emmet County in 1901 (Krickeberg 1954: 228, 235, Plate 47 d) 120. Black shell bead belt with three white, outlined shell bead squares separated by two white open crosses, 4 rows, L: 76.2 cm, wrapped edges, Whitecloud Coll. (Acevedo et al. (eds.) 1983: 44, Fig. 67; New Orleans Museum of Art (ed.) 2005: 73), ex Alexander Acevedo Coll., auctioned at Sotheby’s 1982, ex Charles A. Messiter Coll. (1841-1920), (Sotheby’s 1982: Lot 277) 121. Black shell bead belt with single white, outlined shell bead square near end with three horizontally arranged white lines, 5 rows, L: 52.2 cm, wrapped edges, MCQ Cat. No. 1992-1290, ex Tessier Coll. (Lainey 2004: 107, 270) 122. Black shell bead belt with three white, double outlined shell bead squares and a vertical bar at both ends, 16 rows extended in center to 18 rows, L: 110 cm, white wool warps, BML Cat. No. Ethno 1949.Am 22.119, associated with eighteenth century Maliseet costume from Maine or New Brunswick (King 1999: 47, Fig. 38) 123. Black shell bead belt with two white, outlined, doubled, respectively filled, shell bead squares, alternating with white, outlined hexagons, 8 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, wool warps, incomplete length, “French Fort Belt/Old French Fort of N.Y.”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 03/1903, purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, bought by Thomas R. Roddy from James Jamieson, Cayuga chief in 1899 (Beauchamp 1901: 471, Plate 16, No. 191; Williams 1988: 202f.; Tooker 1998: 228), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee council in 1988 (Woodhead (eds.) 1993: 74f.) Plate 10. Squares, Linked 124. Black shell bead belt with four white, outlined shell bead squares with filled center, alternating with three white, diagonal lines, 5 rows, L: 32.5 cm, grey parts missing, NMAI Cat. No. 03/5751, purchased by George G. Heye in 1914 (Speck 1964: 25, 33, Plate 2 D) 125. Black shell bead belt with six white, outlined, diagonally arranged shell bead squares with filled center, and triangular white ends with five black, short bars, 10 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, war-booty since 1945 in Russia, EMB Cat. No. IV-B-1233, purchased from Hugo Schilling in 1882 (Krickeberg 1954: 233, Plate 46 c)

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126. White shell bead belt with two black, outlined shell bead squares with filled center, at both ends connected by two black rows, 8 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, UPMAA Cat. No. NA9143, unknown history (Farabee 1920: 78, Fig. 50; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 39f.) 127. Black belt with two white, outlined squares connected by a white row, 7 rows, unknown dimensions, “Council Fire”, Six Nations, unknown history (Tehanetorens 1993: 26) 128. Black shell bead belt with two white, outlined shell bead squares connected by two white rows, 11 rows, unknown dimensions, “Brant Belt/ Captain Brant”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 03/1900, purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, bought by Thomas R. Roddy from James Jamieson, Cayuga chief in 1899 (Fenton 1989: 399, fig. 3.; Tooker 1998: 225ff., Fig. 4; cf.: Williams 1989: 202f.; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 47f.), repatriated to the Haudensoaunee Council in 1988 (Woodhead (eds.) 1993: 74f.) 129. White shell bead belt with three black, diagonal arranged, stepped, outlined squares, 10 rows, L: 80 cm, “Huron Alliance Belt”, NYSM Cat. No. E-37430, backed with linen in 1856, purchased by the institution in 1903, collected by Harriet M. Converse from Chief John Buck, Grand River Reserve in 1898 (Clarke 1931: 97f., 114f., fig. 31; Fenton 1971: 458; Tehanetorens 1993: 59f.), on loan to the Seneca national Museum, Salamanca 130. Black shell bead belt with six white, diagonal arranged, stepped, outlined squares and seven white, short bars at both ends, 14 rows, unknown dimensions, stolen from BMS, recently on display at RMSC u., unknown history 131. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead bands, each interwoven with two yellow outlined glass bead squares, 15 rows, L: 9 cm, part of sash, NMI 1882.3879b, transferred from the Trinity College, Dublin, in 1882 132. Green glass bead belt with eight yellow, diagonally arranged, stepped, outlined, black glass bead squares and alternating yellow and black end lines, 9 rows, L: 114 cm, strap of pouch, MQB Cat. No. 71.1878.32.142, ex Bibliothèque National (pre1792), does not belong to pouch (Anne de Stechert, personal communication June 2012; Kelly and Smith 2007: 101; 172) 133. Black glass bead belt with eight white, diagonally arranged, stepped, outlined squares and three white, short bars at both ends, 7 rows, L: 104.7 cm, wrapped edges, MCQ Cat. No. 1992-1292, ex Tessier Coll. (Lainey 2004: 107, 272) 134. Black shell bead belt with seven white shell bead squares, 7 rows, unknown dimensions, wrapped edges, NMAI Cat. No. 19/7961, purchased from L. V. Case in 1938

Explanation of Plates

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135. Black shell bead belt with five white shell bead squares, 20 rows, L: ca. 76.2 cm, RMSC Cat. No. 3888/28, Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 37) 136. Belt of alternating black and white squares, 6 rows, unknown dimensions, p. l. u., unknown history (Tooker 1998: 225) Plate 11. Diamonds, Outlined 137. White shell bead belt with three black, outlined shell bead diamonds and a half cross, one diamond is open, 11 rows, L: 47 cm, incomplete length, MVH Cat. No. B1975, purchased from Hugo Schilling in 1886 138. White shell bead belt with three black, outlined shell bead diamonds, 9 rows, L: 51.8 cm, MCQ Cat. No. 1992.1289, ex Tessier Coll. (Lainey 2004: 270) 139. White shell bead belt, five black, outlined diamonds, one smaller in size, 15 rows, “Mohawk Peace Belt”, Six Nations, ex FMNH Cat. No. A68565, (Beauchamp 1901: 429, 476, Plate 26, Fig. 275) purchased from Walter C. Wymann, collected among the Odawa, Emmet County, in 1901, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council 140. Black shell bead belt with five white, outlined shell bead diamonds, 15 rows, L: 123.2 cm, PC Cat. No. X.72.667.1, on display at Fort Chambly, purchased by Saul Hendler in 1965, purchased by Joseph Guindon from the Order of the Sisters of the Holy Cross in St. Laurent in 1962, donated by M. P. Robitaille to the Order in 1912, purchased by Théodore Robitaille, his brother, and Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Quebec from the Tessier-Desrivieres family in 1880 (Lainey 2004: 103f., 208) 141. Black shell bead belt with seven white, outlined shell bead diamonds, central diamond double outlined, 12 rows, L: ca. 213.4 cm, ex William Commanda Coll., unknown history 142. Black shell bead belt with single white, outlined shell bead diamond, 7 rows, L: 28.6 cm, wrapped edges, incomplete length, MPM Cat. No. 30127, owned by Chief Austin E. Quinney, a Mahican, collected in 1849 (Skinner 1925: 114, Plate XXVI, Fig. 7; Brasser 1978b: 206; cf.: Becker 2004: 110) 143. Black shell bead belt with two white, outlined shell bead diamonds, 6 rows, L: 96.2 cm, wrapped edges, “Pitkin Belt”, war-booty since 1945 in Russia, EMB Cat. No. IV-B-7608, old label says “Kriegsgürtel [war belt]”, exchanged with Walter C. Wymann in 1908, purchased from Charles P. Sanders in 1904, ex Anna D. Pitkin Coll., 1903, gift of Iroquois Chief Johnson to Reverend Thomas Clapp Pitkin D. D., Buffalo, in 1864-66 (Krickeberg 1954: 236, Plate 46 a) 144. Black shell bead belt with three white, outlined shell bead diamonds, 7 rows, L: 41.3 cm, wrapped edges, grey parts missing, “Five Nations Alliance Belt”, NYSM Cat. No. E-37424, purchased by the institution in 1899, collected by Harriet M. Converse from the heirs of Mary Jamison the

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same year earlier (Clarke 1931: 100f., 120, Fig. 41; Fenton 1971: 458), on loan to the Seneca National Museum, Salamanca 145. Black shell bead belt with five white, outlined shell bead diamonds, 9 rows, L: 112.5 cm, grey parts missing, wrapped edges, Private Coll., ex Wellington Coll., ex NMAI Cat. No. 16/3827, collected by Frank G. Speck among the Mohawk at Oka before 1929 (Rautenstrauch-Joest Museum (ed.) 1969: 260, No. 1179; Ewing 1982: 87, Fig. 10) 146. Black glass bead belt, actually translucent dark wine red, with seven white, outlined glass bead diamonds, and mirrored white, outlined triangles at both ends, 7 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, shoulder strap of pouch, DEG (2001: 32f.), purchased at Sotheby’s auction, N.Y., in 1988 (Sotheby’s 1988: Lot 75) 147. Black shell bead belt with nine white, outlined shell bead diamonds and a single open cross pattern, 7 rows, L: 69.5 cm, NYSM Cat. No. E-37419, made for Lewis Henry Morgan at Tonawanda Reservation, N. Y. in 1852 (Clarke 1931: 93, 113, Fig. 33; cf.: Kasprycki (ed.) 2013: 210f., Fig. 373) 148. Fragment of black shell bead belt with two white, diagonally arranged, outlined shell bead diamonds, 14 rows, L: 14 cm, AMNH Cat. No. 50.2/2966 gift of J. P. Morgan in 1928, transferred from the Mineralogy Department, Tiffany, collected by G. F. Kunz 149. Two black glass bead bands, each interwoven with two white, outlined glass bead diamonds with single bead in center, 14 rows, L: ca. 8 cm, CMH Cat. No. III-X-257, purchased from Arthur Speyer, Jr. in 1973, ex James Hooper Coll., ex Greatorex Coll., Whitechapel Museum, London, pre1867 (Benndorf and Speyer 1968: 86, Plate 52, no. 142; Brasser 1976: 168, Fig. 178; Sturtevant 2001: 168, No. 142) Plate 12. Diamonds and Linked Diamonds 150. Black glass bead belt, actually translucent wine red, with seven white, outlined glass bead diamonds, 11 rows, L: 116.7 cm, vertically orientation of belt, PGMAE Cat. No. 1901-10, unknown history before 1901 (Zibert 1975: 23, Fig. 18; cf.: Kasprycki (ed.) 2013: 172f.) 151. Black shell bead belt with four and a half white, outlined glass bead diamonds, vertically orientation of belt, 5 rows, L: 76 cm, grey parts missing, SMVM Cat. No. 36-33-15, exchanged with EMB Cat. No. IV-B-7594 in 1936, exchanged with Walter C. Wymann in 1908, who collected it among the Odawa, Emmet County, in 1901 (Krickeberg 1954: 228, 235, Plate 47 f; Feest 1984: 27) 152. Black shell bead belt with six white, outlined shell bead diamonds, and five horizontal bars at both ends, 10 rows, dimensions not available, “Condolence Belt”, Mohawk, Kanehsatake, Oka, ex NMAI Cat. No. 16/3826, acquired by the institution in 1929, collected by Frank G. Speck among the Mohawk at Oka, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1997

320

Explanation of Plates

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153. Black shell bead belt with four white, outlined shell bead diamonds, 7 rows, L: 60 cm, red wool warps, KMM Cat. No. 148, ex Patty Frank, alias Ernst Tobis Coll., exchanged with EMB Cat. No. IV-B-7595 in 1924, exchanged with Walter C. Wymann in 1908, collected among the Odawa, Emmet County, in 1901 (Krickeberg 1954: 235, Plate 47e; Karl-MayStiftung Radebeul (ed.) 1992: 31) 154. Black shell bead belt with a single white, outlined shell bead diamond, 5 rows, unknown dimensions, FJ Cat. No. u, unknown history 155. Black shell bead band with three white, outlined shell bead diamonds, and white ends, 5 rows, L: 30.5 cm, wrapped edges, PRMO Cat. No. 1886.1.883, exchanged with AMO Cat. No. Am 833 in 1886, probably John Tradescant Coll. (1685?), (MacGregor (ed.) 1983: 122; Bergvelt and Kistenmaker (eds.) 1992: 187, Fig. 414; Mowat (ed.) 1993: 52; MacGregor, Mendonҫa and White (eds.) 2000: 330; cf.: Kaspricky (ed.) 2013: 118, Fig. 132) 156. Shell bead belt of alternating black and white blocks, with in reversed color outlined diamonds, a single one in chequered design, 7 rows, unknown dimensions, NMAI Cat. No. 04/0386 (Woodward 1970: 24), purchased in 1915, collected by Emil Schlup 157. Shell bead belt of alternating black and white blocks, the whites bear pairs of black, outlined diamonds, end missing, 7 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, p. l. u., Frank G. Speck photograph, ASP Cat. No. 572.97, SP3, unknown history 158. White shell bead belt with nine black, outlined shell bead diamonds, connected by a black row, ends missing, 16 rows vary to 15 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, “Red Jacket Belt”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 03/1902 (Beauchamp 1901: 471, Plate 15, Fig. 180) purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, collected by Thomas R. Roddy in 1899 (Merwin 1916: fig. 158; cf.: Williams 1988: 202f.) repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Woodhead (eds.) 1993: 74f.; Tooker 1998: 225ff.) 159. White shell bead belt with three black, outlined shell bead diamonds, connected by black row, a single black bead inside of end diamond, glass beads, 7 rows, L: 124.5 cm, EMB Cat. No. IV-B-12836 (Benndorf und Speyer 1968: 71, Plate 36, no. 98), exchanged with Arthur Speyer, Jr. in 1969, acquired via Earnest Ohley between 1962 and 1967, ex H. G. Beasley Coll. (Sturtevant 2001: 171) 160. Black shell bead belt with seven white, outlined shell bead diamonds, connected by a white row, 12 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, “Black Hawk Belt”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 03/1905, purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, bought by Thomas R. Roddy from James Jamieson, Cayuga chief in 1899 (Beauchamp 1901: 424, 471, Plate 15, Fig. 183; Merwin 1916: Fig. 158; 1973: cf.: Williams 1988: 202f.), repa-

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triated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Woodhead (eds.) 1993: 74f.; Tooker 1998: 226ff.) 161. White shell bead belt with four sets of black, linked shell bead diamonds, and black, outlined diamonds at both ends, 7 rows, L: 64.8 cm, grey parts missing, incomplete length, “Council Summons Belt”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-37433, backed with linen 1956, purchased by the museum from Paige Richmond, who received them through council action of the Onondaga in 1898 (Mooney 1900: 354, Fig. 2; Clarke 1931: 93f., 114f., fig. 26; Fenton 1971: 458; Tehanetorens 1993: 17), repatriated to the Hodenosaunee Council in 1989 (Snow 1989: 110, 117, Fig. 11) 162. White shell bead belt with 16 black connected shell bead diamonds, 8 rows, 44.5 cm, Rock Foundation u., Steele Site (1635-1650), (Wray 2003: 22) 163. Black glass bead belt with two white glass bead diamonds, connected by two rows, 12 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 105/178, Big Tree Site (ca. 1779-1820), (Wray 2003: 51) 164. Black shell bead belt with three white shell bead diamonds, connected by a white row, 7 rows, L: 57.5 cm, “The Peace Path Belt”, PRMO Cat. No. 1896.7.8, gift of E. B. Taylor, purchased from Horatio Hale, who collected it from Chief Joseph White at Anderdon Reserve, Ontario, similar belt is shown by Zacharie Vincent, self-portrait, (Hale 1896: 238f., Plate XI, Fig.2; Labelle and Thivierge 1981: 326; Mowat 1993: 28) 165. Black shell bead belt with five sets of white, linked shell bead diamonds, at one end four short white bars, 15 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, incomplete length, “Five Nations War Belt”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 03/1906, purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, bought by Thomas R. Roddy from James Jamieson, Cayuga chief in 1899 (Beauchamp 1901: 424, 471, Plate 16, Fig. 187; (Merwin 1916: fig. 159; cf.: Williams 1989: 202f.; Fenton 1989: 400, Fig. 4.; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 45f.; Tooker 1998: 228), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Woodhead (eds.) 1993: 74f.) Plate 13. Diamonds and Variations 166. White shell bead belt with four black shell bead diamonds, separated by two black diagonal lines, 10 rows, dimensions unknown, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 11/1229, condolence belt given by Six Nations to Volkert Douw on the death of his daughter in 1775, (Molloy 1977: 50), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1997 167. White shell bead belt with five black shell bead diamonds, 10 rows, L: 40.6 cm, RMSC Cat. No. 585/100, Steele Site (1635-1650), (Tehanetorens 1993: 70; Wray 2003: 26) 168. White shell bead belt with five black shell bead diamonds, 10 rows, dimensions not available, copy of above belt made with old beads, SINM u.

