Taking It to the Streets: Qualitative Research into Journalism 9781410609557, 0805843981, 080584399X, 9780805843989, 1410609553

Table of contents :
Contents
Foreword
Preface
About the Contributors
Part I
Part II
Glossary
Author Index
Subject Index.

Citation preview

Q u a lita tiv e R ese a rch in J o u rn a lis m Ta k i n g It t o t h e S t r e e t s

Q u a lita tiv e R e se a rc h in J o u r n a l i s m T a k in g It t o t h e S tr e e ts

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

Q u a lita tiv e R esearch in J o u rn alism Taking It to the Streets

Edited by

Sharon H artin Iorio Wichita State University

3 Routledge Taylor & Francis Group New York London

Copyright © 2004 by Lawrcncc Erlbaum Associates, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by photostat, microform, retrieval system, or any other means, without prior written permission of the publisher. First publis he d by

Lawrcncc Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers 10 Industrial Avenue Mahwah, NJ 07430 This edition published 2011 by Routlcdgc Rout ledge Tay lor & Francis Group 711 Third Avenue New York, N Y 10017

Routledge Taylor & Francis Group 2 Park Square, Milton Park Abingdon, Oxon O X 1 4 4RN

Cover design by Kathryn Houghtaling Lacey Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Qualitative research in journalism : taking it to the streets /edited by Sharon Hartin Iorio. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8058-4398-1 (cloth : alk. Paper) ISBN 0-8058'4399-X (pbk.: alk. paper) PN4784.R38T35 2003 070.407*2—dc21

2003046235 CIP

The editor dedicates this volum e to the journalists who provided interview s, gave their time to this project in countless ways, and work daily to provide accurate inform ation to the general public

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

C o n te n ts

Foreword—Jay Rosen Preface A bout the Contributors P art I Q u alitativ e M ethod Jo u rn alism — Sharon Hartin lorio C o n n e cte d R esearch : T h e C h icago Sch ool P reced en t— Lewis A. Friedland and Kathryn B. Campbell T h e C h an gin g N ew s Paradigm : From O bjectivity to Interpretive Sufficien cy— Clifford G. Christians Part II Q u alitativ e C ase Study M eth o ds in N ew sroom R esearch and R eporting: T h e C ase o f the Akron Beacon Journal— Tanni H aas Focus G roups N ew sroom Style— Susan Willey O ral and Life H istories: G iving Voice to the V oiceless— Renita Coleman

viii

CO N T EN TS

7

Focused Interviews— Sharon Hartin lorio

109

8

Ethnographic Jo urnalism — Janet M. C ram er and Michael M e Devitt

127

9

Inventing Civic M appin g— Kathryn B. Cam pbell

145

10

Textual Analysis in Journalism — John L. “Ja c k ” Morris

163

11

Scientists and Storytellers: T h e Imperative of Pairing Q u alita tive and Qu an titative A p proac h es in C om m u n ic a tion R esearch — Swsan Schultz Huxm an and Mike Allen

175

12

Academic/P rofessional Partnerships: N ew sroom s and C om m u n ity— Ja n Schaffer

193

Glossary

213

Author Index

227

Subject Index

233

F o re w o rd

W hen I look over the landscape o f journalism today, I see chan ges that are al­ m ost geological in kind— the plates are shifting, the con tinen t grinds in m otion. Fam iliar features arc still there, hut from basin to range there are strange form a­ tions, and new aspects appear. Below the surface m uch goes on. T h e ground rises where before there was nothing to build on. O ld ground cracks and sinks. T h e h ard est problem in journ alism today may be to m ap it, to draw borders aroun d the practice and define w hat’s w ithin or beyond. Is there an audience for serious news? O n e o f the ways we struggle is to m ap the space av ailab le for jo u r­ nalism . T h e im agined line betw een “ new s” and “e n tertain m en t” is another. D o es the border sep aratin g journ alism from other creative treatm en ts o f real­ ity by the m edia com plex run through coun ties, or through com pan ies, or se c ­ tion s o f the new spaper, portion s o f the b ro ad cast sch edule, segm ents in the Today Show ? Probably it runs through in dividu als— jo u rn alists— producers of news who sway one way, then an oth er; feel com m ercial pressure, resist it, m ake space for them selves and for journ alism , then lose it, regain it here, give it up over there. W here is jou rn alism in a com pan y like the A m erican n ew sp a­ per giant, G an n e t, w hich is som etim es d evoted to the practice with, let us say, h alf a heart? W here is “jou rn alism ” in th at scream in g em pire know n as Fox? Som ew h ere in the m ix. D ifficulties in saying who is a journalist m ake for unstable ground in the prac­ tice. W h en did form er political operative Tim Russert becom e one, and why is N e t gossip M att D rudge not one? We may be used to questions like that. But now with the Internet the possibility o f opening a solo practice in journalism has returned, and we are little used to that. Put up a website with good reporting and com m entary and you may be successfully practicing journalism , even though no ix

X

FO R EW O R D

one said you could. In M arch o f 2003, former N ew York Daily News reporter Chris A llbritton, operating on his own, snuck over the Turkish border into Iraq and filed reports about the war to his website for readers anywhere in the world. M att D rudge is easy to recognize as a type from the past, A llbritton is not. W ho funded him? R eaders did— rem arkable people who contributed over $10,000 to his plan o f work. W ho edited and published him? H e him self did. W ho distrib­ uted his reports? T h e Internet did. W hy did he do it? He w anted to report inde­ pendently on the w ar and proved him self up to it. W hich executive in the m edia com plex said, “G o be a journalist for us?” N o one. W ho set up the laws o f a free press under which he operated? T h ere were n one; it was a state o f war. W ho is m ore independent than Chris A llbritton? Certainly no one working for Time m agazine or C N N . Journalism : It’s getting harder to m ap it, to fix it in the fram e for scrutiny and analysis. A round the year 2000, where on the globe was there a free press, and therefore the possibility o f real journalism (the kind a dem ocracy starves w ith­ out), and where was there not? T h a t con tin ent started tipping in 1989 and drifts more every day. We know that in a given nation, the press is not necessarily free or not free, and a phrase like semi-free does not help. W hen there is journalism only because som e have the courage to report and publish in a situation o f high danger and m urderous threat, the practice is indistinguishable from rebellion and underground politics. O n the oth er hand, when a free and responsible press in an open society is forced to report news o f a terror strike, an d o f a possible terror strike, and of the state o f alert w hen som eon e in the govern m en t thinks there m ight be a terror strike, thus bringing on som e o f the psychic disruption for w hich terror­ ist acts arc un dertak en in the first p lace; w hen this h appens to us via news re­ ports from our own profession als, doin g their job ... the practice o f journ alism by som e is indistinguishable from the practice o f violence by oth ers, even though jou rn alists do no violen ce them selves and obey all their e th ical codes. Below the surface m uch goes on. I doub t th at A m erican journ alism , if it h as a soul (and w hat serious profession al thinks it h as n ot?), has the sam e soul from before Sep tem b er 1 1 ,2 0 0 1 . Jo u rn a lism : T h e thing is in flux, in a degree gre ater th an u sual. In order for peop le to h ave jo u rn alism , care ab o u t it, atte n d to it, an d b enefit from it, they first h ave to think o f th em selv es as a public with both the right and the need to know w h at’s going on in the w orld. T h e person who h as n eed for new s rep ortin g (and all the fe atu re s, an alysis, an d com m en tary th at su r­ ro u n ds it) lives for som e p ortion o f the day in h isto rical tim e, on e prem ise o f w hich is the possibility o f affectin g history th rough in d iv id u al and d e m o ­ cra tic c h o ice . W h ere th at possibility sp read s, jo u rn alism c an alw ays find new

FO R E W O R D

x i

g ro u n d ; w here th e p o ssib ility o f d e m o c r a tic c h o ic e d ie s, jo u rn a lism to o g o es d e a d . B u t the p u b lic c a n go d e a d ju st by c e a sin g to c arc a b o u t the w orld o u t ­ sid e ; an d it m igh t if jo u rn a lists arc n o t sm a rt, se n sitiv e , an d a ttu n e d to the p ro b lem s o f real p e o p le . *

*

5jC *

W hy should we assu m e, as Qualitative Research In Journalism does, th at social scien ce and the tools o f ac a d e m ic research h ave an ything to teach journ alism ? T h e b asic reason , I thin k, is th at these people are in the sam e busin ess. S ch o lars try to u n derstan d the w orld an d the people in it. Jo u rn alists try to do the sam e thing. It’s a h ard problem , so they b oth need all the help they can get. Two p ro fessio n als alive to the sam e q u e stio n (W h a t’s really go in g on o u t th ere?) c an ob viou sly in stru ct e ach other. T h u s, so c ia l scie n c e , if it’s any g o od, m u st h av e sm art th in gs to tea ch jo u rn alism a b o u t how b e tte r to u n d e rstan d p eop le an d the larger pub lic w orld. O n e prem ise o f this b ook is th a t. A m o n g the m any sm art th in gs d iscu sse d are fo cu s g ro u p s tu rn ed n ot to sellin g b ut to g rasp in g th in gs like the lives o f citizen s or the h ea lth o f the com m u n ity; in te r­ view in g layered and cu t for civic c o n te x t, n ot ju st q u o te s; q u e stio n n a ire s w ith id eas in side th em ; d iscip lin ed o b se rv a tio n n ot only o f the e x c e p tio n a l b u t o f the typ ical; com m u n ity m a p p in g sh ow in g asse ts as well as prob lem s; e th n o g ra ­ phy in the serv ice o f b e tter an d m ore diverse rep o rtin g ; oral history as co u sin to the new s; in te rp re tatio n as the in e v itab le , n o t the o c c a sio n a l th in g in jo u r ­ n alism ; the v irtu e s o f the c ase stud y in so cial scie n ce for the re la te d p rac tic e o f e x p la n ato ry jo u rn a lism . T h e au th o rs re p re se n te d h ere, m any o f w hom h ave w orked in n ew sroom s, set o u t to prove th at a c a d e m ic re se arc h can in deed tea c h jo u rn alism a b o u t how to u n d e rstan d w h at’s go in g on o u t th ere. T h e y su c c e e d m arvelou sly in th at. B ut is the reverse p roposition equally true? I think it is. Jo u rn a lists h ave very good lesso ns to offer acad em ics, those o f us w ho study new s p rodu ctio n . T h e m ost im portan t thin g jo u rn alists can teach sch olars, research ers, acad em ic c rit­ ics (and even public ph ilosoph ers) is how to be useful— useful to jou rn alism , but also to com m u n ities, publics, an d n ation s. I n ever knew if my ow n ideas ab ou t “ public jou rn alism ” w ere crack ed , profes­ sionally speakin g, until I tried to m ake them useful to busy people who had n ew spapers to put o u t and b ro a d c asts to assem ble ... by d ead lin e th at day. S im i­ larly, I found it im possible to know w hich o f the m any p o ten t co n stru cts an d re­ search stream s in m odern social scien ce h ad the p o te n tial actually to im prove jou rn alism until the editors and I tried to m ake such literatu re useful at, say, a sta ff retreat for the Virginian-Pilot, a daily in N orfolk , V A (R osen , 1999, ch ap.

x ii

FO REW O RD

4 ). I learn ed a lot w hen I d iscovered th at new s reporters and desk editors found the acad em ic notion o f “ fram in g” a useful idea w hen they w ere trying to ch an ge the way they reported on routin e public con troversy (Iyengcr, 1991; N e u m an , Ju st, & Crigler, 1992). T h e y could ask novel qu estio n s like, “ H ow do we usually fram e this sto ry ?” or, “ W ait a m in ute, can we re-fram e this sto ry ?” In fact, they did ask those qu estio n s, and started ch an gin g their w ork with the answ ers. (Fram ing ... w ho w ould h ave know n?) To try to be useful w hen the plates are shifting, the groun d is crackin g, and the global fight is on for the freedom to rem ain a jo u rn alist— this is a discipline worth h aving. T h e essays reported here stay w ithin th at discip lin e, som etim es called pragm atism , an d this is w hat m akes them differen t an d v alu ab le. “ T h is line o f w ork is bein g tran sfo rm ed ,” w rites S h aro n Iorio in her com pellin g o v e r­ view. I could n ot agree m ore. —Ja y Rosen N ew York University

REFERENCES Iyengar, S. ( 1 9 9 1 ) . Is anyone respon sible! H o w television fram es political issues. C h i c a g o : U n i v e r sity o f C h i c a g o . N e u m a n , W. R ., J u s t , M. R ., &. C rigler, A . N ., ( 1 9 9 2 ) C o m m o n know ledge: N ew s an d the co n ­ struction o f political m eaning. C h i c a g o : U n iv e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o . R o s e n , J. ( 1 9 9 9 ) . W hat are jou rn alists for? N e w H a v e n , C T : Yale U n i v e r s i t y Pr ess.

Preface

T h e idea for this project em erged from a discussion am ong professors and pro­ fessional journalists who assem bled in the year 2001. T h e settin g was the n a­ tional m eeting o f the A ssociation for E ducation in Journalism and M ass C om m u nication in W ashington, D .C . In one o f the discussions held at the m eeting, both the professional journ alists and the professors in atten dan ce found them selves in agreem ent. T h ey recognized a pressing and increasing need, w hether driven by technology or other change, for tech n iques to help journ alists better con n ect with the daily lives o f individuals. Both groups were interested in ways to im prove reporting, particularly political and social-issues coverage. M any o f them shared an oth er com m on bond, their interest in news that links peop le’s personal concerns and stim ulates public un derstanding— in other words, the practices o f civic-p ublic journalism . A s the discussion developed , the professional jou rn alists who described new reportin g tech n iques being im plem ented in their new sroom s were struck by the professors’ responses. T h e professors perceived the work o f the profes­ sion als not so m uch as new tech n iques but o n es directly related to research m eth odo logies in existen ce for d e cad e s. B oth groups were intrigued. In a c a ­ dem ic circles, the con tribu tion s o f journ alism to qu alitative research m eth od ­ ologies in the social scien ces were widely know n. O n the oth er hand, the jou rn alists knew little ab ou t this relation sh ip, and n eith er group ap peared to u n derstan d the results o f applying and ad aptin g qu alitative (in terpretative) m eth ods to current new sroom p ractices. xiii

xiv

PREFACE

Both groups wanted to know more. They began to ask questions. How closely did the reporting m ethods described by the journalists com pare to spe­ cific qualitative methodologies used by social scientists? How do these qualita­ tive methods differ from quantitative or statistical methods that journalists use daily in their work? How extensively are qualitative m ethods being used in newsrooms? W hat makes these techniques valid as reporting tools? Reliable? Sufficient to meet the requirements of objective news reporting? A re there pre­ cedents for this kind o f reporting? O verall, what exactly do reporters need to know about using qualitative research in journalism? Responses to the questions raised form the basis of this multiauthored volume and the reason for its publication. The aim of the volume is to show ways that news coverage is expanded and enhanced through the use of qualitative methods devel­ oped in the social sciences. Chapters 1 through 3 provide background for an under­ standing of qualitative research methods, their historical bond to news reporting and writing, and their relationship to the traditions of objectivity in media. C h ap­ ters 4 through 10 each describe a particular qualitative methodology— oral and life histories, textual analysis, focused interviews, ethnography, focus groups, civic mapping, and case studies— and show how each is being used in newsrooms. C h ap­ ter 11 demonstrates the results of pairing qualitative and quantitative methods, and Chapter 12 explains ways academics and professional journalists can form partner­ ships for newsroom research and street reporting. While this volume is written for a general audience of those interested in the craft of journalism, it is important, at the outset, to make a brief statement about the volume’s intellectual orientation. First, the work presented here develops from the premise that the major forms of empirical research in the social sciences are related and benefit each other. Rather than holding either qualitative (interpretative) methods or quantitative (statistical) methods to be superior to the other, the ap­ proach here is that for some projects qualitative research is best, for others quantita­ tive research works better, for still others multiple qualitative and quantitative methods are needed. Moreover, explanatory power is strongest when a full range of appropriate methods is employed. While this conceptualization is growing in ad­ herents, it is far from universal among social scientists, most of whom work within and advocate the sufficiency of either qualitative or quantitative research. Understanding the standpoint from which the co-authors’ view research is im­ portant because it informs another perspective o f the chapter authors, most of whom are affiliated with civic-public journalism. This viewpoint is that the role of media in society is not and cannot be truly objective. The conceptualization here is that, like the most useful research projects, the best journalism employs an array of reporting techniques. Traditional reporting, however, cannot suffice for the full range of skills necessary for complete news coverage in today’s interactive and

xv

PR EFA C E

global m edia environm ent. T h e individual journalist’s personal perspective, the culture o f his or her newsroom, and the mission o f the m edia organization as an employer— all influence the choice o f reporting m ethods. T h e goal o f the authors o f this volum e is not to advocate any one m ethod overall but to present a range o f strategies for valid and reliable coverage. T h is volum e is w ritten for journ alists and those who hope to becom e jou rn al­ ists. Step-by-step instructions are provided to readers interested in using one or more o f the qualitative m ethodologies presented here in their own work. E xten ­ sive exam ples from published news stories are em bedded throughout the ch ap­ ters, as well as inform ation gathered from interview ing journ alists who use qualitative journalism in their own reporting. T h e authors provide a full and d e­ tailed discussion o f qualitative m eth ods in journalism with specific illustrations drawn from contem porary newsrooms.

ACKNOW LEDGM ENTS T h is volum e is m ade possible by the authors whose work it includes. T h e 12 friends and colleagues who prepared the chapters that follow worked ably and quickly to m eet the rapid deadlines and respond to requests for revisions. D ue to the expertise o f the contributors, this was an easy volum e to edit in many ways. M any people m ade this volum e possible. C arrie W yatt, my assistan t, helped the project in im m easurable ways, and I want to thank Sh an n on L ittlejohn who edited the early drafts. I owe special gratitude to Dr. W illiam Bischoff, dean o f Fairm ount College o f Liberal A rts and Scien ces at W ichita S tate U niversity for his support o f this research and to the colleagues who work in his office for their patience and assistance with the project. T h e Pew C en ter for C ivic Journalism provided som e o f the graphics that enhance this work and is thanked for that contribution. T h e reviewers provided useful com m ents and suggestions. Linda Bath gate, com m un ication s editor at Law rence Erlbaum A ssociates, graciously guided this book through the publication process. Editorial A ssistan t Karin W ittig B ates was especially helpful, and Book Production Editor M ariann a Vertullo faithfully oversaw every production detail. T h is acknow ledgm ent would not be com plete w ithout m entioning the m em bers o f the Civic Jo u rn al­ ism Interest G roup o f the A ssociation for E ducation in Journalism and M ass C om m u nication . T h e inspiration for this volum e sprang from the group's activi­ ties. T h eir continued com m itm ent to teaching professional skills and disciplin­ ary knowledge within the con text o f dem ocratic service to society is exemplary. — Sharon Hartin lorio Wichita State University

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

About t h e C o n trib u to rs

M ike Allen (PhD, M ichigan State University) is a professor and the director o f forensics in the D epartm ent of C om m unication at the U niversity of W isconsin-M ilw aukee. His publications address issues of social influence in the con text o f interpersonal, organizational, and m ass m ediated com m un ica­ tion. He has published three books and more than 80 articles in journals such as Communication Monographs, Law and Human Behavior, Communication The­ ory, Criminal justice and Behavior, Evaluation & the Health Professions, and A r­ gumentation and Advocacy. Kathryn B. C am pb ell (PhD, University o f W isconsin-M adison) is a visiting assistant professor at the University of O regon, where she teaches in the newseditorial sequence, coordinates an endowed internship program, and directs a summer journalism workshop for minority high school students. For nearly a decade, she has been actively involved in the research and practice o f civic jour­ nalism with a special interest in cross-disciplinary community studies. Clifford Christians (PhD, University of Illinois) is a research professor of com m unications in the Institute of C om m unications Research at the U niver­ sity of Illinois-Urbana. He is the author or co-author of six books, am ong them Media Ethics: Cases and Moral Reasoning (with M ark Fackler, Kim Rotzoll, and Kathy M cKee, 6th ed. 2001), Good News: Social Ethics and the Press (with John Ferre and M ark Fackler, 1993), Communication Ethics and Universal Values (with M ichael Traber, 1997), and Moral Engagement in Public Life: Theorists for Con­ temporary Ethics (with Sharon Bracci, 2002). His teaching and research inter­ ests include the philosophy o f technology, dialogic com m unication theory, and professional ethics. xv ii

xviii

A BO U T T H E C O N TRIBU TO R S

Ja n e t M . C ra m e r (PhD, U niversity o f M innesota) is an assistan t professor in the D epartm ent o f C om m unication and Journalism at the U niversity of New M exico. Her research is developed from a historical perspective and fo­ cuses on the issues of gender, race, and class in m edia. C ram er is a former broadcast journalist who also has worked in public relations and advertising. She has written several book chapters and has published in Journalism & M ass Communication Monographs. R en ita C o lem an (PhD, University of Missouri) is an assistant professor at the M anship School of M ass Com m unication at Louisiana State University. She worked as a reporter, editor, and designer for 15 years at newspapers includ­ ing the Raleigh (North Carolina) News & Observer and the Sarasota (Florida) Herald-Tribune. A m ong her publications are articles in Newspaper Research Jour­ nal, Journalism & Mass Communication Educator, Journal of Health Communica­ tion, and Journal of Communication Inquiry. Lew is A . Friedlan d (PhD, Brandeis University) holds the rank o f professor in the Sch ool o f Journalism and M ass C om m unication at the University of W isconsin-M adison , where he directs the C en ter for C om m unication and Dem ocracy. A former broadcast journalist, Friedland is the co-auth or with C arm en Sirianni o f Civic Innovation in America (2001) and co-edits the Civic Practices Network. He has published artic les on the subject o f m edia and com ­ munity life in a variety o f journals including Communication Research and M e­ dia, Culture & Society. He contributed to the book, M ass Media, Social Control and Social Change. T anni H a a s (PhD, Rutgers University) is an assistan t professor in the D e­ partm ent o f Speech C om m unication A rts & Scien ces at Brooklyn College. His research on the theory and practice o f public journalism , journalism codes o f ethics, organizational com m unication ethics, and qualitative research m ethods has appeared in Communication Theory, Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics, Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism, Journalism Studies, Journalism & M ass Communication Educator, Journalism & M ass Communica­ tion Quarterly, Management Communication Quarterly, and Newspaper Re­ search Journal as well as more than h alf a dozen edited books. He currently serves on the editorial board o f Journalism & M ass Communication Educator and Newspaper Research Journal. S u san Sch ultz H u x m an (PhD, University of Kansas) is an associate profes­ sor in the Elliott School o f Com m unication at W ichita State University. Am ong her publications are a co-authored media literacy book, The Rhetorical Act: Thinking, Speaking, and Writing Critically (2003), referred articles in Journal of Communication, Communication Studies, and Communication Quarterly, and chapters in Communication in Crisis and Oratorical Encounters: Selected Studies

A B O U T T H E C O N T RIBU T O R S

xix

and Sources of Twentieth-century Political Accusations and Apologies. She was rec­ ognized as the 1998 Kansas Speech C om m unication A ssociation College In­ structor of the Year. She has conducted research for Knight-Riddcr, Inc. and served as a consultant to The Wichita (Kansas) Eagle. Sh aron H artin Iorio (PhD, O klahom a State University) is an associate pro­ fessor in the Elliott School of Com m unication and associate dean o f Fairmount College o f Liberal Arts and Sciences at W ichita State University. She has worked as a newspaper reporter and in public relations. Her book, Faith’s H ar­ vest: M ennonite Identity in Northwest Oklahoma, received an award from the N a ­ tional Federation o f Press Women. A m ong her journal publications are articles in Journal of Communication, Journalism & M ass Communication Educator, Jour­ nalism Quarterly, and Journal of Media and Religion. She has conducted research for Knight-Ridder, Inc. and The Wichita (Kansas) Eagle. M ich ael M cD e v itt (PhD, Stanford University) is an assistant professor in the Sch ool o f Journalism and M ass C om m unication at the U niversity of Colorado-Boulder. He worked in the San Francisco Bay area as a reporter and edi­ torial writer. His research explores how com m unication-based cam paigns can stim ulate citizenship am ong people who are otherwise disengaged from the political process. He has published in Journalism and Communication Mono­ graphs, Communication Research, Political Communication, Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, M ass Comm Review, and Journalism & M ass Com ­ munication Educator. Jo h n L. “ Ja c k ” M orris (PhD, University of Missouri) is an assistant profes­ sor o f journalism in the D epartm ent o f Com m unications at Loyola University of New O rleans, Louisiana. He worked as a newspaper reporter and editor in K an ­ sas and Colorado for nine years and taught print journalism at A dam s State C ol­ lege in A lam osa, Colorado from 1988-2003. His research focuses on interactive com m unication between writers and readers to improve the quality of news writing. His book, A Study of Audience Interaction in Journalism: Citizen-Based Reporting, was published in 2002. He has published other articles on this topic in Newspaper Research Journal and Studies in Communication Sciences. Jay R o se n (PhD, New York U niversity) is an associate professor of journ al­ ism at New York U niversity and currently is chair of the D epartm ent o f Jo u r­ nalism there. From 1993 to 1997, he was the director o f the Project on Public Life and the Press, a joint project o f the Knight and Kettering Foundations de­ signed to further public journalism . He has written in both scholarly and pop­ ular journals on the press, politics, and public life. What Are Journalists For? is the title o f his 1999 book. R osen’s work has appeared in the Columbia Journal­ ism Review, Harpers, The Nation, The New York Times, and the on-line journal Salon, am ong other venues.

XX

A B O U T T H E C O N T R IB U T O R S

J a n S c h affe r (M .S.J., N orthw estern U niversity) served as executive director o f the Pew C en ter for C ivic Journalism in W ashington, D .C ., which was created in 1993 to help print and electronic journ alists develop new m odels o f news coverage that recon n ect citizens to civic life. Sh e shared the Pulitzer Gold M edal for Public Service for a news series that appeared in The Philadelphia In­ quirer, where she was an editor and reporter for 22 years. Sh e recently launched a successor project to the Pew Center, J-L ab: T h e Institute for Interactive Journalism at the U niversity o f M aryland that will develop interactive ways for citi­ zens to participate in public issues. S u s a n Willey (PhD, University o f M issouri) is an assistant professor o f jo u r­ nalism at Florida A tlan tic U niversity’s N orthern cam pus in Jupiter, Florida, where she is establishing a journalism program . Willey h as 17 years experience as a journalist, reporter, and assignm ent editor. Sh e was both the religion re­ porter at the St. Petersburg Times and a Poynter Fellow from 1993 to 1995. H er publications include articles in Newspaper Research Journal, Journalism & M ass Communication Educator, and The Quill. She edited a book on com m unity d e ­ velopm ent for the K ettering Foundation Press. Willey serves on the editorial board o f the Journal of Media & Religion.

Part

I

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

1

Q u a li t a t i v e M e t h o d J o u r n a lis m S h a r o n H a rtin lo r io Wichita State University

For journalists and those who hope to be journalists in the 21st century, one thing is abundantly clear— this line o f work is being transform ed. Technological change has created a 24-hour news cycle where breaking news is reported around the clock, and shocking world events can be viewed alm ost at the in­ stan t they happen— then observed as they continue to develop. Myriad inter­ n ational sources dissem inate social and political opinion to individuals who choose not only their m ode o f inform ation delivery but the very nature o f the in­ form ation they receive. Yet, the m ost rem arkable shift is not the astonishing pace o f delivery or the capability o f individuals to select the news they receive; the m ost significant developm en t is the network o f technologies that let indi­ viduals in teract with people worldwide, more specifically, to in teract with those who provide their news. Everyday people use new spaper call-in colum ns, Web sites, list serves, talk-radio, talk-telcvision, and a host o f other tools to con nect with news m edia, and they do it every day. T h e increasing accessibility to inform ation, the speed o f its delivery, and the individual’s more active role in inform ation exchange create a new dim ension tor journalism . Inform ation is now so abun dant and the world so in tercon ­ nected that journalists m ust not only find new ways to provide analytical c o n ­ text for the grow ing onrush o f inform ation, they m ust learn to present the inform ation in a mode that is not generalized or passive but is individualized and

4

10 R10

d y n am ic. S o m e o f the w ays jo u rn a lism is p rac tic e d are in tran sitio n . T h is sh o u ld n o t be surp rising, b u t it is ch allen g in g. T h e c h a lle n g e is to fill the ga p s for p e o p le th a t m ere a c c e ss to, an d m e d iate d in te ra c tio n w ith, in fo rm atio n c a n n o t. To bridge th a t gap an d su rv iv e in the c u r ­ ren t m ed ia e n v iro n m e n t, jo u rn a lists w ill n eed to link in d iv id u a ls’ p e rso n a l in ­ tere sts an d c o m m o n c o n c e rn s an d the large r issu es th a t to u c h p e o p le 's daily lives. For th is w ork, jo u rn a lists are g o in g to n eed sp e cific train in g b eyon d tra d i­ tio n al re p o rtin g skills. H e lp in g jo u rn a lists m e e t th e se new c h a lle n g e s also m ay reso lv e so m e of the c o m p la in ts d ire c ted tow ard jo u rn a lism o v e r tim e. N e w s m e d ia, b o th h istorically an d recently, h av e b een a c c u se d o f ign o rin g the in te re sts o f th e p u b lic by allow ­ ing m a n ip u la tio n by p o liticia n s, sp e cial in te re st gro u p s, an d th eir ow n b u sin e ss in te re sts (B a g d ik ia n , 2 0 0 0 ). O n e e x p la n a tio n for this situ a tio n is th at the a g e n d a o f m a in stre a m jo u rn a lism is sh a p e d to h igh ligh t e v e n ts o v e r issu es th en se n sa tio n a liz e th o se e v e n ts, th ereby m issin g sto rie s im p o rta n t to in d iv id u a ls’ c o m m o n c o n c e rn s. T h e in te n se fo cu s on stro n g -im p a c t n ew s d o e s c re a te a u n i­ form new s p ro d u c t (G rab er, 2 0 0 1 ), an d this, in turn , offers a n o th e r fo c al p o in t for p u b lic sk e p ticism . W h ile th e c o m p la in ts a p p e a r to ring true, they e m a n a te n o t from low c o m ­ m itm en t o n the p art o f new s o rgan iza tio n s b u t d e v e lo p from n u m e ro u s, d iv erse, an d co m p le x c a u se s. N o n e th e le ss, jo u rn a lists train e d to know e ffe ctiv e m e th ­ o d s to e x p a n d re p o rtin g o f grassro o ts p ro b lem s o v e rlo o k e d in a m e d ia-rich a t ­ m o sp h e re an d how to apply the m e th o d s in an in te ra c tiv e m ed ia e n v iro n m e n t surely w ould n o t h u rt the situ a tio n an d likely w ould h elp it. W h ile ch a lle n g in g in m an y re sp e c ts, the m ilieu o f a b u n d a n t in fo rm atio n an d d ire c t fe e d b a c k h as p o te n tia l to o p e n o p p o rtu n itie s an d c o rre c t so m e o f the p ro b lem s o f th e p ast.

T H E IN T E R A C T IV E M E D IA E N V IR O N M E N T T h e ability o f the public to h ave direct, on go in g in te ractio n w ith m e d iate d in fo r­ m atio n is a d ecid ed a d v an tag e , b u t n ot on e th at su b stitu te s for the w ork o f jo u r­ n alists. A c c o rd in g to T h o m p so n (1 9 9 5 ), co m m u n ic atio n tech n o lo gies foster new form s o f ac tio n an d social relation sh ips, b u t often tech n ology use is n o t recip ro ­ cal. For exam p le, talk-radio an d call-in television show s, T h o m p so n (1 9 9 5 ) a r ­ gu es, are m erely o n e -sh o t o p p o rtu n itie s for in dividuals to b ro a d c ast an o pin ion . Sim ilarly, oth er w riters (B e n n e tt &. E n tm a n , 20 0 1 ; Poster, 1999) n ote th at the In tern et d o e s n o t alw ays e n co u rage a public sph ere for ration al deb ate. R a th e r th an b e in g d im in ish e d , the role an d train in g o f jo u rn a lists b e co m e m ore c ru c ia l in the new m e d ia e n v iro n m e n t. N e w te c h n o lo g ie s o p e n p o in ts o f entry for p e o p le to e x c h a n g e id e as, b u t in te ra c tiv e tech n o lo gy alo n e c a n n o t

1

Q U A L IT A T IV E JO U R N A L IS M

5

help in dividuals bring their com m on co n cern s to news m edia atte n tio n or p ro­ je ct a rep resen tative pictu re o f the co n stitu e n t groups in society. T h o se needs, however, b eco m e prim ary ob ligation s o f those w ho co n ceiv e a d em o cratic role for the press. Follow ing the trad ition al ro u tin es o f jou rn alism , however, m ay n ot alw ays m ove 21 st-cen tury jo u rn alists forw ard. To c o m m u n icate in their new e n ­ viron m en t, jou rn alists need train in g greater th an before. W hile con tem p orary journ alism trainin g in corp o rates a range o f reporting m eth ods, the rapid ch an ges th at now im pact jou rn alism create a dem an d for jo u rn alists with specialized skills. T h e ch ap ters in clu ded here focu s on m eth ods for jo u rn alists rath er than the im pact o f tech n ology or its use in the new sroom , even though som e produ ctiv e d iscussion alo n g th ose lines is in clu ded. T h e p u r­ pose o f this book is to provide jo u rn alists with the profession al, em pirical new s-gath erin g tools they need to operate in the cu rren t m edia en viron m en t. T h e au th ors o f the ch ap ters to follow d e m o n strate how valid, reliable p ro c e ­ du res d ev elo p ed in a p a rtic u la r field o f the so cial sc ie n c e s— q u a litativ e study— can be used to in crease cov erage. T h e au th ors presen t tan gible, q u a lita ­ tive so cial-scie n ce p ractice s as a guide for: 1. Findin g new sw orthy b ut overlooked or un derreported co n cern s; 2. O rgan izin g th at in form ation w ithin b roader co n te x ts; and 3. Providin g a co n d u it for p e o p le ’s in teraction along the way. T h is kin d o f rep o rtin g in cre ase s trad itio n al new s c o v e ra g e . T h e c h a p te rs th a t follow show how q u a lita tiv e m e th o d s can be an d are bein g used to e n ­ h an ce jo u rn alism .

J O U R N A L IS M ED U C A T IO N U n iversity program s and p rofession al d evelop m en t trainin g for jou rn alists teach trad ition al skills for reportin g and w riting new s, but, at presen t, jo u rn a l­ ists do not learn a great d e al ab out using ad d ition al m eth o d s to find and analyze in form ation . T h e trad ition al jou rn alism skills taugh t in A m erican un iversities, for m uch o f the p ast century, w ere m ostly p roced u ral (Meyer, 2 0 0 1 ). T ech n iq ues for co n stru ctin g a news story “ le d e ,” rules for editin g copy, in terp retation o f libel an d privacy law s, and oth er reporting co n v en tio n s were the m ain stays o f the curriculum . L ittle atten tio n w as given to the d e v e lo p m en t o f jou rn alism or the basis o f its m eth ods. In 1973, Philip M eyer sough t to in crease profession alism in journ alism by e n ­ larging the c o n c e p t o f jou rn alistic train in g and p ractice. H is b ook Precision Jo u r­ nalism explain ed how the tools o f q u a n titativ e social scien ce research could and

6

IORIO

should be applied to the practice o f journalism . T h e book focused on m ethods of data processing and statistical analysis. It showed journalists ways to conduct and interpret surveys and public opinion polls, and it emphasized the im por­ tance of social scientific research for high-quality journalism. Meyer thought his work might not be accepted by journalists because, in asking journalists to apply the techniques o f social science to their reporting, M eyer perceived a m ove away from the journalistic code o f strict objectivity (1991, p. 4), but M eyer’s book was received well in newsrooms and academ e. N eith er academ ics nor professional journalists viewed precision journalism as a m ajor threat to objectivity. Perhaps this is because the epistem ology on which M eyer’s training rests is em bedded within a positivist theoretical fram e­ work. T h is tradition is based on the b elief that the social, like the natural, world is an orderly system. W ithin this framework, the role o f the scientist is that o f a deductive, detached observer who uses explicit procedures for the purpose o f observing and measuring. In short, precision journalism , though a new concept, was based on an estab­ lished model of scientific research developed from the natural sciences, one that holds as its primary purpose the search for objective reality. This model of scientific research parallels many of the standard practices of “objective” re­ porting in journalism . Expanded and retitled The New Precision Journalism, sev­ eral updated editions o f M eyer’s work were released, as recently as 2001. University professors welcomed the books as helping advance journalism as a discipline. Journalists appreciated M eyer’s work because it helped them and did not threaten the traditional norms o f objective reporting (e.g., finding facts and reporting them without wasting time).

Q U A L IT A T IV E R E S E A R C H A N D J O U R N A L I S M In social science there are two overarching m ethodological perspectives. Meyer introduced one o f them, quantitative research methods, into the nom enclature of journalism . Q ualitative research emerges from a different worldview. Q u ali­ tative researchers seek to explain the world rather than measure it. T h e world of qualitative social science is explanatory. Dealing primarily with words, qualita­ tive research is holistic and blatantly interpretative. Q ualitative researchers go “ into the field” to gather data by observation and interaction with people from whom they hope to learn. Q ualitative researchers also exam ine extant texts or artifacts in their work. They record what they find in writing or on videotape, then analyze and interpret it to show how the world makes sense to those they study. To ensure reliable and valid findings, qualitative researchers set up strict protocols to search for answers to their research questions. T h e findings of qual­

1

Q U A LITA TIV E JO U R N A L IS M

7

itative research develop from “ the ground (field) up” and within the con text o f a larger social world. Even though qualitative research and quan titative research em erge from dif­ ferent epistem ological orientations and the distinction betw een them is ob vi­ ous, the two forms o f research are not m utually exclusive. T h e past 20 years have w itnessed a growing dialogue betw een qualitative and quan titative re­ searchers (Jensen, 2002). Exciting work is now being con ducted to specify how the two m ethodologies together build know ledge, as Su san H uxm an and M ark A llen will explain in a subsequen t chapter. It is obvious that, from the basic ap pro ach o f know ing reality to the way jou rn alists practice their craft, qu alitativ e research sh ares m uch in com m on with journ alism . T h e em ph asis on o b servation and in -d epth interview ing to gath er in form ation, the sk e p tic’s ap pro ach to in terp retation , and the im por­ tan ce o f persp ective in e x p la n atio n — all are principal fou n d ation s o f trad i­ tion al journ alism as well as qu alitative m eth ods. C om m o n to both the jo u rn alist and the qu alitative research er is the con cern with curren t p h en om ­ en a and the action o f in dividuals. In academ ic circles, the relationship o f the journalist and the qualitative re­ search er has never been incom patible. A s Kathryn C am pbell and Lewis Friedland describe in their chapter, early qualitative researchers drew heavily on journalistic practices. In fact, at the turn o f the last century, sociologist R ob­ ert Park literally took his students into the streets to discover com m on concerns that were shared by the general public and report a representative picture o f the groups they studied based on the researchers’ in teraction with group m em bers (Park & Burgess, 1925). Park, who transform ed the U niversity o f C h icago into a center for participant-observer-based fieldwork and helped originate qu alita­ tive m ethodology, was him self a form er journalist. T heory that is associated with the social reality being observed by Park and his students developed from the thinking o f T h om as &. Znaniecki (1927), G eorge H erbert M ead (Miller, 1982), and others. W orking on the prem ise that society was form ed from the m icro-interaction o f individuals, a theoretical ori­ en tation em erged called symbolic interaction. A n o th er U niversity o f C h icago scholar o f the period was John Dewey (1927), the leading A m erican pragm atist o f the era, w hose thinking provided a philosophical base for this work. O verall, the scholarship was associated with interpretative orientations to research. T h e C h icago scholars were fam iliar with the journalistic m odel o f investigation. In the press, however, parallels betw een qualitative social scientists and jo u r­ nalists arc virtually n onexistent. T h ere is not m uch journalism training that conn ects the two, and som e o f the traditions o f journalists can exaccrbatc the differences. For exam ple, both qualitative researchers and journalists go into

8

IORIO

the field as open-minded observers, but journalism traditions require an inter­ pretation o f open-m indedness that can position the journalist as “ a passive and innocent w itness” (Meyer, 2001, p. 3). Likewise in-depth interviewing, which in qualitative research results in categorizing and analyzing a wide range of differ­ ent opinions, can become in the journalist’s work a vehicle for framing opposing or conflicting views in order to produce “ b alanced” news stories. Perhaps be­ cause a critical factor in the practice o f modern journalism has been the search for objective facts, the similarities o f journalism and qualitative research for the most part have gone unrecognized in journalism education.

