Tales from Tang Dynasty China: Selections from the Taiping Guangji [Paperback ed.] 1624666302, 9781624666308

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Tales from Tang Dynasty China: Selections from the Taiping Guangji [Paperback ed.]
 1624666302, 9781624666308

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3 9030 04285684 1

ALt^FROM

Tan g D y n a sty C hina Selections from the

Tciiping Guangji

Edited, with an Introduction, by

Alexei Kamran Ditter, Jessey Choo, and Sarah M. Allen

T a les fr o m T a n g D y n a sty C h in a Selections from the

Taiping Guangji

T alks fr o m T a n g D y n a sty C h in a Selections from the

Taiping Gnangji

Edited, with an Introduction, by

Alexei Kamran Ditter, Jessey Choo, and Sarah M. Allen

Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. Indianapolis/Cambridge

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank the contributors to this volume for all their work over the past few years. Thanks also to the two anonymous readers for Hackett, who provided valuable suggestions for improvement, and to Rick Todhunter, our editor, for his enthusiasm for this project from its inception. Finally, we thank our families for their support on so many fronts, and for their patience during the many hours of Skyping that made our collaboration from multiple cities and two coasts possible. AKD, JJC, SMA Copyright © 2017 by Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 20 19 18 17

1234567

For further information, please address Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. PO. Box 44937 Indianapolis, Indiana 46244-0937 www.hackettpublishing.com Cover design by Rick Todhunter Interior design by Elizabeth L. Wilson Composition by William Hartman Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Ditter, Alexei Kamran, 1969- editor. | Choo, Jessey Jiun-Chyi, 1973- editor. | Allen, Sarah M., 1969- editor. Title: Tales from Tang Dynasty China : selections from the Taiping Guangji / edited by Alexei Ditter, Jessey Choo, and Sarah M. Allen. Description: Indianapolis ; Cambridge : Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., [2017] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017009565| ISBN 9781624666308 (pbk.) | ISBN 9781624666315 (cloth) Subjects: LCSH: Chinese fiction—Tang dynasty, 618-907. | Tales—China. | Taiping guang ji. Classification: LCC PL2641 .T29 2017 | DDC 895.1/3308—dc23

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.

©

C o ntents

Timeline

ix

Note on Translation Conventions

xiii

Introduction

1 T

h is

W

o rld

“The Woman in the Carriage” $ 4 * introduced and translated by Linda Feng

31

“Xiao Yingshi” I f H i introduced and translated byAlexei K Ditter

37

“MingSiyuan” 0^ S i H introduced and translated byAlexei K Ditter

39

“The Record of Master Shenxiu’s Predictions” introduced and translated byJessey Choo

Siftla IE 43

“Du Mu” introduced and translated by Manling Luo

48

“Di Weiqian” introduced and translated byAlexei K. Ditter

56

“General Pan” introduced and translated by Linda Feng

62

“The Female Slave of Li Fu” . introduced and translated byAlexei K Ditter

67

“Pengyan” introduced and translated byAlexei K Ditter

70

B etw een W E n co u n ters

o r ld s: in t h e

O th erw o rld y H um an W o rld

“Yao Hong” « introduced and translated by Sarah M. Allen

73

“Tang Xuan” jiff® introduced and translated byJessey Choo

77

“Cao Weisi” W 'lH S introduced and translated by Natasha Heller

87

“Dou Yu” introduced and translated byJack W. Chen

91

“Scholar Wang” introduced and translated by Sarah M. Allen

94

“Shentu Cheng” ^ MWt introduced and translated by Sarah M. Allen

98

“Scholar Hu” introduced and translated by Manling Luo

103

“The Clan o f Xingyang” K introduced and translated by Natasha Heller

106

B etw een W

o rld s:

T ravel

to

O th er W

o rlds

“Vice Magistrate of Liuhe District” / \ n'M zS introduced and translated byJessey Choo

109

“Dong Guan” lirif, introduced and translated byJessey Choo

112

“Yang Jingzhen” introduced and translated by Sarah M. Allen

118

“LuYong” B M introduced and translated by Linda Feng

124

“Master Yang” Wa introduced and translated by Timothy Davis

132

Appendix 1: Tales Organized by Chronology Appendix 2: Sourcesfor Tales within the Taiping guangji

139 140

Appendix 3: Tales by Categories within the Taiping guangji

144

Appendix 4: Tales Categorized by Theme or Topic Bibliography

146 150

Index

157

T im e l in e

Tang Dynasty (618-907) E m peror

R e ig n

R e i g n P e r io d

Emperor Gaozu

r. 618-627

Emperor Taizong

r. 627—649

W udeEH 618-627 Zhenguan^H 627-650

Emperor Gaozong

rjtk

r. 649-684

Yonghui 7%W. 650-656 Xianqing IHJl 656—661 Longshuo

661—664

Linde M'iM 664-666 Qianfeng

666—668

Zongzhang

668-670

Xianheng jflS,-?

670-674

Shangyuan _h7G 674-676 Yifeng fHI®,

676-679

Tiaolu US®

679-680

Yonglong tRIII

680—681

Kaiyao pfjHI 681-682 Yongchun z1 Shaanxi 1 ^ 0 ). A secondary capital was established to the east in the city of Luoyang (in modern He’nan M S ) . The government was headed by an emperor who presided over a large bureaucracy comprised o f both a central administration based in the capital and regional offices respon­ sible for local administration. The Tang dynasty proper was briefly inter­ rupted for some fifteen years starting in 690, when the Empress Wu (624-705), consort of the third Tang emperor, declared an end to the Tang and took the throne herself as the founder of a new dynasty, the Zhou JrJ . However, the Zhou proved short-lived; the empress was deposed in 705 and the Tang re-established by one o f her sons.4 In 712 Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712-756) ascended the throne to what proved to be one o f the most storied eras in Chinese history. The early years of his rule are regarded as having been a time of rare peace and prosperity, but his reign ended ignominiously in a rebellion that forced his abdication. As the story is conventionally told, the aging Xuanzong tired o f his imperial responsibilities and devoted himself instead to his young consort Yang guifei (the Prized Consort; d. 756). Blinded to the signs o f impending disaster, the emperor effectively ceded the reins of government to unscrupulous ministers— including Yang guifeis uncle Yang Guozhong (d. 756)— who acted with an eye to their own benefit rather than that of the empire as a whole. In fact the roots of the problem lay deeper than Xuanzong’s infatuation with Yang guifei, in the system of military governorships established by his predecessors to defend the dynasty’s borders in key regions, which removed control of the empire s largest armies from the central govern­ ment and placed it into the hands of the military governors.5 In 755 the most powerful military governor in the empire, a Sogdian general named An Lushan ill who directed massive troops in the north­ east, led-his -forces to rebel under the pretext of punishing the corrupt 4. For more detailed discussion of these topics, see Mark Edward Lewis, China’s Cosmopolitan Empire: The Tang Dynasty (Cambridge, MA: Hie Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009), 31-38; and Denis C. Twitchett, ed., The Cambridge History o f China, vol. 3: Sui and T'ang China (589—906), Part 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 150, 186-93, 242, 244-47, 251, 306, and passim. 5. Lewis, 46-48; Twitchett, 16-17.

minister Yang Guozhong. An Lushan was assassinated in 757, but the rebellion continued until 763, at great financial and political cost to the Tang. Even after the rebellion was contained, the central government' never entirely regained the degree of strength, or fiscal stability, that it had commanded earlier in Xuanzong’s reign. The central govern­ ment had conceded varying degrees o f autonomy to military gover­ nors to secure their support against the rebels, and reasserting central authority proved difficult. The northeast, which had not been as firmly under Tang control as regions closer to the capital even before the rebel­ lion, proved especially recalcitrant. Its governors claimed the right to name their own successors (making the posts effectively hereditary) and routinely failed to submit tax payments to the central government.6 Another major rebellion in the 780s suggest the continued tenuous­ ness of Tang power. The Tang made periodic attempts to reassert cen­ tral government authority, notably under Emperor Xianzong (r. 805—820), but his gains were short-lived.7 In foreign policy, the Tang faced stronger external foes in the post­ rebellion period than had been the case for the century before the rebel­ lion: the Tibetans in the west, the Uighurs in the northwest, the Khitan in the northeast, and the kingdom o f Nanzhao in the southwest all posed threats to the Tang borders at different points. The Tibetans occu­ pied the Tang capital of Chang’an in 763, and Tibetan incursions forced the Tang to abandon its claims to territory in Central Asia. The cost o f maintaining armies to contain threats, domestic and foreign, added further to the dynasty’s financial problems. Rising banditry and a string of rebellions led to chaos and extreme hardship in many regions of the empire in the second half o f the ninth century. The dynasty endured in name until 907, when the last emperor to take the Tang throne was forced to abdicate by a warlord hoping to found his own dynasty, but by that point the government had not commanded any real authority for two decades.8 In the decades following, the territory the Tang had once ruled was divided into several competing smaller states, until being reunited under a new dynasty, the Song, in 960.

6. Twitchett, 31, 519. 7. Lewis, 64-66; Twitchett, 522—42. 8. Lewis, 70-72.

An understanding o f specific aspects of Tang life and society— the sig­ nificance o f place, the civil examination system, official life, poetry, and the lives o f women— can further help modern readers gain greater insight into the stories included within this volume.

Setting The settings within which these stories take place are significant. By pay­ ing attention to them, modern readers in part acquire an intimate sense of the places where the Tang elite spent their lives— along urban alleys, rural byways, or metropolis-spanning thoroughfares, or within temples, mansions, or roadside inns. Modern readers also acquire a sense o f the various activities they undertook there— traveling hither and thither to take the civil examinations or serve in office, enjoying the company o f friends or courtesans, composing poetry, or engaging in erudite dis­ course. We also begin to understand what these places signified within the Tang elite imagination. We see for example that certain locations are often portrayed as being fraught with peril, both mundane and otherworldly. In the stories within this volume, characters away from home are murdered (“The Clan of Xingyang,” “Pengyan”) or pass away for no discernible reason (“Dou Yu”). It is, moreover, in these remote locations that individuals might encounter beings who are themselves liminal— animals masquerading as humans (“Shentu Cheng,” “Scholar Wang”), immortals or transcendents (“Yao Hong”), ghosts (“The Clan o f Xingyang,” “Dou Yu”)— or who are otherwise extraordinary and unusual, such as foreigners (“Xiao Yingshi,” “Lu Yong”) or members o f the criminal underground (“The Woman in the Carriage,” “General Pan”). By paying careful attention to the locations in which these tales occur, we as modern readers get a tangible sense o f where the Tang elite lived their lives, what activities were associated with those locations, and how they were understood in the elite imagination. Note that many of the specific locations referenced in these tales would also have had particular implications for contemporaneous audi­ ences. In the story “General Pan,” for example, the areas within the capital city of Chang’an in which the events take place (Guangde ward 7'tWiifc, Shengye ward jS fiiifr) , serve several purposes. To begin with, they help identify the relative social statuses of the characters; certain

neighborhoods were better than others and the ward in which a char­ acter lived could be a strong indicator o f social status and position. Second, they offer implicit explanation for certain details in the narra­ tive; the close geographic proximity o f Shengye ward to the Xingqing palace JPIJIclj suggests why fine foods and rare delicacies, typically accessible only to the imperial family, might find their way to the table of a poor family living in the ward adjacent to the palace. Finally, some settings had broader cultural implications. The Great Goose pagoda of the Ci en Monastery (where the burglar in “General Pan” stashes the rosary stolen at the beginning o f the story) is not only important as a towering architectural structure and famous tour­ ist attraction in Chang an, but was also significant as a prominent public venue, where successful civil examination candidates inscribed their names and sometimes poems or other biographical information. Recognizing the significance of these various settings thus makes it pos­ sible for modern readers to identify nuances implicit in their detailed description and better understand their significance within a story.

Education and Civil Examinations The bureaucracy through which the dynasty governed relied on the lit­ eracy of its members for tasks ranging from local recordkeeping to the presentation of formal letters and petitions (memorials) to the throne. This ensured a close relationship between literacy and political power. During the Tang, education was thus one key means by which mem­ bers of great families could preserve their prestige across generations, or individuals of less prominent background could achieve higher status. When the dynasty was founded in the early seventh century, a sub­ stantial corpus of texts from earlier ages— which included Confucian classics, histories, literature, and sometimes Daoist as well as Buddhist scriptures already formed a cultural legacy that educated men were expected to master, and to build upon in compositions o f their own. Demonstrable mastery of this corpus by means of the civil examination system was one means by which men, in particular those from lesser families, could translate their education and literary talents into pres­ tige, position, and political power. First appearing in 587 under the preceding Sui dynasty P f'ft (581-618), the Tang civil examination system served as an important tool by which to recruit men o f talent and education into government

service. Although consisting of two distinct parts— a “selection” (xuan ill) examination, which qualified those who passed to serve as officials, and a “promotion” (Ju If!) examination, success in which led to actual appointment— it was the former that is more prominently featured in Tang tales. This was because success in the selection examinations often functioned to “fast-track” an individual’s career, increasing their likeli­ hood of appointment to desired positions in or near the Tang capitals o f Chang’an or Luoyang and the rapidity with which they might rise through the ranks to positions of power and prestige. It thus occupied a disproportionately important position in the cultural imagination. In the tales included in this volume, we find many that feature characters who are preparing for the examinations on their own or in government schools (“The Woman in the Carriage,” “Lu Yong”), have just passed (“The Record o f Master Shenxiu’s Predictions,” “D u Mu”) or failed (“Dou Yu”) the examinations, or who are at least related to successful examination candidates (“Tang Xuan”).9 The most common examinations featured in Tang stories were the “regular examinations” (changke If,’# ) . 10These were held annually during the early spring in the capital city of Chang’an. The most prestigious o f the regular examinations was the “Presented Scholar” ijinshi i t dr) examination. While the specific curriculum varied slightly at different times, for most of the dynasty this examination tested the candidate’s familiarity with and understanding o f the Confucian canon, their liter­ ary competence in different genres of composition— including poetry (shi IkF) and rhapsody (fu IS )— and their ability to apply their cultural knowledge and critical acumen in formulating policy proposals for deal­ ing with contemporary social or political concerns. A second important regular examination was the “Clarifying the Classics” {m inting BJM) 9. In addition to the protagonists in these tales, many of the putative authors or collec­ tors of extant Tang narratives were themselves also former examination candidates or graduates. The prominence of the civil examinations in these tales likely in part reflects the experiences of the authors and compilers of these tales, experiences that were doubt­ less of interest and familiar to their audience as well. 10. Another kind o f examination, the “Decree Examinations” (zhiju $!jJp or zhike also appears, albeit less commonly. Begun in 658, decree examinations tested candidates on “what was wanting at any particular time” (linshi suoyu and often functioned as a means to recruit talented men who were otherwise unable to advance through the regular examinations or as a means to rapidly promote men already serving as officials. Unlike the regular examination, success in the decree examination led to direct appointment to office, as in the story “Du Mu.”

examination. This tested candidates’ mastery and rote memorization o f one or more o f the Confucian classics. This second examination was popularly regarded as being the easier of these two; as one popular Tang adage put it, “at thirty you are old to be passing the Clarifying the Classics, at fifty you are young to be passing the Presented Scholar.”11 Two other aspects of examination culture are also commonly fea­ tured in Tang narratives. The first was that in any single year, only a small fraction of those who came to the capital to take the examina­ tions passed. Contemporary historians estimate that only 10-20 percent of candidates who attempted the Clarifying the Classics examination passed. Even fewer candidates— between 1 and 2 percent— were suc­ cessful in the Presented Scholar examinations; in fact, over the 289 years o f the Tang dynasty, fewer than 7,000 individuals successfully obtained that degree. Succeeding in the exams was thus an impressive accom­ plishment, especially when, as in the story “Du Mu,” the protagonist passed the Presented Scholar examination at the tender age of eighteen years old. Far more common were cases such as that which we see in “Dou Yu,” in which a candidate heads home after having failed. The second aspect o f examination culture given prominent bill­ ing in Tang narratives was that passing the examinations typically took many years and multiple attempts. What is more, in addition to a strong education and literary talent, success in the exams also required the sup­ port and patronage of examination officials or those who might speak to them on behalf o f a candidate.12 Candidates thus often resided in the capital for years, not only because they were studying in preparation for the exams but also because they were striving to develop the connec­ tions they needed in order to pass. This could be quite expensive, how­ ever. In “Scholar Wang,” we see an example of how these expenses can be borne easily by individuals from wealthier backgrounds; in that tale, the protagonist simply pawns some family property in order to acquire the funds needed to support his stay. In “Lu Yong,” by contrast, these expenses seem to be more burdensome for the protagonist, as indicated when the foreign guests who visit him on his birthday comment that he “seems hungry and cold.” 11. In addition to these two, regular examinations were held for a number of more specialized subjects, including law, calligraphy, mathematics, Daoism, and medicine, as well as an examination offered specifically for child prodigies. 12. Lewis, 67. Note that unlike in the Song dynasty and later, the names o f candidates of Tang civil examination candidates were not concealed from their examiners.

Official Life Despite the prestige associated with success in the examinations, this accomplishment by itself did not guarantee appointment to office. The examinations ultimately were only one of many possible routes by which individuals might qualify or be chosen for an official position. In fact, throughout the Tang, only a small fraction o f officials serving at any time had obtained their positions via the examinations.13 Even should they succeed to office there was no guarantee that examination graduates would rise to high positions. In the tale “Xiao Yingshi,” for example, we have a protagonist who never achieved high office despite passing the civil examinations when only eighteen years old. To many, the process by which individuals were selected for office must have seemed arbitrary, a matter due more to fate or karma than erudition, literary talent, or examination success. This perspective is evident in tales like The Record of Master Shenxiu’s Predictions,” in which the protagonist s eventual position, place of appointment, and duration of service are all predestined. Despite its many advantages— which included, among others, access to the politically powerful, prestige (such as right o f way in travel), and tax and corvee labor deductions or exemptions— the life of an official in the Tang dynasty could be quite difficult. Many narratives in this volume offer glimpses of these challenges. Officials were often appointed to distant provinces, far removed from both the capital and their homes, where they might have to govern unruly populations, con­ tend with powerful locals, or cope with exposure to unhealthy miasmas or dangerous diseases like malaria. Officials were, moreover, required per government regulations to return to the capital for performance evaluations after set periods o f service and were typically not reposted to their previous places o f appointment after concluding them. These policies ensured that constant travel and long separations from both their native homes and loved ones were two common aspects of official life in the Tang dynasty.14 In the tale “Du Mu,” for example, over the course of the narrative the protagonist serves in seven different places— Yangzhou, Luoyang, Xuanzhou, Huangzhou, Chizhou, Muzhou, and Huzhou— and his amatory agenda is ultimately foiled by his inability 13. Ibid., 202. 14. Ibid., 72.

to obtain a post where the woman he had purchased to be his eventual concubine resides. In “The Clan of Xingyang,” the death of an official and the difficulties his family encountered in transporting his corpse back to his hometown for burial in the ancestral cemetery highlight other dangers of civil service. One other theme related to officials that often appeared in Tang tales was malfeasance. While officials, like the protagonist in “Di Weiqian,” were expected to conduct themselves with integrity and reverence, they did not always do so. Official positions offered ample opportunity for graft or other misdeeds. An extreme example of this can be seen in “Cao Weisi,” in which the protagonist not only headed a band of thieves who would store their loot in his official residence, but was also responsi­ ble for having them all murdered when the possibility of his exposure arose. Despite the attempts by criminal officials like Cao Weisi to con­ ceal their crimes, however, within these tales the moral order is almost always upheld in the end: the righteous are rewarded with recognition and emoluments and the guilty villains punished, often gruesomely and with detailed descriptions o f their suffering and repentance. In “Cao Weisi,” the protagonist is dragged around by ghosts in front o f family and bystanders before collapsing and dying.

Leisure and Poetry Aside from study and work, the life of the male literati offered many opportunities for social interaction between and among men and women— elegant social gatherings or celebratory banquets, sojourns to urban landmarks or nearby scenic vistas, or outings to enjoy a particu­ larly fine moon or splendid blossoms. In addition to allowing them to cultivate friendships with other like-minded individuals, participation in these activities offered those who were ambitious and enterprising a chance to develop patron relationships with eminent personages who could help them pass the examinations and further their careers. Several of the tales included in this volume describe just such leisure activities: boisterous banquets (“Du Mu,” “Lu Yong”), quiet conversations over tea or wine (“The Record o f Shenxius Predictions,” “Scholar Hu”), or the ribald teasing o f colleagues and companions (“The Female Slave of Li Fu”). Not all of the leisure pursuits described were either so innocent or career-minded, however. In “Du Mu,” for example, the protagonist makes daily visits to courtesans in his off-hours, and in “The Woman

in the Carriage,” we find out that the protagonist while a student had taught himself to walk up walls for his own amusement, a skill evidently used for more illicit purposes by his mysterious hosts. One activity conspicuously featured in many Tang tales was the composition and performance o f elegant verse. Writing poetry was a requisite component o f the Presented Scholar examination, often viewed as demonstrative of a broader literary sensitivity and virtuos­ ity. More pragmatically, the circulation of poetry and other writings was one means by which examination candidates and those seeking office might acquire the patronage necessary to advance their careers. The instrumentality of poetic and other composition is explicitly pre­ sented without comment in tales such as “Scholar Wang,” in which the protagonist gathered up his old writings” as part of his preparation to seek help from family and friends in obtaining an official position. We see it less explicitly in stories like “Du Mu.” Early on Du is described as someone who had merely “to set down his writing brush to produce refined poems.” The patronage and covert protection Du Mu £ L ft (803-852) received from Niu Sengru f f (780-848) within that tale was no doubt due at least in part to Niu’s respect for Du’s literary virtuosity. These factors and others, such as the important role poetic composition played in the social life o f the imperial court earlier in the dynasty, further heightened the importance of poetry in elite Tang social and intellectual life, whether it was composed at private moments or on social occasions. The pervasiveness of poetry throughout literate society and the multiple situations in which one’s literary skills might be deployed are amply demonstrated by the stories within this collection. In tales such as “Scholar Hu” and “Yang Jingzhen,” for example, we see different occasions in which poetry could be produced— to express what one felt or experienced when visited by an eminent local official, upon see­ ing the exceptional embroidery produced in another’s household, when encountering a small child fishing by the river, or in response to an invi­ tation from a banquet’s host— as well as the social prestige that might be accrued through public demonstration and recognition of one’s poetic competence. Poetry was often used as well to subtly communicate hid­ den meanings, as in the poem recited by the ghost of Dou Yu or the poem written by the wife o f Shentu Cheng. The hidden messages of these poems were not always immediately apparent to their addressee; as we see in “Shentu Cheng,” it is only after his wife transforms back

into a tiger and returns to the mountain forests that the true meaning of the “inclinations toward mountains and woods” expressed in her verse finally becomes clear to her husband. In many tales, poetry is also intimately intertwined with romance. As poems were conventionally understood as unmediated expressions of pure feelings in the moment, in this regard they served as ideal means to express sincere emotion. In the story “Du Mu,” poems are used as the vehicle by which the protagonist expresses his spontaneous and roman­ tic admiration for female beauty and the heartfelt pain of love lost. In “Shentu Cheng” the protagonist s initial romantic interest in the young woman he encounters in the middle of nowhere is further piqued by her ability to respond insightfully and playfully to the poetic couplet he tests her with; it is following her response (like his, a quotation from the ancient Classic o f Poetry) that he proposes marriage. His affection and respect for her after years o f marriage are similarly expressed through poetry. In “Tang Xuan,” poetry is again the medium by which the pro­ tagonist expresses the grief he still feels years after his wife’s death. The two monodies he chants out loud one evening are so moving that she is granted permission to return from the afterlife to spend the night with him. Her sentiments for him, unchanged after years of separation, are similarly expressed in two poems she inscribes upon the torn sash she leaves with him as a memento.

Women The love and romance depicted in scenes of poetic seduction and lyric expressions of true love call attention to the role women played as targets of amorous interest. However, Tang tales also offer other perspectives on how women in this period were evaluated and valued. To begin with, women were in one sense commodities possessing set material value; they could be bought, sold, traded, or given as gifts. Their differences in value, and in the circumstances under which they might be taken into elite households— as slaves, servants, concubines, or wives—were in turn often linked to their social backgrounds: typically, lower class women became servants and concubines, whereas higher-class women became wives. Women might, for example, be purchased or given as maids or body servants, as in “The Female Slave of Li Fu,” or as house­ hold entertainers, as with the music troupes and singing girls described in “Du Mu.” We also find women purchased to serve as concubines for

elite males. One of the episodes in the tale “Du Mu” involves the pro­ tagonist making a contract to reserve a young girl for future service as his concubine, a contract that expires before he can return to claim her. In “Shentu Cheng,” the fathers confession that “many travelers have passed by and made inquiries about her with gold and silks” suggests earlier efforts to purchase his daughter, attempts he had repeatedly rebuffed. In another tale, the Vice Magistrate o f Liuhe District,” the exchange o f money for a concubine is even reversed, with the woman whose soul is rescued by the protagonist purchasing her freedom from concubi­ nage with an exorbitant cash payment. Even formal marriage involved an exchange, although the “value” of a bride was often more symbolic than material. Daughters from prominent families with illustrious lin­ eages were particularly valued because, as intimated in “The Record of Master Shenxius Predictions” and “Tang Xuan,” these marriages pro­ vided husbands with access to valuable social networks and prestige.15 While the above descriptions might give the impression that wom­ en’s roles in Tang society were quite circumscribed, in reality this period was one in which women enjoyed extraordinary freedom, autonomy, and even authority, especially in contrast to the Song dynasty and later. Their representation within Tang tales reflects the complexity and diver­ sity o f their lives and personalities. Within just the tales included in this volume we find women who lead crime syndicates and/or are gifted with extraordinary physical abilities, as with the female protagonists o f “The Woman in the Carriage” and “General Pan.” We also find female protag­ onists who were well educated. In “Tang Xuan,” for example, the pro­ tagonist’s wife had been taught the Classic o f Poetry and the Rites, and can compose elegant verse; and both “Shentu Cheng” and “Yang Jingzhen” include additional examples o f women with impressive poetic talents. We find as well women who are dangerous femmes fatale, either in the imaginations o f the men they encounter (“Xiao Yingshi”) or as seen from their own actions, whether that be the murder of children (“The Clan o f Xingyang”) or the slander of righteous men (“Di Weiqian”). Finally, we find women dominating their husbands (“The Female Slave o f Li Fu”), traveling distances on the road alone and unescorted 15. Lewis notes for example that “pursuit of an exalted marriage may have motivated exam participation as much as pursuit of a government office,” in particular as “[e]xam degrees became the leading criterion in the Tang for selecting sons-in-law, and between half and two-thirds of each years graduates used their academic success to confirm con­ ditional betrothals to the daughters of eminent families.” Ibid., 106.

(“Xiao Yingshi”), or attaining positions of influence due to their unique spiritual powers and religious purity (“Di Weiqian,” “Yang Jingzhen”).

Encounters with the Supernatural during the Tang Dynasty During the Tang dynasty, as in previous periods, the boundaries between the mundane and the supernatural worlds were perceived as being porous. From the numinosity of the jade rosary in “General Pan” to the rainmaking rituals in “Di Weiqian,” the tales in the first section (“This World”) o f this volume show that the pervasive presence of the supernatural was an everyday assumption and not merely a literary foil. This belief was manifested in the rites prescribed in the Confucian classics, such as the sacrifices made by the court to the natural powers and the worship o f ancestors carried out in every household. It was also behind the myriad religious practices such as vegetarianism and sutra copying that were performed to gain this— and other—worldly ben­ efits. Tang people from all walks of life generally accepted that there was more to the world than what their eyes could see or their minds could comprehend, whether it was the inescapability of fate or the workings of divine justice. This is not to say that all authors and readers believed in all things occult. Nonetheless, these tales would not have resonated with their contemporary audience had not the beliefs described within them already existed. The tales in the volume’s second section highlight the contacts between ordinary people and the supernatural in this and other worlds. Some protagonists were visited by ghosts at home, as in “Tang Xuan” and “Cao Weisi,” or at their lodgings during a trip, as in “The Clan of Xingyang” and “Dou Yu.” Other protagonists encountered were-animals that possessed human appearances and traits. Shentu Cheng meet­ ing and marrying a tiger who had transfigured into an attractive young woman, and Scholar Wang being made a fool o f by the foxes whose document he had stolen, are both good examples. In the tales in the final section, still other protagonists travel to various worlds that range from the underworlds in “Dong Guan” and “Vice Magistrate of Liuhe District,” to the lands of the immortals in “Master Yang” and “Yang Jingzhen,” and the palaces beneath the ocean’s blue waves in “Lu Yong.” Significantly, the protagonists in these tales never seem to be surprised by the existence o f ghosts, divinities, and transfigured animals; rather,

they are surprised to run into them. While these supernatural beings and otherworldly locales differ from tale to tale, they all imply a belief in souls and, by extension fate, different planes of existence, and otherworld government. None of these beliefs and related practices were monolithic or independent of each other. They meshed in the tales as they did in everyday life.