Explanation of Plates

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169. White shell bead belt with nine black shell bead diamonds, 7 rows, unknown dimensions, SCNH u., made for Lewis Henry Morgan at Tonawanda Reservation, N. Y. in 1851 (Tooker 1994: 215ff., Plate 1.) 170. White shell bead belt with 10 black shell bead diamonds, 10 rows, unknown dimensions, NMAI Cat. No. 24/3553, acquired 1970, recovered in Ontario County 171. Black shell bead belt, framed in white, with 31 white shell bead diamonds, 12 rows, L: 110.2 cm, LMS Cat. No. M30396L, purchased from Stolper Galleries, Munich in 1975 172. Black shell bead belt with four white shell bead diamonds, 7 rows, dimensions not available, Six Nations, ex CMAH Cat. No. u., unknown history, repatriated to the Hodenausonee council in 2012 173. Black shell bead belt, framed in white, with 32 white shell bead diamonds, 12 rows, L: 109.2 cm, similar to above, Rock Foundation u., purchased by Edmund Carpenter, Steele Site (1635-1650), (Wray 2003: 21) 174. Black shell bead belt, flanked by white lines, with 20 white shell bead diamonds, 12 rows, unknown dimensions, similar two both above, RMSC Cat. No. 571/100, Steele Site (1635-1650), (Wray 2003: 25) 175. Black shell bead belt with 33 white shell bead diamonds, 5 rows, L: 83.5 cm, CMH Cat. No. III-I-1333, purchased from Arthur Speyer, Jr. in 1973, exchanged by Arthur Speyer, Sr. with Hessian Landesmuseum Darmstadt in 1928, ex Ducal Cabinet of Hessen Darmstadt, Germany, old labels in German, Dutch and Latin: “Gürtel von weißen und violetten Türkismuscheln, Wampum genannt, der fünf Völkerschaften in Nordamerika, welche sie bei öffentlichen Handlungen brauchen [Belt of white and violet turquois beads, called wampum, of the Five Nations in North America, which they use in public affairs (my translation)]”, signed T. W. Bull (cf.: Benndorf and Speyer 1968: 71, Plate 36, no. 97; Lyford 1989: 49; cf.: Sturtevant 2001: 131) 176. Black shell bead belt with 14 white shell bead diamonds, and white ends, 6 rows, L: 60 cm, UPMAA Cat. No. NA 3878, purchased from A. E. Barnes (cf.: Becker 2004: 110) 177. White shell bead belt with 20 black, outlined shell bead diamonds on rectangular blocks, 11 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 573/100, Steele Site (1635-1650), (Wray 2003: 24) 178. White shell bead belt with five black, outlined shell bead diamonds, each filled with a cross, 15 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 577/100, Steele Site (1635-1650) Plate 14. Diamonds, Chequered 179. White shell bead belt with six black, double outlined shell bead diamonds, on both ends chequered, 10 rows, dimensions not available, grey

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parts missing, “Six Nations Peace Belt”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 03/1908, purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, collected by Thomas R. Roddy in 1899 (Beauchamp 1901: 471, Plate 16, Fig 189; Merwin 1916: Fig. 158; cf.: Williams 1988: 202f.; Barreiro 1990:19; Tehanetorens 1993: 12) repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Woodhead (eds.) 1993: 74f.; Tooker 1998: 225ff.) 180. White shell bead belt with nine and a half black, chequered shell bead diamonds, connected by a black row, 7 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, “Great Peace Treaty Belt”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 22/4242, exchanged with the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts in 1954, unknown history 181. Black shell bead belt with four white, chequered diamonds, and both ends are chequered in white, 6 rows, L: 89 cm, MBAA Cat. No. 853.50.74, ex Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle de Besanҫon before 1853, (cf.: Lagrange and Dubois 1992: 110; cf.: Notter (ed.) 2013: 81) 182. Black shell bead belt with two white, chequered diamonds and three white short bars at both ends, 6 rows, L: 50.8 cm, twisted warps, NMNH Cat. No. ET1769, unknown history (Beauchamp 1901: 409, 475, Plate 24, fig. 270) 183. Black shell bead belt with a central white, outlined diamond, flanked by two white, chequered diamonds on each side, 12 rows, L: 82.5 cm, RMSC Cat. No. 1194/29, Rochester Junction Site (1675-1685), (Wray 2003: 40) 184. Black shell bead belt with two white, central, chequered shell bead diamonds, flanked by white, outlined “diamonds”, 7 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. 4045/28, Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 33) 185. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead band with central white, chequered glass bead diamond, flanked by three white, horizontally arranged, chequered glass bead diamonds, 7 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, shoulder strap of bag, MHNEL Cat. No. 990.2.3316, entered the institution in 1991, ex Palais des Beaux Arts, 1876, probably ex Alphonse Moillet Coll., pre1851 186. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead belt with six white, chequered diamonds and two outlined diamonds in center, ending at both ends in five horizontal bars, 11 rows, L: 125 cm, grey parts missing, TCM Cat. No. ETN 114, donated by Mrs. John Crawford in ca. 1910, made by Hetty McIntosh, daughter of Chief William McIntosh before 1887 (Martha Zierden, personal communication, January 2015), see Fig. 7, page 96 187. Black shell bead belt with five white, chequered shell bead diamonds, 5 rows, L: 41.7 cm, grey parts missing, PMAE, HU Cat. No. 96-22-10/48239, collected at “Indian Island, Oldtown, Maine” 188. Black shell bead belt with five white, chequered shell bead diamonds, central three with extended bars, 5 rows, L: 57 cm, edges wrapped, PMAE,

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Explanation of Plates

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HU Cat. No. 985-27-10/60263B, collected by William Wallace Brown among the Passamaquoddy in ca. 1875 189. Black shell bead belt fragment with a single white, chequered shell bead diamond, 6 rows, dimensions not available, wrapped edges, Tonawanda Band of Senecas, Seneca Nation, ex NMAI Cat. No. 10/4264 (Orchard 2000: 47), presented by Harmon W. Hendricks in 1921, collected by William L. Bryant at the Cattaraugus Reservation, repatriated to the Tonawanda Band of Senecas in 1996 190. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead belt with three white, chequered glass bead diamonds, 11 rows, unknown dimensions, wrapped edges, shoulder strap of pouch, MEG Cat. No. K000437, gift of Pierre-Louis Dunant to the Musée archéologique in 1875 191. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead band with central white glass bead double cross, flanked on each side by four white, chequered diamonds, 5 rows, L: 113 cm, grey parts missing, edges wrapped, shoulder strap of pouch, BML Cat. No. Ethno 1878.11-1.625, ex Samuel Rush Meyrick Coll. (1783-1848), (King 1999: 48; Feest 2007a: 52; Feest 2014b: 73, Fig. 4) 192. Black, actually translucent wine red glass bead strap, white outlined, with five white, chequered diamonds and two white, stepped crosses, 11 rows, L: 129 cm, grey parts missing, shoulder strap of pouch, PGMAE Cat. No. 1901-6, unknown history before 1901 (Zibert 1975: 23; cf.: Kaspricky (ed.) 2013: 172f., No. 266; Feest 2014b: 73) 193. Green glass bead strap with white and translucent blue glass bead edges and six white/translucent blue chequered diamonds, 12 rows, L: 101 cm, grey parts missing, PGMAE Cat. No. 1901-8, unknown history before 1901 (Zibert 1975: 29, Fig. 4) Plate 15. Diamonds, Chequered, Variations and Meander 194. Black shell bead belt with four sets of white, chequered shell bead diamonds, 10 rows, dimensions not available, “Black Hawk Belt”, p. l. u., history unknown (Beauchamp 1901: 476, Plate 26, Fig. 276; Tehanetorens 1993: 58) 195. Black glass bead band, actually translucent wine red, with seven sets of white, chequered, stepped glass bead diamonds, three white bars at both ends, 6 rows, L: 105 cm, shoulder strap of pouch, NLMB Cat. No. VMB 7250, collected by August Wilhelm Du Roi in 1778 (cf.: Harrison et al., (eds.) 1987a: 85; Feest 2007a: 52, Fig. 13; cf.: Feest 2014b: 75, No. 7; see: Stolle 2014: 86, Fig. 8) 196. Black shell bead belt with six white, double outlined shell bead diamonds, 7 rows, backed with red cloth, Oneida Nation, purchased at Sotheby’s auction, N. Y. in 1997, ex Private Coll. (Sotheby’s 1997: Lot 9)

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197. Black shell bead belt with eight white, double outlined shell bead diamonds, 7 rows, L: 97.5 cm, wrapped edges, identically with above belt, NCM Cat. No. 1965.137.1, transferred from the Public Archives of Canada in 1965 (Raewyn Passmore, personal communication June 2011) 198. Black shell bead belt with two parallel saw-toothed, diagonal lines, flanked by three white, double outlined shell bead diamonds and six white, short bars at both ends, 11 rows, L: 106.5 cm, wrapped edges and secured ends with extra row of wefts, leather warps twisted, CMH Cat. No. III-I-929, (Lyford 1989: 110), received by the institution in 1913, collected by Frank G. Speck from a Frenchman who had married a Mohawk woman, he purchased it from an old chief of the Mohawk at Oka before 199. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead belt with white sawtoothed edges, central white, double outlined diamond surrounded by four white, chequered diamonds, flanked by two sets of white, chequered glass bead diamonds, 11 short white bars at both ends, 23 rows, L: 118 cm, wrapped edges, blue wool warps, NMAI Cat. No. 05/0398, taken by General Benjamin Bellows, of New Hampshire, in combat before 1783 (Orchard 2000: 99) 200. Black glass bead belt with two white, outlined diamonds crowned with open white crosses at each corner, and four white, open crosses, vertically arranged in a line at one end, 16 rows, L: 62.2 cm, incomplete length, RMSC Cat. No. u., ex Lewis H. Morgan Coll. (Wray 2003: 54) 201. Black shell bead belt with white, double outlined meander lines and six white, chequered shell bead diamonds inside each space, 21 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, weft of sinew, “Oneida Tribal Belt”, Oneida Nation, ex FMNH Cat. No. A68566, ex Private Coll., collected from Chief Skenando, who received it from his predecessor “Skenandoah” (Beauchamp 1901: 476, Plate 26, Fig. 277 ; Tehanetorens 1993: 36), repatriated to the Oneida Nation 202. Fragment of black shell bead belt with white shell bead double lines along both edges, and central white, chequered shell bead diamond, 15 rows, L: ca. 4.4 cm, NMAI Cat. No. 24/6887 (Bushnell 1908: Plate 2), exchanged with George Economos in 1972, ex BHM Cat. u., ex Captain Malcolm Coll. (pre1827) Plate 16. Hexagons 203. White shell bead belt with five black, outlined shell bead hexagons, 5 rows, L: 63.2 cm, MCQ Cat. No. 1992.1291, ex Tessier Coll. (Lainey 2004: 271), worn by Huron-Wendat in 1880, see: Jules-Ernest Livernois photography as Figure 14, page 244. 204. Black shell bead belt with three white, outlined shell bead hexagons, 10 rows, L: ca. 85 cm, length incomplete, edges wrapped, ASN Cat. No. u., ex

326

Explanation of Plates

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McGill University’s Redpath Museum, Montreal (Marie Pelletier, personal communication May 2012) 205. Black shell bead belt with four white, outlined hexagons, and a white end, 8 rows, L: 69 cm, incomplete length, silk ribbons, p. l. u., pulled from Sotheby’s Auctions in 2009 by the intervention of the Haudenosaunee Council, ex Wellington Coll., ex NMAI Cat. No. 11/0123, purchased from Mrs. John Hay White in 1922 (Ewing 1982: 87) 206. Black shell bead belt with six white, outlined shell bead hexagons, and three short bars at both ends, 7 rows, L: 104.1 cm, wrapped edges, ends of belt secured with extra row of wefts like among trapezoidal cuffs, CMH Cat. No. III-I-930, received by the institution in 1913, collected by Frank G. Speck from a Frenchman who had married a Mohawk woman, he purchased it from an old chief of the Mohawk at Oka before 207. Black shell bead belt with four white, outlined hexagons, and five white, short bars at both ends, at one in addition four white, short bars in partition, 9 rows, L: 95 cm, wrapped edges, grey parts missing, “Sir William Johnson dish belt”, EMG Cat. No. 1927.8.15, exchanged with FMNH, ex Walter C. Wyman Coll. (Beauchamp 1901: 476, Plate 26, Fig. 274a; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 44f.) 208. Black shell bead belt with five white, outlined shell bead hexagons, and three white, short bars at both ends, 7 rows, L: 95.9 cm, “General Eli S. Parker Belt”, NYSM Cat. No. E-37434, backed with linen 1956, acquired through Harriet M. Converse in 1899, who collected it from descendants of Parker at Tonawanda earlier the year (Beauchamp 1901: 473, Plate 19, Fig. 231; Clarke 1931: 102f., 120, Fig. 41; Fenton 1971: 458; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 52f.), on loan to the Seneca National Museum, Salamanca 209. Black shell bead belt with five white, outlined shell bead hexagons, and four white bars at both ends, 7 rows, L: 100.3 cm, grey parts missing, “The Champlain Belt”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-37312, backed with linen 1956, bequest of Mrs. John Boyd Thatcher in 1927, purchased by her husband from General Henry Carrington in 1897, who bought it from Thomas Webster, an Onondaga in 1891 (Clarke 1931: 91, 110, Fig. 22; Tehanetorens 1993: 11), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1989 (Snow 1989: 110, 114, Fig. 6; Woodhead (eds.) 1993: 74f.; cf.: Lainey 2004: 191f.) 210. Black, actually translucent wine red glass bead belt, with six white, outlined glass bead hexagons, and four white bars at both ends, 8 rows, unknown dimensions, edges wrapped, grey parts missing, MET Cat. No. 39.87, gift of Mrs. J. H. Gilbert in 1939, ex J. H. Greenville Gilbert Coll. (cf.: Pearson and Connor 1976: 188, 197, No. 528) 211. Black shell bead belt with four white, outlined shell bead hexagons, parted by two white, diagonal, double shell bead lines, and five white bars at both ends, 9 rows, L: grey parts missing, NMAI Cat. No. 09/2567 (Fenton

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1989: 399, Fig. 3.), gift of Harmon W. Hendricks in 1919, collected before 1884 212. Black shell bead belt with two white, outlined shell bead hexagons, separated by three white, diagonal, double shell bead lines, 6 rows, unknown dimensions, wrapped edges, ROM Cat. No. HD12649, ex Chiefswood Coll. (cf.: Becker 2004: 110, No. 12) 213. Black shell bead belt with two white, outlined shell bead hexagons, separated by a white diagonal, double shell bead line, and a white, diagonal line at each end, 6 rows, L: 62.9 cm, grey parts missing, incomplete length, “Ransom Belt”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-37417, acquired through Harriet M. Converse in 1898/99 (Clarke 1931: 92, 116, Fig. 32; Fenton 1971: 458; Tehanetorens 1993: 27) 214. Black shell bead belt with central white, double outlined shell bead hexagon flanked by four white, outlined shell bead diamonds, diagonally arranged at each side, and four white, short bars at ends, 9 rows, L: 114.4 cm, edges wrapped, NCM Cat. No. 1976.2.1, purchased from a Private Coll. in 1976 215. Black shell bead belt with five white, double outlined shell bead hexagons, and four white, short bars at each end, 8 rows, L: 82.5 cm, MCQ Cat. No. 1992-1288, unknown history (Lainey 2004: 269) 216. Black shell bead belt with five white, varying, double outlined shell bead hexagons, and five white, short bars at one end, and five dotted bars at the other end, 13 rows change to 14 rows, L: 137.5 cm, wrapped edges and secured ends with extra row of wefts, MCM Cat. No. M1907, gift of David Ross McCord (cf.: Dubin 1999: 170f.) Plate 17. Hexagons, Variations and Linked Hexagons 217. Black shell bead belt with four white, outlined shell bead hexagons, filled with crosses, and five white bars at one end, 9 rows, L: 79cm, wrapped edges, incomplete length, MCM Cat. No. M1909, gift of David Ross McCord 218. Black shell bead belt with 10 white, outlined shell bead hexagons, filled with equilateral crosses, and three white bars at one end, 9 rows, L: 110 cm, grey parts missing and misleadingly restored, PEM Cat. No. E39.383, gift of the New England Historic Genealogical Society in 1963 (Grimes et al., (eds.) 2002: 105) 219. Black shell bead belt with five white, outlined shell bead hexagons, the central three filled with white, outlined diamonds and central cross design, while the outer is filled with a white, equilateral cross, and seven short white bars at each end, 15 rows, unknown dimensions, wrapped edges, at one end attached the probably only known survived wooden mnemonic stick, AMNH Cat. No. 50.2/582, purchased from P. N. Breton in 1917 220. Black shell bead belt with two rows of alternating white, outlined shell bead diamonds and hexagons, filled with white, equilateral crosses, 20