T H E ROAD TO T H E 21st CEN TURY T h e sociologists, anthropologists, social psychologists, and philosophers at the U niversity o f C h icago in the first two decades o f the 20th century formed a nucleus o f intellectual thought that ignited A m erican social science research. A s the years passed, however, the initial influence o f Park and other research ­ ers associated with the U niversity o f C h icago began to wane. Eventually, the center o f sociological study broke tics with pragm atism and the m odel o f the journ alist-sch olar as researcher, shifted its interactive orientation, and d e ­ parted the U niversity o f C h icago. Leadership in the study and practice o f soci­ ology m oved toward positivism and em braced the quan titative m ethods practiced by U .S. East C o ast academ ics. O ver the ensuing years, sociological study developed into at least three major theoretical paradigm s and several schools o f thought, am ong which both quan titative and qualitative m eth odol­ ogies are practiced. M eanwhile, the training o f journalists, also fed initially by the em ergent positivist paradigm , m oved toward an increasingly reified inter­ pretation of objectivity. The training of modern journalists can be traced as a gradual evolution that corresponds with the developm ent of news media technologies from the intro­ duction of newspapers to the present. During the 1920s university programs in journalism education began to grow in number and, eventually, became the es­ tablished path to a career in the field. The curriculum developed as general edu­ cation in the liberal arts and sciences. University education in journalism included the concepts of inverted pyramid writing, and personal detachm ent of the reporter from the news event. The establishment of professional training for journalists coincided roughly with the emergence of a code of objectivity as a fully nuanced standard by which the profession of journalism could be measured. A lthough there was w idespread agreem ent that true objectivity was im pos­ sible given hum an frailty, balanced reporting based on the ideal o f objectivity, it was thought, could be achieved. T h e theory that a code o f objectivity would

1

Q U A LITA TIV E JO U R N A L IS M

9

provide the m ost effective guideline for the profession draw s from a book new spaper colum n ist W alter Lippm an n w rote as a young m an in 1922. L ippm an n recognized the sub jectiv e n ature o f public opinion an d feared its ef­ fect on d em ocratic processes. H e w rote that the usefulness o f jou rn alists rested on the ability to objectify facts. A s an overarch in g fram ew ork, the code o f objectivity and the traditions for reporting and train in g jou rn alists th at su p ­ ported it developed into a mighty, rh etorical bulw ark. H ow ever, lim itation s could be noted as early as 1947, w hen a report from the C om m ission on Free­ dom o f the Press (H u tch in s C om m ission R eport) pointed out con siderable w eaknesses in A m erican journ alism . A s corp orate news system s grew an d tech nology ad v an ced , by the 1970s the p ercep tion was in creasin g that relation sh ips betw een public and press were dim inishing. C o n cern s were raised ab out the u n intended effects o f the jou rn alistic norm s. It was thought the way journ alism w as being practiced m ight be creatin g reactive jou rn alists w hose reporting, in a laten t rath er than overt m anner, could be m anaged (B agdik ian , 1972; Tuch m an, 1978). By the 1990s, with form er com plain ts still un resolved, a new gen eration o f critics poin ted to the news m edia’s possible con n ectio n to a different kind o f prob­ lem, a decline in civic p articipation and in creasin g fragm en tation o f com m u ­ n ity life . T h e s e o b je c t io n s s e e m e d to r e s o n a te a c r o s s p r o fe s s io n a l co n stitu en cies and the public both inside the U n ited S ta te s and in other coun tries. T h e critics span n ed a range o f m edia profession als (Yankelovich, 1991; M erritt, 1995; Fallows, 1996; D ionne, 1998) and acad em ics (E n tm an, 1998; Pool, 1990; P utnam , 1993, 1995; Sch u d so n , 1995). In exam in in g the roots o f these issues, Jay R osen (1999a) revisited the prag­ m atism ph ilosoph er Jo h n Dew ey developed in the early 1900s at the U n iv e r­ sity o f C h icago and found D ew ey’s work a suitable structure for contem porary jou rn alists b ecause it grounded the role o f the jou rn alist in the “useful" and experien tial rath er than the au th oritative m odel (Dewey, 1927). O th er critics poin ted o u t that reporting p ractices, including the code o f objectivity, once th ough t to benefit dem ocracy, b ecause they allow ed news m edia to be w atch ­ dogs o f go vern m en t action , could, in curren t circu m stan ces, be con ceiv ed as disservin g dem ocracy (B lack, 1997; Carey, 1992, 1997). W ith public access to w orldwide m edia system s, som e o f it in teractive access, the 21st-cen tury prob­ lem h as becom e n ot w hether reporting o f real-w orld h appen ings can be b al­ an ced through the use o f a cod e; they can be. T h e m ore im portan t question is how the deeper b elief system s (n ation al, religious, or group ideologies) in ex­ tricably ingrained in all com m u n ication (Foucault, 1969/1982; H aberm as, 1991; M an n h eim , 1929/1986) can be acco u n ted for in the reportin g o f cu r­ rent ev en ts. T h e c h ap ter in cluded here th at is au th ored by Clifford C h ristian s

1«

IORIO

looks at journ alism e d u cation and the tradition s o f objectivity in journalism and provides an eth ic for jou rn alists o f today. T h e influence o f Dewey lay dorm an t in the lexicon o f journalism until redis­ covered by Rosen (1997; 1999a; 1999b; 1999a) and others (Carey, 1987; Peters, 1995; G lasser &. Salm on , 1995; Rosen, M erritt, &. A ustin 1997). Similarly, the early 20th century work o f sociologist and journalist R obert Park, D ew ey’s co l­ league at the U niversity o f C h icago, is now being revisited, like the work o f Dewey, by 21st century scholars and journalists. T h e work o f Dewey and others frame a philosophy for change. T h e work o f Park and others establish a m ethod for it. Both the criticism leveled at journ alists during the last h alf o f the 20th century and the con text surrounding suggestions for remedy clearly bear on the developm en t o f current reporting practices.

F IN D IN G C O M F O R T IN A N E W Z O N E By the m id-1990s new spapers and b roadcast news o perations across the U nited S tates were searching for ways to improve coverage, engage individuals and w ide-ranging groups, and encourage participation in public life. N ew spapers in W ichita, K an sas; C h arlotte, N orth C arolin a; N orfolk, Virginia; and other cities began to launch experim ents in election and social issues coverage (Charity, 1996). W h eth er this shift was a conscious effort o f news organizations to reeval­ uate reporting m ethods or not, the gauging o f open dialogue with individuals and com m unities o f people as news, nevertheless, reflects the reality o f doing dem ocratic journalism in the age o f global Internet com m unication. T h e inno­ vative techniques appealed to the K ettering Foundation, T h e Pew C haritable Trusts, and other private foundations. Program s were funded to reexam ine the relationship o f m edia and dem ocratic practices and to educate students and practicing journalists to im plem ent change in new sroom s. A t the end o f the decadc, about h alf the new spapers in the U nited S tates and many radio and television station s had con ducted som e sort o f public-civic journalism initiative (Sirianni & Friedland, 2001, p. 186). Former director o f the Pew C en ter for C ivic Journalism Jan Sch affer is author o f a chapter to follow that reviews civic journalism projects to show ways academ ics and professionals can partner in re­ search and reporting projects. By and large, a noticeable shift in m ainstream m edia news reporting to incor­ porate individual-level con cerns actively in news coverage has occurred over the past decade. T h e change can be illustrated by the 2000 U .S. presidential elections where regular coverage included specific input from the general public through focus groups, collected com m en ts o f private citizens, interview s, inter­ active Web sites and the like. T h e broadening definition o f news and increased

1

Q U A L IT A T IV E JO U R N A L IS M

11

in teractio n o f jo u rn alists with w iden ing sectors o f the public beg reexam in ation o f jou rn alism train in g an d the root eth ic o f the profession. Portland (M aine) Press H erald E ditor Lou U re n cck w rote in N iem an Reports: W h a t the p r e ss n e e d s t o d a y is m o r e c o n t e x t a n d in sig ht , n o t less, a n d t h a t c o n t e x t a n d in si g h t in e v it a b ly br ing with t h e m the e x e r c is e o f s u b j e c t iv it y ... T h e c h a l l e n g e to the p u b l i c - m i n d e d p r es s t o d a y is t o find w ays to a c c o m m o d a t e the e v e r p r e s e n t n e e d for fair a n d d i s p a s s i o n a t e in qu iry a n d th e n ew a n d g r o w in g n e e d to g e n e r a t e energy, m e a n i n g a n d s o l u t i o n s ... T h e l i k e l ih o o d (is) t h a t t h e pr es s m o r e o ft e n fails r e a d e r s t h r o u g h ti midity t h a n bi as. ( 1 9 9 9 , 2 0 0 0 )

In 2002, T h e Freedom Forum F o u n d atio n com piled insights from the careers o f new s e xecu tiv es and published them un der the title Best Practices: The A rt o f Leadership in New s Organizations (Coffey, 2 0 0 2 ). A m o n g those com m en tin g ab ou t bringing differen t p ersp ectives into the new sroom w as A lb e rto Ibarguen, publisher o f The M iam i H erald an d N an c y M aynard, a previous editor and co-ow n er o f The O akland (C aliforn ia) Tribune. T h e co m m e n ts o f M ayn ard rein ­ forced Ibarguen’s point. M aynard offered, in brief, th at “ N ew s people generally do not spen d nearly en ough tim e talkin g to the people ... th at they c o v e r” (p. 4 1 ). T h e e x e c u tiv e s’ com m en tary reveals the e x ten t o f assim ilatio n in to m a in ­ stream jou rn alism m ade by the ideas b rough t forw ard in the 1990s. T h e im p o rta n c e o f a c tiv e d ia lo g u e d e fin itely h as m o v e d up the sk ill-lad d e r o f jo u rn a lism an d th e c h a rg e o f the jo u rn a list to be in d iffe re n t an d w ith ­ d raw n in o rd e r to a c h ie v e fairn e ss in re p o rtin g h as m o v e d so m e w h a t low er o n the lad der. H ow w ill jo u rn a lists go a b o u t th eir w ork in th e m id st o f this m a jo r sh ift? T h e c o rr e c t ro u tin e s w ill d e v e lo p o v e r tim e . A t p re se n t, the th re a d s o f in te rp re ta tiv e s o c ia l sc ie n c e th a t w eav e th ro u g h the id e as o f the sc h o la rs an d p ro fe ssio n a l jo u rn a lists p a st an d p re se n t, th e e x p e rim e n ts o f the p u b lic jo u rn a lists, an d the in te ra c tiv ity o ffere d by the new m e d ia te c h ­ n o lo g ie s su g g e st the p o ssib ilitie s o f re v isitin g the c o n n e c tio n o f jo u rn a lism w ith q u a lita tiv e m e th o d o lo g ie s.

W H E R E Q U A LIT A T IV E M E T H O D S M EET JO U R N A LISM W ith each passin g d e cad e , jou rn alism trainin g h as b eco m e m ore p rofession al to m eet w h atever ch allenges are posed by the m edia en viron m en t o f the era. C u r ­ rently, the need exists for specialized skills to disco v er u n reported com m on problem s an d c o n te x t o f issu es an d report them in a way th at will help in d ivid u ­ als in teract with larger netw orks. S o m e jo u rn alists are applying the know ledge o f q u alitativ e social scien ce research m eth od s to produce verifiable an d a c c u ­ rate reports th at ad v an c e this endeavor.

12

IORIO

T here is no general epistemology that organizes qualitative methodology, but all qualitative research is based on inductive exam ination of collected data. To ensure that the research is fair, balanced, accurate, and truthful and to en ­ able the reader or public to evaluate the study, qualitative researchers: 1. C onduct their studies in a natural setting, 2. Follow strict, multiple protocols for valid and reliable research design and execution, 3. Consider the background and perspective o f the researcher(s) and the possible effect this might have on the research when designing the re­ search, and 4. Include in the written report enough information on the researcher(s), the plan, and the conduct o f the study to allow the readers/viewers to de­ cide for themselves the truthfulness and accuracy o f the account. A wide range of qualitative m ethods exist. Like the many strands of a rope, those m ethods more often employed make up the wider pieccs, and, entwined, the strands together produce a unified and strong methodology. O ne o f the thicker, more prominent strands within qualitative m ethodology is participant observation. It is the practice that deals with going into the field, observing or interacting with a group, and then analyzing the situation in order to record com m onalities and develop a written report. To provide some organization for understanding how qualitative research works, the participant observation m ethod can be broken down into three main categories that can then be used as a m etaphor to illustrate three ele­ m ental processes within qualitative m ethodology. T h e categories are not dis­ crete but form a continuum with the prom inent reference points providing a vision o f what qualitative m ethodology is (the range o f m ethods involved) and how it is conducted (the protocol and level o f involvem ent o f the rcsearch er(s)). T h e categories are: O bservation: W hat sets observational studies apart is that the researcher does not make contact with the subject(s) of the research. These researchers in­ vestigate artifacts such as pottery, fashion, or popular culture icons. They use unobtrusive measures to collect data, for exam ple; these researchers may ob ­ serve the actions of individuals, but at a distance. Investigative reporters use this technique to monitor and study the coming and going o f people and their associations without disturbing the behavior o f those observed. O ne o f the larg­ est areas of observational study is the exam ination o f texts or written works. Textual, or rhetorical, analysis exam ines books, movies, and other media. To an ­ alyze a text, the researcher “ reads between the lines” to interpret underlying

1

Q U A LITA TIV E JO U R N A L IS M

lì

m eaning. M orris’s chapter explains textual analysis and shows how reporters at The Washington Post use it in their work. Participant O bservation : T h is research h appen s in the social world. T h e re­ search er collects d ata while observing people interact and by interacting with them . T h en the researcher analyzes and writes about them es found in the se t­ ting. In order to analyze the setting, the researcher m aintains som e level o f inde­ pendence in the situation . T h a t level is depen dent on the subjects studied and the purpose o f the research. For exam ple, in the focused interview study d e ­ scribed by this auth or in a subsequent chapter, the researchers who con ducted a one-tim e interview with each responden t were more m arginal than con nected to their subjects. T h e reporter who interview ed a young wom an to tell the story o f her life, entered her world to a limited degree. H is work is discussed in the chapter on oral history by R enita C olem an. T h e com m unity m apping project introduced in Kathryn C am pb ell’s chapter placed the journ alists doing the m apping in direct and, in som e instances, repeated con tact with the individuals and groups from which they w anted to learn. T h e case study described in the chapter by Tanni H aas was based largely on participation as well as observation. In that study, journalists at the Alcron Beacon Journal spent a lengthy time period on the project and worked in partnership with a num ber o f civic groups. In short, participan t observers, within predefined limits, engage the daily life o f those they study. They do so not ju st to have an un derstanding o f what is going on, but to provide a system atic report. T h is is why the researcher m ust always m aintain som e distan ce in his relationship with those he is studying. Participation: T h is level o f research is marked by com plete immersion into a culture. T h e researcher who takes this approach may live for extended periods in the same community with those she is studying. T h e danger, or, to some research­ ers, the benefit, is that the researcher becom es engulfed in the setting. In those cases, whether by design or chance, the researcher becom es the subjects’ ad vo­ cate. Since ethnography requires the researcher to enter fully into the life world o f the subjects, it is the qualitative technique in which the researcher may be most susceptible to “going native.” N o t all ethnography is marked by com plete assim i­ lation. T h e student journalists in the chapter by M ichael M cD evitt and Jan et C ram er produced their research and published their stories while retaining an an ­ alytic perspective regarding the world o f the street people they studied. O n the oth er h an d, Su san W illey’s ch ap ter ad v o cate s social action theory an d show s how news organization s can becom e directly involved with the public in com ing to judgm en t ab out an issue. W illey’s ch ap ter is d evoted to fo­ cus group research, a process often associated with qu an titativ e research and, on the qu alitativ e tech n ique con tin uum , usually found tow ard the m ore d e ­ tach ed side o f the scale.

14

IORIO

Willey gives directions for using focus groups in participatory, action-oricnted journalism . W illey’s chapter clearly illustrates that in qualitative re­ search, the rcscarch design and objectives establish the level o f involvem ent o f the researcher more than the choice o f qualitative technique itself. In jou rn al­ ism, the exten t o f involvem ent o f the journalist who uses qualitative m ethods for developing a project is, as in all reporting, set by the news organization and the individual reporter assigned to the story.

D O IN G Q U ALITATIV E M E T H O D JO U R N A L I S M U sing qualitative m ethods in journalism is not difficult. M ethods used range from large-scale case studies conducted by multiple team s in converged newsrooms to an oral history interview story conducted by a single reporter for a small town newspaper. T h e projects can extend over a period o f time (creating ethnography, for exam ple) or be done in a series o f focus groups conducted in one evening. Q u alitative m ethods can be used by news organizations as a prereporting tool to identify netw orks o f credible, but nonelite, sources and their relationship to political processes (m apping); or they can be used to identify grassroots issues and inform election coverage (as in the focused interview exam ple) or in many other ways that enhance news coverage. T h e ad van tage o f qualitative m eth od­ ology is that it brings the reader and viewer into the story. Know ing how to get in-depth d ata and first-person insights and w hat to do with them is the essence o f qualitative reporting. G uidelines for reliable inform ation gathering and valid docum entation are detailed for each m ethod in the chapters to follow. T h e following are general guidelines for applying a qualitative m ethod in a newsroom setting. 1. C h oose the right story: N o t every story is right for qualitative reporting. Enterprise stories are one exam ple o f a good fit. M any stories reported with qualitative m ethods are “ bubble up” political issues not found on political party platform s. Som e develop from social problem s that are being addressed outside governm ental processes or are feature stories that exem plify individuals and groups. Part o f choosing the right story is creating a “sp a ce ” for the story— d e ­ ciding its scope and param eters. It is im portant to choose the qualitative re­ sources— the m ethod— that will deliver the story best. 2. Take it outside: To m ake the story interactive, go into the “ field” with personal/m icro-level qualitative techniques. Plan ways to get input from individu­ als at more than one point during the story-building process. W hen useful, offer ways people can con nect with the story through Web site, list serve, and other interactive technology. Look for them es that reson ate— overlooked or under­

1

Q U A L IT A T IV E JO U R N A L IS M

15

reported issu es com m on across the gen eral public or those th at reflect the c o n ­ cerns o f distin ct groups o f people. 3.

Bring it hom e: A b ov e all, build the story from the “ground u p.” Keep the fo­

cus on an inductive rath er than d eductive approach . Let the reporting be defined [fram ed] in the con text and perspective o f the participan ts or subjects o f the re­ porting. To gu aran tee the way that inform ation is collected and reported develops from d a ta that is verifiable and accurate, follow the protocol o f the particular m ethod in use and utilize “ trian gulation ” (e.g., more than one m ethod o f collect­ ing inform ation) to ensure lack o f distortion and freedom from error. Finally, e x ­ plain the news organization’s purposes and the reporter(s) m eth ods and level o f involvem ent prom inently in the final coverage th at is published or aired.

N O T E S F R O M T H E FIE LD : A P U L IT Z E R PR IZ E -W IN N IN G S E R IE S In 1999, editors a t The New York Times d ecided the tim e was right to explore, again , the ch an gin g n ature o f race relation s in the U n ite d S ta te s. T h e editors w ere aw are th at n atio n al c o n v ersatio n s ab o u t race arc often view ed by the p u b ­ lic as d e ad -e n d m on olog u es— n ot co n v ersatio n s b ut op p ortu n ities for reaffirm ­ ing p reviously h eld p o sitio n s. “T h e trad itio n al lan g u ag e o f race w as so e n tren ch ed th at people ju st didn ’t w ant to go there ag ain ,” it seem ed to reporter M ich ael W inerip (person al co n v ersatio n , 2 0 0 2 ). H e w as p art o f a group o f ab out 30 at the Times w ho w ere looking for a veh icle to m ove rep ortin g ab o u t race b e ­ yond ob vious, polarized, an d fam iliar d ialogues. T h e grou p o f rep orters an d ed itors at the Times ask ed th em selv es, w hat w ould e n gage readers? T h e team cam e up w ith the idea to w rite a b o u t race re ­ latio n s at the p e rso n al level “ in tu itiv ely .” “ We w an ted to find peop le w ho d id ­ n’t pull their p u n c h e s, an d we w an ted to co m e up w ith d ifferen t situ a tio n s— situ a tio n s th at read ers w ould see as typical, b ut w ere re la tio n sh ip s ac ro ss situ ­ a tio n s th at m any m igh t find to o se n sitiv e to talk ab o u t. We w ere lo o k in g for the o p p o rtu n ity to get the kind o f story th a t p eop le read an d realize, ‘O h , my god, it’s tr u e !” ’ said W inerip. “ T h e sto ries, o f cou rse, w ere all true— believable, even m u n d an e. In fact, th a t’s w hat we were look ing for— the m u n d an e — the settin g too sm all, too n u an ced , to rise to the level o f even a local issue in the com m unity. T h e m o ­ m en ts th at we w an ted to cap tu re w ere situ atio n s th at w ould not m ake news s to ­ ries b ased on their im portan ce, b ut reflected the com m on m om en ts that c on su m e p e o p le ’s daily lives. We m et several tim es and cam e up with ab o u t 150 ideas. T h e n we narrow ed it to 15.” T h e 1 5-part series th at resulted received a Pulitzer Prize and later b ecam e a book titled How Race is Lived in Am erica

16

10 R10

(Lelyveld, 2 0 0 0 ). W inerip turn ed on e o f the 15 ideas in to the story “ W hy H a r­ lem D ru g C o p s D o n ’t D iscu ss R a c e .” H e also h an dled the reportin g team through the process o f finding their interview lo catio n s an d reportin g the situ a ­ tions as they d eveloped. “ We search ed hard to find a wide ran ge o f people w illing to be in v o lv e d ,” W inerip said. “ So m e reportin g projects err on the side o f over-reportin g situ a ­ tion s in volvin g the poor. We looked for a variety o f exp erien ces. For exam ple, we w anted to do a story ab ou t race relation s in the w ork place, and we w an ted to look at b lu e -co llar w orkers. I h ad don e som e rep ortin g on the steel mills, and som eon e su ggested th at we m ight look there for a story, but I didn ’t think that w ould w ork. For the m ost part, the m en I h ad in terview ed w ere all m iddle-aged, an d they h ad su b stan tial salaries. T h e industry w as declining. T h ey really didn ’t rep resen t the type o f w orker we w an ted to portray. We w anted som eth in g ‘ rawer.’ We th ough t o f doin g the story from a u n ion /n on -un ion p ersp ective. W h at were the lives o f p eop le, b lack and w hite, w orking across th ose divides? B ut th at didn ’t seem to be the right veh icle either. We w anted to h ave a tough, b lu e-co llar situ ation , b ut the poin t w as to cap tu re the w orkers' relation sh ips, their attitu d es and feelings tow ard each other. We th ou gh t o f the ch ick en and pork facto ries alo ng the S o u th e a st C o a st an d en ded up sen din g a reporter to live there an d work in a pork factory.” G ettin g into the field w as accom plish ed by trial and error. “W h en 1 w ent into the precinct to do my work, I m et M aria. I knew right off that she was a first-rate police officer. I didn’t know if I w anted to do a story ab out that kind o f person or her first-rate squad. I had an opportunity to visit an oth er squad, but they were bland. I decided to go back and stick with M aria." G ettin g into the field also took time. “ You have to give reporters tim e to m ake m istakes. W h en [Times reporter] A m y H arm on was looking for a pair o f executives to interview, she w as turned dow n by, probably, 100 com panies. A fter that it daw ned on us that m ajor e sta b ­ lished corporation s w ouldn’t talk to us w ithout adding so m any restrictions, we ju st w ouldn’t be able to get the inform ation we needed. B ut we found people in the dot.com world were indepen dent en trepreneurs and willing to talk to us. T h a t’s how we settled on the pair o f m en to interview who had m ade m illions.” In retrosp ect, the criteria for the stories th at b ecam e p art o f the series were (a) a m u n d an e situ atio n w as the veh icle for each story, (b) the situ atio n p ro­ vided the opportun ity to get p e o p le ’s su b jectiv e p ercep tion s, an d (c) the people in the situ ation w ere w illing to talk. “ We h ad to find people w illing let you com e b ack again an d again , w illing to spen d the tim e it tak e s,” W inerip said. W inerip’s w ork, as the reporting co ach for the team , called for him to apply m any o f the tools used in q u alitativ e research . “O v erall, wc w an ted the re p o rt­ ers to dig in deep and h an g in. I c o ach e d the team n ot to take n o tes at first,” he

1

Q U A L IT A T IV E JO U R N A L IS M

17

said. “T h a t ’s an easy way to burn ou t or scare o ff the su b jects [in terv iew ees]. My c ou n sel to the reporters w as to be p atien t and w ait aw hile, an d then begin tak ­ ing n otes. I also co ach e d them n ot to get too p erso n al at first. It’s like any oth er relation sh ip. It h as to be given tim e to d evelop. You can ’t get too close too soon. Even though these people h ave com m itted to do the interview s, they d on ’t know w hat th ey ’ve com m itted to, so you h ave to ease into the relation sh ip and the interview ing.” In estab lish in g the relationship, “ you w alk a fine lin e,” W inerip said. “ You end up liking the people. I alw ays do, b ut it’s not friendship. You’ve go t to hold b ack and learn n ot to give in to friendship. Your job is n ot to force anything, ju st tell the story as it em erges, w ith out draw ing co n c lu sio n s.” A s the series w ent to p u b licatio n , ad d itio n al in form ation on the topic, som e o f it in in teractive form , com p lem en ted the 15-story series. So m e ac co m p an y ­ ing stories told in first-person voices an d qu estio n -an d -an sw er stories produced by Times m agazine co rresp o n d en ts ap p eared w hen a special e dition o f the Times m agazine pub lish ed part o f the series. A W eb site w as crcatcd “ n ot to m im ic or regurgitate the print series but to be its ow n iteration o f the p ro je c t,” W inerip said. It w as a grou n db reakin g project for the Times Web site. A n e-m ail d isc u s­ sion board w as heavily used. W h en published in book form , the rep o rters’ first-person im pression s o f race relation s in gen eral an d their p erso n al p e rsp e c ­ tives on racial issues w ere in cluded. “O v erall, the purpose o f the series w as to get to h um an bein gs and to learn from them . T h e series w as a huge com m itm en t. You can ’t do som eth in g like that cavalierly. It takes perseveran ce. T h a t ’s the thing, the key to it all. T h e w hole idea w as to let the people talk for th em selves an d let the reader put it into the larger c o n te x t,” W inerip con clu d ed . T h e reporters at The N ew York Times did n ot set o u t to do q u alitative m eth od jou rn alism . Certainly, m any on the team , in clu din g W incrip, were n ot even aw are o f the term . T h e rep ortin g th at resulted did, however, correspon d closely with the purposes and prin ciples o f qu alitative research . T h e con cep tu alization o f in d iv id u als’ p erso n al c ircu m stan ce s as new sw orthy an d im portan t to the u n ­ d erstan d in g o f larger so cial issu es o f the day is in d icative o f the q u alitativ e a p ­ p roach . From the initial desire to do in -depth , in-th e-field reportin g to the use o f m ultiple settin gs and m ultiple op p ortu n ities to g ath e r p erso n al in sights all the way to the presen tatio n o f the findings in stories th at in clu ded the role o f the reporters and the Times, the p rocess w as an un am bigu ou s ap pro xim atio n o f th orough q u alitativ e research. T h e q u a lita tiv e m eth o d p ro v id e s an a v en u e for rep o rtin g th at re a c h e s the in d iv id u al and brin gs the co m m o n co n c e rn s o f everyday p e o p le in to the p u b ­ lic sph ere. U sin g q u a lita tiv e re se arch tec h n iq u e s in jo u rn a lism is n ot a new id ea. H ow ever, u n til recently, the q u a lita tiv e m eth o d h as n ot b e en given

IORIO

18

m uch a tten tion by journalists. C h a n g in g con dition s, both institutionally and technologically, now encou rage this specialized training for journalists. T h e purpose o f this volum e is to focus on q u alitative m eth od journalism . T h e ch apters in Part I provide b ack gro u n d for un derstandin g the early history o f qualitative research in the U n ited S ta te s and its relationship to journalism . T h e ch apters in Part II e ach describe one or more qualitative m eth ods and show how they are being applied in jo urnalism today.

REFERENCES B agd ik ian , B. H . (1 9 7 2 ). The effete conspiracy and other crimes by the press. N ew York: H arper & Row. B agd ik ian , B. H. (2 0 0 0 ). The media monopoly (6th e d .). B o sto n : B eaco n Press. B e n n e tt, W. L ., & E n tm an , R. M . (E d s.). (2 0 0 1 ). Mediated politics. C am b rid ge, U K : C a m ­ bridge U niversity Press. B la c k , J. (E d .). (1 9 9 7 ). Mixed news: The public/civic/com m unitarian journalism debate. M ah w ah , N J: L aw ren ce E rlbaum A sso c iate s. Carey, J. W. (1 9 8 7 , M a rc h /A p ril). T h e press an d public disco u rse. The Center M agazine, 4 - 1 6 . C arey, J. W. (1 9 9 2 ). T h e press and the public d isco u rse. Kettering Review (W in ter), 1 -2 2 . C arey, ]. W. (1 9 9 7 ). C om m u nity, public, and jou rn alism . In J. B lack (E d .), M ixed news: The public /civic /communitarian journalism debate (pp. 1 - 1 7 ). M ah w ah , N J: L aw ren ce Erlbaum A sso c ia te s. C h arity, A . (1 9 9 6 ). Doing public journalism . N ew York: G uilford Press. Coffey, S. (2 0 0 2 ). Best practices: The art o f leadership in news organizations. A rlin g to n , V A : T h e Freedom Forum . C o m m issio n on Freedom o f the Press. (1 9 4 7 ). A free and responsible press. C h ic a g o : U niversity o f C h ic a g o Press. D ew ey, J. (1 9 2 7 ). The public and its problems. D en ver, C O : Sw allow Press. D io n n e , Jr., E. J. (E d .). (1 9 9 8 ). Community works. W ash in gton , D C : T h e B rook in gs In stitu ­ tion. E n tm an , R . M . (1 9 9 8 ). D em ocracy without citizens. N ew York: O x fo rd U n iversity Press. Fallow s, J. (1 9 9 6 ). Breaking the news. N ew York: V in tage B oo ks. F o u cau lt, M . (1 9 8 2 ). The archeology o f ktiowledge (A . M . Sh e rid an , T ran s.). N ew York: P an ­ th eon . (O rigin al work published 1969) G lasscr, T. L ., & S a lm o n , C .T . (1 9 9 5 ). T h e politics o f pollin g an d the lim its o f c o n se n t. In T . L. G la sse r &. C . T. S a lm o n (E d s.), Public opinion and the communication o f consent (pp. 4 1 7 - 4 3 6 ). N ew York: G uilford Press. G raber, D. A . (2 0 0 1 ). A d a p tin g political new s to the n eed s o f tw enty-first cen tury A m e ri­ c an s. In W. L. B e n n e tt & R. M . E n tm an (E d s.), M ediated Politics (pp. 4 3 3 - 4 5 2 ). C a m ­ b ridge, U K : C am b rid ge U niversity Press. H a b e rm as, J. (1 9 9 1 ). The structural transformation o f the public sphere (T. Burger, T ran s.). C a m ­ bridge, M A : M IT Press. Je n se n , K . B. (2 0 0 2 ). T h e q u alitativ e research process. In K. B. Je n se n (E d .), A handbook of media and communication research (pp. 2 3 5 - 2 5 3 ). N ew York: R ou tled ge. Lelyveld, J. (E d .). ( 2 0 0 1). How race is lived in A m erica. N ew York: T im e s B o o k s: H enry H o lt &. C om pany. L ippm an n , W. (1 9 2 2 ). Public opinion. N ew York: H a rc o u rt, B race & C om pan y. M an n h eim , K. (1 9 8 6 ). Ideology and utopia (D . Kettler, V. M e ja, & N . J. Stchr, T ran s.). N ew York: R ou tled ge &. K egan Paul. (O rigin al work published 1929)

1

QUALITATIVE JO U R N A LISM

19

M erritt, D . (1 9 9 5 ). Public journalism and public life: Why telling the news is not enough. H illsd ale, N J: L aw ren ce Erlbaum A sso c ia te s. M eyer, P. (1 9 7 3 ). Precision journalism . B loo m in g ton , IN : In d ian a U n iversity Press. M eyer, P. (1 9 9 1 , 2 0 0 1 ). The new precision journalism . B lo o m in g to n , IN : In d ian a U niversity Press. M iller, D. L. (E d .). (1 9 8 2 ). The individualand the social self: Unpublished work of George Herbert M ead. C h ic a g o : U niversity o f C h ic a g o Press. Park, R. E ., & B urgess, E. W. (1 9 2 5 ). The city. C h ic a g o : U n iversity o f C h ic a g o Press. P eters, J. D. (1 9 9 5 ). H isto rical ten sion s in the c o n c e p t o f public o pin ion . In T. L. G la sse r &. C . T. S a lm o n (E d s.), Public opinion and the communication of consent (pp. 3 - 3 2 ) . N ew York: G uilford Press. Pool, I. S . (1 9 9 0 ). Technologies without boundaries: O n telecomjnunication in a global age. C a m ' bridge, M A : H arv ard U niversity Press. Poster, M . (1 9 9 9 ). T h e net as a public sph ere. In D. C row ley & P. H eyer (E d s.), Com m unication in history (pp. 3 3 5 - 3 3 7 ). N ew York: L on gm an . P u tn am , R. (1 9 9 3 ). M aking democracy work. P rin ceton , N J: P rin ceton U n iversity Press. P u tn am , R. (1 9 9 5 ). Bow ling alo n e: A m e ric a ’s d eclin in g so cial cap ital. Jo urn al o f Democracy, 6 (1 ), 6 5 - 7 8 . R o se n , J. (1 9 9 9 a ). D elib eration in order to w rite. Kettering Review, 1 9 (1 ), 53—60. R o se n , J. (1 9 9 9 b ). W hat are journalists for.7 N ew H a v e n , C T: Yale U n iversity Press. R osen , J., M erritt, D ., & A u stin , L. (1 9 9 7 ). Theory and practice: Lessons from experience. D ay ton , O H : K etterin g F o u n d atio n . S c h u d so n , M. (1 9 9 5 ). The power o f news. C am b rid ge, M A : H a rv ard U niversity Press. Sirian n i, C ., & Friedlan d, L. A . (2 0 0 1 ). Civic innovation in A m erica: Community empowerment, public policy, and the movement for civic renewal. Berkeley, C A : U n iversity o f Califor^ nia Press. T h o m a s, W. I., &. Z nan ieck i, F. (1 9 2 7 ). The Polish peasatit in Europe and Am erica. N ew York: K nopf. T h o m p so n , J. B. (1 9 9 5 ). T/ie media and modernity. S tan fo rd , C A : S tan fo rd U niversity Press. T u ch m an , G. (1 9 7 8 ). M aking news: A study in the construction o f reality. N ew York: Free Press. U re n c ck , L. (1 9 9 9 , 2 0 0 0 ). E xp ert jou rn alism . N iem an Reports, 5 3 (4 ) & 5 4 (1 ). Y an kelovich, D. (1 9 9 1 ). Com ing to public judgment: M aking democracy work in a complex world. S y racu se, NY: Sy racu se U niversity Press.

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

2 C o n n e c t e d R esearch The Chicago School Precedent L e w is A . F r ie d la n d University of W isconsin-M adison Kathryn B. C am p b ell University o f Oregon

T h e very term “qualitative research” implies that it is som ething set apart, d e­ fined by certain m ethods or approach es— that is, by particular “qualities.” By im plication, “qualitative research” is done in contrast to “q uan titative re­ search ,” which has its own rules for sum m ing up social, psychological, and polit­ ical life in num bers and equation s. T h ese assertions are more or less true, but they are also more or less beside the m ain point, at least the one we w ant to make in this chapter. Q u alitative research, as practiced in the founding tradi­ tions o f sociology at the University o f C h icago, is defined not so m uch by how it goes about knowing, but how it defines what it w ants to know about. T h a t is to say, the goal o f research in the C h icago tradition is to get as com plete as possible an understanding o f what is being studied, and that m eans always trying to un ­ derstand the larger picture, or con text. R esearch in this tradition, callcd the C h icago Sch ool o f sociology, often tries to look at whole com m unities— neighborhoods, social groups, or even big cit­ ies; occasionally, it tries to look at all o f these at once in relation to each other. It is a kind o f research that tries to un derstand people, their actions, and in stitu­ tions in all o f their com plicated interactions with each other. Q u alitative re­ 21

22

F R IED LA N D AN D C A M P B E L L

search un derstands that this com plex picture o f social or com m unity life som etim es will not show statistical relationships am ong “ variables,” 1such as the classification s such as gender, education , and incom e that are the m ainstay o f quan titative research. T h is em phasis on the whole com m unity does not n eces­ sarily m ake qualitative research better than variables-based, quan titative re­ search, but it does make it different— even when, as was often the case in the larger C h icago Sch ool studies, statistical and other d a ta also were used to u n ­ derstand how the com plicated parts o f a large com m unity fit together. So, more than anything else, qualitative research as we will use the term is holistic, m eaning that it tries to situate the things it studies in their broadest possible con text. T h ere are m any ways to do this, and m ost o f them rely on vari­ ous forms and com bin ations o f interview s and observation. T h e largest possible picture o f som e group o f social ph en om en a is the goal.