Beliefin the Existence of Souls and Concepts of Immortality The belief in the existence o f souls was of singular importance in the Chinese concept of the supernatural. Ancient as Chinese civilization, it was woven tightly into the warp and woof of the Chinese worldview. It was not only the basis o f ancestral worship, but also of the state rituals that maintained the sociopolitical order. Notions such as the afterlife, immortality, and reincarnation would be unthinkable without it. Belief in the existence o f souls— known as the hunpo 5 ^ ^ or sim­ ply the hun— that constituted an individuals spiritual essence was wide­ spread. However, we find considerable variation among different ideas about the hunpo s origins, its characteristics, whether it was immortal, and even the number of hunpo an individual possessed.16 The com­ mon understanding, as the conversation between two friends in “Dong Guan” succinctly demonstrates, was that life begins when the hunpo enters the body, where it powers the intellect, physical movement, and the senses. Death in turn occurs when the hunpo permanently departs from the body. This understanding is central to the plotline of several tales in this volume. The hunpo of Dong Guan, the vice magistrate of Liuhe district, the daughter of the Tan family, and Master Yang all leave their bodies to visit another world before returning. It would be a mis­ take to think that these tales were the products of an overactive imagi­ nation. The belief that life requires the presence o f the hunpo w i t hi n the body was the foundation of the hun-summoning ifu fM) rite, pre­ scribed by Confucian classics on rituals and the state ritual codes, and 16. Scholarship exploring pre-Buddhist views on the afterlife include Yu Ying-Shih, ‘“ O Soul, Come Back!’ A Study in the Changing Conceptions of the Soul and Afterlife in Pre-Buddhist China,” HarvardJournal o f Asiatic Studies A7.2 (1987): 363-95: and K. E. Brashier, “Han Thanatology and the Division o f ‘Souls,’” Early China 21 (1996): 12558. Yuet Keung Lo tries to sort out conflicting concepts of the soul in “From a Dual Soul to a Unitary Soul: The Babel of Soul Terminologies in Early China,” Monumenta Serica 56 (2008): 23-53.

performed immediately after an individual had seemingly drawn his or her last breath. Death could only be made official and the funerary rites begun after the /?««-summoning rite failed to revive the deceased. In other words, the belief in the existence o f souls was state orthodoxy. The hunpo was neither always nor universally thought of as immor­ tal.17 In fact, the classical practice of ancestral worship was based on the idea that the hunpo would perish if it did not receive sacrifices regularly in perpetuity. Filial piety, in essence, was the continuous performance of ancestral sacrifices generation after generation in exchange for lasting blessings and protection offered by ones ancestors. It had, over millen­ nia, become equated more generally with caring for and revering one’s parents. Two new forms of expression of filial piety appeared and became common during the medieval period. The first was the commitment to burying deceased members o f the immediate family in close prox­ imity (i.e., in the same tomb or burial ground), thereby allowing the newly dead to join the ancestors in receiving regular ritual sacrifices and enabling children to serve their parents in death as in life. As such, it was an expansion of classical forms of ancestral worship. Familial joint burial, however, was extremely costly and dangerous, as it often required conveying the remains of the dead over great distances, a result of the frequent transfers to different locations experienced by most officehold­ ers described above. Scholar Wang, for instance, sells all his properties in the capital city in order to return his mother’s remains to the ances­ tral home for burial. The second new expression o f filial piety was tied to a separate understanding o f the hunpo as immortal. Buddhist concepts o f causal­ ity (karma) and the endless cycle of life and death (samsara), as well as the possibility o f escaping both through the teachings of the Buddha (idharma), strengthened and were strengthened in turn by this belief in the immortality o f the hunpo. According to Buddhist soteriology, an individual could be reborn, depending on his or her karma, into one of six forms of existence— deity, demigod, human, animal, hungry ghost, or hell dweller. What is more, the present reality was only one in a com­ plex multiverse, and an individual could also be reborn into a superior 17. Walter Liebenthal, “The Immortality of the Soul in Chinese Thought,” Monumenta Nipponica 8, no. 1/2 (1952): 327—97; and W. Pachow, “Controversy Over the Immortality of the Soul in Chinese Buddhism,” Journal o f Oriental Studies 16 (1978): 21-38.

world. One example of just such a superior world where many devout Tang Buddhists hoped to be reborn was the “Pure Land,” where an individual would want for nothing and salvation was all but guaranteed. An individual might improve his or her odds of securing a better rebirth or entrance into a better world either through creating good and obviating bad karma or through the accumulation o f merit {punya). The differences between the two methods was that karma was the sum­ mation of all the actions and thoughts of an individual over many life­ times and was not transferable, whereas merit was a spiritual currency that could be earned while an individual was alive and transferred to those who were not. The latter in particular provided a way for less doctrinally sophisticated believers to conceptualize how far a person was along the path to salvation. An individual could generate merit through promoting Buddhism and leading a life according to its teach­ ings. Disseminating Buddhist scriptures (sutras), worshiping particu­ lar deities, and supporting monastic communities were all considered efficacious methods for accruing merit. Charitable acts and saving lives could also yield respectable returns. One could “cash in” merit not just for otherworldly needs but also for this-worldly benefits, such as an advantageous marriage, distinguished career, improved health, immense wealth, and precocious male children. Cao Weisi’s desperate attempts to delay his death— making donations to temples and having his sons ordained as monks— should be understood in this light. Many Tang people carried out Buddhist religious practices and commissioned commemorative rituals in order to generate merit for their dead. Medieval Buddhist communities argued that easing the pas­ sage of ones parents through the underworld, delivering them from hell (if need be), and securing them better rebirths or even salvation, were a far superior expression o f filial piety than carrying out Confucian ancestral sacrifices. In the same vein, the range of potential beneficia­ ries of filial piety also expanded. Everyone now needed to look after th6 otherworldly well-being not only of their parents in the present life, but also of their parents in past lives. The mutual dependence between parents and children and between family members thus persisted over many lifetimes.18 18. Kenneth Ch’en, “Filial Piety in Chinese Buddhism,” Harvard Journal o f Asiatic Studies 28 (1968): 81—97. Daoist communities appropriated this concept; see Livia Kohn, “Immortal Parents and Universal Kin: Family Values in Medieval Daoism,” in

The belief that the hunpo could be immortal was also closely asso­ ciated with the belief that an individual could conquer death. That is, the hunpo would endure if its host never died. Those who achieved an undying body were referred to as xian -fill (typically translated as either “immortals” or “transcendents”). Thie fear o f death had long fueled the pursuit of bodily immortality. Many theories were in circulation during the Tang on the causes of illness and death, the most common among which were that disease was caused by consuming grains and/or ani­ mal flesh, moral transgressions, wantonness, or inborn imperfections and blockages that were the by-products of human birth. It was widely thought that bodily immortality could be achieved through three, not necessarily mutually exclusive, means: preservation, transformation, and reaching the lands of the immortals. Preservation was essentially longevity—having a body that would never age or decay, as if in stasis. Many tales in Taiping guangji feature individuals who had disappeared for a time and then are spotted decades later looking not a day older. Transformation, in contrast, consisted of turning one’s mortal body into an immortal one, and might cause the practitioner to regain a youth­ ful appearance and vitality. There was an ever-growing list o f meth­ ods through which individuals were believed to be able to preserve or transform their bodies. Alchemy, fasting, meditative visualization, and qi IR cultivation all had a wide following. In the tales in this volume, Master Yang’s “soul-returning elixir” that postponed death (much to the annoyance of the otherworld officials) and Ming Siyuan’s failed prac­ tices of breath retention and meditative visualization capture the range of contemporary attitudes toward the pursuit o f bodily immortality. Acting on such beliefs, several Tang monarchs ingested elixirs that con­ tained a great quantity of mercury and as a result died prematurely.19 The last method— one or more visits to a land of the immortals— could also help an individual gain bodily immortality. Tang people generally believed that the immortals could both dwell in the far-flung corners o f this world, such as the Penglai I S H Island in the Eastern Sea (visited by Yang Jingzhen) and Mount Kunlun IL mTlIl in the Western Region, and hide in plain sight in the hills or grottos near cities and

Filial Piety in Chinese Thought and History, eds. Alan Kam-leung Chan and Sor-hoon Tan (London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), 91-109. 19. These emperors were Xianzong M tk (r. 805-820), Muzong M m (r. 820-824), and Wuzong K t k (r. 840-846).

villages. Both residents and visitors to these places were able to pre­ serve or transform their bodies because time passed at different speeds (or even stopped altogether) in these locations and/or because o f the magical flora and fauna, found there exclusively, which could restore life or stop death. There are several tales in Taiping guangji in which an individual reaches a land o f the immortals either by chance or invita­ tion (“Yang Jingzhen” being a good example of the latter). Even a brief visit could have a profound impact on an individual’s lifespan in the ordinary world.

Destiny As merit was a measure o f one’s distance from salvation, lots (suan M-) were a measure o f one’s lifespan and thereby of one’s distance from bodily immortality. Like merit, lots were conceived as numeric and could be added, subtracted, multiplied, or divided based on an indi­ vidual’s deeds. They thus provided a powerful and rational explanation for what happened to an individual in his or her life in terms of causal rewards and punishments. The two measures did have some subtle differences. Each individual started his or her life with a specific fixed number of lots. The quantity of lots and their allocations determined the amount of blessing, fortune, lifespan, and happiness an individual would enjoy as well as their talent, fame, career, wealth, rank, marriage, children, and health. Unlike merits, lots were not transferable between individuals. However, it was possible to shift them from one area in life to another. As a result, the fixed number of lots, or simply the fixed number {dingshu /E.S&), was often used as a synonym for fate. While merit was often talked about in abstract numbers (e.g., immeasurable and countless), fixed numbers were exact and were believed to be care­ fully tallied and recorded by otherworld functionaries.20 Individuals who were well versed in these calculations, and/or had access to the otherworld ledgers in which lots were recorded, could easily foretell the future. Master Shenxiu and the dhyana monk in “Cao Weisi” both possess such an ability. The deceased wife of Tang Xuan and the dead friend o f Dong Guan also had access to information from these kinds of sources. 20. Livia Kohn, “Counting Good Deeds and Days of Life: The Quantification of Fate in Medieval China,” Asiatische Studien / Etudes Asiatiques 52 (1998): 833-70.

Among the tales in this volume, some stress that fate was inescap­ able, others that it was changeable, a discrepancy that doubtless reflected the varying hopes and beliefs of people at the time. Master Shenxiu’s predictions regarding the manner of his own death, and Li Renjun’s career and marriage, foreground fates inescapability. Yang Jingzhens immortality is also said to have been predestined. At the same time, elsewhere we find instances in which extraordinary good or evil acts (such as saving or taking lives) and/or religious practices (which could be either Buddhist or Daoist) could alter fate; special circumstances (e.g., the good offices of another individual) could also mitigate a fate that would otherwise be grimmer. Thus Master Yang has reached the end of his allotted lifespan, but is able to extend his life through the intervention of a stranger and by saving lives; and Dong Guan, after exhausting his allotted lifespan, is returned to life because o f his dedi­ cation to reading the entire Buddhist canon. Hence the more difficult it was to escape fate, the more important it was to engage in meritori­ ous activities.21

Afterlife and the Otherworld Government More than one vision of the afterlife and underworld existed in Tang China, and we encounter several in the tales in this volume. However, one constant o f medieval conceptions of the underworld was that it mirrored this world, complete with a government that was as bureau­ cratic as the mundane bureaucracy. For the dead in many of these tales, their day-to-day existence after death is similar to their experiences in life. The privileged lifestyle o f Tang Xuan’s wife remains unchanged in the underworld. She retains access to the same foodstuff and luxu­ ries, and is even reunited with her daughter, in-laws, and servants. Moreover, her daughter continues to age, and she herself has even received a marriage proposal. This vision of the afterlife was one in which death did not necessarily cause the deceased’s social identity or lifestyle to change. The dead also were not free from government control. They invariably lived their afterlives as subjects of a ruler who presided over a highly centralized government that endeavored to be 21. Robert Ford Campany, “Living off the Books: Fifty Ways to Dodge Ming in Early Medieval China,” in The Magnitude o/’Ming: Command, Allotment and Fate in Chinese Culture, ed. Christopher Lupke (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2005), 129-50.

omniscient and omnipotent. The otherworld government consisted of a multitude of functionaries, each with his or her own responsibilities. It monitored every individual from birth to death and beyond, keeping a dossier that recorded not just his or her fixed number or merit, but also his or her good and bad deeds. Master Yang, for example, reports that the government in the otherworld has offices and sub-offices that handle different matters, much like those of this world. He even meets an underworld official who shows him the document recording his allotted lifespan. The otherworld government also maintained law and order as well as administering justice. Functionaries patrolled the borders that separated the three realms o f Heaven, Man, and Earth. Crossing from one realm to another (and especially between the worlds o f the living and the dead) required a mandate or official approval. Yang Jingzhen is able to visit the realm of the immortals because she is destined to join their ranks. The vice magistrate of Liuhe District and the daughter o f the Tang family are both summoned to appear in the underworld court to answer to the charges against them. Similarly, Tang Xuan’s dead wife needs permission from the underworld officials in order to visit him. The otherworld government, moreover, had a full-fledged judicial system with due process and effective law enforcement. “The Clan of Xingyang,” “Vice Magistrate of Liuhe District,” and “Dong Guan” are particularly revealing in this regard. Immediately after the murder of their children, the deceased parents of the Xingyang clan each file a peti­ tion seeking justice. The High God thereupon orders the Office o f Fate to investigate. The underworld judicial system also had an appeal pro­ cess. The goats who lose their case against the vice magistrate of Liuhe District plan to file a motion to overturn the judgment. In many visions o f the underworld, the deceased (excluding those who had gained salva­ tion or immortality) almost always had to appear at trial during which one or more judge would review his or her dossier and determine the next life_he x>r she would lead. The belief in the existence of this trial was central to many rituals sponsored by filial children for their parents that supposedly sped up the process or lessened the judgment. So per­ vasive was this belief that Dong Guan is quite surprised to find himself bypassing his trial on his way to rebirth. While the otherworld government might be fairer and more power­ ful than the one in this world in the popular imagination, as reflected

in these tales, it was far from perfect. Like its mundane counterpart, it promoted and demoted individual functionaries based on job evalua­ tions, yet it still suffered from bureaucratic incompetence and corrup­ tion. Clerical errors were so common that multiple copies o f a dossier were stored separately so they could be compared for accuracy when needed. Some functionaries abused their positions as well. In “Vice Magistrate of Liuhe District,” an underworld clerk creates false charges so as to detain a beautiful woman he lusts after; nor is the judge in the same tale altogether aboveboard when it comes to gaining merits. These tales reveal an intense curiosity about the afterlife and other worlds. Moreover, they betray a desire to resolve contradictions between different religious traditions. Both “Cao Weisi” and “Dong Guan” blend the concepts o f allotted lifespan with Buddhist practices. In “Tang Xuan” particularly, one of the most important questions regarding spiri­ tuality (“Between Buddhism and Daoism, which one is right?”) is asked and answered (“They are different tributaries from the same source”). As such, the tales demonstrate efforts to make sense of various religious teachings and the extensive religious syncretism in the Tang.

Betwixt and Between: The Unquiet Dead, Were-animals, the Liminal, and Foreigners Many tales in this volume are set in a time when their protagonists were in transit from one place and/or stage o f their lives to another. Nearly all the tales in the “Otherworldly Encounters” section feature charac­ ters caught between the center (i.e., the capital and China) and the peripheries (i.e., provinces and foreign lands), or between this and other worlds. They include 1) the ghosts who linger in this world, unable to move on; 2) were-animals who can transform themselves into humans; 3) mortals who undergo the process o f becoming immortal; and 4) visitors to or from other worlds or foreign countries. These characters (with the exception of most o f the foreigners) are out o f place, dwell­ ing in the spaces where the walls between worlds were conceived to be thin (for example, inns, temples, and way stations). They appear to men and women when the sun is obscured or at night, as well as when those who encounter them are themselves in a liminal state (e.g., at the end of life, traveling in the twilight, or in the middle of nowhere). Whether or not these border crossings are intentional, the time people

spend outside o f their natural domiciles and original shapes is fraught with peril as well as opportunity. The dead who have not been properly mourned and buried, for example those who died violently, unjustly, and/or unbeknownst to their families, similarly often remain linked to their physical forms. Lingering in this world near the place of their death and unable to move on to the next stage of the afterlife, in tales they appear as ghosts seek­ ing revenge or assistance. The murdered young man of the Xingyang clan seeks help from the new magistrate o f Yingzhou, who, on his way to assume office, stops over at the temple that happens to be the scene of the crime. Dou Yu, whom no one had heard from for years, notifies his good friend Magistrate Shen of his death when the latter stays at the inn of the way station where he died. Exceedingly strong emotions could also bring the dead to appear as ghosts before the living. Tang Xuans wife, moved by his profound and lingering sorrow, returns to the world of the living in order to comfort him. Cao Weisi’s deceased mother and sister visit him out of deep concern for his plight. Together, these tales reflect a strong longing for a divine justice that can expose crimes otherwise undiscoverable, as well as lingering attachments to family and friends. Several tales center on animals who possess human abilities and can even take human form. The majority of these were-creatures live on the fringes of human society and largely keep to themselves. Humans who come across them are usually lonely travelers in remote areas. Scholar Wang, heading to an inn at dusk, encounters foxes who chat and joke with each other standing upright like men, and are even able to take on the appearance of men. Shentu Cheng, when journeying to his new official post, unknowingly seeks shelter from a blizzard in the home o f a family of tigers who have assumed human guise. The relationship between humans and were-animals (and especially between a human male and an almost-human female) was tenuous at best. Female foxes were often perceived as dangerous and seductive. So ingrained was this preconceived notion that Xiao Yingshi mistakes a young lady who asks to ride beside him after dark for a wild fox disguised as a human. Such tales once again underline the distance and frequency with which Tang people (especially the elite men who were their primary authors and readers) traveled. While most were-animals were harmless, they none­ theless betrayed the anxieties often attending long journeys.

Another type of almost-human being found in these tales is those undergoing bodily transformation from mortal to immortal; no lon­ ger the former but not yet the latter, they are described as being in a liminal state. Yang Jingzhen, who is to become an immortal, is slowly experiencing a bodily transformation, seen in her unusual diet. She ceases to consume ordinary foods and later stops eating altogether, but rather than appearing haggard, her countenance is fresh and robust. The being who introduces himself as Yao Hong, the ruler of Later Qin, claims to have attained “the way o f undying long life” and roamed the wilderness for centuries. The green feathers covering his body indicate that his transformation (still ongoing in the tale) is not unlike that of a were-animal, only in reverse. He is changing from man into a beast. In addition to meeting otherworldly visitors in this world, several protagonists also travel to other worlds via different means and for var­ ied reasons. Yang Jingzhen, for instance, is physically taken to visit a land of the immortals, her future abode, by a group of celestial beings. The hunpo of Master Yang and Dong Guan leave their bodies because they have used up their allotted lifespans. The hunpo of the vice mag­ istrate of the Liuhe District and the daughter of the Tan family go to answer charges filed against them at the underworld court and their visits, unless they are proven guilty, are intended to be for a short dura­ tion. These characters (except for Yang Jingzhen) are all in fact in two places at the same time. Their bodies and souls remain linked (however tenuously) even though they were separated, perhaps because they have not yet been mourned and buried. Such links are not unlike those of the unburied Dou Yu and the poorly interred children o f Xingyang, whose ghosts remain close to their bodies. The properly buried wife o f Tang Xuan, in contrast, cannot recall where her grave is. Foreigners make up a final category o f liminal figures within these tales. Trade, religion, diplomacy, and employment all brought foreign­ ers to Tang urban centers, and especially to the capital Chang’an, which was the eastern terminus of the Silk Road trade route across Central Asia, and to the port cities o f the south and coastal regions. The major­ ity of these foreigners were monks and merchants who came overland to Chang’an from the west. Students o f Buddhism from Japan and the Korean peninsula came overseas from the east to port cities on the eastern coast of the empire. Traders from Malaysia, Java, Persia, India, and the Middle East entered at the port of Panyu (modern Guangzhou/

Canton) in the south.22 Diplomatic and tribute missions also brought other foreigners to the capital. Jews, Persians, Sogdians, and Turks set­ tled in China for a variety of reasons, including serving in the Tang government. Several citywards, which were preferred by families o f for­ eign origins, contained houses of worship for foreign religions, such as Manichaeism, Nestorianism, and Zoroastrianism. The material goods, ideas, and art forms (particularly music and dance) brought into the empire by these foreigners all contributed to the vibrancy ofTang urban culture. The number o f foreigners within the empire did not make an encounter with them any less alarming to Tang people, however, as many tales amply demonstrate. The hu-people (a derogatory name for Central Asians and in particular Persians) were associated with mer­ rymaking, legendary wealth, and a nose for fabled treasures. True to stereotype, the hu-merchants in “Lu Yong” are shrewd traders and trea­ sure hunters. They are portrayed as having a preternatural sense o f the true value of unremarkable objects— the worm in the protagonists gut being a case in point— and the uncanny ability to acquire said items from their owners, who were often unaware of their rarity and value. Not only were these hu-people outsiders to the central state, they also did not appear to quite belong in this world. They were perceived to be out o f place as well as not fully human. While being in a position of liminality could be perilous, it also provided opportunities to bring about change. Bodies could transform from beast to man, man to beast, or mortal to immortal. Unsolved dis­ appearances and murders could be solved. Death could be defeated due to the efficacy o f life-extending measures. Even predestined immortal­ ity and inescapable reincarnations could be postponed or altered due to an individual’s actions, whether filial devotion or a vow to read all of the thousands of volumes comprising the Buddhist canon. Enormous fortune could be amassed by stealing from undersea palaces. History could be rewritten by revelations of faked deaths. Marriages could be conjracted in-the otherworld between two individuals who would not otherwise meet. In short, many things that were fixed could be unfixed when boundaries that separated the normal from the abnormal and the natural from the unnatural were crossed, however fleetingly. Perhaps it was this possibility of breaking the mold more than the encounters 22. Lewis, 168-69.

themselves that have allowed these tales to caution, console, enthrall, and inspire those still caught in this mortal coil. All twenty-two tales included in this volume, even those firmly planted in this world, contain something that made everyday life extraordinary. Drawing from sixteen different topical categories within the Taiping guangji, ranging from “female transcendents” and “male slaves,” to “return to life” and “ghosts,” “rain” and “insects” (see Appendix 3 for a full listing of the categories in which the tales are found), they record the hopes and fears, the ambitions and desires, and the dreams and realities of the Tang people as they commented on, circulated, and pre­ served accounts o f the mysteries they encountered during their life­ times. Individually, these tales reveal details about the era when they were recorded, from beliefs about the afterlife and fate, to notions of social roles and relationships among people from different walks of life. Collectively, they offer us glimpses of the vibrant and varied society that existed during the Tang dynasty. They are, moreover, wonderful stories. We hope you enjoy reading them.

This World “The Woman in the Carriage”

“Investigating Transformations (Yuanhuaji Hi ft. §2), compiled by a “Mr. Huangfu”

R; (fl. 840s)

Introduction i

In the Taiping guangji, this story and “General Pan,” found later in this volume, are grouped under the category of “Powerful and Chivalrous” Chaoxia This categorization reflects the fact that the antholo­ gy’s compilers identified the two female protagonists as xia M — usu­ ally rendered into English as 'knight-errant.” These xia figures have had an enduring narrative appeal throughout literary history: not only are they featured in tales collected in the Taiping guangji, but during the late imperial periods— and even in contemporary literature— they are repeatedly showcased as central characters in full-length vernacular novels. The definition o f xia has evolved over time. Long before the deeds of knight-errantry were captured in Tang narratives, the term xia appeared in an essay, "Five Vermin,” written by the Warring States thinker Han Feizi (d. 233 BCE). In this work, Han classified xia— 'defined as those who make a living by wielding their swords in a private cause”-—as one o f five major forces that threaten the stability of the state by undermining the absolute authority of its laws. Arguing that, like the Confucians [ru ff}] who “with their learning bring confu­ sion -to the law[,] the knights \xia] with their military prowess violate the prohibitions,” he championed the establishment of strict punish­ ments designed to eradicate these unruly elements.1

1. Basic Writing o f Mo Tzu, Hsiin Tzu, and Han Fei Tzu, trans. Burton Watson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 105.

Centuries later, the Han-dynasty historian Sima Qian K lM M (145-c. 86 BCE) quoted this argument and made it the touchstone for a group biography (liezhuan of “wandering knights” (youxia In the sectional preface, Sima Qian recasts xia in a more sympa­ thetic light than did Han Feizi, writing, “although they sometimes ran afoul of the law in their day, [they] were in their personal relations scru­ pulously honest and humble.” Sima Qian notes that xia were “always true to their word” and that “without thinking o f themselves they has­ ten to the side o f those who are in trouble, whether it means survival or destruction, life or death.”2 What emerges from these early characterizations of xia is the inher­ ent tension they embody: between their subversive lawlessness as sug­ gested by Han Feizi, and their unconditional loyalty and martial service to men embodying “civil” virtues (the shi i class), as described by Sima Qian. The modern scholar James Liu, for example, characterizes xia as highly principled people who would take the law into their own hands— by force if necessary— to redress wrongs committed against the vulnerable.3 It is no surprise then that xia figures are elaborated upon in Tang tales, in which alternate systems of value often battle for readers’ atten­ tion and sympathy. Their protagonists are generally men and women with extraordinary martial prowess who operate outside of state control and possess a clearly defined, unorthodox, but deeply held personal sys­ tem of value and loyalty. About a third of them feature female knightserrant: avengers, sword-bearing assassins, fleet-footed allies, and in one case a courtesan with the spirit of a knight-errant.4 By detailing the ritual gestures that pass between the titular woman and her followers, “The Woman in the Carriage” portrays her as a formidable leader who

2. Sima Qian, Records o f the Grand Historian: Han Dynasty I I (revised edition), trans. Burton Watson (Hong Kong and New York: Renditions-Columbia University Press, 1993), 410, 412. 3. James J. Y. Liu, The Chinese Knight-Errant (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), 1-6. 4. For discussions on the xia in general and niixia (female knights-errant) in par­ ticular, see Sufen Sophia Lai, “From Cross-Dressing Daughter to Lady Knight-Errant: The Origin and Evolution of Chinese Women Warriors,” in Presence and Presentation: Women in the Chinese Literati Tradition, ed. Sherry Mou (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000), 77-107; and Roland Altenburger, The Sword or the Needle: The Female KnightErrant (xia) in Traditional Chinese Narrative (Bern and New York: Peter Lang, 2009).

commands action and respect. The story also offers readers sumptuary details to show that she does not hide her gender: she rides in a deco­ rated carriage and her hair is full of ornaments. In the Tang, the imperial capital o f Chang an "Hi was often referred to as a place o f ninefold walls, because not only was the outer city perimeter walled, in the city interior, each of its more than one hundred residential enclosures, called wards (fang ift), were also surrounded by walls. The palace walls in particular were designed and built to uphold the prohibitions of sovereignty and to ensure the safety of the throne. Tang law clearly stipulated the punishments for trespass­ ing on palace grounds. For example, one article in the Tang Code ( Tang lu M W) states that crossing the outer wall of the imperial palace is pun­ ishable by exile, and that climbing over the wall o f an imperial audience hall is punishable by death from strangulation. Another article states that climbing up to a high place and looking down into the imperial palace is punishable by one year o f penal servitude; two more degrees of punishment would be added if this act involved an imperial audi­ ence hall.5 The Woman in the Carriage” describes violations o f these codes and indeed, the law of gravity itself. By stealing from the heavily guarded inner palace, the female knight-errant renders the painstakingly built and maintained palace walls ineffectual. Like her sword-wielding counterparts in other xia stories, she holds our interest by flouting pro­ hibitions— namely, the carefully designed hierarchy o f imperial space.

Translation

During the Kaiyuan H|7G reign period (713-742) of the Tang, a man of Wu Commandery Hfj[$ entered the capital to take the civil service examination for the Clarifying the Classics (mingjing HJ3&M) degree. Having arrived at the capital, he was strolling amidst the alleys o f the residential- wards when he suddenly came upon two youths clad in hempen tunics. They greeted him by raising clasped hands as they passed. Their demeanor was humble and respectful, but they were strangers to him, and the examinee thought that they had mistaken 5. Wallace Johnson, The T'ang Code: Volume II, Specific Articles (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 21, 28.

him for someone else. A few days later, he came upon them again, at which the two said, “Since you, sir, arrived here, we have not hosted you, and it’s only today that we can finally extend a proper welcome. To unexpectedly run into you like this sets our mind at ease.” They bowed to him with clasped hands and immediately set off. Although the examinee found this strange and suspicious, he nonetheless forced himself to go with them. After passing through a few residential wards, they entered a wind­ ing alley in the Eastern Market. There was a storefront of several bays by the side of the road, and they went straight in together. The building was dignified and well-kept. The two youths ushered him into the ban­ quet hall, where an opulent feast had been set out. The two of them and the examinee settled in corded chairs.6 Before their mats were several more young men, each over nineteen years old, who were quite punc­ tilious in their manners. They went outside repeatedly, as though they were waiting for an honored guest. It was not until after midday that they announced, “She’s com­ ing!” The examinee heard a carriage coming toward the gate, with sev­ eral young men following behind. When it arrived at the front of the hall, it turned out to be a gold-plated carriage. When the carriage cur­ tain was rolled up, he saw a woman emerge, aged sixteen or seventeen and quite beautiful. Her hair coils were adorned with many ornamen­ tal combs and her garment was made from plain white silk. The two youths lined up to pay their respects but she did not acknowledge them; it was only when the examinee also came to pay his respects that she responded, bowing to her guest and gesturing for him to enter the hall. The woman ascended the chaise and seated herself in the position of host. She bowed with clasped hands to the two youths and the guest, who paid their respects and took their seats. Ten or more other younger men wearing well-kempt clothing each paid their respects and sat in rows below the guest. Dishes had been laid out for tasting, and the food was exquisite and fresh.