328

Explanation of Plates

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rows, dimensions unknown, incomplete length, AMNH Cat. No. 50/2287, purchased from Harriet M. Converse in 1901 221. Black shell bead belt with three central white, outlined shell bead hexagons, filled with white, outlined diamonds, flanked by a white, chequered diamond at both sides, five white, short bars at each and, 9 rows, L: 105 cm, grey parts missing, MCM Cat. No. M1914, gift of David Ross McCord 222. Black glass bead belt with central white, outlined glass bead diamond, filled with cross, diamond on each side, connected by white row with white, outlined glass bead hexagons, 30 rows, unknown dimensions, RMSC Cat. No. 69/178, Big Tree Site (ca. 1779-1820), misleadingly redrawn in Wray (see: 2003: 48f.) 223. Black shell bead belt with central white, outlined shell bead diamond, linked at each side by a white row with four white, outlined shell bead hexagons, and respectively at the other side with four white, chequered shell bead hexagons, 14 rows, dimensions not available, “French Peace Belt”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 03/1901, (Beauchamp 1901: 471, Plate 15, Fig. 185; cf.: Williams 1988: 202f.), purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, bought by Thomas R. Roddy from James Jamieson, Cayuga chief in 1899, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Woodhead (eds.) 1993: 74f.; Tooker 1998: 225ff.) 224. White shell bead belt with seven black, double outlined, open, linked shell bead hexagons, 11 rows, L: 67.7 cm, grey parts missing, REMM Cat. No. V-Am-1807, purchased from Hugo Schilling in 1882, see Figure 11, p. 202. 225. Black shell bead belt with white outlined, linked, open diamonds, and outwards hexagons, 16 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, AMNH Cat. No. 50/2286, purchased from Harriet M. Converse in 1901 Plate 18. Triangles and Variations 226. White shell bead belt with three central black triangles, flanked at each side by black diagonal, doubled shell bead lines, 6 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, p. l. u., unknown history (Tooker 1998: 225) 227. White shell bead belt with in opposite direction, horizontally arranged, black shell bead triangles with white rectangle inner spaces, 8 rows, unknown dimensions, CLUM Cat. No. u., Harmar Coll. 228. Black shell bead belt with white, chequered zigzag line, interlinked by double “T” s, 5 rows, L: 23 cm, grey parts missing, NMAI Cat. No. 01/2801, acquired from Frank G. Speck in 1907, collected by him from Charles Mitchell, a Passamaquoddy, at Pleasant Point (Speck 1964: 25, 33, Plate 2 B; Becker 2008: 25)

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229. Black shell bead belt with alternating white, chequered shell/glass bead triangles, and double “T” s, 6 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, incomplete length, PMAE, HU Cat. No. u., unknown history 230. Black shell bead belt with central white shell bead “T” design, flanked by two white, chequered triangles at each side, 6 rows, L: 32.5 cm, NMAI Cat. No. 01/2800, acquired by the institution in 1907, collected by Mr. Covert among the Passamaquoddy, Maine, earlier the year (cf.: Speck 1964: 25, 33, Plate 2 D) 231. Black shell bead belt with central white, open shell bead cross, flanked at each side by a white cross and dot design, and a white, chequered triangle, 6 rows, L: ca. 23.5 cm, grey parts missing, BML Cat. No. Ethno 1906.5-23.1, (Bushnell 1906c: Plate 18, C), purchased from William O. Oldman in 1906 232. Black shell bead belt with two white chequered triangles alternating with double T’s, 6 rows, unknown dimensions, strung on yarn warps, WF Cat. No. 1917.591, unknown history 233. Black shell bead belt with white, interlinked, double outlined shell/glass bead zigzag line, with white, connected comb designs in opposite way, ends in vertically arranged white line, 6 rows, unknown dimensions, incomplete length, fiber warps, DAM Cat. No. u., unknown history (Calloway 1989: 68) 234. Black shell bead belt with three white, double zigzag lines interspaced with white shell bead crosses, ends white, 6 rows, L: ca. 23.5 cm, grey parts missing, BML Cat. No. Ethno 1906.5-23.2 (Bushnell 1906c: Plate 18, C), purchased from William O. Oldman in 1906 235. Black shell bead belt with central white, open shell bead cross, flanked by white, diagonal, double outlined shell bead lines and white, outlined zigzag design, 4 rows, L: 22.7 cm, VEMM Cat. No. Am. 2890, identified as Penobscot, transferred to the present institution in ca. 1927, ex Museo Borgiano, No. 133 (Becker 2004: 91ff.) 236. Black shell bead belt with two white, chequered shell bead triangles, 4 rows, unknown dimensions, TM Cat. No. u., ex NMAI Cat. No. u., collected by Frank G. Speck among the Penobscot in ca. 1906 (Speck 1964: 25, Fig. 2 a) 237. Black shell bead belt with three white, chequered shell bead triangles, 5 rows, L: 30 cm, UPMAA Cat. No. NA 3879, gift of Miss Charlotte Siter through J. G. Rosengarten (cf.: Becker 2004: 110) 238. Black shell bead belt with four white, connected, chequered shell bead triangles, 4 rows, L: 25.5 cm, grey parts missing, NMAI Cat. No. 01/8333, purchased in 1908, collected among the Penobscot (Speck 1964: 33, Plate 2 C)

Explanation of Plates

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239. Black shell bead belt, cut in two halves, each with three white, chequered shell bead triangles, 4 rows, L: 77 cm, “Glen Sanders Belt”, warbooty since 1945 in Russia, EMB Cat. No. IV-B-7605, exchanged with Walter C. Wyman in 1908, purchased from Charles P. Sanders, Scotia, Schenectady County, N.Y. in 1904 (Krickeberg 1954: 235f., Plate 47 c) 240. Black, actually translucent wine red glass bead belt in centre with two mirrored, stepped, open pyramids, each filled with an white, open cross, flanked by in opposite direction linked white, outlined, chequered glass bead triangles, both filled with white, chequered diamonds, followed by a hourglass shaped white, chequered glass bead design, actually two arranged in opposite direction, and connected, chequered glass bead traingles, six short white bars at each end, 12 rows, L: 118.1 cm, grey parts missing, DEG W3443 (2007), Northeast Auctions 2006, ex William H. Guthman Coll., ex Charles Ratton Coll. (Northeast Auctions (ed.) 2006: 79, Lot 801) 241. Black shell bead belt with nine and a half paired white, in opposite direction arranged and connected shell bead triangles, white, open cross with two white squares at both ends, 10 rows, L: 98 cm, grey parts restored after 1969, described as “central portion damaged”, CMH Cat. No. III-X234, purchased from Arthur Speyer, Jr. in 1973, bought at Sotheby’s Auction 1969, ex Trustees of the Warwick Castle Resettlement, ex Earl of Warwick Coll., Warwick Castle (Sotheby’s 1969: 68, Lot 156; cf.: Brasser 1976: 80; Sturtevant 2001: 168) Plate 19. Crosses, Equilateral 242. White shell bead belt with single black shell bead cross in center, 13 rows, dimensions not available, Private Coll., history unknown 243. White shell bead belt with central black, open shell bead cross, flanked at each side by three black points, 4 rows, dimensions unknown, NMAI Cat. No. 11/7512 (Lainey 2004: 157f.), purchased from Oksadoron, Wendake, in 1923, formerly owned by Gaspard Picard in 1895, worn by Huron-Wendat in 1880, see: Jules-Ernest Livernois photography as Figure 14, p. 244 244. Shell bead belt of black and white blocks with alternating, colored, equilateral crosses, 7 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, p. l. u., unknown history photography at Smithsonian Institution, Cat. No. 106IN-18A 245. White glass bead belt with central black space, flanked by two black, equilateral glass bead crosses, 4 rows, L: 30.5 cm, AMNH Cat. No. 50.1/9952, purchased from Frank G. Speck in 1916, made by a Penobscot girl an identical version is part of the collections in the CMH, (Speck 1964: 38, Plate 3 e; Becker 2006: 109, 115f.), compere the design and meaning with Frank T. Siebert’s drawing of Penobscot belts, preserved at the American Philosophical Society

Talking Beads

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246. White shell bead belt with three white shell bead crosses on black backgrounds, 6 rows, dimensions not available, Keetoowah, or Keeper of the Flame of the Cherokee, unknown history (Dockstader 1977: 273) 247. White shell bead belt with four black, outlined shell bead crosses, each with central, equilateral, black cross, 18 rows, L: 106.7 cm, one end incomplete, NMAI Cat. No. 05/3150, acquired for the institution by Harmon W. Hendricks in 1916, formerly property of William Penn’s descendants, London (Speck 1925: 8f., Pl. 2; Woodward 1970: 29; Stephenson 2005: 16) 248. Black shell bead belt with four white, equilateral shell bead crosses, 7 rows, L: 85 cm, wrapped edges, Warnock Coll., Cat. No. 8903045, ex Alexander Gallery 249. Black shell bead belt with four white, equilateral crosses, 14 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, “French Mission or Marquette Belt”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 03/1907, purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, bought by Thomas R. Roddy from James Jamieson, Cayuga chief in 1899 (Beauchamp 1901: 423, 471, Plate 15, Fig. 184; Merwin 1916: 131, Fig. 158; cf.: Williams 1988: 202f.), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Woodhead (eds.) 1993: 74f.; Tooker 1998: 226ff.) 250. Black shell bead belt fragment, once composed of four white, outlined diamonds with filled black shell bead crosses, framed in white, outlined cross designs, alternating with hourglass shaped white spaces, with black rectangles and white, vertically arranged end bars, 11 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing since 1895, Private Coll., worn by Philippe Vincent Theanwathasta, grand Chief of the Huron-Wendat in 1897-97, drawn by Samuel Douglas Smith Huyghue in 1846 as part of the HuronWendat archive at Lorette, present Wendake (Lyford 1989: 109; Lainey 2004: 109f., 154f.) Plate 20. Crosses, Equilateral and Variations 251. White shell bead belt with two sets of diagonally arranged six crosses, outlined by black shell lines, 10 rows, dimensions unknown, grey end missing since 1871, NMAI Cat. No. 19/6605, gift of Williard V. King in 1937, bought from Bill Hagadorn, before in Private Coll., acquired by A. G. Richmond of Canajoharie, N.Y. from Captain Voorhees in ca. 1890 (cf.: Tooker 1998: 225) 252. Black shell bead strap edged with white beads and separated into five parts by white, diagonal, double lines, each space filled by a white, open shell bead cross, 14 rows, L: 62 cm, NMAI Cat. No. 02/0079, purchased 1908 (Speck 1964: 21, Plate 1, 23; cf.: Becker 2004: 110) 253. Black shell bead strap, outlined with white beads and separated into nine parts by white, diagonal double lines, spaces filled with white, open shell bead crosses or dots, 13 rows, L: 82 cm, NMAI Cat. No. 01/2400,

332

Explanation of Plates

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acquired by the institution in 1906 (Speck 1964: 21, Plate 1, 23; cf.: Becker 2004: 110) 254. Black shell bead strap edged with white beads and separated into eight parts by white, diagonal double lines, each space filled with a white, open shell bead cross, white edges, 15 rows, L: 67.3 cm, p. l. u., Skinner Auction, American Indian and Ethnographic Arts, 2011, Lot 277, Sale No. 2563B, ex Frank Siebert Coll., acquired in 1940 from the estate of Francis Stanislaus, worn by Sylvia Stanislaus in 1875, pictured in a photograph of Mary Balase in 1865, too (Cole-Will 2004: 66) 255. Black shell and glass bead belt edged with white beads and separated into nine parts by white, diagonal, double lines, seven spaces are filled with white open crosses, 8 rows, unknown dimensions, NMAI Cat. No. 17/9685, purchased from Walter C. Wyman in 1931 256. Black shell bead belt with a white, vertically arranged, double zigzag line in center, flanked at each side by two white, diagonally arranged four open shell bead crosses, ends composed of white, vertically arranged, double zigzag line, enlarges from 13 rows to 15 at ends, L: 121.5 cm, wrapped edges, and secured ends with extra row of wefts, CMH Cat. No. III-X-253, purchased from Arthur Speyer, Jr. in 1973, acquired by him from Caldwell’s descendants in 1960s, received by Sir John Caldwell during his military service in North America between 1780 and 1784 (Benndorf and Speyer 1968: 98, Plate 37, no. 174; Brasser 1976: 148, Fig. 147; Jones 2007: 38ff.) 257. Black shell bead belt with four white, diagonally arranged sets of three, open shell bead crosses, 7 rows, L: 69.5 cm, PMAE, HU Cat. No. 13-1710/84626, collected by Allen Cleghorn 258. Black shell bead band with two sets of two white, diagonally arranged, open crosses, 4 rows, L: ca. 77 cm, part of pectoral, Warnock Coll. Cat. No. 8912007-A4.2, purchased at Sotheby’s Auction in 1989, ex Private Coll., most probably collected by James Drumond, Eighth Viscount of Strathallen, before 1851 (Sotheby’s 1989: Lot 146; cf. Feest 2014b: 76) 259. Black shell bead belt with three white, open shell bead crosses, two vertically arranged and one singly, 8 rows, L: 67.3 cm, incomplete length, edges wrapped, CIS Cat. No. 2176, acquired from Milford Chandler in 1925, purchased from Camilius Bundy, attributed to Deaf Man, a Miami Chief (Penney (ed.) 1992: 222f.) 260. Black shell bead belt with large white shell bead cross, flanked at one side with two diagonally arranged sets of three white crosses, while at the other side only by one set, intact end with white, vertical bar, 8 rows, L: 57.5 cm, NCM Cat. No. 1964.88.7, purchased from a Private Coll. in 1964 (Raewyn Passmore, personal communication June 2011), former Tessier Coll., ex Douglas Ferguson Coll., worn by a Huron-Wendat in 1880, see: Jules-Ernest Livernois photography, Figure 14, p. 244

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261. Black shell bead belt with Andreas cross, flanked by eight white, diagonal shell bead lines, two on one side, and respectively six at the other, with three white, short bars at end, 5 rows, L: ca. 38 cm, grey parts missing, length incomplete, CMH Cat. No. III-H-485, acquired from Howard B. Roloff in 1974, purchased from Maurice Bastien, Jr., Grand Chief of the HuronWendat, Wendake in 1909, formerly the property of Maurice Sébastien Aginolen, once in the possession of Nicholas Vincent, Grand Chief of the Huron-Wendat, at Wendake, before 1841, prior to 1895 sewn to other belt, (cf.: Lainey 2004: 159f., 261ff., 257) 262. Black shell bead belt with white, central Andreas cross, flanked at each side by three white double lines, 8 rows, L: 57.2 cm, grey parts missing, “Penobscot Council Belt”, NYSM Cat. No. E-37416, backed with linen in 1956, purchased from W. C. Hill of New York City in 1907 (Clarke 1931: 91f., 111, Fig 23; Fenton 1971: 458; Tehanetorens 1993: 27ff.) Plate 21. Crosses, Equilateral and Unique 263. Black shell bead belt parted into three equal spaces by white, equilateral shell bead crosses, which fields are filled by a white, chequered shell bead triangle, flanked by a white diagonal, double chequered line, 6 rows, L: 58.5 cm, wrapped edges, PMAE, HU Cat. No. 985-27-10/60263A, collected by William Wallace Brown in ca. 1875 264. Black shell bead belt with central white, equilateral shell bead cross, flanked by white, chequered shell bead triangles, 6 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, SMP Cat. No. E 64.1.8, unknown history (Becker 2004: 85, 109) 265. Black shell bead belt parted into four spaces by white, equilateral shell bead crosses, fields in between filled by three white, chequered shell bead triangles, all toothed at bottom, 5 rows, L: 80 cm, grey parts missing, NMAI Cat. No. 01/2802, unknown history (Speck 1964: 33, Plate 2 A) 266. Black shell bead belt parted by four white, equilateral shell bead crosses, space in between filled by three white, chequered shell bead triangles, 5 rows, L: 27.9 cm, yarn warps, one edge sewn with glass bead edging, NMNH Cat. No. E303687, exchanged with David I. Bushnell, Jr., in 1918 267. Black shell bead belt with seven white, equilateral, stepped shell bead crosses, 5 rows, L: 26.5 cm, restrung on black thread wefts, NMNH Cat. No. E248742, exchanged with NMAI Cat. No. 01/2803 in 1908, ex George G. Heye Coll. 268. Black shell bead belt, central design composed of three white, equilateral, stepped, open shell bead crosses, connected by a row and intersected with two white, triangular-like figures, composition flanked by two white, equilateral, open shell bead crosses, one at each end, 5 rows, L:

334

Explanation of Plates

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24.5 cm, grey parts missing, edges wrapped, yarn warps, DAM Cat. No. 1952.242, formerly in the PMAE, HU (Conn 1979: 56) 269. Black shell bead belt, central figure composed of two white, linked shell bead cross-designs with stand, flanked at each side by white, equilateral shell bead crosses, at both ends white, outlined shell bead pyramids, arranged in opposite direction, 6 rows, unknown dimensions, AMNH Cat. No. 50.1/1430, gift of Erastus T. Tefft (cf.: Speck 1964: 23, Fig. 1.) 270. Black shell bead belt parted in four spaces by alternating white, equilateral closed, and opened shell bead crosses, interspaced by five white, chequered shell bead diamonds, 5 rows, unknown dimensions, NMAI Cat. No. 11/7504, gift of Mrs. Philip Rounseville Alger in 1923 271. Black shell bead belt similar to before, but composed of four white, equilateral, open shell bead crosses, interspaced by three white, chequered shell bead diamonds, 5 rows, L: ca. 30 cm, yarn warps, edges wrapped, UPMAA Cat. No. NAn3879, unknown history (cf.: Becker 2004: 110) 272. Translucent blue glass bead bands with interwoven white, open glass bead crosses, 3 rows, L: 21.5 cm and 20.7 cm, edges wrapped, neck strap of pectoral, BML Cat. No. Ethno Am+6992, presented to the Christy Coll. by Sir A. W. Franks in 1893, acquired from Pickering Coll. (cf.: King 1982: 54) 273. Black glass bead belt with six sets of white, linked, open crosses, flanked by two white, short glass bead rectangles, 5 rows, dimensions not available, Rock Foundation Cat. No. u., ex RMSC Cat. No. 30/178, Big Tree Site (ca. 1779-1820), misleadingly redrawn in Wray (see: 2003: 46) 274. Black shell bead belt parted by two design elements, left composed of three white, equilateral, open shell bead crosses, interspaced by white, stepped pyramids, right design element made of two white, central, double outlined pyramids, flanked by in opposite direction arranged comb like designs, linked by a vertical, white shell bead bar, 7 rows, dimensions not available, “Molly Molasses belt”, p. l. u., collected by Walter C. Wymann among the Penobscot descendants of Molly Molasses, Oldtown, Maine (Beauchamp 1901: 429, 476, Plate 26, Fig. 279) Plate 22. Unique Pattern, Simple Geometric 275. White shell bead belt with 17 black dots in a line, 7 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. 3391/24, Power House Site (1640-1655), (Wray 2003: 31) 276. Two glass bead bands, left composed of alternating yellow and translucent blue glass bead squares, edged by white glass beads, right made of alternating translucent blue and white glass bead rows, 4 rows, L (each): ca. 12.5 cm, flap decoration of single moccasin, PMAE, HU Cat. No. 90-17-10/49326, unknown history (Bonvillain 1989: 72)

Talking Beads

335

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277. White shell bead belt with central block of chequered brass beads, 9 rows, L: ca. 27.9 cm, RMSC Cat. No. 3365/24, Power House Site (16401655), misleadingly redrawn in Wray (see: 2003: 29) 278. White shell bead belt with central block, composed of chequered brass bead, 9 rows, dimensions not available, copy of above belt made with old beads, Rock Foundation Cat. No. u., ex RMSC Cat. No. 3366/24 (Wray 2003: 29) 279. Black shell bead belt parted into four sections by white, vertically arranged shell bead rectangles, 7 rows, dimensions unknown, sometimes row composed of two instead a single bead, DHS Cat. No. 1949.091.001, presented by “Chippewa” to Major Robert Rogers in Dec. 23, 1760 (Greenman 1962: 18, Plate 2) 280. Glass bead belt composed of horizontally arranged black, and vertically arranged white glass beads, with red stripes in rows, interspaced by vertically arranged red beads, 9 rows, dimensions not available, actually once sewn to backing, RMSC Cat. No. 599/99, Marsh Site (1650-1670), misleadingly redrawn in Wray (see: 2003: 42) 281. Glass bead belt composed of black glass beads with red stripes, 8 rows, L: 38.1 cm, RMSC Cat. No. 3891/28, Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 45) 282. Black and white chequered shell bead belt with two wider, vertical rows, 10 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. 805/99, Marsh Site (1650-1670), misleadingly redrawn in Wray (see: 2003: 39) 283. Black shell bead belt composed of seven white, outlined cross, stepped shell bead designs, linked by a single white shell bead row, 9 rows, L: 109.5 cm, grey parts missing, MCM Cat. No. M1906, gift of David Ross McCord Plate 23. Unique Pattern, Zigzag and Variations 284. White shell bead belt edged with a black row, central design element composed of nine and a half black, outlined, linked, vertically arranged, blunted triangles, 50 rows, L: 80 cm, grey parts missing, “Wing or Dust Fan”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-37420, backed with linen in 1956, purchased by the institution in 1898 from William M. Beauchamp, who acquired it among the Onondaga earlier the year (Clarke 1931: 98f., 117, Fig. 34; Fenton 1971: 458; Tehanetorens 1993: 16), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Snow 1989: 110, 112, Fig. 2; Woodhead (ed.) 1993: 68) 285. White shell bead belt with black, vertically arranged zigzags, interspaced by three black, vertically arranged shell bead bars, central motive consists of 15 white, outlined shell bead diamonds, grey parts missing since 1881, as photographed by General J. S. Clark, “To-ta-da-ho Belt”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-37428, backed with linen in 1956, purchased by the institution in 1898 from William M. Beauchamp, who acquired it among the

336

Explanation of Plates

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Onondaga earlier the year (Clarke 1931: 99, 118, Fig. 35; Fenton 1971: 458; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 54), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Snow 1989: 110,113, Fig 3; Woodhead (ed.) 1993: 74f.) 286. White glass bead bands with three black, actually translucent wine red, separated, horizontally arranged glass bead zigzag lines, and central linked triangle design, 19 rows, L: 31.5 cm and 32 cm, pair of garters strung on red wool warps, BML Cat. No. Ethno 1991. Am.9.10 a, b, purchased from the descendants of West in the 1990s, formerly property of Benjamin West (1738-1820), (cf.: King 1991: 44; cf.: Kasprycki 2013: 90, Fig. 84) 287. White glass bead band with six and three half black, actually translucent wine red, linked glass bead triangles, above three rows of alternating white and black glass bead rows, 11 rows, dimensions not available, former garter(?) attached to headdress, MPM Cat. No. 31668, part of Mesquakie (Sauk) war bundle, (Skinner 1923: 108, Pl. 7, Fig. 3; Orchard 2000: 98) Plate 24. Unique Pattern, Stepped and Swastika 288. White shell bead belt fragment with black, doubled, geometric design, which is no longer discernible, 8 rows, L: ca. 30 cm, blank parts missing, AMO Cat. No. 10, listed in the catalogues of 1685 under no. 271 as “Armilla Indica alba ex Wampampook facta [called white Armband made of Wampumpeak (my translation)].” part of the Tradescant Coll., Feest’s recreated design does not fit the actual dimension, for the missing spaces are 21 beads instead of 17, 9 instead of 5 and 5 instead of 2 (cf.: MacGregor 1983: 121f.; cf.: Feest 2014a: 40) 289. White shell bead belt with black glass bead design elements, composed of eight and a half, diagonally arranged, swastikas, 8 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. AR 7.107/19925, belt reconstructed of beads from Marsh Site (1650-1675) probably based on Beauchamp’s publication (cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 71; Feest 2014a: 40f.) 290. White shell bead belt, identically with before mentioned belt, but design element is composed of black shell beads, 8 rows, L: 91 cm, grey parts missing, MQB Cat. No. 71.1878.32.57, ex musée de l’Homme, ex musée de ethnographique du Trocadéro, 1878, ex Bibliothèque nationale at Paris, pre1792/5, incorrectly redrawn by Feest (Hamy 1897,1: 1, Plate 1; Beauchamp 1901: 475, Plate 25, Fig. 272; cf.: Feest 2014a: 40, Fig. 9) 291. White glass bead belt with identical swastika design as before, but instead six elements made of dark blue glass beads, 8 rows, L: 73 cm, LMS Cat. No. 050568, purchased by Robert Franck in1907, collected by Emil W. Lenders, made of same beads as used by Frank G. Speck for recreated Penobscot belts, cf. Plate 9, Figure 115, and Plate 19, Fig. 245, incorrectly redrawn by Feest (cf.: Feest 2014a: 40) 292. Black shell bead belt with white, double outlined, parted meander design of which first vertical bar is diagonally arranged, one end bears two white, mirrored shell bead “W”s, and other end five white, vertically arranged shell

Talking Beads

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bead dots, 12 rows, L: 87 cm, grey parts missing, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 00/8386, ex UPMAA Cat. No. LS1930, purchased by George G. Heye from E. Pauline Johnson in 1906, shown by John Skanawati Buck in 1887, shown in Hale’s photograph of 1871, said to be presented by William Claus, incorrectly redrawn by Feest (Beauchamp 1901: 416; Tooker 1998: 224f., 234; Feest 2014a: 39f.), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 2012 293. Black shell bead belt with four and a half white, vertically stepped lines, flanked on each side by white diagonal, double outlined shell bead lines, 9 rows, L: 91.4 cm, grey parts missing, wrapped edges, PC Cat. No. X.72.667.2, purchased by Saul Hendler in 1965, acquired by Joseph Guindon from the Order of the Sisters of the Holy Cross in St. Laurent in 1962, donated by M. P. Robitaille to the Order in 1912, purchased by Théodore Robitaille, his brother, and Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Quebec from the Tessier-Desrivieres family in 1880 (Lainey 2004: 102f.) said to be presented at Great Peace of Montreal in 1701 (Beaulieu and Viau 2001: 36f.) 294. Black glass bead belt, identically in pattern to before, so two sets vertically mirrored to before, and in addition a central white, chequered glass bead diamond, and ends with six white, short glass bead bars, 11 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, shoulder strap of pouch, PMAE, HU Cat. No. 67-10-10/288, ex Harvard University, 1867, ex Massachusetts Historical Society, ex Freeman Coll., pre1792 (Feest 2007a: 52; Feest 2014b: 73f., Fig. 5) 295. White shell bead belt with three sets of black, parallel, diagonally arranged, stepped triangles, one end composed of alternating white and black, short bars, other end with a black, vertical shell bead bar, 24 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, “The Belt of the Six Nations”, p. l. u., photography at Smithsonian Institution, Cat. No. 106-IN-18A, unknown history (cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 49) Plate 25. Unique Pattern, Elaborated 296. White shell bead belt with central black, outlined shell bead oval, with horizontally flaring bars, 5 rows, L: 65 cm, grey parts missing, PRMO Cat. No. 1952.5.08, purchased from Colonel Shirely’s son in 1966 (Mowat 1993: 52) 297. White shell bead belt fragment with two black, outlined shell bead ovals, 9 rows, L: 16.5 cm, NYSM Cat. No. E-36514, unknown history (Clarke 1931: 92, 113) 298. White shell bead belt with central black, stepped, horizontally arranged rectangle, with inside white, vertically arranged shell bead rectangle, 7 rows, dimensions not available, “Dish Belt”, Six Nations, ex ROM Cat. No. HD12713, gift of Evelyn H. C. Johnson in 1922 (Tooker 1998: 225f.), re-

338

Explanation of Plates

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patriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1999 (Barlow 1999: u.p.; Chung 1999: 1) 299. White shell bead belt with eight black, stepped shell bead discs, linked by two black shell bead rows, 8 rows, L: 116 cm, MVL Cat. No. 364-1, purchased from D. Cutter in 1883 (cf.: Dongen et al., (eds.) 1996: 49, 231) 300. Black shell bead belt with white, horizontally arranged shell bead rectangles, with two slanting rows of white shell beads at both corners, 6 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. 3892/28, Dann Site (16501675), (Wray 2003: 36) 301. White shell bead belt with five black shell bead diamonds, in center outlined and with white point, edges alternating in color with four horizontally black bars at ends, 7 rows, dimensions not available, edges wrapped, Private Coll., unknown history, probably recreated of older wampum beads 302. Black shell bead belt with white, horizontally arranged shell bead rectangles, with two slanting rows of white shell beads at both corners, 6 rows, dimensions not available, wider copy of above belt made of old beads, SINM u. 303. White shell bead belt with three black, diagonally arranged, angular shell bead designs, and two black shell bead bars at each end, 8 rows, L: 78.7 cm, “Belle Isle Belt” DPL u., presented to Lieutenant George McDougall in 1769 (Greenman 1862: 17, Plate 1; Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977: 22) 304. Black shell bead belt with a copper bead pyramid, and inner black shell bead cornered horseshoe, 4 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, p. l. u., Long Pond, Mashantucket Pequot Cemetery (1670-1720), (Ordoñez and Welters 2004: 173, Fig. 9.4.) 305. Fragmentary band of translucent blue glass bead with several white, short, diagonally arranged glass bead lines in opposite direction, 6 rows, unknown dimensions, SMP Cat. No. u., unknown history 306. Fragment of white shell bead belt with black, outlined shell bead square, and black shell bead “V” shaped design, 6 rows, L: 29 cm, grey parts missing since 1895, MCQ Cat. No. 98-1080, acquired from Joseph Bastien, property of Maurice Bastien Sarenhes, his father and Grand Chief of the Huron-Wendat in 1912, redrawn by David Ross McCord in 1895, differently redrawn by Samuel Douglas Smith Huyghue in 1846 as part of the archive of the Huron-Wendat at Lorette, present Wendake, identified as “A pledge of peace with eight nations or villages” (Lainey 2004: 109, 132f., 175f., 272) 307. White glass bead belt with dark blue central, vertically arranged rectangle, with three horizontally, short bars, and inner white glass bead square, flanked by symmetrically arranged, dotted designs and horizontal bars, ending in horizontally, mirrored, outlined dark blue glass bead pyramids, 7 rows, L: 58.5 cm, grey parts missing, p. l. u., auctioned in

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October 1994, ex Private Coll., glass beads are identically with Frank G. Speck beads, used for recreations, see: Plate 19, Fig. 245 and Plate 25, Fig. 308 (Christie’s 1994: 37, Lot 110) 308. White glass bead belt with dark blue outlined pattern in glass beads, centrally a pipe, flanked by two white pyramids, alternating with white, equilateral glass bead crosses, 5 rows, L: 25.5 cm, AMNH Cat. No. 50.1/9953, purchased from Frank G. Speck in 1916, made by a Penobscot girl, an identical version is part of the collections in the CMH (Speck 1964: 39, Plate 3 b; Becker 2006: 109, 115f.) 309. Black shell bead belt with a white central, outlined shell bead circle, with five inner white dots, linked by a white row, with a white disc, and on the other side with a white triangular, diagonally striped by three black, lines, and flanked at both ends by white, equilateral shell bead crosses, 7 rows, dimensions not available, “Aquinnah Belt”, made by Ms. Taylor and Ms. LeLacheur Plate 26. Hatchets and Pipes 310. White shell bead belt edged with black shell beads, and in centre a black shell bead hatchet design, composed with some glass and bone beads, 12 rows, L: 74.9 cm, PC Cat. No. X.72.667.3, purchased by Saul Hendler, acquired before from a Private Coll. near Sutton, Quebec (cf.: Becker 2002: 58) 311. Black shell bead belt with white shell bead hatchet design near one end, 15 rows, grey parts missing, overall traces of red paint, line 11 and 12 counted from reward flaring edge of blade don’t extend from edge to edge of belt, L: 111 cm, NMAI Cat. No. 00/9776, purchased from Harriet M. Converse, who collected it from Moses Stacy, at Kahnawake, in 1906 (cf.: Keppler 1929: 130ff.; Lainey 2004: 197f.) 312. Black shell bead belt with white shell bead hatchet at one end and two white human figures, each on pectoral a black, equilateral shell bead cross, 12 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, Keetoowah, or Keeper of the Flame of the Cherokee, unknown history (Dockstader 1977: 273) 313. Black shell bead belt with single white shell bead hatchet (?) at one end, 12 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, Keetoowah, or Keeper of the Flame of the Cherokee, unknown history (Dockstader 1977: 273) 314. Black shell bead belt with two white shell bead rows from end to end, interspaced at one side by white human figure with a white hatched in hand, ends composed of black, stepped shell bead cross pattern, 8 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, p. l. u., end design similar with Plate 27, Fig. 323, unknown history, worn by a Chief at Oka around his neck in 1870 (Fenton and Tooker 1978: 447, Fig. 11)