T H E CH IC A G O S C H O O L M E T H O D Q u alitativ e research can be described in a n um ber o f ways, and each h as a dif­ ferent sh ade o f m eaning. “ E th n ograph y ” is literally w riting about people or cultu re. It grew from the w ritings o f the early an th ropo lo gists who lived with tribal cultu res outsid e o f the U n ited S ta te s and w rote up everything possible (or at least everything they could see) ab ou t the way the people lived and w orked together. T h e hallm ark o f this work was the an th ro p o lo gists’ close c o n ta ct with people— their research “su b je c ts”— over a period o f tim e. T h eir research m eth ods in clu ded both “particip an t o b se rv atio n ,” m ean ing th at they w atch ed their research su b jects while doin g things with them ; and “depth in ­ terview s,” m ean in g th at they p articipated in exten d ed con versation s over tim e, asking people ab ou t w hat they were doin g and w hat it m ean t. T h e term “ fieldw ork” grew to m ean ju st this kind o f research: going out into the “ field,” that is, the places w here people con d u ct their daily lives. T h is rem ains a d efin ­ ing elem en t o f all qu alitative research. A t about the time that early anthropologists were visiting countries beyond the borders o f their hom elands, sociologists at the University o f C h icago were asking the sam e kinds o f questions about life in the U nited States. T h e shape and size o f the city o f C h icago was changing quickly in the early part of the 20th cen ­ tury under the pressures of urban industrialization and massive immigration. U n ­ d erstan d in g these c h a n ge s— an d the social problem s th at accom p an ied them— posed a huge challenge for researchers. In som e ways, the com m unities that sociologists w anted to investigate were much more com plex than the societ­ ies studied by the anthropologists. T h e anthropologists went to rem ote areas in order to grasp society and culture as a whole, in locations where things were pre-

2.

C O N N EC T ED R ESEA R CH

23

sumed to change very slowly and societies were coterm inous with small groups. In Chicago, however, waves o f immigrants speaking different languages and dia­ lects— Sw edish, Yiddish and dozens o f others— and A frican A m ericans moving from the South mingled in a city that could not expand quickly enough to feed, house, and offer work to all o f them . T hey com peted for housing and jobs and of­ ten clashed in village-like ghettos. Each group was a whole community, and to un ­ derstand these grinding, intersecting com m unities in relation to one another required understanding each separately. T h e C h icago researchers handled that challenge by going into each o f these com m unities, living in them, and describing the lives o f the people there as a whole— m uch the way anthropologists ap­ proached the study o f culture. T h e C h icago researchers used the techniques o f depth interviews and participant observation (while never shying away from the tools o f mapping or statistical d a ta ). T h e task was to get the broadest picture pos­ sible o f how the city worked, to discover how such a cacophonous clash o f lan­ guages, interests, and ways o f life could hang together— m uch less integrate— to make som ething that could be properly called a city at all. H ow ard Becker, a sociologist who was trained at the U niversity o f C h icago after World War II and is one o f the leading practitioners o f qualitative research in his generation, described the larger goal this way: T h e p o in t is n o t to p ro ve , b ey o n d d o u b t , the e x is t e n c e o f p ar ti cu la r r el at io n sh ip s so m u c h as to d esc rib e a syst em o f re la ti o n sh ip s, to sho w ho w t hin gs h a n g t o g et h er in a web o f m u t u a l in fl ue n ce o r su p p o r t or in t e r d e p e n d e n c e o r w h a t - h a v e - y o u , to de sc rib e the c o n n e c t i o n s b et w ee n the sp eci fi cs the e t h n o g r a p h e r k no w s by virtue o f h a v in g be en there. ( 1 9 9 6 , p. 56)

U N IQ U E Q U A L IT IE S Q F T H E C H IC A G O M E T H O D S “H avin g been there” and the focus on the intercon n ection o f groups and rela­ tionships are, more than anything else, w hat distinguishes qualitative from quan titative research. A more form al way o f understan din g this relationship at the broadest level is that qualitative research proceeds by understanding “c ase s” that are, often, very dense and com plex bundles o f actors, actions, and m eanings. From the standpoin t o f qualitative researchers, cases are extrem ely rich sources o f data, and a great deal can be learned from a single, w ell-done case study. A n o th er way o f saying this is that a qualitative case con tain s many different elem ents, each o f which is, in a way, its own case within a case. For exam ple, if we w ant to study the relationship betw een a civic jou rn al­ ism -oriented new spaper and its community, we can sec this as one large case: the case o f a com m unity-new spaper relationship, and, indeed, it is. However, within this larger um brella, there are a num ber o f different cases. T h e new spa­

24

F R IED LA N D AN D C A M P B E L L

per itself is a case; the editors and the reporters are separate cases. A ll have dif­ ferent roles— in stitu tion al, in terperson al, and profession al. T h ey h ave a relationship: their roles mesh, m eld, and som etim es clash. A ll o f the people in ­ volved have ideas about w hat good journalism is, about how to do it, and about where the line should be drawn betw een the newsroom and the com m unity. We can multiply this for publishers, photographers, graphic artists, and so on. Per­ haps editors and reporters learned about civic journalism in a w orkshop given by a foundation. T h en the foundation and its own set o f relationships and ideas becom e part o f the case. A ll o f this occurs before the researchers even begin to think about the com m u­ nity. We have already suggested just how internally different (or "differentiated”) any one group can be. For exam ple, m ost com m unities in the U nited States in­ clude a group o f elites, that is, the leaders in business, political, governm ent, and social circles. M ost com m unities also have dozens, if not hundreds, o f civic and community associations. People arc often divided by class, income, or social sta­ tus— and, certainly not least, they can be divided by race and ethnic background. Different cross-sections o f the com m unity might respond very differently to jour­ nalism initiatives. In N orth Carolina, for exam ple, when The Charlotte Observer began its landm ark project on race, crime, and community called “Taking Back O ur N eighborhoods,” wealthier white residents in one part o f town saw things quite differently than African A m ericans in others. T h e people within the Afri­ can A m erican community saw things differently, depending, for exam ple, on whether they were homeowners. Each o f these issues was a case that in turn m ade up the case o f civic journalism in C harlotte, and each had to be exam ined. A t the newspaper, researchers interviewed editors, reporters o f all sorts, graphic design­ ers, editorial writers, and many others. T h e researchers walked the streets, not only in the C harlotte neighborhoods covered by the series but also in neighbor­ hoods that were not. They talked to A frican A m ericans in poor neighborhoods and to African A m erican homeowners; to working-class W hite citizens; to dow n­ town businessm en; to the chief o f police and to officers on the beat (for this case and others o f public journalism , see Sirianni & Friedland, 2001). E ach told a dif­ ferent story, and each accoun t went into making up the case. T h e rich n ess o f a single case allow s for qu alitative research ers to describe an extraordinary am ou n t o f com plexity an d, at the sam e tim e, to ach ieve the prim ary goal o f any good social scien ce: reducin g the com plexity o f any social ph en om en on so th at we can un derstan d it b etter and com pare it to sim ilar cases. C ase -b ase d research can describe how groups are organized, internally and in relation to each other; the h istories o f even ts, that is, how things h ap ­

2.

C O N N EC T ED R ESEA R C H

25

p e n e d ; th e m e a n in g s o f e v e n ts, b o th to th e a c to rs th e m se lv e s, in th e ir ow n w ord s, an d to o u tsid e o b se rv e rs, e ith e r o th e r in te rv ie w su b je c ts o r th e re ­ se a r c h e rs th e m se lv e s. O n e h a llm a rk o f th is w ork th e n is its “ t h ic k n e s s ” or rich d e ta il. C o n te m p o ra ry a n th r o p o lo g ist C liffo rd G e e rtz (1 9 7 3 ) d e sc rib e s th e g o a l o f h is re se a rc h as “ th ic k d e s c r ip tio n .” A g a in , H o w a rd B e c k e r (1 9 9 6 ): A few b a s i c q u e s t i o n s s e e m t o lie a t t h e h e a r t o f t h e d e b a t e s a b o u t t h e s e m e t h o d s : M u s t w e t a k e a c c o u n t o f t h e v i e w p o i n t o f t h e s o c i a l a c t o r a n d , if w e m u s t , h o w d o we d o it? A n d : h o w d o w e d e a l w i t h t h e e m b e d d e d n e s s o f all s o c i a l a c t i o n in t h e w o r l d o f e v e r y d a y life? A n d : h o w t h i c k c a n w e a n d s h o u l d w e m a k e o u r d e s c r i p t i o n s ? (p. x i v )

T h e s e q u e s tio n s lie a t th e in te rse c tio n o f th e m ain p e r c e iv e d d iffe re n c e s b e tw e e n q u a lita tiv e a n d q u a n tita tiv e re se a r c h . A q u a n tita tiv e re se a r c h e r m ig h t say th a t th e c a se th a t we ju s t d e sc rib e d is on ly o n e c a s e , o r h a s “ a n N [n u m b e r] o f o n e .” To say a n y th in g m e a n in g fu l, th e q u a n tita tiv e re se a r c h e r m ig h t ad d , m an y c a s e s o f th e sa m e th in g arc n e e d e d , an d th e on ly w ay to m ak e su re th a t th e y arc th e sa m e th in g is to ask th e sa m e q u e stio n in th e sa m e w ay o f m an y d iffe re n t su b je c ts a t a b o u t th e sa m e tim e (p u t d ifferen tly , to m a k e su re th a t th e q u e stio n s are “ v a lid .” ). T h is is d o n e to m a k e su re th a t th e rese a r c h e r (s ) c a n g e n e ra lize from all o f th e se v a ria b le s th ro u g h th e u se o f s t a t is ­ tic s th a t allow m e a su r e m e n t o f b o th how th e v a ria b le s re la te to e a c h o th e r (“ c o r r e la t e ” ) an d th e a m o u n t o f erro r in th e m e a su r e m e n t (“ re lia b ility ” ). T h is k in d o f re se a rc h h as a large N , o fte n in th e h u n d re d s o r h ig h e r for e a c h v a r i­ a b le , so m e tim e s a lso c a lle d (c o n fu sin g ly ) c a se s. T h is is an old a r g u m e n t. S o m e tim e s it is fra m e d as th e c o n flic t b e tw e e n “ in ­ d u c t iv e ” re se a r c h , in w h ich s o c ia l s c ie n tis ts lo o k a t m an y in d iv id u a l th in gs (c a se s) in o rd e r to b uild up g e n e ra liz a tio n s a b o u t th em th a t c a n th e n be “ t e s t e d ” th ro u g h “d e d u c t iv e ” re se a r c h . D e d u c tiv e r e se a r c h e r s p ro p o se h y­ p o th e se s an d th e n te st th e m (u sin g e x p e r im e n ts, su rv ey s, o r o th e r q u a n t it a ­ tiv e te c h n iq u e s ). Q u a lita tiv e re se a r c h e r s d o n o t like th is d e sc rip tio n , b e c a u se it a p p e a r s to re d u c e w h a t they d o — th e g e n e ra tio n o f c o m p le x stu d ie s in v o lv ­ in g m an y d iffe re n t v a ria b le s in r e la tio n sh ip — to “ o n e ” th in g, th a t is, o n e v a r i­ a b le , w h ich is th e n se e n to be in su ffic ie n t for g e n u in e h y p o th e sis testin g . H o w ever, m o st se rio u s s o c ia l s c ie n tis ts re co g n ize th is sto ry as tired a t b e st, d e ­ sc rib in g a c e rta in k in d o f d iv isio n o f labor, an d silly an d m isle a d in g a t w orst. T h e u ltim a te g o a l o f so c ia l sc ie n c e is th e e x p la n a tio n o f c o m p le x so c ia l p h e ­ n o m e n a , an d b o th q u a n tita tiv e an d q u a lita tiv e m e th o d s are n e e d e d to d o this. In d e e d , w h en we tu rn to th e c la s s ic a l o rig in s o f A m e r ic a n so cio lo gy , th e C h i­ c a g o S c h o o l, we find th a t th is is p re cise ly w h at h a p p e n e d .

26

F R IED LA N D AN D C A M P B E L L

W H Y D ID T H E C H I C A G O S C H O O L E M E R G E ? O n e o f the m ost im portant problem s that the early sociologists at the University o f C h icago w anted to address was that o f social integration. From the late 19th century and into the 1930s, the U nited S tates was under extraordinary pres­ sure. U p to that time, there had been som ething like a con sensus (certainly am ong political and intellectual elites but one also shared by m any A m ericans) that the U nited S tates was a white, P rotestant nation, built on rural values o f hard work and self-sufficiency. Torrents o f new im m igrants— mostly from southern and eastern Europe but also from A sia, Latin A m erica, and else­ where— began to underm ine this con sensus. To put it differently, this older vi­ sion o f A m erican dem ocracy and com m unity no longer worked. D em ocracy and com m unity life cam e to be seen as problem s to be solved rather than ideals that could be taken for granted. Som e o f the m ost im portant thinking about the problem s o f dem ocracy and com m unity was also taking place at the U niversity o f C h icago during this pe­ riod. In particular, the philosopher Jo h n Dewey and G eorge H erbert M ead b e ­ gan to rethink traditional ideas. They saw that a dem ocracy that depen ded on unchanging, fixed ways o f life might n ot survive. Dewey addressed this question directly through his writings on dem ocracy and through his influential works on the philosophy o f education . M ead sought to un derstand how perceptions o f self are formed in relation to others. Each opened new perspectives on so ­ cial-psychological change and integrating new experiences. T h e C hicago researchers built on this foundation. They developed new tech­ niques o f investigation that were fitted to the problem s at hand: rapid urbaniza­ tion under the pressure o f immigration; the strains in social integration, and the challenge to democracy. They tried to develop new theory to help guide their study o f the social world. T h e techniques included ethnography, o f course, but the researchers also em braced m apping and use o f statistical data. T h e goal was to understand the city (and, by implication, the nation) in its complexity, and every research technique that could be borrowed, refined, or invented was needed. W h at does this have to do with journalism research and practice today? E v­ erything. T h e problem s o f un derstanding and integrating diversity in a globaliz­ ing age pose incredible new challenges to both social science and journalism . T h e holistic approach o f the C h icago Sch ool is m ore, not less, necessary today. It gives journalists both inspiration and license to engage fully in the process o f discovery. T h e world is not simply out there, fixed, waiting to be turned into variables and m easured. It is changing shape before our eyes, and only an e n ­ sem ble o f m ethods that is ad equate to capturing that change is ad equate to jo u r­ nalism or social science in the 21st century.

2.

27

CON N ECTED RESEARCH

F O U N D IN G S C H O L A R S A s we have suggested, journalists in search of theoretical, empirical, or polem i­ cal inspiration would be hard-pressed to exhaust the potential of the work pro­ duced in the first third of the 20th century in the developing discipline of sociology at the University of Chicago— a body of research, theory, and research m ethods known as the C hicago School. Robert E. Park, a journalist who had not earned his PhD in philosophy until he was 48, and his colleagues at the U n i­ versity of C hicago helped invent the academ ic discipline o f sociology, creating the methods they needed to develop and test theory in the real world and insist­ ing that sociology be o f some practical use. Founded in 1892 as part of a well-funded private university, the D epartm ent of Social Science and Anthropology was headed by Albion Sm all, a theorist who promoted empiricism and saw the study o f sociology primarily as prepara­ tion for citizenship and a way to improve society. O ne o f Sm all’s faculty appoint­ ments was W. 1. Thom as, whose theories attem pted to explain social change and motivation and who espoused systematic, m ultifaceted research culminating in com parative analyses. His major work, coauthored with Florian Znaniecki, was the five-volume study, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (1918). Th om as in turn recruited Park, the former newspaper reporter. Park, along with his re­ search partner, Professor Ernest W. Burgess, developed theories o f human ecol­ ogy and urban change, including the natural history of the city. Together, they supervised a generation of graduate researchers who studied various aspects of city life, using C hicago as their laboratory. Park and Burgess encouraged their students to test their developing theories of urban change using data they collected firsthand and data gathered by others for other purposes. T h is type o f fieldwork has since been refined into m ethodol­ ogies such as case studies and participant observation. T h e use of statistical data was central to their work; the researchers collected some data themselves, but Burgess also worked creatively with census data. Students learned statistical m ethods from the pioneers in that field: L. L. Thurstone, Emory Bogardus, and William F. Ogburn. Som e scholars have attem pted to pin the subsequent divide in sociology over quantitative versus qualitative m ethods on the Chicago School, or to label the C hicago School as atheoretical, but those approaches are pure mythmaking. T h e theory-guided, m ultim ethod approach is the true C h i­ cago tradition, well illustrated in a series o f m onographs such as The Hobo (A n ­ derson, 1923), The Ghetto (Wirth, 1928), The Taxi-Dance Hall (Cressey, 1925), and The Gang (Thrasher, 1927). In sociology, debate over the Chicago School legacy begins with the question of whether it can properly be called a “school” and ranges widely, touching on

28

F R IED LA N D AN D C A M P B E L L

the exten t to which the C h icago Sch ool sociologists were social reform ers, were influenced by pragm atist philosophy, and were deliberately or just misguidedly reconstructed by succeedin g generations in order to justify new theories or to le­ gitim ate new m ethodologies. C ritics charge that the C h icago sociologists were con servative apologists for the status quo who failed to recognize the implicit norm s o f their own work. O th ers dispute the strength o f the link from the C h i­ cago Sch ool to M e ad ’s symbolic interactionism , and H erbert B lum er’s version o f it. W h at has rarely been appreciated, even in sociology, is the vitality and ex­ citem ent that perm eated the interdisciplinary work o f the C h icago sociologists and the passion conn ecting their academ ic and personal lives. It is this interdis­ ciplinary, in terconnected, m ultim ethod approach to understanding the com ­ plexities o f com m unity life that offers journ alists a critically needed historical and theoretical grounding for their contem porary work.

IM P LIC A T IO N S FOR JO U R N A L IS M A thorough grounding in the exploratory theory and m ethods found in the work o f the C h icago Sch ool has several im plications for journalism and journalism re­ search. First, the C h icago Sch ool sociologists began with the idea that social re­ lationships were not static, nor could they be captured by single and discrete approach es to understan din g them . T h ese innovative thinkers used every bit o f inform ation available to them : firsthand d ata they collected; secondhand sta ­ tistical d ata from social service agen cies; new spaper accoun ts; and myriad per­ sonal docum en ts such as letters and diaries. T h e C h icago S ch o o l’s m ultim ethod approach appears to be regaining som e favor today as sociologists try to apprehend the incredible com plexity o f co n ­ tem porary com m unities and are urged by their colleagues to forgo the variables paradigm as the sole m ethod o f understanding social interaction (A bbott, 1997). T h a t is, the collection and analysis o f statistics is deem ed im portant and necessary, but not sufficient. T h is acknow ledgm ent clcarly has im plications for journalists and journalism researchers who are teaching them selves the kind o f sociological research envisioned by the C h icago Sch ool. T h e journalistic co n ­ nection to Park is especially strong: Dr. Park h a d be en a n e w s p a p e r m a n before he tu rn ed to sociology. H e ha d be en fa sc i­ n a t e d by the city. T h e p r o b le m s w hi c h the city p r e s e n te d in te res te d him greatly. He w as in te re st ed in the new spa pe r, its p o w er o f e x p o s in g c o n d it io n s an d a r o u s in g public s e n t im e n t , a n d in ta k i n g the lead in c r u s a d e s ag a i n st slu m s, e x pl oi ta t io n o f i m m i ­ gr an ts , or co r r u p ti o n in m u n i c ip a l affairs. T h e e x p o s e s by L in c o ln S te ff en s, a n d the w hole tr adi ti on in j o u r n al is m w hic h he s t im u l a te d , was the p oi n t o f d e p a rt u r e in this thinking. B u t Dr. Park fou n d that , while n e w s p a p e r pub lic ity ar o u s e d a gr ea t d ea l o f in ­ tere st a n d stirred the e m o t i o n s o f the pub lic , it did n o t lead to c o n st r u c t iv e ac ti o n . He

2.

C O N N EC T ED R ESEA R C H

29

d e c id e d th at so m e t h i n g m o r e t h an n ew s wa s n e e d e d , t h a t you ha d to ge t b e n e a t h the surfac e o f things. S o he r et u rn ed to the university. (B ur ge ss &. Bo g u e, 1964, p. 3)

A second im plication for contem porary journalism research is that it need not be presented in the jargon o f expertise or in obfuscated, pedantic prose; one o f the strengths o f the C h icago School is the accessible nature o f its published work. T h e clearly explicated ideas and research published in C h icago generated an entire discipline. Part o f that explication is the presentation o f inform ation in a graphi­ cally m eaningful way. Both characteristics o f C h icago research arc exhibited in the eminently readable books it produced in the 1920s and 1930s, such as The Hobo (A nderson, 1 9 2 3 ),TheCity (Park, 1925a), The G ang (Thrasher, 1927), The Ghetto (Wirth, 1928), and The Jack-Roller (Shaw, 1930/1966). A third im plication for journalism is the discovery o f a tradition o f acknow l­ edged com m unity conn ection s. Park (1939, p. vi) wrote that sociology is im por­ tant as a com m unity resource of inform ation, and he spelled out the dual role o f the sociologist: sociologist as scientist and sociologist as m em ber o f the hum an com m unity whose expectation is that his research will be applied beneficially. A final im plication for journalism research is simply the sense o f excitem ent that the C h icago Sch ool sociologists can inspire. A s A b b ott (1997) exhorted his colleagues in sociology: So ci o l o gy st a n d s befor e a g r e a t new flowering. N e w m e t h o d s are av ai la b le for borrow* ing. P r o b le m s for ana ly sis are mo r e pre ssi ng an d m or e exci ti ng t h a n ever. A b o v e all, we p o sse ss a go odl y heri tag e o f b o t h t h eo r et ic a l an d e m pi r i ca l work in the c o n t e x tu a l is t, int er ac t io n is t tradi ti on , b e q u e a t h e d us by the C h i c a g o S c h o o l . T h a t work p r o vi d es a fo u n d a t io n an d an e x a m p le for w here so ci olo gy o u g h t to go. (p. 11 82)

A b b o tt’s w ords are equally applicable to the practice and study o f journalism today.

H IST O R IC A L C O N T E X T FOR CH IC A G O S C H O O L R E SEA R C H Q u alitativ e m eth ods did not, o f course, spring forth fully form ed from the C h i­ cago Sch ool. R esearch ideas were borrow ed, revised, tested, revised again, codified in a gradu ate stu d en t h an db ook (Palmer, 1928), and field tested again . T h e so cio lo gists’ work drew from and com plem en ted p ractical social research in three oth er areas: the m assive study o f poverty con d u cted by C h arles B ooth in Lon don , the urban research done by Ja n e A d d am s an d the settlem en t house pioneers in C h icago , and the com m unity stud ies u n d er­ taken by the tireless activ ists who sustain ed the social survey m ovem en t in the U n ited S ta te s for m ore than 30 years.

30

F R IED LA N D AN D C A M P B E L L

d i a r i e s B o o th B ooth ’s Labour and Life o f the People in London series was published in multiple volum es betw een 1889 and 1902, reflecting more than a decade o f careful and detailed research. B ooth (1 8 8 9 ,1 8 9 1 ) began his m am m oth study o f urban pov­ erty and associated factors such as em ploym ent and religious life by surveying and then m apping London neighborhoods— house by house, street by street, block by block. H e dem on strated conclusively that individual behavior, social structure, and social welfare (and, it might be argued, civic life) were in extrica­ bly in terconn ected (Booth, 1902). He created w hat m ight now be called a d a ta­ base o f statistics on w ages and households that inform ed debate over British social policy for d ecades following the com pletion o f his 17-volum e study.2 His analyses were accom pan ied by thick descriptive m aterial that brought the streets o f London to life am id the pages and pages o f tables and charts. Booth di­ rectly and indirectly provided the m odel for the type o f research encouraged by the C h icago Sch ool sociologists. A s Booth had done, the C h icago Sch ool re­ search ers found ways to com bine qualitative and quan titative research, tacking back and forth betw een theory-driven deductive reasoning and inductive the­ ory building.

J a n e A d d a m s a n d H u ll-H o u se C h arles B ooth and the C h icago S ch ool academ ics were n ot the only researchers to use m aps, surveys, interviews, census data, and the like as they tried to under­ stand the com plexity o f urban life. Burgess and Bogue (1964), in their “ long view ” o f urban sociology, readily acknow ledge the work o f B ooth ’s con tem p o­ raries at H ull-H ouse: It is im p o r t an t to m ak e clear th at the D e p a r t m e n t o f Soci ol ogy studies were n o t the first field st udies in C h ic a g o . If you go ba ck as far as 1895 in the Hul l H o u s e Papers, you will find ur ban studies. It would be cor rec t to say that sys te m a tic urban studies in C h ic a g o be ga n with these H u l l- H o u se studies. Edith A b b o t t and S o p h o n is b a Brec ken rid ge, in w h at was then the C h i c a g o S c h o o l o f C iv ic s and Phi lanthropy (later the S c h o o l o f Social S er vic e A d m in is t r at io n o f this university), had carried on a series o f studies o f the im mi gra nt an d o f the o p era ti o n o f H u l l- H o u se . T h e y be ga n these st udies as early as 19 08. A n d o f course there were o the r isolated st udies o f C h i c a g o during the early deca d e s o f the twent iet h century. Simi lar work had be en going on in N ew York City an d in ot h er cities where there ha d been social surveys or inves tigat ions o f slum s, (p. 4)

H ull-H ouse, founded by A d dam s, was the sccon d settlem en t house in the U n ited S ta te s 3 and arguably the m ost influential. Its founding ideal was the “conviction that social intercourse could best express the grow ing sense o f the econ om ic unity o f society” with the wish that “ the social spirit” would be the

2.

C O N N EC T ED R ESEA R CH

31

“undercurrent o f the life o f H ull-H ouse, w hatever direction the stream might tak e” (R esidents, 1895, p. 207). H ull-H ouse had living space for up to 20 per­ m anent residents, a library branch, art gallery, clubs and class spacc, coffec houses, gym nasium , a kindergarten, a m usic school, a co-op w om en’s ap art­ m ent, a men's club, a theater, and the first public playground in C h icago. H u n ­ dreds o f visitors, including im m igrant residents o f the neighborhood, stream ed into H ull-H ouse weekly to talk and learn about everything from philosophy and politics to finding a job and raising a family. T h e founding H ull-H ouse residents, com prising for the m ost part a group o f educated, m iddle-class social reform ers, set out im m ediately to survey their neighborhood with the intention o f providing statistics upon which plans for so ­ cial im provem ents could be based (R esidents, 1895). Led by Florence Kelley, the survey w ork was m od eled on the B o o th stu d ie s. T h e p a in stak in g house-by-house survey o f incom e, household size, and ethnicity included per­ sonal interview s with residents and provided the d ata for Hull-House M aps and Papers, first published in 1895.

T h e S o c ia l S u rv e y M o v e m e n t A s the settlem en t house activists pursued their studies, an oth er strand o f re­ search developed into what cam e to be known as the social survey m ovem ent, sustained in great m easure by the R ussell Sage Foundation. T h e social survey m ovem ent com prised nearly 3,000 studies undertaken by large and sm all cities across the U n ited S tates betw een the turn o f the century and the early 1930s. T h e leaders o f the social survey m ovem ent were, in general, associated with the Russell Sage Foundation4 and explicitly com m itted to social reform. They also were well acquainted with the Booth studies, the work o f A d dam s and Kelley at H ull-H ouse, and with the academ ic investigations o f the C h icago Sch ool. T h e Russell Sage Foundation ’s financial support was critical to the social survey m ovem ent, which was rooted in the ideals o f the charity organizations o f the p e ­ riod. T h e social survey m ovem ent arose, in no sm all part, because the charity organizations decided that direct giving would not provide a long-term solution for poverty and its associated social ills, including the truly grim working con d i­ tions found in newly industrialized cities. T h e Russell Sage Foundation c a ta ­ loged, published, and distributed a large library o f reports and instructional pam phlets for citizens in com m unities wishing to survey them selves; it en cour­ aged the use o f m aps and other graphic devices to illustrate survey findings; and it helped finance many o f the social survey studies. T h e benchm ark survey was undertaken in Pittsburgh in 1906. T h e architects o f the study, led by journalist Paul U. Kellogg, eschew ed the m uckraking a p ­

32

F R IED LA N D AN D C A M P B E L L

proach popular in the sam e period. W hen Kellogg was asked to investigate and report on living and working conditions in Pittsburgh, he put together a re­ search team and sought sponsorship from the Charity O rganization Society o f N ew York, for whom he worked as m anaging editor o f a leading philanthropic journ al o f the period, Charities and The Commons. H e also asked for and re­ ceived funding from the newly form ed R ussell Sage Foundation. In 1907, Kellogg and a team o f researchers began to investigate and docum en t the w ork­ ing and living con dition s in Pittsburgh, a heavily industrialized city w hose nam e was already synonym ous with iron and steel. T h e survey results were published in six volum es betw een 1909 and 1914, but the books were only part o f the story o f this innovative research. T h e find­ ings were presented in speeches, m agazine articles, photographs, and a traveling exhibition; thus the Pittsburgh Survey was notable for its organized attem pt to publicize its findings am ong the people who had been surveyed. In keeping with the rcscarch crs’ goals o f em pow ering residents through inform ation, dissem in a­ tion o f the survey results to the people o f the city was an integral part o f the e n ­ terprise. T h e Pittsburgh C ivic Exhibit o f N ovem b er and D ecem ber 1908 displayed m ap s, p h o to grap h s, draw ings, an d in ven tive grap h ic displays (Kellogg, 1909, p. 519), such as a 250-foot-long frieze o f hum an silhouettes rep­ resenting the num ber o f death s from typhoid fever in 1907. T h e 622 silhouettes o f m en, wom en, and children were placed 3 inches apart along the walls o f an exhibit room in C arnegie H all; large signs over the doors com pared Pittsburgh’s death rate from typhoid to the lower rate o f other large cities and dem anded: “W ho is responsible for this sacrifice?” (Wing, 1909, p. 923). T h e C ivic Exhibit also included an opening session on the “civic bearings” o f the survey (Kellogg, 1909, p. 519). A s Koven (1992) noted: T h e P i t t s b u r g h s u r v e y c a n be v i e w e d as a t e n t a t i v e i n it ia t iv e to m a k e t he su r v ey th e b a s is for d i a l o g u e a c r o s s c l a s s li ne s b e t w e e n t he s u r v e y o r s a n d t he c o m m u n i t y . A t the ve ry l e a s t , it d e f i n e d the c o m m u n i t y n o t on ly as o b j e c t s b u t as c o n s u m e r s o f th e surv ey, (p. 3 7 0 )

O n A pril 18, 1912— shortly after the survey itself w as com pleted, but b e­ fore all o f the six volum es had been pub lish ed— Kellogg ad dressed the A c a d ­ emy o f Political Scien ce on “T h e Sp read o f the Survey Id e a.” H e noted that the survey m ovem en t had cap tured the im agin ation o f the citizenry, with m ore com m un ities ask ing for surveys than there were people to con d u ct them . Surveys, he said, were w anted in cities such as Buffalo, S a g Harbor, Sy r­ acu se, and Sprin gfield; in the state s o f Kentucky, R h ode Island, N ew Jersey, Pennsylvania, Illinois, M issouri, M in n esota, T exas, and K an sas; and even as far away as British C olu m b ia and India.

2.

C O N N EC T ED R ESEA R CH

33

D EV E LO PIN G T H E O R Y AND M E T H O D S T O G E T H E R A t the settlem ent houses and throughout the social survey m ovem ent, the re­ searchers’ goal was to grasp the com plexities o f modern urban life for the explicit purpose o f civic im provem ent and reform. A t the University o f Chicago, a c a ­ demic research in sociology took a short step in a slightly different direction. T h e goal o f understanding urban life was accom panied by a more explicit desire to d e­ velop theory that could explain it— theory that would be used, o f course, by social planners, rather than the academ ics them selves, for the betterm ent o f society.

T h e N a t u r a l A r e a s o f t h e C ity O n e o f Park and B urgess’ m ost tested theories was that o f the “natural are as” o f the city. Park conten ded that cities tend to “conform to the sam e pattern, and this pattern invariably turns out to be a con stellation o f typical urban areas, all o f which can be geographically located and spacially defin ed” (1925b, p. 11). C ities, these urban ecologists believed, are m ade up o f interrelated parts. T h e C h icago sociologists saw the city as a natural area— one that grows in relatively predictable ways that could only be m odified by the lan dscape and might be af­ fected a bit by hum an intervention, but nevertheless one whose character was shaped by natural processes o f selection and differentiation. Park and Burgess theorized that cities also undergo a n atural process o f co n ­ cen tration and decentralization, with business, culture, and politics co n cen ­ trating in the center at the points where transportation system s intersect (Park, 1925a). D ecentralization, their theory suggested, occurred in the push for resi­ dential areas away from the centcr. T h ese n atural processes, they believed, also sifted and w innowed the population. T h e C h icago Sch ool sociologists tended to talk about the growth o f cities as a succession o f invasions, com parable to the introduction o f a new plant species into an area. T h e “in vasion s” often started in the center, where it was easier for new com ers to get a foothold— a place where they could find other im m igrants, good tran sportation , and cheap h ous­ ing— but then m oved successively out through a series o f con centric zones. T h e C h icagoists expected social disorganization as a result, but they also expected reorganization as a natural accom m odation to the change. T h ey expected im­ m igrants o f all ethnic, racial, and religious backgrounds to follow this pattern, describing com m unities such as the “ Little Sicilys,” the “C h in atow n s,” and the Jew ish gh ettos as transition zones. To test their theories o f social organization and disorganization, the C hicago sociologists, using a cadre o f graduate students, poked and probed the various neighborhoods and socioeconom ic aspects o f their own city— always with the

34

FRIEDLA N D AND C A M PB ELL

idea that their research was intended to inform the future study of all cities. Thom as, one of the earliest members of the Chicago school faculty, pioneered the methods that were subsequently adapted by Park, Burgess, and their students as they immersed themselves in the everyday life of Chicago. Together, they pro­ duced a remarkable series of sociological studies published between 1923 and the m id-1930s. T h is chapter concludes with a brief review of T h om as and Znaniecki’s study of Polish immigrants and Anderson’s study o f hobos, illustrating how the Chicago researchers employed various methods to make sense of what they were finding and to relate each of the parts to the others.

T h e P o l i s h P e a s a n t in E u r o p e a n d A m e r i c a Th om as and Znaniecki noted in this classic work, first published in 1918, that people live their lives neither scientifically nor statistically. “We live by infer­ en ce,” Thom as and Znaniecki stated flatly, and what is needed are continuing life history studies “along with the available statistical studies to be used as a ba­ sis for the inferences drawn” (1918, p. 301). Statistics, he said, must be put in the context o f life histories and constantly checked for validity. In other words, Th om as was arguing for an iterative, complementary, and interactive m ethod­ ology upon which to base the emerging discipline o f sociology. Thom as and Znaniecki (1918) theorized that the behavior of Polish immi­ grants had social causes, not racial or ethnic origins (p. 58). In their research, Thom as and Znaniecki used various kinds of documents in various parts of their study. For example, letters from Poland were sources for their description of the immigrants’ lives before they came to the United States. Newspapers and other archives provided information they used to describe the changes in Polish poli­ tics, economics, and families; parish albums were used for similar purposes in the United States; and a detailed life history of one man, W ladek Wisznienski, was used to support the authors’ social theories. Doctors, social workers, editors, and teachers were interviewed for the study, but the Polish people themselves were not. Thom as, it seems, did not approve of personal interviews with his subjects, which he felt “manipulated the respondent excessively" (Bulmer, 1984, p. 54).

The H obo T h e m ultim ethod approach to research employed by the Chicago sociologists is also well illustrated by a series o f monographs, most based on doctoral disserta­ tions com pleted under the direction of Park and Burgess. T h e first was A nder­ son’s The Hobo, published in 1923. (A nother o f these monographs, The Taxi'Dance Hall, is discussed extensively in chap. 8.)

2.

C O N N EC T ED R ESEA R CH

35

Park wrote introductions for m any o f these books, and in The Hobo’s preface, he promptly declared the intended generalizability o f the studies: It is, in fact, the p u rp o se o f t he se st u d ie s to em p h as iz e n o t so m u c h the p ar ti cu la r and local as the ge n er ic a n d u niv ers al as p e c t s o f the city a n d its life, an d so m a k e these st u di es n o t mer ely a c o n t r ib u t io n to o u r in fo r m at i o n bu t to ou r p e r m a n e n t scientific kn o w le d g e o f the city as a c o m m u n a l type. (1 9 2 3 , p. xxvi )

M an, Park added, has m ade the city, but the city has also made the m an; and in this case, the city has turned a particular type o f m an— the pioneer— into the hobo (1923, p. xxiii). A n d erson ’s own preface to his book offered a similar assessm ent. H e had be­ com e interested in the life o f the wanderer, he acknow ledged, m ainly because he had been one, both during his upbringing as one o f 12 children o f Sw edish im m igrant farm ers and as a young m an skinning m ules, laying railroad track, and working in lum ber cam ps and m ines across the U nited States. A fter finally finishing high school and college in U tah , he hopped his last freight to the U n i­ versity o f C h icago for graduate school, arriving in 1920. The Hobo is a classic exam ple o f the integrated m ethodology that the C h i­ cago sociologists used to in vestigate urban life. T h e m on ograph brim s with rich descriptive prose as A n d erso n revealed to his readers the in tricacies of “ H o b o h e m ia,” its M ain Stem (the cen tral are a), as well as its in h abitan ts, their lifestyles, and their ways o f thinking. A lo n g the way, his an e cd o tal and statistical eviden ce accu m u lated for the argum en t he m ade ab ou t the cau ses o f this “ v a g ab o n d a g e ” : “ (a) unem ploym ent and seaso n al w ork, (b) industrial inadequacy, (c) d efects o f personality, (d) crises in the life o f the person, (e) ra­ cial or n ation al discrim in ation, [and] (0 w an derlu st.” A ny solutio n to the problem o f h om eless m en that does n ot ad dress these fu n d am en tal structural problem s at the “ core o f our A m erican life,” he con clu ded, is simply insuffi­ cien t (A n d erson , 1923, p. 8 6 ). A n d erson ’s (1923) study also included a look at the com plicated role o f elites, whom he called “influentials,” in H obohem ia. For exam ple, he found that Dr. Ben R eitm an, “King o f the H o b os,” was disdained by the hobos, dism issed as an aristocrat because he owned a Ford (p. 173). T h e hobos, A n d erson reported, were great and voracious readers; to som e extent, they were writers as well, pub­ lishing in hobo new sletters and progressive publications. Public speaking was a form o f neighborhood entertain m ent; the H obo C ollege even provided a public sphere o f sorts and training in public speaking— plus lunch (pp. 2 2 6 -2 2 7 ). A n ­ derson’s detailed and yet holistic approach to the study o f H oboh em ia captured the com plex web o f relationships and activities in a com m unity o f people m asked by stereotypical depictions o f the n ation’s vagabonds.