6. This piece of furniture, “the corded chair” (shengchuang is mentioned in Buddhist texts, where it refers to something that had a back and possibly sides, upon which monks sat cross-legged for meditation. See John Kieschnick, The Impact o f Buddhism on Chinese M aterial Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 236-40. In Tang poetry, the use of corded chairs shows a strong correlation with monks, images of serenity, and meditation.

After several rounds o f drinking, it was the woman’s turn for a toast. She held up her cup, turned her head, and asked the guest: “I’ve heard these two talk of you and I’m delighted now to meet you in person. We know you have inherited a wondrous skill. May we see it?” The examinee demurred with modesty: “Since childhood, I’ve only been studying the Confucian classics; I ve learned nothing o f music and singing.” The woman said: “That’s not what you’re skilled at. Think carefully, good sir; wasn’t there something you excelled at previously?” The guest thought searchingly for a long while and said, “When I was in school, I could walk on the wall for a few paces wearing boots. Other than for my own entertainment, I’ve never done it for other purposes.” The woman said: “This is precisely what I was asking about.” She asked the guest to do it, so he walked for a few steps on the wall. The woman said, This is indeed a difficult feat.” She then looked around at the other young men seated there, and asked them to demonstrate their respective skills. They all rose and paid their respects before they began. There were some who walked on the walls, and some who moved around by gripping the rafters. They each exhibited their distinct tal­ ents, and their deft and nimble performances resembled birds in flight. The examinee wrung his hands in astonishment, not knowing what to make o f this. After a short while, the woman rose and took her leave. The examinee sighed in astonishment at what he had seen, and became unsettled and gloomy. A few days later, he once again met the two youths in the street. They asked him, “May we borrow your fine mount?” The examinee said, Yes. The next day, he heard that something had been stolen from the palaces. The authorities had given chase but lost the thieves, only recovering the horse that was being used to carry the stolen goods. Searching out the owner of the horse, they arrested the examinee. He was taken to the Palace Domestic Service for interroga­ tion, then_steered through a small door. A patrolman pushed him from behind, and he fell into a deep pit several zhang deep. Looking up, he saw that the ceiling was about seven or eight zhang above, with a small opening only just over a chi wide. He had entered the pit in the morning, at mealtime, he saw a rope with a container o f food being lowered down to him. He was famished, he took the food and ate it. When he finished eating, the rope was again retracted.

Late at night, he was deeply indignant at being wrongly accused, but had no one to whom he could voice his sorrow. Looking up, he suddenly spotted something that flew down like a bird, and sensed it land beside him. It turned out to be a person, who patted him and said to him, “I figured that you must be very frightened. Now that I’m here, there’s nothing to worry about.” From hearing the voice, he recognized that this was the woman he had previously encountered. She said, “I’ll take you out with me.” She tied some silk cloth snugly around his torso, and tied one end to herself. The woman leaped aloft, soaring upward. They flew out o f the palace walls, not descending until they were sev­ eral dozen li from the gate. She said to him, “You’d better return to the southeast quickly; as for your plan to seek an official post— perhaps that can wait for another day.” He was overjoyed. He fled in disguise on foot, begging for food and lodging, and was able to reach the Wu region. After that, he never again dared to go west to make a name for himself. — L. Feng Further Readings Altenburger, Roland. The Stuord or the Needle: The Female Knight-Errant (xiaj in Traditional Chinese Narrative. Bern and New York: Peter Lang, 2009. Des Forges, Roger, et al, eds. Chinese Walls in Time and Space: A Multidisci­ plinary Perspective. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University East Asia Program, 2009. Lai, Sufen Sophia. “From Cross-Dressing Daughter to Lady Knight-Errant: The Origin and Evolution of Chinese Women Warriors.” In Sherry Mou, ed., Presence and Presentation: Women in the Chinese Literati Tradition. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000: 77-107. Liu, James J. Y. The Chinese Knight-Errant. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967.

“Xiao Yingshi” Hf|jfdb

A Record of Clearing Up Matters in Doubt (Bianyi zhi compiled by Lu Changyuan deH'M (d. 799)

Introduction The protagonist of this anecdote, Xiao Yingshi (717-759), was well known in the eighth century for his scholarship and literary talents. According to the preface to his collected works, written by his close friend Li Hua (715—766), Xiao could recite the classics from memory when he was only six and was renowned for his writing by the age o f nine.7 He passed the prestigious Presented Scholar (jinshi examination in 735 at the tender age o f eighteen. Despite his early success, however, Xiao never realized his ambition to become a high-ranking official; he died a lowly chief clerk in a provincial office. Although never achieving great success as an official, Xiao was renowned in later periods as one of the Tang’s greatest prose essayists and thinkers. He was close friends with many of the great writers of his age and also taught many of the younger generation as they prepared for the Presented Scholar examination. He took a very conservative view in his teaching, emphasizing the moral function o f literature and the singular importance of the Confucian canon in providing models for students’ writing. Xiao was also well known for being conceited and arrogant; one anecdote tells of his insolent treatment o f an elderly man who took shelter at the same inn as Xiao. The man turned out to be the Minister of Personnel. He berated Xiao in turn and told him he would be bet­ ter off staying an unemployed scholar. In the anecdote below, it is no doubt Xiao’s conservatism and arrogance that help make him such an excellent target for the “sting” in the tail o f this tale. As with the other tales found in the anthology A Record o f Clearing Up Matters in Doubt, this tale seeks to debunk or undermine commonly 7. Li Hua, Yangzhou gongcao Xiao Yingshi wenji xn,” in Quan Tang wen xinbian compiled by Quan Tang wen xinbian bianji weiyuanhui (Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 2000: 6:315.3589).

held beliefs in the supernatural, in this case the belief in foxes. During the Tang dynasty, foxes were widely believed to be able to assume human form. These transformed animals, who were always attractive and often sexually promiscuous, would seduce lonely men and women and bring illness or misfortune to their paramours.8 The name of the family in the story, Hu (which can also mean “Persian” or, more generally, “westerner”), is a homophone for the Chinese term for fox, hu lift (a fact that also comes into play in “Scholar Wang” in this volume). In many stories involving foxes, the foxes assume the family name Hu when in human form.

Translation In the early years of the Tianbao reign period (742—756) of the Tang dynasty (618-907), Xiao Yingshi, in traveling through the Lingchang H H District, once went as far as twenty li south of Zuo District. There was a Hu family inn there, and many people surnamed Hu lived by the inn. It had been late in the day when Yingshi set out from the district seat, and additional time had been spent at the farewell feast thrown by local officials, so in the end he did not get underway until it was almost dusk. By the time he had gotten only a few li south of the district seat it was already quite dark. A young woman of about twenty-four or twenty-five, dressed in a red blouse and green skirt, came along riding a donkey loaded with clothing. She addressed Yingshi say­ ing, “My home is located twenty li directly south o f here. Returning at this time, I find night has already fallen, and the idea of making the trip all alone terrifies me. May I accompany you, sir, and travel along­ side your horse?” Yingshi asked the girl her family name. She replied, “My family name is Hu.” Now, Yingshi had often heard it said by everyone that there were wild foxes who would sometimes appear as young men and sometimes appear as young women, and would seduce people in the twilight hours. Yingshi suspected that this girl was actually a wild fox. He spat at her and reviled her, saying, “You cursed wild fox. How dare you try to seduce ME, Xiao Yingshi!” He then whipped his horse and galloped 8. See also the discussion in the Introduction, p. 27.

south, rushing all the way to the main inn, where he rested and changed his clothes. A long while later, the woman that he had seen earlier came in through the door, leading her donkey behind her. The old innkeeper asked her, “Why are you running around at night?” She replied, “If it was only running around at night it wouldn’t be so bad, but on the way just now I had the great misfortune of encoun­ tering a deranged pedant, who cursed me for a wild fox and tried to kill me by spitting at me.” This young woman was none other than the daughter of the old innkeeper. Yingshi was embarrassed to no end. —A. K. Ditter Further Readings Kang, Xiaofei. The Fox (hu) and the Barbarian (hu): Unraveling Represen­ tations of the Other in Late Tang Tales.” Journal of Chinese Religions 27 (1999): 35-67.

“Ming Siyuan” A Record o f Clearing Up M atters in D oubt (.Bianyi zhi compiled by Lu Changyuan IHl-fll® (d. 799)

Introduction Throughout Chinese history, mountains have served as sites for pursu­ ing self-cultivation or seeking refuge from the world. The setting for the tale translated below, Mount Hua $ lL |, was the Western Sacred Mountain (xiyue I5lt^), one of Five Sacred Mountains (wuyue 7iMl'). Located between, the Tang capitals o f Chang an and Luoyang it was a site often visited by residents and travelers through the

area. Although it was never a Daoist pilgrimage site, it was famous for its numerous small shrines, the spirit mediums who dwelt there and communicated with local deities, and for the many hermits to be found among its different summits. The tale references a number o f Daoist practices, the names of which were likely familiar to most medieval Chinese: the use of regis­ ters (/« H ) , multiplication of the body (fenxing , breath reten­ tion (biqi H JR ), and meditative visualization (cunsi ^ S ) . Daoist initiates understood themselves to be officials serving in an otherworld bureaucracy. Just as government bureaucracies in the human realm kept household registers, which listed the names, ages, and gender o f all indi­ viduals living under one roof in order to effectively levy taxes and labor, government bureaucracies in the otherworld also documented its deni­ zens. Each o f these otherworld registers contained the names of differ­ ent spiritual beings that could help its owner fulfill his or her role as an official in the otherworld bureaucracy. The more advanced (i.e., highranking) a Daoist initiate was, the more registers came under his or her jurisdiction and the more kinds and numbers of spiritual beings could be made to do his or her bidding. The technique of “multiplication of the body” is related to the technique of “meditative visualization.” The former is based on the idea that each person possesses two kinds of soul, the hun and the po til,.9 The departure of these souls was believed to cause illness and death. One method by which their movements could be controlled was through “meditative visualization,” in which the prac­ titioner focuses on specific spiritual beings (in this case the practitioner’s own hun and po) in order to make them appear as clearly before his or her inner eye as though looking at pictures of them. The practitioner could then send one or more of his or her own bun or po to travel to and communicate with other entities, making it possible to be at mul­ tiple locations at once. The art of “multiplication o f the body through reflection in water or metal” {jinshuifenxing 4r7k-/rt'J&) mentioned in this tale refers to a specific technique of “meditative visualization” in which the practitioner faces a reflective surface (such as water or a mir­ ror, which during the Tang were made of metal) while meditating on and visualizing his or her own form in order to achieve the multipli­ cation of the body. It was allegedly one of the most potent techniques for cultivating “multiplication of the body.” Finally, “breath retention” 9. See also the discussion in the Introduction, pp. 19-20.

refers to the practice of holding one’s breath between inhalation and exhalation in order to improve health and longevity. The time in which this story is set, during the mid-Tang, was a period when Daoist medi­ tative practices such as these were especially popular. All o f the stories from the collection in which this tale is found, A Record o f Clearing Up Matters in Doubt, seek to debunk popular beliefs and expose them as false. In this story, the author is attacking many different popular beliefs about Daoist practitioners. First, he attacks the belief in the efficacy of various popular Daoist techniques by describing their dramatic failure. Second, the author is critical of accounts o f her­ mits who are unharmed by savage beasts such as tigers, wolves, or snakes because of their sincere devotion and personal cultivation, traits that are recognized or acknowledged by these animals. Finally, the author may also be attacking the idea o f “release by means o f a corpse” (shijie P M ). This refers to the belief that when an accomplished Daoist tran­ scends, he leaves behind what appears to be his corpse. When the coffin in which that apparent corpse was interred is later opened, the body will have disappeared; and often various objects or articles of clothing once used or worn by the Daoist are found in its place. The story, ending as it does with the discovery of Ming Siyuan’s sash and sandals, plays with this idea, suggesting that these are all that remain in the aftermath of the protagonist’s unfortunate encounter. Note, however, that finding just these kinds o f remains could easily have been read as demonstrat­ ing, rather than disproving, the idea of “release by means of the corpse,” thus undermining the effectiveness o f the critique.

Translation

The Daoist priest Ming Siyuan o f Mount Hua had diligently collated registers for more than thirty years. He would often teach others the methods for multiplication o f the body through reflection in water or metal, as well as breath retention and meditative visualization. A very great number o f people took him as their teacher and served him. During the Yongtai 7X^1 reign period (765—766), the tigers in Hua prefecture began to attack people. Siyuan would tell people, “Tigers are nothing to fear. If you only retain the breath and perform

meditative visualization, you will cause a lion to emerge from each of your ten fingers. You merely have to direct them to advance forward and the tiger will immediately run away.” One day Siyuan was traveling along accompanied by others. The hour was approaching dusk. While traveling past the mouth o f a valley, they encountered a tiger. Siyuans companions scattered in fear. Only Siyuan maintained his composure, slowing his breath and focusing his mind. In an instant, he was eaten up by the tiger. The next day, his dis­ ciples looked for him at the mouth of the valley, but found nothing but a pine-creeper sash and a pair of sandals. —A. K. Ditter Further Readings Kohn, Livia, and Russell Kirkland, “Daoism in the Tang (618-907).” In Livia Kohn, ed., Daoism Handbook. Leiden: Brill, 2000: 339—83. Morrison, Hedda, and Wolfram Eberhard. Hua Shan. The Sacred Mountain in West China: Its Scenery, Monasteries, and Monks. Hong Kong: Vetch and Lee, 1973. Pregadio, Fabrizio. “The Notion o f‘Form’ and the Ways of Liberation in Dao­ ism.” Cahiers d’Extreme-Asie 14 (2004): 95-130.

“The Record o f Master Shenxiu’s Predictions” 12

Collection of Strange Reports (Yiwenji H M Ijl), compiled by Chen Han

(active 860s to 880s)

Introduction “The Record of Master Shenxiu’s Predictions” narrates the story o f Li Renjun’s encounter with a fortune-telling monk, Shenxiu and the events that followed.10 The story is set during the reign of Emperor Dezong (779—805), a time when the Tang court was still recovering from the An Lushan Rebellion (755-763) that had two decades earlier almost brought down the dynasty. Though the central government struggled with asserting its authority in more dis­ tant provinces, the heartland o f the once glorious empire was at last enjoying some peace (if not prosperity). Emperor Dezong, however, continued to rule in crisis mode and entrusted governance to only a small number of highly capable but overworked officials. He retained them at the posts where they performed best for years on end and thus disrupted the regular schedule o f bureaucratic assignment and advance­ ment. This disruption led civil examination graduates and officials who had completed their assignments to gather every winter in ever-increas­ ing numbers in Chang’an 11:$; as they awaited the announcement o f new appointments. These appointments were always insufficient in number and many men were forced to wait years before getting one. It was in this atmosphere of heightened anticipation and uncertainty that aspiring young men like Li Renjun found fortune-tellers and their predictions irresistible. This same period saw the wider circulation of many stories centered around prophecies o f future marriages and posi­ tions in government (the two primary means through which one might -advance in society).11 10. Hie Shenxiu in this story is not to be confused with the well-respected Buddhist monk of the same name whose legendary dispute with fellow monk Huineng iSfts divided the Chan school into the northern and southern sects. 11. See the discussion in Manling Luo, Literati Storytelling in Late Medieval China (Seatde: University of Washington Press, 2015).

“The Record o f Master Shenxiu’s Predictions” reflects the wide­ spread belief in fate. People in medieval China often held the view that each individual was born with a predetermined allotment of happiness, wealth, years and health, known as the “fixed numbers” (dingshu /E§$0. Even specific aspects of one’s life, such as the court rank one would eventually reach and the person one would marry, were predestined. An individual’s allotment (some took it as a manifestation of the will of Heaven) was knowable to those who through spiritual cultivation had acquired supernatural powers. Foresight into another’s fate could also be gained through more mundane means. Many methods o f prognos­ tication, such as divination using the yinyang methods existed and could be learned by any individual through persistent practice.12 Still, very few fortunetellers were thought to be infallible. “The Record of Master Shenxiu’s Predictions” also sheds light on women’s involvement in arranging marriages and the practice of class endogamy and clan exogamy. It was expected of a wife to arrange the marriages of her husband’s children and wards. Female relatives, reli­ gious teachers, maidservants, and entertainers who moved between dif­ ferent households often served as go-betweens. By law, a man could only marry someone who belonged to the same social class. He could not take as his wife a woman whose social standing was below his. He could, however, makes her his concubine. Likewise, a man could not take a woman whose social standing was the same as, or above, his to be his concubine. Furthermore, people could not marry or have sexual intercourse with anyone who had the same surname and were within five degrees of consanguinity. This is one reason that genealogies were always consulted when contracting a marriage. The protagonist of this tale, Li Renjun, was a historical figure. While he left few traces in the official histories, the surviving details o f his life suggest that this story was based on real events. Li was descended from a lineage that had also produced the Tang royal house, and his career may have benefited from this imperial connection. His first assignment as a magistrate to a rather prosperous district in the south was typical of men who entered officialdom via the privilege o f their pedigree. Han 12. “ Yinyang methods” refers to prognostication techniques using binary calculations to obtain a model of future events. Certain practitioners were perceived to be more accurate at prediction than others. Some sources claim that more than 120 schools that practiced yinyang methods existed during this period, although the specifics of which school’s methods Shenxiu used are unclear from this story.

Yu (768—824) recounts Li Renjun’s subsequent career in the pref­ ace to a series of parting poems he composed for Li Chu {jinshi 803), his good friend and a son o f Li Renjun. The famed literati-official praised Li Renjun as a compassionate man whose generous support of families and friends in need nearly bankrupted him. Many stories of strange events feature people who can be traced in the historical record, and the Li Renjun that appears in The Record o f Master Shenxius Predictions is consistent with Han Yu’s firsthand knowledge of him. It is unfortunate that there is no extant record of any of the other per­ sonalities appearing in this story.

Translation

Cui Wu and Li Renjun of the Tang dynasty were cousins. Cui was older than Li. At the end of the Jianzhong H 4^ reign period (780—784), they came together to the capital city to await their government postings. At that time there was a monk named Shenxiu at Jianfii Monastery J § ? S # who, due to his mastery o f yinyang techniques, had been allowed to serve in the forbidden palace. When they met one day, Cui and Li vis­ ited Master Shenxiu. The master merely chatted with them idly about the weather, without broaching any other topic. When they were tak­ ing their leave, he clasped his hands and bowed to Li from behind the door leaf and said, “Ninth Son,13 might I ask you to kindly oblige me with an evening of your time? This humble monk has a private matter he wishes to discuss with you.” Li said, “Yes, o f course.” Sometime later, Li returned alone for the evening engagement. He found the food to be plentiful and the wares clean. He was treated with exceeding care and respect. When it was midnight, the master said, Ninth Son, you will presently and appropriately be appointed as a magistrate in the Jiangnan fE area. It will be very much to your liking. Six years henceforth you will become the acting Justice in the prefectural government. It will be just at that time that I, this humble 13. Tang men and women were oftentimes referred to by their birth-order numbers within the same generation, at times counting from either a common grandfather or great-grandfather. The male {lang l§![5) and female (niang $&) children were counted sepa­ rately. “Ninth Son” literally means the male child who was born ninth in his generation.

monk, will be facing my day of execution, and the official who will be overseeing the execution will be none other than you. This humble monk is a child of the Wu region. There is a particular parcel of land located in the pine forest behind the Earthen Coffin (Waguan TsLfiO Monastery that I truly love. From its highest open area, the most mag­ nificent landscape of Shangyuan JlTU district can be appreciated to its fullest. After my death, I beseech you to erect a stupa at that place and conceal this humble monk’s bones therein.” Li gravely replied, “My words are not false: I will not go back on them, as the bright sun is my witness.” Shenxiu wept profusely for a long while. He then again addressed Li and said, “Please express gratitude on my behalf to the young man o f the Cui clan [i.e., Cui Wu]. Cui will, however, only have this one governing post. His household will scatter and decline, left to wander along the banks of the Yangzi River. Cui’s orphaned child will eventu­ ally receive extraordinary support from you. And you, Ninth Son, will eventually become the son-in-law of the Cui family. Keep this a secret.” Li returned to the travel lodge at dawn and saw Cui. He only men­ tioned one thing Master Shenxiu had stated: “He said that I will end up your son-in-law.” Cui said, “Even if my daughter were to be ill-fated and die an early death, how could I give her as wife to an old farmer?” Li said, “Compared to Zhaojun Upfq being sent off to marry the Chanyu , it’s still a life.” 14 The two men looked at each other and laughed heartily. Li subsequently filled the post of the magistrate of Nanchang Pit H . Once in office he became well known for his competence. When his term ended he became the acting Justice in the prefectural capital. One day, an envoy escorted an exile to the prefecture. It was someone implicated in leaking confidential matters from the palace. The next morning, the edict was proclaimed: the exile was to be brought to the prefectural capital and executed by beating. As the exile removed his

14. The story Li Renjun refers to is that ofWang Zhaojun a low-ranking con­ cubine of Emperor Yuan of the Han JUtC'S (r. 48-33 BCE). The emperor presented her to the chief (chanyu ■¥"31) of the Xiongnu confederation, Huhanye (d. 31 BCE), in the year 33 BCE in a bid for peace. Her being sent off to the “barbarians” has captured popular imagination ever since.

clothes to receive the punishment, he stared at the official who would supervise the execution, who was indeed Justice Li Renjun. The exile in turn was none other than Shenxiu, who shouted, “Remember my request about the pine forest behind the Waguan Monastery. You must not go back on your word.” Shenxiu died soon afterward. Li thereupon concealed his tears and requested a leave of absence. He used his salary to hire a skiff, chose a competent clerk to accompany him, and conveyed the encoffined corpse to Shangyuan J 27G District. He bought the plot in the pine forest behind the Earthen Coffin Mon­ astery and constructed a stupa there in which to bury Shenxiu. At this time, Magistrate Cui Wu had already left the world behind [i.e., been dead] for several years. Cui’s younger half-brother Hua brought Cui s orphaned child to live in the city of Gao’an reiffc. Hua was a free spirit who was fond of taking long journeys. Only his young wife Miss Yin Wi f t stayed behind by herself. Yin had studied the Qin zither15 with Chang Shoujian rfi tTM and his wondrous skills had been entirely passed on to her. She sheltered and fed the orphaned girl with unmatched kindness. By chance an entertainer in the Nanchang Army who was skilled in the zither was going to seek patronage in Gao’an. Since she was also a student o f Shoujians, Yin was able to receive her. She said to the army musician, “This young woman of the Cui family is peerless in beauty and manner. She is already fourteen years old. If I furnish you with a copy o f her family’s genealogy, could you find her a suitably eminent match in marriage once you’ve arrived at the prefectural capital?” The army entertainer assented to her request. When she got to the prefectural capital, she delivered the genealogy to the households of various literati but had not as yet received any response. She subse­ quently was invited to visit the Attendant Censor Overseeing the Salt and Iron Monopolies, Li Renjun. She took the genealogy out from her sleeve and laid it open on the table. Li woefully said, “My wife passed away over a year ago. Now there are only young boys and old women [i.e., page boys and housekeepers] -"who attend to my needs. This only deepens the sorrow of my lonely life as a widower and makes me even more aware of the passing o f days and nights. What’s more, the orphaned girl o f the Cui family is my niece 15. The Qin zither (qin zheng was a type of zither from the Qin U area. Here it refers to the style o f zither music from the Qin area.

once removed. I regard her as a female younger cousin; she in turn will similarly regard me as an older male cousin. This is indeed the fulfill­ ment of Master Shenxiu’s prediction, which has been proven to be as trustworthy as a contract. I will take her in as my new wife and thus become the in-law o f my older cousin Cui.” Thereupon, he became engaged to marry Miss Cui. —J. Choo Further Readings Kohn, Livia. “Counting Good Deeds and Days of Life: The Quantification of Fate in Medieval China.” Asiatische Studien / Etudes Asiatiques 52 (1998): 833-70. Smith, Richard J. Fortune-Tellers and Philosophers: Divination in Traditional Chinese Society. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991.

“DuMu” tt#C

The Missing History of the Tang (Tang que shi M H j£l), compiled by Gao Yanxiu

(b. 854)

Introduction This story o f Du Mu (803-853) portrays him as a talented poet obsessed with beautiful women. Du Mu came from an illustrious fam­ ily o f scholar-officials and established his literary reputation early on, later reinforcing that reputation through his examination successes. The Presented Scholar (jinshi iHdt) examination was the most competitive among the annual recruitment examinations, with a success rate of only 2 to 5 percent. Few candidates were able to pass smoothly at a young age, as Du Mu did, and many pursued their candidacy throughout their

lives. Despite its prestige, the Presented Scholar degree conferred only the eligibility for office. Du Mu’s further success in the “decree examina­ tion” (.zhiju $ !]|i), which was held by the emperor to recruit special tal­ ents as needed by the court, enabled him to bypass the required waiting period and get an immediate appointment. He rose in official rank and died in the position of Secretariat Drafter. ^JCTiile he is best known for poetry, he wrote about military affairs and political governance as well. In his youth, Du Mu served on the staff o f military governors, an important starting point in young mens careers during the second half o f the Tang dynasty. Military governors had helped to end the cata­ strophic An Lushan ^ ^ l i l Rebellion (755-763) but became alarm­ ingly powerful afterwards.16 Some established their own autonomous spheres and paid only nominal homage to the throne. In areas under the central government’s control, the court tried to appoint civil offi­ cials rather than military men to serve in these powerful positions. The system, however, still gave the court-appointed military governors, such as Niu Sengru (779—848) and Shen Chuanshi (769— 827) mentioned in the story, considerable autonomy. They not only controlled local finances and armies, but also established in effect mini­ courts by recruiting their own entourages o f officials. Both Niu Sengru and Shen Chuanshi were also Presented Scholar degree holders. Their rise to such prominent positions as military governors and chief min­ isters contributed to the prestige of the Presented Scholar examination by demonstrating the talent and success o f its graduates. Their recruit­ ment o f younger degree holders like Du Mu to serve on their staffs also showed their efforts to help their juniors, pointing to the close relation­ ship among members of the examination community. This story, however, is more concerned with Du Mu’s relation­ ship with women. Most women in the story are entertainers, who were trained in music, singing, dancing, and even poetry. The Yangzhou I'l courtesans were professionals who plied their trade in red light districts located in urban centers. The singing girls of Minister of Education Li Yuan (d. 825) exemplify household entertainers purchased and owned by rich, high-ranking men, who would have these girls entertain guests to show off their wealth and status. Although the backgrounds of the female performers summoned by Du Mu’s friend, the unnamed prefect of Huzhou are not clear in the story, they 16. See also the discussion of this event in the Introduction, pp. 7—8.

could have been government-owned entertainers, who were responsible for keeping guests company at banquets held by the court or local offi­ cials. The teenage girl regarded by Du Mu as a true beauty, however, likely belonged to a commoner’s family since he secured her commit­ ment with payments to her mother. Du Mu’s relationships with these women, as portrayed in the story, are implicitly contrasted with mar­ riage, which was arranged by family elders with scant regard for the couple’s personal wishes. While Tang law required a scholar-official to marry a principal wife with a similar background, he might have the resources and opportunities to take concubines from families of com­ moners or others o f lesser background, and to develop alternative rela­ tionships with entertainers that, from the man’s perspective at least, allowed freer choice of partners. The tropes of finding true female beauty and freely choosing a girl o f one’s own liking also indicate the story’s construction and promo­ tion of a male “romantic” ifengliu JIL^iL) persona. Classical ideology denounced male sexual indulgence, regarding beautiful women as dan­ gerous creatures that could destroy individual men and the state. The post-An Lushan Rebellion period, however, witnessed the emergence of a so-called “culture of romance.” Poets started to write about poetic sentiments of love and desire on the part of men, and stories about non-marital bonds between literati men and beautiful women became popular. This culture of romance is believed to have emanated from the close relationship between female entertainers and scholar-officials in general, and examination participants in particular. This story about Du Mu’s amorous pursuits may be apocryphal. Du Mu composed poems that fit the male romantic persona, which could easily be taken as autobiographical. Anecdotes about poets and their poems gained popularity in the eighth and ninth centuries. These accounts allegedly explained the real-life circumstances that inspired the poets to produce particularly well-known poems. In so doing, the narratives recontextualized poems and gave them new meanings. This Du Mu story, however, remains plausible because it includes accurate details from his life, such as the official positions he held and his efforts to secure a prefectural appointment in order to find a cure for his broth­ er’s eye ailment.