340

Explanation of Plates

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315. Black shell bead belt with central white, outlined shell bead diamond and hatchet, flanked by seven, and respectively eight white, vertical shell bead bars, 9 rows, L: 120 cm, axe has traces of red paint, said to be of the Great Peace treaty of Montreal in 1701, MCM Cat. No. M20401, gift of Mrs. Walter M. Stewart, redrawn and described by Samuel Douglas Smith Huyghue at the archive of the Huron-Wendat at Lorette, present Wendake in 1846 as “The great war belt” (Dubin 1987: 267; Dubin 1999: 148f.; Lainey 2004: 109f.), cf. the number of bars and diamond with the number of diamonds of Plate 23, Fig. 285 316. Black shell bead belt with five white shell bead human figures, two of which grasp a hatchet, both with black shell beads on pectoral, at one side of group are two white, outlined huts, and on the other side seven differing, roofed houses with chimneys, 14 rows, L: 104.14 cm, said to be “Great Belt of Union”, even so figures are not linked, NMNH Cat. No. E165103, backed with gaze, purchased from William Nelles Thompson in 1892 (cf.: Molloy 1977: 108) 317. Black shell bead belt parted in three spaces by white, diagonal, double outlined shell bead lines, central field bears two white human figures grasping hands, white shell bead axe at bottom, and on other side white, outlined shell bead pyramid with central, vertical bar, connected by a white row with a set of five, vertically arranged, short shell bead bars, left field blank, while opposite bears a white shell bead pipe, ends of white shell beads, 7 rows, L: 88.9 cm, NMNH Cat. No. E248744, exchanged with the NMAI Cat. No. 01/4005 in 1908, collected by George G. Heye, the pipe resembles the typical Euroamerican kaolin tobacco pipes of the time, (Molloy 1977: 56; Woodward 1970: 22) 318. Dark blue glass bead belt with four white, vertically arranged, crossed glass bead “hatchets”, 4 rows, dimensions unknown, AMNH Cat. No. 50.1/9954, purchased from Frank G. Speck in 1916, made by a Penobscot girl an identical version is part of the collections in the CMH (Speck 1964: 39, Plate 3 c; Becker 2006: 109, 115f.) 319. White glass bead belt with dark blue glass bead “pipe”, 4 rows, dimensions unknown, AMNH Cat. No. 50.1/9953, purchased from Frank G. Speck in 1916, made by a Penobscot girl an identical version is part of the collections in the CMC (Speck 1964: 39, Plate 3 d; Becker 2006: 109, 115f.) Plate 27. Latin Crosses, Human Figures and Variations 320. Black shell bead belt with central white Latin shell bead cross with stand and flaring ends of cross-bars, grasped by four white, linked, alternating outlined, and filled human figures, standing on a white shell bead row, which extends from end to end of belt, the composition is flanked by two white shell bead dogs, end design composed of seven white, short bars, 27 rows, L: 153.7 cm, “Two Dog Wampum”, MCM Cat. No. M1904, gift of David Ross McCord, purchased from David Swan, brother of Joseph

Talking Beads

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Onasakenrat, who wore it 1868, Mohawk at Kanehsatake (Harrison et al., (eds.) 1987b: 47, W 47; Dubin 1987: 266 ; Dubin 1999: 150f. ; Lainey 2004: 264ff.; Lainey 2012: 99ff.) 321. Black shell bead belt with in center white, standing Latin shell bead cross with stand and flaring ends of cross-bars, flanked on both side by white, vertically mirrored, double outlined meander shell bead lines, 20 rows, dimensions not available, p. l. u., stolen before 1932, formerly preserved in the St. Francois Xavier Parish at Kahnawake in ca. 1910 (Lainey 2004: 267f.), described in text 322. Black shell bead belt with in center white, standing Latin shell bead cross with stand and flaring ends of cross-bars, flanked by two sets of three white human shell bead figures, ends in white shell bead blocks with five black shell bead bars, partially in zigzag, 16 rows, L: 128 cm, grey parts missing, strung on red wool warps, war-booty since 1945 in Russia, EMB Cat. No. IV-B-7597, exchanged with Walter C. Wyman in 1908, collected among the Odawa, Emmet County in 1901 (Krickeberg 1954: 228, 235, Plate 47 a) 323. Black shell bead belt with central white Latin shell bead cross, grasped at each side by three white, differing, linked human shell bead figures, group flanked on one side by white shell bead chapel and on other side by white, stepped squares, ends bear three white, short shell bead bars, 11 rows, L: 72.8 cm, ends secured, MCM Cat. No. M1905, gift of David Ross McCord (O’Malley, Bailey, and Sale (eds.) 2005: 394f.; Kelly and Smith 2007: 42), described in text 324. White shell bead belt with black shell bead Latin cross in center of belt, 8 rows, L: 84 cm, AMNH Cat. No. 50.1/72, gift of J. Pierpoint Morgan in 1910, collected by Emil W. Lenders from Chief Turtle, Seneca 325. Black shell bead belt with three white human shell bead figures, grasping hands beside a white Latin cross, ends composed of four white, short shell bead bars, 13 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing and partially restored since ca. 1950, p. l. u., ex William Commanda Coll., ex chief Clinton Rickard, Tuscarora, see: CMH Cat. No. J7624, photo by Marius Barbeau, 1950 (cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 71; Johnson 2003: 41) 326. Black shell bead belt with white shell bead pattern, in center a Latin cross, grasped by a woman on one side and on the other by a man, on left side of group is a pair of crossed keys, followed by a text and chapel, crowned with cross, the opposite bears two crossed bars with pointed ends, connected by a zigzag line, linked with a human figure in moving position, with bow in free hand, and black shell bead dot on corpus, to the very right is a downward turned hand, and next a vertically arranged line with protruding bar, ends of belt bear differing pattern, one side four short white bars and opposite a white, vertically, chequered block, 15 rows, L: 231 cm, grey parts missing, VEMM Cat. No. u., ex Collegium De Propaganda Fide, Rome, gift to Pope Gregory XVI from the Mohawks of Oka (Lac des Deux

342

Explanation of Plates

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Montaignes) in 1831 (cf.: Beauchamp 1901: 425; Bushnell 1906a: 250ff, Plate 22; Feest 1992: 89; O’Malley, Bailey, and Sale (eds.) 2005: 394f.; Becker 2006: 81; Mapelli, Aigner, Fuissello (eds.) 2012: 82f.), described in text 327. White shell bead belt with black, stretched shell bead zigzag line, and seven, black, horizontally arranged Latin shell bead crosses, 7 rows, L: 80.3 cm, grey parts missing, “Caughnawaga Belt”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-37423, backed with linen in 1956, purchased by the institution in 1898, acquired by Paige Richmond from the Onondaga Nation the same year earlier, described by Donaldson in 1886 (Beauchamp 1901: 415, 422, 474, Plate 20, Fig. 236; Clarke 1931: 96f., 114f., Fig. 29; Fenton 1971: 458; Tehanetorens 1993: 38f.), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1989 (Snow 1989: 110, 115, Fig. 7) 328. Black shell bead belt with three central white, double outlined hexagons, flanked by a white, horizontally arranged Latin shell bead cross, and a white, double helix, accentuated by three, horizontal shell bead bars, ends bear seven white, short shell bead bars, 14 rows, unknown dimensions, NMAI Cat. No. 20/0839, (Williams 1990: 33), purchased by the institution in 1939 from Brother Cyprien of the monastery at Oka, who collected it in 1908 329. Black shell bead belt with white, horizontally arranged human shell bead figure, standing on top of white, outlined shell bead diamond, and a white shell bead row extends from head and forms at the opposite end a cross, 7 rows, L: 102.5 cm, “Remembrance Belt”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E37423, backed with linen in 1956, purchased by the institution in 1898, acquired by Paige Richmond from the Onondaga Nation the same year earlier, described by Webster in 1886 (Beauchamp 1901: 413f., 422, 474, Plate 20, Fig. 237; Clarke 1931: 96f., 114f., Fig. 29; Fenton 1971: 458; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 56f.), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1989 (Snow 1989: 110, 116, Fig. 10), described in text 330. Dark blue glass bead belt with same design as before, but executed in compressed manner, 7 rows, L: 75.5 cm, SMF Cat. No. III-68-1951, acquired from Arthur Speyer, Sr., exchanged by him in 1956 from the LMS Cat. No. 050469, purchased by Robert Franck in 1907, collected by Emil W. Lenders, made of same beads as used by Frank G. Speck for recreated Penobscot belts, cf. Figure 114, 244 (Sonja Schierle, personal communication November 2013) Plate 28. Animals, Plant, Heart and Hands 331. Fragment of white shell bead belt with horizontal half of black shell bead beaver and outlined diamond, 15 rows, L: 63.5 cm, grey parts missing, image mirrored to provide idea of original pattern, NMNH Cat. No. E391891, (Henry 1955: 117), gift of Howard W. Elkinton in 1952, collected

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by Huldah H. Bonwill among the Wyandot (Huron-Wendat) in Oklahoma, described in text 332. White shell bead belt with two black human shell bead figures in centre grasping hands, flanked by two mammals, ends composed of seven black, short shell bead bars, 14 rows, L: 82.5 cm, grey parts missing, length incomplete, “Wolf Belt”, Akwesasne (St. Regis) Mohawks, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-37429, backed with linen in 1956, purchased from Harriet M. Converse in 1898, collected by her among the Mohawk at St. Regis earlier the same year (Beauchamp 1901: 427, 473, Plate 19, Fig. 229; Clarke 1931: 100, 110, Fig. 37; Fenton 1971: 458; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 40), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 2010 333. Black shell bead belt with white shell bead mammal at each end, and in addition at one a white, vertical row, of open shell bead crosses, 15 rows, dimensions not available, “Wolf Clan Condolence Belt”, Tonawanda Band of Senecas, Seneca Nation of Indians, ex NMAI Cat. No. 08/4473, gift of James B. Ford in 1918, purchased by Joseph Keppler, collected by Harriet M. Converse among the Seneca at Tonawanda, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1996 334. Black shell bead belt, in center with white, outlined shell bead diamond, flanked by two white, outlined shell bead animals, one a mammal and the other a bird, additional pattern consists of three white, outlined, equilateral shell bead crosses on white, outlined hexagons, two to the left and one to the right, ends bear white, vertical shell bead bar, and other with cross bar, 15 rows, L: 72.4 cm, grey parts missing, “The Jesuit Missionary Belt”, PRMO Cat. No. 1896.7.9, gift of E. B. Tylor in 1896, collected by Horatio Hale from Chief Joseph White at Anderdon Reserve, Ontario (Hale 1897: 239f., Plate 11, 3; Mowat 1993: 28) 335. Black shell bead neck ornament in form of an otter with slit in center, decorated with six white, outlined, equilateral shell bead crosses, and seven white, outlined shell bead squares, varies from 4 to 13 rows, L: 107 cm, grey parts missing, edges decorated with red quillwork, MQB Cat. No. 71.1878.32.56, ex musée de l’Homme, ex musée de ethnographique du Trocadéro, 1878, ex Bibliothèque nationale at Paris, (Hamy 1897,1: 1, Plate 1; Beauchamp 1901: 425, 476, Plate 25, Fig. 273; Lainey 2004: 70, Fig. 8; Feest (ed.) 2007: 46, 85) 336. Black shell bead belt, in center white, polygonal shell bead pattern, resembling a stylized pine tree, connected on each side by a white shell bead row with two white, outlined shell bead squares, 38 rows, L: 54.6 cm, grey parts missing, a single glass bead incorporated, “The Hiawatha Belt”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. No. E-37309, backed with linen in 1956, bequest of Emma T. Thacher 1927, purchased by her husband John B. Thacher 1893, acquired by Henry Carrington from Thomas Webster, an Onondaga in 1891 (Clarke 1931: 87f., 107, Fig. 19; Fenton 1971: 458; Molloy 1977: 71; Tehanetorens 1993: 8), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee

344

Explanation of Plates

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Council in 1989 (Snow 1989: 113, Fig. 4; Woodhead (ed.) 1993: 66f.), described in text 337. Black shell bead belt with central white shell bead polygonal, resembling a symmetrical heart, flanked by white, stepped, paired, outlined shell bead pattern, 9 rows, L: 112.5 cm, length incomplete, grey parts missing, entire belt painted green, “The Double Calumet Treaty Belt” PRMO Cat. No. 1896.7.7, gift of E. B. Tylor in 1896, collected by Horatio Hale from Chief Joseph White at Anderdon Reserve, Ontario (Hale 1897: 236f., Plate XI,1; Mowat 1993: 28) 338. Black shell bead belt, in center with two white shell bead human hands, pointing with fingertips together, flanked by four white, outlined, linked shell bead diamonds, one outer is monochrome white, one end bears white, vertically arranged comb like shell bead pattern, 12 rows, L: 82 cm, grey parts missing, one end incomplete, MCM Cat. No. M1913, gift of David Ross McCord Plate 29. Human Figures, Lines and Variations 339. Black shell bead belt with three white human glass bead figures with flexed arms and grasping hands, on one end three white, vertically arranged shell bead triangles, 25 rows, L: 62 cm, grey parts missing since 1871, length incomplete, said to has been two figures longer, Six Nations, ex ROM Cat. No. Hd12711, gift of Evelyn H. C. Johnson in 1922, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1999 (Beauchamp 1901: 416; Molloy 1977: 70; Tooker 1998: 225; Barlow 1999: u.p.; Chung 1999: 1) 340. Black shell bead belt with three white, outlined shell bead human figures, one in centre and one at each end, connected by two white shell bead row, one end partially white vertical shell bead bar, 11 rows, L: 85.5 cm, grey parts missing, MCM Cat. No. M1912, gift of David Ross McCord 341. White shell bead belt with central black, double outlined shell bead square, flanked by two human figures, one with white shell beads on pectoral, opposite a black, diagonal, double outlined shell bead line, 10 rows, unknown dimensions, grey parts missing, “First Penn Belt”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 03/1904, (Beauchamp 1901: 424f., 471, Plate 16, Fig. 192; Merwin 1916: 128ff.; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 61) purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, collected by Thomas R. Roddy in 1899, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Woodhead (ed.) 1993: 75; Tooker 1998: 232) 342. White shell bead belt, in center two black shell bead human figures with flexed arms, grasping hands and in opposite hands staffs, group flanked by black, diagonal shell bead lines, 12 rows, L: ca. 76.2 cm, grey parts missing, NMAI Cat. No. 01/2123, purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, collected by Walter C. Wyman from the widow of Silas Armstrong, a Wyandot of Oklahoma (cf.: Woodward 1970: 24)

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343. White belt with two black human figures at each end, connected by two black rows, 14 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, p. l. u., photography by De Lancey W. Gill (1890s), Smithsonian Institution Cat. No. u. 344. White shell bead belt with two human figures at each end, one of black, outlined shell beads with single bead on pectoral and staff in hand, other human figure of black shell beads, with single white bead on pectoral, both with arms flexed, connected by a black shell bead row, 10 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, silk ribbons at ends, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 10/4263 (Orchard 2000: 48), gift of Harmon W. Hendricks in 1921, collected by William L. Bryant on the Grand River Reserve, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1997 345. White shell bead belt, similar two before, but black, outlined shell bead human figure is missing staff and single black bead on pectoral, 10 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, “The Governor Denny Belt”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 03/1899, purchased by George G. Heye in 1907, collected by Thomas R. Roddy in 1899 (Merwin 1916: 131; Dockstader 1977: 292; Tehanetorens 1993: 61f.), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Barreiro 1990: 17; Woodhead (ed.) 1993: 75; Tooker 1998: 230ff.) 346. White shell bead belt, similar two both before, but black, outlined shell bead human figure bears a head with neck, grasps a staff, but miss a single black shell bead on pectoral, furthermore trapezoidal body is open at bottom, 10 rows, L: 68 cm, grey parts missing, CMC Cat. No. III-I-35, gift of Peter Hill in 1886, purchased by him from John Gibson (cf.: Woodward 1970: 28; Frederickson and Gibb 1980: 19, Fig. 3; Molloy 1977: 56; Hill 1990: 24) 347. White shell bead belt with two human figures at each end, connected by a black row, left figure black outlined with shell beads and single black bead on pectoral, right figure in black beads, both with flexed arms, 10 rows, dimensions not available, one ends with attached leather fring, Six Nations, Newhouse Coll., made between 1895-1915 (Muller 2008: 167, Fig. 15) 348. White glass bead belt, left end design consists of two black human glass bead figures, a woman and man grasping hands, connected by a black row with the other end, which is a black, chequered glass bead block, 9 rows, dimensions not available, “the belt that wouldn’t burn”, Cherokee Nation, recently made (www. wampum-bear.com) Plate 30. Human Figures and Additional Pattern 349. Glass bead belt of black beads with red, white and red/white stripes, with two human glass bead figures, one executed in red glass bead, with a single white bead with black stripes on pectoral, other made of white glass beads with black stripes and single red bead on pectoral, 13 rows, L: 35.5