36

FRIEDLA N D AND C A M PB ELL

In The Hobo, Anderson organized his evidence empirically as well. He of­ fered a typology of homeless men (1923, pp. 8 7 -8 8 ) that defined hobos as mi­ gratory workers. He classified nonworkcrs as tramps and bums, distinguishing between those who traveled and those who did not. He estim ated the numbers o f homeless at “probably” more than a million (p. 105) and provided a classifica­ tion of the kinds o f work hobos did (p. 107). His search for docum ents turned up few employment records, prompting him to com m ent: “Their records are not merely inadequate; they are a joke” (p. 111). Clearly, such records and docu­ ments were important to his research and their absence was felt. Drawing on his research as well as his personal experience, Anderson specu­ lated about the factors that defined the relationship am ong hobos, other citi­ zens, and the police. He suggested that the more hobos who congregated in a given area, the more an individual hobo was seen as a problem despite the fact, he noted, that the average hobo hasn’t the courage to be a first-class crook (pp. 163-165). A nderson also suggested that the h obos’ longings for a classless soci­ ety drew them to socialist labor m ovem ents (p. 167) even though, ironically, they were basically unfit for group life (p. 247). A lthough one of the study's sponsors, the Com m ittee on H om eless M en o f the C hicago Council o f Social Agencies, pinpointed unemployment as the underlying problem of H obohem ia, A nderson’s consistent m essage, derived from his intimate knowledge of his sub­ ject, was that hobos desired their way of life and would return to it— despite the best efforts of reformists, missions, homeless agencies, and educators.

T H E A U T H O R I T Y O F M U L T IP L E RESEARCH M ETH O D S T h e inclusive research o f the Chicago sociologists and their contem poraries dem onstrates that qualitative and quantitative m ethods have a shared history. Booth pioneered mapping and data collection in whole com m unities; settle­ ment house activists and the social survey advocates drew upon Booth’s work and cham pioned civic participation as the path to social reform. A t the U niver­ sity of Chicago, Th om as and Znaniecki provided a working m odel for collecting and analyzing life histories; subsequent research refined and improved on their m ethods while inventing others. T h e data classification, depth interviews, and participant observation techniques explored in The Hobo and other Chicago School studies dem onstrate research whose goal was understanding the city and its residents in the largest possible social context. We want to reemphasize that the reconstruction o f context in the Chicago model dem anded that statistical data be used whenever it was available, and of­ ten, that it be collected when it was not. T h e interplay of observation, interview,

2.

37

C O N N EC T ED R ESEA R CH

research, and classification, however, always flowed into the larger theoretical and em pirical task o f un derstanding the city, and, through the lens o f the city, the larger social forces reshaping the nation. We h ave looked at the C h icago Sch o o l for several reason s. T h e first is the enorm ity o f the task th at they u n dertook . To seek to u n derstan d the city as an organ ic w hole is an extraordinary u n dertak in g and rarely attem p ted . In the field o f m ass com m u n ication , a few rem arkable research projects have tried, however, to begin to build a larger c o n te x tu al un derstan din g o f w hole cities, m aking use o f both qu alitative and qu an titativ e d ata. Professor S h aron Iorio (1998) o fW ich ita S ta te U niversity directed a 1992 qu alitative study in W ich ­ ita, K an sas, that is one o f the earliest exam ples o f research using m ultiple depth interview s in a single city to guide a civic journ alism project. Professor Sa n d ra J. B all-R o keach (2001) o f the A n n en b erg Sch o o l for C om m u n ication at the U niversity o f So u th ern C aliforn ia is currently attem p tin g to reco n ­ struct social and com m u n ication pattern s in large parts o f Los A n geles. P ro­ fessor Ja c k M cL eod o f the U niversity o f W isconsin has spen t 40 years developin g a com plex portrait o f M adison , W isconsin, using prim arily q u a n ti­ tative tech n iques (see, for exam ple, M cL eod et al., 1996). A s au th ors o f this chapter, we are also en gaged in large-scale civic m apping and eth n ography in M adison and plan other com m unity-w ide studies. Som e readers o f this volum e will them selves becom e researchers. Regardless o f their inclinations toward qualitative or q uan titative studies, we urge them to consider the larger problem s o f reconstructing relationships in a single com m u­ nity. O th ers will becom e journ alists, perhaps civic journalists, and the problem o f constructin g the con text o f com m unity will be cen tral to all o f the work that they do. Journ alists who learn to look at com m unities as com plex webs o f rela­ tionships am ong people and institutions will find a whole series o f in tercon n ec­ tions that will deepen any story. T h e theory that we offer here says that a com m unity is woven o f in terconnected fabric, B eck er’s “web o f m utual influ­ e n ce.” If we are right, then the best way to report on com m unity fairly and ac c u ­ rately— or to research the effects o f such reporting— is to know that web and to follow its conn ections using a variety o f qualitative and quan titative m ethods. T h e result will be research and reporting in the authentic, auth oritative voice o f one who has truly “ been there.”

EN DNO TES ' T h r o u g h o u t this c h ap ter , we h a v e c h o s e n to set ap ar t, with q u o t a t i o n m a rk s, s o m e o f the te r m s c o m m o n l y u sed in q u a n t i t a t iv e a n d q u a li t a t iv e re se ar c h. We h a v e d o n e so d e l ib e r ­ ately to try to call at t e n t io n to their m e a n i n g an d the role t hey play in de t e r m in in g the way we as k q u e s t i o n s a n d se ek an sw ers .

38

FRIEDLAND AND CAM PBELL

2T h e p u b licatio n history o f the B oo th stu d ie s is com plex. T h e m ost readily av ailab le p u b lic a­ tion s are th ose th at collap sed the stu d ies into four v olu m es, the secon d o f which was an ap p en d ix o f m aps. *T h e first w as N e igh b o rh o o d G uild in N ew York, foun ded in 1886. H u ll-H o u se w as m odeled on Toynbee H all in L on d on 's E ast E nd; it still exists and h as a lively w ebsite at w w w .toynbeeh all.org.uk/ T h e R ussell S a g e F ou n d atio n w as estab lish ed by M arg aret O liv ia S a g e , who gave a goodly portion o f her h u sb a n d ’s $65 m illion e sta te to various ch arities in the early 1900s. W idow ed at 78, she w as ad a m a n t ab o u t using the m oney to im prove so cial an d living c o n ­ d ition s in the U n ited S ta te s. W ith an initial en d ow m en t o f $ 10 m illion, the R ussell Sage F ou n d atio n b egan its work in 1907. T h e new fo u n d atio n ’s board quickly estab lish ed that it w ould not provide aid to in d ivid u als, it w ould not fund university research , and it w ould n ot co n trib u te to ch u rch -sp o n so re d e n d e av o rs. It w ould an d did, how ever, provide fu n d ­ ing for large -scale com m un ity surveys (G len n , B ran d t, & A n d rew s, 1947).

REFERENCES A b b o tt, A . (1 9 9 7 ). O f tim e an d sp a ce : T h e con tem p orary relevan ce o f the C h ic a g o S c h o o l. Social Forces, 7 5 (4 ), 1 1 4 9 -1 1 8 2 . A n d e rso n , N . (1 9 2 3 ). The hobo. C h ic a g o : U n iversity o f C h ica g o Press. B a ll-R o k e ach , S. J. (2 0 0 1 ). Story tellin g n eigh b orh o od : Path s to belon gin g in diverse urban e n v iro n m e n ts. Com m unication Research, 2 8 (4 ), 3 9 2 - 4 2 8 . Becker, H . (1 9 9 6 ). T h e ep istem ology o f q u alitativ e research . In R. Je sso r & A . C olb y & R . A . Sh w eder (E d s.), Ethnography and human development: Context and meaning in social inquiry (pp. 5 3 - 7 1 ). C h ic a g o : U n iversity o f C h ic a g o Press. B o o th , C . A . (1 8 8 9 ). L abour and life of the people: Volume I, E ast London (2nd ed., Vol. I). L o n ­ d on : W illiam s and N o rg ate . B o o th , C . A . (1 8 9 1 ). L abour and life o f the people: Volume II, London continued (Vol. II). L o n ­ d on : W illiam s an d N o rg ate . B o o th , C . A . (1 9 0 2 ). Life and labour o f the people in London: Final Volume (2nd ed. Vol. IV ). L o n d o n : M acm illan an d C o ., L im ited. Bulm er, M . (1 9 8 4 ). The Chicago School o f Sociology. C h ic a g o : U n iversity o f C h ic a g o Press. B urgess, E. W., &. B o g u e, D. J. (1 9 6 4 ). R esearch in urban society: A long view. In E. W. B u r­ gess & D. J. B oguc (E d s.), Contributions to urban sociology (pp. 1 - 1 4 ). C h ic a g o : U niversity o f C h ic a g o Press. Cressey, P. G. (1 9 6 9 ). The taxi'dance hall. M ontclair, N J: P atterson S m ith . (O rigin al work published in 1925) G eertz, C . (1 9 7 3 ). T h ic k descrip tio n : Tow ard a in terp retive theory o f cu ltu re. The interpretalion o f cultures (pp. 3 - 3 0 ). N ew York: B asic Books. G len n , J. M ., B ran d t, L ., & A n d rew s, F. E. (1 9 4 7 ). Russell Sage Foundation, 1 9 0 7 - 1 9 4 6 (Vol. 1). N ew York: S a ge . Iorio, S. H . (1 9 9 8 , A u g u st). Public discourse, economic/fiscal policy issues, and civic journ alism . Paper presen ted at the A sso c iatio n for E d u catio n in Jo u rn alism and M ass C o m m u n ic a ­ tion , B altim ore, M D . Kellogg, P. U. (1 9 0 9 , Ja n u ary 2). Charities and The Com m ons (Vol. X X I, 14). K oven , S . (1 9 9 2 ). Su rveyin g the so cial survey. In M. Bulm er, K. B ales & K . K . S k lar (E d s.), The social survey in historical perspective, 18 8 0 - 1 9 4 0 (pp. 3 6 8 - 3 7 6 ). C am b rid ge, E n glan d: C am b rid ge U n iversity Press. M c L e o d , J. M ., Daily, K ., G u o , Z., E velan d Jr., W. P., Bayer, J., Yang, S ., & W ang, H . (1 9 9 6 ). C om m u n ity in tegration , local m edia use, an d d em o cratic processes. Com m unication Re­ search, 12 ( 2), 1 7 9 - 2 0 9 .

2.

CONNECTED RESEARCH

39

P alm e r, V. ( 1 9 2 8 ) . Field studies in sociology. C h ic a g o : U n iv e r s ity o f C h ic a g o P re ss. P a rk , R . E . ( 1 9 2 3 ) . P r e fa c e . In N . A n d e r s o n , T h e hobo (p p . 0 0 - 0 0 ) . C h ic a g o : U n iv e r s ity o f C h ic a g o P re ss. P a rk , R . E . ( 1 9 2 5 a ) . T h e c ity : S u g g e s t io n s fo r th e in v e s tig a tio n o f h u m a n b e h a v io r in th e urb a n e n v ir o n m e n t . In R . E . P a rk , E . W. B u r g e ss & R . M c K e n z ie (E d s .), T h e city (p p . 1 - 4 6 ) . C h ic a g o : U n iv e r s ity o f C h ic a g o P re ss. P a rk , R . E . ( 1 9 2 5 b ) . A s p a c ia l p a tt e r n a n d a m o r a l o rd e r. In E . W. B u r g e s s ( E d .) , T h e urban com m un ity: Selected p ap ers from the proceedings o f the A m erican sociological society, 19 2 5 (p p . 3 - 1 8 ) . C h ic a g o : U n iv e r s ity o f C h ic a g o P re ss. P a rk , R . E . ( 1 9 3 9 ) . A n outline o f the principles o f sociology. N e w Y ork: B a r n e s & N o b le , In c. R e s id e n t s o f H u ll H o u s e . ( 1 8 9 5 ) . H u ll'H o u s e m ap s an d p a p e rs. B o s t o n : C r o w e ll &. C o . S h a w , C . R . ( 1 9 6 6 ) . T h e Ja c k 'R o lle r. C h ic a g o : U n iv e r s ity o f C h ic a g o P re ss. (O r ig in a l w ork p u b lish e d in 1 9 3 0 ) S ir ia n n i, C ., &. F r ie d la n d , L . A . ( 2 0 0 1 ) . C iv ic inn ovation in A m e r ic a : C om m u n ity em pow erm ent, public policy, an d the m ovem ent fo r civic ren ew al. B e rk e le y , C A : U n iv e r s ity o f C a l i f o r ­ n ia P re ss. T h o m a s , W. I., &. Z n a n ie c k i, F. ( 1 9 1 8 ) . T h e Polish p e a sa n t in E u rop e an d A m e ric a . N e w Y ork: A lfr e d A . K n o p f. T h r a s h e r , F. ( 1 9 2 7 ) . T h e gan g. C h ic a g o : U n iv e r s ity o f C h ic a g o P re ss. W in g, F. E . ( 1 9 0 9 ) . T h irty - fiv e y e a rs o f ty p h o id . C h arities an d T h e C o m m o n s (V o l. X X I , 1 9 ). W irth , L . ( 1 9 2 8 ) . T h e ghetto. C h ic a g o : U n iv e r s ity o f C h ic a g o P re ss.

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

3 THe C h a n g in g New s Paradigm: From Objectivity to Interpretive Sufficiency C liffo rd G . C h ristia n s University of Illinois at U rbana-Cham paign

T h e contem porary version of the press traces its beginning to the 1890s. T h e media developed into an industrial structure, and the first forays into journalism education appeared. T h e press took shape as a complex and diversified social institution, with journalists an expert class pursuing specialized tasks. T h e N orth A m erican press began understanding itself during this decade not as a political forum or socializing force, but as a corporate econom ic structure m ar­ keting a commodity for consum ers. Structural patterns of authority and a c ­ countability were utilitarian in form, and utilitarianism characterized the press’s organizational culture, which in turn was rooted in industrial production and market distribution. T h e industrialization and com m ercialization of the media displaced an earlier news culture that had used partisan advantage as its main standard. With the industrialization o f the press, media occupations, especially journalism , began to redefine themselves as middle-class professions and sought a place within the rising university system. A university education for journalists was first seriously attem pted late in the 19th century. By 1910 when Flexner had written his monum ental Report to the Carnegie Foundation for the A dvancem ent of Teaching on professional train­ ing in a university context, journalism education had adopted a functional

42

C H R IST IA N S

m odel for itself com patible with the utility theory that dom inated the first d e­ bates about the com m ercial press’ character and role. T h e key im petus behind the creation o f these early university program s in journalism was the need for the press to enhance its respectability in the face o f h eated public criticism . In the early and mid- 19th century, journalism was a low-prestige occupation in a highly com petitive m arket. B ecau se journalists were perceived to have very lit­ tle power, the public was not im pressed by the typical new spaper or reporter, but was not especially alarm ed either. However, circum stances began to change dram atically as the 19th century neared its end. T h e press expan ded rapidly in all the urban centers o f Britain, with m ajor national new spapers com ing into existen ce and playing a prom inent role in British journalism for m ost o f the following century (People, 1881; Daily M ail, 1896; Daily Express, 1900; Daily Mirror, 1903). W hile multiple ow nership o f weekly new spapers started early in the 18th century, press chains created by the press barons in the late 19th and early 20th centuries began gaining a dom i­ n an t m arket position (C urran & Seato n , 1997, pp. 2 8 -2 9 ). N ew spapers in the U n ited S tates grew in circulation, industrialized their pro­ duction, and introduced econom ies o f scale through m odern distribution and through reliance on advertising that led to increasing m onopolization o f local m arkets in the later 19th and early 20th centuries. T h e rising power o f the press m ade lapses that earlier had been colorful now seem to be dangerous. N ew sp a­ per owners, like railroad m agnates, were seen by m any as robber barons and an ti-d em ocrats. T h is popular perception o f corruption had a sign ifican t am oun t o f truth to it. In response, respectable elem ents o f the press sought to develop a more polished public image. M ajor new com m unication technologies betw een 1837 (telegraph) and World War I (telephone, 1876, and w ireless, 1899) gave birth to the m odern in­ tern ational com m unication system . T h ese technologies spaw ned som e o f the first tran sn ation al com panies: M arconi (operating in several countries with the p a re n t c o m p a n y in the U n ite d K in g d o m ); S ie m e n s an d S la b y - A r c o (Telefunken after 1903) in Germ any; T h om son in France; W estern U nion, A T & T , and U nited W ireless in the U nited States; Philips in the N eth erland s (Fortner, 1993, p. 77). T h e first subm arine cable was laid across the straits o f D over in 1851, and the first transatlantic cable was laid in 1866. Britain com ­ pleted its first direct cable to Bom bay in 1870 and to A u stralia in 1872. With the developm ent o f the submarine telegraph, the turn o f the century marked the zenith of the m onopolistic power o f the great cable com panies, to be overturned them selves by M arconi. M onopoly becam e a crucial issue for interna­ tional com m unication henceforth, with regulation entangled by dom estic and imperial interests. “T h e period up to World War I was one o f rising nationalism ,

3.

C H A N G IN G N E W S P A R A D IG M

43

creation and con solidation o f em pires, and intense com m ercial rivalry. T h e ten ­ dency was to equ ate n ation al interests with those o f a coun try’s m ajor industrial co n cern s” (Fortner, 1993, p. 8 7 ). A s long distan ce tech nologies established new centralizations o f power, coop eration was necessary for tech n ical reason s. H ow ­ ever, in these early years o f the tran sn ation al com m un ication system , “it was n a ­ tion against nation , com pan y versus com pany, suspicion opposing suspicion ... [in the] com petition to control the m eans o f com m un ication and to establish com m ercial h egem onies and inform ation m on opolies” (Fortner, 1993, p. 92).

O B JE C T IV IT Y A S NO RM C o n c e rn s ab o u t m edia eth ics follow ed the sam e trajectory. Jo u rn a listic co n d u ct h as been criticized an d d eb ated since the old est know n n ew spaper published in G erm an y in 1609. H ow ever, ab uses o f the p ress were n ot explicitly linked to e th ­ ical principles until the en d o f the 19th century. D uring the 1890s a tran sition occurred from everyday com m en tary in new spaper articles to a m ore reflective period related to eth ical p recep ts (D ick en G a rcia, 1989). A com m on sen se utili­ tarianism em erged as the o verall fram ew ork. Se n satio n a lism h ad b een a staple o f the en tire century, but it took serious in stitu tion al form in the late 1890s from the H e a rst an d Pulitzer circu lation b attle s during the Sp a n ish -A m e rica n War. A s electro n ic co m m u n icatio n system s were establish ed , privacy b ecam e an u r­ gen t issue as sen sitiv e d iplom atic, military, and com m ercial in fo rm ation crossed m ultiple borders, especially in E urope (Fortner, 1993, pp. 8 8 - 8 9 ). Freebies and ju n k ets, scou rged by m edia critics since 1870, w ere treated m ore system atically in the c o n te x t o f in dividual accoun tability. A platform w as laid for the free p re ss-fair trial d e b ate , alth ough with virtually no progress beyond in sistin g on the p re ss’s rights. T h e initial w ork o f the 1890s, though rudim entary in eth ics, evolved in to a serious effort during the 1920s as jou rn alism e d u catio n was establish ed within the liberal arts. Four im portan t tex tb ook s in journ alism eth ics em erged from A m e ric a’s h eartlan d during this period: C raw fo rd ’s Ethics o f Journalism (1 9 2 4 ), Flin t’s The Conscience o f the N ew spaper (1 9 2 5 ), G ib b o n s's N ew spaper Ethics (1 9 2 6 ), an d H en n in g's Ethics and Practices of Journalism (1 9 3 2 ). N o n e re c o g ­ nized the oth ers in q u o ta tio n or argum en t, yet they w ere sim ilar in the topics they con sidered cen tral: reporters an d sou rces, eco n o m ic tem p tatio n s and c o n ­ flicts o f in terest, n atio n al security, free p re ss-fair trial, d ecep tion , fairn ess, a c c u ­ racy, sen satio n alism , and p rotectio n o f privacy. T h is arousal o f eth ical inquiry follow ed a period o f inten se m edia criticism . M uckrakers su ch as Sin clair (1 919) exp osed the corru ption o f the m oney pow er in the wire services an d in daily new spapers th at w ere in creasingly m o n o p o lis­

44

C H R IST IA N S

tic. T h inkers such as Lippm ann (1922) perceived the fundam en tal irrationality o f public opinion and the failure o f journalism to inform it properly. Som e pro­ fessional leaders them selves recognized the perils. W riting in 1924, Lord Reith o f the B B C , for exam ple, articulated a strong ethos o f public service: “I think it will be adm itted by all that to have exploited so great a scientific invention [ra­ dio] for the purpose and pursuit o f entertain m en t alone would have been a pros­ titution o f its powers and an insult to the character and intelligence o f the peop le” (M acD o nald & Petheram , 1998, p. 83). M oreover, the experience o f propaganda in World War I and the rise o f the m otion picture in the 1900s and 1910s produced a palpable feeling o f cultural peril am ong both reform ers and traditional opinion leaders. H ow ever, the flurry o f activity in the 19 2 0 s, the grow th o f p ro fessio n al so ­ cieties with co d e s o f e th ics, the ex p a n sio n o f cu rricu la in to the liberal a rts— n on e o f these could p rev en t the d em ise o f eth ics in the face o f an a n tith e tic a l w orldview , scien tific n atu ralism . Sc ie n tific n atu ralism aggressively ordered the stru ctu re o f know in g during this perio d — n atu ralism in the sen se th at gen u in e know ledge can be iden tified only in the n atu ral law s o f the hard sc i­ e n ces (P urcell, 1 973). For Q u in e (1 9 5 3 ), p h ilo so p h ical inquiry w as n atu ral scien ce reflectin g on itself, and all m ean in gfu l know ledge w as c o n tin u o u s with the p arad igm atic d iscip lin e s— ph ysics, chem istry, and biology. A d ­ v a n c e s in the ph ysical sc ie n c e s b ecam e the ap p lau d ed id eal as a c a d e m i­ c ia n s— in clu d in g those in c o m m u n icatio n — p rom oted its m eth od s and p rin ciples. O n e p a c e se ttin g educator, M urphy, co n clu d e d in 1924: “Jo u rn a l­ ism ... is em ergin g from an im ag in ativ e type o f w riting into one go vern ed by scien tifically sou n d p rin ciples. We now recogn ize th at the scie n tific attitu d e tow ard new s m aterials is the only safegu ard we h ave ag ain st jou rn alism g ra d ­ u ates b ein g c ap ric io u s and e m o tio n a l” (p. 31). C e n te red on h u m an ra tio n a l­ ity an d arm ed with the scien tific m eth o d , the facts in news were said to m irror reality. U n iv e rsitie s in stitu tion alized the co n v e n tio n s o f o b jectiv e re ­ portin g in jo u rn alism cu rricu la. T h e period from the 1930s is typically d e ­ scrib e d as the s o c ia l sc ie n tific p h ase o f c o m m u n ic a tio n s stud y, and ob jectivity w as a q u a si-sc ie n tific m eth od ap p ro p riate to it (Emery, Emery, &. R ob erts, 2 0 0 0 ). C arey correctly attributed the em ergence o f objectivity in journalism to the struggle w ithin the press for a legitim ate place to stand within the com plexities o f rapid industrialization: W it h the e nd o f pa r ti sa n jo u r n al is m , j o u rn al ist s were d ep r iv ed o f a p oin t o f view from w hic h co d esc rib e the world they in h ab it ed . T h a t w orld was less an d less g o v e r n e d by pol itical parties, a n d j o u r n al is t s were set free o f th o se p arties in any e v e n t , so j o u r n a l'

3.

CH AN G IN G N EW S PAR AD IG M

45

ists, ca pit al izi ng on the gr ow ing pr estige o f sc ie n c e , p o si ti o n ed t h e m se lv e s o u ts id e the system o f politics, as ob se r ve rs st at i o n e d on an A r c h i m e d e a n p oin t ab o v e the fray o f socia l life. (Carey, 2 0 0 0 , p. 3 3 5 )

Originally this form o f journ alism — beginning m ost prom inently with the wire services— was rooted “in a purely com m ercial m otive: the need o f the m ass new spaper to serve politically heterogeneous audien ces w ithout alienating a significant segm ent" o f them . Subsequently this strategy o f reporting “ was ratio­ nalized into a can on o f professional com peten ce and ideology o f professional re­ sponsibility.” Journ alists becam e “a relatively passive link in a com m unication chain that records the passing scene for au dien ces” (Carey, 2000, pp. 1 3 7-138). Stretch ed across the fact-value dichotom y o f scientific naturalism , journ alis­ tic m orality becam e equivalen t to unbiased reporting o f neutral data. T h e seeds o f this ethic o f independence existed already in H enning (1932), though duty to the public realm dom inated (as it did with G ibbons, 1926). Presenting unvar­ nished facts was heralded as the standard o f good perform ance, with readers and viewers presum ably deciding for them selves w hat the facts m eant. O b je c­ tive reporting was not merely a technique, but a m oral im perative (Lichtenberg, 2000). Reporters considered it virtuous to bracket value judgm en ts from the transm ission o f inform ation. In C.R S c o tt’s fam ous declaration in the M anches­ ter Guardian (6 M ay 1921): A n ew spaper’s “primary office is the gath erin g o f n e w s ... T h e unclouded face o f trust [m ust not] suffer wrong. C om m en t is free, but facts are sacred ” (quoted in M acD o nald and Petheram , 1998, p. 53). Patterson (1948), for exam ple, m ade an im passioned plea in his D on R. M ellet M em orial Lecture that reporters dem on strate m oral leadership in im proving dem ocratic life, and the cornerstone o f their responsibility he considered “ob ­ jective reporting and unslanted fac ts.” N ew s corresponds to context-free neu­ tral algorithm s, and ethics is equated with impartiality. Concern for ethics during the 30s through 60s occurred only on isolated occa­ sions. T h e Report o f the Commission on Freedom o f the Press in 1947 was the most famous counterstatem ent of this period. Occasionally there were pockets o f resis­ tance in journalism’s intellectual and vocational life, but the professional statistical model prevailed nonetheless. T h e scientific worldview was the ruling paradigm. A preoccupation with that value-centered enterprise called ethics seemed out of place in an academ ic and professional environment committed to facticity. A ttacks on the objectivist worldview have multiplied through herm eneutics, critical theory in the Frankfurt School, A m erican pragm atism , W ittgenstein’s lin­ guistic philosophy, G ram sci, and, in their own way, Lyotard’s denial o f m aster nar­ ratives and D errida’s sliding signifiers. T h e antifoundationalism o f our own day indicates a crisis in m aintaining an incontrovertible dom ain separate from human

C H R IS T IA N S

consciousness. Institutional structures and policies remain neutrality-driven, but in principle the tide has turned at present toward restricting objectivism to the territory of mathematics, physics, and the natural sciences. Objectivity has be­ come increasingly controversial as the working press’s professional standard, though it remains entrenched in various forms in our ordinary practices of news production and dissemination. In Carey's more dramatic terms: The conventions of objective reporting were developed as part of an essentially utilitarian-capitalist-scicntific orientation toward events.... Yet despite their obsolescence, we continue to live with these conventions as if a silent conspiracy had been undertaken between government, the reporter, and the audience to keep the house locked up tight even though all the windows have been blown out (Carey, 2000, p. 141).

IN T E R P R E T IV E S U F F IC IE N C Y

This mainstream view of news as objective information is too narrow for today’s social and political complexities. A more sophisticated concept is truth in jour­ nalism as authentic disclosure. The notable Hutchins Commission Report called for this alternative in 1947. It advocated a deeper definition of the press’s mission as a “ truthful, comprehensive and intelligent account of the day’s events in a context which gives them meaning” (Commission for Freedom of the Press, 1947, p. 2). Bonhocffer’s Ethics contends correctly that a truthful account takes hold of the context, motives, and presuppositions involved (Bonhoeffer, 1995, ch. 5). In his terms, telling the truth depends on the quality of discern­ ment so that penultimates do not gain ultimacy. Truth means, in other words, to strike gold, to get at “the core, the essence, the nub, the heart of the matter” (Pippert, 1989, p. 11). Q u a lita tiv e M e th o d s

Once knowledge is released from epistemological objectivism, guidelines must be sought somewhere. For their orientation and specificity, media that enhance public life turn to interpretive studies or what is often called qualitative re­ search. Forsaking the quest for precision journalism does not mean imprecision, but precision in disclosure and authenticity. To replace news gathering rooted in the methods of the natural sciences, rigorous qualitative procedures must be followed instead. Fiction and fabrication are not acceptable substitutes for fact and accuracy. Reporters aiming for critical consciousness among the public will seek what might be called interpretive sufficiency. They will polish their re­ search and writing skills in terms of qualitative strategies. Explicit appeal to the interpretive approach will enhance the news story’s completeness, rather than crudely tailoring events into a cosmetic cohesion. While interpretive suffi­

3.

CH A N G IN G N EW S PAR AD IG M

47

ciency, in som e form, h as long served as a tradem ark o f distinguished jou rn al­ ism, it is an everyday im perative for citizen-based reporting. In effect, with interpretive sufficiency we raise the ante, w eaving it into our expectation o f o r­ dinary press perform ance. Interpretive studies are an alternative view o f hum an knowing. In this perspec­ tive, investigations m ust be grounded historically and biographically, so that they represent com plex cultures adequately. T h e concepts o f social science are not d e ­ rived from a free-floating and abstruse m athem atics, but resonate with the atti­ tudes, definitions, and language o f the people actually being studied. Journalists trained in qualitative research identify with social m eanings in their role as partic­ ipants and as observers form ulate sem inal conclusions about these meanings. T hrough disciplined abstractions (Lofland), ethnom ethodology, contextualization, thick description (Geertz), coherent frames o f reference (Schütz), case studies, naturalistic observation, and other research practices, news workers can stake out a claim to interpretive sufficiency and assume responsibility for their ef­ forts. Through an understanding o f interpretive methodologies, reporters come to grips with the complex ways ethnographers insert themselves into the research pro­ cess. A rich literature has been developed on constructing the life histories o f ordi­ nary people. In a fundam ental sense, qualitative approaches are a temperam ent of mind— “the sociological imagination,” Mills ( 1959) called it— rather than merely a series of techniques for handling the telephone, minicam, or interview pad. How­ ever, while the creative process always remains central, tough-minded standards and valid procedures can be taught and learned.

V alid ity It is widely un derstood and accep ted th at research in the ob jectivist tradition m ust be extern ally an d internally valid. In terpretive ap p ro ach es need to m eet these criteria as well, though in term s c o n sisten t with their own assum p tion s. Interpretive stud ies enforce the m axim that research im prisoned w ithin itself, and therefore self-validating, is u n accep tab le. T h e principle o f extern al v a lid ­ ity com pels n aturalistic observers to be circu m spect in generalizing to other situ ation s. T h e cases and illustration s th at have been selected m ust be rep re­ sen tative o f the class, social unit, tribe, or organ ization to w hich they properly belong. In terpretatio n arises in n atural settin gs, not con trived on es; therefore, the m ore densely textured the specifics, the m ore extern al validity is m ain ­ tain ed . T h is con cern is particularly apropos in preparing case studies, a fav o r­ ite qu alitative tool b ecause it allow s in -depth an d h olistic probing. T h e goal is identifying rep resen tative cases for exam in ation rath er than sp e cta c u lar on es that are an e cd o tal and idiosyncratic.

4«

C H R IST IA N S

R egardin g in tern al validity, interpretive acco u n ts m ust reflect genuine fe a­ tures o f the situ ation under study and not represent the ab erration s or hurried con clu sio n s o f observer opin ion . T h e re m ust be sy m path etic im m ersion in the m aterial until the research er or jou rn alist establish es, in B lu m er’s (1954) phrase, “poetic re so n a n c e ” with it. D oes the in vestigator know en ough to identify the principal asp ects o f the even t bein g studied and to distinguish these m ain featu res from digression s and paren th eses? U sin g the body as an analogy, the blood and brain m ust be sep arated from fingers and skin, all of w hich are parts o f the w hole organism but o f differing significan ce. If true interiority has occu rred— that is, if the d etails accurately reflect the n atural cir­ c u m stan ce s— then the d ata are valid and reliable even though not based upon random ization , rep eated and con trolled ob servation , m easurem en t, and sta ­ tistical inference. Interpretive sufficiency seeks to open up public life in all its dynam ic dim en­ sions. It m eans taking seriously lives that arc loaded with m ultiple in terpreta­ tions and grounded in cultural com plexity. Ethnographic accoun ts have the “depth, detail, em otionality, n uance, and coh eren ce” that perm it a “ critical consciousness to be form ed” by readers and viewers (D enzin, 1997, p. 283). T h e thick notion o f sufficiency supplants the thinness o f the technical, exterior, and statistically precise received view. R ather than reducing social issues to the fi­ n ancial and adm inistrative problem s defined by politicians, the news m edia en ­ able people to com e to term s with their everyday experience them selves.

T ria n g u la tio n Effective use o f triangulation is one way to describe interpretive sufficiency. T h e goal is to build up a fully rounded analysis o f som e phen om en on by com bining all lines o f attack, each probe revealing certain dim ensions o f the hum an world being investigated. T h e point is not to ad vocate eclecticism as such, but to avoid the personal bias and superficiality that stem from using only one kind o f exam in ation . Triangulation takes seriously the way hum ans attach m eanings to social reality. T h e process o f disentangling from within is com plicated by the fact that reporters are interpreting a world that has been interpreted already. “O b jective reality can never be captured. We can know a thing only through its rep resentation s” (D enzin & Lincoln, 2000, p. 5; cf. Flick, 1998). T h e assum p­ tion is that the different lines o f interpretation each reveal different aspects o f reality, “m uch as a kaleidoscope ... will reveal different colors and configura­ tions o f the ob ject to its view er” (D enzin, 1989, p. 235). Triangulation occurs in several forms. It may refer, for exam ple, to m ethod— that is, com bining docum ent analysis with unstructured interviewing with unob­

3.

CH A N G IN G N EW S PAR AD IG M

trusive observation, and com bining this mixture in order to improve perspective. O n e can also take a social problem, prisons and incarceration, for instance, and triangulate it by viewing it historically (how docs the contem porary situation dif­ fer from previous time periods), synchronically (what are the relevant facts about the problem today, using a variety o f data sources), and theoretically (what ethi­ cal or anthropological system is relevant in gaining perspective on it). Th eoretical triangulation is an obvious possibility, too, focusing several conceptual outlooks on a single object to see which one explains more. In investigator triangulation different evaluators, researchers, and experts are used. Beyond these approach es is a kind o f m ultiple triangulation in which all the various facets and insights generated are placed in interaction and cross-fertilization until the structural features o f a setting or even t are illum inated. C o m ­ prehension o f actual con text only accum u lates gradually, so the search is always an ongoing one until we finally reveal the exact con tours o f the details un ­ earth ed. “T h e facts never ‘speak for them selves.’ They m ust be selected, m ar­ shaled, linked together, and given a voice” (Barzun & Graff, 1992, p. xxii). In this sense, the crystal is a better image o f interpretive design than the fixed, tw o-dim ensional triangle. Crystals: c o m b in e sy m m et r y a n d s u b s t a n c e with a n infinite variety o f s h a p e s, s u b s t a n c e s , t r a n s ­ m u t a t i o n s , m u l ti d im e n si o n al it ie s, a n d a n g l e s o f a p p r o a c h . C r ys ta ls grow, c h a n g e , and alter, but are n o t a m o r p h o u s . C r ys ta ls are prisms t h at reflect ex te r n al it i es and refract within t h e m s e lv e s ... c a s t i n g o f f in different d ir e ct io n s. (R ic h a r d s o n , 2 0 0 0 , p. 9 3 4 )

A lso in Denzin’s application o f the crystalline m etaphor: “Triangulation is the display o f multiple, refracted realities sim ultan eously” (D enzin & Lincoln, 2000, p. 6). T h e aim is always m ultiple insights. T h e em ph asis in interpretation is on discovery rather than applying routinized procedures. W h at we see when we view a crystal depends on how we hold it up to the light.

G EN ER A L M O R A LIT Y T h e d e fic ie n c ie s in the epistem ology o f o b jec tiv e so cial scien ce h ave b e ­ com e tran sp a re n t. T h e en lig h te n m e n t m odel placin g facts an d v a lu e s in two se p arate d o m ain s h as b een d iscre d ite d . A p o sitiv istic epistem ology th at in ­ sists on n eu trality regardin g d efin itio n s o f the good and puts h um an freedom a t od d s with the m oral order is now seen as fu n d am en tally flaw ed. O b je c tiv ­ ity as a u n id im en sion al fram ew ork o f ratio n al and m oral v a lid a tio n a c co u n ts for som e o f the good ends we seek , such as m inim al h arm , b ut th ose issu es o u tsid e the ob jectiv ity c alc u lu s are exclu d e d from the d e cisio n -m ak in g p ro ­ cess. T h e way pow er an d ideology in flu en ce social and po litical in stitu tio n s,

50

C H R IS T IA N S

including the press, is largely ignored. Under a rhetorical patina of rational choice for autonomous actors, a means-ends system operates in fundamen­ tally its own terms. Even more unsettling has been the recognition that neutrality is not plu­ ralistic but imperialistic. Reflecting on our past experience with it, disinter­ ested investigation under presumed conditions of value freedom is increasingly seen as de facto reinscribing the agenda in its own terms. In the social sciences, quantitative analysis is procedurally committed to equal reckoning, regardless of how research subjects may constitute the substan­ tive ends of life. However, experimentalism is not a neutral ground for all ideas; rather, it is a “ fighting creed” that imposes its own ideas on others while uncritically assuming the “ very superiority that powers this imposi­ tion” (Taylor et al., 1994, pp. 62-63). In Foucault’s (1979, pp. 170-195) more decisive terms, social sciencc is a regime of power that helps maintain social order by normalizing subjects into categories designed by political au­ thorities (cf. Root, 1993, ch. 7). A commitment to objectivity is not neutral but represents only one range of ideals, and is itself incompatible with other good ends. This noncontextual model that assumes “a morally neutral, objective ob­ server will get the facts right” ignores “the situatedness of power relations as­ sociated with gender, sexual orientation, class, ethnicity, race, and nationality.” It is hierarchical (scientist-subject) and biased toward patriar­ chy. “ It glosses the ways in which the observer-ethnographer is implicated and embedded in the ‘ruling apparatus’ of the society and the culture.” Sci­ entists “carry the mantle” of university-based authority as they venture out into “ local communities to do research” (Denzin, 1997, p. 272). There is no sustained questioning of expertise itself in democratic societies that belong in principle to citizens who do not share this specialized knowledge (cf. Euben, 1981, p. 120). Such historians of reporting as Carey lament an esca­ lating professionalism that wrenches journalism from its civic moorings and recasts it as a scientistic-technocratic estate remote from everyday life. “The practices of writing and reporting the journalist thinks of as constituting ob­ jectivity” actually cast the citizen into the disempowered “ role of student to be educated by the press rather than a participant in the process of self-gov­ ernment.” Under the procedures of objective reporting, “journalists are re­ duced to brokers in the communication process ... allied structurally if not sympathetically with the persons and institutions they report” (Carey, 2000, pp. 139, 337). The genius of qualitative approaches is to confront that se­ questering and insider mentality head-on; it enables us to work the back­ yards and sidewalks, but with savoir faire and competence.