Du Mu, Drafter in the Secretariat o f the Tang, had possessed outstand­ ing talent since his youth. He had only to lower his writing brush [to the page] to produce refined poems. When he was just twenty years old, he passed the Presented Scholar examination and succeeded again in a decree examination soon afterwards. Du Mu was handsome in his youth and libertine in temperament. Despite his efforts at self-discipline, he was incapable o f repressing his natural inclinations. When chief minister Niu Sengru left the capital to serve as the military governor of Yangzhou H, he appointed Du Mu as his chief secretary. Apart from his official duties, Mu was only concerned with banquets and excursions. Yangzhou was a famous place for entertain­ ment. Every day as dusk drew near, within the city, there were often tens o f thousands of crimson silk lanterns on courtesan towers, their shining silk glowing brilliantly in mid-air. The thirty pedestrian streets within a three-mile radius were crammed with girls wearing pearls and jadeites, such that from a distance it seemed to be a celestial realm. Mu frequently disported himself there, not missing a single night. By Sengru’s secret order, thirty soldiers also followed him in civilian garb to give him clandestine protection. Mu, however, thought he was accom­ plishing his aims with no one the wiser. Wherever he went, he had great fun and nothing failed to meet his fancy. Things went on like this for several years. When Du Mu was promoted to serve as an Attending Censor, Sengru hosted a farewell banquet for him in the main hall. He admon­ ished Du Mu, “Since the Attending Censor has an indomitable spirit, your path forward will surely be quite smooth. But I often worry that you do not restrain yourself in romantic pursuits, which might endan­ ger your health.” Mu dissimulated in response, “Fortunately I am quite self-disci­ plined and should not cause you concern.” Sengru smiled but did not respond. He ordered a maid to bring out a small letter basket, which he opened in front o f Mu. It contained the soldiers’ secret reports, which numbered in the hundreds. They all said that on such and such a night, Secretary Du visited a certain

establishment; no harm. On such and such a night, he feasted in a cer­ tain establishment; ditto. Faced with these, Mu was greatly mortified. He wept and bowed as he expressed his gratitude. He remained obliged to Sengru for the rest of his life. Thus when Sengru passed away, Mu wrote an epitaph for him that exhaustively praised his virtues, in rec­ ompense for Sengru’s understanding. A long while after Mu became a censor, he was assigned to the east­ ern capital Luoyang Minister of Education Li Yuan lived in leisure there after completing his term as a military governor. His music troupe and singing girls were fabulous and the best at that time. Well-known scholar-ofiicials of Luoyang all paid him visits. Li thus held a huge banquet, and there was not a single courtier or member o f the upper crust of the time who failed to attend. Because of Mu’s position as a censor, however, he did not invite him.17 Nevertheless, Mu asked one o f the guests to convey his wish to attend the party. Li had no choice but to send out an invitation right away. Mu was just then drinking his wine alone and already tipsy, but when he got the invitation, he immediately went. By then the drink­ ing had already started at the party. There were more than one hundred singing girls present, all o f whom were supremely skilled and unusually beautiful. Mu sat by himself on the south side of the banquet hall and stared hard at them. After emptying three goblets of wine, he asked Li, “I heard there is one called Purple Cloud jfe® . Which one is she?” Li pointed her out to him. Mu again fixed his eyes on her for a long time and said, Her reputation is well deserved. You should bestow her on me. Li lowered his head and laughed. All the singing girls also turned their heads toward him and smiled. Mu drank another three goblets and then stood up, chanting aloud the following lines:

5]®

A grand banquet held in a magnificent hall today; Who summoned this censor in the Eastern Capital branch office?

17. Censors were required to limit their social intercourse in order to ensure impartiality since they were responsible for the surveillance and investigation of officials.

M-

s IS

Suddenly he started to talk wildly, shocking everyone present; Both lines of rouged ladies turned toward him in unison.

His manner was calm and relaxed, as if no one else were around. Later because he felt he was getting old, Mu often composed poems o f nostalgia. One is as follows: ®'/M It ^ + tit W

Down and out, I traveled on lakes and rivers with wine on board; The waists o f Chu girls were slender, lovable in my palms. Awaking from a three-year dream in Yangzhou, In the green towers of courtesans, I was known as a fickle man.18

Another poem goes: My boat, but for a single oar, is completely empty; I spent ten years of youthful life without disappointing you, Sir. Today with gray hair I have my meditation seat for company; Smoke from the tea stove drifts lightly in the wind that fells the flowers. At the end o f theTaihe reign period (827—836), Du Mu once more left the post o f Attending Censor to serve on the staff of military governor Shen Chuanshi in Xuanzhou jEjM'l, Jiangxi fC ® . Wherever he went he made visits to the courtesan quarters, but in the end he did -not settlfon anyone because none of the girls matched his desire. When he heard that Huzhou '$S;N'| was famous for its beautiful scenery and 18. “Green tower” (qinglou W ® ) is a term that conventionally refers to the residences of courtesans, while “red tower” [honglou &ItB) refers to those of respectable women in affluent households. The distinction between the two however is not always clear in the usage by specific writers.

many extraordinary beauties, he gladly went there. Prefect So-and-so of Huzhou had been close to Du Mu for a long time and well under­ stood his intention. After Mu arrived, the prefect frequently arranged banquets and excursions for him. He also showed Mu all the female performers and courtesans who were within his power to summon. Mu stared hard at them and said, “Beautiful! But still not perfect.” The prefect inquired again what he wanted. Mu answered, “Please set up a water show and have everyone in the prefecture come to watch. When people gather like clouds from the four directions, I will take a stroll and look them over, hoping at that moment to see one I like.” The prefect was overjoyed and did what he said. When the day came, onlookers crowded like water behind a dam on both banks of the river, but by dusk, Du still had not found anyone suitable. As he was about to moor his boat on shore, he saw in the crowd an old village woman leading a girl just over nine years old, whose hair was swept into double buns. Gazing at her intently, Mu said, “This is truly a beauty of the realm. All the others I have seen are truly noth­ ing by comparison.” He asked someone to talk to the mother, intend­ ing to bring the girl onto the boat. Both mother and daughter were frightened. Mu said, “O f course I would not take her immediately; we should set a later date.” The mother said, “If you do not keep your promise, what do we do then?” Mu said, “I’ll surely become prefect here within a decade. If I do not come in ten years, you can marry her to whomever you see fit.” The mother agreed. Mu then gave her a lot o f money and generous gifts to seal the deal and they made pledges to each other before parting. Thus after Du returned to court, Huzhou prefecture was very much on his mind. But because his rank then was still low, he did not dare to make his wish known. Soon he was appointed to Huangzhou jNfjl’H and Chizhou j'ttlj'H and then transferred to Muzhou fltjH'l, none of which were the places he desired. He had always been on good terms with Zhou Chi MW . It happened that Chi become a chief minister, and at that point Mu sent three letters to Chi requesting to govern Huzhou, on the grounds that he hoped to find a cure for the eye ailment o f his younger brother, Yi ®t, in the area south of Yangzi River. In the third year o f the Dazhong reign period (849), Mu was finally appointed prefect of Huzhou. By the time he arrived, fourteen

years had passed, and the girl he had the arrangement with had already been married to another man for three years and born three children. After Mu assumed his duties, he sent a messenger with a letter to sum­ mon her. Fearing that she might be forcibly taken, her mother took along the three children as well. Mu questioned the mother: “You gave me your promise before. Why did you violate it?” The mother answered, “We agreed on ten years. As you did not come for ten years, I married her off. She has already been married for three years.” Du picked up her written statement and read it, then hung his head for a long time and said, “Her words are justified and it is not auspicious to force the issue.” He gave them lots of gifts before sending them off. He then composed a poem lamenting his lot: I myself was late in seeking the spring; No need to be rueful, regretting the time of fragrant blossoms I missed. Since the wild winds brought down all the crimson petals, Green leaves have now made fine shades, and branches laden with young fruits.19

■— M. Luo Further Readings Bossier, Beverly J. “Vocabularies of Pleasure: Categorizing Female Entertainers in the Late Tang Dynasty.” HarvardJournal ofAsiatic Studies 72.1 (2012): 71-99. Moore, Oliver. Rituals ofRecruitment in Tang China: Reading an Annual Pro­ gramme in the Collected Statements by Wang Dingbao (870—940). Leiden: Brill, 2004. Owen, Stephen. “What Did Liuzhi Hear? The ‘Yan Terrace Poems’ and the " Culture of Romance.” T’angStudies 13 (1995): 81-118.

19. The poems included in this story all have variant versions in Du Mu’s extant anthol­ ogies and in other collections of stories. While the themes and imagery remain stable, the poem titles and the phrasing of specific lines vary. The variations suggest that the poems (and their associated stories) were probably well received and circulated widely.

Owen, Stephen. The Late Tang: Chinese Poetry ofthe Mid-Ninth Century. Cam­ bridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2006: especially 255-314. Rouzer, Paul F. Articulated Ladies: Gender and the Male Community in Early Chinese Texts. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2001: espe­ cially 201-83.

“ D i Weiqian”

M

Records of Unfettered Conversations (Jutan lu ll'Ji^lfc), compiled by Kang Ping JUI# {jinshi 878) Introduction The plot of this tale is structured around the protagonist Di Weiqian’s attempts to end the drought afflicting his district. Mitigating inclem­ ent weather such as drought or flood was a matter o f great importance throughout the Tang dynasty. This issue was especially prominent dur­ ing the latter half o f the Tang, for good reason; scientists studying his­ torical climate have found that from around 750 through the middle of the tenth century there was a shift toward a drier climate in China.20 Then, as now, government officials and the educated public had access to a comprehensive body of accumulated information describing causal factors for different meteorological conditions and detailing various strategies for responding to them. Ritual manuals, such as the Rites o f the Kaiyuan Reign Period o f the Great Tang {Da Tang Kaiyuan li compiled in 732), and institutional compendia, such as the Compendium o f Institutions {Tongdian M jft; compiled in 801), defined detailed procedures to be followed in responding to all man­ ners o f weather-related contingencies. In the case o f drought, officials

20. Gergana Yancheva et al., Influence of the Intertropical Convergence Zone on the East Asian Monsoon,” Nature 445 (January 2007): 74-77.

would first pray to local deities— gods of soil and grains, for example, or deities of mountains, seas, rivers, hills, and streams. Depending on the outcome of these prayers, officials might also make use o f alterna­ tive methods for manipulating the weather: reexamining criminal tri­ als that might have resulted in unjust condemnations, succoring the poor and relieving the needy, prohibiting butchery and burying the bones and remains of slaughtered animals, moving the marketplaces, breaking umbrellas, and building earthen dragons. In addition, as this tale illustrates, officials might also seek expert intervention by religious specialists such as monks, priests, and shamans. The approaches taken to resolve the drought in this tale also illus­ trate different conceptions of weather during the Tang. In one sense, weather was understood as being under the control o f gods, seen as operating on both the local and heavenly level. Initial appeals at local shrines attempted to communicate to deities the harm caused by inclem­ ent weather and to placate, bribe, or, in some rare cases, threaten them to respond to pleas for normal weather patterns to resume. Ultimately, however, final authority for the weather rested with Heaven. The reason the expertise of the shaman was sought in this tale, for example, was in part due to her ability to employ her magical arts to communicate directly with Heaven and divine how to end the drought. In another sense, weather was conceived o f in terms of what some scholars have called a “moral meteorology,” namely the idea that “rainfall and sun­ shine were thought to be seasonal or unseasonal, appropriate or exces­ sive, according to whether human behavior was moral or immoral.”21 The behavior of those in positions of power was particularly significant; authorities, up to and including the emperor, could be expected to apol­ ogize for possible offences and demonstrate their sincere contriteness. Acceptance of an apology would ideally either lead to the disaster being mitigated or Heaven’s displeasure being refocused on the individual at fault rather than the broader population. The identification of the protagonist as the descendent of Di Renjie ,(630-700) communicates a subtle critique of non-canonical - practices. Di Renjie, likely more familiar to readers today as “Judge Dee,” a Sherlock Holmes—type character who solves local mysteries in later representations, was famed in part during his own lifetime for 21. Mark Elvin, “Who Was Responsible for the Weather? Moral Meteorology in Late Imperial China,” Osiris 13 (1998): 213.

having razed several hundred “licentious shrines” (yin ci while posted in the south in 688. That the tale concludes with D i’s execu­ tion of an “evil shaman” shows him following in the footsteps of his illustrious ancestor.22

Translation During the Huichang H reign period (841-847), the magistrate o f Jinyang H P# District o f the northern capital (Chang’an was Di Weiqian, a descendant o f Di Renjie (630-700). He served in office with integrity and reverence, unintimidated by powerful people. His district suffered from extreme drought. This had continued from spring through summer and had ruined several hundred li of farmland. Although prayers had been offered at the Jinyang shrine, there haduiot been the slightest response. At that time there was a Celestial Mistress Guo who was a female shaman o f Bingzhou . When young she had studied the art of writing talismans, and often performed hexes on others. An ArmySupervising Commissioner had had her brought to the imperial capital where, due to her close ties with some palace eunuchs, she was able to come and go as she pleased in the palace. She subsequently was granted the title “Celestial Mistress” (tianshi ^C&P). Not long after, she had returned to her native land. Everyone said, “If you can get the Celestial Mistress to make just one trip to the Jinyang shrine, then there will be nothing to worry about.” Weiqian made this request o f the military commander, who at first strenuously resisted the idea, but soon after issued a respectful invitation. The military commander went person­ ally to meet her and the shaman courteously accepted his invitation. A canopied carriage with arrayed banners was prepared, and Weiqian led her horse personally. When they arrived at the shrine, Weiqian set up splendid canopies and a lavish feast in the courtyard and fawned over her. The next day she said to Weiqian, I submitted flying talismans to the upper realm on 22. The tales critical attitude likely reflects, at least in part, a more general skepticism toward the efficacy of the esoteric practices of “licentious cults" and spirit mediums during the latter half of the Tang dynasty.

your behalf asking for rain and have already received the command of the Emperor of Heaven. You must be absolutely sincere; only then will you, in three days’ time, receive enough rain to alleviate the drought.” Because of this, the people, elite and common, came from all over and gathered in large crowds. The appointed time she had stated passed but there was no sign of rain. She then said, “That natural disasters have arisen is definitely due to the district magistrate’s lack of virtue. I have again appealed to Heaven on your behalf. There should be rain in seven days.” Weiqian acknowl­ edged that the fault was his and served her with even greater reverence. In the end it failed to produce the desired result. Guo subsequently expressed an urgent desire to return to Bing pre­ fecture. Weiqian bowed repeatedly and detained her, saying, “Since the Celestial Mistress has already come here for the people, I once more beg you to pray and beseech with all your heart.” She grew angry and scolded him saying, “You incompetent bureau­ crat! You do not understand the Way of Heaven. Heaven at this time is unwilling to send down rain. What more can be accomplished by keeping me here?” Weiqian apologized and said, “I don’t dare to trouble the Celestial Mistress further. Please wait until tomorrow morning before departing so that I may send you off with a feast.” During the night Weiqian then instructed his subordinates, “I have been humiliated by this shaman. How can I continue to call myself an official? Tomorrow morning, whatever instructions I give, you must comply with them all. Right or wrong, good or evil, I will be fully responsible.” At daybreak, before the gate had even opened, Guo was already fully dressed in her finery and mounted to return home. However, not even a single bit o f the food and drink that Di had promised would be laid out had been set up. Guo thereupon sat in the main hall and berated Weiqian loudly and unrestrainedly. _Weiqian-then said, “Sacrilegious shaman! You’ve misled people with your sorcery long enough. You must be executed here today. How dare you talk about going home?” He shouted for his subordinates to give her twenty lashes on the back in front of the god of the shrine and then throw her into the Piao River y®7X.

Behind the shrine there was a mountain that was dozens o f zhang tall.23 Weiqian quickly ordered his subordinates to set up an altar to burn incense. He dismissed all of his subordinates and in full official regalia stood on top of it. The populace of the entire district was shocked by this, saying that the magistrate had beaten the Celestial Mistress to death. People rushed about in turmoil and onlookers crowded like water behind a dam. At that moment, as heat shimmered over sands and rocks, a wisp of cloud the size of a carriage canopy suddenly appeared, first covering the place where Weiqian was standing. Clouds from all four corners of the region then converged upon it, and after several peals o f thunder, nurturing rains fell in abundance. There were no fields or lands that were not drenched by the downpour. Elite and common people by the thousands thronged around Weiqian and descended from the mountain. The military commander of the prefecture was at first furious with Weiqian for killing the sha­ man; when Weiqian’s pure sincerity instead moved Heaven to respond, he was that much more amazed. He memorialized the throne, laying out what had happened. An imperial edict praised his exceptional service stating: “Weiqian is an exceptionally talented administrator of a demanding district and is the descendant o f an illustrious loyal minister. Seeing that this Heaven­ sent calamity was greatly afflicting the people, he, as was correct, pleaded and prayed for rain at the Jinyang shrine and, in like manner, ‘drowned the shaman in Ye District f $ H .’24 He exposed himself to the scorching summer sun on the mountain peak, his deed on par with ‘the burning of one’s body as sacrifice.’25 He caused thick blankets o f clouds to arise 23. This is likely a copyist error that rendered “a thousand zhang into “ten zhang ( + 3 t ) . 24. This line alludes to an anecdote about an upright official named Ximen Bao II who lived during the Warring States period. Appointed as magistrate of the city of Ye IK, he put an end to the practice of annually sacrificing a young maiden to the river god in order to prevent floods. He instead drowned the three female shamans respon­ sible for the previous maidens’ deaths. 25. This line alludes to an anecdote about King Tang i§ of the Shang ?>Jj dynasty (c. 2700-1600 BCE) who during a period of extended drought, stood on a burning pyre in order to demonstrate his sincerity and willingness to sacrifice himself for the sake of his people. Heaven immediately responded with a heavy rain that extinguished the fire and ended the drought. The latter reference to King Tang’s fingernails alludes to this same anecdote.

to the sky’s very edges, his sincere feelings commensurate with ‘King Tangs cutting his fingernails.’ He succeeded in causing the winds of drought to disperse and the nourishing rains to immediately flow. Since even August Heaven monitors such overwhelming sincerity, it is Our intention to ensure that such virtuous deeds are surely not forgotten. We specially award him the scarlet sash to embellish the copper seal of magisterial office. In no way will this stand in for his good reputation, but rather it will further illuminate his outstanding achievement.” The emperor thereupon bestowed upon him five hundred thousand cash. —A. K. Ditter Further Readings Dudbridge, Glen. Religious Experience and Lay Society in T’ang China: A Reading ofTai Fu’s Kuang-i chi. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge Univer­ sity Press, 1995. Elvin, Mark. Who Was Responsible for the Weather? Moral Meteorology in Late Imperial China.” Osiris 13 (1998): 213-37. McMullen, David. The Real Judge Dee: Ti Jen-chieh and the T ’ang Restora­ tion of 705.” Asia Major, Third Series, 6.1 (1993): 1—81. Sutton, Donald S. From Credulity to Scorn: Confiicians Confront the Spirit Mediums in Late Imperial China.” Late Imperial China 21.2 (2000): 1-39.

“ General Pan”

Records of Unfettered Conversations (Jutan lu it!j i|£ If:), compiled by Kang Ping (jinshi 878) Introduction Despite its title, the character in this story that ultimately steals the limelight is a young woman who is never given a name. At first glance, she seems to resemble the female knight-errant in “The Woman in the Carriage”— and indeed, both stories were classified under the category “Powerful and Chivalrous” in the Taiping guangji. However, if we read more closely, we find that in this story, there are several intriguing dif­ ferences about the young heroine that distinguish her from the woman in the other story. First, there is no wrong to redress, no vendetta against abuses of power—just the whimsy and glee of overcoming spatial barriers. There is a lightness and ludic quality in the transgression, making the tale stand out from archetypal examples of knight-errantry. What’s more, in its detailed description of how the case is solved, the story is as much about a deftly executed crime as it is about the successful unraveling of it. It is both a crime story and a "whodunit” story. Second, this story, like “The Woman in the Carriage,” is set in the Tang capital city of Chang’an H;£c, but it is much more deeply embedded in the city’s infrastructure and in its urban living space. The tale incorporates many of the sensory stimuli of the city, and from its detailed descriptions we get a vivid sense o f the kinds o f impromptu spectacles that might have sprung up along the city’s avenues, many of which were wide enough to accommodate large numbers of spectators. During the Tang, the city o f Chang’an was a megalopolis divided into over one hundred rectangular living quarters called wards, each with its own four walls and gates of entry. They were far larger than the modern city block— up to nearly a square kilometer in area.26 In this 26. Shengye Ward, featured in this tale, was larger than most, about one kilometer by 0.8 kilometer in dimension. See Victor Cunrui Xiong, Sui-Tang Changan (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 2000), 209. By comparison, the

story, the home o f one o f the characters is given a specific address: “a minor alley near the northern gate of the Shengye Ward Ilf which is located in the northeast quadrant of the city, just north of the Eastern Market 3fC7)T. This means that that person lives on the opposite side of the expansive city from General Pans home (in Guangde Ward on the western half), and readers in the Tang would have appreciated these spatial and situational details about Chang’an. Interestingly, this home’s proximity to the Xingqing Palace M M lk (one of three impe­ rial palaces) may help explain its occupant’s access to the rare and exotic foodstuffs offered to visitors in the story. This story also diverges from the standard knight-errant plot in that it incorporates Buddhism in an intriguing way. The material cul­ ture o f Buddhism plays a part in both the object o f interest (a rosary) as well as in the climactic setting of the story (atop the Ci’en Monastery Pagoda). The rosary, or literally, “recitation beads,” first came to China with Buddhist monks in the early medieval period and quickly gained popularity among the laity who used the rosary while reciting sutras and chanting the name of the Buddha.27 In this story, General Pan panics at losing the rosary given him years earlier by a monk. This plot detail corroborates two characteristics of rosaries as they became popularized in Tang China: that monks began to give them to laymen as tokens o f friendship, and that the rosary became an apotropaic object (i.e., capable of warding off evil) after having accrued a perceived magi­ cal property.28 The Ci’en Monastery Pagoda, too, has both religious and secular significance. Today, this brick structure (known as the Great Goose Pagoda is a popular tourist attraction in modern-day Xi’an !5:£: in Shaanxi K M Province, and is one o f the few physical traces o f the Tang-era capital that remains standing. In its heyday during the Tang, the 210 foot tall pagoda was once part o f a prominent Buddhist monastery in a scenic recreation area. Visitors could climb a set o f stairs inside to emerge at the top and gaze out at a panorama oXChang’-an-and its surroundings. In the story, the appearance o f the rosary on the pagoda’s finial at its apex returns the stolen object to a average New York City block (at 260 feet by 1,000 feet) is 0.025 square kilometers, or one-thirtieth the size of Shengye Ward. 27. John Kieschnick, Impact o f Buddhism on Chinese M aterial Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 116-38. 28. Ibid.

context in which it has devotional significance. The young woman’s appearance at the pagoda’s vertiginous pinnacle, beyond the reach of the staircases designed for sightseers, showcases her ability to ascend heights as no ordinary person can— as befits the martial prowess o f a knight-errant.

Translation General Pan, a gallant of the capital, lived in the Guangde TfcIS Ward in Chang’an.29 (I’ve forgotten his name— everybody called him “Pan the Bald-Headed” His hometown was in the region o f the Xiang H and Han 'y|| Rivers. Because he conducted business by boat, he often moored on the banks of rivers. One day, a monk came beg­ ging for food. Pan took him in for a few days, and provided him with alms to the best of his ability.30 Before the monk took his leave, he said to Pan, “Judging from your appearance and comportment, you are dif­ ferent from other merchants, and your wife and children will all enjoy great fortune.” He then gave Pan a jade rosary as a memento, and told him, “If you cherish this, not only will your finances thrive, but later on you will even come into an official post.” After this, Pan moved around for several years, and his wealth grad­ ually accrued to rival Tao and Zheng J§5.31 After that he served in the post of General of the Left, and set up a residence in the capital. He always cherished the rosary, and kept it safe inside a brocade pouch and jade case. He placed it on a consecrated altar, and on the first day o f each month would take it out and worship it. One morning, however, as he opened the pouch and case, he found that the rosary had vanished. There were no signs o f tampering with its lock and seal, and nothing else was missing. As a consequence, he 29. This was a residential ward on the western half of the city of Chang’an. It was adja­ cent to the Western Market where commerce was conducted. 30. Here, the term used (tanshi fttSfi) is dana in Sanskrit, and refers to a religious practice of giving. 31. The allusion is to two places associated with successful merchants in the Warring States period. Fan Li f a l l lived in Tao later in life and was known as “Duke Zhu of Tao” (Tao Zhugong P?f Xuan Gao S ifE was a merchant who saved his native state of Zheng from invading Qin forces.

fell into a listless stupor, thinking that this was an omen of his fam­ ily s downfall. Someone who had been responsible for storage knew an official, Wang Chao who had once been in charge o f the person­ nel o f Metropolitan Prefecture, and who was almost eighty, so he told Wang in confidence about what had happened. Wang Chao said, “How extraordinary! This was not the act of a common thief. I will try to look for it for you, though I cannot be sure I will succeed.” One day, Wang Chao was making his way past the northern avenue in Shengye Ward just after a spring rain had let up. There was a girl about seventeen or eighteen under a locust tree on the side of the road, her hair done up in three coils, and she was wearing tattered clothes and a pair of wooden clogs. It happened that some young men from the army were playing a game o f kickball. The girl caught a ball and kicked it back to the players, reaching several dozen zhang high. At this, a crowd of spectators began to gather. Chao especially found her unusual. The young woman afterward stopped at a house in a minor alley near the northern gate of the Shengye Ward. Her mother lived with her, and she made a living as a seamstress. In time, Wang Chao used another pretext to become closely acquainted with them, and he and the young woman came to refer to each other as "uncle” and “niece.” Her dwelling was quite impoverished; she and her mother both slept on an earthen bed. Sometimes they would go for days without touch­ ing the stove for lack of food. Yet from time to time, they would set out an extravagant feast with rare delicacies from land and sea. When the Wu region first presented Dongting tangerines to the throne, they were not available in the capital except as imperial gifts to high officials. The young woman secretly gave one of these tangerines to Wang Chao and told him, “Someone brought this out from the Inner Palace.” Her temperament, moreover, was firm and decisive, and this lent further confirmation to Wang Chaos suspicions. They associated with each other this way for a year. One day Chao tooksome_wine and food to the young woman for leisurely conversa■tion. He gradually broached the subject: “I have a sincere wish that I want to disclose to you, niece. I wonder if I can bring it up?” The young woman responded, “Whenever I’ve benefited from your ample favor, I’ve regretted that I had no means by which to repay you. If there is anything within my power to do, I wouldn’t hesitate to ‘step into fire and boiling water.’”

Wang Chao said, "General Pan lost his jade rosary—you wouldn’t know about this, would you?” The young woman said with a slight smile, “How would I know about that?” Wang Chao suspected that she was not inclined to be secretive and said, “If you, niece, happen to recover it, there is a generous rewards to be had.” The woman said, “Please do not speak of this to others. I hap­ pened to be playing around with some friends . . . I meant to return it, but have been procrastinating and not yet taken the time to do it. Tomorrow at dawn, wait for me, uncle, at the courtyard o f the Ci’en Monastery pagoda; I know that someone has stored the rosary there.” Chao went there as agreed, and soon she too arrived. At the time, the monastery’s outer gate had just opened and the door to the pagoda was still locked. She told Chao, “In a moment, look up toward the top of the pagoda and you will see something.” She dashed off right after she said this, swift as a bird in flight. In a flash she was atop the pagoda’s finial and was waving at Wang Chao. Just as suddenly, she came down carrying the rosary, and told him, “Now you can return it, but I have no wish for the reward.” Chao visited General Pan and returned the rosary, describing every­ thing. He wanted to privately give her the reward of gold, jade, and silk. But the next day when he went to visit her, there was nothing but an empty room. Supervising Secretary Feng Jian rUM heard that the capital had its share of denizens o f chivalrous daring.32When he became the Mayor, he privately sought out these kinds of stories from those around him, and Wang Chao told him this story in full. What General Pan said exacdy matched Wang Chao’s account. — L. Feng

32. Official histories indicate that Feng Jian was active during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong el5k (r. 846-859).

Further Readings Altenburger, Roland. The Sword or the Needle: The Female Knight-Errant (xia,) in Traditional Chinese Narrative. Bern and New York: Peter Lang, 2009. Feng, Linda Rui. “Negotiating Vertical Space: Walls, Vistas, and the Topo­ graphical Imagination.” Tang Studies 29 (2011): 27-44. Kieschnick, John. The Impact ofBuddhism on Chinese Material Culture. Prince­ ton: Princeton University Press, 2003.