346

Explanation of Plates

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cm, strung on commercial tanned leather, NMAI Cat. No. 22/3470, purchased from Harry L. Schoff in 1953/54 Factory Hollow Site (1615-1635) 350. White shell bead belt, parted in four segments by three black, diagonal, double and triple outlined shell bead lines, one partitioned, one space filled by two black shell bead human figures grasping hands, 18 rows, L: 85 cm, grey parts missing, HSP Cat. No. HSP.1857.3, gift to the institution by Granville John Penn, great-grandson of William Penn in 1857 (Speck 1925: 9, Plate III; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 65f.; Stephenson 2005: 16) 351. Black shell bead belt edged with black shell beads with two white shell bead figures in center grasping hands, flanked by white, diagonal, single and double outlined shell bead line, 13 rows, L: 44.5 cm, both ends bound with ermine fur, bottom rows are doubled, warps and wefts of yarn, “Penn Belt”, ROM Cat. No. 911.3.130B, former number HD6364, ex Oronhyatekha Coll., acquired from Chief Waubuno (John P. Wampum) at Munceytown in 1887, anniversary copy of belt before (Cumberland 1904: 58f., No. 374) 352. Dark blue, translucent glass bead belt, in center white, painted human figures grasping hands, 9 rows, L: 95.1 cm, warps and wefts of yarn, ends with attached leather fringes, NMAI Cat. No. 09/9938, purchased in 1920, collected among the Abenaki before 1890 353. Black shell bead belt with alternating three white, double outlined squares and white, linked shell bead human figures, 10 rows, L: 64.5 cm, length incomplete, MCM Cat. No. M1910, gift of David Ross McCord 354. White shell bead belt with six black human shell bead figures, linked by a black shell bead row and black shell bead square in center, between figure three and four, 10 rows, L: 62.2 cm, grey parts missing, “Womens Nomination Belt”, NYSM Cat. No. E-37427, purchased from Harriet M. Converse in 1903, obtained by her from Martha Hemlock, a Cattaraugus Seneca in 1882 (Beauchamp 1901: 428, 474, Plate 21, Fig. 246; Clarke 1931: 103f.,121, Fig 42; Fenton 1971: 458; Tehanetorens 1993: 20) 355. White shell bead belt with 24 black human shell bead figures, each with white shell beads on pectoral, all grasping hands, at one end black outlined shell bead polygonal, identified as wigwam, and at other side black shell bead ship with sail, 12 rows, dimensions not available, “24 Nations Belt”, p. l. u., after drawing made by Rev. George Hallen, kept by Odawa Chief Assekiknk (Blackbird) in 1852, sketched two times by Paul Kane in 1840s and 1845, said to be presented by Sir William Johnson in 1764 (Hunter 1902: 52f., Fig. 26; 20, Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977: 20, Fig. 16) 356. White shell bead belt, in center a black, outlined shell bead roofed house, flanked by two black shall bead human figures, who are linked with 13 further figures, seven at one side and respectively six on the other, 15 rows, L: 191.7 cm, grey parts missing and/or misleadingly restored, “The Washington Covenant Belt”, Six Nations, ex NYSM Cat. NO. E-37310, backed with linen in 1956, bequest of Emma T. Thacher 1927, purchased

Talking Beads

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by her husband John B. Thacher 1893, acquired by Henry Carrington from Thomas Webster, an Onondaga in 1891 (Beauchamp 1901: 474, Plate 22, Fig. 248; Clarke 1931: 89f., 108, Fig. 20; Fenton 1971: 458; Molloy 1977: 91; Tehanetorens 1993: 42f.), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1988 (Snow 1989: 110, 112, Fig. 1; Woodhead (ed.) 1993: 72f.) 357. White glass bead belt with dark blue glass bead pattern, consisting of eight alternating women and men grasping hands, ends bear three, vertically arranged, equilateral crosses, 15 rows, dimensions not available, made by Western Oklahoma Delaware Marilyn Burkhardt for the Kansas Delaware Tribe of Indians, (http:leanapedelawarehistory.net/mirror/kansasdelaware.htm) Plate 31. Human Figures, Vertically Arranged 358. Translucent blue glass bead belt with white glass bead pattern, belt parted into five sections by sets of three human figures in a row, grasping hands, in between two chequered diamonds, both ends are white blocks, top composed of black chequered triangles pointing together, bottom consists of two rows of three, respectively two linked, chequered triangles, central differs, is stepped, 31 rows, L: 145 cm, grey parts missing, NML Cat. No. 58.83.9, ex King’s Regiment Collection, presented to Arent Schuyler DePeyster (1736-1822), ca. 1777 (Armour and Widder 1978: 107; cf.: Johnson 1983: 8; Jones 2007: 32f.; Feest 2014a: 39, Fig. 8), described in text 359. Translucent blue glass bead belt with white glass bead pattern, composed of two sets of three human figures pointing with heads to centre of belt and divided by diagonal double lines, bottom end incomplete, 9 rows, L: 104 cm, MYB Cat. No. 00.01.10, listed in 1881-82, unknown history (Feest 2007b: 18, 28f., Fig. 1), described in text 360. Black shell bead belt with four white shell bead human figures with flexed arms, alternating turned to left and right, indicated by position of feet, and holding a bow (?) in hand, 17 rows, L: 83 cm, MQB Cat. No. 71.1878. 32.61, ex musée de l’Homme, ex musée de ethnographique du Trocadéro, 1878, ex Bibliothèque nationale at Paris, pre1792/5, (Hamy 1897,1:1, Plate 1; Beauchamp 1901:425, 476, Plate 25, Fig. 274; Vitart Fardoulis 1983: 145ff., Plate 4; Harrison et al. (eds.) 1987b: 47, Fig. 46; Vitart Fardoulis 1992: 98; Feest (ed.) 2007: 18, 85; Lainey 2008: 397ff.) 361. Black glass bead belt with white glass bead pattern consisting of two sets of three outlined human figures pointing with heads to center of belt, figures with unusual depicted hands, end designs are three parallel arranged cornered horseshoes, unknown dimensions, CMH Cat. No. u., (Woodward 1970: 28), unknown history 362. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead bands with white glass bead pattern, bottom panel is composed of a human figure crowned by a cornered line, above panel bears two white, cornered lines, and top panel

348

Explanation of Plates

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same design, varies from 5 to 11 rows, L: 9.2 cm, L: 5 cm, L: 5 cm, part of neck ornament, SAFWM Cat. No. E392, gift of Jabez Gibson before 1838 (Pole 1987: 28, No. 277; cf.: Harrison et al., (eds.) 1987a: 89) 363. Black, flaring shell bead band ending at top in two straps with white shell/glass bead pattern, composed of three outlined hexagons interspaced by vertically arranged Andreas crosses, bottom end bears doubled, cornered line, while longer strap at top a diagonal, doubled line, varies from 5 to 11 rows, L: 76.8 cm, wrapped edges, grey parts missing, PMAE, HU Cat. No. 83-34-10/30393, collected by Erminnie A. Smith among the St. Lawrence Mohawk in the 1880s (Beauchamp 1901: 428, 470, Plate 13, Fig. 172; Feest 2014b: 76, Fig. 8) Plate 32. Dates, Initials and Names 364. White shell bead belt with black shell bead pattern, bearing the name John Tyzacke and date, probably 1682/5, interspaced by open, equilateral crosses, the number is turned on head and mirrored, 13 rows, L: 111 cm, grey parts missing, NMAI Cat. No. 20/0898, exchanged with KMM in 1939, ex Patty Frank, alias Ernst Tobis Coll., ex Arthur Speyer, Sr., Coll. 1930, dates back to 1682/85 (cf.: Molloy 1977: 72; cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 36), described in text 365. Black shell bead belt with white pattern, consisting of central pair of human figures grasping hands, with black bead on pectoral, set flanked by two linked outlined hexagons filled in centers with crosses, on the left the Arabic number “17” and to the right “64”, while left end bears one and a half white diamonds, but right end another outlined hexagon filled in center with cross and missing half of diamond from opposite end, 22 rows, dimensions not available, beads not counted, for redrawing leaves space for speculation, p. l. u., after drawing made by Rev. George Hallen, kept by Odawa Chief Assekiknk (Blackbird) in 1852, dates back to 1764 (Hunter 1902: 52f.; Becker and Lainey 2004: 33f.), described in text 366. Black shell bead belt with a white horizontal shell bead row parted into three pieces by the Arabic numbers “17” and “66”, ends bear four white, short bars, 9 rows, L: 95 cm, grey parts missing, PRMO Cat. No. 1887.32.2, donated by H. N. Moseley in 1887, dates back to 1766 (Mowat (ed.) 1993: 52), described in text 367. Black shell bead belt parted into three spaces by two white, chequered diamonds and the Latin letter “G”, 7 rows, L: 101.6 cm, grey parts missing, “Seneca Condolence Belt”, Six Nations, NYSM Cat. No. E-37431, backed with linen in 1956, purchased from Harriet M. Converse in 1903, collected by her from the heirs of Chief Blacksnake, Seneca in 1882 (Beauchamp 1901: 473, Plate 20, Fig. 235; Clarke 1931: 97, 114f., Fig. 30; cf.: Tehanetorens 1993: 31f.), on loan to the Seneca National Museum, Salamanca, described in text

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368. Black shell bead belt with white shell bead pattern, very similar to figure 351, central pattern consists of two human figures grasping hands with black, equilateral crosses on pectoral, linked with two connected, outlined hexagons, in center with crosses, left end composed of Latin letters “Sr II Bt”, right end with Arabic number “1786”, 20 rows, dimensions not available, beads not counted, for redrawing leaves space to speculation, p. l. u., after drawing made by Rev. George Hallen, kept by Odawa Chief Assekiknk (Blackbird) in 1852, dates back to 1786 (Hunter 1902: 53f.; Becker and Lainey 2004: 35), described in text 369. White shell bead belt parted into three equal spaces by black, diagonal, single and double shell bead lines, left end bears black equilateral cross, followed by Latin letter “D”, 7 rows, dimensions not available, right end missing, p. l. u., ex Cyrille Tessier Coll., ex Douglas Ferguson Coll. (Jonathan C. Lainey, personal communication July 2012), described in text 370. Black shell bead belt with white shell bead pattern, left end bears white block with black Latin letters “A M”, and two black human shell bead figures grasping hands, one with white shell bead on pectoral, both sets interspaced by black, open, equilateral shell bead crosses, block connected by several white shell bead rows with other end, which bears two white, outlined shell bead squares, 15 rows, dimensions not available, Keetoowah, or Keeper of the Flame of the Cherokee, unknown history (Dockstader 1977: 273), described in text 371. White shell bead belt, on left end black Latin letters “I G S”, and in centre two, black, outlined human shell bead figures grasping hands, 11 rows, L: 86.4 cm, red wool warps, NMNH Cat. No. E 201156, purchased from Willis N. Tobias in 1899, who collected it at Moraviantown, Kent County (Beauchamp 1901: 475, Plate 24, Fig. 269; cf.: Cruikshank (ed.) 1925, 3: 126; cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 36; cf.: Becker 2004: 110), described in text 372. Black shell bead belt with white shell bead pattern, in center Andreas cross, and on left side a zigzag line followed by an open, dotted oval, right side bears vertically arranged, crocked line, and Latin letters “M W”, or “W M” separated by divided Andreas cross, end with outlined, dotted hexagon with central pattern of three white dots in row, 9 rows, L: 152 cm, ends decorated with silk ribbons, DMNS Cat. No. A.738.1, purchased from George Economos, described in text 373. White shell bead belt divided into four spaces by four and a half black, diagonal, double lines, left or top end bears Latin letters “W C”, and below the date “1800”, 18 rows, 119.4 cm, grey parts missing, edges wrapped, warp ends decorated with large globular glass beads, Onondaga Nations, ex OHS Cat. No. u., unknown history (Beauchamp 1901: 462), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 2012, described in text

350

Explanation of Plates

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374. White shell bead belt parted in three by central black shell bead block, bearing in white shell beads two outlined human figures connected by sagging white shell bead line, on top white pipe, left white end with black Latin shell bead letters “W C”, interspaced by black, outlined shell bead square, right end with black shell bead date “1807”, worked with shortened wampum beads, 10 rows, L: 92.7 cm, some beads shortened, NMAI Cat. No. 01/4004, (Molloy 1977: 72; cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 35), purchased by George G. Heye from Walter C. Wyman in 1906, said to commemorate a visit of Chippewa Chiefs to King George III, described in text 375. White shell bead belt with two black, parallel shell bead rows, separated, and in spaces added Latin letters and number “G R III”, interspaced with black, equilateral crosses, 7 rows, length incomplete, unknown dimensions, one edge wrapped with red and other with blue wool, MFT Cat. No. u., said to be represented to the Shawnee by the British during the War of 1812 asking for support (Gail DeBuse Potter, Director, personal communication July 2011), described in text 376. White shell bead belt with black, mirrored Latin shell bead letters “G T”, interspaced by black shell bead dot, at each end, 7 rows, L: 73.6 cm, length incomplete, AMNH Cat. No. 50.1/1945, purchased from Erastus T. Tefft in 1910, worn in 1908 by the former owner, Jacob Dolson, Lenni Lenape, initials identified by Harrington as probably “Georgius Tertius” (Harrington 1908: 413, Plate XXIVb; cf.: Becker and Lainey 2004: 34), described in text 377. Black shell bead belt with white shell bead pattern, consisting of the Latin text “LIEUT COLL RT McDOUALL COMMc McKINAC” and white hatchet at right end, 15 rows, dimensions not available, p. l. u., after drawing made by Rev. George Hallen, kept by Odawa Chief Assekiknk (Blackbird) in 1852 (Hunter 1902: 53, 55), described in text Plate 34. Latin Texts and Kanyen’keha Text 378. Black shell bead belt outlined with white shell beads and white Latin shell bead Latin text “MATRI VIRGINI ABNAQUÆI D D”, separated by white shell bead dots, 22 rows, L: 194 cm, grey parts restored since 1921, edges and ends decorated by red and yellow quillwork, ND Cat. No. 11066, Abenaki pre1699 (Farabee 1922: 46f., Fig. 20, Fig. 22; Bonvillain 1989: 73; Feest 1992: 89; Joubeaux and Stéfani (eds.) 2002: 90ff.; Guillet and Pothier (eds.) 2005: 33; Becker 2006: 119; cf.: Feest 2014a: 35, Fig. 4), described in text 379. White shell bead belt with black Latin shell bead text “VIRGINI PARITURÆ VOTVM HVRONVM”, in center separated by black, open, equilateral cross, 9 rows, L: 143 cm, grey parts restored since 1921, edges and ends decorated with red and yellow quillwork, end missing, incorporated glass beads DC Cat. No. u., Huron-Wendat, pre1678 (Farabee 1922: 46f., Fig. 20, Fig. 21; Bonvillain 1989: 73; Feest 1992: 89; Joubeaux

Talking Beads

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and Stéfani (eds.) 2002: 90f; Guillet and Pothier (eds.) 2005: cover, 67; Becker 2006: 119), described in text 380. White shell bead belt edged with black shell beads and black Latin shell bead text “VIRGINI IMMAC HVR D D”, interspaced by black shell beads or squares, 12 rows, L: 77 cm, grey parts missing, end incomplete, MQB Cat. No. 71.1878.32.155, ex musée de l’Homme, ex musée de ethnographique du Trocadéro, 1878, ex Bibliothèque nationale at Paris, pre1792 (Hamy 1897,1: 1, Plate 1; Feest 1992: 88; Becker 2006: 19; Feest (ed.) 2007: 18, 85; Kelly and Smith 2007: 34f.), described in text 381. White plastic, electro cable jacket beads with coloured Kanyen’keha (Mohawk) text “TEIAKONEKWENHSATSiKHETARE” and two dark, parallel lines at end, 11 rows, dimensions not available, p. l. u., translation of text means “our blood is sweet”, Diabetes belt was made by Jacob at Kahnawake 1997 (Anonymous 2002: JV5), described in text Plate 34. Indiscernible Patterns 382. Black and white shell bead belt, pattern unapparent, 15 rows, L: 89 cm, most probably misleadingly restrung, BML Cat. No. Am,+.4630, presented by Sir A. W. Franks in 1889, collected by William A. Baker, recovered near Fleming, N.Y. (Bushnell 1906c: 176, Plate 18, H) 383. Black and white shell bead belt, pattern not distinguishable, 9 rows, one end secured by extra wefts, ROM Cat. No. 937.39.2, former HD12712, ex Chiefswood Coll. 384. Black and white shell bead belt, pattern unclear, 7 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. 4045/28, Dann Site (1655-1675) 385. Black and white shell bead belt, pattern indistinctive, 12 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Fred Powers Site (17501779), (Wray 2003: 14) 386. Black and white shell bead belt, pattern indiscernible, 9 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. 12027/28, Dann Site (1655-1675) 387. Fragment of shell bead belt, pattern indistinguishable, 10 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. 537/28, unknown history 388. Fragment of black and white shell bead band, pattern indiscernible, 6 rows, dimensions not available, bark warps, Wampanoag Nation, ex NMAI Cat. No. 08/5215, (cf.: Billings 1980: 118, 158), gift of Mrs. Charles R. Carr in 1917, collected by his husband, recovered at Burr’s Hill Site, Rhode Island (17th century), repatriated to the Wampanoag Nation Plate 35. Cuffs, Trapezoidal Wristbands 389. Black shell bead band edged at trapezoidal sides with white shell beads, pattern composed of two white, parallel stepped shell bead pyramids, 24 rows, L: ca. 24 cm, grey parts missing, straight edges decorated with red