3.

C H A N G IN G N E W S P A R A D IG M

51

I n t e r p r e t iv e S o c ia l S c ie n c e a n d P u b lic J o u r n a l i s m In terpretive ap p ro ach es do n ot incline us to co n stru c t an ap p aratu s o f profes­ sion al e th ics. T h e y w ork in stead w ithin the gen eral m orality. R ath er th an d e v e l­ opin g rules for experts, their p re o ccu p atio n is the m oral dim en sion o f everyday life. P rofession als com m itted to q u alitativ e stan d ard s do n ot establish cod es o f eth ics for th em selves, but reflect the sam e so cial an d m oral sp ace as the citizens they report. H ow the m oral order w orks itse lf o u t in com m un ity form ation is the issue, not, first o f all, w h at m edia p ractition ers by their ow n stan d ard s con sider virtuous. T h e m oral d om ain is u n d erstood to be in trin sic to h um an b ein gs, n ot a system o f rules, n orm s, and ideals extern al to society an d cultu re. L incoln (1 9 9 5 ) clarified the issu es in these term s: Interpretive social scien ce b r in gs a b o u t th e c o l l a p s e o f th e d i s t i n c t i o n s b e t w e e n s t a n d a r d s , rigor, a n d q u al it y c r i ­ te ria a n d the fo rm erl y s e p a r a t e c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f r e s e a r c h et h ic s. In eff ec t, m a n y o f the p r o p o s e d a n d e m e r g i n g s t a n d a r d s for q u al it y in i n t e r p r e t iv e s o c ia l s c i e n c e are als o s t a n d a r d s for e t h i c s . . . . T h i s d i s s o lu t i o n o f the h a r d b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n rigor a n d ethics in tu rn sig n a l s t h a t the n ew r e s e a r c h is a r e l a t i o n a l r e s e a r c h — r e s e a r c h g r o u n d e d in the r e c o g n i t i o n a n d v a l u i n g o f c o n n e c t e d n e s s b e t w e e n r e s e a r c h e r a n d r e s e a r c h e d , a n d b e t w e e n k n o w l e d g e el i te s a n d the so c ie t i e s a n d c o m m u n i t i e s in w h ic h t hey live a n d labor, (p. 2 7 8 )

In vestigato rs are n ot c o n stitu te d as eth ical selves an teced en tly, but m oral d iscern m en t unfolds dialectically betw een reporter an d citizen. T h e dualism o f m ean s an d en ds is rejected, with the en ds o f interpretive sufficiency reconciled with the m ean s for ach ie v in g them . “ M eth o d s vie am on g th em selves n ot for e x ­ p erim en tal ro bustn ess, b ut for vitality an d rigor in illum in atin g ... how we can c reate h um an flourish in g” (L in co ln & D enzin, 2000, p. 1062).

I n t e r p r e t i v e J o u r n a l i s m a n d P u b lic L ife R ather than searching for neutral principles to w hich all parties can appeal, pro­ fessional guidelines rooted in the general m orality rest on a com plex view o f m oral judgm ents. T h ey are seen as a com posite that integrates everyday experience, b e­ liefs about the good, and feelings o f approval an d sham e into an organic whole. T h is is a philosophical approach that situates the m oral dom ain within the gen ­ eral purposes o f life that people share contextually in their p ersonal and social re­ lations. Ideally, it engenders a new norm ative core for responsible reporting. In an in terpretive p ersp ective, social en tities arc con sidered m oral orders an d n ot m erely lin gual stru ctu res. So cie tie s are n ot form ed by lan guage alone. T h e re are no selves-in -relation w ith out m oral co m m itm en ts to nurture them . O u r w idely sh ared m oral in tu itio n s— respect for the dignity o f others, for in ­

52

C H R IST IA N S

stan ce— are developed through discourse within a community. A self exists within “ webs o f in terlocu tion ,” and all in terpretation implicitly or explicitly “ acknow ledges the necessarily social origin o f any and all o f our con ception s o f the g o o d .” M oral fram ew orks are as fun dam en tal for orienting us in social space as the need “to establish our bearings in physical sp a ce ” (M ulhall &. Swift, 1996, pp. 1 1 2 -1 1 3 ). C onsequently, as journalism deals with the m oral dim ension in news, editorials, features, and investigative reporting, it is not in alien territory. In fact, according to Taylor (1989), “ D eveloping, m aintaining and articulatin g” our m oral intuitions and reactions are as natural for hum ans as learning up and down, right and left (cf. pp. 2 7 -2 9 ). T h e sinews that hold citizens together are moral. O u r com m unal web is not primarily political interests or econom ic interdependence or inform ation tech­ nology but a com m itm ent o f conscience that preconditions the ethos o f external apparatuses. This bondedness entails an ethics situated in crcatureliness. R ather than privileging an individualistic, transcendental rationalism , moral com m it­ ments are inscribed in our worldviews through which we share a view o f reality and perspectives on the com m on good. T h is ontological m odel is actually closer to the way the moral im agination operates in everyday life and refuses to separate moral agents from all that m akes them unique. Instead o f constructing a purely conceptual foundation for morality, the moral order is positioned fundam entally in the creaturely and corporeal. “ In this way ... being ethical is a prim ordial m ove­ ment in the beckoning force o f life itself” (Olthuis, 1998, p. 141). From this perspective, public life can n ot be facilitated in functional language only, but journalists ought to speak o f m oral issues in appropriately m oral dis­ course. A n d when they critique even ts that are vacu ous or unjust, they m ust do so in term s o f com m on values that have wide acceptan ce in the com m unity as a whole. In this sense m edia professionals participate in their readers and view ers’ ongoing process o f m oral articulation. In fact, cultu re’s continued existence d e ­ pends on identifying and defending its norm ative base. T h erefore, public texts m ust enable us “ to discover truths about ourselves” ; reporting ought to “ bring a m oral com pass into readers’ lives” by accoun tin g for things that m atter to them (D enzin, 1997, p. 284). C om m unities are woven together by narratives that in­ vigorate their com m on un derstanding o f good and evil, happiness and reward, and the m eaning o f life and death. Recovering and refashioning m oral discourse help to orient our citizenship. N ew s is not the transm ission o f specialized data, but, in style and con ten t, a catalyst for m oral agency. Taylor em phasized that m oral judgm en ts are capable o f rational elucidation. O u r m oral intuitions often seem to be purely instinctual, like taste reactions to food (Taylor, 1989, pp. 2 7 -3 6 ). However, hum an beings are capable o f explain ­ ing w hat merits their obligations and they typically do so in term s o f their beliefs

3.

CH A N G IN G N EW S PAR AD IG M

53

about the nature o f hum anness. A greem ents and disputes about values can be articulated and sifted. In fact, m oral com m itm ents can n ot be intuitive only; they m ust be nurtured through discourse derived from and shared by a com m u­ nity. A greem ents and disputes about values can be articulated and sifted. In these terms, qualitative researchers or journ alists act m orally when their a c ­ coun ts enable those studied to specify the character and identity o f their m oral instincts and to work them out in the public arena.

M o ra l L ite ra c y If our public life is not merely functional, but knit together by an adm ixture o f social values, then m oral literacy ought to be privileged in the m edia’s mission. If societies are m oral orders, and not merely lingual structures, in other words, com m unication in the public arena ought to stim ulate the m oral im agination. We have heard this language in a sanitized sense. “ D o these program s have any redeem ing social value?” For an interpretation to be sufficient, it ought to en ­ able us to traverse the m oral landscape. A t that epiph an al m om ent when the principial contours o f the taken-for-granted world are illum inated, news e n ­ h an ces the m oral dim ension o f social dialogue. O u r understanding o f the self and public life increasingly exists in m edia texts. T h erefore, in m ass-m ediated cultures oriented toward norm lessness and illusive textuality, reporters find their appropriate role in opening windows on the m oral landscape. A s G lasser observed, “T h e hard-hitting stories, the investigative stories, lack a m orally sen ­ sitive vocabulary” (cf. Glasser, 1992, p. 44; E ttem a & Glasser, 1 9 9 8 ). Journalism instead ought to appeal to listeners and readers about ordering hum an values. T hey further a com m unity’s ongoing process o f m oral evaluation by penetrating through the political and econom ic surface to the m oral dynam ics underneath. R ather than merely providing readers and audiences with inform ation, the press’s aim is morally literate citizens. W h erever one ob serves reen actm en ts o f purposeful history and ju stice, there one sees the results o f m oral literacy. N ew s can be con sidered redem p­ tive w hen it serves as an instrum ent not o f accom m od ation but o f critique and social ch an ge. D ocu m en taries, com m en tato rs, and public b road castin g often reson ate with a redem ptive acce n t, stir the h um an co n scien ce, and liberate their view ers from the dom in an t text. We all know statio n s and reporters who have refused in fotain m en t and sought to aw aken the civic con scien ce. M ajor league aw ards are still won by profession als in journalism who distinguish them selves for public service. E ditorials have raised our co n scio u sn ess of an ti-Sem itism , and h eighten ed our m oral aw aren ess o f racism and gen der d is­ crim ination. O v er tim e and across the m edia, one observes a redem ptive glow

54

CH R ISTIA N S

on occasion in which the news m edia have facilitated moral discernm ent by their insight into hum ankind as a distinctive species and by their affirm ation o f purposeful history.

C O N CLU SIO N In his classic study, The M oral Foundations of Professional Ethics, G oldm an (1980) argued that the general morality is the ultimate framework for under­ standing professional norms. For him, “the most fundam ental question for pro­ fessional ethics is whether those in professional roles require special norms and principles to guide their well-intentioned conduct” (p. 1). For professionals in medicine, law, business, journalism , government, and so forth, we typically as­ sume that their roles require unique principles or specially weighted norms. In fact, the standard approach is to define ethical codes as sharply as possible a c ­ cording to the peculiar dem ands each field entails— aggressively defending cli­ ents in law, for instance, the physician’s responsibility to clients, journalists’ obligation to sources, and the com m itm ent of business executives to stockhold­ ers. Obviously, “special institutional obligations exist when their recognition has better m oral consequences than would refusing to recognize them ” (Goldm an, 1980, p. 22). Yet G oldm an concluded: “T h e central problem in pro­ fessional ethics as actually practiced is not that professionals often fail to live up to their unique official codes and professional principles; nor that they lack the will to enforce them. It is rather that they often assume without question that they ought to live up to them” (p. 33). The ultimate standard for professionals is not role-specific ethical principles, but the general morality. Journalism is an institution of power. Decisions and policies can be self-serving, and practitioners defensive when criticized. Competition and careerism often cloud the application of professional codes or ethical guidelines. Journalists may have an understanding with sources that all information will be treated confiden­ tially, for example, and then change their mind when they come to believe the public has a right to know this privileged material. W hereas we agree in the gen­ eral morality that we ought to keep our promises, in this case canons of profes­ sional practice allow self-defined exceptions for the journalist as expert. A preoccupation with privilege and authority cuts journalism loose from the very public it is m eant to serve. Objectivity rooted in the prestige o f science has fueled the status of specialized expertise in the m ainstream press. O n the other hand, interpretive efficiency presumes that facts and values are intermixed rather than dichotom ous. Given the moral dimension intrinsic to the social or­ der, interpreting its various configurations sufficiently m eans elaborating the moral com ponent. In addition, to resonate intelligently with peoples’ values

3.

55

CHANGING NEWS PARADIGM

means that journalists know the general morality, which they share with the public at large. Rather than refining professional codes o f ethics, the challenge for journalists is the moral life as a whole— no harm to innocents, truth telling, reparations for wrong actions, beneficence, gratitude, honor contracts, human dignity. For taking journalism to the streets, interpretive standards understand moral behavior in interactive terms— with reporters operating in the same arena as citizens themselves.

REFERENCES Barzun, J., & Graff, H. F. (1 9 9 2 ). The modem researcher (5th cd .). O rlan do, FL: H arcourt C o l­ lege Publishers. Blumer, H. (1948). W hat is wrong with social theory? American Sociological Review, 19 ,3 - 1 0 . Bonhocffcr, D. (1 995). Ethics (N. H. Sm ith, Tran s.). New York: M acm illan. Carey, J. W. (2 0 0 0 ). T h e c o m m u n ic atio n s revo lu tion an d the p ro fessio n al com m u n icator. A fterw ord : T h e cu ltu re in q u e stio n . In E. S. M u n son & C .A . W arren (E d s.), Jam es C arey: A critical reader (pp. 1 2 8 - 1 4 3 , 3 0 8 - 3 3 9 ). M in n e ap o lis, M N : U n iversity o f M inn eso ta Press. C om m ission for Freedom o f the Press (1 947). A free and responsible press. C h icago: University o f C h icago Press. Craw ford, N. (1 924). The ethics of journalism. New York: Knopf. C urran , J., & Seato n , J. (1 997). Power without responsibility: The press and broadcasting in Britain (5th ed.). L ondon: Routledge. D enzin, N. K. (1 989). The research act: A theoretical introductionto sociological methods (3rd ed .). Englew ood Cliffs, N J: Prentice H all. D enzin, N. K. (1997). Interpretive ethnography: Ethnographic practices for the 21st century. T h o u san d O ak s, C A : Sage. D enzin, N. K ., & Lincoln, Y. S. (2000). Handbook of qualitative research (2nd ed.). T h ou san d O ak s, C A : Sage. D icken G arcia, H. (1 989). Journalistic standards in nineteenth-century America. M adison, W I: U niversity o f W isconsin Press. Emery, M., Emery, E., and Roberts, N. (2000). The press and America: An interpretive history of the mass media (9th ed.). N eedham H eights, M A : Allyn & Bacon. E ttem a, J., &. Glasser, T. (1 998). Custodians of conscience: Investigative journalism and public vir­ tue. New York: C olum bia U niversity Press. Euben, P. J. (1 981). Philosophy and the professions. Democracy, 1, 112-127. Flick, U. (1998). An introduction to qualitative research: Theory, method and application. L o n ­ don: Sage. Flint, L. (1 925). The conscience of the newspaper: A casebook in the principles and problems of journalism. New York: A ppleton. Fortner, R. S. (1 993). International communication: History, conflict, and control of the global me­ tropolis. Belm ont, C A : W adsworth. Foucault, M. (1979). Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison (A . Sh eridan , Trans.). New York: Random H ouse. G ibbon s, W. (1 926). Newspaper ethics. A nn Arbor, M I: University o f M ichigan. Glasser, T. (1 9 9 2 ). Squ arin g with the reader: A sem inar on journalism . Kettering Revietv, W in­ ter, 4 2 -4 6 . G oldm an , A . (1 9 8 0 ). The moral foundations of professional ethics. Totow a, N J: R om an &. Littlefield.

56

CHRISTIANS

H enning, A . (1 932). Ethics and practices in journalism. N ew York: R. Long & R. R. Sm ith. Lichtcnberg, J. (2 000). In defence o f objectivity revisited. In J. C urran & M. G urcvitch (E ds.), M ass Media and Society (3rd ed., pp. 2 3 8 -2 5 4 ). L on don: A rnold Hodder. Lincoln, Y. S. (1995). Em erging criteria for quality in qualitative and interpretive research. Qualitative Inquiry, I, 2 7 5 -2 8 9 . Lincoln, Y. S., &. D enzin, N. K. (2 000). T h e seventh m om ent: O u t o f the past. In N. K. Denzin &. Y. S. Lincoln (E d s.), Handbook of qualitative research (2nd ed., pp. 1 0 4 7 -1 0 6 5 ). T h o u san d O ak s, C A : Sage. Lippm ann, W. (1 922). Public opinion. New York: Scrib n er’s. M acD o n ald, B., & Petheram , 13. (E ds.). (1 998). Keyguide to information sources in media ethics. London: M ansell Publishing. M ills, C . W. (1 9 5 9 ). The sociological imagination. New York: O xford University Press. M ulhall, S., & Sw ift, A . (1996). Liberals and communitarians (2nd ed .). O xford, England: Blackw ell. Murphy, L. (1 924). New s values and analysis .Journalism Bulletin, 2, 2 9 -3 1 . O lthuis, J. H. (E d.). (1998). F ace-to-face: E thical symmetry or the symmetry o f m utuality? In J. H. O lthuis (E d.), Knowing other-wise (pp. 1 3 4 -1 6 4 ). New York: Fordham University Press. Patterson, G. II. (1948, M arch 12). Social respotisibilities of the American newspaper. (E igh­ teenth address, D on R. M ellet M em orial Fund, pp. 5 -1 4 .) N ew York: New York U n iv er­ sity, D epartm en t o f Journalism . Pippert, W. (1 989). An ethics of news: A reporter’s search for truth. W ashington, D C : G eorgetow n University Press. Purcell, E. A . (1973). The crisis of democratic theory: Scientific naturalism and the problem of value. Lexington: U niversity o f Kentucky Press. Q u in e, W. V. (1 953). From a logical point of view: Nine logico-philosophical essays. Cam bridge, M A : H arvard University Press. R ichardson , L. (2 000). W riting: A m ethod o f inquiry. In N . K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (E ds.), Handbook of qualitative research (2nd ed., pp. 9 2 3 -9 4 8 ). T h ou san d O aks, C A : Sage. R oot, M. (1993). Philosophy of social science: The methods, ideals, and politics of social inquiry. O xford, England: Blackw ell. Sinclair, U. (1919). The brass check: A study of American journalism. P asaden a, C A : Published by auth or; reprinted U niversity o f Illinois Press, 2003. Taylor, C . (1 989). Sources of the self: The making of the modern identity. Cam bridge, M A : H ar­ vard University Press. Taylor, C ., A ppiah , K. A ., H aberm as, J., Rockefeller, S. C ., Walzer, M., &. Wolf, S. (1994). Multiculturalism: Examining the politics of recognition. Princeton, N J: Princeton University Press.

P a rt

II

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

4 Q u a li t a t i v e C ase S t u d y M e t h o d s in N e w s r o o m R esearch a n d R ep ortin g: The Case of the Akron Beacon Journal T anni H aas Brooklyn College

IN T R O D U C TIO N T h e qualitative case study occupies a unique position in the social sciences in that it is defined more by its object of inquiry (the case) than by the particular research m ethods used to study it. T h e case study, as Stake (1994, p. 236) noted: “ is not a m ethodological choice, but a choice o f ob ject to be stud ied.” T h e ob ­ ject can be an individual, a group, an organization, even an entire community, am ong many other things. T h u s, depending on the specific goals o f the study and characteristics o f the object o f inquiry, the qualitative case-study re­ search er will often use different research m ethods sim ultaneously, including participant observation, in-depth interview s, focus group discussions, d o cu ­ m ent analysis, and archival research. Som e o f the m ost well-known case studies have been w ritten by journalists, have been about journalism , or both, notably Bernstein and W oodw ard’s (1974) accou n t o f the W atergate cover-up and C antril and H erzog’s (1940) description o f the panic caused by O rson W elles’ 1938 H allow een radio b roadcast o f a fictional invasion o f M artians. N everthe59

60

H AAS

less, little scholarly atten tion has been paid to how journalists can apply princi­ ples o f qualitative case-study research for purposes o f newsroom research and reporting. T h is is both surprising and unfortunate considering that case-study scholars have developed practical guidelines that journalists can use to plan, e x ­ ecute, and evaluate their research and reporting. W hile no universally agreed upon definition o f case-study research exists, m ost scholars agree that its primary goal is to obtain an in-depth understanding o f a com plex phenom enon, both in and o f itself and in relation to its broader con text (see G illham , 2000; M erriam , 2001; Patton, 2002). Indeed, one of the m ost prom inent case-study scholars, Yin, defined the case study as “an em piri­ cal inquiry that investigates a contem porary phenom enon within its real-life con text, especially when the boundaries betw een phenom enon and con text are not clearly eviden t” (Yin, 1994, p. 13). T h is definition also highlights how the case study differs from other widely used research strategics, notably experi­ m ents and surveys. In contrast to the experim ent, where the investigator delib­ erately m anipulates the con text (or condition) within which certain p re­ determ ined variables can be studied, the case-study researcher studies the ph e­ nom enon within its naturally occurring environm ent. U nlike the survey, where the investigator often gathers relatively sm all am ounts o f d ata about a large num ber o f cases, usually individual respondents, the case-study researcher of­ ten gathers large am oun ts o f d ata about one or a few cases (see Gom m , Hammersley, &. Foster, 2000, pp. 2 -4 for developm ent). M oreover, where the eth nographer typically aim s at a holistic understanding o f a given phenom enon, often a specific culture or subculture, the case-study researcher is particularly interested in understanding the com plex interplay betw een a given ph en om e­ non and its broader context. A lth o u g h m any so cial sc ie n tists ack n ow led ge the a d v a n ta g e s o f casestudy research , n otably the ab ility to cap tu re the com plexity o f a p h e n o m e ­ non w ithin its real-life c o n te x t, this research strategy h as n ot been w ithout its critics. T h e m ost frequ en tly voiced criticism is th at the study o f one or a few c ase s d o es n ot provide a b asis for scien tific gen eralizatio n . S e v e ra l re ­ torts h ave b een leveled in respon se to th at ch arg e. W hile som e sc h o lars a r­ gue th at the go al o f c ase -stu d y research is n ot to gen eralize to a larger p o p u latio n o f c ase s but to o b tain an in -d ep th u n d e rstan d in g o f the p a rtic u ­ lar c ase or case s (e.g., S ta k e , 1 994), oth ers argue th at case stu d ie s, like e x p e r­ im en ts, are gen eralizab le to th e o retical pro p o sitio n s an d n ot to p o p u latio n s. Yin (1 9 9 4 , p. 10), for e xam p le , argued th at the case study, like the e x p e ri­ m en t, d o es not rep resen t a sam p le, and th at the in v e stig a to r’s goal is to g e n ­ eralize th eories (an alytic gen eralizatio n ) and n ot to e n u m erate freq u en cies (sta tistic a l g e n e ra lizatio n ).

4.

QUALITATIVE CASE STUDY METHODS

61

T h is chapter offers an overview o f the qualitative case study as a research strategy and its relevance to contem porary journalistic practice. Following a d e­ scription o f the various steps involved in preparing the case study, different d ata collection and analysis techniques and the final developm ent o f the case report are discussed. T h e chapter con cludes by exam ining an actu al journalistic case study, the Akron (O hio) Beacon Journal's widely acclaim ed race-relations series “A Q u estion o f C olor,” that illustrates m any o f the practical challenges o f doing qualitative case-study research.

SELEC T IN G T H E CA SE T h e first and m ost im portant step in the qualitative case-study research process is to form ulate the research questions (Yin, 1994) or issues (Stak e, 1994) to be investigated. Regardless o f w hether the investigator aims to work deductively to test theory or inductively to generate theory, case-study scholars agree that the study should be based on one or m ore research q u estio n s-issu es. T h ese q u estio ns-issu es, in turn, should guide both the selection o f the case or cases to be investigated and research m ethods used (see G all, Borg, & G all, 1996; G om m et al., 2000; Scholz & T ietje, 2002). To identify the research q u estio n s-issu es that are m ost significant for a given investigation, and to gain som e precision in form ulating them , reviewing the lit­ erature on the topic is useful. W hile a thorough review o f the pertinent litera­ ture may lead to one or more research q u estio n s-issu es, the investigator should not hesitate to modify, or even replace, them as the study unfolds. Sin ce the goal o f qualitative case-study research is to capture the com plexity o f a phenom enon within its real-life con text, the investigator is expected to refine continuously the research questio n s-issu es as new and previously unexpected aspects o f the phenom enon com e to light, a process that Partlett and H am ilton (1976) called progressive focusing. T h is process resem bles that o f the journalist who starts out his or her investigation o f a given topic with a preliminary idea o f w hat it entails, but upon researching it in greater detail, com es to realize that it con tain s other, more significant issues than originally an ticipated. W hen designing the study, the investigator also n eeds to choose betw een a single and a m ultiple case-study design (see Yin, 1994), o f either holistic or em ­ bedded character (see Scholz &. T ietje, 2002). T h e single case-study design is appropriate when the investigator is able to identify: (a) a critical case (a case that m eets all the con dition s for testing a theory) ; (b) an extrem e case (a case so extraordinary that it w arrants investigation in and o f itself); or (c) a revelatory case (a case that offers the opportunity to study a phenom enon previously in ac­ cessible to scientific in vestigation ; Yin, 1994, pp. 3 8 - 4 0 ). T h e m ultiple

62

H AAS

case-study design, in con trast, is appropriate when the goal o f the investigation is to replicate the results obtained from different cases. Such replication can ei­ ther be aim ed at producing similar results (literal replication) or at producing contrasting results for predictable reasons (theoretical replication; Yin, 1994, p. 4 6 ). T h u s, while literal replication requires the investigator to select cases that replicate each other and produce corroborating evidence, theoretical replica­ tion requires the investigator to select cases that cover different theoretical con ditions or produce con trastin g results for predictable, theoretical reasons. For exam ple, one may consider the proposition that an increase in com puter use in new sroom s will occur when such technologies are used for both adm in istra­ tive and journalistic applications, but not for either alone. To pursue this propo­ sition in a m ultiple case-study design, two or more cases may be selected in which both types o f application s are present to determ ine whether, in fact, com ­ puter use did increase over a period o f time (i.e., literal replication). Two or more ad dition al cases may be selected in which only adm inistrative applications are present, the prediction being little increase in com puter use (i.e., theoretical rep lication ). Finally, two or more ad ditional cases may be selected in which only journalistic application s are present, with the sam e prediction o f little increase in com puter use, but for different reasons than the adm inistrative-only cases (i.e., theoretical replication). It this entire pattern o f results across the multiple cases is indeed found, the six or m ore cases, in the aggregate, would provide sub­ stantial support for the initial proposition. Both single and multiple case-study designs can be holistic or em bedded in character. W h ereas in a holistic case-study the investigator treats the case as a single unit o f analysis, in an em bedded case-study the investigator focuses a t­ tention on two or m ore units o f analysis within the case (Scholz & T ietje, 2002, pp. 9 - 1 0 ). U nits o f analysis refer to the cases being investigated and can be, d e ­ pending on the particular purpose o f the study, an individual, a group, a d epart­ m ent, or even an entire organization, am ong many other things. A gain , while the investigator may decide upon the appropriate unit(s) o f analysis prior to d ata collection, he or she should rem ain open to m odifications as the actual in­ vestigation unfolds. Besides form ulating relevant research q u estio n s-issu es, selecting one or more cases to be investigated, and determ ining the appropriate unit(s) o f analy­ sis, case-study scholars recom m end that two additional steps be taken before d ata collection begins: preparing a case-study protocol and conducting one or m ore pilot studies. Yin (1994, pp. 6 3 -7 4 ) suggested that the case-study proto­ col, which is intended to guide the investigator in carrying out the case study, should include: (a) an overview o f the case-study project (background inform a­ tion about project objectives, substantive issues to be investigated, relevant

4. QUALITATIVE CASE STUDY METHODS

63

readings about the topic); (b) field procedures (major tasks in collecting data, potential sources o f information, procedural reminders); (c) case-study ques­ tions (research questions to be investigated, table shells for the array of data col­ lected, potential sources o f information for each research question); and (d) a guide for the case report (outline o f the report, format for the narrative, biblio­ graphical information, and docum en tation). W hile it is always desirable to have a case-study protocol, it is particularly important when conducting a multiple case-study, a study comprising multiple investigators, or both. T h e case-study protocol may help strengthen the reliability of findings by ensuring that the in­ vestigator uses the same data collection procedures for each case, multiple in­ vestigators follow the sam e data collection procedures when studying one or more cases, or both. For journalists who often investigate multiple cases as part of a single investigation and frequently work in teams on large-scale, complex investigations, it is thus particularly important to prepare a com prehensive case-study protocol prior to data collection. T h e final preparatory step is to conduct one or more pilot studies, which may help the investigator refine data collection plans with respect to both the con ­ tent o f the data to be collected (substantive issues) and the procedures to be fol­ lowed in collecting the data (m ethodological issues; Yin, 1994, pp. 7 4-76). W hile the pilot study or studies may be selected according to different criteria, including convenience, access, and geographical proximity, the purpose re­ mains the same: to help the investigator refine the overall research design and develop relevant lines of questions. A lthough potentially costly, it is useful for journalists to conduct one or more pilot studies, especially prior to embarking on a large-scale, complex investigation, because it may ultimately save re­ sources by clarifying the overall goal of the investigation and particular data col­ lection procedures to be followed in the field.

C O L L E C T I N G T H E DATA T h e qualitative case study is, as previously discussed, defined more by its object of inquiry than by the particular research methods used to study it. Thus, the defining characteristic o f the data collection process is not which particular m ethods are used, but rather how those m ethods are used. W hile different case studies call for the application of different research methods, including partici­ pant observation, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, docum ent anal­ ysis, and archival research, there are at least three data collection principles that should be followed for all case studies: (a) triangulation o f research find­ ings; (b) creation o f a case-study database; and (c) m aintenance o f a logical chain of evidence.

64

H AAS

O n e o f the m ost im portant principles o f q ualitative case-study research is the use o f m ultiple, as opposed to single, sources o f inform ation (see Gillham , 2000; Stak e, 1994; Yin, 1994). T h e use o f multiple sources o f inform ation helps the investigator develop w hat Yin ( 1994, p. 34) calls convergent lines o f inquiry. T h a t is, any fact or conclusion pertaining to the case study is likely to be more con vincing or accurate if it can be corroborated by three or more different sources o f inform ation. It also helps address potential problem s o f con struct v a ­ lidity (the developm en t o f correct operation al m easures for the con cepts being studied) insofar as m ultiple sources o f inform ation provide m ultiple m easures o f the sam e phenom enon. T h e use o f m ultiple sources o f inform ation, or data source triangulation, is a com m on journalistic practice whereby journ alists a t­ tem pt to corroborate the views expressed by certain sources o f inform ation by consulting other sources. W hile data source triangulation is com m on journalistic practice, other im ­ portant kinds o f triangulation are less com m on and more likely to be at odds with m ainstream journalistic assum ptions and practices. Besides d ata source triangulation, case-study scholars recom m end m ethodological triangulation, theory trian gu latio n , and in v estigato r trian gu latio n (see D enzin, 1989; M erriam , 2001; Patton, 2002). In contrast to d ata source triangulation, which merely requires the investigator to confirm given findings by consulting at least two o ther sources o f inform ation, m eth odological triangulation requires the in­ vestigator to use different research m ethods to confirm those findings. In p rac­ tice, this implies that the journalist would need to corroborate the views expressed during in-depth interview s with study participan ts through other m eans such as participan t observation and docum ent analysis. For exam ple, if the subject o f a story claim s to act in a certain way, the journalist would need to confirm the claim through actu al observation o f that person’s behavior (i.e., participant observation) and by consulting docum en ts that verify the claim (i.e., docum en t analysis). Theory triangulation is possibly more challenging in that it would require the journ alist to analyze the d ata collected from different, even con trastin g theoretical perspectives rather than settle for one theoretical perspective in advan ce. T h is would require the journ alist to m ove beyond the current practice of fitting the data collected into predeterm ined story form ats and, instead, rem ain open to alternative story form ats em an atin g from the data itself. T h e final and possibly m ost challenging m eans o f corroborating research findings, investigator triangulation, would require the journ alist to share the findings with colleagues to rem ain open to alternative in terpretations o f their significance. Investigator triangulation is at odds with m ainstream journ alists’ self-understanding as professionals who are capable o f collecting, interpreting, and verifying inform ation without outside interference.

4.

Q U A LITA TIV E CASK S T U D Y MK'I H OD S

65

Besides using various m eans of triangulation, case-study scholars recom ­ mend that the investigator create a formal, presentable casc-study database (Yin, 1994) or case record (Patton, 2002) that organizes and docum ents all the data collected. By separating docum entation into two different collections, the database and the final case report, it becomes possible for other investigators to review the evidence directly and not be limited to the written report, thereby in­ creasing the reliability o f the entire study. In practical terms, this would require the journalist not only to keep a separate log o f the data collected during the in­ vestigation, but also to organize it in such a way that other journalists, whether actively involved in the investigation or not, would be able to evaluate the evi­ dence cited in the final case report. W hile the developm ent of a case-study da­ tabase would help increase the reliability o f the study, the sharing o f its content with other journalists may violate the widely held norm of confidentiality. Finally, Yin (1994) suggested that to increase the reliability o f the case report, the investigator should maintain a logical chain o f evidence that makes explicit the links between the research questions asked, the data collected, and the con ­ clusions drawn. T h e principle is to allow an external observer, the reader o f the case study, to follow the derivation of any evidence from initial research ques­ tions to ultimate case-study conclusions. T h e external observer should be able to trace the investigator’s steps in either direction, from questions to conclu­ sions or from conclusions back to questions. T hus, the final case report should make sufficient citation to the relevant portions of the case-study database, such as by citing specific observations, interviews, and docum ents. T h e case-study database, upon inspection, should reveal the actual evidence and also indicate the circum stances under which the evidence was collected. These circum stances, in turn, should be consistent with the specific procedures ou t­ lined in the case-study protocol, and a reading o f the casc-study protocol should indicate the links between the content of the protocol and the initial re­ search questions. O ne way o f strengthening the chain of evidence is to create and publicize a Web site containing additional information that for space con ­ siderations could not be included in the story itself.

A N A L Y Z IN G T H E E V ID E N C E A s with all qualitative research, there is no single mom ent at which the analysis o f the data collected begins and no commonly agreed upon method o f analysis for qualitative case-study research. Indeed, data analysis is an iterative process that begins when the first data is collected and continues as emergent insights and tentative hypotheses direct subsequent phases o f data collection. Yet, while data analysis occurs simultaneously with data collection and depends in large

66

HAAS

p art on the in terp retive train in g and skills o f the investigator, certain d a ta a n a l­ ysis strategies h ave been developed th at arc particularly useful for q u alitativ e c a sc -stu d y research , n otab ly p atte rn -m atch in g, exp lan atio n -b u ild in g, an d tim e-series an alysis (see Yin, 1994) • T h e first d a ta analysis strategy, pattern -m atch in g, is a d ed u ctive ap pro ach th at requires the in vestigator to com pare an em pirically derived pattern with on e or m ore theoretically based o n es. T h e in vestigator atte m p ts to find em piri­ c al evid en ce in the case th at each c au sa l link in the th eoretical m odel is signifi­ c an t and o f the ex p e cted sign (i.e., a positive or n egative co rrelatio n ). In a m ultiple case -stu d y design , rep lication can be claim ed if two or m ore c ase s are show n to supp ort the sam e theory. T h e em pirical results m ay be con sidered even m ore robust if two or m ore cases su pp ort the sam e theory, but do n ot su p ­ port one or m ore equally plausible, rival theories. T h e best rival theory is not sim ply the ab sen ce o f the target theory or h ypoth esis (i.e., the null h yp oth esis), b ut a theory th at atte m p ts to exp lain the sam e o u tco m e differently. In p ractical term s, pattern -m atch in g w ould thus require the jo u rn alist to identify one or m ore theories with w hich to com pare the em pirical results o f the in vestigation . If, for exam p le, the go al o f the in vestigation is to explain why w hite stu d en ts on av erage receive higher grades th an b lack stu d en ts in the public sch ools o f a given city, the jo u rn alist w ould not only need to find em pirical evid en ce to su b ­ sta n tiate th at claim , but also identify on e or m ore theories th at explain those e d u c atio n al disparities. T h e results w ould be con sidered even m ore robust if the jo u rn alist is able to find the sam e ed u c atio n al disparities in several differen t cit­ ies, find em pirical su pp ort for one p articu lar theory, or both , but n ot on e or m ore equally plausible, rival on es. In c o n tra st to p a tte rn -m atc h in g , w hich e ssen tially req u ires the in v e stig a ­ tor to use o n e or m ore th e o rie s as te m p late s w ith w hich to co m p a re the e m p iri­ c al resu lts o f the study, e x p la n atio n -b u ild in g is an in d u ctiv e ap p ro ach th at req u ires the in v e stig a to r to use the d a ta co lle c te d to build up an e x p la n a tio n a b o u t the case or c a se s. In ste ad o f sta rtin g o u t w ith on e or m ore th e o rie s to be teste d , the in v e stig a to r tries to g e n e ra te theory from the d a ta c o lle c te d . To e x ­ p lain the case is to stip u la te a set o f c a u sa l links a b o u t it, in w hich an im p o rtan t a sp e c t is to e n te rtain one or m ore plau sib le, rival e x p la n a tio n s. T h e go al is to show th at th ese rival e x p la n a tio n s c a n n o t be built, given the a c tu a l d a ta c o l­ le cte d . E x p lan a tio n -b u ild in g can also be used as a su p p le m e n t to p attern m atch in g, as w hen used to g e n e ra te a new, m ore plau sib le m od el after p a t­ tern -m atch in g h as disco n firm ed an in itial m od el. R e tu rn in g to the previou s e x am p le , e x p la n atio n -b u ild in g w ould req u ire the jo u rn a list to atte m p t to b uild up an e x p la n a tio n for the o b serv ed e d u c a tio n a l d isp aritie s b etw een w hite an d b lack stu d e n ts rath e r th an co m p are the resu lts w ith on e or m ore

4.

QUALITATIVE CASE STUDY METHODS

67

theories. In building up a likely exp lan atio n , the jou rn alist w ould also need to con sider one or m ore rival exp lan ation s. T h e third d a ta analysis strategy, tim e-series analysis, requires the in v e stiga­ tor not only to show that the existen ce, sign, and m agn itude o f each cau sal link in the th eoretical m odel is as expected , but also to confirm the tem poral sequ en ce o f even ts relating to the variab les in the m odel. T h is requires the in ­ vestigato r to co n d u ct o b servation s at three or m ore points in tim e, n ot m erely before and after o b servation s, in order to establish th at the m agn itude o f a given effect is outside the range o f n orm al flu ctu ation s o f the tim e-series. T h e essen tial logic o f tim e-series analysis is thus to com pare a trend o f d a ta points with: (a) a theoretically based trend specified before the on set o f the in vesti­ gation , versus (b) som e rival trend, also specified earlier, versus (c) any trend based on som e artifact or th reat to in tern al validity. In co n trast to p a t­ tern -m atch in g and explan ation -b uildin g, tim c-serics an alysis w ould thus re­ quire the jou rn alist in the previous exam ple to show n ot only that ed u catio n al disparities exist, but also that those disparities are not based on certain regu ­ larly occurrin g flu ctu ation s, such as ch an ges in the am ou n t o f fin an cial su p ­ port offered black stu d en ts from the local board o f ed u catio n . T h e journ alist, in a word, w ould need to study ed u catio n al disparities betw een w hite and black stu d en ts over a su stained period o f tim e to rule out potentially signifi­ c an t factors im pactin g the distribution o f grades. Regardless o f which specific analytic strategy is selected, the investigator m ust do everything to ensure that the analysis is o f the highest quality. Yin (1994, pp. 1 23-124) suggested that three principles underlie all good qu alita­ tive case-study analysis. First, the analysis m ust show that it relied on all the rel­ evant evidence. T h e analytic strategies, including the developm ent o f rival theories, m ust be exh austive. T h e analysis should show how it sought as m uch evidence as was available, and the in terpretations should accoun t for all o f this evidence and leave no loose ends. Secon d, the analysis should include all m ajor rival explan ation s. If som eone else has an alternative explan ation for one or more o f the findings, this explan ation should be included as a rival explanation. T h ird, the analysis should address the m ost significant aspects o f the case study. W hether it is a single or m ultiple case-study, the analysis m ust dem onstrate the best analytic skills if it is to be on target.