“The Female Slave o f Li Fu”

Master of theJade Spring (Yilquanzi

(author unknown)

Introduction This tale treats the theme o f the hen-pecked husband and his shrew­ ish wife. This theme has a long history in Chinese literature. Accounts o f jealous empresses or concubines were first recorded during the Han dynasty, and the first known collection o f anecdotes exclusively treating this theme, The Record o f Jealous Women (Du j i $FbB), was compiled in the fifth century. Interest in the subject continued into the Tang dynasty. The sixth-century encyclopedia, the Collection o f Literature Arranged by Categories (Yiwen leiju includes a category on jealous women, and the Taiping guangji includes a chapter devoted entirely to tales treating this theme. Despite the ribald humor o f this particular tale, male anxiety over ^female jealousy seems not to have been uncommon, especially given the norm, at least among elite men, of using maids for their own sexual pleasure. Wives might demand when getting married, for example, that the husband send away any concubines he may have had before their marriage. They might also, as in this tale, intimidate their spouses to the point where they feared to act on their desires. It is perhaps unsurprising

then that we find instances o f husbands praising their wives’ lack of jealousy in the tomb epitaphs they wrote for them. The punch line of this tale involves the protagonist, Li Fu, being treated for fictional abdominal pains by having to drink his son’s urine. This treatment was not just an arbitrary punishment. Traditional Chinese materia medica included many different human body parts— hair, fingernails, or bones— or bodily fluids— urine, menstrual blood, or seminal fluid— to treat a variety o f ailments. Urine in particular, some­ times euphemistically referred to as “the ale of reincarnation” (lunhuijiu Im HOM) or the “decoction of returning to the source” (huanyuan tang was primarily used to treat chronic cough, breathlessness, and hoarseness, as well as ailments of the digestive tract. For these purposes, a prepubescent boys’ urine was considered to be particularly efficacious. Li Fu was a historical person, the younger brother of the renowned minister Li Shi (ninth century). He passed the Presented Scholar examinations in 834 and served in a number of official positions. Based on the description of his career in his biography in the Jiu Tang shu IfJjlf f t , the tale seems to be set in the Dazhong ^ 4 ^ reign period (847-860).

Translation Li Fu’s wife, Madame Pei S t was very jealous by nature. Although he had quite a few concubines, Fu had never once dared indulge himself. When he was the Provincial Governor o f Huatai fftH , someone gave him a female slave. Fu wished to take her for himself but had not yet succeeded. One day, he took advantage of a chance opportunity to say to his wife, “I have already reached the position of Provincial Governor, yet those who attend me are all elderly servants. Don’t you think, my lady, that you have been a little shabby in your treatment of me?” Pei said, “This is true, but how am I supposed to know with whom you want to indulge yourself?” Fu pointed out the female slave who had been presented to him, and Pei consented. From that time on, however, the slave did no more than dress him and serve him meals. He did not get even a single opportunity for a dalliance. Fu subsequently instructed his wife’s attendants, “When

preparations are next made for my lady to wash her hair, someone must immediately come and inform me. Sure enough, before long someone came to report that the lady was to wash her hair, saying, “The lady is washing her hair.” Fu promptly sent false word that he had a stomach pain and summoned his female slave. After the female slave had gone to him, the attendants informed Pei of Fus illness, believing that because she had only just begun wash­ ing, it would be difficult for her to finish quickly. Pei thought what they told her was true. She hurriedly took her hair out of the washing basin, and went barefoot to ask what Fu was suffering from. Since Fu had already claimed to be ill, he pretended that he could hardly bear it. Pei was extremely worried about him, so she put medicine into his sons urine and had him drink it. The next day, the Army Supervisor and his subordinates all came to inquire after him. Fu told them everything that had happened, laughing about it and saying, That the whole thing completely failed was just my fate. But what really kills me is that I drank down a goblet o f urine for nothing!” Everyone who heard this laughed uproariously. —A. K. Ditter Further Readings Benn, Charles D. Sickness and Health. In Daily Life in Traditional China: The Tang Dynasty. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2001: 2 1 5 ^ 1 . Ford, Carolyn. The Afterlife of a Lost Book—Du Ji ( The Record ofJealous Women), Fifth Century. In Daria Berg, ed., Reading China: Fiction, History and the Dynamics ofDiscourse: Essays in Honour ofProfessor Glen Dudbridge. Boston: Brill Academic Publishers, 2007: 170-99. Pao Tao, Chia-lin. “Women and jealousy in traditional China.” In Zhongying yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjusuo chubanpin bianji weiyuan hui, ed., Zhongguojinshi shehui wenhuashi lunwenji ■£ jfetfc&lil, _vol. 1. Taipei: Institute of History and Philology, 1992: 5 31-61. -Wu, Yenna. The Chinese Virago: A Literary Theme. Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1995.

“ Pengyan”

BriefNotesfrom Sanshui (Sanshui xiaodu .zr.7K/JN)8t), compiled by Huangfu Mei

(late ninth-early tenth centuries)

Introduction Although this brief tale provides little concrete information about almost all of the characters, modern readers nonetheless can get some sense of what life for ordinary servants in a wealthy household might have been like. We see for example that marriages o f servants could be arranged for them, as with the matching o f Pengyan’s mother with his father, a carriage driver also in the service o f Pei Zhide We also see suggestions of how servants could at times be well treated: Pengyan is able to recover from repeated and serious injury through treatment with an “efficacious medicine” possessed by his master, Pei Zhide, that was undoubtedly rare and expensive. One noteworthy aspect of this tale is the concluding expression of the narrators bewilderment regarding the incomprehensible and seem­ ingly capricious nature of fate. If, for example, Pengyan was destined to be castrated— as suggested by his suffering repeated assaults by the same attacker under similar circumstances in consecutive years—why did he emerge from the first attack completely without injury? If he was destined to die an early death, why did he survive successive sav­ age dog attacks only to be murdered by bandits years later when sent on an innocuous errand to the suburbs? The tale, moreover, deliber­ ately frustrates any easy resolution of the narrator’s bewilderment. No effort is made, for example, to develop Pengyan’s character or sense of agency—things happen to him, but not because of him— making it dif­ ficult to attribute his injuries and eventual death to his repayment of karmic debts from previous lifetimes. The tale on some level thus likely reflects the confusion and frustration of many who lived through the final years of the Tang dynasty as they similarly attempted to make sense of the seemingly meaningless chaos and suffering surrounding them.

Translation Pengyan was a child servant of Pei Zhide. His mother, Chunhong #& E, had given birth to him after having been given in marriage to the car­ riage driver, Gao Fan One summer day when Pengyan was a year old, his mother bathed him and laid him down naked on the veranda. A lamed dog named Qinghua W tt suddenly came up, bit off the child’s penis, and ate it. Chunhong, hearing his screams, rushed over to him and found the mat already covered in blood. Fortunately, Zhide pos­ sessed an efficacious medicine that he used to dress the wound. After one hundred days he was just as he had been previously. The following summer his mother laid him down to rest on that same veranda. Qinghua, waiting for a moment when no one was around, came up again, biting off Pengyan’s testicles as well as his penis, and eat­ ing everything before convulsing on the ground and then dying. The medicine that had been relied upon previously was once again applied to Pengyans wound. However, after he had recovered, he became a eunuch as a result of this. He was given the name Pengyan (“cradling the inkstone”) and appointed to the position of page within the palace. During the bingwu year o f the Guangqi reign period (886), when he was in his teens, Pei sent him out on an errand. He ran into bandits in the suburbs of Zheng Jt|5 and was killed. Alas! Pengyan was just a boy. He suffered repeated grievous injuries without long-term harm, yet when Pei sent him out just once, he never returned. What could have been the reason? —A. K. Ditter Further Readings Schafer, Edward H. ‘‘The Last Years of Chang’an.” Oriens Extremus 10-11 (1963-1964): 133-79. Somers, Robert M. “The End of the T ’ang.” In Denis C. Twitchett, ed., Cam­ bridge History of China, vol. 3: Sui and T’ang China. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979: 682-789. Zhang, Dainian. “Destiny.” In Zhang Dainian and Edmund Ryden, eds., Key Concepts in Chinese Philosophy. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002: 125-39.

Between Worlds: Otherworldly Encounters in the Human World “Yao Hong” & K

Scattered Histories (Yishi iHife), compiled by Lu Zhao J i H (c. 821-c. 879)

Introduction Taiping guangji includes many tales about men and women whose ascetic practices, often in conjunction with withdrawal from ordinary human society, allowed them to live on beyond their ordinary life­ spans. These ascetic practices often included severe dietary restrictions, including abstaining from all grains as well as meat. While many such long-lived figures (often described as xian fill, “transcendents”) are char­ acterized as Daoists, not all had an explicit religious orientation. “Yao Hong” reflects this fascination with both the techniques of longevity and the implications o f having a lifespan that extended over several generations.1 Yao Hong, the subject o f this tale, ruled for the last two years of the Later Qin dynasty (384—417), which briefly ruled over an unstable swath o f territory encompassing at times parts o f modern Shaanxi R ® , Gansu ’M 'lf, Shanxi lilffl, and He’nan M S Provinces during the chaotic Sixteen Kingdoms + 7 \ HI period. As the tale indi­ cates, the standard historical sources report that he was defeated and executed hy.Liu Yu H'JIS- (356—422), a general who served the Eastern - Jin I f dynasty (317-420), which occupied territory immediately to the south o f the Later Qin. Liu Yu revolted against the Eastern Jin and founded his own dynasty o f Song ^ (420-479), taking over the Later

1. See also the discussion in the Introduction, pp. 22-23, 28.

Qin in the process.2 The tale itself takes place some two centuries after these events: the Tang emperor Taizong during whose reign this incident is said to have occurred, ascended the throne in late 626 and ruled until 649. The monk’s statement within the tale that “about 104 years” have elapsed since the Jin is thus over a century off, suggest­ ing that the text was corrupted in transmission.

Translation In the years o f Tang Taizong, a dhyana master (chanshi IP ® ) who was very devout in his religious practice lived on the Southern Sacred Mountain Mount Heng.3 One day, something suddenly walked right up in front o f the monk, green feathers covering its body. Frightened, the monk thought it must be some sort of owl, but when he looked carefully at its face, it looked like a man, so he asked, “Benefactor (shizhu J6^£), are you a mountain god?4 Or a wild beast? And for what reason have you come here in particular? This poor monk lives here in meditation, disturbing no living thing. If you are a sentient being, do not bother me.” After a long time, the thing clasped its hands together in greeting and said, “What dynasty is it now?” The monk said, “The Great Tang.” “Do you know of the Jin and Song dynasties? How many years has it been since then?” The monk said, “From the Jin till today is about 104 years.” The thing then said, “You are broadly versed in matters past and present—you must know about Yao Hong?” When the monk said, “I do,” the thing said, “I’m Hong!” The monk said, “I’ve read the history of the Jin, and it says that Yao Hong was captured by Liu Yu, who took the Yao clan to J iangnan t C S and executed Hong in the Jiankang S ill! marketplace. According

2. The Song was often called the Liu Song SlJ^5 to distinguish it from the later and longer-lasting Song dynasty established in 960. 3. A dhyana master was a Buddhist monk who specialized in meditation. 4. “Benefactor” was a term used by Buddhist monks and nuns to refer to laypeople.

to what’s recorded, Hong is dead. How can you go and claim you’re Yao Hong today?” Hong said, “At the time, my state was indeed obliterated by Liu Yu, who escorted me to the Jiankang marketplace so he could proclaim my defeat to the world. But what could he do? Before the execution, I escaped and fled. Yu hunted for me but couldn’t find me, so he took someone who looked like me and executed him, in order to establish his renown and show off for posterity. I honestly am the real Yao Hong.” The monk then invited Yao Hong to sit, saying to him, “How could the stories in the histories be false?” Hong smiled and said, “Surely you’ve heard of Liu An §!];&;, the Prince of Huainan in the Han? In truth he rose to the ranks of the transcendents, yet the famous historians Sima Qian i?] U S (146-c. 86 BCE) and Ban Gu (32—92) recount that he was executed for treason. How could the lies in the Han dynasty histories be any big­ ger than those in later histories? This is proof that historians tell lies. Since fleeing to the mountain wilderness, I’ve wandered around to my heart s content, and there’s not a blessed land or tranquil cottage that I haven’t sought out.5 After giving up cooked food, I climbed far up on this peak. Delighting in the Way and wandering at ease, I ate only pine and cypress needles. After many years, my entire body sprouted these green feathers. I’ve already attained the Way of Undying Long Life.” At this the monk said, Why would eating pine and cypress needles make you sprout feathers like this?” Hong said, “In the past a palace lady o f Qin S i fled the world when chaos erupted. She went to Greater Hua Peak and consumed pine and cypress, and as the years wore on, her body sprouted emerald feathers over a foot long. Sometimes she would meet someone from the mundane world, and people would be astonished. To this day it is called Feathered Girl Peak Since you know quite a bit about antiquity, master, how can you not know these details?” The monk then asked if he needed anything to eat. Hong said, “I haven’t eaten-mundane flavors for a long time— I’ll just have a bowl of tea.” He then recounted the bygone affairs of the Jin and Song for the 5. Blessed land (fitdi ■fSift) was a Daoist term for a place where transcendents lived; it was also used to refer to Daoist temples. 6. Greater Hua Peak refers to Mount Hua ¥ ill, one of Chinas Five Sacred Mountains J l® . See the Introduction to “Ming Siyuan,” pp. 39—40.

monk, as clearly as if he could point to them in the palm of his hand. There were other things that the historians had missed and not written about, and Hong spoke of all of them in detail. Then he bid farewell to the monk and departed. He was never seen again. — S. M. Allen Further Readings Campany, Robert Ford. Making Transcendents: Ascetics and Social Memory in Early Medieval China, Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2009.

“ Tang Xuan” jifB l

Records of Communications with the Underworld (Tongyou ji jffigfelfi), compiled by Chen Shao M.W] (c. 795-820) Introduction “Tang Xuan” is a touching tale o f a grieving husbands brief reunion with the ghost o f his beloved wife. Named after the protagonist, it reveals the expectations and realities o f the marital life o f the elite. Marriage in medieval China was almost always negotiated by parents (or family elders) on the basis of mutual benefit to the families. The practice of endogamy among elites meant that families such as that of Tang Xuan and his wife, Ms. Zhang, reaffirmed and strengthened their alliance each generation by additional intermarriages. The personal feel­ ings o f the bride- and groom-to-be were not necessarily part of the mar­ riage considerations. This led many men to seek romance outside o f the marriage, although many married couples did eventually develop deep affection for each other.

“Tang Xuan” also discusses a wide range of topics, from spiritual­ ity to aspects of mundane life in the underworld. The story thereby comments on many popular beliefs and practices relating to death and commemoration, and expresses views that either challenge or con­ firm commonly held notions. The bureaucratic nature of the otherworld is a given. It refutes the practice of burying married couples together so as to reunite them in the afterlife but reaffirms the deep-rooted belief in the fixity o f one’s predetermined allotments of lifespan, wealth, career, and marriage. The story goes beyond these to address the pervasive question o f the validity of Buddhist and Daoist beliefs. Even questions regarding the state of the existence of the hun Ht and po souls vis-avis the corpse are not left unaddressed.7 Ultimately, it is poetry, rather than spiritual exploration, that brings the couple together. Most elite women in the Tang were well educated; however, they were expected to conceal their accomplishments, espe­ cially poetic talents, from the public. While husband and wife did some­ times exchange poems, only a handful o f these verses were preserved in literary anthologies. Social class and not ability decided whether a woman could circulate her literary works outside her immediate fam­ ily. There were several female poets in the Tang dynasty, such as Li Ye (d. 784), Xue Tao (768-831), and Yu Xuanji (c. 844-869), whose verses were greatly admired by contemporary literati. None of them had ever been a wife or a mother. Instead, they lived their lives in the public eye as courtesan, Daoist nun, or sometimes both. Tang Xuan was a historical figure. However, other than the facts he himself relates in this story, not much is known about him. Tang Xuan’s and his wife’s clans were powerful elites that for generations controlled the western approach— the Hexi M ffl corridor— to China proper. Both produced many high court officials (including several chief ministers) during the medieval period and continued to dominate local politics and society well into the eleventh century. Whether Tang Xuan believed that he had experienced these events is beside the point. Rather, m expressing his views on love, marriage, and popular beliefs, the story -provides a valuable perspective on the intellectual debates with regard to religious beliefs and practices prevalent in his days, as well as on everyday life in Tang China.

7. See the Introduction, pp. 18-28.

Translation Tang Xuan was a native of Jinchang § H commandery. His aunt mar­ ried Zhang Gong 311^, a descendent of Zhang Gui o f Anding ; $ £ ( 2 5 5 —314),8 who lived in seclusion in the Weinan ttj Pif District o f Huazhou and was well respected by many. They had three sons who were Presented Scholars (jinshi ill dr). O f their three daugh­ ters, the eldest married into the Xin ^ clan and the second married into the Liang He clan. The youngest daughter, adored by Xuan’s aunt, studied the Classic o f Poetry and the Rites and was known to have great virtue. During the Kaiyuan reign period (713—742), her father (i.e., Zhang Gong) passed away. She mourned and ravaged herself beyond what was required by the Rites. Xuan had always admired her. When the mourning period ended, he took her as his wife, and set her up at the estate in Weinan. In the eighteenth year of the Kaiyuan reign period (730), Xuan had cause to go to Luoyang and was unable to return for many months. One night when he was resting at his host’s, he dreamed of his wife weep­ ing behind flowers and then laughing as she peeped into a well. When he woke up, he was horrified by what he had dreamt. The next day, he went to a diviner and inquired about it. The diviner said, “Those who cry behind flowers, their beauty fades with the blowing of the wind; those who smile while peeping into wells, they delight in taking the path to the Yellow Springs (i.e., the realm of the dead).” After several days, the notification of death did indeed arrive. Xuan was exceedingly distraught. Several years later, Xuan finally got to return to Weinan. He searched out all remaining traces o f his wife’s presence and was moved to compose these poems. One poem read:

8. Nothing is known about Zhang Gong other than what is available in this story. Zhang Gui on the other hand, left many records. He was a prominent states­ man and the Regional Governor of Liangzhou during the waning years of the Western Jin ]5 I f (266-316) state. His sons later founded the state of Former Liang BUi/S (320-376) that controlled a vast territory including modern day Gansu, Ningxia, and Xinjiang Provinces.

In the bedchamber, I grieve over the long bamboo mat, By your makeup table, I weep before the mirror stand. Alone, I am melancholy in the season o f peach and plum, Because we were parted when the Long Night and Yellow Springs opened.9 If your hun-so\i\ has any awareness, Come ever so faindy into my dreams. The other poem read: The splendid hall we always used is quiet, Where cheerful conversations are long gone. While in a daze, human affairs now changed, The dead one has been entrusted to the desolate hills. On the sunny plain I sing the dirge “Dew on the Onion Grass,”10 In the shaded valley I mourn the hidden boat.11 On this cloudless night, a makeup table lit by the moon, In vain I imagine your painted eyebrows and grieve. That evening the wind and dew were fresh and clear. Xuan, trou­ bled, could not sleep. In the small hours, he dejectedly recited the aforementioned monodies. Suddenly, he heard in the dark a sound like sobbing, at first distant, but then gradually nearer. Xuan was alarmed. Sensing something odd, he prayed to it and said, “If this is the spirit of

- 9. Both the Long Night and Yellow Springs refer to the underworld. 10. A funeral song from the Han dynasty. For a translation, see Stephen Owen, An Anthology o f Chinese Literature: Beginnings to 1911 (New York and London: Norton 1996), 278. 11. A hidden boat cannot be easily found or moved. It is an allusion drawn from Zhuangzi Tang Xuan, by alluding to it, mourns the fact that the impermanence o f all things makes preserving a boat (i.e., his wife) by hiding it impossible.

the Tenth Daughter, why hold back from a chance to meet and con­ verse? Don’t allow other-worldliness to obstruct our past affection.”12 A moment later, he heard these words: “I am the daughter of the Zhangs. Hearing your dejected recitation and remembrance really dis­ tresses me, even though I’m in the netherworld. I am struck by your sincere heart that does not abandon me for being a fallen hun-soul and thinks of me often, hence this evening we can talk to each other.” Xuan sighed in amazement. With flowing tears and swallowed sobs, he said, “I cannot thoroughly express all that is in my heart. However, if I could once more see your countenance, I would die without regret.” She replied, “The paths o f the dead and living are separated; see­ ing each other is exceedingly difficult. I also worry that you may have doubts. It is not that I don’t wish to go to such an extreme.” Xuan pleaded ever more earnestly, swearing that he was completely without misgivings. Presently, he heard someone summon [the servant] Luo Fu Illfc to fetch a mirror and then heard in the dark the rustling sound of someone walking. Luo Fu came before him bowing and said, “The mistress wishes to reminisce about the past and is now looking forward to meeting the Seventh Son.” Xuan asked Luo Fu, “In the eighth year of the Kaiyuan reign period (720), I sold you to the Kang M family in Xianzhou "fdjj'H and have since heard you died there. How did you come to be here?” Luo Fu replied, “I was redeemed by the mistress and now I look after A-mei A-mei was Xuan’s deceased daughter. Xuan was once again sad­ dened. Shortly afterwards, his late wife called for lanterns and candles and stood to the north of the eastern stairs.13 Xuan went before her, weeping, and bowed. His wife returned the bow. Xuan then held her hand and told her about his life. His wife also shed tears and said to Xuan, “The ways of the dead and living are sepa­ rated, and I have been parted from you for a long time. Though I am 12. Families and close friends referred to an individual by the number of his or her birth-order within the same generation, at times counting from either a common grand­ father or great-grandfather. The male (lang i!p) and female (niang #[l) children were counted separately. Hence, Tang Xuan is called the “Seventh Son of the Tang [family] ” and his wife the “Tenth Daughter of the Zhang [family] 13. The Classics state that the underworld is located in the north and that the host receives his guests on the eastern stairs. The ghost of Tang Xuan’s wife stands on the north side of the eastern stairs to signal that she is a guest from the underworld.

insubstantial with no form to attach to, my yearning for you has never left my heart. On this day of six alignments,14 the underworld officials were moved by your sincerity and earnestness and thus released me temporarily to come here. It is an opportunity that comes but once in a thousand years. I am both happy and sad. Moreover, Meiniang (i.e., A-mei) is still young and I could entrust her to no one. What lucky night is tonight, that I get to express my feelings to you once more!” Xuan thereupon ordered the household servants to line up and pay their respects to her, to move the lanterns into the room and to set up the screens. He refused to sit down first, but his wife said, “The lofti­ ness and lowliness of thz yin and the.yang give precedence to the living. You must sit down first.” Xuan then did what she said. She smiled at Xuan and said, You said your love for me was no dif­ ferent from when I was alive; however, I heard you have already remar­ ried. Was there any time lapse between the new and old marriages?” Xuan felt quite ashamed. His deceased wife said, “Given your karma, you are fated to remarry. Your new wife resides in Huainan I also know her to be very easy-going and good natured.” 15 Therefore Xuan asked, The allotments in life, are they always fixed?” She replied, “Indeed they are.” He questioned her again, “What Buddhists call karma— is it true?” She replied, “Its principles can be easily observed. How could it be false?” Xuan asked yet again, “Between Buddhism and Daoism, which is right?”

14. Medieval Chinese used the sexagenary cycle to record the year, month, and day. It counts by combining two sets of counters— the heavenly stems and earthly branches. The first set consists of ten graphs and the second consists of twelve. The cycle begins by pairing each successive stem with each successive branch. Once it completes six sets often combinations (i.e., sixty digraphs), the cycle restarts. Each graph in the cycle, moreover, is-assigned one of the five elements (Metal, Wood, Water, Fire, and Earth). - Thus, diviners could predict the outcome of the event that is to take place on a specific day by its elemental makeup. A day of six alignments is when these six graphs that mark the date and the elements they each represent complement each other. It indicates an auspicious outcome for Tang Xuan’s meeting with his wife. 15. Here, Tang Xuan’s wife was apparently demonstrating her unearthly knowledge by telling him to whom he was currendy married or was to be married (if the text is corrupted).

She answered, “They are different tributaries that come from the same source. There are, moreover, those who hold celestial ranks in the realm of the Great Ultimate and are in charge o f all spirits. As for the transformation from something into nothing, this teaching is even more superior. The rest is the same as what has been said in the realm o f men— I won’t go into details today, so as not to burden you with this knowledge.” Xuan was afraid and dared not ask more questions. Thereafter he asked what she would like to eat. She responded, “The underworld has all the delicacies o f the world except for rice porridge, which I can’t get.” Xuan therefore ordered the servants to prepare it. When it arrived, she asked for a separate bowl and portioned some out for herself and ate. She lifted the rice porridge to her mouth as if she were emptying the bowl. But when the bowl was cleared from her table the rice porridge remained as before. Xuan provided food to her entire retinue; among them was an old woman who refused to sit with the others. The wife said, “She is a well-respected elder and not the same as those young­ sters.” She said to Xuan, “This is the wet nurse Purple Chrysanthemum Don’t you recognize her?” Xuan then remembered and had her served on a separate mat. The rest of the attendants were mostly unknown to Xuan. He heard their names being called and they were names he had written when he had returned from the capital and fashioned a great number of servants out of paper to serve his wife in the afterlife.16 He asked his wife about them, and she said, “They are the ones you gave me.” He then knew that she had received all o f the money and servants he sent. His wife said, “A carved golden case I often used in the old days is now hidden on top o f the beam in the northwestern corner of the main hall where no one knows.” Xuan sent for it, and indeed there it was. She then said, “Don’t you want to see Meiniang? She is all grown up.” Xuan asked, “Meiniang died when she was still in the crib; can one age in the underworld?” She responded, “There is no difference.” Shortly after, Meiniang arrived. She was about four or five years old. Xuan patted her and wept. His wife said, “Don’t hold her, because 16. Hie Chinese contribute to the comfort of their deceased loved ones in the under­ world by burning money, houses, servants, etc., made from paper. It is a practice that continues to this day.

you will'startle her.” Luo Fu took Meiniang into her arms and they sud­ denly disappeared. Xuan ordered servants to lower the curtains. They embraced as though she were still alive, except that Xuan noticed that her hands, feet, and breath were cold. He then inquired where she resided in the underworld. She replied, “With my parents-in-law.” Xue said, “You are so numinous. Why not return to life?” She responded, “After one dies, one’s bun and po souls go to sepa­ rate places and each is registered. They are distant from, and do not remain in, the corpse. Do you not experience this in your dreams? Can you remember your body? After I died, I couldn’t recall at all when I died and, moreover, had no knowledge of where I was buried. Whenever you sent money and servants, I would know, but as to my body, I really do not give it much thought.” They continued to caress each other tenderly as the night wore on. Xuan said to her, "The day of us sharing the same tomb chamber is not too far into the future.” She replied, “I’ve heard that the rite of joint burial is in fact just a meeting of corpses. The spirits themselves don’t really meet each other in the tomb. Why bother talking about such thing.*;?” Xuan asked, "After women are buried, do they not remarry?” She responded, “In death as in life, the chaste and the vile go their separate ways. After my death, my elders wished to rob me o f my dedi­ cation to you and marry me to Mingyuan the nephew o f Zheng Qianguan the Protector o f the Northern Court. I swore that my dedication was true. The old and young in the family took pity on me and I thereby avoided it.” When Xuan heard this, he was moved. Filled with emotion, Xuan presented a poem to her:

__

A paulownia tree17 half dead on the southern slope o f Mount Yi, a sword sunk alone at the Yanping Ford.18

17. Firmiana simplex is often used to make stringed instruments; a happy marriage is generally described as two stringed instruments played together in harmony. Tang Xuan here alludes to the death of his wife. 18. In ancient sword lore, the Yanping Ford is where the two fabled swords, Longquan flzR and Tai’a were reunited and flew off together as dragons. The loss of one spouse therefore is often alluded to as the sinking of one sword.

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How could it be that in so litde time, came to carry in vain a wish to spend a hundred years with you?19

The wife spoke, “Now that I have witnessed your feelings, I would like to leave a reply. Is that all right?” Xuan said to her, “You never wrote poetry in the old days. How can you compose poetry?” The wife told him, “I have always appreciated elegant writings. I worried that you would dislike me, therefore I never composed. But how could I miss the chance to declare my dedication tonight?” Thereafter she tore her sash and inscribed a poem on it that said:

&RgS&tRS Rifcpglt'h

I never thought we’d be on different paths, unseen and seen, How can I bear the difference between the past and present? The ways of yin and yang are set apart from one another, Meeting and separation both torment my heart.

And:

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The moonlight slants over the thoroughwortclad steps, The silver-white candlelight half conceals the flowers. I pity myself for being a sojourner of the Long Night, The path to the Yellow Springs has become my home.

i Xuan fought back tears as they spoke. Alternating between joy and sorrow, they did not realize it was dawn. A moment later, they heard the sound of someone knocking at the door and saying, “Your parentsin-law sent me, Danshen f.3 *0 , to convey a message. They order me

19. One hundred years here is synonymous to a lifetime.

to hurry you for fear that if it gets bright, the underworld officials will discipline you.” The wife sobbed and rose in taking leave of Xuan. Xuan composed a letter and gave it to her. As she straightened her clothes, he smelled a strong fragrance unlike any in this world. He asked, "Where did you get this fragrance?” She replied, “It was a fragrance left by Han Shou ftS p .20 Before I came here, your parents gave it to me.” Xuan held her hands and said, “When will I see you again?” She responded, “In forty years.” She gave Xuan a gauze handker­ chief as a memento. Xuan, in return, gave her a gold-inlaid case. She then told him, “The day of our future meeting is set. I cannot linger any longer. Should you feel guilty during the next forty years, offering prayers and sacrifices at my grave will not bring me any benefit. But if you must give a feast in my memory, then only do it during the twilight hours on the last day of the month, in a meadow or on a riverbank, call­ ing out my name, and I’ll receive everything. I must hurry and I can’t talk with you any longer. I hope you will take care of yourself.” When finished she mounted the carriage and left, waving her sleeves. It was a long time before she disappeared, and the whole household saw her. This event was reported in Tang Xuan’s writing. —J. Choo Further Readings Dudbridge, Glen. Religious Experience and Lay Society in T’ang China: A Read­ ing ofTai Fu’s Kuang-i Chi. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge Univer­ sity Press, 1995. Teiser, Stephen F. The Scripture on the Ten Kings and the Making ofPurgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1994.