352

Explanation of Plates

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quillwork, MQB Cat. No. 71.1878.32.60, ex musée de l’Homme, ex musée de ethnographique du Trocadéro, 1878, ex Bibliothèque nationale at Paris, pre1792, incorrectly redrawn by Feest (Hamy 1897, 1: 1, Plate 1; Becker 2007: 60; Feest 2007: 46, 85; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig. 2, Fig. 3a2), described in text 390. Black shell bead wristband with white shell bead pattern, similar and pair with before mentioned, but one row wider, 25 rows, L: ca. 25 cm, grey parts missing, edges decorated with red quillwork, ex musée de l’Homme, ex musée de ethnographique du Trocadéro, 1878, ex Bibliothèque nationale at Paris, pre1792, incorrectly redrawn by Feest (Hamy 1897, 1: 1, Plate 1; Becker 2007: 60; Feest 2007: 46, 85; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig. 2, Fig. 3a1), described in text 391. Black shell bead band with alternating white shell bead edges and nine white, outlined squares, diagonally arranged, with single white, open, equilateral cross in left corner, 27 rows, dimensions not available, grey parts missing, edges wrapped, and leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, Oneida Indian Nation, N.Y., Cat. No. 95.8.3, ex NMAI Cat. No. u., acquired from S. H. Goodwin, who collected it from near Georgian Bay, Canada before 1895, incorrectly redrawn in Beauchamp and by Feest (cf.: Beauchamp 1901: 426, 470, Plate 12, Fig. 170; Becker 2007: 60, No. 1, 62, Fig. 3; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig. 3i), described in text 392. Black triangular shell bead cuff with three white, chequered diamonds, arranged in triangular form, first of pair, 28 rows, L: 22.2 cm, edges wrapped, and leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, Warnock Coll. Cat. No. 8308071, ex Alexander Acevedo Coll., auctioned at Sotheby’s 1982, ex Charles A. Messiter Coll. (1841-1920), incorrectly redrawn by Feest (Sotheby’s 1982: Lot 277; Acevedo et al. (eds.) 1983: 44, Fig. 68; cf.: Becker 2007: 60, No. 12; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig.3h1), described in text 393. Black shell bead band, second of pair and almost identically with before, but in addition, trapezoidal edges decorated by a parallel shell bead line, alternating in colors black and white, 29 rows, L: ca. 21.7 cm, edges wrapped, and leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, Warnock Coll. Cat. No. 8308071, ex Alexander Acevedo Coll., auctioned at Sotheby’s 1982, ex Charles A. Messiter Coll. (1841-1920), incorrectly redrawn by Feest (Sotheby’s 1982: Lot 277; Acevedo et al. (eds.) 1983: 44, Fig. 68; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig.3h2), described in text 394. Black shell bead cuff edged with white shell beads, and decorated with three white, chequered diamonds in triangular position, 30 rows, L: ca. 24 cm, grey parts missing, edges wrapped, and leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, later added glass bead edge and moose hair embroidered flap, CMC Cat. No. III-I-1086a, purchased from Mrs. J. M. Kidd (Becker 2007:60, No. 9), described in text 395. Translucent blue glass bead band with white glass bead pattern, consisting of a white, stepped, double pyramid, in between a white, outlined

Talking Beads

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triangle, first of pair, 26 rows, L: ca. 20 cm, grey parts recreated with black, actually translucent wine red glass beads, leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, MHNEL Cat. No. 90.2.3331.2, entered the institution in 1991, ex Palais des Beaux Arts, 1876, probably ex Alphonse Moillet Coll., pre1851, incorrectly redrawn by Feest (cf.: Becker 2007: 60, No. 3; Feest 2008b: 61; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig.3b2), described in text 396. Translucent blue glass bead cuff with almost identical pattern as before, second of pair, 28 rows, L: ca. 20 cm, grey parts missing, leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, and in addition a single, globular glass bead attached, MHNEL Cat. No. 90.2.3331.1, entered the institution in 1991, ex Palais des Beaux Arts, 1876, probably ex Alphonse Moillet Coll., pre1851, incorrectly redrawn by Feest (Feest 2008: 61; cf.: Becker 2007: 60, No. 3; Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig. 3b1), described in text 397. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead band edged with white glass beads at trapezoidal sides, pattern consist of 12 white, chequered glass bead diamonds, arranged in triangular position, 29 rows, L:17.2 cm, edges wrapped, leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, tied to other band, PGMAE Cat. No. 1901-7a, unknown history, incorrectly redrawn by Feest (Zibert 1975: Plate 2, No. 3; Kasprycki (ed.) 2013: 174f., No. 268, cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig. 3g), described in text, see: p. 233, Fig. 13 398. Black shell bead cuff with white shell bead pattern consisting of five white, chequered diamonds arranged in triangular manner, 28 rows, dimensions not available, edges wrapped, and leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, Oneida Indian Nation, N.Y., Cat. No. 95.8.2, ex NMAI Cat. No. u., acquired from S. H. Goodwin, who collected it from near Georgian Bay, Canada before 1895, incorrectly redrawn in Beauchamp, and by Feest (Beauchamp 1901: 426, 470, Plate 12, Fig. 169; Becker 2007: 60, No. 2, 62, Fig. 1; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig. 3f), described in text 399. Black shell bead cuff partially edged with white shell beads, central pattern composed of five white, chequered diamonds in triangular position, and bottom row alternating in colors black and white, 30 rows, L: ca. 24 cm, grey parts missing, edges wrapped, and leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, later added glass bead edge and moose hair embroidered flap, CMH Cat. No. III-I-1086b, purchased from Mrs. J. M. Kidd (Becker 2007: 60, No. 10), described in text 400. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead cuff edged with white glass beads at trapezoidal sides, pattern consist of white, diagonally arranged, zigzag glass bead line, 29 rows, L: 18 cm, edges wrapped, leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, second of pair, PGMAE Cat. No. 1901-7b, unknown history, incorrectly redrawn by Feest (Zibert 1975: Plate 2, No. 3; Kasprycki (ed.) 2013: 174f., No. 268, cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig. 3g), described in text, see: p. 233, Fig. 13 401. Half of black shell bead cuff with interwoven white, diagonally arranged, zigzag shell bead line, 25 rows, unknown dimensions, edges wrapped,

354

Explanation of Plates

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leather warps twisted in pairs at end, MFT Cat. No. u., said to has been taken at the Battle of Saratoga (1777), incorrectly redrawn by Feest (Gail DeBuse Potter, Director, personal communication July 2011; MAAF (ed.) 1999: 7; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig. 3k), described in text 402. Black, trapezoidal shell bead band edged alternating with white shell beads, pattern consists of two, white, double zigzag lines, diagonally arranged, 25 rows, L: 23 cm, edges wrapped, and leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, which are secured by extra row of wefts, red stain overall, NMAI Cat. No. 00/9774, purchased from Edward Bidwell in 1906, (Becker 2007: 60, No. 8; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig. 3l), described in text 403. Black shell bead cuff edged with white shell beads, decorated by seven interwoven, white, chequered shell bead diamonds, arranged in triangular position, 20 rows, unknown dimension, grey parts missing, ends secured by extra wefts, edges wrapped, and leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, and small Latin silver cross attached to fringe, PMAE, HU Cat. No. 15-2210/86069, purchased in 1915 from unknown source (Speck 1964: 25, Fig. 2. c; Woodward 1970: 30; Becker 2007: 60, No. 13; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71., Fig. 3d), described in text 404. Black trapezoidal shell bead band edged with white shell beads, pattern consists of seven white, chequered shell bead diamonds, arranged in traingular position, 20 rows, L: 18.5 cm, grey parts missing, ends secured by extra wefts, edges wrapped, leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, NCM Cat. No. 1964.19.2, purchased from J. Douglas Ferguson in 1964 (Becker 2007: 60, No. 11; Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig. 3e) 405. Black shell bead cuffs edged with white shell beads, interwoven with seven white, chequered shell bead diamonds in triangular position, 20 rows, L:19.5 cm, ends secured by extra wefts, edges wrapped, leather warps twisted in pairs at ends, red stain overall, almost identically with cuff before, NMAI Cat. No. 16/3828, purchased from Frank G. Speck in 1929, and collected by him at Kanehsatake (Oka) before 1915, incorrectly redrawn by Feest (Speck 1964: 25, 29, Fig. 2 c; Becker 2007: 60, No. 7; cf.: Feest 2014b: 71f., Fig. 3c) Plate 36. Pouches, Pectorals, Ornaments and Miniatures 406. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead weaving of pouch with pattern in white and green glass beads, real flap composed of four white, chequered diamonds, two central linked, 13 rows, L: 18 cm, body composed of four differing rows, top made of white, outlined hexagons filled in green, below six white, open, crosses, followed by six white, outlined hexagons filled in green, bottom row composed of four white, chequered triangles, 26 rows, L: 16.4 cm, NLMB Cat. No. VMB 7250, collected by August Willhelm du Roi before1778 (cf.: Harrison et al., (eds.) 1987a: 85, Feest 2007a: 52; cf.: Feest 2014b: 73, Fig.7; Stolle 2014: 86, Fig. 8), described in text

Talking Beads

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407. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead weaving of pouch with pattern in white glass beads, consisting of two rows, top row composed of six white, chequered glass bead diamonds, while bottom row of three white, outlined hexagons, 26 rows, L: 15.1 cm, framed bias woven bands were not redrawn, BML Cat. No. Ethno 1878.11.-1.625, presented by LieutenantGeneral Augustus Meyrick 1878, collected by Samuel R. Meyrick (17831848), (King 1982: 67, 95; King 1999: 48f.; Feest 2007a: 52; Feest 2014b: 73, Fig. 4), described in text 408. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead weaving of pouch, pattern consists in center of a white outlined glass bead bird in hour glass form with triangular tail, down turned wings and angular head, six additional bird heads, respectively three on each side are interwoven, 32 rows, L: 21.3 cm, NONAM Cat. No. 1938-NA-00011, ex Gottfried Hotz Coll., Cat. No. 11. 1,3, (Schulamt der Stadt Zürich (ed.) 1975: 43, 154, Fig. 17; cf.: NONAM (ed.) 2010: 84), purchased from Charles Ratton, Paris in 1938, see: p. 213, Fig. 12 409. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead weaving of pouch, pattern consists of four horizontally arranged rows, top of two white, parallel glass bead lines, below of five white, outlined hexagons, followed by a white, double zigzag line and six white, chequered diamonds, bottom end of white glass bead row, 41 rows, L: 23 cm, PGMAE Cat. No. 1901-6, transferred from the Russian Geographical Society in 1889 (Zibert 1975: 30, Plate 2, Fig. 4; Kasprycki (ed.) 2013: 172f., No. 266; Feest 2014b: 73, 75, Fig. 6) 410. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead weaving of pouch with white glass bead pattern, consisting of four parallel elements, top of framed diagonally arranged lines, below of seven white, chequered diamonds, followed by white, double zigzag line, at bottom four white, outlined hexagons framed by a white row at top and bottom, 47 rows, 24.7 cm, grey parts missing, PMAE, HU Cat. No. 67-10-10/288, ex Massachusetts Historical Society, ex Freeman Coll. pre1792 (Feest 2007a: 52; cf.: Feest 2014b: 74, Fig.5) 411. Miniature belt made of globular white glass beads with black glass bead pattern, consisting of diagonal, double lines and double brackets, 3 rows, L: ca. 14 cm, MBAC Cat. No. 11405.63, ex musée de Chartres, pre1835, said to date to ca. 1760 (Musées de la Marine 1975: 28, No. 7; Harrison et al., (eds.) 1987a: book frontispiece; Phillips 1998: 291; Joubeaux and Stéfani (eds.) 2002: 92f.) 412. Miniature belt made of globular red glass beads with white glass bead pattern, consisting of nine open crosses, 3 rows, dimensions unknown, CMC III-E-311, purchased from Arthur Speyer, Jr. in 1973, purchased from Earnest Ohley, Berkeley Galleries, London, said to date to 1780-1800 (Benndorf and Speyer 1968: 75, Plate 41, No. 109; Brasser 1976: 134, Fig. 123; Phillips 1998: 290f.; Sturtevant 2001: 171)

356

Explanation of Plates

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413. Black, actually translucent wine red, glass bead model belt, decorated with 11 white, open crosses, 3 rows, L: 20 cm, one end got loose, PRMO Cat. No. 1884.54.8.16, ex Henry L. F. Pitt-Rivers Coll., pre1874 (cf.: Mowat 1993: 19; Phillips 1998: 290) 414. Miniature belt of black, actually translucent wine red, glass beads interwoven with 14 a half white, open crosses, one end got loose, 3 rows, L: 25.4 cm, Private Coll., sold at Sotheby’s in 2005, ex Farquharson Coll., said to be collected by Alexander Farquharson in ca. 1760 (Phillips and Idiens 1994: 32; Phillips 1998: 84, Plate 8; Sotheby’s 2005: 25, Lot 17) 415. White model glass bead belt interwoven with eight black, chequered glass bead diamonds, 5 rows, unknown dimensions, length incomplete, CMH Cat. No. III-L-274, purchased from Arthur Speyer, Jr. in 1973, ex Arthur Speyer, Sr., said to be from Charles Ratton, said to date prior to 1779 (Benndorf and Speyer 1968: 74, Plate 41, No. 106; Dubin 1999: 148; Sturtevant 2001: 180) 416. White miniature glass bead belt with 12 interwoven translucent blue, chequered glass bead diamonds, 5 rows, L: 22.5 cm, SMB Cat. No. A IV b 214, ex Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Brunswick, pre1779 (cf.: Phillips 1998: 291; Haase 2004: 179, Fig. 101; cf.: Feest 2008a: 53) 417. Miniature glass bead belt composed of alternating, vertically arranged bars in colors white, black, and translucent blue, 4 rows, unknown dimensions, CMH Cat. No. III-L-273, purchased from Arthur Speyer, Jr. in 1973, ex Arthur Speyer, Sr., said to be from Charles Ratton, said to date prior to 1779 (Benndorf and Speyer 1968: 74, Plate 41, No. 105; Sturtevant 2001: 180; Stolle 2012: 33, Fig. 7) 418. Black shell bead disc-pectoral sewn on leather and backed with linen and birch bark, edged with red quillwork, pattern consists of a white shell bead circle with four stepped triangles in cardinal position, 26 rows, Dia: 16 cm, red stain overall, PGMA Cat. No. 1901-23, unknown history before 1901 (Zibert 1975: 23, Fig. 17; Harrison et al., (eds.) 1987a: 80; cf.: Feest 2014b: 75f., Fig. 9) 419. Black shell bead disc-pectoral sewn on leather backing and birch bark (?), edged with white globular glass beads, pattern consist of four white, open crosses in cardinal position, 22 rows, Dia: ca. 12.7 cm, grey parts missing, Warnock Coll. Cat. No. 8912007-A4.2, purchased at Sotheby’s Auction, ex Private Coll., most probably collected by James Drumond, Eighth Viscount of Strathallen, before 1851 (Sotheby’s 1989: Lot 146; cf.: Feest 2014b: 76) 420. Black glass bead disc sewn on cloth backing, edged with alternating white and black glass beads, pattern consists of two white concentric circles, 24 rows, unknown dimensions, center beads missing, DEG Cat. No. n., purchased at Sotheby’s in 1988, ex Private Coll. (Sotheby’s 1988: Lot 75)

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421. Two translucent, blue glass bead panels edged with white glass beads and interwoven white, outlined “thunder birds”, 15 rows and 12 rows, unknown dimensions, part of neck ornament, NMAI Cat. No. 24/2034, exchanged with George Terasaki in 1966, received by Major Andrew Foster before 1795 (cf.: Phillips 2011: 118, Fig. 8) 422. Three translucent, blue glass bead panels with central design of interwoven green Andreas crosses outlined in white glass beads, and framed at top and bottom with row of white glass beads, 25 rows, L: ca. 6.9 cm, 25 rows, L: ca. 6.9 cm, and bottom 24 rows, L: ca. 6.5 cm, PRMO Cat. No. 1952.5.07, purchased from Major Shirley in 1966, on loan by Colonel Shirley since 1952 (Mowat 1993: 50) Wampum Belts Without Images 1. Shell bead belt of 8 rows, dimensions not available, maybe reconstructed, Private Coll., unknown history 2. Black shell bead band with white shell bead edges, 8 rows, dimensions not available, p. l. u., collected by Walter C. Wymann among the Penobscot, Oldtown, Maine (Beauchamp 1901: 429, 476, Plate 26, Fig. 278) 3. Black shell bead band with white shell bead edging, 8 rows, dimensions not available, p. l. u., collected by Walter C. Wymann among the Penobscot, Oldtown, Maine (Beauchamp 1901: 429, 476, Plate 26, Fig. 280) 4. Fragment of black shell bead belt, 14 rows, L: 3 cm, GRPM Cat. No. 113296, unknown history (Grand Rapids Public Museum (ed.) 1977: 39, Fig. 4) 5. Glass bead belt, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, Private Coll., returned in 1938, ex NMAI Cat. No. 18/9129, on loan by Charles H. Young, purchased by his great grandfather, Alexander Hascy in ca. 1810 6. Black shell bead belt with four pairs of white diamonds, unknown rows, dimensions not available, Stockbridge Nations, ex FMNH Cat. No. 68567, repatriated to the Stockbridge Nations 7. Shell bead belt with unknown design, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, p. l. u., exchanged to Byron Knoblock in 1965, ex NMAI 15/3399, restrung belt by a nun at St. Hyacinthe, Quebec, recovered at Tadousac, Quebec 8. Fragment of shell bead belt, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, Montaukett Indian Tribe, ex NMAI 07/1442, collected by Foster H. Saville, Lilly Hill Site (17th century), repatriated to the Montaukett Indian Tribe in 1998 9. Wampum belt with 14 white squares, 7 rows, dimensions not available, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 07/3094, gift of Harmon W. Hendricks in 1917,