W R ITIN G T H E R E P O R T A s with data analysis, there is no particular m om ent at which the investigator begins writing on the final case report and no universally agreed upon way o f or­ ganizing it. Indeed, as the investigator collects data, he or she is expected to ere-

68

HAAS

ate a case -stu d y d a ta b a se th at form s the basis for the latter d ev elo p m en t o f the c ase report. W hile there is no universally agreed upon way o f organizin g the fi­ nal c ase report, c asc-stu d y sch olars agree on the im portan ce o f certain p re p ara­ tory steps, n otably the need for the in v estigato r to share his or her field n otes w ith study p articip an ts prior to, during the w riting o f the case report, or both , a p rocedure com m on ly referred to as m em ber ch eck in g (see G illh am , 2 0 0 0 ; M erriam , 2001; Yin, 1994). Sin ce on e o f the goals o f qualitative case-study research is to capture the ph e­ n om enon under investigation from the insider (or em ic) perspective o f study par­ ticipants them selves, it is im portan t that the in vestigator have participants exam ine drafts o f writing where their action s, w ords are featured, or both, som e­ tim es w hen first w ritten up but usually w hen no further d ata will be collected from them . T h e goal o f this procedure, Yin (1994, pp. 1 4 4 -1 4 6 ) noted, is to validate the essen tial facts and eviden ce presented in the case report. T h u s, from a m eth ­ odological perspective, the corrections m ade through this process will en h an ce the accuracy o f the case study, h en ce increasing its con struct validity. W hile clearly im portant, the procedure o f m em ber checking is likely to be at odds with the m ainstream journalistic ideal o f in depen den ce, or the belief that the form and con ten t o f reporting should be determ in ed by journ alists them selves rather than their sources o f inform ation or any other n onjourn alistic actors. If m em b er c h e c k in g is a t o d d s w ith prevailin g jo u rn a listic assu m p tio n s and p ractice s, the fo rm ats com m on ly used for o rgan izin g the fin al c ase rep ort h ave p aralle ls am o n g co n te m p o rary rep ortin g gen res. T h e two m o st co m m o n for­ m ats for o rgan izin g the final case rep ort are w h at G a ll et al. (1 9 9 6 ) calle d the an aly tic an d reflectiv e fo rm ats, a d istin c tio n th at resem b les V an M a a n e n ’s (1 9 8 8 ) d istin c tio n b etw een re alist an d c o n fe ssio n al e th n o g rap h ic tales. T h e m a jo r c h a ra c te ristic o f the an aly tic case rep ort is an o b jectiv e w ritin g style in w hich the in v e stig a to r’s v o ice is silen t or m in im ized, an d th ere is a c o n v e n ­ tio n al o rgan izatio n o f to p ics: in tro d u c tio n , literatu re review , m eth odology , re ­ su lts, and c o n c lu sio n . T h is is e ssen tially the sam e style an d o rgan izatio n used to rep ort q u a n tita tiv e research . T h e reflective case rep ort, in c o n tra st, typ i­ cally uses v a rio u s n arra tiv e d e v ic e s to brin g the c ase alive, an d the in v e stig a ­ to r’s v o ice is clearly h eard. T h e analytic-reflective distin ction m irrors the com m on jou rn alistic d istin c­ tion betw een hard new s an d feature w riting. W hile the hard new s story is typi­ cally told from the v an tag e poin t o f a disem bodied and disem b ed d ed writer, the featu re story typically describ es how the w riter cam e to know the su b ject m atter o f the story an d positio n s the w riter as a cen tral elem en t o f the story. R egardless o f w hether the in vestigator uses an an alytic or reflective form at for the final case report, it is im portan t th at the report include w hat E rickson

4.

QUALITATIVE CASE STUDY METHODS

69

(1986) called particular description, general description, and interpretive com ­ mentary. Particular description consists o f quotes from interview s and field notes and narrative vignettes. G en eral description explains to the reader w hether those quotes and vignettes are typical o f the d ata set as a w hole. Inter­ pretive com m entary offers readers a framework for un derstanding both forms o f description. W hile journ alists typically include m uch particular and general d e ­ scription in their reporting, they often do not include enough interpretive com ­ mentary. In the scholarly literature on journalism , this neglect is com m only referred to as a lack o f con text. Taken together, the inclusion o f particular d e­ scription, general description, and interpretive com m entary would allow read­ ers to engage in w hat Stake (1994) called naturalistic generalization, that is, to reflect on w hether the views expressed in the final case report resonate with their own experiences.

A Q U ESTIO N OF CO LO R T h e Akron Beacon Journal launched in late February 1993 a 10-month-long race-relations series called “A Question o f Color.” This scries, which subsequently was awarded the 1994 Pulitzer Prize for public service journalism, comprised 30 ar­ ticles that appeared in five installments. While the series was not originally planned as a qualitative case study, it adhered to many principles o f this kind o f research. It is worth noting, first, that con son an t with principles o f qualitative casestudy research, the series was based on an explicitly stated research issue. In the inaugurating article, Beacon Journal editors explained that the goal o f the series was to exam ine “the im pact [of race] on life in the A k ro n -C an ton area ... [H ]ow blacks and w hites think and feel about them selves and one an o th er” (“R ace: T h e great divide,” 1993, p. A l ) . W hile the editors did not, as casestudy scholars recom m end, ground the series in any pertinent literature on the subject, they did situate it within a broader contem porary con text. They e x ­ plained that the series was inspired by the racially m otivated assault on Rodney King and the subsequent riots in Los A n geles a couple o f years earlier. A lth ou gh the research issue underlying the series w as not subsequently m odified as a result o f the actu al in vestigation s, im portan t ch an ges in the scope o f the series did occur, ch an ges th at m irror Partlett and H am ilton ’s (1976) call for progressive focusing on the part o f the investigator. D isa p ­ poin ted with the lack o f public atten tio n to the first in stallm en t, it was d e ­ cided, as D ale A llen , one o f the editors responsible for the series, recou n ted, to go “ beyond con scio u sn ess raising to enable readers w ho w anted to be part o f the solution to com e togeth er to set a com m unity ag e n d a” (quoted in M erritt, 1998, p. 9 9 ). In an n ou n cin g the series’ exp an sion (D otson & A llen , 1993, pp.

70

H AAS

A l , A l l ) , the Beacon Journ al prom ised to help involve local civic groups "in the process o f im proving race relatio n s” (p. A 1). M em bers o f local civic groups were en couragcd to co n ta c t the n ew spaper if they were interested in signing up for “m ultiracial partn ersh ips th at can work tow ard com m on g o als" (p. A l l ) . T h e Beacon Journal hired two part-tim e facilitators, a retired m inister who was white and a retired sch oo l principal who w as b lack. T h e two becam e responsible for m atch in g up groups with shared in terests. To exam ine the im pact o f racism and racial inequality, the Beacon Journal used w hat case-stu d y sch olars call a m ultiple case-stu d y design (Yin, 1994) with em b edded su b un its o f analysis (Sch olz & T ietje, 2 0 0 2 ). In stead o f tre at­ ing A k ro n as one overarch in g case, Beacon Journal reporters exam in ed each of the five cou n ties o f A k ro n separately an d, for each county, focused atten tio n on specific issues, notably housing, ed u cation , em ploym ent, and crim e. T h e selection o f cases (e.g., coun ties) and subun its o f analysis (e.g., issues) resulted from the actu al in vestigation s, a p ractice co n sisten t with principles o f q u a lita ­ tive case-stu d y research. B ased on cen su s d a ta and a large-scale teleph one survey with local residen ts, Beacon Journal reporters docu m en ted th at the five cou n ties o f A k ro n were differently affected by racism and racial inequality. T h e specific issues un der in vestigation were selected through focus group d is­ cussion s with local w hite an d black residents and in-depth interview s with various experts on racism and racial inequality, notably local go vern m en t offi­ cials and university professors. W hile Beacon Journal reporters thus used m ethodological triangulation to plan their investigations (e.g., telephone surveys, focus group discussions, and in-depth interview s), they did not, as case-study scholars recom m end, com pare the d ata collected with any preexisting theories o f racism and racial inequality (e.g., pattern-m atching) or use the d ata collected to generate a theory o f racism and racial inequality o f their own (i.e., explan ation -building). Instead, they merely sum m arized their findings with a m inim um o f editorial com m entary. T h is, in turn, may be attributed to the widely held b elief that journ alists should help inform, rather than form, public opinion. W hile Beacon Journal reporters did not use any form al d ata analysis strate­ gies, they did report the findings o f their investigations in conform ity with cer­ tain principles o f qualitative case-study writing. M ost im portant, the 30 articles that com prised the series included w hat Erickson (1986) called particular d e­ scription, general description, and interpretive com m entary. Taken as a whole, the series included articles that: (a) quoted at length the views and experiences o f local residents and experts (particular description ); (b) reported on w hether those vicw s-cxperien ccs were illustrative o f the larger sam ple o f participants

4.

QUALITATIVE CASE STUDY METHODS

71

(gen eral d escrip tio n ); and (c) p laced the vie w s-e x p e rie n ce s expressed w ithin a b roader fram ew ork through referen ce to relevan t cen su s d a ta an d the results from the teleph on e survey (interpretive co m m en tary ). Moreover, many o f the articles framed the issues exam ined as open-ended qu es­ tions rather than as closed-ended answers, thereby encouraging readers to reflect on w hether those issues resonate with their own experiences, a practice consistent with w hat Stake (1994) called naturalistic generalization. For exam ple, in an article exploring potential discrim inatory practices within the school system o f A kron, the reporters asked the following rhetorical questions after having discussed why white students on average receive higher grades than black students: W h e n d o e s a “ C Mre fle ct r ac ism by t h e p r o fe s s o r a n d w h e n d o e s it sim pl y re fle ct “ C ” wor k? W h o s h o u l d d e c i d e ? W h o d e c i d e s w h a t role A f r i c a n c u l t u r e s p la y e d in th e e v o ­ lut io n o f W e s t e r n ci v ili z at io n ? If h i s to r ia n s h a v e d e t e r m i n e d th e role w as m i n i m a l , is it rac is t to p o r tr a y it t h a t way? O r is it si m pl y g o o d his tor y? H o w m u c h d o e s it m a t t e r if all o r m o s t o f the h i s to r ia n s are w h it e? (Ki rksey, J e n k i n s , & Paynter, 1 9 9 3 , p. A 14)

W hile Beacon Journal reporters q u o ted at length the view s an d exp erien ces o f b oth local residen ts and experts, they retain ed the em ic persp ectives o f local residen ts while m ediatin g the persp ectives o f experts. A q u a n titativ e co n ten t analysis o f sou rcin g p attern s found th at n ot only w ere con siderably m ore local residen ts cited th an go vern m en t officials and university professors com bin ed (103 and 63, respectiv ely ), the testim ony o f local residen ts also ap peared m ore in the form o f full q u o ta tio n s th an partial q u o te s-p a ra p h ra se s. T h e ratio o f this latter m easure w as 3 .2 8 ,0 .6 5 , an d 0 .9 0 for local residen ts, go vern m en t officials, and university professors, respectively (see H a as, 2001 for d e v e lo p m en t). To their cre d it, Beacon Jo u rn al ed itors d e c id e d to co rro b o ra te fu rth er the testim on y o f b oth lo cal re sid e n ts and e x p e rts. T ow ard the en d o f the series, the e d ito rs publicly re sp o n d ed to the view s an d e x p e rie n c e s ex p re sse d by in vitin g 17 o f the n e w sp ap e r’s e d ito rs an d rep orters, nine w hite an d eigh t b lac k , to p a r­ ticip ate in fo cu s group d isc u ssio n s a b o u t the n e w sp ap e r’s co v e ra ge o f w hite an d b lack crim e. E ach p a rtic ip a n t w as ask ed to review 2 m o n th s’ w orth o f n ew sp ap ers, payin g p a rtic u la r atte n tio n to the crim e c o v e ra g e . D u rin g one e v e n in g in late D e c e m b e r 1993, th ree fo cu s group d isc u ssio n s w ere h eld: on e all w hite, on e all b lack an d , late r th a t even in g, on e in clu d in g all the p a rtic i­ p an ts. T h e article rep o rtin g on the resu lts o f th ose d isc u ssio n s (see Dyer, 1993) n ot only re co u n te d the p a rtic ip a n ts’ view s a t len gth , b ut also in their ow n w ords, th ereby re tain in g the p a rtic ip a n ts’ em ic p e rsp e ctiv e s an d allow ing read ers to co m p are the o p in io n s e x p re sse d by the ed itors an d rep o rters w ith th ose o f lo cal re sid e n ts an d e xp erts.

72

HAAS

C O N C L U S IO N T h e p rio r d isc u ssio n su g g e sts th a t q u a lita tiv e c a se -stu d y re se arc h is n o t an alien ap p ro a c h to n ew sroom re se arc h an d rep ortin g , b u t rath e r re p re se n ts a d e sc rip ­ tio n o f jo u rn a lism d o n e w ell. In d e e d , the very p u rp o se o fc a s e - s tu d y re se arc h , to o b ta in an in -d e p th u n d e rstan d in g o f a c o m p le x p h e n o m e n o n , b o th in an d o f it­ se lf an d in re latio n to its b ro a d e r c o n te x t, is c e n tra l to so m e o f th e b e st c o n te m ­ porary jo u rn a lism , n otab ly e x p la n ato ry jo u rn a lism w ith its fo cu s o n e lu c id atin g c o m p le x issu es an d th eir re la tio n s to w ider so c ie ta l d e v e lo p m e n ts. C a se -stu d y sc h o la rs h av e d e v e lo p e d p ra c tic a l g u id elin e s for c a se se le c tio n , d a ta co lle c tio n an d an aly sis, an d rep o rt w ritin g th a t jo u rn a lists c a n u se to p lan , e x e c u te , an d e v a lu a te th eir re se arc h an d rep ortin g. Yet, as the p rio r d isc u ssio n an d e x am p le o f the A kron Beacon Jo u rn a l’s “A Q u e stio n o f C o lo r ” series su g g e st, th e c o n d u c t o f q u a lita tiv e c a se -stu d y re se arc h p o se s c e rta in ch a lle n g e s to th e p rac tic e o f jo u rn a lism , som e o f w hich are a t od d s w ith m a in stre am jo u rn a listic a ssu m p tio n s an d p ra c tic e s. T h e s e c h a lle n g e s in clu d e re m a in in g o p e n to a lte rn a tiv e story fo r­ m ats e m a n a tin g from the d a ta c o lle c te d itself, sh a rin g re se arc h fin d in gs w ith c o lle a g u e s an d stu d y p a rtic ip a n ts prior to p u b lic atio n , an d usin g re se arc h fin d ­ in gs to e ith e r te st p re ex istin g th e o rie s or g e n e ra te new o n e s.

REFEREN CES A n o n y m o u s ( 1 9 9 3 , F e b r u a r y 2 8 ) . R a c e : T h e g r e a t d i v i d e . A k r o n B e a c o n J o u r n a l , p. A l . B e r n s t e i n , C . , & W o o d w a r d , B. ( 1 9 7 4 ) . A i l the pres iden t’s me n. N e w Yo rk: S i m o n & S c h u s t e r . C a n t r i l , H . , & H e r z o g , H . ( 1 9 4 0 ) . Inv asi o n f r o m M a r s . P r i n c e t o n , N J : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r es s. D e n z i n , N . ( 1 9 8 9 ) . T h e research a c t: A th eoretical introduction to so cio lo gical m eth ods. T h o u ­ sand O aks, C A : Sage. D o t s o n , J., & A l l e n , D . ( 1 9 9 3 , M a y 2 ) . You 're i n v i t e d t o h e l p p r o m o t e r a c i a l h a r m o n y . A k ro n B e a c o n Jo u r n a l, p p . A 1, A 11. D ye r, B. ( 1 9 9 3 , D e c e m b e r 2 9 ) . T h e s t r u g g l e fo r b a l a n c e . A k r o n B e a c o n Jo u r n a l, p p . A l , A 6-A 7. E r i c k s o n , F. ( 1 9 8 6 ) . Q u a l i t a t i v e m e t h o d s in r e s e a r c h o n t e a c h i n g . In M . W h i t t r o c k ( E d . ) , H a n d b o o k o f research on teach ing, ( p p . 1 1 9 - 1 6 1 ) . N e w Y ork: M a c m i l l a n . G a l l , M . , B o r g , W., & G a l l , J. ( 1 9 9 6 ) . E d u c a tio n a l research : A n in trodu ction . W h i t e P l a i n s , NY: Longm an. G i l l h a m , B. ( 2 0 0 0 ) . C a s e stu dy research m eth ods. L o n d o n : C o n t i n u u m . G o m m , R . , H a m m e r s l e y , M . , & Fo st er, P. ( 2 0 0 0 ) . C a s e study m eth od: K ey issu es, key texts. T h ousan d O aks, C A : Sage. H a a s , T. ( 2 0 0 1 ) . P u b l i c j o u r n a l i s m p r o j e c t fall s s h o r t o f s t a t e d g o a l s . N eu> sp a p e r R esearch J o u r ­ n a l, 2 2 , 5 8 - 7 0 . K ir k se y , R . , J e n k i n s , C . , & P ay n t er , B. ( 1 9 9 3 , A u g u s t 2 2 ) . P u b l i c e d u c a t i o n , w in few', lo se m a n y . A k ro n B e ac o n J o u r n a l, p p . A l , A 4 - A 5 . M e r r i a m , S . ( 2 0 0 1 ) . Q u a lita tiv e research a n d c a se study ap p licatio n s in ed u c atio n . S a n F r a n c i s c o : Jossey-Bass.

4.

QUALITATIVE CASE STUDY M ETHO DS

73

M erritt, D. (1998). Public journalism and public life: Why telling the news is not enough. M ahw ah, N J: Law rence Erlbaum A ssociates. Partlett, M., &. H am ilton, D. (1 976). E valuation as illum ination: A new approach to the study o f in novative program s. Evaluation Studies Review Annual, 1, 140-157. Patton, M. (2 002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods. T h ou san d O aks, C A : Sage. Scholz, R., &. T ietje, O . (2 002). Embedded case study methods: Integrating quantitative and qual­ itative knoivledge. T h ou san d O ak s, C A : Sage. Stak e, R. (1994). C ase studies. In N. Denzin &. Y. Lincoln (E ds.), Handbook of qualitative re­ search, (pp. 2 3 6 -2 4 7 ). T h ou san d O aks, C A : Sage. Van M aanen , J. (1 988). Tales of the field: On writing ethnography. C h icago: University of C h i­ cago Press. Yin, R. (1 994). C ase study research: Design and methods. T h ou san d O aks, C A : Sage.

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

5 Focus G rou p s N e w s r o o m S tyle Susan Willcy F lo rid a A tlan tic U niversity

W h e n staffe rs at the Savan n ah M orning N ew s b e g a n th eir 1998 e le c tio n c o v e r­ ag e , they d e c id e d to sp o n so r b ack y ard b a rb e c u e s aro u n d th e city. R e p o rte rs tap p e d th eir so u rce s w ith in a stro n g n etw ork o f n e igh b o rh o o d a sso c ia tio n s an d ask e d p eo p le to h old a b arb e cu e for 10 to 15 o f th eir n e igh b o rs. T h e n e w sp ap e r p ro v id e d th e fo o d . T h e n e igh b o rs p ro v id ed the c o n v e rsa tio n . T h e in sights gain ed from listen in g to th ese co n v e rsa tio n s ultim ately drove the n e w sp ap e r’s c o v e rage o f the c am p aign and c h an ge d the focus o f the co v e rage . A s reporters listen ed to the peop le talk, they realized the prim ary are a o f co n cern ce n te re d on the city ’s d rain ag e prob lem s. T h e c a n d id a te s h ad been talkin g ab o u t h ousing, an issue th at h ad m u ch less salien ce with the citizen s. T h e b ackyard b ar­ b ecu e c o n v e rsa tio n s w ere a reality c h e ck on w hat earlier polls revealed an d w hat c a n d id a te s w ere saying, said M orning N ew s M a n a g in g E d ito r D an ie l Suw yn. “ Wc h av e a m an tra in ou r n ew sro o m ,” Suw yn said. “ Wc arc only as good as the quality o f our c o n v e rsa tio n s” (perso n al co m m u n ic atio n , M a rc h 6, 2 0 0 2 ). Jo u r n a lis ts are d isc o v e rin g th a t by liste n in g to citize n c o n v e r s a tio n s they c a n e n ric h th e ir n ew s re p o rts, an d th a t re a liz a tio n is c h a n g in g n e w sg a th e rin g m e th o d s. T h e S a v a n n a h n e w sp a p e r is o n e o f a g ro w in g n u m b e r o f n ew s m e d ia o r g a n iz a tio n s th a t are ta p p in g c re a tiv e re se a rc h m e th o d s in th e ir e ffo rts to u n ­ d e rs ta n d th e ir c o m m u n itie s an d c itiz e n s’ v iew s b etter. From b ac k y a rd b a r b e ­ c u e s an d a d v iso ry p a n e ls to tow n m e e tin g s an d new ly d e fin e d fo cu s g ro u p s,

76

W IL L E Y

the new s m ed ia are tak in g an in creasin gly ac tiv e role in p ro m o tin g citizen p a r­ tic ip a tio n an d com m u n ity ac tio n . Bloor, F ran k lan d , T h o m a s, an d R ob son (2001 ) calle d this kin d o f grou p m eth o d o lo gy “ a p o te n tial to o l o f a new citizen sc ie n c e ” (p. 9 8 ). Yet the d e c ad e s-o ld focus group m eth odology o f the so cial scie n ce s d oes not alw ays fit well with new sroom needs. In stead , editors, an d reporters are tran s­ form ing the old m odels into w hat is beco m ing a new form o f jou rn alism re ­ search , a crossb reed o f several group m eth od o logies specifically design ed for n ew sroom s’ research requirem en ts. Jo u rn a lists are con cern ed less ab ou t the sc i­ en ce o f research than ab o u t the in form ation they o b tain through the m eth ods. In a speech to the N ew sp ap er A sso c iatio n o f A m erica R esearch C o n feren ce, K n igh t-R idder execu tive V irginia D od ge Fielder argued th at it is n ot the “ w on­ derfully creative, grou n db reakin g research ” th at m atters in new s reports. It’s w hether jou rn alists arc able to m ove beyond the structured research p roject and c o n n e ct w ith their com m unity, en co u rage public d eliberatio n on im portan t is­ sues, an d o b tain sufficient in form ation to inform readers an d en cou rage citizen actio n (Fielder, 1995). T h e new sroom ven tu re in to group c o n v ersatio n s leads reporters o n to the streets an d into the n eigh borh o ods. Focus group tech n iqu es m ade in roads into new sroom s during the early 1990s, ab ou t the tim e journ alism p ractition ers and a ca d e m icia n s started their ow n c o n v ersatio n s ab o u t jou rn alism ’s purpose and role in a d e m o cratic society. A s the jou rn alism reform m ovem en t— know n as public or civic jou rn alism — gain ed m om en tum , focus groups and com m un ity c o n v ersatio n s b ecam e defin itive elem en ts in n ew sgatherin g (M erritt, 1998; R osen , 1999). M ore th an a d e c ad e later, n ew sroom focu s group m eth od s have been refined an d redefined, m ovin g beyond listening tech n iq u es and interview s into com m un ity partn ersh ips an d citizen action . T h e key focus w as, and still is, on citizen c o n v e rsatio n s, w hich n ot only re co n n e ct jo u rn alists to their c o m m u ­ nities, but also help involve citizens in the d e m o cratic process. From its in c e p ­ tion , civ ic or p u b lic jo u rn a lism e n c o u ra g e d e x p e rim e n tatio n an d group m eth od s b ecam e part o f the n ew sgatherin g efforts (M erritt, 1998). T h is ch ap ter looks at several reportin g projects an d group research m eth ods used by editors and reporters in their new sgatherin g processes. T h e se include: the Savannah Morning News and its “ V ision 2 0 1 0 ” p roject; The Lawrence Journal-World an d its “ Fin din g C o m m o n G ro u n d ” series; and The Cincinnati En­ quirer’s m assive rep ortin g project on race relation s, “N e igh b o r to N eigh bor.” A s these exam ples illustrate, the term focus group h as m any m ean in gs in the new sroom . T h e new spapers in the forth com in g exam p les used a m ixture o f m eth odo logies, som e th at closely follow ed focus group procedu res an d others th at deviated from the trad ition al stru ctu red form . T h e research purpose w as to

5.

FOCUS GROUPS NEWSROOM STYLE

77

give journalists w hat they needed, insight and inform ation to en han ce their news coverage. Previous research shows that journalists tend toward a com bi­ nation o f group interview tech niques to get inform ation. A lth ough the groups fall under the general categories o f group interview s or focus groups, the designs o f the groups them selves are often distinct, according to the new sroom ’s re­ search purpose (Willey, 1997). T h e sam e holds true for the newsroom m ethods in the exam ples discussed in this chapter. N ew sroom research follow s pattern s sim ilar to stan dard qu alitative m eth ­ odology, in clu ding defining the research questio n s, determ inin g the best m eth ods by w hich to obtain the answ ers to the qu estio n s, and p articipatin g in detailed plannin g as well as com preh en sive d ata gath erin g. T h ere is also som e form o f trian gu lation in the research process. R eporters use varian ts o f q u ali­ tative m ethodology such as focus groups, com m unity con versation s, and town m eetin gs. T h ey also rely on m ore trad ition al m eth ods such as inform ation gained from polls and surveys, docu m en ts, and individual interview s to verify their findings. U nlike the social scientist, new sroom s do not claim to create a scientific study. Instead, they analyze the data gath ered in a journalistic fashion for use in their stories. A s in scientific research, often the inform ation gleaned at the b e­ ginning o f the project spaw ns more questions and, in som e cases, chan ges the research question itself. To understand the evolution in these new sgathering m ethods, it is necessary to clarify the term focus groups and look at its roots and uses in the social sci­ ences. Because new sroom s are experim enting beyond group new sgathering ef­ forts into com m unity partnerships and action, it is im portant to consider also the philosophical underpinnings o f the qualitative m ethodology o f action re­ search, which is seeing renew ed interest am ong several academ ic disciplines (C oghlan &. Brannick, 2001; Stringer, 1999).

A C A D E M IC F O C U S G R O U P S Focus groups have been used in m arketing research since the 1920s and utilized for decades in a variety o f social science research (Frey &. Fontana, 1991; Krueger, 1988; M organ, 1993). However, Fern (2001) wrote that, even into the late 1970s, there were few disciplines other than m arketing using focus group methodology. He distinguished betw een theory and applied focus group re­ search. Theory-based research falls more within the academ ic realm and is cre­ ated for the purpose o f gen eratin g or affirming theory. A pplied research is done primarily for decision-m aking purposes. R esearchers con ductin g applied re­ search are only concerned about inform ation relating to their specific needs.

78

W IL L E Y

T h e jo u rn a list’s use o f focu s g ro u p s falls w ith in the ap plied are a an d h as a d ifferen t pu rp ose from th at o f ac a d e m ic stu d ie s or m ed ia m ark e tin g research . E arly r e se arc h e rs o f the fo cu se d in terview tech n iq u e h ad pre d icte d th a t its use c o u ld easily be e x p a n d e d in to a v ariety o f so cial sc ie n c e in v e stig a tio n . M erton (1 9 8 7 ) su g g e ste d in the 1950s th a t the fo cu se d in terview is a “gen eric research te c h n iq u e ” th a t co u ld be “ ap p lied in every sph ere o f h u m an b e h a v io r an d exp e rie n c e ” (p. 5 6 2 ). Instead o f seeking response about a product’s appeal or studying m edia m essage reception, journalists seek insight into citizens’ attitudes, beliefs, and com m unity concerns— their “views o f reality” (Frey & Fontana, 1991). T h e data obtained are used to develop news reports. However, the social science definition o f focus group is more precise than the way m ost journalists use the term. A focus group is a spe­ cific type o f group in terms o f its “purpose, size, com position, and procedures” (Krueger, 1988, p. 18). Social scientists say the focus group is “a nondirective tech ­ nique that results in the controlled production o f a discussion within a group o f peo­ ple who do not know one another, but who share similar characteristics” (Flores &. A lonso, 1995, pp. 8 4 -1 1 3 ). T h e focus group is designed for discovery and to answer the how and why questions. Focus groups not only help answer research questions but also generate new questions (M organ, 1993). O n c e ac a d e m ic re se arc h e rs d ecid e to use fo cu s group m eth odology, a t a r ­ g e t p o p u latio n is d e term in ed an d a p a rticip a n t profile d e v e lo p e d . R an d o m telep h o n e surveys help lo c ate p o te n tial grou p m em b ers, w ho are so m e tim e s offered sm all m on etary in c en tiv e s to p a rtic ip a te . B e c au se the idea is to v a li­ d a te the in fo rm atio n co lle c te d by c o m p a rin g the fin d in gs from on e group to the o th ers, no le gitim ate study can be c o n d u c te d w ith only on e fo cu s group. Fou r or five g ro u p s, e ac h w ith a b o u t 8 - 1 0 p a rtic ip a n ts, arc usually su fficie n t to o b ta in the d a ta n e c essa ry for the re se arc h (F lores & A lo n so , 1995; Frey &. F o n tan a , 1 9 9 3 ). F o cu s grou p s w ork b e st w ith p a rtic ip a n ts from h o m o g e n e o u s p o p u latio n s. T h e sm all n u m b er o f peop le p a rtic ip a tin g and the g ro u p s’ h o m o ­ gen eity help cre a te a c o m fo rtab le an d n o n th re a te n in g atm o sp h e re th a t e n ­ c o u rag e s d iscu ssio n (K n o d e l, 1 9 9 3 ). It is im portan t th at focus group m em bers perceive research ers as unbiased to en ab le the free flow o f co n v ersatio n , w hich stren gth en s validity. T h e group m eets a t a n eutral location , and the m o d erato r is som eon e w ho is n ot c o n n ected to the research endeavor. P articip an ts are asked to sign a c o n se n t form th at may inclu de perm ission to v id eotap e the d iscu ssion , to allow people to observe the in teraction behind a one-w ay mirror, or to publish the co n v e rsatio n s (Flores & A lo n so , 1995). R esearch ers m ust d ecide how to ad d ress con fidentiality, an im ­ p ortan t issue in focus group research . U sually, particip an ts arc assured their n am es will n ot be revealed in the research report.

5.

FOCUS GROUPS NEWSROOM STYLE

79

T h e q u alitativ e d a ta o b tain ed through focus group research may be analyzed m anually or through com pu terized tex tu al analysis program s. H ow ever, focus group research ers rem ind us th at the purpose is n ot to quan tify the d a ta , rath er to u n d erstan d the why o f w hat w as said (M o rgan , 1993). By cro ss-ch eck in g n otes and referring to tape recordin gs, research ers identify p attern s or them es in the co n v ersatio n s. To en h an ce validity, the m oderator m ay verify' key poin ts m ade in the d iscu ssion or ask group m em bers to m ake a final statem en t. T h e m oderator an d research team m eet im m ediately after the focus group session to d iscu ss the findings. T h is d ebriefing is som etim es tap e-reco rd ed for future refer­ en ce. In ad dition , focus group d a ta are often used in trian gu lation with oth er m eth od s su ch as surveys (Krueger, 1993).

JO U R N A L ISM FO C U S G R O U P S T h e q u alitativ e m eth odology o f the focus group seem s particularly well suited for jou rn alism , but reporters do n ot n ecessarily follow the strin gen t acad em ic gu id elin es for focus groups. In stead they use hybrid group m eth odology th at fits their n eeds. For exam p le, the asp ect o f con fiden tiality, in jou rn alistic e n d e a v ­ ors, m ay m ean th at reporters decide, w ith the p a rtic ip a n ts’ perm ission, to use q u o te s from group m em b ers’ d iscu ssion s. R eporters m ay decid e to listen only to the d iscu ssion , take n otes, an d then c o n ta c t in dividual p articip an ts a t a later d ate for an o n -th e-record interview . S o m e tim e s jo u rn alists serve as m oderators, b ut in oth er in stan ces outsid e m oderators are used. T h e group con v ersatio n s m ay be recorded, b ut it is unlikely th at d evices such as a on e-w ay m irror w ould be used in jou rn alistic group m eth ods. S o m e new sroom s use group con versation s to define the research questions them selves while others use the con versation s to refine the question already b e­ ing investigated. For exam ple, in 1998, w hen The Savannah Morning N ews d e ­ cided to do a scries called “A gin g M atters,” that exam ined various issues facing the city’s older population, the editors an d staff realized they h ad little know ledge ab out the topic. T h ey had to ed u cate them selves first before they could even b e­ gin the series so they arranged a series o f group m eetings, by calling togeth er p e o ­ ple from various social service agen cies, caregivers, and senior citizens. Reporters asked a general question then took notes as they listened to the conversation s. T h e U n iversity o f M issouri S c h o o l o f Jo u rn alism did the sam e thin g in 1996 w hen stu d en ts em barked on their an n u al reportin g project for The M issourian, the university new spaper. T h a t year the project focu sed on religion in the c o m ­ m unity, but editors soon d iscovered th at n eith er stu d e n ts n or faculty h ad suffi­ cien t know ledge ab ou t the topic to begin the project. T h e y held a series o f m eetin gs with m em bers o f various faith groups and asked them to talk ab o u t

80

W ILLEY

their beliefs, as reporters listened. Faculty and stud en ts also convened panel dis­ cussions with clergy and academ ic religious experts. T h ese resource panels al­ lowed the student reporters to ask questions about the com plexities o f different faiths, which provided them with new inform ation and introduced them to new con tacts in the com m unity (Willey, 1997, pp. 2 1 -2 3 ). T h ese kinds o f group listening processes not only help educate reporters, but also bring heightened aw areness into the kind o f values that are operating within targeted groups. Bloor et al. (2001) argued that focus groups are able to shed light on norm ative understandings and m eanings. They provide insights that can be used to interpret survey or polling data, or even to con test the q u an ­ titative findings as h appened in the S avan n ah backyard barbecue conversations where group discussions honed in on drainage problem s, an issue that was not high on the polling radar screen. For journalists, focus group m ethodology has an oth er benefit in that it allows citizcns to be participan ts in the research, or the news report, itself. T h is helps establish a better rapport betw een the m edia and their readers or viewers (Willey, 1997). Focus groups also provide a diversity o f new sources for jou rn al­ ists to tap. A s Bloor et al. (2001) w rote: “ Focus groups have been portrayed as a m edium for dem ocratic participation in scientific research” (p. 93). From the beginning, focus groups have gen erated inform ation on how the public under­ stan ds or views the world, that can serve as a balance to expert opinion (Bloor et al. 2 001). T h is helps balance journ alists’ reports. Yankelovich (1991) argued that journalists tend to dism iss citizen insights and instead use expert sources. In his book Coming to Public Judgment: Making Democracy Work in a Complex World, Y ankelovich (1991) w rote that jou rn alists tradition ally cover news from the top dow n. T h is expert focus, part o f w hat he calls the “C u ltu re of T ech n ical C o n tro l,” d evalu es citizen-based know ledge and un derstandin g, co n tribu tes to the disco n n ect am ong citizens, m edia and public in stitution s, an d en cou rages citizen w ithdraw al from public life (pp. 8 - 1 0 ). T h is, then, af­ fects our n ation al con versation on how to address issues o f critical im portan ce to our com m on life (pp. 9 1 - 9 8 ). For jou rn alists, tappin g citizen s’ know ledge helps bridge this gap and, at the sam e tim e, en cou rages talk am on g partici­ pan ts. Focus groups can help facilitate citizen p articipation during the news m edia’s new sgatherin g process and, as can be seen in the project exam ples here, they may also en courage citizen action . Focus group adherents say that the first thing to do is determ ine the purpose o f the group. O n ce that is defined, several other elem ents com e into play to cre­ ate a successful group methodology. K rueger (1988) cited several factors that can influence the quality o f focus group research: clarity o f purpose, appropriate environm ent, sufficient resources, appropriate participants, skillful moderator,

5.

FOCUS GROUPS NEWSROOM STYLE

81

effective questions, careful d a ta handling, system atic and verifiable analysis, a p ­ propriate presentation, and finally, “ honoring the participant, the client and the m eth od” (p. 6 7 ). In general, new sroom s appear to adhere to nearly all o f these criteria in planning and creating their reporting projects, except for journalists the d ata analysis is less focused on scientific rigor to generate theory than on the inform ation needed for the news stories. T h ere are several advantages to using group methodology. By bringing to ­ gether groups o f people who share their views, beliefs, and feelings about specific issues, participants begin interacting with one another. This is part o f the focusing elem ent in focus group methodology. T h e objective is to encourage discussion (Bloor, et al., 2001). During group conversations, one person’s com m ent may spark other com m ents and participants becom e fully involved in the discussion. It is this interaction that results in rich and detailed information about the specific topic, which is considered the primary advantage o f focus groups. T h e insights gained from focus groups also provide im portant inform ation for reporters and may even affect the framing o f the story. A s M organ (1993) wrote: F o c u s g r o u p s are n o t j u st a differ en t wa y o f d o in g t hing s we h a v e b e e n d o in g all along. T h e y ma y als o lead us to c h a n g e the very way t h at we are thi n k in g a b o u t the p r o b le m s th a t in te res t us. (p. 10)

In general, researchers choose focus groups when there is a power gap be­ tween decision m akers, experts, or professionals, and the desired target group. For journalists, this can translate into a diversity o f voices for their reports. Fo­ cus groups also are an excellent tool to use w hen investigating behavior or issues and w hen it is difficult for people to find ways to com e together to talk. T h is was the case when The Cincinnati Enquirer w anted to begin com m unity con versa­ tions about race. Focus groups also serve as a good source o f inform ation when researchers are seeking explan ation s and opinions (M organ &. Krueger, 1993). O ften , the participan ts’ interactive con versation reveals inform ation and is­ sues that had never occurred to the journalist or researcher (A gar & M a c D o n ­ ald, 1995). For the m edia then, focus groups can be an excellen t exploratory technique to seek citizens’ opinions on issues that will be part o f a proposed news report. T h e inform ation received from these structured groups helps re­ porters focus on the topic issues and helps generate story ideas and sources, as well as provide new perspectives. B ecau se focus group d ata is qualitative rather than quan titative and because group size is usually limited to encourage con versation , the results can n ot be generalized, or applied, to broader population s as survey d ata are. U nlike public forum s or working groups, focus groups are not convened to seek recom m en da­ tions or solutions. Instead, researchers and reporters use focus groups to listen

82

W IL L E Y

to opin ion s and con cern s o f citizens and to gain new persp ectives on problem s or issues con fron tin g the targeted group. T h e c o n v e rsatio n s are analyzed an d the in form ation used to recom m en d new areas o f study or research , or to shed light on the specific issue being in vestigated . Focus grou ps also m ay require a sign ifican t in vestm en t o f tim e an d money, especially if n um erous groups are c o n v en ed . R eportin g projects using group m eth odology in volve detailed p la n ­ ning and a stron g co m m itm en t to allocate sufficient sta ff tim e an d organ iza­ tion al funds to organize the groups, select an d train m od erators, an d to analyze the d a ta . So m e tim e s, focu s grou ps and co n v e rsatio n s only w het the ap p etite o f p articip an ts for future en d eavo rs. T h ey can energize particip an ts to form new groups on their own th at may d ecide to focus on action.