20. Han Shou lived in the late third century. He was an influential courtier of his time. Yet it was his affair with his political patrons daughter that ensured his place in his­ tory. Allegedly, her father found out about the affair because Han Shou wore the rare fragrance she gave him.

“ Cao Weisi” W 'ttS No citation given

Introduction Like many other tales in the Taiping guangji, this tale features historical figures. Cao Weisi, the main character in the story, is not known from historical records. However, Zhangqiu Jianqiong (d. 750), who plays a key role in the tale’s opening section, was an official who once held the positions o f Provincial Governor of Jiannan ^Jl^f and later Minister o f Revenue; Zhangqiu’s father was also an official. The story presents a more overtly critical view of officialdom than many, illustrating how officials might use and abuse their power over their underlings and inferiors. At the beginning of the story, it seems that Zhangqiu is unsympathetic to those under him, not only refusing to allow Cao Weisi to spend additional time with his family but ordering him executed. By the tale’s end, we learn that Cao too abused the power invested in him; the narrator shifts perspective from sympathizing with Cao to castigating him for his evil ways. The tale juxtaposes the secular authority of members of the bureau­ cracy with the religious authority o f monks who offer guidance to oth­ ers. Monks were often thought to possess the ability to know the karmic circumstances of others (and their corresponding future rebirth) and offer guidance to help people solve problems. Monks also had ritual expertise, and could in many cases offer suggestions for how people might modify their behavior to overcome karmic misfortune. Typical advice might include asking the supplicant to offer children as monks, donate household wealth to Buddhist institutions, or keep a vegetarian diet. Supplicants might also hire monks to chant scriptures and per­ form rites on their behalf. At the same time, Buddhism was only one means of accessing supernatural forces, and these efforts could in the end yield only limited results. Those who suffered unjust death could also try appealing to the High God (in this story called simply di fjf) who could authorize the dead to exact revenge.

Translation In the Tang dynasty Cao Weisi, Law Section Adjutant of Shu Commandery S§fj|5, served as Grain Tax Transport Commissioner ofXishan 0 ill during Zhangqiu Jianqiong s time. Zhangqiu placed great respon­ sibility in him. Weisi reported the circumstances o f the grain transport to Jianqiong, and when Jianqiong finished speaking, he ordered Weisi to make the return transport. Weisi s wife had had a son and was ill; because of these circumstances he asked Jianqiong if he could stay for a few days. Jianqiong was furious. He berated him, had him escorted out, and gathered troops to execute him. When Weisi’s wife heard o f this, she took a cart with two children to bid farewell to him. Weisi had already been bound, his hair plaited in preparation for execution, and Jianqiong came out to supervise his execution. Weisi’s two sons kowtowed and begged for his life, coming to embrace the horses legs so that the horse could not move. Jianqiong sobbed for them, saying, “Their prospects have already been cut short!” But he still did not release him. In the commandery there was a dhyana monk, whose conduct was very lofty, and whom Jianqiong’s mother had taken as her teacher.21 Now the dhyana monk met with Jianqiong, saying, “Cao of the Law Sections allotted lifespan is about to run out. Please, you do not need to kill him. Rescind the order.” Jianqiong then pardoned Weisi. The next day, he made him Acting Aide in Lu prefecture H /ft, bestowed the scarlet fish tally bag, and made him the specially appointed Transport Commissioner ofXishan. He also allowed him to travel with his wife. When Weisi arrived in Luzhou }SU'H, he became ill and dreamt of a monk. The monk said to him, “Cao Weisi, your whole life you have turned away from your conscience and killed very many people, but have not performed a single good deed. Now those you have wronged— _your-creditors— are about to arrive. What will you do about this?” Weisi entreated him most sorrowfully, and the monk said “If you can have your two sons ordained as monks, donate all the valuables and clothing o f your household to temples, have everyone in the household 21. A dhyana monk (chanseng If- fh ) was a Buddhist monk who specialized in meditation.

keep a vegetarian diet, consecrate a ritual area in front o f your hall, and invite an eminent monk to chant sutras and perform confessional rites day and night, then you’ll be able to extend your lifespan by a hundred days. If you cannot, then you will die immediately.” Weisi said, “All this is easy, except that I cannot forego having meat. What should I do?” The monk said, “Take a sheep liver soaked in water, add some pepper paste and eat it— this can serve for your meals.” As soon as Weisi awoke, he told this all to his wife, who supported the plan. Thus he made his two sons monks, and, as instructed, set up a consecrated ritual area for the recitation of sutras and ate sheep liver as his meals. This continued for over a month. While sitting one morning, his mother and older sister, both deceased, came to see him. Weisi was astonished and rushed out to wel­ come them. Leading them was a ghost who held a deep red funeral ban­ ner in his hand. He ascended by the west steps and planted the banner there. His deceased older sister did not speak, merely dancing in front of the banner, her body lurching continuously. His mother wept, say­ ing, “Weisi, during your lifetime you haven’t recognized your sins and have killed countless people. Now those you have wronged are about to arrive. I cannot bear to see you suffer so I have come to see you.” Weisi ordered a sacrifice to be set up for his mother, and his mother ate it. His sister continued dancing without cease, not exchanging a sin­ gle word with him. When his mother finished eating, she left with his older sister. Weisi’s illness became more serious, such that he could not eat even sheep liver and would lie in the ritual area sleeping throughout the day. Two green-clad lads appeared, the height o f dwarves. One sat at his head while the other sat at his feet. Weisi questioned them but the lads did not speak to him. The lads’ attitude was very relaxed, and their mouths had four teeth protruding beyond their lips. The following day at mealtime, Weisi saw the people he had killed, some with their hair hanging loose, entrails burst, and hands and feet severed, some with heads cut off and dripping blood. Filled with out­ rage, they came to berate Weisi: “You traitor! You worked alongside us but when the situation became urgent you turned against us and killed us to shut our mouths! Now we’ve filed a petition with the High God and have come to get you!” When they finished speaking, they attempted to ascend the stairs, but the two lads pushed them back. Unable to get in, they just railed at him, saying, “In the end, you’ll have to go!”

Weisi knew there was no escaping his fate, and admitted everything. They came like this every day, but were always pushed back by the lads and were not able to reach where Weisi was. After more than a month, the two lads suddenly disappeared. Weisi was absolutely terrified, and said farewell to his wife and sons. Thereupon the dead arrived en masse. Everybody saw Weisi appear to be dragged around. He collapsed in front of the hall and died. Weisi was an evil man. From the time he was a Swordsman Guard to when he ascended to the position o f Assistant Commissioner for Zezhou ^ j ’l'l and Xiangzhou he always maintained several doz­ ens o f thieves as underlings, having them steal from his office and stor­ ing the loot in his residence. When the matter was about to be exposed, he killed them to silence them. All told he killed over a hundred people, and thus misfortune reached him. — N. Heller Further Readings Bokenkamp, Stephen R. Ancestors andAnxiety: Daoism and the Birth ofRebirth in China. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2007. Cohen, Alvin P., trans. Tales of Vengeful Souls A Sixth-Century Collec­ tion of Chinese Avenging Ghost Stories. Paris: Institut Ricci Centre d’Etudes Chinoises, 1982. Katz, Paul R. DivineJustice: Religion and the Development ofChinese Legal Cul­ ture. London and New York: Routledge, 2009.

“Dou Yu”

Records ofXuan Chamber (Xuanshi zhi jlEjlLlfe), compiled by Zhang Du IMIjt (834-c. 886)

Introduction Ghost stories comprise a sizable portion of the Taiping guangji, with forty chapters in all devoted to the subject. The motivations underlying the ghosdy encounters are varied, and while some ghosts are malevolent, others show concern for the living or even harbor romantic feelings. A number of ghostly encounters are premised simply on the revelation that a friend has unexpectedly passed away. Sometimes the living fall ill and die not long after the encounter, but just as often they suffer no other negative consequence. This particular encounter typology may be compared to the Irish tradition o f the “fetch,” which is the remotely manifested spirit of a person who is about to die, though in the Chinese scenario, the spirit is always of one who has already passed away, usu­ ally some time ago. In the following story, we find a fairly typical version o f this ghostly encounter, here between the local official Scholar Shen and his friend, a failed examination candidate named Dou Yu. It is worth point­ ing out that Dou Yu dies while on the road, which means that his fam­ ily and friends do not know his fate, thereby necessitating his return as a ghost. It is also worth noting that Scholar Shen’s status as a trav­ eler is essential to his encountering Dou Yus ghost. Way stations, inns, official residences, monasteries, and other transitional sites are prone to ghostly hauntings in the Chinese tradition, which often take place in a strange or unfamiliar location, rather than in the familiar space of one’s own home. The other point o f interest in the following story is the ghost poem {guishi j^Lt^f), which is the vehicle through which Dou Yus ghost hints at his identity. Ghosts not infrequently resort to lyric poetry, which the Chinese literary tradition conceptualizes as the genre of sincere emotional response. Ghost poems are usually of little literary value, though they were later collected and preserved separately from the tales in which they first appear.

During the Dali reign period (766—780), there was a Presented Scholar [candidate] named Dou Yu who made his home in the Huaihai region. He failed the examinations and was on his way to Chengdu he got as far as Yangzhou # ji'l when he died without any dis­ cernible illness. He had long been on good terms with one Scholar Shen of Wuxing ^ H , the magistrate of Huaiyin '/HPIj, but it had been years since they parted. There had been no news or trace o f Dou since, and no one knew where he had gone. Later, Shen was transferred from Huaihai to fill a vacancy in the post of magistrate of Jintang and arriving at Yangzhou, he lodged at the way stations inn. That evening, the weather was clear, but when midnight drew near, Shen felt lonely, as though there was something amiss, and could not get to sleep. Suddenly he saw a man dressed in white clothes walking in from the gate. The man was both chanting and sighing, as if he had a bitterness that could not be expressed. After a while, the man chanted:

M

lif

My home is near the banks of the Chu River, But my body is lodged at the inn at Yangzhou. I gazed at the moon, and alone, thought of you, These dust-covered lapels, soaked by tear-tracks.

Seeing him, Shen had a strong feeling that he resembled Dou Yu. Shen got up with the express intention of speaking to him, but did not catch him— and then the man disappeared. Thus, he sighed, saying, “Its been a long time since I parted from Master Dou, but how could he have become a ghost?” The next day, he drove off and left. Before he had gone more than a few miles, he saw a coffin shrine by the side of the road. Someone _who-knew about the matter said, “This is the coffin shrine of Presented Scholar [candidate] Dou Yu.” Shen was shocked, and immediately galloped to the inn and asked the innkeeper, who said, “There was a Presented Scholar [candi­ date] named Dou Yu who arrived from the capital on the way to Shu. When he got here, he suddenly died. The governor ordered that he be

encoffined over two miles south o f the inn— this is the coffin shrine by the side of the road.” Shen immediately went to present spirit offerings, and bowing as he wept, he left. —J. Chen Further Readings Campany, Robert F. “Ghosts Matter: The Culture of Ghosts in Six Dynas­ ties Zhiguau Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 13 (Dec., 1991): 15-34. Yu, Anthony C. “‘Rest, Rest, Perturbed Spirit!’ Ghosts in Traditional Chi­ nese Prose Fiction,” HarvardJournal ofAsiatic Studies 47.2 (Dec., 1987): 397-434. Zeitlin, Judith T. The Phantom Heroine: Ghosts and Gender in SeventeenthCentury Chinese Literature. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2007.

“ Scholar Wang”

Collection of the Numinous and Weird {Lingguaiji compiled by Zhang Jian 'M il (744-804)

Introduction Stories about animals— tortoises, snakes, gibbons, tigers, even insects such as flies— that take on the guise of human beings are legion among the tales of the Taiping guangji. By the ninth century, transforming foxes were staple figures in the tale literature, with a recognizable set o f typical behaviors. Foxes who transformed into women would seek intimacy or even marriage with human men who encountered them. Foxes in male guise were frequently described as westerners— in many cases foreign monks— playing on the homophony o f “fox” {hu. 51) and

westerner (or Persian ; hu i^), as in “Scholar Wang.” This perceived capacity for transformation is akin to the human pursuit of longevity or immortality described in other Taipingguangji tales:22 just as humans might improve their lot through rigorous self-cultivation and ascetic practice, so too might animals strive to elevate themselves to human form. But the tales present such transformations on the part o f foxes (or other animals) as deceptions perpetrated upon the humans they meet: at heart, the transformed animals retain their original biological identities, which must ultimately be exposed. The simultaneous won­ der and danger o f fox-transformation is suggested in a rare theoretical statement about the fox preserved as the very first item in the “foxes” section of the Taipingguangji: “At fifty years, a fox is able to transform into a woman, and at a hundred years, into a beauty or a shaman. Some become men and have relations with women. Such foxes are able to know about events of a thousand li away. They are skilled at black magic and seduction, and can make people become confused and lose their wits. At a thousand years, then a fox can commune with heaven, and becomes a heavenly fox.”23 The male foxes in “Scholar Wang” display human traits, and at least one of them demonstrates the ability to take on human form as well. But they also distance themselves from human society until provoked, raising questions about whether they share the belief in human superi­ ority implicit in the notion that foxes would want to become human.

Translation In the beginning o f the Jianzhong reign period (780-784), one Scholar Wang of Hangzhou -fatl/'H bade farewell to his family and went to the capital. He had gathered up his old writings, and planned to rely on family and friends to seek an official position.

22. On immortals, see the Introduction, pp. 22-23, 28. 23. Quotation from Li Fang ^ 0 $ et al„ comps., Taipingguangji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961), 447.3652, citing Xuanzhongji "2; 4 1a£; see also the translation and dis­ cussion in Rania Huntington, Alien Kind: Foxes and Late Imperial Chinese Narrative (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003), 1-2, 10.

When he got to Putian IB E0 , he left the road to seek out an old estate owned by his mother’s family.24 It was late in the day, and he saw two wild foxes leaning on trees in a cypress grove, standing like human beings and holding a document on yellow paper.25 They chatted and laughed, facing each other, as if there were no one around. Wang shouted at them but they didn’t move, so he took out his slingshot and, stretching it to the full, shot at them, hitting the one holding the docu­ ment in the eye. The two foxes dropped the document and fled. Wang hurried over and got the document, which was just one or two sheets. The writing was similar to Sanskrit and he couldn’t understand it, so he put it in his book bag and left. That night, he stayed at an inn he had stayed at before, and told the innkeeper about what had happened. Just as they were exclaiming over the matter, a man carrying a pack suddenly came in to spend the night. His eye was severely wounded— it seemed unbearable— yet his speech was clear. When he heard what Wang had to say, he said, “What an extraordinary thing! How about letting me see the document?” Just as Wang was about to take it out, the innkeeper noticed that the man with the wounded eye had a tail hanging out below the chair, and said to Wang, “He’s a fox!” Wang hurriedly stuck the document in his shirt and felt for his knife with his hand to drive it away, but the stranger turned into a fox and fled. After the first watch (roughly between 7:00 p.m. and 9:00 p.m.), someone knocked at the door again. Wang said uneasily, “Come back again after this and I’ll fight you off with my knife and arrow.” From the other side o f the door, the man said, “If you don’t give me my document back, don’t regret it later.” After that Wang heard nothing more. Wang concealed the document, sealing it up tightly, and went on to the capital. Since the business o f seeking office and awaiting an appointment would take a while, he pawned the family properties and lands and found a place to live in a nearby ward, as a means to have a livelihood. Over a month later, a servant boy arrived from Hangzhou. He came in wearing mourning garments and bore a death announcement in his hand. Wang greeted him and asked what had happened. The servant 24. Putian was east of the Tang secondary capital of Luoyang. 25. Used for official documents.

told him that his mother had died several days previously. Wang wailed bitterly on hearing this. He examined the letter brought by the servant, which was in his mothers own hand and read, “My family was origi­ nally from Qin Sr, and I do not want to be buried somewhere else.26 Our land and properties in Jiangdong fE Jfi cannot be completely dis­ solved now.27 But the property in the capital might all be disposed of, to provide for the funeral expenses. After you have completed all the preparations, come meet the funeral procession yourself.” Wang then sold all their land and buildings, not waiting for a good price. When he got the money, he prepared the ritual items for the burial, omitting nothing. Then he took a sedan chair and went back east to meet the hearse. As he arrived in Yangzhou , he saw a boat in the distance with several people on deck, laughing happily and singing. Wang observed them, gradually drawing nearer, and saw that they were all servants from his family! Still, he assumed that his family had sold them, and that now they belonged to someone else. Then before long his own younger brothers and sisters lifted up the curtain and came out, all in colorful clothing, laughing and talking. Just as he was marveling at this in aston­ ishment, the family servants on the boat hailed him in surprise, and said, “Young master, you’ve come! But why are you dressed so oddly?” Wang surreptitiously ordered someone to ask them what had hap­ pened. When he saw his mother herself emerge, alarmed, Wang hur­ riedly removed his mourning garments and went up to her, bowing. His mother greeted him and then questioned him, exclaiming, “What is the meaning of this?” Wang took out the deathbed note his mother had sent: now it was just a sheet of blank paper. His mother then said, “The reason I’ve come here is that last month I received your letter saying that you’d recently received a post, and directing me to sell all our property in Jiangdong to cover expenses for going to the capital. Now we’ve got no home to return to.” When his mother took out the letter Scholar Wang had sent, j t too- was-nothing more than a blank sheet. Wang accordingly sent someone to go to the capital to dismantle all the funeral apparatus, then gathered up all their remaining funds, and 26. Qin referred to the area surrounding and west of the Tang capital of Chang’an. 27. Jiangdong was the lower Yangzi River area, where Hangzhou is located (and where Scholar Wang’s immediate family is currently living).

went back from the Huai region, attending his mother on the trip to Jiangdong. Their possessions didn’t amount to even 10 or 20 percent of what they had been in the past, and they got just a house o f a few bays, enough to protect them from the wind and rain and nothing more. Wang had a younger brother whom he had been parted from for several years. One morning suddenly he arrived. Seeing the family for­ tunes in such decline, he inquired what the reason was. Wang told him everything from beginning to end, and also recounted the business about the demon-fox, saying, “This must be what led to such disaster.” When his brother sighed in astonishment, Wang took out the demonfox’s document to show him. No sooner had his brother gotten ahold of the document than he stepped back and put it in his shirt, saying, “Now you’ve returned my heavenly document!” With these words, he transformed into a fox and left. — S. M. Allen Further Readings Hsieh, Daniel. “Fox as Trickster in Early Medieval China.” In Alan K. L. Chan and Yuet-Keung Lo, eds., Interpretation and Literature in Early Medieval China. Albany: SUNY Press, 2010: 223—49. Huntington, Rania. Alien Kind: Foxes and Late Imperial Chinese Narrative. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003. Kang, Xiaofei. The Cult ofthe Fox: Power, Gender, and Popular Religion in Late Imperial and Modem China. New York: Columbia University Press, 2006. Kang, Xiaofei. “The Fox (hu) and the Barbarian (hu): Unraveling Represen­ tations of the Other in Late Tang Tales.” Journal of Chinese Religions 27 (1999): 35-67.

“Shentu Cheng”

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Recordsfrom East of the River (Hedongji MjfCjlB), compiled by Xue Yusi

(mid-ninth century)

Introduction Like Scholar Wang, (pp. 92—96) “Shentu Cheng” is premised on the idea that animals, with proper self-cultivation, can learn to take on human form. In this story, however, the animal becomes a human woman, paving the way for a more intimate relationship with the male human protagonist. The simplest stories on this theme describe brief encounters in which a man meets a woman (or so he thinks), spends the night with her, and then discovers that, in fact, she is not what she had seemed when her true form is revealed. Such tales typically present the animal-woman as the perpetrator of a deception upon the human man, and the unveiling of her real identity brings an end to their relationship. “Shentu Cheng” complicates this basic plot by making the beastwoman’s adoption of her human role cultural as well as physical. Her integration into human society is evidently seamless, and after three years o f marriage, Shentu Cheng has no suspicions that his wife is not what she seems. The tiger-woman’s success in playing the human wife hints that the boundaries between human and animal are less clear-cut than we might assume. At the same time, the poems the two exchange highlight the gap that remains between them. In most transforming-animal tales, as in “Scholar Wang,” the ani­ mals are evidently able to transform at will without requiring particular circumstances or props. Tigers, however, are an exception, frequently depicted as requiring their pelts to resume their tiger forms, as we see here in “Shentu Cheng.”

Translation In the ninth year o f the Zhenyuan M.7G reign period (793), Shentu Cheng was reassigned from commoner status to the post of District

Defender of Shifang ft"® in Hanzhou $f|jM'|.28 As he was going to take up his post, he encountered a bitterly cold blizzard when he was about ten miles to the east of Zhenfu district, and his horse was unable to go forward. A thatched cottage by the road had a warm, blazing fire, and Cheng went over towards it. An old man and woman and a girl were sitting around the fire. The girl was only about thirteen or fourteen, and though her hair was a mess and her clothes filthy, she had snow-white skin and a face like a flower, and her movements were delightful. When the old man and woman saw Cheng approaching, they immediately stood up and said, “You’re risking snow and extreme cold! Please come over, up to the fire.” Cheng sat for a long time, until it got late, but the blizzard didn’t stop. He said, “I’m still a long way from the district seat to the west. May I spend the night here?” The old man and woman said, “If you don’t look down on our humble cottage, we wouldn’t dare refuse.” Cheng then took off his horses saddle and spread out his bedclothes. When the girl saw the guest, she prettied herself up and put on some makeup. When she emerged again from the inner quarters, her refinement and beauty were even greater than before. After a while, the old woman brought a wine jug in. She warmed the drink in front of the fire, saying to Cheng, “You’re suffering in this cold— let me give you a cup to ward off the chill.” But Cheng demurred, saying, “Start with the host!” The old man then sent the wine around, with Cheng taking the last seat. Cheng said, “We’re still missing the young lady!” The old man and woman both laughed and said, “She’s been raised in a rustic home— how could she perform the duties of a host?” The girl glanced around, saying, “Is the wine so expensive, that you’d say I can’t take part?!” Her mother then tugged on her skirt and made her sit by her side. Cheng wanted to test the girl’s abilities, so he proposed a drinking game in order to see what she would think. He picked up his cup and said, “Lets test each other on quotations, taking our inspiration from present circumstances.” He quoted, 28. Some editions of Taiping guangji read “Puzhou” sense given the other place names mentioned in the text.

but Hanzhou makes more

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“Peacefully we drink tonight, I won’t go home until I’m drunk.”29

The girl lowered her head shyly and smiled, saying, “With the weather like this, even if you headed home, where would you go?” Before long it was her turn. She continued the game, quoting,

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"Wind and rain dark as night, the cock crows without cease.”30

Cheng sighed in amazement, saying, “What a clever young lady! Fortunately I’m not married yet— how about I venture to serve as my own matchmaker?” The old man said, "Though I’m lowborn, I’ve always loved and cared for my daughter. Many travelers have passed by and made inqui­ ries about her with gold and silks, but in the past I could never bear to part with her, and refused. I never expected that such a noble guest as you would also want me to agree to a proposal. How could I dare begrudge her? I entrust her to you.” Cheng then performed the rites of a son-in-law and took out his wallet to give to them. The old woman wouldn’t take anything, saying, “Just so long as you don’t cast her off since she’s lowborn, what use do we have for money?” The next day, her father addressed Cheng again: “This place is remote and solitary, and cramped to boot, unworthy for you to stay in it long. My daughter is already serving you as your wife— you can go along.” The next day they bid farewell with a sigh. Cheng put the girl on the horse he had been riding and went on foot. When they arrived at his post, Cheng’s salary was meager. His wife worked hard to set up their household and welcome guests, and within a short time she had established a reputation for herself. The feeling between husband and wife was increasingly close. Whether it was hos­ pitality to his relatives or caring for his nephews, or the servants’ duties, JsKe tended cheerfully to everything.

29. A couplet from a poem in the Classic o f Poetry. 30. Another couplet from a poem in the Classic o f Poetry., one that is often interpreted as referring to a woman longing for a husband.

Later when his term of office was completed and he was preparing to return home, she had already borne a son and a daughter, who were also very intelligent. Cheng felt even more respect for her. He once wrote a poem for her that went:

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In this post, abashed to play Mei Fu,31 after three years, I’m ashamed before Meng Guang.32 How can I express my feelings?— a pair of mandarin ducks on the river.33

His wife chanted to herself all day, as if she secretly had a response to his poem, but she never spoke it aloud, always telling Cheng, “To be a proper wife one must understand writing; but if on top o f that a woman composes poetry, then in fact she’s like an old woman or a concubine.” Cheng gave up his post, and the whole household headed back to Qin. Passing through Lizhou they arrived at the banks o f the Jialing M &t River, pausing to rest by the thick grass overlooking a spring. Abruptly, his wife said sorrowfully to Cheng, “Before when you presented that poem to me, and I quickly came up with a response— at first I didn’t expect to ever show it to you, but now, facing this scene, I can’t keep quiet about it forever.” Then she chanted: Though the feeling between zither and harp is strong,34 my inclinations toward mountains and woods are deep; constantly I’m troubled that when the seasons change, I’ll betray your steadfast heart.

31. Mei Fu was a Han dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE) official who once held the post of District Defender, used here to refer to the fact that Shentu Cheng holds the same post. 32. Meng Guang was a woman, also from the Han dynasty, who cheerfully accepted her husband’s poverty. Three years was the standard term of office for an official in the Tang (when this story takes place). Since Shentu Cheng has just completed his term of office, he and his wife have been married for about three years at this point. 33. Mandarin ducks were common figures representing marital harmony. 34. “Zither and harp” is another metaphor for marital harmony.

When she was done chanting it, she was in tears for a long time, as if there was something she was yearning for. Cheng said, “Your poem is lovely, but mountains and woods are not what the tender sex longs for.35 If you miss your father, we can go there now. What need is there to cry so mournfully? In this human life, matters o f fate and karma are all predetermined.” Twenty-some days later, they arrived once again at her old home. The thatched cottage was just as it had been, but no one was there. Cheng and his wife stopped at the house. She was deep in thought, in tears the whole day. Then under some old clothes in a corner, they found a tiger pelt, covered in dust. When his wife saw it, she suddenly laughed and said, “I didn’t know this thing was still here!” She draped it over herself and immediately turned into a tiger. Growling and rear­ ing up, she burst out the door. Cheng ran away in alarm, and then took their two children to look for her, gazing towards the woods and crying for several days. But in the end he didn’t know where she had gone. — S. M. Allen Further Readings Allen, Sarah M. Shifting Stories: History, Gossip, and Lore in Narratives from Tang Dynasty China. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2014. Hsieh, Daniel. Love and Women in Early Chinese Fiction. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2008.

35. Conventionally an “inclination for mountains and woods” was used to refer to an (necessarily male) officials desire to go into retirement from worldly affairs; a woman, who would not be able to hold office in the first place, cannot give it up to live in reclusion.

“ Scholar Hu”

Master Cloud Creek’s Disctissions with Friends (Yunxiyouyi compiled by Fan Shu

(fl. 875-888)

Introduction “Scholar Hu” is one of many stories in Taiping guangji that illustrate the magical efficacy of human sincerity and devotion. Liezi to whom Scholar Hu offers sacrifices, was a legendary figure associated with the Daoist tradition believed to have lived in the fourth century BCE. Modern scholars have argued that the work attributed to him, the Liezi, was likely put together in the third century CE. In the follow­ ing story, Scholar Hu’s worship of Liezi points to a longstanding rever­ ence o f that figure as a Daoist thinker and a deity in early and medieval China. Liezi’s response to Scholar Hu’s prayers demonstrates his numi­ nous power, affirming these popular beliefs as well as the worship of his devotees. Hus offerings at Liezi’s tomb also parallel ancestral worship in terms of the underlying notion that the soul of the deceased is tied to his or her physical remains in one way or another. The story also touches on the potentially fluid class line between the educated elite and the commoners. Although only the so-called scholarofficials or literati could become court officials in medieval China, occa­ sionally talented young men from families of artisans, merchants, and peasants could also acquire the needed education and advance them­ selves to more respectable social positions. Scholar-official families could also fall on hard times and take up less desirable professions. Scholar Hu straddles both o f these worlds in his embrace o f the role of the recluse, a literatus who rejects court service for the sake of personal freedom and moral integrity, but often still develops or retains ties with the world of officials.

Translation Liezi died in Zheng |t|$. Nowadays his tomb is in the woods outside the central city. It is regarded as the trace o f a past worthy, and some offi­ cials thus forbade cutting or gathering wood there. A certain Scholar Hu who lived in the area, because his family was poor, had worked at the craft of polishing bronze mirrors and making nails since his youth. Whenever he happened to have sweet fruits, reputable tea, or fine wine, he offered it to Yukou i l l S [i.e., Liezi] at his tomb, as though seeking wisdom and hoping to learn o f the Way. After several years, he dreamed one day that someone cut open his belly with a knife and placed a written scroll into his abdomen. After he awoke, no matter the topic of composition, his poems were filled with beautiful phrasing. What came to him was not derived from any teachers or friends. Though his writings filled scrolls, in the manner of a true hermit, he still did not abandon his lowly occupation. People far and near called him ‘Tinker Hu.” The prefect and other luminaries all regarded him highly. His home was frequented by venerable elders. If visitors brought gifts seeking favors, they would definitely be turned away. But if they came with tea or wine, then he would happily wel­ come them. As for his writings, several pieces are given here as examples. The poem “Happy to Receive the Visit of District Defender Han o f Putian” ®IH is as follows: M H S u d d e n l y , I heard that a Mei Fu had come to visit me;36 fcti Smiling, I don my lotus-leaf robe and emerge from my thatched hut. My children, not used to seeing carriages and horses, Vie to hide deep amongst the catkin reeds.