358

Explanation of Plates

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collected by F. C. Christ from unknown source, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1997 10. Wampum belt, unknown pattern, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, Tonawanda Band of Senecas, Seneca Nation of Indians, ex NMAI Cat. No. 04/8425, acquired by the institution from William O. Oldman in 1916, who bought it in England at auction from the collection of Robert Day Vice-President of the Archaeological Society of Ireland in 1915, who obtained it from H. Westrop, it was brought to England in 1840, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1996 11. Wampum belt, unknown pattern, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, “Condolence Belt of Snipe Clan”, Tonawanda Band of Senecas, Seneca Nation of Indians, ex NMAI 00/9621, purchased from Joseph Keppler in 1906, collected by him from Mariali Jones, Tonawanda Reservation, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1997 12. Fragment of wampum belt, unknown patter, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, “Runner’s Wampum”, Tonawanda Band of Senecas, Seneca Nation of Indians, ex NMAI 02/1055, purchased from Joseph Keppler in 1906 and collected by him, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1996 13. Wampum belt, unknown pattern, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 03/1543, purchased by George G. Heye in Paris in 1910, said to be found in grave of Seneca Chief Blacksnake in 1880, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1997 14. Fragment of wampum belt, unknown pattern, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, Cayuga Nation, ex NMAI Cat. No. 10/4191, gift of Harmon W. Hendricks in 1921, collected by William L. Bryant, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1996 15. Black wampum belt with six white diamonds, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, “Condolence Belt”, Six Nations, ex NMAI Cat. No. 16/3826, acquired by the institution in 1929, collected by Frank G. Speck at Kanehsatake (Oka), repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 1997 16. Wampum band, unknown pattern, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, Wampanoag Nation, ex NMAI Cat. No. 08/5317, gift of Mrs. Charles R. Carr in 1917, collected by his husband, recovered at Burr’s Hill Site, Rhode Island (17th century), repatriated to the Wampanoag Nation 17. Black shell bead belt, unknown pattern, 5 rows, unknown dimensions, UPMAA Cat. No. NA3879, unknown history 18. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, unknown dimensions, on loan to UPMAA Cat. No. L-1041-15, recently transferred to the Abbe Museum (Becker 2004: 110)

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19. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, couldn’t be located, CUMAA Cat. No. 1922.30, unknown history 20. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, Cayuga Nation, ex CMAH Cat. No. u., unknown history, repatriated to the Haudenosaunee Council in 2012 21. Glass wampum band, 5 rows, dimensions not available, 7 outlined hexagons and chequered rows along both edges, p. l. u. ex musée de l’homme, Paris Cat. No. u., see: CMH Cat. No. J2569, photo by Marius Barbeau, 1954 22. Wampum belt “made into an ornament”, pattern unknown, unknown num-ber of rows, dimensions not available, MVM Cat. No. u., collected by S. D. S. Huyghue among the Huron-Wendat at Lorette, present Wendake in 1846 (Phillips 2011: 142) 23. Wampum belt “made into a European style belt […] fitted with a belt buckle”, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, MVM Cat. No. u., collected by S. D. S. Huyghue among the HuronWendat at Lorette, present Wendake in 1846 (Phillips 2011: 142) 24. Glass wampum belt, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, MVM Cat. No. u., collected by S. D. S. Huyghue among the Huron-Wendat at Lorette, present Wendake in 1846 (Phillips 2011: 142) 25. Wampum belt, indiscernible pattern, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Power House Site (1640-1655), (Wray 2003: 11) 26. Wampum belt fragment, pattern not distinguishable, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Power House Site (1640-1655), (Wray 2003: 11) 27. Wampum belt, no design discernible, 8 to 10 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Power House Site (1640-1655), (Wray 2003: 11) 28. Wampum belt, pattern undistinguishable, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Power House Site (16401655), (Wray 2003: 11) 29. Wampum belt, no design discernible, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Power House Site (16401655), (Wray 2003: 11) 30. Wampum belt, indiscernible pattern, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Marsh Site (1650-1670), (Wray 2003: 13) 31. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, 22 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Marsh Site (1650-1675), (Wray 2003: 13)

360

Explanation of Plates

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32. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, 8 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Marsh Site (1650-1675), (Wray 2003: 13) 33. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Marsh Site (1650-1675), (Wray 2003: 15) 34. Wampum belt, unknown pattern, 12 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Marsh Site (1650-1675), (Wray 2003: 15) 35. Glass wampum belt, no design discernible, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 14) 36. Wampum belt, indiscernible pattern, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 14) 37. Wampum belt fragment, unknown pattern, 12 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 14) 38. Wampum belt, pattern not distinguishable, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 14) 39. Glass wampum belt, no design discernible, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 14) 40. Wampum belt fragment, unknown pattern, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 12) 41. Wampum belt fragment, unknown pattern, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 12) 42. Red glass wampum belt/jacket, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 12) 43. Black glass wampum belt, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 12) 44. Wampum belt, indiscernible pattern, 6 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 12) 45. Wampum belt fragment, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 11) 46. Wampum belt fragment, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 11) 47. Wampum belt, no pattern discernible, 6 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 11)

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48. Wampum belt, no pattern distinguishable, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Dann Site (1655-1675), (Wray 2003: 11) 49. Wampum belt, unknown pattern, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Boughton Hill Site (1670-1687), (Wray 2003: 15) 50. Wampum belt, unknown pattern, 6 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Boughton Hill Site (1670-1687), (Wray 2003: 14) 51. Wampum belt, indiscernible pattern, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Rochester Junction (1675-1687), (Wray 2003: 13) 52. Wampum belt, pattern not distinguishable, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Rochester Junction (16751687), (Wray 2003: 12) 53. Black shell bead belt, pattern not discernible, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Rochester Junction (16751687), (Wray 2003: 12) 54. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, 8 rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Beal Site (1670-1687), (Wray 2003: 15) 55. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Bunce Site (1670-1687), (Wray 2003: 15) 56. Black shell bead cuffs, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Kendaia Site (1750-1779), (Wray 2003: 15) 57. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Kendaia Site (1750-1779), (Wray 2003: 15) 58. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Traver Site (1650-1670?), (Wray 2003: 14) 59. Glass wampum belt, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, RMSC Cat. No. u., Traver Site (1650-1670?), (Wray 2003: 14) 60. Wampum belt fragment, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, MSUM Cat. No. u., Lasanen Site (1670-1715), (Cleland (ed.) 1971: 7, 40, 90f.) 61. Wampum belt fragment, pattern unknown, 15 rows, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, MSUM Cat. No. u., Lasanen Site (16701715), (Cleland (ed.) 1971: 13f., 40, 90f.) 62. Wampum belt fragment, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, MSUM Cat. No. u., Lasanen Site (1670-1715), (Cleland (ed.) 1971: 15f., 40, 90f.)

362

Explanation of Plates

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63. Wampum belt fragment, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, MSUM Cat. No. u., Lasanen Site (1670-1715), (Cleland (ed.) 1971: 15f., 40, 90f.) 64. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, MPMRC Cat. No. u., unknown history 65. Wampum belt, pattern unknown, unknown number of rows, dimensions not available, MPMRC Cat. No. u., unknown history

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Bibliography Manuscript Sources BECHS = Buffalo and Erie County Historical Society, Buffalo, N.Y. - Indians (Odgen Treaty), B00-2. BL = British Library, London, England. - Add. Ms. 21,655, Folio 131ff. Minutes of conferences, held at Easton. - Add. Ms. 21,670, Folio u. Haldimand Papers. - Add. Ms. 21,779, Folio 3-6, 7-12, 91-95, 96-99 Haldimand Papers. - Add. Ms. 21,782, Folio 287-288f. Haldimand Papers. - Add. Ms. 21,799, Folio 73-78, 83-88, 91-99, Haldimand Papers CLP = Carnegie Library of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA. - George Morgan Letterbook 1. HEHL = Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, CAL. - Diary of John F. Carmichael, HM 827. HSP = Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA. - Pennsylvania Miscellaneous, Indian Affairs, Vol. 1. Conrad Weiser’s journal of proceedings with the Six Nations during his journey to Onondaga, 15th Aug-1 Oct 1750. - Pennsylvania Miscellaneous, Indian Affairs, Vol. 2. Copy of proceedings of council at Albany. - Yeates Papers, Miscellaneous, January to June 1776, Folder No. 5. LAC = Library and Archives of Canada, Ottawa. - C11E, Fol. 13. Description de la Nouvelle-Holland et Angleterre. - MG13, WO28, Vol. 10. War Office Papers. - MG17, AF2, Vol. 2. - MG19, F35, Series 1, lot 687. - MG19, F35, Series 2, lot 611. - MG19, F35, Series 2, lot 624. - MG23, GII, 10, Vol. 2, Jonathan Sewell and family, correspondence. - RG10, Vol. 292, No. 195659. Petition of Ojibwa. - RG10, Vol. 1831. English Minutes of Indian affairs. - RG10, A9, Vol. 16, Minutes of council with western Nations. LC = Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. - Letters of Delegates to Congress, Vol. 4 May 16, 1776-August 15, 1776. James Wilson to Jasper Yeates.

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Bibliography

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MA = Massachusetts Archives, Boston, MA. - Massachusetts, Archives, Vol. 29. MHS = Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, MA. - Pickering Papers, Vol. 59. NAML = National Army Museum London. Picture Library 1015615 - Drawing by Henry De Berniere of the 10th Regiment, 1773. NARS = National Archives and Records Service, Washington, D.C. - Diplomatic Branch, Papers of the Continental Congress, i167. NYHS = New York Historical Society, New York, N.Y. - O’Reilly Papers, Vol. 8, 24. NYPL = New York Public Library, New York, N.Y. - Rare Books and Manuscript Division, (Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundation), Schuyler Papers, Box 14. NYSL = New York State Library, Albany, N.Y. - Manuscript 14164. PHMC = Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg, PA. - Pennsylvania Provincial Records, Vol. 50. PROK = Public Record Office, Kew, England. - CO5/77 Council at Chote. - CO5/1046 Journal of Johannes Bleeker and David Schuyler’s journey to Onondaga, 2-29 June 1701, enclosed in letter of John Nafan. - CO42/36 Copy of speeches about neutrality delivered by two Onondagas at Kayingwarertos Village in Seneca Country. - CO42/37 Minutes of council at Detroit. - CO42/38 Documents about council held at Niagara between the British and the Six Nations and allies. SROE = Scottish Record Office, Edinburgh, Scotland. - Cunningham of Thorton Collection, GD21/493. Treaty of Easton, 1777. VSL = Virginia State Library, Richmond, VA. - Colonial Papers, Folder 4, Item 2a

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Bibliography Published Primary Sources Almon, John 1780 The Remembrancer, or Impartial repository of public events, For the Year 1780. London, England: J. Almon. Anonymous 1739 A catalogue of the rarities to be seen at Don Saltero's coffee-house in Chelsea. To which is added, a compleat list of the donors thereof. [10th edition] London: anonymous. 1743 The Treaty held with the Indians of the Six Nations, at Philadelphia, in July, 1742. Philadelphia, PA: R. Franklin. 1746 A Treaty, between His Excellency the Honourable George Clinton, Held at Albany in the months of August and September, 1746. New-York, NY: James Parker. 1753 The Boston Gazette, or Weekly Journal (31), July 31, 1753. Boston, Massachusetts. 1754 The London magazine or, Gentleman’s monthly intelligencer. [17471783]. London, England: Printed for R. Baldwin. 1756 An Account of Conferences held, and Treaties made, between Majorgeneral Sir William Johnson, Bart. and the chief Sachems and Warriors…London: printed for A. Miller. 1757 Pennsylvania Gazette (1486), June 16, 1757. Philadelphia, PA. 1762 The general contents of the British Museum: with remarks. Serving as a Directory in viewing that noble cabinet. Sec. extended edition [1761]. London: Printed for R. and J. Dodsley. 1764 The Dublin magazine, for the year… Vol. 1 of 2. Dublin, Ireland. 1766a The New-York Gazette (391), October 6, 1766. New-York, NY: W. Weyman. 1766b The New-Hampshire Gazette, and Historical Chronicle 11(532), December 12, 1766. New Hampshire, NH. 1769 A Continuation of the narrative of the Indian Charity-school, in Lebanon in Connecticut, New England, founded and carried on by the Revd Dr Eleazar Wheelock...London: J. and W. Oliver.

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1771 The town and country magazine; or universal repository of knowledge, instruction, and entertainment. For the year…Vol. 3 of 14. London: printed for A. Hamilton, Junr. 1779 The Pennsylvania Packet, October 21, 1779. Philadelphia, PA: John Dunlap. 1780 A catalogue of the rarities to be seen at Don Saltero’s Coffee-House in Chelsea. To which is added, a complete list of the donors thereof the…34th edition. London: anonymous. 1786 A catalogue of the Portland Museum, lately the property of the Dutchess Dowager of Portland, deceased: Which will be sold by auction…London: Skinner and Co. 1790 Salem Gazette (21), May 25, 1790. Salem, MASS. 1791a The Burlington Advertiser, or Agricultural and Political Intelligencer 2(58), May 17, 1791. Burlington, NJ. 1791b The General Advertiser and Political, Commercial, Agricultural and Literary Journal (261), August 1, 1791. Philadelphia, PA. 1792 Dunlap’s American daily Advertiser (4222), August 7, 1792, Philadelphia, PA. 1793 American Apollo 2(18), February 1, 1793. Boston, MASS. 1794 Courier of New Hampshire 5(24), July 24, 1794, Concord, NH. 1797 The Philadelphia Gazette & Universal Daily Advertiser 14(2606), March 4, 1797. Philadelphia, PA. 1798a Commercial Advertiser 1(124), February 22, 1798. 1798b Minutes of the New-York Baptist Association, held in the City of NewYork, May 23d and 24th, 1798. 1802 The Herald of Liberty 4(205), January 11, 1802. Pennsylvania. 1803 American Citizen and General Advertiser 4(1033), July 21, 1803. NewYork, NY. 1806a The New-York Evening Post (1338), March 10, 1806. New-York, NY. 1806b The Missionary magazine for 1806, a periodical monthly publication, intended as a repository of discussion and intelligence respecting the progress of the gospel throughout the world, Vol. 11. Edinburgh, Scotland: J. Ritchie.

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1806c Middlebury Mercury 24(1204), August 6, 1806. Middlebury, VT. 1807a The Democratic Press 1(48), July 8, 1807. Philadelphia, PA. 1807b The Phoenix 5(283), October 3, 1807. 1807c The echo, with other poems. New York, NY: Pasquin Petronius. 1808 City Gazette and Daily Advertiser 27(9151), May 18, 1808. 1810 The Columbian 1(223), July 20, 1810. New York, NY. 1811 The Public Advertiser 5(1445), May 13, 1811. New York, NY. 1812 The Argus of Western America 5(28), August 19, 1812. 1813 The Washingtonian 3(146), March 5, 1813. Leesburg, VI. 1814 The Rhode-Island American, and General Advertiser 6(52), April 12, 1814. Rhode-Island: Miller & Mann. 1817 The Repertory 14(110), September 16, 1817. Boston, MASS. 1830 The Newport Mercury 69(3557), June 12, 1830. Newport, RI. 1860 The Desert News 10(16), June 20, 1860. Salt Lake City, UH. 1949 Mémoire concernant les coliers de porcelaine des sauvages, leur différents usages et la matière dont ils sont composés. Le Bulletin des recherches historiques 55(4-6): 119-120. Archenholtz, J. W. von 1787 The English Lyceum, or, Choice of pieces in prose and verse, selected from the best periodical papers, magazines, pamphlets, and other British. 3 Vol. Hamburg, Germany: Printed for the editor. Bacqueville De La Potherie, Claude Charles Le Roy 1997 Histoire de l’amérique septentrionale: relation d’un séjour en NouvelleFrance [1722, 1753]. 2 Vols. Reprinted with introduction and notes by Yves Cazaux and Daniel Dubois. Paris: Rocher. Bailey, Francis 1797 Journal of a Tour in Unsettled Parts of North America in 1796 & 1797. Carbondale, ILL: Southern Illinois University. Barker, J. N. 1808 The Indian princess; or, La belle sauvage. An operatic melo-drame. In three acts. Performed at the theatres Philadelphia and Baltimore. Philadelphia, PA: T. & G. Palmer.

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