A C TIO N R E SE A R C H O n e o f the criticism s voiced ab o u t aca d e m ic research is th at it seem s too d is­ tan ced from p e o p le ’s lives. A c tio n research attem p ts to bridge this gap. It b ro a d ­ ens the research ag e n d a from creatin g and sharin g know ledge to pu ttin g that know ledge to work w ithin com m u n ities (C o g h lan & B ran n ick , 2001, p. xi). R e ­ search ers argue th at “ actio n research can help us build a better, freer so ciety ” (G reen w ood &. Levin, 1998, p. 3). M an y sch olars credit Lew in’s w ork as a social scien tist during the 1940s as the origins o f action research . H is in n ovative re ­ search for the U .S. go vern m en t during W orld W ar II used new m eth od s, now know n as n atu ral experim en ts, w hich provided study p articip an ts w ith real-life an d fam iliar settin gs. From the beginning, actio n research w as groun ded in so c i­ etal co n cern s with the purpose o f social ch an ge. Lew in saw action research as a way to en cou rage citizen particip ation in d em ocracy and to ch an ge society for the b etter (G reen w ood & Levin, 1998). A ctio n research ’s p h ilosoph ical roots may be traced to D ew ey an d his b elief in participatory d em ocracy and pragm atic research ph ilosoph y (G reen w ood & L evin, 1998, p. 7 2 ). Public jou rn alism a d v o c ate s also cite D ew ey as the ph ilo ­ sop h ical fo u n d ation for their view s on journ alism 's m ission in a d e m o cratic so c i­ ety (R osen , 1999). In the 1980s, social scien tists A rgyris, P u tn am , an d Sm ith (1 990) exam in ed the c o n c e p t o f “ actio n scie n c e ,” w hich, they said, “ seeks know ledge th at serves actio n ” (p. 3 6 ). T h e purpose o f such research is to g e n e r­ ate p ractical know ledge th at exten d s in to the realm o f responsible action , a c ­ tion th at serves so cietal n eeds (pp. 43, 7 5 ). In som e case s, focus group p articip an ts d ecide to act on their d iscu ssion s. T h is w as seen in a h ealth needsasse ssm e n t project u n dertak en in M adison C ounty, N o rth C aro lin a in 1989 (P laut, L an dis, & Trevor, 1993). R esearch ers there stu d ied how focus groups n ot only helped define h ealth care n eeds, but also helped m obilize the c o m m u ­

5.

FOCUS GROUPS NEWSROOM STYLE

83

nity to m ake sure those n eeds were ad d ressed . In this exam p le, focus group m eth o d s en cou raged com m un ity in volvem en t (p. 2 1 7 ). T h e e x am p le s in this c h a p te r show th at m ed ia o u tle ts o fte n try to cre a te a k n o w ledge b ase via their new s rep orts so citizen s can be in form ed w hen they g a th e r to g e th e r in group d isc u ssio n s. Y an kelovich (1 9 9 1 ) said this sh ifts the focu s o f new s rep orts from the h ie rarch ical stru c tu re o f e x p e rts to citizen -b ased k n o w ledge. G reen w o o d an d L e v in (1 9 9 8 ) saw a ctio n re se arch as a way n ot only to in volve citizen s in d e m o c ratic d ec isio n -m a k in g p ro ce sse s, but also to cre a te an “ are n a for lively d e b ate ... th a t re sp e cts an d e n h a n c e s the d i­ versity o f g ro u p s” (p. 11). A ctio n research is grou n d ed in the idea th at new know ledge can be ge n e r­ ated from citizens in co n v e rsatio n with on e another. T h is creates a sym biotic re ­ lation sh ip am on g research ers, ordinary citizens, an d experts so th at a m ore e galitarian ap p ro ach to problem solvin g o ccu rs. Sc h o lars en gaged in action re­ search say that, w hen this h ap p en s, the results can be liberatin g (G reen w ood &. Levin, 1998, p. 7 7 ). B e cau se action research m oves beyond co n v e rsatio n s into actio n , the entire p rocess is grou n d ed in participatory dem ocracy. A s G re e n ­ w ood an d L evin (1 998) w rote: “ We argue th at A R , in ad d ition to gen eratin g valid know ledge an d effective social action , em b odies d em o cratic ideals in its core p ractices. T h is d em ocracy is involved in both the research process and the o u tco m e s o f the research ” (p. 113). In the follow ing e xam ples, n ew sroom s borrow elem ents from both action re­ search an d focus group m eth od o logies to c reate hybrids o f group n ew sgatherin g tech n iqu es. In som e in stan ces, n ew sroom s foster partn ersh ips w ith o th er m edia or civic organ ization s to help with the research an d, in som e situ ation s, to e n ­ cou rage action . T h e n ew sroom style o f q u alitativ e m eth odology is clearly o p e r­ atin g w ithin e ach o f the exam ples in this chapter. R eporters an d editors d ccidc on the research qu estio n s or story project; they identify the b est m eth ods to use to obtain the in form ation they are seekin g; they identify the pop u lation n eeded for p articip atio n ; an d they c reate the group and proceed with the research , d a ta analysis an d the w riting o f the new s story or series. T h ro u g h o u t the projects, however, reporters and editors m ain tain con trol o f the reporting endeavor.

T H E S A V A N N A H M O R N IN G N E W S : V I S I O N 2 0 1 0 G r o u p C o n v e r s a t io n s a n d C o m m u n it y A ctio n W h en the Savannah Morning N ews editors an d reporters d ecided to focu s on the a re a’s sch o o l system for their “ V ision 2 0 1 0 ” project, they h ad difficulty decidin g how to ap pro ach the series. A s M an ag in g E ditor D an iel Suw yn said: “ Wc were

84

W IL L E Y

tired o f w riting stories th at h ighlighted the failure o f sch oo ls, so we took w hat we had learned from our e lection stories an d the ‘A g in g M a tte rs’ stories an d d e ­ cided to turn this over to our com m un ity an d m ake them assign m en t e d ito rs” (person al co m m u n icatio n , M arch 6, 2 0 0 2 ). T h e sta ff first defined the population n eeded to participate in the discussion. T h is included nonprofit and social service sources, parents, edu cators, and busi­ ness leaders. Five leaders from these groups were selected and asked to provide the paper with a list o f 10 people that fit into these categories. T h e editors and re­ porters filled in the gaps and included ad ditional citizens from the city and county govern m ents and the older population. Eventually, they created a diverse group o f m ore than 60 people. T h is group w as then broken down into sm aller discussion groups. Identifying sources w as a critical step in the reporting process. T h e n e w sp ap e r sta ff d e v e lo p e d w hat Suw yn c alls “ re la tio n sh ip tre e s” to fu rth er e x p a n d the gro u p s. To do this, rep o rters id en tified le ad e rs su ch as the m ayor, an d th en ask ed the large grou p to n am e three peop le w ho h ad the m a y o r’s ear. “ T h e se w ere the peop le w ho we w an ted to h av e the c o n v e rsa tio n s w ith ,” Suw yn said (p e rso n al co m m u n ic atio n , M arch 6, 2 0 0 2 ). O n c e the sm aller g ro u p s w ere form ed, m o d e rato rs led the p a rtic ip a n ts in d isc u ssio n . R e ­ p orters listen ed an d to o k n o tes. “ We w an ted to know w hat the sch o o l system look ed like from the d ifferen t p e rsp e ctiv e s, an d w h at the id eal sc h o o l system m igh t look lik e ,” Suw yn said . “ We foun d w hat the th e m e s w ere, an d peop le w ere su rp rised to see a lot o f co m m o n th read s. People h ad g o tte n c a u g h t up in the lan g u ag e, an d they d id n ’t see all the c o m m o n th re a d s” (p erso n al c o m m u ­ n icatio n , M arch 6, 2 0 0 2 ). N ew ideas w ere gen erated , and the group m em bers felt em pow ered to act. P articip an ts visited from 13 to 30 area sch oo ls an d, with a gran t from the Pew C e n te r for C iv ic Jo u rn alism , the n ew spaper w as able to pay the e xp e n se s for 15 group m em bers to visit sch oo ls in M aco n , H o u sto n , C h arlo tte, Jack so n v ille, an d W ashington , D C . T h e se m em bers then reported their findings to the group. T h e Pew C e n te r for C iv ic Jo u rn alism , establish ed by the Pew C h aritab le Trusts to en cou rage exp erim en tatio n in new s reportin g an d citizen particip ation in public lite, provided gran t m on ies for these civic rep ortin g projects. T h e new spaper wrote ab out all the visits an d group activities, spaw ning more com m unity interest in the endeavor, Suw yn said. “ Even then, we had a good d ia­ logue goin g” (personal com m un ication , M arch 6, 200 2 ). T h e early discussions, on the other han d, were difficult. People disagreed and school board officials re­ sisted efforts to change. T h e com m itm ent o f the group m em bers and the new spa­ per, however, helped turn skepticism into cooperation . Suw yn said that “ Vision 2 0 1 0 ” is now “ so deep in the com m un ity” that it has grow n m easurably beyond the original 60 or so group m em bers (personal com m un ication, M a rch ó , 2002).

5.

FOCUS GROUPS NEWSROOM STYLE

«5

T h e com m unity reportin g project also h elped trigger citizen action . T h e J u ­ nior L eagu e voted to d ev o te its funds and energy to the “ V ision 2 0 1 0 " project through 2 0 0 5 . B u sin ess leaders in S a v a n n a h started a v en tu re cap ital trust fund and hired a p rofession al fun d-raiser to raise $5 m illion to en ab le sch o o ls to e x ­ p erim en t w ith new ap p ro ach es th at are ou tsid e the regular b u d get cap ab ilities. S c h o o ls can apply for money, volu n teers, and oth er resources for specific p ro ­ je cts. A portion o f the m onies will be used to fund program s su ch as a $ 1 0 ,0 0 0 an n u al aw ard to the m ost in n ovative teacher. T h e p ro ject’s su cce sse s brough t m ore support, an d, eventually, even the critics b ecam e co n v in ced th at it was a w orthw hile effort, Suyw n said. E ver since the public, or civic, journ alism m ovem en t b egan , sch olars h ave struggled with ways to assess the su cce ss o f civic journ alism projects (L am b eth , Meyer, & T h o r s o n , 1998). Fielder (1 995) asserted th at rep ortin g p rojects work w hen jo u rn alists co n n c c t w ith their com m unity, en cou rage public deliberation an d provide sufficient in form ation to inform readers, an d en co u rage citizen a c ­ tion. W ith the Savan n ah Morning N ew s’s p roject, there w as m easurab le e v i­ d en ce o f in creased civic particip atio n , Suw yn said. T h e Pew C e n te r for C ivic Jo u rn alism agreed an d aw arded the N ew s’s “ V ision 2 0 1 0 ” project the 20 0 2 Ja m e s K . B atte n A w ard for excellen ce.

T H E L A W R E N C E J O U R N A L W O R L D : “L A W R E N C E I S G R O W IN G : F IN D IN G C O M M O N G R O U N D " N e ig h b o r h o o d D is c u s s io n s a n ti a T o w n M e e tin g in a C o n v e r g e d M e d ia P r o je c t W h en R ich ard B rack, m an agin g ed ito r o f the Lawrence Journal-W orld, looked at his M idw estern tow n o f L aw ren ce, K an sas, pop u lation 8 0 ,0 0 0 , he knew the overridin g issue o f co n cern w as grow th. D urin g the p ast 10 years, the city had e x p a n d e d rapidly, an d peop le ap p e are d to be sh arp ly d iv id e d in to two groups— for or ag ain st c on tin u ed grow th. M an y people liked the sm all-tow n a t ­ m osph ere o f the area and w ere d istressed to see any grow th th at th reaten ed th at way o f life. O th ers w ere equally a d am a n t th at w ith out grow th the city w ould w ither away, an d its b est and b righ test stu d e n ts w ould leave for b etter job s e lse ­ w here, as h ad h ap p en ed in o th er sim ilar cities. L aw ren ce is a little d ifferen t from o th e r K a n sa s farm in g co m m u n itie s, B rack said (p e rso n al c o m m u n ic atio n , M arch 8 ,2 0 0 2 ) . T h e U n iv ersity o f K a n ­ sas is lo c a te d th ere, and the city sits in a cou n ty th a t w as o n e o f only two in the sta te th at w ere w on by A l G o re d u rin g the 2 0 0 0 p re sid e n tia l e le ctio n . B rack knew h is first ste p w ould be to ch a lle n g e th e d u a listic fram in g th a t e xiste d in

86

W IL L E Y

the citizen s' m in ds. “ I w an ted to find o u t w hat som e o f th ose ‘in -th e -m id d le ’ p e rsp e ctiv e s w ere. W h o w ere the sta k e h o ld e rs h e re ?” (p e rso n al c o m m u n ic a ­ tion , A u g u st 17, 2 0 0 2 ). T h e go al w as sim ple. T h e n ew sp ap er w an ted to talk w ith v ario u s se g m e n ts o f the p o p u latio n an d to also find new v o ic e s, the so -c a lle d m iddle grou n d th a t rep orters knew w as o u t there b u t so far h ad rem ain ed silen t. In sprin g 2 0 0 2 , the n ew spaper, its on lin e d ivision , an d siste r cab le new s o p e ratio n lau n c h e d w h at w ould be a 6-m o n th p ro jec t, “ L aw ren ce is G row in g: Fin din g C o m m o n G r o u n d .” T h e n ew sp ap er c h o se fo cu s grou p s as an in itial ste p in the research p ro ce ss. T h e n ew sp ap er s ta ff se le c te d a c ro ss-se c tio n o f p eop le from the com m unity, in c lu d in g b u sin e ss p eo p le, u n iversity faculty, stu d e n ts, farm ­ ers, an d n ew com ers to the area. B rack d e scrib ed the se le c tio n p ro c e ss as “ b ra in sto rm in g ” rath e r th an m e th o d o lo g ic al. “ We w eren’t trying to be sc ie n ­ tific ,” B rack said . “ We ju st w an ted to get an id ea o f how p eop le w ere feelin g a b o u t grow th . A n d it w asn ’t ju st the fo cu s gro u p s. T h e rep o rters w ere go in g o u t an d w alking the n e ig h b o rh o o d s to ju st talk w ith peop le to see w hat w as on th eir m in d s. We were in the p ro c e ss o f ga th e rin g in fo rm atio n ” (p e rso n al c o m ­ m u n ic atio n , A u g u st 17, 2 0 0 2 ). Two fo cu s grou p m eetin gs w ere h eld, e ach w ith a b o u t 15 p a rtic ip a n ts. T h e u n iv e rsity ’s c o u n se lo r to the c h a n ce llo r m o d ­ e ra te d the d iscu ssio n s. R e p o rte rs listen ed . O n ce the new spaper and television staffs better understood the con cern s, they did a 4-week series that introduced the idea o f stakeh olders in the com m unity, provided a history o f growth in the area, and then offered a com parison o f other sim ilar com m un ities and discussed how they h andled grow th. T h e purpose was to stim ulate com m unity conversation. T h e articles provided a com m on know ledge base from w hich to begin. Brack said, “ Wc w anted our readers to know that wc w anted to know w hat they thought. Wc crcatcd bulletin boards and en couraged people to e-m ail u s” (personal com m un ication , M arch 8, 2002). A lth o u gh the electro n ic m essages did n ot c o n stitu te virtual focus groups, the use o f co m p u ter corresp on d en ce illustrates the p o ten tial o f using e-m ail co m m u n icatio n in new sroom n ew sgathering and research efforts. S o c ia l sc ie n ­ tists, too, are exploring cyberspace m eetin gs as a way to gen erate d iscu ssion . A l­ though com pu ter-m ed iated discu ssion groups h ave existed in som e form for m ore than 20 years, the acad em ic use o f these forum s has been lim ited (B loo r et al., 2 0 0 1 ). For the Journal-W orld, the co m p u ter co n v ersatio n s served as an a d d i­ tion al tool to prom ote com m un ity discu ssion and illustrated how the co n v e r­ gen ce o f print, b ro ad cast, an d on lin e m edia can con tribu te to reportin g p rojects. T h e p ap er su pp lem en ted the d a ta o b tain ed in this forum with online polls, as well as a scicntific poll o f the pop u lation in D o u glas C ounty, w here L aw ren ce is situ ated .

5.

FOCUS GROUPS NEWSROOM STYLE

87

A t the en d o f the 4-w eek re p o rtin g p ro je c t, th e n e w sp ap e r sp o n so re d a c o m ­ m un ity m e e tin g th a t w as billed a s an in te ra ctiv e c o m m u n ity forum . M o re th an 2 0 0 p eo p le a tte n d e d . D o ze n s m ore c a lle d in or e -m aile d q u e stio n s or c o m ­ m e n ts. T h e m e e tin g also w as b ro a d c a st live in th e L aw re n ce a r e a an d rep layed se v e ra l tim es. T h e in itial 6-w eek se rie s p ro v id ed a k n o w led g e b ase so citizen s co u ld be on the “ sam e p a g e ” for the e n su in g d iscu ssio n , B rack said (p e rso n al c o m m u n ic a tio n , M a rc h 8, 2 0 0 2 ). T h e se rie s g e n e ra te d in te re st, as did the o n ­ line c o n v e rsa tio n s. By th e tim e th e tow n m e e tin g w as h eld , citizen s w ere ab le to clarify the issu es an d iden tify th e follow in g are a s o f c o n c e rn : sc h o o ls, traffic, o p e n sp a ce , tra n sp o rta tio n , b u sin e ss an d e co n o m ic d e v e lo p m e n t, an d so c ial c a p ita l, a term u sed to d e scrib e a system o f stro n g lin ks a m o n g citizen s an d a s s o ­ c ia tio n s in the c o m m u n ity (P u tn a m , 2 0 0 1 ). T h e n e w sp ap e r th en o rgan ized a se rie s o f n e ig h b o rh o o d m e e tin g s, lo c ate d th e m e e tin g sites, an d fou n d a m od erator. T h e go al w as to h av e e ac h gro u p o f a b o u t 3 0 - 5 0 p eo p le fo cu s o n th e id en tified to p ics an d to try to d e v ise a p la n to h an d le grow th . A t the sam e tim e, the lo c al tele v isio n sta tio n , 6 N e w s, b e gan b ro a d c a stin g sto rie s on the sp e cific issu es to be ad d re sse d a t the n e x t m eetin g. T h e re w ere c o m p a n io n p ie c e s in p rin t, an d d isc u ssio n w as e n c o u ra g e d o n lin e. T h e n e ig h b o rh o o d m e e tin g s drew g o o d crow ds, b u t p eo p le te n d e d to a tte n d on ly the m e e tin g s th a t w ere sc h e d u le d to ad d re ss the p a rtic u la r issu e in w hich they w ere in te re ste d , B ra c k said . T h e d iscu ssio n s a t e ac h m e e tin g w ere th en rep o rted to the c o m m u n ity via the n e w sp ap e r an d th e tele v isio n sta tio n . “ We w an te d to g e t a s m an y p e o p le in ­ v o lv e d as we c o u ld ,” B rac k said . “ W e w an te d to h e a r from e v e ry o n e ” (p e rso n al c o m m u n ic a tio n , M a rc h 8, 2 0 0 2 ). T h e fin al tow n m e e tin g w as h eld in a d o w n ­ tow n th e a te r w here th e fin d in gs w ere p re se n ted to citizen s an d co m m u n ity le ad e rs. T h e p lan , B ra c k said , re p re se n te d “ th e v o ice o f the p e o p le ” o n grow th issu es. By tak in g an a c tiv e role in e n c o u ra g in g co m m u n ity d isc u ssio n , the n e w s­ p a p e r le arn ed th a t citizen s saw th e p re se rv atio n o f o p e n sp a c e an d farm lan d as the m o st im p o rta n t issu es, b u t n eigh b o rs talk in g w ith n eigh b o rs h ad a n o th e r b e n e fit— grow in g so c ia l c a p ita l. “ N e w re la tio n sh ip s fo rm e d ,” B rack said . “T h e re w ere w hole d iv erse gro u p s o f p eo p le w ho w ere w illing to c o m e to g e th e r an d talk a b o u t this, an d they w ere su rp rised a t how m u ch c o m m o n gro u n d th ere w as a m o n g th e m ” (p e rso n al c o m ­ m u n ic atio n , M arch 8, 2 0 0 2 ). S ix m o n th s later, B rac k said he se e s th e c h a n g e s th at th e re p o rtin g p ro je c t c re a te d in the com m un ity. “ T h e d isc o u rse is a lot m ore civil now th a t it w as b efore. P eople h ere are still o p in io n a te d , b u t th ese d isc u ssio n s w en t a lo n g w ay to let p e o p le know th a t o th e r v ie w p o in ts arc v alid ; an d it sh o w e d th a t th eir n e w sp ap e r d o c s care a b o u t th eir c o m m u n ity ” (p e rso n al c o m m u n ic a tio n , M a rc h 8, 2 0 0 2 ).

8 8

W IL L E Y

T H E C IN C IN N A T I E N Q U IR E R : "N E IG H B O R -T O N E IG H B O R : C O M M U N I T Y C O N V E R S A T IO N S O N R A C E ’ F o c u s G r o u p s a n d C o m m u n ity P a r tn e r s h ip s In A p ril 2001, C in c in n a ti, O h io, w as the scen e o f race riots after a w hite p o lic e ­ m an sh o t and killed a black youth. T h e in cid en t, however, w as only the spark th at ignited a lon g-sm olderin g an ger am on g som e groups in the city. R osem ary G o u d re au is the m an agin g editor o f The Cincinnati Enquirer. W ith the su pp ort o f her editor W ard B u sh ee, she an d her s ta ff w anted to ad d ress the poten tially e x ­ plosive race issue. T h ey knew th at m any people were afraid to talk ab ou t it, and the n ew sp aper sta ff h ad already in itiated c o n v e rsatio n s with com m un ity leaders on the topic. In fact, on the night o f the riots, n ew sp aper em ployees w ere m e e t­ ing with som e grassro ots com m un ity leaders, she said. “ B efore the riots, we h ad brough t togeth er leaders to put the race issue on the ag e n d a, b ut people b ack ed aw ay from it. It w as the sam e old sources and the sam e old faces, so we d ecided to bring real people in to the c o n v e rsa tio n ,” G o u d re au said (person al co m m u n icatio n , M arch 8, 2 0 0 2 ). T h e paper decided to en gage the com m un ity in a co n v ersatio n ab o u t the racial issu es dividing them . To do this, the sta ff b egan a series o f facilitated n eigh borh ood d iscu ssion s design ed to probe the underlying ten sion s and explore ideas ab o u t w hat citizens could do. G o u d re au said th at, at the tim e, m any p eop le, especially A frican A m erican s, were frustrated by w hat they saw as “ lots o f talk ” but little action . For help in stru ctu rin g the co n v ersatio n s, the n ew spaper turn ed to the C h arle s F. K etterin g F ou n d atio n in nearby D ay ton , O h io . T h e K etterin g F o u n ­ d ation is an in tern atio n al research organ ization th at stu d ies dem ocracy. It w orks with the N a tio n a l Issues Forum s (N IF ), a n o n p artisan netw ork o f c o m ­ m unity o rgan ization s th at h as developed a m odel to help citizens talk an d d e lib ­ e rate ab o u t co m p lex issu es. T h e N IF research es an d w rites delib eratio n gu id eb ook s on num erous com m un ity and n atio n al issu es and already h ad one av ailab le th at d e alt with com m un ity race relation s. T h e N IF m odel creates stru ctu red co n v e rsatio n s on specific topics. Forum p articip an ts are asked to read an issue book th at provides in form ation on the particu lar topic. T h e issue book presen ts several ch o ices th at rep resen t various persp ectives on the issue, an d a m o d erato r gu id es the group through the discu ssion o f e ach ch o ice. It is through this ch o ice w ork th at deliberatio n en su es, as citizens b egan to grapple with the com p lexities in volved in e ach ch o ice. D elib eration is different from o r­ dinary co n v e rsatio n or d eb ates. It is a d ialogue for w eighing option s (M ath ew s & M cA fe e , 1997). The Enquirer took the N IF m odel an d used it as a gu ide, ere-

5.

FOCUS GROUPS NEWSROOM STYLE

89

atin g their ow n m eth o d s to fit their research or new s n eed s, G o u d re au said (per­ son al com m u n ication , M arch 8, 2 0 0 2 ). T h e n ew spaper started by form ing a citizen s’ steerin g com m ittee. T h e goal w as to hold so lu tio n s-o rien ted m eetin gs in every neigh borhood o f G reate r C in cin n ati. It w as an am b itio u s un dertak in g, G o u d re au said. Even som e c o m ­ m ittee m em bers expressed d oub ts ab o u t being able to accom p lish the goal. Yet soon oth er com m un ity organ ization s offered help. T h e C in cin n a ti C h ap te r o f the A m erican M ark etin g A sso c iatio n volu n teered to provide som e o f their trained facilitators, and the N a tio n a l C o n feren ce for C om m u n ity an d Ju stice also helped find people to serve as facilitators. A ltogeth er, m ore th an 100 facili­ tators w ent through train in g in how to help citizens hold a deliberative c o n v e r­ sa tio n , a p ro c e ss th a t c re a te d train e d m o d e ra to rs. T h e u se o f train e d m od erators co rrelates w ith stan d ard focus group m eth odology requirem en ts. T h e n ew sp ap er’s sta ff b egan w orking on organ izing the n eigh borh ood groups in July 2001. In A u gu st, the n ew sp aper also co n d u c ted a com m un ity poll o f 1,112 ad u lts living in G rea te r C in cin n ati. A lth o u gh n ot part o f the project itself, the polling d a ta helped inform citizens ab ou t p e o p le ’s attitu d e s tow ard race — in h ousing, the w orkplace, in sch oo ls, and in p erso n al relation sh ips. T h is resulted in a five-p art series, “ D ivid ed By R a c e ” (G o u d reau , 2 0 0 2 ). In N o v e m b e r 2001, the paper lau n ch ed its “ N e ig h b o r-to -N e igh b o r” project, a series on the c o m m u ­ nity’s c o n v ersatio n s ab ou t race relation s. In all, the new spaper brough t togeth er approxim ately 2 ,1 0 0 people in 148 m eetin gs o ver a period o f 5 m on th s, from N o v e m b e r 2001 to M arch 2002. E ach o f these m eetin gs h ad at least on e, an d m ore often two, train ed facilitators, m ost often one w hite and on e A frican A m erican , G o u d re au said. From the b egin ­ ning, G o u d re au and the steerin g com m ittee recognized that they n eeded p ro­ fession al g u id an ce in organizing this e n d e av o r an d foun d partn ers with various civic and service organ ization s in the com m unity. U ltim ately, the neigh borhood p roject w as en d orsed by 111 com m un ity groups, corp oration s, and faith groups, an d m ore th an “ 300 people volu n teered m ore th an 4 ,0 0 0 h o u rs” to h ost or lead the discu ssio n s (T h o m p so n , 2002, p. A l ) . T h e new spaper spon sored four train ing session s for the facilitators who learn ed the N IF deliberative m odel o f discu ssion . T h e m eetin g ag en d as were stru ctu red to identify areas o f agreem en t and d isagreem en t am on g the p a rtici­ p an ts and also to ascertain w hat citizens an d leaders n eed ed to d o to ad d ress the racial issues con fron tin g their com m unity. “We w anted them to d iscu ss the kinds o f actio n th at n eeded to be taken an d w hat the priorities w ere,” G ou d reau said (perso n al co m m u n icatio n , M arch 8, 2 0 0 2 ). Fin din g m eetin g lo catio n s took a great d e al o f tim e. A p p e als w ere m ade in n ew spaper sto ries and in m ass m ailings, b ut ultim ately it took h ours w orking the

90

W IL L E Y

ph on es to get a sufficient n u m b er o f h ost lo catio n s. T h e places m ost eager to serve as h osts w ere faith organ ization s and sch o o ls, she said. “A n open in v ita­ tion ju st d idn ’t do it. People n eed ed to h ave p erso n al c o n ta c t. It took a good bit o f tim e and h an d h o ld in g,” she said (person al com m u n ication , M arch 8, 2 0 0 2 ). T h e se d u ties w ere assign ed to one ed itor who w as responsible for identifying an d c o n ta ctin g civic-m in ded people or groups in e ach neigh borhood to see who w ould agree to h ost a m eeting. T h e n ew sp ap er’s reporters an d editors spen t m any hours in gettin g to know the key c o n ta c ts, preparin g for the com m un ity co n v ersatio n s, fin din g an d train ing facilitators, and co o rd in atin g the m eetin gs. A t the end o f e ach m eeting, the c h ie f facilitator su b m itted a report on w hat h ap ­ pen ed an d any agreed-upon cou rses o f actio n , G o u d re au said. A s part o f the “N e ig h b o r-to -N e igh b o r” p roject, the new spaper published on e o f th ese reports on the front page o f the M etro section every day for nearly 4 m on th s so people could stay inform ed ab ou t w hat w as bein g d iscu ssed. A lth o u gh the project focused on d eliberatio n, G o u d re au said th at at its c o n ­ clusion m ore than 45 p ercen t o f the p articip an ts d ecid ed to con tin u e to m eet to d iscu ss w hat kind o f action n eeded to be taken . In this overall endeavor, the new spaper used a variety o f m eth ods, in clu din g a q u a n titativ e poll and stru c­ tured group co n v ersatio n s, and the results o f the project exten d e d beyond the original research goal o f co n v ersatio n s. T h e project b rough t togeth er diverse segm en ts o f the com m un ity; fostered partn ersh ips am on g the new spaper, c o m ­ m unity civic organ ization s, and ac ad e m ic groups; and the project stim ulated m ore d iscu ssion s ab ou t tran slatin g talk into co n stru ctiv e actio n . For their ef­ forts in bringing togeth er th ou san d s o f people to talk ab o u t race, The Enquirer w as n am ed runner-up for the 2002 B atte n A w ard for E xcellen ce.

C O N C L U S IO N Jo u rn alists h ave tran sform ed the focu s group m odel into a hybrid blend o f group m eth od o logies in their effort to get m ore ideas an d voices into news reports and to ad d ress real problem s facin g their com m u n ities. Jo u rn alists use v arian t form s o f group co n v ersatio n s to collect d a ta th at help add depth and new in form ation to their stories. In ad dition , the c o n v e rsatio n s serve to e d u cate the jou rn alists, as well as the p articip an ts an d som etim es h av e an ad ded benefit o f en cou ragin g citizen -based action . A lth o u gh the focus groups created by jou rn alists m ay not alw ays m eet strin gen t scientific m eth odology req u irem en ts, the process itse lf an d the in form ation o b tain ed follow stan d ard q u alitativ e research criteria and a p p e ar to serve the jou rn alistic com m un ity well. W h en jo u rn alists organize n eigh borh ood c o n v e rsatio n s or backyard b arb e ­ cues, they fulfill som e o f the b asic research req uirem en ts for group m e th o d o l­

5.

FOCUS GROUPS NEWSROOM STYLE

91

ogy. T h e y h a v e id e n tifie d th e r e s e a r c h q u e s t io n s a n d th e p o p u la t io n a n d p la c e d th e g r o u p s in f a m ilia r s e tt in g s s o th e d is c u s s io n s c a n t a k e p la c e in a frie n d ly e n ­ v ir o n m e n t . A s p a r t ic ip a n t s b e g in to ta lk , th e g r o u p in t e r a c t io n i t s e lf h a s v a lu e , a n d m e m b e r s b e g in to id e n tify w ith th e p r o je c t a n d is s u e s a t h a n d . D u r in g th e c o n v e r s a t io n s , r e p o r t e r s ta k e a b a c k s e a t to lis te n , t a k e n o t e s , a n d id e n tify p a t ­ te r n s a b o u t th e is s u e s o f c o n c e r n b e in g e x p r e s s e d . T h e y a ls o m e e t n e w s o u r c e s in th e c o m m u n it y to h e lp sh ift n e w s c o v e r a g e fro m th e e x p e r t m o d e to a m o r e e g a lit a r ia n p e r s p e c t iv e , to in c lu d e th e m id d le g r o u n d o f d iv e r s e v o ic e s . S o m e n e w sp a p e r s a lso are r e c o n n e c tin g w ith s o m e o f th e c iv ic o r g a n iz a tio n s in th e ir c o m m u n itie s . T h e s e lo o se ly fo rm e d p a r tn e r s h ip s e n a b le re p o rte rs to d raw o n e x p e r tis e t h a t m a y n o t b e a v a ila b le to r e p o rte rs a n d to u se th is k n o w le d g e to e n h a n c e th e v a lid ity o f th e re p o rt. T h e p a r tn e r s h ip s , a lo n g w ith c itiz e n in te r a c ­ tio n w ith in th e g r o u p d is c u s sio n s , m a y h e lp fo rm re la tio n s h ip s a m o n g d iv e rse p e o p le s , c r e a tin g a n d b u ild in g th e lin k a g e s P u tm a n (2 0 0 1 ) c a lle d s o c ia l c a p ita l. T h r o u g h o u t th e p r o c e ss , jo u r n a lis t s re p o r t o n th e c o m m u n ity m e e tin g s a n d d is c u s sio n s . T h e y w rite s to r ie s th a t p r o v id e b a c k g r o u n d in fo r m a tio n o n th e issu e s s o th e c itiz e n s a re a b le to b e tt e r u n d e r s t a n d th e c o m p le x it ie s in v o lv e d . In s o m e in st a n c e s , g r o u p p a r t ic ip a n ts h a v e c o n tin u e d th e d is c u s sio n s a fte r th e re p o rtin g p r o je c t e n d e d , a n d s o m e g r o u p s h a v e tr a n s fo r m e d in to a c t io n - o r ie n te d g r o u p s. T h e g r o u p n e w s g a th e rin g m e th o d s d is c u s se d h e re ra re ly s ta n d a lo n e ; rath er, th ey c o m p le m e n t th e m o re tr a d itio n a l m e th o d s o f n e w sg a th e rin g . R e p o r te r s c o n tin u e to ta p th e q u a n tit a tiv e in fo rm a tio n fro m su rv e y s o r p o lls. T h e y a ls o r e se a r c h d o c ­ u m e n ts a n d c o n d u c t in d iv id u a l in te rv ie w s fo r th e ir s to rie s, c r e a tin g a tr ia n g u la ­ tio n o f in fo rm a tio n g a th e r in g m e th o d o lo g ie s t h a t s tr e n g th e n valid ity .

REFEREN CES Agar, M., & M acD onald, J. (1995). Focus groups and ethnography. Human Organization, 54, 78-86. Argyris, C., Putnam , R., & Sm ith, D. M. (1990). Action science: Concepts, methods, and skills for research and intervention. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Bloor, M., Frankland, J., T hom as, M., & Robson, K. (2001). Focus groups in social research. London: Sage. C oghlan, D. J., & Bran nick, T. (2001). Doing action research in your own organization. London: Sage. Fern, E. F. (2001 ). Advanced focus group research. Thousand O aks, CA : Sage. Fielder, V. D. (1995, March 6). Speech presented to the New spaper Association of Am erica (N A A ) research conference, O rlando, FL. Flores, J. G., & A lonso, C . G. (1995). U sing focus groups in education research: Exploring teachers’ perspectives on educational change. Evaluation Review, 19, 16-29. Frey, J. H., & Fontana, A. (1993). The group interview in social research. In D. L. Morgan (Ed.), Successful focus groups: Advancing the state of the art (pp. 20-34). Newbury Park, C A : Sage. Greenw ood, D., & Levin, M. (1998). Introduction to action research: Social research for social change. Thousand O aks, C A : Sage.

92

WILLEY

G ou dreau , R. (W inter 200 2 ). R ace conversation s blitz C in cin n ati. The Civic Catalyst N ew sletter, W ashington, D C : Pew C en ter for Civic Journalism . K nodel, J. (1 9 9 3 ). T h e design and analysis o f focus group studies: A practical approach . In D. L. M organ (E d.), Successful focus groups: Advancing the state of the art (pp. 3 5 -5 0 ). N ewbury Park, C A : Sage. Krueger, R. A . (1988). Focus groups: A practical guide for applied research. Newbury Park, C A : Sage. Krueger, R. A . (1 993). Q uality control in focus group research. In D. L. M organ (E d.), S u c­ cessful focus groups: Advancing the state of the art (pp. 6 5 - 8 5 ). Newbury Park, C A : Sage. Lam beth, E. B., Meyer, P. E., & T h orson , E. (1 998). Assessing public journalism. C olum bia, M O : University o f M issouri. M athew s, D., & M cA fee, N. (1 997). Ma/cmg choices together: The power o f public deliberation. D ayton, O H : T h e C h arles F. Kettering Foundation. M erritt, D. (1 998). Public journalism and public life: Why telling the news is not enough (2nd ed.). H illsdale, N J: Law rence Erlbaum . M erton, R. K. (1 987). T h e focussed interview and focus groups: C on tin uities and discon ti­ nuities. Public Opinion Quarterly, 51, pp. 55 0 -5 6 6 . M organ, D. L. (E d.). (1993). Successful focus groups: Advancing the state of the art. Newbury Park, C A : Sage. M organ, D. L., & Krueger, R. A . (1993). W hen to use focus groups. In D. L. M organ (E d.), Successful focus groups: advancmg the state of the art (pp. 3 - 1 9 ). N cwbury P ark, C A : Sage. P laut,T . S., Landis, S., & Trevor, J. (1 9 9 3 ). Focus groups and com m unity m obilization: A case study from rural N orth C arolin a. In D. L. M organ (E d.), Successful focus groups: advancing the state of the art (pp. 2 0 2 -2 1 7 ). Newbury Park, C A : Sage. Putnam , R. D. (2 001). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. New York: Sim on & Schuster. R osen, J. (1 999). What are journalists fo r7 New H aven, CT: Yale U niversity Press. Stringer, E. T. (1999). Actum Research (2nd ed.). T h ou san d O aks, C A : Sage. T h om p so n , R. (2002, April 7). First, we talk. T h e Cincinnati Enquirer, p. A l . Willey, S. (1 997). Civic journalism in practice: C ase studies in the art oflisten in g. Newspaper Research Journal, 19, 16-29. Yankelovich, D. (1 9 9 1 ). Coming to public judgment: Making democracy work in a complex world. New York: Syracuse University.