36. Mei Fu was an official who chose to become a recluse when Wang Mang (45 BCE-23 CE) usurped the Han 'M dynasty (202 BCE-8 CE) and established his own Xin §ff dynasty (8-23). Mei thus became a figure for loyalty and integrity. Later legends allege that he learned the secrets of longevity and became an immortal.

The poem “Viewing Samples of Embroidery made by the household entertainers of Director Cui o f Zhengzhou” + is as follows:

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At dusk, the flower buds before the hall are lovely, Vying as they grasp small brushes, the girls climb onto the daybed to sketch them. When the embroideries are finished, if they were placed in the garden in spring, They would be able to lure the orioles to descend from willow branches.

The poem “A Little Boy Fishing by the River” is as follows: “7*^

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A tousle-haired child was learning to cast a line; He was sitting sideways on green moss, shaded by grass. Hoping to ask directions, a passerby waved to him from a distance; Afraid to scare the fish away, he did not respond to him. — M. Luo Further Readings

Berkowitz, Alan J. Patterns ofDisengagement: The Practice and Portrayal ofReclu­ sion in Early Medieval China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000. Cai, Zong-qi, ed. How to Read Chinese Poetry: A GuidedAnthology. New York: Colum bia University Press, 2007. Graham, A.C., trans. The Book ofLiezi. New York: Colum bia University Press, 1990. Littlejohn, Ronnie and Jeffrey Dippm ann. Riding the Wind with Liezi: New Perspectives on the Daoist Classic. Albany: State University o f New York Press, 2012.

“The Clan o f Xingyang”

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No citation given

Introduction The setting for this story is a temple, which serves as an inn for the magistrate and, before their death, also served as an inn for the ghosts who appear to him. Temples frequently served this function, and as such were liminal spaces in more than one way: not only offering a place for travelers between more fixed residences, they were also spaces where this world could intersect with other realms made up of the deceased and supernatural beings. Travel was a frequent part o f official life in pre­ modern China. An official was never assigned to his hometown and was instead dispatched to an area where he was an unknown, and therefore less susceptible to personal appeals. He and his family would thus have to move to new towns with each posting. Yet the expectation that one would be buried with one’s family meant that when an official passed away far from home, the coffin was often transported back to his home­ town for burial.37 These two types of travel lead the officials in this tale to spend the night in the temple. The story also illustrates the complex interpersonal dynamics cre­ ated by a familial structure under which wives, concubines, wet nurses, and other female relatives shared overlapping and at times competitive roles within a family. Women who were not the biological mother could not always be trusted to have the best interests o f children at heart, and a very few would go so far as to cause harm. Family was important for the deceased, too, as children performed ritual offerings on behalf of their parents. To be without offspring or others to carry out postmortem rites left the dead uncared for and unable to settle in their new state.

37. See the Introduction (pp. 13—14, 20, 26—27) for further discussion of burial prac­ tices and the role of travel in elite life.

Translation During the Tang, the magistrate o f Yingzhou M M was on his way to assume office, and one night stopped at an old temple within his dis­ trict. He had just gone to bed when he saw an old woman, her head cov­ ered with wood-oil tree leaves, coming toward him with her back bent. The magistrate used his staff to brush off the leaves, whereupon the woman stooped to pick them up and left, returning again shortly. This happened three times. After a while she did not return. Momentarily someone in sackcloth mourning garments appeared and ascended the stairs from the north door. Lifting the curtains, the person came for­ ward and spoke: “I have something to report to you— do not be afraid.” The magistrate said, “What kind of demon are you?” He said, “I am actually a ghost, not a demon. Because my appear­ ance is wasted and sickly I do not dare to seek an audience. Just now I discreetly had Mama Zhang 3ft#i§ convey a little o f my pent-up feel­ ings, but three times she received the insult of your staff, and firmly refused to enter again, feeling too embarrassed. Therefore I have person­ ally come to you with my mournful grievances, hoping you will not be angered. I’m the son of a clan from Xingyang. My father once governed this prefecture. Not even a year had passed but our family suffered the disaster of his death. When we were accompanying my father’s body back to Luoyang, we stopped one night at this temple. My stepmother gave us heartbreak grass soup, and my sister and I perished that same night. Mama Zhang was about to cry out, but had her head bludgeoned with an iron cudgel. We were buried together in the bamboo grove of the north wall. My late mother, of Longxi Pflffi, that day filed a peti­ tion with the High God, and the God decreed, 'To be a wife, and have slaughtered servants and maids; to be a mother, and have poisoned orphaned children! As this happened behind closed doors, it is difficult to make this affair come to light, but in Heaven’s mirror it is proper that she should be put to death.38 Death requites death— in this way

38. The mirror is often a metaphor for using history or past precedent as a model to evaluate contemporary action. In this sense, the “Heavens mirror” here might be under­ stood as meaning “according to the precedents of Heaven.”

recompense the orphans!’ He then ordered the office of fate39 to handle this and report back after it was done. “On that day, my father also filed a petition to the High God: ‘I am a wandering spirit without any power! I abandoned caution, which enabled my ruthless wife to bring harm to my orphaned children. In exposing my family’s deeds I give offense to the sensibilities of Heaven. How could death alone repay this crime! I thrice served as district mag­ istrate, repeatedly breaking the bamboo tally [i.e., taking office], and truly had some success in keeping the common people at peace. How could I imagine that blessings from these deeds would not be passed on, that I would end up in such dire straits, my fluttering red funeral banner having not even travelled beyond my old jurisdiction! My eldest son has already died despite being without fault. If my widowed wife is also killed as retribution, I worry that it will be difficult for my coffin in transit to be properly buried. I implore you to extend her life, and allow me to be returned to Luoyang 2§R§ for burial. I f I am able to be buried in my ancestral graveyard, I will have no regret.’ The following year when my stepmother arrived in Luoyang she developed an ulcer on her back and died. The angry rebukes o f the High God have already led to this result, and I no longer have resentment about this. What I feel bitter about is that the monks have built a privy on top of our bones. The filth that falls down on us is unbearable. Moreover, my younger sister is the maid and concubine of the privy-god, and I am his servant. For many generations my family had official position, but in a single day we fell. Now the gate of Heaven is blocked, and there is no way to bring forth my petition. Knowing of your benevolence and virtue, I have come to respectfully inform you.” The magistrate said, What might I do?” The ghost answered, “You, sir, could excavate our rotted bones, wash them in fragrant water, cover them in clothes and quilts, and move them to higher ground. If you could provide wood-bark coffins and offerings— this would exceed my expectations!” „ — -The magistrate said, Agreed! This will be as easy as turning over 'my hand.” The ghost, weeping, bowed again and again. He told Mama Zhang to secretly summon his sister Little Miss Luan $§ to thank the 39* *Ihe office of fate (siming 1;j lifespan of individuals.

) is one of the otherworld bureaus in charge of the

magistrate. Mama Zhang came immediately, urgently crying out, “Lord Guo fP H is angry that you’re late and that the rooms are in disorder. He’s already called you three times!” Thereupon the ghosts left in a hurry. The next morning the magistrate had the monks summoned and told them the whole story. Then he ordered some laborers to excavate' the latrine and look for the bones. They found them at a depth of three or four chi, and were able to give them a reburial. — N. Heller Further Readings Campany, Robert F. “Ghosts Matter: The Culture of Ghosts in Six Dynas­ ties ZhiguaiT Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 13 (1991): 15-34. Poo, Mu-chou. “The Culture of Ghost in the Six Dynasties Period.” In Muchou Poo, ed., Rethinking Ghosts in World Religions. Leiden: Brill, 2009: 237-67.

Between Worlds: Travel to Other Worlds “Vice M agistrate o f Liuhe District” /N 'o 'IliE

The Great Book of Marvels {Guangyiji JitJIfE), compiled by Dai Fu (jinshi 757) Introduction Vice Magistrate of Liuhe District” is a tale of an underworld adven­ ture^with a surprise ending. The story is set in the Kaiyuan-Tianbo 7 1 ^ 1 1 reign periods, during Emperor Xuanzong’s IT tk (r. 712756) reign, when the dynasty was at its zenith. Humorous yet biting, the story offers a sharp social commentary on rampant commercialism and official corruption, exposing the underbelly o f a prosperous and peaceful age. Dai Fu, the author, cooked up this delicious tale using many ingre­ dients already familiar to his contemporaries, such as the dead coming back to life, the underworld bureaucracy and court system, sepulchral plaints (lawsuits filed by the dead against the living), law enforce­ ment corruption, merit making, damsels in distress, and otherworldly encounters. He even adapts a popular plot line that is also in at least two other stories collected in the Taipingguangji— boy meets girl in the underworld and they return together from the underworld. Yet, Dai Fu turns the conventional ending o f this plot on its head and serves up his sharpest criticism. : ' The story reveals many aspects o f everyday life, such as partici­ pation in the civil examination system, the practice o f concubinage, and the pervasiveness of mercantile values. The story also highlights social attitudes towards issues such as animal rights, gender relations, and justice. The profound influence o f Buddhism on popular religious beliefs (e.g., karmic retribution) and practices (e.g., hosting Buddhist

feasts and generating merit to promote the well-being of the dead) is evident as well. Finally, it is important to note that although the bureaucracy in the underworld follows many o f the same corrupt practices as the one in this world, its existence nevertheless offers hope to those who have been denied justice. Everyone, human or non-human, has the right to take grievances to court and to be judged on his or her merits alone.

Translation During the Kaiyuan reign period (713-742), a vice magistrate of Liuhe District died suddenly. He resurrected a few days later. He said that when he first died, he was called before a judge who said he was the former Magistrate Liu §!j of Liuhe District. The two were both sad and happy seeing each other. The Judge asked if everything was all right at his home, and the Vice Magistrate asked, “Your home is quite close to here; have you not returned?” The Judge replied, “The dead and the living belong to different worlds. How could I have gone?” The Vice Magistrate said, “Your son passed the civil service exami­ nations a long time ago. The family has experienced no hardship at all. However, your wife has gotten older and just suffers a little from arthritis.” The Judge said, “Your allotted life span is not over yet. You have been brought here because several goats have sued you. You should just explain yourself, and you’ll soon be sent back.” Presently, a black cloud came from the east with a great boat in its midst. The boat crashed to the ground with a loud bang and the heads of four goats emerged from it. The Judge said, “Why did you kill this lot for no reason?” The Vice Magistrate replied, “They were a part of the Prefect’s regu­ lar salary; the crime was not mine.” The goat heads were silent. The Judge chided them, “Your lives were owed to the Prefect. Why did you sue the Vice Magistrate?”

As the boat flew away the goats shouted, “The Judge is partial to the Vice Magistrate— we shall appeal to the authority o f the High God!” The Judge then explained to the Vice Magistrate, “The High God is the Emperor o f Heaven. How could this lot get to see His Majesty? As with the Son of Heaven on earth [i.e., the ruler o f the living], isn’t it difficult for commoners even to seek an audience? Nevertheless, in the end you should still generate merits on their behalf.” After the Judge finished speaking, he released the Vice Magistrate to return home. The Vice Magistrate had just come out from the hall when a beau­ tiful woman approached and bowed twice before him. He asked her why, and she said, “My body was a daughter of the Tan 19 family in Yangzhou M'J'H. Soon after I was summoned here, due to being inno­ cent, I was granted an acquittal and released. The clerk at the gate detained me on false charges because o f my beauty. I have been gone from home for some time now. I am afraid that my house [i.e., body] has become dilapidated. Now that you’re going back, I am hoping that you can help me out. My family has always been wealthy. If you let me go with you, I will pay you one thousand strings of cash and, moreover, will be your concubine for eternity; there is nothing I’d be unwilling to do.” She begged him to take pity on her in this manner. The Vice Magistrate returned inside to tell the Judge, who said to the Vice Magistrate, “Out of this one thousand strings of cash, I will take two hundred, my son will take two hundred, and the remaining six hundred will be yours.” He thereupon wrote this down and showed it to the Vice Magistrate. The Judge said, “My two hundred should be used for generating spirit merits.” He then summoned the clerk and asked, “Why did you detain the daughter of the Tan family?” He sentenced the clerk to be flogged twenty times and sent the woman to return with the Vice Magistrate. They walked for some ten li, parted ways, and each came back to life. After the Vice Magistrate recovered from his ordeal, he went to the Tan family to visit the woman. The woman heard his voice at the gate, and.swiftly came forward and bowed twice. She said, “I did promise to be your concubine before, but my body is not mine to give. My parents have promised me to someone else. Here’s two hun­ dred thousand in ransom for my body, plus the one thousand that we have agreed on.”

After getting the money, the Vice Magistrate gave the son of Magistrate Liu his share and also hosted feasts for Buddhist monks to generate spirit merits. At the end o f the Tianbao jlf reign period (742—756), this man was still there. —J. Choo Further Readings Campany, Robert F. “Return-from-Death Narratives in Early Medieval China.” Journal of Chinese Religions 18 (1990): 91—125. Dudbridge, Glen. Religious Experience and Lay Society in T’ang China: A Reading ofTai Fu’s Kuang-i chi. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Teiser, Stephen F. The Scripture on the Ten Kings and the Making ofPurgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1994.

“ Dong Guan”

Records of Xuan Chamber (Xuanshi zhi _b.3L&), compiled by Zhang Du 'tHISS (834—c. 886)

Introduction “Dong Guan” is an eventful tale about an avid traveler and his under­ world adventure. It depicts a curious underworld with a landscape unlike any other in the Chinese imagination. The story shares with other tales some basic assumptions about the workings o f the under­ world. For example, the bureaucracy that ruled the life o f men— a fix­ ture of Chinese popular belief—remained present, albeit out of sight. Yet it is also unapologetically Buddhist, engaging several fine points of theology that probably would only be o f interest to monks and laymen familiar with the doctrinal debates of the time.

“Dong Guan” carries visible traces o f central Asian influence. Hie most prominent among them is Greco-Buddhism— a religious and artistic tradition developed and practiced in the areas dominated by Hellenized Indo-Greek kingdoms in Central Asia from the third cen­ tury BCE to third century CE. Many key tenets of Mahayana Buddhism (e.g., the divinity o f the Buddha), as well as artistic iconography (e.g., the halo that surrounds the heads o f holy persons and transcenden­ tal beings), were products of the cross-fertilization between Buddhist and Greek cultural practices. Elements o f Greco-Buddhism most likely reached China via the Silk Road over several centuries. The story there­ fore offers a wonderful example of medieval China’s extensive religious syncretism and cross-cultural exchanges. Dong Guan, the hero of the story, was a historical figure who lived during the first half o f the ninth century. Zhang Du, the author of the tale, explains how he came to hear about this fantastical incident from Dong Guan himself. He even supplies an unusually precise date for this event the fifteenth day of the fifth month in the second year o f the Baoli fJ/H reign period (June 24, 826). Dong Guan is also the pro­ tagonist in another tale Zhang Du recorded, in which he encounters a mischievous tree-demon on one of his journeys. That event took place a few years later in the summer o f the seventh year of the Taihe reign period (833). Dong Guan’s roaming was common among Buddhist clerics. They acquired and furthered their education by visiting monasteries in several loosely organized networks. The system broke down after the Huichang Persecution of Buddhism (842-845) ordered by Emperor Wuzong (r. 840-846), which destroyed countless Buddhist establishments and returned thousands upon thousands of clerics to lay life. The Japanese monk Ennin W t (794-864), who came to study in China, recorded the widespread devastation he witnessed in his diary. When Zhang Du met Dong Guan, the latter had been among those forced to give up monkhood. It perhaps comes as no surprise that Dong Guan, famil­ iar a^^e was with the supernatural, should become a widely respected fortune-teller who counted high-ranking officials among his patrons. This extraordinarily rich tale gives us a vignette of the confluence o f reli­ gious beliefs and the many consequences o f the Huichang Persecution o f Buddhism.

Translation Dong Guan was a native of Taiyuan and an expert in yin-yang tech­ niques and aeromancy.1 During the Yuanhe reign period (806— 821) in the Tang, he was on good terms with the monk Lingxi M S ; together they travelled to the areas of Wu ^ and Chu S t. After Lingxi died on their journey, Dong Guan also returned to Bingzhou jf^H . During the Baoli ifM reign period (825-827), Guan roamed along the Rivers Fen '#}• and Jing M . Arriving at the Niyang Commandary he came upon the Longxing Monastery Its buildings were magnificent and contained sutras numbering in the tens of thou­ sands of scrolls. Guan therefore remained there, hoping to read them all before he returned. Prior to this, the northern room along the eastern corridor of the courtyard was empty and had been locked up, so Guan requested to live there. The monks in the monastery refused and told him, "People staying in that room have often taken ill or died; moreover, many super­ natural events have occurred there.” Guan was young and cocksure of his physical strength. He said, “I’ll take it,” and so moved in. Some ten days later while he was sleeping at night, more than ten westerners came carrying musical instruments and wine. They sang and made merry in the room as if there was no one else present. It went on like this for several nights. Even though Guan was afraid, he still did not tell the monks in the monastery. One day, it was already quite dark when he had finished reading sutras, and Guan was very tired. He shut the door and went to bed. While not yet deeply asleep, he suddenly saw Lingxi before his bed. He said to Guan, “Master, lets go!” Guan was shocked and angry. He said to Lingxi, “Master, you are a ghost. Why have you come?” Lingxi laughed and said, “Your luck has run out and your allot­ ments depleted. Thus I get to call on you.” Then he took Guan by the sleeve and led him away from the bed. Guan looked back and saw that his body was still lying there as if in a deep sleep. He then sighed and said, “Ai! My home is far away and

1. Fortune-telling by scrying atmospheric conditions.

my parents are still living. If I die here today, who is going to bury my corpse?” Lingxi said, “Why do you speak of loss and feel such deep sorrow? Being human is really about no more than being able to move arms and legs, and being good at seeing and hearing. This happens because the souls animate them, not because it occurs of itself. The departure of the souls from the body is thus called death and is the reason why afterwards the arms and legs can do nothing and sight and hearing can­ not function. Even if one had a body six chi tall, how could it still be o f use? Why should you give it much thought?” Guan thanked him, then asked, “I have often heard in our teaching [i.e., Buddhism] that there are those who dwell in darkness without a body.2 Who are they?” Lingxi said, “You and I— it refers to those who are dead but have yet to reincarnate.” Thereafter they walked together. Although there were rather tight checkpoints in the direction they headed, they were not hindered by them. They then exited the seat of Niyang Commandery and headed west. The land was mostly covered with grass, dense and red and green in color, similar in appearance to a shag rug. Having walked for over ten li, they came upon a stream that was no more than several chi across which flowed to the southwest. Guan asked Lingxi about the stream, and Lingxi said, “This is what is customarily referred to as the River Nai It originates from the Nether Region.” Guan looked closer at the water and realized it was all blood; it was so foul and revolting that no one could bear to approach. He also saw several hundred caps, belts, trousers, and robes on the riverbank. Lingxi said, “These are the clothes o f the dead. From this point onward we are on the way to the underworld.” Guan further saw that to the west of the stream there were two cit­ ies. The northern and the southern cities were slightly over one li apart 2. Dong Guan refers here to the Buddhist concept known as antardbbava in Sanskrit, one that has been endlessly debated by scholars since it was first introduced in China. There are several Chinese translations of the term including zhongyin cta Pis (used here) and zhongyou each of which implies a different doctrinal understanding. It can be thought of as an “intermediate state” between death and rebirth, or as a being that is “yet-to-be.” The conditions of its not quite existing existence are ever changing, owing to the workings of karma that constitute the antardbhava.

and shaded by shrubs and trees and had hutches and houses lined up one after another. Lingxi said to Guan, “You and I are both heading there. You will be born into the Xu ftF household in the southern city as their second son; I will be born into the Hou household in the northern city as their eldest son. Ten years after our births, you and I shall again leave home to take refuge in the Buddhist sangha.”3 Guan said, “I’ve heard when one dies one is pursued by underworld officials and tried based on the transgressions and blessings recorded during one’s life time. Only those who did not commit any grave offenses can be reborn into the human realm. Now I have been dead no more than one evening— how could I be able to be reborn like this?” Lingxi said, “It is not like that. The ways of the underworld and human world are no different; if you have not done anything immoral, how could you be put on trial?” So saying, Lingxi took Guan by the sleeve and they hopped over the stream. Guan was just about to climb down from the riverbank when the water suddenly parted and widened to more than one zhang. Guan was shocked by the sight and was both nervous and confused. Suddenly, someone tugged at him. Guan turned around and saw a person whose entire body was covered in fur and had the shape of a lion and the face of human. After a long while, this person said to Guan, “Master, where are you heading?” Guan replied, “I am going to this southern city.” The person said, “My order is that you are to read the entire Buddhist canon. You should hurry back—you can’t linger here.” The person then took Guan’s arm and rushed him east and west in return­ ing to the seat of the commandery. They hadn’t gone more than a few li before they encountered another person, similar in appearance to the one who had summoned Guan earlier. This person shouted loudly, “Take him away— his record is about to be expunged!” When they sub­ sequently arrived at the monastery, it was already dawn. Dong Guan saw that there were several dozen monks at his room, crowding by the door. Looking in, he saw his own body on the bed. The two of them pushed their way through the onlookers and got in the door. Suddenly, there was water pouring down on Guan’s body, and he woke up. The monks in the monastery said, “You were dead for one night.” Guan then told the monks everything that had happened. 3. That is, to become Buddhist monks.

Several days later, he saw two earthen figurines in the Buddha hall. They were the left and right attendants of the Buddha and were the ones whom Guan had previously met. Guan hence dedicated his heart and concentrated his thoughts. He stayed and read the whole Buddhist canon, never slacking regardless of summer heat or winter cold. Several years later he returned to his own monastery. It was the fifteenth day of the fifth month in the second year of the Baoli reign (June 24, 826). During the Huichang H' H reign period (841-847), the emperor decreed the abolishment of all the Buddhist monasteries under heaven. Guan was also forced to return to lay life. He later arrived in Chang’an HiSC and, with his skills in aeromancy, became a house guest o f aristocrats and court officials. The things he spoke of always came true. I was once the vice magistrate of Lingyi district in Yizhou W\iN’l. While staying in the capital I heard this from Guan. —J. Choo Further Readings Matsunaga, Daigan and Alicia Matsunaga. The Buddhist Concept of Hell. New York: Philosophical Library, 1972. Teiser, Stephen F. The Scripture on the Ten Kings and the Making of Purgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1994.

“Yang Jingzhen”

Records ofthe Mysterious and Weird, Continued (XuXuanguai lu compiled by Li Fuyan

a (active mid-ninth century)

Introduction “Yang Jingzhen” is one of many accounts of the deeds o f women who were Daoist devotees to be preserved in Taiping guangji. Such women are typically described as radically unconventional, often beginning from childhood. They may wander about in the wilds (or even through the heavens), or enjoy access to and serve as messengers for deities, or attain unusually long lifespans, or possess other preternatural abilities. Their stories attest to contemporaneous belief in the human capacity for self-transformation through religious practice, often involving spells and rituals, meditation, techniques for controlling one’s breath, drugs or dietary restrictions, and other forms of austerity. Equally important, these narratives also suggest that Daoist devo­ tion and Daoist institutions offered women a rare alternative to ordi­ nary family life and the expectation that a woman’s responsibilities lay exclusively within her husband’s home. Daoist women are independent of familial authority, they are able to support themselves and protect themselves from would-be attackers, and they gain the respect of the communities in which they choose to live. In the narrative translated here, Yang Jingzhen explicitly disavows knowledge of any “Daoist arts,” but her journey to Mount Hua ill and Penglai her meeting with Lord Mao the Great Elder of the Immortals ^ jllj'fS , the clothing she is given, her mode o f travel, and her dietary restrictions all mark her experience as “Daoist.” The story’s structure, with its lengthy description of the immortal precincts Miss Yang visits, allows the reader to glimpse the potential rewards of Daoist devotion and practice. Yet where other contemporaneous accounts of Daoist women paint religious and domestic life as being at odds, and celebrate the Daoist woman’s escape from the restrictions of ordinary female existence, in “Yang Jingzhen” Miss Yang manages to satisfy conventional expectations

for female behavior within this world and engage in the self-cultivation that will ultimately allow her to transcend it.

Translation Yang Jingzhen was the daughter o f a peasant family from Tianxian Village Changshou Township -111#$$, Wenxiang District in Guozhou When she was seventeen she was married to Wang Qing iEtff of the same village. Her husband was from a poor family and labored in the fields. Miss Yang was most careful about her wifely duties, and her husbands family regarded her as a hard-working daughter-in-law. She was serene by nature, and she did not enjoy games or laughter. When she had free time, she would invariably clean out a quiet room, close the door and stay there in solitude. Even when the neighbor women were friendly toward her, she would never become sociable with them. She had borne three boys and one girl, and was twenty-four. On the night of the twelfth of the fifth month, in the twelfth year of the Yuanhe reign period (May 31, 817), she said to her husband, “My mind is rather uneasy and I can’t stand to hear human speech. I need to go into a quiet room to calm myself. Please stay in another room for a while with the children.” Her husband was tired from work­ ing in the fields, and was also sure that there was no one else, so he con­ sented to this without asking why.4 Miss Yang then bathed and washed her hair, and donned new clothing. She cleaned out her room, lit some incense, closed the door, and sat. At daybreak, her husband was surprised that she was late in rising, and opened the door to see her. Her clothes were discarded on the bed, like a cicadas shell, and her body had disappeared. He could only sense a strange fragrance filling the room. Her husband was alarmed and went _tO tell his parents, and they all sighed over this. Several other people came over and said, “Last night in the middle o f the night, heavenly music came from the west— it seemed to be in 4. I.e., with whom she might be having a secret assignation. This sentence is incorpo­ rated into the translation from the Song edition of Li Fuyans collection; in Taiping guangji it reads simply, “Her husband consented to this.”

a cloud and it came down at your house. The music played for a long time and then gradually ascended. The entire village heard it— did your family hear it?” The strange fragrance was also very strong and extended for several dozen li. The village clerk reported the matter to the magis­ trate, Li Han who sent both clerks and commoners out to search far and near, but no one could find a trace of her. He therefore ordered that her clothing not be touched and the door shut and ringed with brambles in the hopes that perhaps she would come back. On the night of the eighteenth Qune 6, 817), at the fifth watch (roughly 3:00 a.m. to 5:00 a.m.), the villagers once again heard the celestial music in the cloud, with the scent o f the strange fragrance, coming from the east. Once again it descended at the Wang house. The music played for a long time and then departed. None of the Wangs heard anything. At daybreak, when they went to look, the brambles at the doorway sealed it as before, but it sounded as if there were some­ one in the room. They immediately ran to tell District Magistrate Li Han, who personally led Buddhists and Daoists, officials and clerks to go together to open her door. There was the daughter-in-law, curled up on the bed. They sensed an aura from her face, and her appearance was extraordinary. Han asked her, “How did you leave before, and how did you come today?” She answered as follows: Earlier, on the fifteenth in the early evening, an immortal rode up and said, “You are going to ascend to be an immortal. A cloud and crane are about to arrive; you should await them in a quiet room.” So I requested the quiet room.5 At the third watch (roughly 11:00 p.m. to 1:00 a.m.), celestial musicians with colorful regalia, rainbow flags and crimson tallies, and phoenixes and cranes in profusion all descended in five clouds and entered into the room. A message-bearer came forward and said, “According to the registry you are suited to be an immortal. The immortal master sent me to welcome you. You will meet at the Western Sacred Mountain At this two brightly dressed lads carried in a jade chest containing unusual clothes, neither damask nor gauze, in the style of a Daoist’s clothing. They were precious and lovely, scented and clean— indescrib­ able— so I put them on. When I was done, the music played three 5. This sentence is added in from the Song edition. 6. This refers to Mount Hua ¥ d j.

times, and a blue-clad servant brought a white crane over and said, “You may ride this.” At first I was still afraid it would be precarious, but I tried mounting it, and it was stable beyond words. I flew up and the five clouds carried me away, with the colorful regalia leading in front. I arrived at Cloud Terrace Peak l U E ^ on Mount Hua. There was a boulder on top of the peak, with four women already sitting there. One woman said she was surnamed Ma H , and she was from Songzhou . Another was surnamed Xu and she was from Youzhou g&jM'l. Another was surnamed Guo J[5, and she was from Jingzhou Another was surnamed Xia 31, and she was from Qingzhou i=N'H. We were all becoming immortals that night, and were meeting together there. A young immortal to the side said, “Together abandoning emp­ tiness and illusion, you achieve true immortality. New names ought to be given to you now, and they should contain the word ‘zhen’ (truth).” Thereupon Ma was called Xinzhen fig (Believing truth), Xu was called Zhanzhen (Clear truth), Guo was called Xiuzhen Hj JpC (Cultivate truth), and Xia was called Shouzhen tTJC (Preserve truth). At this time clouds in five colors rose in profusion, covering the cliffs and valleys. Skilled musicians lined up, and played before us one after the other. The five of us congratulated each other, saying “We were born alike in the turbid world, all with common bodies. Then in an instant we’ve been released, and separated from the dust! What night is tonight, that we meet here in joy! We should each write a poem to express our thoughts.” Xinzhen’s poem went: How many kalpas to clear away troublesome thoughts?— to think that today, my body is only just perfected! I swear to withdraw beyond the clouds, and not abide in the secular world.

-'F' |h]tit Pal

Zhanzhen’s poem went:

lit IIIttt II

0 '/SilE S

Lovely and lissome, leaving the realm of dust, carefree, I ascend to Great Purity. Clothing of clouds never comes apart at the seams, traveling by crane, no distance is far.

Xiuzhen’s poem went: H. —f f

Mount Hua is not even three feet, the eastern sea is but a cup. I enter the clouds riding a colored phoenix, singing and dancing as I ascend to Penglai.

Shouzhen’s poem went: ll[{g {H i? tit I f- li

tf-SIU 0

Together we are the companions of cloud and mountain, all bidding farewell to the dust of the world. Quiedy contemplating the affairs o f days past, we discard the bodies of many years.

I, Jingzhen, also wrote a poem, which went: Attfc-fellfrflf IS

IS

The human world is but turmoil, my life there seems but a dream. Who could say that in this night, lowering my head Id see rosy clouds?

In a while a carved platter of precious fruits, whose names I didn’t know, was presented. Wondrous music rang out, the echoes stirring the cliffs and valleys. Shortly the tally-bearer7 said, “It is fitting that you should go to Penglai and call on the Great Elder of the Immortals.” We Five Zhens asked, “Who is the Great Elder of the Immortals?” He said, “Lord Mao.”8 The singers and musicians, phoenixes and cranes, again lined up in front to lead us east. In an instant we were already at Penglai. The palaces and towers were all gold and silver, and its flowers and trees, buildings and mansions, were all such as were never made in the human world. The Great Elder o f the Immortals lived amidst golden tow­ ers and jade halls, and his attendants and guards were most severe. When he saw us Five Zhens, he said in delight, “You’re finally here!” He served us drinks in jade cups, and presented us with golden books 7. Here referring to an authorized messenger. 8. Mao Ying along with his younger brothers Zhong M. and Gu were said to have cultivated the Dao and became immortals during the late Western Han.

and phoenix-patterned clothes, and caps of royal splendor. We were all allotted dwellings in the splendid courtyards of Penglai. The four of them went out, and I, Jingzhen, alone went forward and said, “Father Wang is advanced in age, with no one to serve him. I ask leave to return to serve him for his remaining years. When Father Wang passes away, then I will accept my fate, but I truly could not bear to receive such happiness and forget Father Wang. I hope the Immortal Elder will take pity on me.” The Immortal Elder said, “After a thousand years your village has finally produced an immortal, and it is fitting that you be among this assembly—don’t let yourself fall from this path.” He then bade the Four Zhens to escort me back home, and so I was able to return. District Magistrate Li Han asked her how she had cultivated herself in the past, and she said, “What does a village woman know? I am just tranquil by nature. When I had free time I would concentrate my spirit and sit, and vulgar cares were not able to enter my breast again. This is nature; it is not studied.” He also asked if she could leave, if she wanted to; she said, “I myself don’t possess Daoist arts— by what means could I go? When the clouds and crane come to meet me, then I can leave. If they do not come, then I have no art to summon them.” Thereupon she ceased relations with her husband, and dressed in a yellow cap.9 Han sent a report notifying the prefectural gov­ ernment, and the prefectural government notified the Investigation Commissioner. At that time Minister Cui served as the Surveillance Commissioner o f Shaanzhou Kfl'I .I0 He invited her to live in the Purple Ridgepole Palace in Shaanzhou, and asked Father Wang to a separate room. People were not allowed to go up the stairs— only the Surveillance Commissioner and his wife were permitted to do so. Those who came to pay her reverence could go just to the steps and no further; they couldn’t go up. The Surveillance Commissioner reported the matter, and Emperor Xianzong S tk (r. 805-820) o f the Tang summoned her and installed her in an inner palace. He examined her concerning the Dao, but she had nothing to say in response, and so he dismissed her.

9. Worn by Daoists. 10. In modern Henan M S .

Now she can be seen in Shaanzhou. All year long she does not eat. From time to time she has a bit of fruit or drinks two or three cups of ale; otherwise she eats nothing, and yet her complexion has become fresher. — S. M. Allen Further Readings Cahill, Suzanne E. Divine Traces of the Daoist Sisterhood. Magdelena, NM: Three Pines Press, 2006. Despeux, Catherine. “Women in Daoism.” In Livia Kohn, ed., Daoism Hand­ book. Leiden: Brill, 2000. Despeux, Catherine and Livia Kohn. Women in Daoism. Magdelena, NM: Three Pines Press, 2003.

“LuYong” Records o f Xuan Chamber (Xuanshi zhi compiled by Zhang D u 'yiHt (834-c. 886)

Introduction The focus of this story is a parasite that lives in the stomach of the story’s protagonist. Once extracted, however, the creature proves to be highly valuable, and propels the protagonist into a series of adventures that culminate in an oceanic exploration and a significant windfall. The parasite described in the story is suggestive of a Daoist conception of illness as described in medieval manuals for nourishing life. In this conception, variants of so-called “deathbringers” (shi M ) and worms

'

!„

(chong Hi) dwell inside the human body, and must be purged (through medicine, alchemy, and self-cultivation) to retain health.11 Beyond this connection, the story highlights a number of Tang cul­ tural practices in culinary history, geography, and trade. For example, this creature departs from depictions o f more conventional diseasebringing “worms” in that it consumes wheat flour. Wheat was grown in the region surrounding the Tang capital of Chang’an where this story takes place, and was a relative newcomer in the Chinese diet compared to much older grain staples like millet and rice.12As such, in the story wheat is given elaborate praise as something of a numinous grain— the fodder of all fodders. Part o f this tale’s fantastical nature also comes from its description o f an expanded geography: it puts the Southern Yue region and the maritime frontier on the map, so to speak. This is the region at the southern edge of the Tang empire that coincides with the modern prov­ ince of Guangdong iff )|C. It had been previously associated with miasmic vapors and ape-like inhabitants, and was a place to which officials from the central plains were exiled. However, by the second half of the ninth century when Zhang Du recorded this tale, fear was slowly giv­ ing way to fascination. While literati men still dreaded exile away from the central plains, they had also begun to compile treatises on its exotic flora and fauna.13 This tale is thus an imaginative extension of this kind of knowledge-making. The tale is also one of many narratives from this time that delight in the possibilities of the trade that flourished in the capital city’s formal and informal markets. The Confucian tradition regarded commercial activity with contempt and thought o f merchants as the embodi­ ment o f greed. Many stories in the Taiping guangji, however, por­ tray merchants in more complex ways, and feature both Han Chinese 11. For a discussion of a ninth- to tenth-century Daoist handbook illustrating this kind of “demonic entomology,” see Shih-shan Susan Huang, Picturing the True Form: Daoist Visttal Culture in Traditional China (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2012), 53-54. 12. Eugene N. Anderson, Everyone Eats: Understanding Food and Culture (New York: New York University Press, 2005), 86. See also Edward H. Schafer, “T ’ang,” in Food in Chinese Culture: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives, eds. Kwang-chih Chang and Eugene N. Anderson (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1977), 88-89. 13. Edward H. Schafer, The Vermilion Bird: T'ang Images o f the South (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1967).

and foreign merchants, the latter grouped under the generic label of hushangi^M (“western merchant”). This story takes up the topos of the western merchant who shows a knack for “recognizing treasure,” that is, identifying the surprising worth o f an otherwise ordinarylooking object.14To be sure, in Tang tales these foreign treasure-finders are reductive portrayals o f a range o f non-Han peoples doing business in Tang commercial centers who traded not only luxury goods and jewels, but also tea, silk, horses, and cattle. These cameo appearances, however simplistic, nonetheless hint at how much the merchants’ per­ ceived skills fascinated Chinese writers. In this particular instance, Lu Yong’s visitors tell him that they have “crossed oceans” and lived in Southern Yue “among the barbarians.” This detail is consistent with the fact that in the second half of the Tang, as sea-based trade routes flourished, diasporic communities o f Arab, Persian, and Indian mer­ chants emerged in the port city of Canton (Guangzhou), then known as Panyu H P I .15 This port on the maritime silk route was most likely the “Southern Yue” referred to by Lu Yong’s visitors. Finally, it is important to note that, despite the inclusion of exotic characters and superlative treasures, the underlying premise of the tale is nonetheless a familiar one. It is about the plight of a young man who tries to gain entrance into officialdom. During the Tang, young men such as our protagonist could do so by passing one of several civil ser­ vice examinations held in Chang’an. In the story, Lu Yong begins as an examination candidate hailing from the provinces, also known as a “trib­ ute student” (gongsheng who is tested for literary prowess and/ or his knowledge of the classics. After failing to pass the examination, he registers as a student in the Imperial Academy. Tang readers would understand the implication: he is going to retake the annual examina­ tion by staying in the capital. Enrolling in the Imperial Academy, which provided students with room and board, would have been a practical way to allow prospective examinees like Lu Yong to stay in the capital during this prolonged interval.

14. For another example of this kind of tale, see Victor Cunrui Xiong, trans., “Dou Yi, a Mid-Tang Businessman,” in Hawai'i Reader in Traditional Chinese Culture, eds. Victor Mair, Nancy Steinhardt, and Paul R. Goldin (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2005), 349-54. 15. Mark Edward Lewis, China’s Cosmopolitan Empire: The Tang Dynasty (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009), 161-63.

The civil service examinations matured during the Tang, and as an ever-evolving institution o f recruitment, would continue to oper­ ate until the beginning of the twentieth century. The tale of Lu Yong touches upon the perennial challenge this institution faced: how to recognize the value (or the talent) of a person and harness it for greater good. The story provides no definitive answer but offers an interesting alternative: Lu Yong stands out from other examination candidates, but ironically not for his literary skill. Similarly, the capital city of Chang’an in this story presents fabulous opportunities, but not o f the kind envi­ sioned by the architects of the recruitment system.

Translation Lu Yong of Wu Commandery lived in Changcheng For gen­ erations, his family had entered officialdom by passing the Clarifying the Classics (mingjing M ) examination. Yong had since childhood loved to eat flour-based foods. The more he ate, however, the thinner he became. When he grew up, he set off from his home prefecture as a tribute student, to take the civil service examinations administered by the Ministry of Rites. After failing the examination, he became a stu­ dent in the Imperial Academy in Chang’an. A few months after this, several westerners16 came to his door, bringing with them wine and food. Once seated, they eyed Yong and said, “We are from Southern Yue and have long dwelt among the bar­ barians. We heard that the academies o f the Son o f Heaven (tianzi ^ ~ ? ) 17 o f the Tang dynasty gather all the flourishing talents o f the realm, in order to transform the barbarians by way of its cultural accom­ plishments. Therefore, we crossed oceans and scaled mountains to come to the Central Kingdom ^ H — to behold the cultural splendor of the Imperial Academy. And you, sir— your cap so towering, your robes so .majestic,your appearance so dignified, your deportment so solemn— why, you are a veritable classical scholar o f the Tang court! This is why we seek out your friendship.” 16. The term hu (“westerner”) was a derogatory term for Central Asians, in particular Persians. See the discussion in the Introduction, p. 29. 17. The term “Son of Heaven” refers to the emperor.

Yong modestly replied, “I am fortunate to be on the registers of the Imperial Academy, but I have no other talent or skill— surely I don’t deserve your profound favor!” Thereupon they feasted and drank to their hearts’ content, and the guests left only after they had fully enjoyed themselves. Yong was a trusting and sincere gentleman, and didn’t think the group of westerners would deceive him. More than ten days later, the group of westerners came again, bear­ ing gifts of gold and silk to celebrate Yong’s birthday. Yong began to suspect that they had other motives, and steadfastly refused to accept them. The westerners said, “My good sir, living in Chang’an, you’re uneasy, and seem hungry and cold. That’s why we brought these gifts of gold and silk, no more than a day’s expense for your servant and mount, so that we may enjoy your company—what other motive could there be? Please don’t be suspicious of us.” Yong had no choice but to accept the gifts. After the westerners left, the other Imperial Academy students got wind of this news, and they all came and said to Yong, “Those western­ ers love profit more than their own lives. They wouldn’t think twice of murdering each other over something as trifling as salt and rice; why would they part with gold and silk for the birthday of a friend? Besides, the Imperial Academy is full of students; why are they so generous to you and you alone? You ought to hide out in the wild, to avoid another visit.” Yong duly went to stay temporarily by the Wei River iH zK, and barred himself inside the house. Just over a month later, the group o f westerners again came to visit— much to Yong’s astonishment. The westerners said to him with glee, “Previously, my good sir, because you were in the Imperial Academy, we could not fully speak our mind. Now you have secluded yourself in the outskirts— it is just as we wished.” Once seated, the westerners took Yong’s hand and said, “We didn’t come here by chance, but rather, we wish to ask you for a favor, and hope you will consent. What we ask of you, moreover, will certainly do you no harm, and yet will benefit us greatly.” Yong said, “I humbly await your instructions.” The westerners asked, “Do you like eating flour-based food?” Yong said, “I do.” They continued, “What’s been eating the flour-based food is not you, good sir, but rather a creature inside your stomach. Now we would like to present you with a pill; when you swallow it, you will disgorge

the creature. Then we will pay you a high price for it— would that be agreeable?” Yong said, “If that’s really the case, how could I refuse?” The westerners promptly gave him a shiny purple pellet and instructed him to swallow it. Before long, Yong disgorged a green crea­ ture two cun in length that resembled a frog. The westerners said, “This is called the ‘flour-devouring creature’: it is truly a rare treasure.” Yong asked, “How did you recognize this treasure?” The westerners said, “Each morning, we spotted the qi ^ o f a treasure: it emanated from inside the Imperial Academy, and rose all the way up into the sky. So we visited you there expressly to obtain it. But starting from a little over a month ago, we saw on a clear morning that the qi had shifted to above the Wei River— and indeed you had moved here. Moreover, this creature incorporates the harmonized qi endowed by heaven and earth. This is why it likes to eat flour: wheat is first sown in the autumn and only ripens in the following summer. It receives the complete qi of heaven and earth and that of the four sea­ sons—-this is why the creature loves its savor. You should feed it some flour; then you’ll see.” Yong then took a little over a peck of flour and set it in front of the creature; it instantly consumed it all. Yong inquired further, “What use does this creature have?” The westerners said, “All rare treasures in the world are endowed with harmonized qi; this creature is the most superb among them. When ‘grasping the root to obtain the extremities,’ can anything be too far away?” They placed the creature into a bamboo cup, locked it in a gold case, and instructed Yong to put it in his bedroom. They said to Yong, “We’ll come back tomorrow.” The next morning, the westerners arrived with ten double sedanchairs loaded with gold, jade, and silk worth tens of thousands o f cash. They presented these to Yong, then took the gold case and left. Yong became fabulously wealthy from this point on. He invested in real estate as a way to make a living. He ate exquisite cuisine daily, wore gleam­ ing clothing, roamed in the city o f Chang’an, and became known as a gallant. Just over a year later, the group o f westerners came yet again. They said to Yong, “Will you come with us to roam in the sea? We want to

hunt for rare treasures in the sea and dazzle the world with them. Are you not a gentleman who’s fond of the unusual?” Since Yong was already quite rich, and always had the leisure to indulge his whims, he went with the group of them to the sea. The west­ erners built shelters and lodged there. They put grease in a silver tripod, lit a fire underneath it, and tossed the flour-consuming creature into the tripod to refine it. For seven days they kept the fire going. Suddenly, a lad with parted hair in a blue-green jacket emerged from the sea holding a moon-shaped platter. On the platter were many pearls, each more than a cun in diameter. The lad came and presented them to the westerners. They scolded him loudly, and the lad, looking fearful, left with the platter. About the space of a meal after the lad left, a jade maiden of allur­ ing appearance in a blouse o f light gauze, who wore a jade pendant and pearl earrings, gracefully emerged from the sea. She held a purple jade platter on which were several dozen pearls. She came and presented them to the westerners. The westerners scolded her as well, and the jade maiden left with the platter. Soon after, an immortal, wearing a cap adorned with jasper and lapis lazuli and a cloak embroidered with the pattern of sunrise clouds, arrived. The immortal held a basket lined with a crimson kerchief con­ taining a single pearl about three cun in diameter. A marvelous light emanated from it, illuminating the surroundings for dozens o f paces. The immortal presented the pearl to the westerners, who accepted it with a smile. They told Yong happily, “The supreme treasure has arrived.” They then ordered the fire to be extinguished, retrieved the crea­ ture from the tripod and placed it in the gold case. Despite having been refined for so long, the creature was still hopping around as before. One of the westerners swallowed the pearl and said to Yong: “Come with me into the sea— there is nothing to fear.” Yong grasped the westerner s belt and followed him into the water. Wherever they went, the seawater parted widely for tens of paces. All of the scaly aquatic creatures scattered away. They roamed the dragons pal­ ace, entered the kraken’s chamber, and had their pick of the most pre­ cious of pearls and the most curious of treasures. After just one night, they had already gathered quite a lot. The westerners said to Yong, “Just these goods are already worth billions and billions.” When they were

done with their trip, they left Yong a few more precious shells. Yong sold all this in Southern Yue, receiving a thousand pounds of gold, and became even wealthier than before. In the end he never did enter offi­ cialdom, and lived to old age in the region o f Min I f and Yue j® .18 — L. Feng Further Readings Abramson, Marc S. Ethnic Identity in Tang China. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007. Hansen, Valerie. The Silk Road: A New History. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Lewis, Mark Edward. Chinas Cosmopolitan Empire: The Tang Dynasty. Cam­ bridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009. Whitfield, Susan. “The Merchants Tale,” in Life Along the Silk Road, 2nd edi­ tion. Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2015: 27-54. Worrall, Simon. The Lost Dhow: A Discovery from the Maritime Silk Route. Toronto: Aga Khan Museum, 2014. Xue, Pingshuan. “The merchants of Chang’an in the Sui and Tang dynasties.” Frontiers ofHistory in China 1.2 (2006): 254-75.

18. A portion of this translation and some discussion (in slightly different form) appear in Linda Rui Feng, City o f Marvel and Transformation: Changan and Narratives of Experience in Tang Dynasty China (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2015).

“M aster Yang”

Accounts of Sympathetic Encounters with Divinities and Transcendents (Shenxian ganyu zhuan compiled by Du Guangting

(850-933)

Introduction This story is a “return from death” narrative that reveals a bureaucratic understanding of the afterlife. The tale centers on the transmission of an alchemical formula capable o f restoring souls to life and touches on the themes of merit accumulation and reciprocity. This particular account is named after the main protagonist, a eunuch surnamed Yang, who returned from an underworld encounter following his early demise at age eighteen. Several medieval anomaly accounts (zhiguai explain untimely death as the result of a summons to appear before an under­ world tribunal responsible for evaluating the deceaseds potential as a civil servant in the postmortem bureaucracy; others depict the deceased as a defendant brought to face trial in the chthonic courts o f the after­ life. In this case, we are not informed why Yang died. Just when it seems that Yang is destined to remain in the stygian realm, his unfortunate fate is reversed when an unnamed advocate suc­ ceeds in persuading the underworld official that Yang should be restored to life. We never learn the identity o f Yang’s otherworldly patron, who in addition to mounting a moving defense on Yang’s behalf provides him with cash and (apparently) a recipe for concocting an elixir capable o f returning others to life. While Master Yang does not appear to have any special abilities that would merit such preferential treatment, this mysterious denizen of the underworld apparently sees something in Yang that eludes the reader. The advocate’s only request for his services is that Yang search for a “Sounding Sand Bow” (mingshagong ^§) with which to repay him. Although not entirely clear, it seems that loose sand may have been inserted into a hollowed-out space prepared in the bow wood. This preparation would have produced a sound {ming RJ|) as the “moving sand” (zousha J&l'p) shifted about inside the wood. Bows were used since ancient times by exorcists to expel noxious spirits from

tombs and homes;19 perhaps Master Yang’s patron desired a “Sounding Sand Bow” as a weapon against demonic forces in the underworld. We can only speculate. At the outset of the story, the narrator identifies Master Yang as a eunuch. However, it is difficult to determine why this information is significant. Eunuchs did wield considerable power during the Tang dynasty; benefiting from their close proximity to the emperor, some eunuchs became the trusted confidants o f the sovereign. They were involved in managing palace affairs and, despite opposition from mem­ bers of the official class, came to play a role in military and civil admin­ istration.20 As an eighteen-year-old youth, Yang would have been too young to exercise such power, but neither would he have been embroiled in the machinations of court politics. Perhaps Yang’s underworld advo­ cate spoke up on his behalf because he realized that Yang was not yet entangled in the factional struggles at court. Furthermore, as a eunuch, Yang would be less restricted by family obligations. Thus he might more easily dedicate his efforts to attaining a “Sounding Sand Bow.” Yang’s underworld advocate apparently understood that provid­ ing the young man with the recipe for a “soul-returning elixir” (fanhun dan would increase the likelihood that Yang would success­ fully locate the bow. The wealth and property accumulated by Master Yang as the result of his generous use o f the elixir was not intended to facilitate a life of ease. Instead, it allows him to extract himself from worldly responsibilities and dedicate his energy to attaining spiritual merit and to finding the coveted weapon. While the bow initially proves elusive, Yang does transmit several opulent dwellings to the underworld by incinerating small replicas. Eventually, he succeeds in acquiring the bow and repays his debt to his underworld patron by setting it aflame.

19. See Donald Harper, “A Chinese Demonography of the Third Century B.C.,” HarvardJournal o f Asiatic Studies 45.2 (1985): 493. 20. SeveralTang emperors employed eunuchs as confidential agents, envoys, and super­ visors. According to C. A. Peterson, during and after the An Lushan 5Scll£lll rebellion (755-763), eunuchs were considered “the thrones most trustworthy liaison men with the military,” even weighing in on the appointment of new governors and occasionally conducting military operations. See Denis C. Twitchett, ed., The Cambridge History o f China, vol. 3: Sui and T ’ang China (589-906), Part 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979): 512-13. See also Michael T. Dalby’s comments about the vari­ ous roles played by Tang eunuchs (ibid., 571-74).

This brief narrative actually contains three examples of men who earn religious merit through healing others with pills formed from the elixir. In addition to Master Yang, his associate, a man surnamed Xiahou M M , and Master Yang’s adopted son Xuan are all portrayed as ben­ efiting from the power of the potent elixir. By merely mentioning that he has consumed a single dose, Xiahou is able to bypass death. After consuming more o f the elixir he petitions a pair o f “Daoist adepts” (daoshi i H i ) who held positions in the otherworld bureaucracy located beneath Mount Tai M ill (the sacred peak of the east) for the right to change his name.21 This name change was perhaps meant to reflect his new spiritual achievements and to demonstrate that he had entered the ranks of the transcendents. Yang Xuan, for his part, earns merit by using the elixir to restore the life o f a young boy. The account ends by informing the reader that Master Yang has guarded the recipe and procedure for concocting the elixir so closely that no one has learned his technique. This is typically how esoteric knowledge or precious gifts received from divinities or spiritual superi­ ors are treated in Daoist narratives.

Translation Master Yang was a eunuch. His given name has been lost. When he was seventeen years old, he was taken into custody by an underworld official. Despite no apparent illness, he died. After only a few days, he revived, and related his story. When Yang arrived at the underworld, there were government offices and subordinate officials no different from what we have in this world.22 The underworld official took the documents associated with his case and showed them to him. He saw his given name and courtesy

21. See Gil Raz, “Daoist Sacred Geography,” Early Chinese Religion, Part 2: The Period o f Division (220-589 AD), eds. John Lagerwey and Lii Pengzhi (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 1399-1442. 22. A bureaucratic view of the underworld had already developed by the Warring States period; see Donald Harper, “Resurrection in Warring States Popular Religion,” Taoist Resources 5, no. 2 (1994): 13-28; and Jeffrey Riegel, “Kou-mang and Ju-shou,” Cahiers dExtreme-Asie 5 (1989-1990): 53-83.

name, one after the other, and that his lifespan was seventeen years and no more. Yang, for his part, had no words for petitioning for special treatment. But a man nearby pleaded on Yang’s behalf, seeking permis­ sion for him to be restored to life. The man expressed himself most ear­ nestly, and after long consideration, the underworld official allowed it, ordering that Yang be returned to the realm of the living. The man who had argued his case so effectively escorted Yang sev­ eral hundred paces. When they were about to part, Yang sheepishly thanked him saying, “I do not know how to repay you for the kindness of restoring me to life.” He asked what he wanted. The man said, “If you can present me with a ‘Sounding Sand Bow,’ then the debt would be repaid.” He then gave Yang a string o f more than a hundred large copper cash. At that moment, Yang suddenly awoke, feeling normal and with no ill effects. From that time on Yang went in search o f a “Sounding Sand Bow,” but he could not locate one. Occasionally he would construct small palaces and homes, burning them to repay the man. He did this several times. Yang also set his heart on mastering the art of furnace and caul­ dron, and fixed his will on producing cinnabar and mineral recipes.23 He was able to concoct a “soul-returning elixir.” If anyone perished due to plague or sudden illness, Yang would take a single pill of the elixir and, forcing open the victims mouth, wash it down. The person would then immediately revive. In this manner he delivered several people from death. A eunuch surnamed Xiahou obtained five elixir pills from Yang. Yang warned him that in dire circumstances he should swallow only a single pill. One morning Xiahou became ill. His condition worsened and became life threatening. He took out a single pill and swallowed it. Suddenly he was pursued and taken away by an underworld official. While undergoing interrogation he explained that he had previously taken a single pill of Master Yang’s elixir. The underworld official there­ upon escorted him back to the land of the living. Having benefited from the elixir’s effects, Xiahou took all four remaining pills upon reviving. A little more than a year later, he was pursued again and detained by a man clad in yellow who said that it was not the bureaucracy of the underworld but the bureaucracy of Mount Tai that was seeking him. Xiahou went with him. Upon reaching the 23. In other words, Master Yang dedicated himself to concocting alchemical elixirs.

base o f a high mountain he saw a palace. When he reached the gate, he met two Daoist adepts who questioned him regarding the events of his life. He answered their questions one after the other. He calmly explained, “I have previously ingested five of Master Yang’s cinnabar pills.” The Daoist adepts then commanded that he be returned to the world of the living. Xiahou in taking leave said, “I have attained the power of the divine elixir, extending my years and continuing my lifemandate. I would like to change my name to Yan jtH [“Prolonged”]; is this all right?” The Daoist adepts permitted it. Upon returning to life, he changed his name to Yan. Yang personally investigated the numinous efficacy of the elixir, and often used it to rescue people from death. His adopted son Xuan once walked more than twenty li before it was even light when he was returning from the fields and settlements administered by the state to the capital. Resting in an upper room o f a large villa, he suddenly heard an alarming cry and the sound o f sobbing from within the villa. He inquired about the cause, and discovered that the host’s son had sud­ denly died. Xuan loosened his sash and extracted a single cinnabar pill, ordering that it be ground and washed down the boy’s throat. After a long while the boy revived. Yang’s possessions and property were sufficient that he retired early from his responsibilities and followed his will in leisure and freedom. The only labor he performed was to produce the metallic and mineral elixir. He never once contracted illness and passed away at age ninetyseven. In his later years, he encountered a man holding a bow. When he asked its name, the man replied, “This is a ‘Sounding Sand Bow’; in the bow, beneath its horned surface, is shifting sand.” Yang purchased it and burned it in order to recompense the man who had come to his rescue. As for his “soul-returning elixir” formula, they say the one who initially saved him from the underworld bestowed it on him. However, because he compounded it by himself in secret, no one was able to learn his technique. — T. Davis

Further Readings Campany, Robert Ford. “Return-from-Death Narratives.” Journal of Chinese Religions 18 (1990): 91-125. Campany, Robert Ford. “Living off the Books: Fifty Ways to Dodge Ming in Early Medieval China.” In Christopher Lupke, ed., TheMagnitude c/Ming: Command, Allotment and Fate in Chinese Culture. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2005: 129-50. Dudbridge, Glen. Religious Experience and Lay Society in T’ang China: A Read­ ing ofTai Fu’s Kuang-i Chi. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge Univer­ sity Press, 1995. Pregadio, Fabrizio. Great Clarity: Daoism andAlchemy in Early Medieval China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006. Sivin, Nathan. ChineseAlchemy: Preliminary Studies. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1968. Verellen, Franciscus. “Encounter as Revelation: ATaoist Hagiographic Theme in Medieval China.” Bulletin de L’Ecolefrangaise d'Extreme-Orient 85 (1998): 363-84.

A p p e n d ix 1 : T a l e s O r g a n iz e d b y C h r o n o l o g y

Tang Dynasty (618-907) R e ig n

P e r io d

Tale

Zhenguan

627-650

“Yao Hong” WSk

Kaiyuan §§7C

713-742

“Vice Magistrate of Liuhe District” “The Woman in the Carriage” “Tang Xuan” Jfflg “Cao Weisi” W f t S

Guangde

763-765 765-766

“Xiao Yingshi” I f “MingSiyuan”

Dali JzM

766-780

“DouYu” * ^

Jianzhong M 41

780-784

Yongtai 77