6 Oral and Life Histories Giving Voice to the Voiceless R e n ita C o le m a n Louisiana State University

In many ways, social science research is an extended form o f journalism . Both observe, record, analyze, and report findings. Social scientists, however, are largely free o f the deadline pressures that define news work. N evertheless, jour­ nalists can benefit from learning about the more m ethodical approach of social science research and adapting it where possible to their own work. T h e method of oral or life history, mostly practiced by historians, sociologists, and anthropol­ ogists, is one research method that closely mirrors what journalists do. In fact, many texts on the oral history method draw on the work of journalists in de­ scribing the practices of this method and recounting its history. Journalists are credited with popularizing the technique o f interviewing significant people about their lives. Som e say H orace Greeley of the New York Tribune started the trend when he went to Salt Lake City to interview M ormon patriarch Brigham Young in 1859 (Ritchie, 1995). However, journalists working on deadline are not doing the same thing as oral historians even though the techniques bear many similarities. Journalists have no time for multiple, lengthy interviews, typically use only a few short quotes, do not always record the interview, and rarely transcribe tapes and ar­ chive them in a library for others to exam ine. Interviews become oral history only when these criteria are met, according to Ritchie (1995). N evertheless, for longer journalistic projects the oral history method can be adapted to suit jour­

94

CO LEM AN

n a lists’ w ork an d c a n e n h a n c e th e cred ib ility o f th eir re p o rts w ith the m ore rig­ o ro u s a tte n tio n to issu es o f v alid ity an d reliability, an d g re a te r fo cu s on in te rp re ta tio n an d an aly sis th a t is th e h allm ark o f so c ia l sc icn tific re se arc h .

O R A L H I S T O R Y D E F IN E D W h a t is o ral h istory if n o t ju st an in terv iew ? A s the n am e im plies, th ere m u st be so m e h isto ric al co m p o n e n t to a p ro je c t in o rd e r to se p a r a te it from the so c ia l sc i­ en tific m e th o d o f in -d e p th in terv iew s. N e ith e r c a n the o ral h istory in terv iew er “ v isit th e s c e n e ” b e in g re ca lle d by th e in terv iew ee as in e th n o g ra p h ic re se arch (H o o p e s, 1979, p. 9 ). M o st oral h istory p ro je c ts take p la c e y ears after the e v e n t b e in g e x a m in e d . T h e re is no strict tim e lim it an d e v e n re c e n t e v e n ts c a n be the fo cu s o f oral h istory p ro je c ts, th e V ietn am W ar o f the 19 7 0 s or th e civil rights m o v e m e n t o f th e 19 6 0 s, for e x am p le . S o m e e le m e n t o f p a ssin g tim e is req u ired to g e t the k in d o f re fle c tio n an d an aly sis o f the e v e n t from th o se w ho lived th ro u gh it. T h a t is w h at m a k e s o ral h istory u n iq u e . A lso , o ral h istory is p a rtic u ­ larly in te re sted in p e o p le ’s in te rp re ta tio n s o f th e se e v e n ts y ears later, n o t ju st th e fa c ts o f the e v e n ts th e m se lv e s. H ow e v e n ts h av e c h a n g c d in p e o p le ’s m in ds re v e a ls how p eo p le h av e tried to m ak e se n se o f th eir p ast. O r a l h isto rie s are o fte n o rg an ize d a ro u n d an e v e n t o r a s u b je c t— th e h is­ tory o f a c e rta in e th n ic g ro u p o r c o m m u n ity , for e x a m p le . L ife h isto rie s are d e ­ fin e d so m e w h a t d iffe r e n tly fro m o r a l h is to r ie s in t h a t th e y a r e a u t o ­ b io g r a p h ic a l, re c o u n tin g p e o p le ’s e n tire liv e s. U su a lly few er p e o p le are in te r ­ v iew ed b u t m ore tim e is d e v o te d to e a c h in terv iew . O th e rw ise , th e p r o c e d u re s o f life an d o ra l h isto ry are th e sam e . B o th m e th o d s are p a rtic u la rly fo c u se d on th e p e r so n a l e x p e r ie n c e s an d in n e r fe elin g s o f th e p e o p le in v o lv e d , n o t ju s t e x ­ te rn a l fa c ts. O r a l h isto ry h a s fo c u se d o n o rd in a ry p e o p le an d th o se w h o se s to ­ rie s are n o t o fte n to ld in m a in stre a m m e d ia a n d b o o k s. “ G iv in g v o ic e to the v o ic e le s s ” is th e p h ra se m o st o fte n u sed to d e sc rib e o ra l h istory. In c lu sio n o f o v e r lo o k e d g ro u p s o f p e o p le h e lp s c o n s tr u c t a m o re sp e c ific an d cre d ib le h is ­ tory. T h is g o a l o f o ra l h isto ry a lso re fle c ts jo u r n a lis t s ’ g ro w in g a w a re n e ss o f th e im p o r ta n c e o f d iv e rsity in so u rcin g . U sin g re a l p e o p le , as w ell as o ffic ia ls an d e x p e r ts, h as b e e n p o p u lariz e d by th e c iv ic or p u b lic jo u rn a lism m o v e m e n t an d m irrors th e in te re st o f o ra l h isto ria n s.

ADVANTAGES AND D RA W BA CKS O n e o f th e a d v a n ta g e s o f th e oral h istory a p p ro a c h is the ability to fill in g a p s left by re p o rtin g n o rm s o f the tim e or h istory w ritten from the p e rsp e c tiv e o f the d o m in a n t so c ia l gro u p s. T h e sto rie s o f A fric a n A m e r ic a n c o m m u n itie s th at

6.

O R A L AN D LIFE H IS T O R IE S

95

were ignored until the 1960s is one exam ple (H oopes, 1979). T h e m ethod has its draw backs as well. M em ories fade. People’s stories are, by nature, quite sub­ jective. In the interest o f scientific validity, oral historians have addressed these criticism s, but not elim inated them. T h e O ral History A ssociation has devel­ oped stan dards and guidelines (Ritchie, 1995), and with training and practice, anyone can conduct a successful oral history project. T h is m ethod is often rec­ om m ended to graduate students doing a thesis or dissertation, and even high school students have undertaken oral history projects— the Foxfire collection of m ountain folklore being the m ost notable exam ple (W igginton, 1972).

O R A L H IS T O R Y S T E P BY S T E P D e sig n in g th e P ro je c t A lm ost any person, group, event, or subject with a past is fodder for an oral or life history project. M ost projects are broadly con ceived— Ellis Island im m i­ grants, for exam ple, A m erican Indians, contem porary religious, ethnic, and ra­ cial groups, social and occupation al groups, or topics from the perspective o f wom en have all been the subject o f oral histories. A ny group o f people who share a com m on identity, w hether it is location, race, ethnic group, religion, o r­ ganization, occupation , or fam ilies, can be exam ined through oral histories. Som e recent civic journalism projects that exam ine past events in the con text o f present problem s o f a neighborhood resem ble oral histories. Probably the best known exam ples o f oral history as journalism are the books o f S tu d s Terkel. T h e Pulitzer Prize-winning author captured the voices o f ordi­ nary people who lived through the D epression in Hard Times (1970), and World War II in The Good War (1984). R esearchers advise selecting a fixed period to study, as Terkel did. A historically identifiable period or distinct time o f social change helps set limits and focus the project (Lance, 1984). A n o th er approach is to select a topic rather than a time period, as Terkel did for his book Working (1974), in which he recorded how ordinary people thought and felt about their jobs. G roups o f people arc also excellent for oral histories as A lex H aley showed when he wrote about descen d an ts o f slaves in Roots (1976) as did Iorio (1999) when she told the story o f a group o f M ennonites. E vents can also be chosen for an oral history project, as Tom W icker did with his story o f the A ttica prison u p­ rising, A Time to Die (1975). W hen choosin g a topic, the researcher should always ask, “ Is this reason ­ ab le?” It would not be reasonable, for exam ple, to do a project that required in­ terviewing former slaves or Civil War soldiers since no firsthand w itnesses are alive today. Perhaps the m ost com m on problem is choosing a subject that is too

96

CO LEM A N

broad. N arrow ing the topic ensures a thorough treatm ent o f w hat is chosen. A f­ ter the field o f study is chosen, it should then be broken down into specific main areas to be exam ined in detail— work life, family life, social life, education , and dress, for exam ple (L an ce, 1984). T h e areas will depend on the topic chosen, and choice o f areas will be guided by an intim ate knowledge o f the subject.

S a m p lin g O n e o f the great stren gth s o f the oral history m eth od is th at it in cludes the sto ­ ries— called eviden ce or acco u n ts in social scien tific term s— o f ordinary p e o ­ ple, not ju st the rich and pow erful. W hile the first oral history projects recorded even ts from the persp ective o f elites— presiden ts, con gressm en , c e ­ lebrities, an d m illionaires— oral history has grow n to be known as a m ethod th at co n ce n trate s m ostly on the poor, w orking class, and m inorities. Such groups are so often the su b ject o f this m ethod th at oral history h as becom e synonym ous with w hat one au th or calls “ the un d ersid e” (T h om p son , 1988, p. 7). W hile these groups o f people who have traditionally been m arginalized in m ain stream history are typically easier to m eet and interview than the rich an d fam ou s, th at is n ot the prim ary reason why oral h istories con tin ue to focus on them . In stead , the value o f ad ding these voices and experien ces to our know ledge o f history and social ch an ge rem ains the driving force behind se ­ lection o f w hom to interview. W hile it is trad ition al th at oral h istories focus on everyday people, som e research ers cau tion again st an attitu d e o f reverse sn o b ­ bery th at excludes the m iddle class from such projects; they can be ju st as in­ terestin g and colorful, and their stories ju st as valuable, as those o f poor people (H o opes, 1979, p. 71). W hen choosing the people to sam ple, as it is called in research, designers o f an oral history project should also be concerned with representativen ess— that is, m aking sure that the people interview ed represent the entire range o f roles or social strata in the group being studied. A project about the history o f an o c c u ­ pation— journalism , for in stan ce— should include people from executive editor to news clerks. C onsciously including those typically excluded is im portant in oral history; in the past these groups have included women and m inorities, but there are other, less obvious groups who are frequently forgotten. In a study o f journ alists, for exam ple, polls and studies typically focus on reporters and edi­ tors— the word people— with photographers, artists, and layout people all but ignored. R epresen tativen ess helps the project reveal the variety o f social experi­ ence that com es with different roles and also helps guard again st possible bias. Selectin g only reporters and editors might result in bias, for exam ple. O f course, no generalizations can be m ade on the basis o f one or two interview s, but repre­

6.

O R A L A N D L IFE H I S T O R I E S

97

se n ta tiv e n e ss c a n be high w ith a sm all n u m b e r o f so u rc e s if the c o lle c tio n is b a l­ a n c e d an d the so u rc e s are k n o w le d g eab le . It m ay be h ard to c a lc u la te in a d v a n c e how m any p e o p le to in terview . T h e ran ge o f in fo rm an ts, re se arc h term in ology for the p e o p le in terv iew ed , c a n be an yw h ere from 2 or 3 for a term p a p e r to m ore th a n 100 as in T e rk e l’s H ard Times (H o o p e s, 1 9 7 9 ). T h e rule o f th u m b for k n o w in g w h en e n o u g h in terv iew s h av e b e en d o n e is th is: W h e n n o new in fo rm atio n is b e in g re v e a led , d o o n e m ore in ­ terview , an d if n o th in g new re su lts, sto p . It is sta n d a rd in o ral h istory re se arch to in terview th e o ld e st an d m o st sign ifi­ c a n t p eo p le first an d m ove o n to y o u n ge r an d m ore se c o n d ary so u rc e s later. N o t only d o e s this strategy h elp g u ard a g a in st in te rv ie w e e s dyin g an d the e ffe c ts o f agin g, b u t the m ore im p o rta n t so u rc e s c a n also h elp iden tify an d p e rsu ad e o th ­ ers to c o o p e ra te . A sk in g so u rce s to re c o m m en d o th e rs w ho co u ld be so u rc e s is kn ow n as sn ow ball sam p lin g in re se arc h . O f c o u rse , a s w ith an y p ro je c t th a t re ­ lics o n c o o p e ra tiv e su b je c ts, it is e a sie st to sta rt w ith p e o p le w ho are m o st w illing to p a rtic ip a te an d w ork tow ard th e m ore re lu c ta n t so u rce s. For his b o o k on d e a th , Terkel in terv iew ed his frien d s an d ph y sician , a s w ell as p eo p le he h ad in ­ terview ed for p re v io u s b o o k s. W h e n m any p e o p le h av e c o o p e r a te d , it se e m s less th re a te n in g for o th e rs. B e sid e s w o rd -o f-m o u th referrals, su c c e ssfu l oral h istory p ro je cts h ave lo ­ c a te d p a rtic ip a n ts by p u ttin g ad s in n e w sp ap e rs, n e w sle tte rs, an d lo c a tio n s th at are likely to be se e n by th o se w ho co u ld serve as so u rce s. R e se a rc h e rs also re c ­ o m m e n d c o n ta c tin g p e o p le by w h a te v e r m e a n s is m o st c o m fo rtab le for th em . For so m e , a fo rm al le tte r sta tin g the n a tu re o f th e p ro je c t an d p u rp o se w ill w ork b e st; for o th e rs, a p h o n e c all o r in -p erson re q u e st m ay be m ore e ffe c tiv e . In any c a se , a follow -up le tte r is re c o m m e n d e d so the in te rv ie w e e s will h av e th e re ­ se a r c h e r’s c o n ta c t in fo rm atio n , an d the re se a rc h e r w ill h av e a record for the files. It’s also n o t a b ad id e a to call an d rem in d so u rce s o f th e in terview a few days b efore it is to tak e p la c e.

P r e p a r in g fo r th e In te r v ie w s A s w ith all new s stories or ac a d e m ic p apers, it is n ecessary to d o the h om ew ork. D o in g plenty o f back gro u n d research b efore the first interview q u e stio n is ever ask ed is im p ortan t on m any levels. It h elps in the c o n stru ctio n o f m ean in gfu l q u estio n s, m ak es in terview s m ore efficien t (no w asted tim e asking, “W h a t year did th at h appen.7”), an d allow s research ers to recognize b ad an sw ers an d poor m em ories. B a ck gro u n d research m akes in terview ers well e n ou gh in form ed to e s­ tablish rap p o rt w ith their in terv iew ees an d get the in terestin g sto ries an d in ­ w ardly reflective th ou gh ts th at m ak e an oral history p ro ject co m e alive. U n like

98

CO LEM AN

the question o f how m any people should be interview ed, it is easier to answ er how m uch background research should be done for an oral history project— only w hen the researcher has b ecom e thoroughly steeped in the subject m atter should interview s begin. So m e scholars even suggest 10 hours o f background work for every hour o f interview ing as a gen eral guideline (Ritchie, 1995). S o u rc e s o f b ack gro u n d in form ation include everything th at could possibly h ave b een published ab o u t the topic, in clu ding prim ary d o cu m e n ts such as birth an d d eath records an d secon dary d o cu m e n ts su ch as old n ew spaper a rti­ cles. S o m e possible places to search in clu de libraries, n ew spapers, ch u rch es, m useum s, co u rth o u ses, city halls, sch oo ls, gen ealo gies, even attic s and b ase ­ m en ts. O ral history research ers often forget an ob vious so u rce— oth er oral h is­ tories. H isto rical societies arch ive oral history p ro je c ts’ tapes, tran scripts, and w ritten reports. O th e r sou rces o f oral history co llectio n s can be found in refer­ en ce b ook s such as O ral History Collections by M cck lcr an d M cM ullin (1 9 7 5 ), an d O ral History in the United States by Sh um w ay (1 9 7 1 ). A useful list o f c o n ­ tacts o f oral history asso ciatio n s can be foun d in Perks an d T h o m so n (1 9 9 8 ). T h e final step in using b ack gro u n d research to prepare for the interview s is the c o n stru ctio n o f an interview gu ide. T h is can be an ythin g from a list o f sp e ­ cific, op e n -e n d e d qu estio n s to a set o f broad topics to be covered . S e aso n e d oral h istorian s recom m en d ope n -e n d e d q u estio n s such as “ Tell m e ab ou t w hat it w as like grow ing up th ere?” w hen seekin g broader, longer, an d m ore in terpretive a n ­ swers. O p e n -e n d e d q u estio n s often inclu de how an d why. S o m e specific q u e s­ tions will be necessary; they can be used to show the in terview er’s know ledge, for exam p le. Interview s, however, sh ould c o n sist m ainly o f o pe n -e n d e d q u e s­ tions th at en cou rage the interview ees to rem in isce an d go w here they please. S h o rt answ ers from sou rces are a sign o f too m any specific qu estio n s and not en ou gh open -en d ed o n es. Q u e stio n s or topics sh ould be put in an order th at re ­ flects their logical relation sh ips; one q u estio n should lead naturally to the n ext an d avoid ab rupt ch an ges o f topic. Life h istories can proceed chronologically w hile e v en t-cen tered projects should be arran ged by topic. T h e begin n in g o f the interview should start broadly rath er th an ju m pin g right into the m ain q u e s­ tion s. O n e oral h istorian developed a tw o-sen ten ce form at for q u e stio n s and b elieves it w orks b est (M orrissey, 1987). T h e first sen ten ce sta te s the problem an d the secon d poses the q u estio n : For exam p le, “T h e records show you w ere a leader in establish in g b etter race relation s. W hy w as this your o b jec tiv e ?” C o n fro n tatio n al or con troversial q u e stio n s should be sav ed for the en d. If b ittern ess o ver a q u estio n results, that line o f q u estio n in g should be shifted until b etter rapport h as been establish ed . O n e tech n iqu e for gettin g over this hurdle is to qu o te som eon e else and th en ask the in terview ee to give his or her side o f the story. For exam p le, “A t the tim e, the new spapers w ere reportin g you h ad a

6.

O R A L AN D LIFE H IS T O R IE S

99

conflict o f interest. W h at was your take on th at?” Interview ers can always re­ turn to controversial or im portant topics later, approach ing them from a differ­ ent angle. A w rap-up question should end the interview — asking people to reflect or draw conclusions, or look ahead to the future, for exam ple. Finally in ­ terviewers should ask if there is anything that has been left out; people should be encouraged to put w hat they consider im portant into the record.

R e c o rd in g th e In te rv ie w s It is tem pting for season ed journalists to w ant to forgo the tape recording o f in­ terviews— do not do it. If the project is truly to be an oral history, albeit one adapted for a journalistic production, then recording the interview s is im por­ tant. Like any qualitative social science m ethod, oral history is defined by the depth o f the project. True qualitative m eth ods depend for their veracity on the researcher being deeply im m ersed in the subject. To carry the weight o f a social science m ethodology, oral history adapted for journalistic purposes should be more in-depth than the typical m edia story, even the w eekenders and enterprise stories that are typically longer and more expansive than w eekday news articles. To achieve the kind o f credibility that social science m ethods h ave, journalistic oral histories m ust be more in-depth in the research and reporting phase, som e­ thing along the line o f the kind o f time devoted to investigative reporting. T h e sheer num ber o f interviews and their lengthy duration m ake tape recording a necessity. Even journalists who have becom e adept at distilling the essence o f som eon e’s quotes in notes and recalling them nearly verbatim will be daunted by the size o f the task posed in an oral history project. N ote-tak in g is simply not up to the task. T h e longer the interview s last, the more the note-taker will miss. R ecording allows interview ers to focus their atten tion and listen to what is said, think ah ead to the next question, and form ulate unexpected questions rapidly. R ecordings also serve as a form o f self-protection. In fact, there is no reason not to record and take notes at the sam e time, using the recording to pick up what the notes missed and quote more accurately. Transcribing o f tapes is recom ­ m ended because o f the deteriorating quality o f tapes, but not required (Ritchie, 1995). If tapes are not transcribed, an abstract or index is recom m ended, and the notes taken during the interview s can serve this function. Taping interview s requires a good deal o f attention to technology. First, only good quality portable tape recorders should be used. It is nice to have one that signals when the end o f the tape is about to be reached. High quality tapes— 60 to 90 m inutes long— and an extra supply o f batteries are also im portant. G ood m icrophones— never the built-in kind— should be used, and many interview ers prefer the lavaliere mikes that clip on to clothing. E quipm ent should always be

lOO

CO LEM AN

tested before every use an d back-up equ ipm en t av ailab le. If the project does have the resou rces for tran scribin g the tapes, tran scribing m ach in es with foot p ed als m ake the task easier.

C o l l e c t i n g t h e D a t a —A l s o K n o w n a s I n t e r v i e w i n g W h en it c om es tim e to sit dow n an d interview som eon e, the specific tech n iqu es th at can en sure the su cce ss o f the interview will vary dep en d in g on the person b ein g interview ed an d the interview er. H ow ever, there are som e gen eral g u id e ­ lines th at h ave been show n to work well m ost o f the tim e. S in c e oral history re ­ search ers ad vise using interview ing tech n iqu es perfected by jou rn alists, m ost seaso n ed reporters will already be aw are o f m ost o f these suggestion s. A qu iet location th at is com fortab le for b oth in terview er an d in terview ee is preferable. H av in g a desk betw een the two is alm o st n ever a good idea b e cau se it c re ate s psy ch o lo gical d istan ce . T h e tape recorder an d m icrop h on e sh ould be p laced w here the in terview er can see it to ch e ck its fu n ction , but o u t o f the d i­ rect line o f sight o f the interview ee. It should n ever be co n c e alc d . B egin nin g w ith sm all talk ab o u t som e poin ts the in terview er has in com m on w ith the in ­ terview ee will usually help pu t the person at ease an d begin the crucial process o f establish in g rapport. L isten in g carefully and en cou ragin g can d id respo n ses is also crucial. S in c e the poin t o f oral history is to record an o th er p erson's poin t o f view, even if it seem s e xag gerated or b oastfu l, it is essen tial to en cou rage people to be h on est, accu rate , an d revealing. O n e o f the h ard est tasks is to m ove people beyond their n atu ral relu ctan ce to give an h o n est and critical e v alu atio n o f the p ast (R itch ie, 1995). O ral histories are also focused on ideas, em otio n s, an d b eh avior (H o opes, 197 9 ), so q u estio n s should probe these areas, as well as h istorical facts. O b se r­ v ation s an d opin ion s th at are n ot already well d o cu m en ted should be collc ctc d — a go al th at fits well w ith the pu rposes o f civic journ alism projects. S o interview ers should leave room for people to talk ab ou t w hat is on their m inds, ab an d o n in g prepared q u e stio n s an d follow ing som e u n exp ected path s if n e c e s­ sary. Interview ers will w an t to w atch o u t for reh earsed or o ften -told sto ries, and try to m ove the person beyond them . Q u estio n s should guide w ith out leading. A s polls an d surveys h ave show n, the way a q u estio n is w orded can ch an ge the answer. N aturally, loaded q u e stio n s— q u estio n s th at lead a person to give an a n ­ sw er the interview er exp e cts— sh ould be av oided. Interview ers should n ever interrupt, b ut still keep the d ialogue m oving. O n e tech n iqu e interview ers so m e ­ tim es use is to fill in n am es, d ate s, an d oth er in form ation th at the person being interview ed can n o t rem em ber. T h is is on e place w here the b ack gro u n d re­ search will com e in handy. So m e people m ay try to test the in terv iew er’s know l­

6.

O R A L A N D LIFE H IS T O R IE S

101

edge o f the su b ject by p reten din g n ot to know som e in form ation to see if the in terview er will offer the correct answer. If the an sw er to a fact qu estio n is u n ­ know n, oth er sou rccs can provide the w ho, w hat, w hen, an d w here. K eep in te r­ view s focused on gettin g in sights in to how and why. O n ly on e q u estio n should be asked at a tim e, an d follow -up q u e stio n s should alw ays be in clu ded. O n e tech n iqu e for thin king o f these q u e stio n s is for interview ers to put th em selves in the position o f the person being in terview ed, visualize the w orld from his or her p ersp ective, an d think o f q u e stio n s th at shed light on th at place an d tim e. It is n atu ra l for peop le to be re lu c ta n t to talk a b o u t d ifficu lt issu es, so in te r­ view ers n eed to be prep ared to ask a b o u t pain ful an d e m b arrassin g to p ics in a se n sitiv e way. If the an sw ers are less th an forth com in g , this sh o u ld be p oin ted o u t respectfully. L ittle is g ain ed in oral h istories by go in g o ff the record. If the p u rp ose o f oral h istory is to m ake know n w hat is n ot, k eepin g this in fo rm ation c o n fid e n tial will n o t ad v a n c e th at go al. In ste ad , it is re c o m m en d e d th at in te r­ view ers sto p the tape an d h ea r the p e rso n ’s prob lem w ith ou t h av in g th ose th o u g h ts re co rd e d , b ut n ot allow the in fo rm atio n to be o ff the record. A te c h ­ n iqu e m any jo u rn a lists use to e n c o u ra g e peop le to e x p a n d on id e as is the p re g ­ n an t p a u se — rem ainin g silen t in d ica te s the in terv iew er e x p e c ts m ore an d often peop le will give it. In oral h istories, unlike journ alism , m ore th an on e interview is usually c o n ­ d u cted . A m o n g the m any benefits, it estab lish es m ore in tim acy betw een in ter­ view er and in terview ee. T h e re is no ideal n um ber of interview session s to have with e ach p erso n; som e people h ave m ore to c on tribu te than oth ers. E ach in ter­ view session should be lim ited to 1 Vi to 2 h ours to avoid tiring everyone. In ter­ view s are best d on e o n e -o n -o n e to establish a relation sh ip; group interview s c an be fruitful b ecau se people will feed o ff e ach o th e r's m em ories, b ut these should be con sidered su p p lem en ts to in dividual interview s.

A n a ly z in g , I n t e r p r e t in g , a n d W r itin g U p t h e D a t a F irst-tim e oral h isto ria n s will be am aze d — an d d a u n te d — by the am o u n t o f m ate rial they h ave c o lle cte d . N ow , the prob lem is w here to begin an alyzing an d w riting. M o st re se arc h e rs u sin g any q u a lita tiv e m eth od re co m m en d n ot w aitin g un til all the d a ta are c o lle c te d to begin an alyzing. A s so o n as an in te r­ view is fin ish ed , the re se arc h e r sh o u ld go o v e r the n o tes or tap e s an d fill in the d e ta ils— the en v iro n m e n t, sign ifican t body lan g u ag e o f the in terv iew ee, g e n ­ eral im p ression s o f the interview er, e tc . (H o o p e s, 1 9 7 9 ). T h is is also the tim e for the re se arch e r to begin w riting the reflectiv e an d an a ly tic al in te rp re tatio n s th a t will form the b asis o f the rep ort. A n a ly sis sh o u ld fo cu s on the larger q u e s­ tio n s and m e an in gs in b ro ad c o n te x t, critic a l th in k in g a b o u t the e v id e n c e and

102

CO LEM AN

in te rp re tatio n o f it (H o o p e s, 1 9 7 9 ). S u c h jo u rn al-lik e e n trie s m ake the w rit­ ing task m u ch e asie r in the en d. T h is a sp e c t o f in te rp re ta tio n m ay be the h a rd e st p a rt for tra d itio n a lly o b ­ je c tiv e jo u rn a lists to re c o n c ile w hen u sin g o ral h istory m e th o d s. T h e re is c o n tro v e rsy w ith in the so c ia l s c ie n c e s o v e r w h e th e r p e o p le ’s sto rie s sh o u ld be in te rp re te d by a n o th e r p e rso n — the w riter. T h e c o n se n su s se e m s to be th a t no in te rp re ta tio n ad d s little to o u r k n o w le d g e, an d th e Q & .A fo rm at th a t is left is un likely to be in te re stin g e n o u g h for m any p e o p le to u se. T h u s the v o ic e le ss w ould rem ain so. T h e h a rsh e st c riticism o f oral h istory sa n s in ­ te r p re ta tio n is th a t it re p re se n ts a “ cow ard ly re lu c ta n c e to th in k ” (Jo h n so n , 1 9 9 4 , p. 1 4 ). T h e m in im u m , say s o n e e x p e rt, is th a t a u th o rs “ sh o u ld p ro v id e so m e b a c k g ro u n d for th eir in te rv ie w s to p la ce the in te rv ie w e e s in c o n te x t ” (R itc h ie , 1995, p. 1 0 4 ). T h is b a c k g ro u n d an d c o n te x t c a n be a c h ie v e d by re ­ latin g th e sto rie s to th e b ro a d e r c u ltu re an d society , o fferin g in sig h ts in to the c u ltu ra l sig n ific a n c e o f an e v e n t, o r re la tin g the e v id e n c e to w ider p a tte rn s an d th e o rie s (H o o p e s, 1 9 7 9 ). S a id T h o m p so n , “ T h e ab ility to m ak e c o n n e c ­ tio n s b e tw e en se p a r a te d sp h e re s o f life is an in trin sic s tre n g th o f o ra l h isto ry ” (T h o m p so n , 1 9 8 8 , p. 2 5 7 ). A m ore su b jectiv e ap pro ach to in terp retation taken by oral h istorians is to look for h idden an d h alf-co n sciou s m ean in gs in p eop le's sta te m e n ts, or to in ter­ p ret w hat h as b een said through a specific th eo retical lens. For exam p le, oral h istories o f w orkers talkin g ab o u t their jobs could be in terp reted using a M arxist p ersp ective, or w om en’s stories could be exam in ed through the eyes o f fem inist theory. In terpretatio n s o f oral history ev id en ce should n ot d istort p e o p le ’s s to ­ ries so m uch th at they no longer recognize them , however. W h ile the people w ho give their acco u n ts for an oral history project m ay n ot in terpret them the way the in terview er does, they should at least recognize their stories an d agree th at the in terp retatio n is on e th at can truthfully be told. In w riting oral h istories it is im portan t to d ev o te no m ore th an h alf the report to in terp retation w ith at least h a lf or m ore d e v o ted to the q u o te s o f the in te r­ view ees. T h is fulfills the req uirem en ts o f letting people tell their own stories. E ditin g an d rearran gin g for clarification is allow ed so long as the original m e an ­ ing is retain ed. It is also recom m en ded th at q u estio n s, as well as answ ers, be in ­ cluded in the w rite-up lest it ap p ear th at people w ere raising these issues th em selves rath er than being prom pted by qu estio n s.

O th er Issu es O ral history is often criticized on grounds o f validity or credibility b e cau se p e o ­ p le ’s ac co u n ts are su b jectiv e. Sc h o lars celeb rate this, saying that:

6.

O R A L A N D LIFE H IS T O R IE S

103

th e cr ed ibi li ty o f o r a l s o u r c e s is a different cre di bi li ty ... T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f o r a l t e s t i ­ m o n y m a y o ft e n lie n o t in its a d h e r e n c e to fa c t s b u t r a t h e r in its d i v e r g e n c e from t h er e. (Po rte lli, 1 9 9 8 , p. 68 )

T h e y h av e also ad d re sse d w ays to im prove this reliability. A s w ith any re ­ se arch m eth o d , n o single piece o f e v id e n c e sh o u ld be tru ste d alo n e ; every ­ thin g n eed s to be co m p a re d a g a in st o th e r e v id e n c e (R itch ie, 1 9 9 5 ). Two c o rro b o ra tin g sta te m e n ts sh o u ld be co lle cte d for every fact, an d oral te sti­ m ony sh o u ld be ch e ck e d ag ain st w ritten reco rd s. U sin g sta tistic s to se t the n arrativ e in a c o n te x t is also h elpfu l. T h e ge n e ra l ru les in e x am in in g e v id e n ce are “ to look for in te rn a l con sisten cy , to se e k co n firm atio n in o th e r so u rces, an d to be aw are o f p o te n tial b ia s” (T h o m p so n , 1988, p. 102). T h e real goal sh o u ld be “ to reveal so u rce s o f b ias, rath e r th an preten d they can be n u llifie d ” (T h o m p so n , 1988, p. 117). W hile jo u rn alists do not often use legal release form s, it is n ecessary to do so w ith oral h istories. T h e law gran ts copyright au tom atically to people w hose w ords are recorded for 50 years after their d e ath ; there is no need for them even to register it. A deed or gift o f c o n trac t is usually collected at the tim e o f the first interview (see sam p le in A p p e n d ix 6 .1 ). It is custom ary in oral history research to presen t the in terview ees with a gift, usually copies o f the tap es or transcripts, b ook, or article (R itch ie, 1995). A rch ivin g o f tapes and tran scripts is an o th er is­ sue th at specifically co n cern s oral history, and som e say it is on e o f the defining ch aracteristics o f this m eth od. Placin g the tap es in a library for o th e rs’ use is c u s­ tomary, but new tech n ologies are presen tin g oth er m ean s for savin g the entire record, such as C D - R O M an d W eb sites.

AN O R A L H IS T O R Y P R O JE C T In M ay 2000, The Wichita E agle’s gen eral assign m en t reporter an d colum n ist Roy Wenzl w rote a series th at serves as a good exam ple o f the ad ap tatio n o f the o ral-life history m eth od to jou rn alism . W hile W enzl said he did n ot ap p ro ach it with oral history in m ind (person al co m m u n icatio n , A p ril 17, 2 0 0 2 ), m any c h aracteristics o f his series ab o u t a runaw ay girl fit the description o f this q u a li­ tative research m eth od. T h e eigh t-part series told the story o f K aren Irene “ R e e n ie ” C ou n try m an , w hose m oth er killed h erself w hen K aren w as 13. A fte r 3 years in an d o u t o f fos­ ter care and the W ich ita C h ild ren ’s H o m e, K aren persu ad ed a judge to free her from state custody an d allow her to live on her ow n— a t age 16. Eventually, K a ­ ren w ent b ack to the C h ild ren ’s H o m e to w ork and join ed the o u treach program riding aroun d search in g for troubled kids. S h e pestered the street kids, trying to h elp them , an d con vin ce them to help them selves. Sh e even sav e d a few lives.

104

CO LEM AN

T h e se rie s is m o re a m e ld in g o f o ra l h isto ry a b o u t a to p ic (th e s o c ia l p ro b le m o f ru n a w ay te e n s) a n d life h isto ry (th e sto ry o f K a r e n ’s sh o rt b u t e v e n tfu l life) th a n p u rely o n e o r th e oth er. T h e c h o ic e o f s u b je c t m a tte r is in k e e p in g w ith th e o ra l h isto ry m e th o d ’s c o n c e n tr a tio n o n m a rg in a liz e d g ro u p s o f p e o p le ; in m a in ­ s tr e a m re p o rtin g , it is u su a lly o ffic ia ls an d e x p e r ts w h o te ll u s a b o u t ru n a w ay s, n o t th e ru n a w ay s th e m se lv e s. W h ile o ffic ia ls a n d e x p e r ts g e t th e ir say in th e s e ­ ries, th is sto ry d o e s in d e e d g iv e v o ic e to th e v o ic e le ss by fo c u sin g o n th e p e r s p e c ­ tiv e o f th e ru n a w ay c h ild r e n . T h e life h isto ry a s p e c t o f th e p r o je c t is th a t it c o n c e n tr a te s o n o n e p e r so n ’s life a s a n e x a m p le , b u t ra th e r th a n c o v e r in g K a ­ ren ’s e n tire life h istory , it fo c u se s o n 4 o r 5 y e ars. T h e p r o je c t fu lfills th e r e q u ir e m e n t o f r e p r e s e n t a t iv e n e s s in its u se o f s o u r c e s fro m all s t r a t a o f th is s o c ia l c ir c le — s to r ie s fro m th e ju d g e , c o u r t e m ­ p lo y e e s, s o c ia l w o rk e rs, C h ild r e n ’s H o m e s ta ffe r s , v o lu n t e e r s , a n d ru n a w a y s k e e p th e sto ry b a la n c e d w ith o t h e r v ie w p o in ts . D o z e n s o f d iffe r e n t p e o p le a p ­ p e a r in th e s to r ie s, a n d W en zl in te r v ie w e d e v e n m o re w h o d id n o t a p p e a r in th e s e r ie s . “ I d id n ’t w a n t to a c c e p t th e sto ry a t fa c e v a lu e fro m ju s t her, so I s p e n t a lo t o f tim e g e t tin g s o m e b o d y to c o n fir m e v e r y t h in g ,” W en zl s a id (p e r ­ s o n a l c o m m u n ic a t io n , A p r il 17, 2 0 0 2 ) . T h i s h e lp e d th e sto ry b e m o re fully r e p r e s e n t a t iv e o f th e issu e , b u t it a ls o a d d e d to th e re lia b ility o f th e r e p o rt by c o r r o b o r a tin g all s t a t e m e n t s . W en zl a lso d id p le n ty o f b a c k g ro u n d r e se a r c h , a n d so m e o f it sh o w s u p in th e ar tic le s in th e form o f s ta tis tic s a b o u t tro u b le d te e n s, su ic id e , a n d h o m e le ssn e ss. M o st o f th e re se a r c h re m a in s in th e b a c k g ro u n d , b u t w as c ru c ia l for th e story. W enzl sp e n t 15 m o n th s w o rk in g o n th e story, allo w in g h im to b e c o m e d e e p ly im m e rse d in th e to p ic . “ I d id n ’t w o rk o n it fu ll-tim e , b u t a lo t o f tim e w as sp e n t o n it. T h e r e w as a lo t o f in te rv ie w in g , h e r an d o t h e r s ," h e sa id . “ I lo st c o u n t o f h ow m a n y tim e s I in te rv ie w e d her, m a y b e 30 o r 50 tim e s. S o m e w ere really lo n g, a n d so m e w ere s h o r t” (p e r so n a l c o m m u n ic a tio n , A p ril 17, 2 0 0 2 ). O t h e r p e o p le w ere a lso in te rv ie w e d m o re th a n o n c e , b u t n o t a s m a n y tim e s a s K a r e n . In th e c a s e o f th is p r iv a te a n d w ary 1 8 -y ea r-o ld , W en zl fo u n d th a t n u m e ro u s in te r ­ v iew s w ere n e e d e d to e sta b lish th e tru st a n d in tim a c y n e c e ssa ry fo r K a r e n to o p e n up a n d o ffer a tru e a n d s e a r c h in g a c c o u n t o f h e r life (p e r so n a l c o m m u n ic a ­ tio n , A p r il 17, 2 0 0 2 ) . S till, W enzl fo u n d h e r r e lu c ta n t to ta lk a b o u t c e r ta in d iffi­ c u lt issu e s. In o n e story, W enzl w ro te : Before the beating, she'd been sleeping in a shed in Haysville, living on the streets with her older brother Jeremiah. She’d run away from the foster family that took her in after her mother's suicidc. She doesn't want to say why. (Wenzl, 2000, May 9, p. 1A) K a r e n h e r s e lf a c k n o w le d g e d th is r e lu c ta n c e , so ty p ic a l o f life h isto rie s, in a p ie c e th a t w as p u b lish e d a t th e e n d o f th e se rie s:

6.

O R A L A N D L IFE H IS T O R IE S

105

D e c i d i n g w h e t h e r to sh a r e my life w ith the w orl d w as o n e o f the h a r d e s t d e c i s i o n s I h a v e e v e r m a d e . A l l o f us ar e a bit afra id to s h ar e the in t i m a t e e x p e r i e n c e s o f o u r lives. ( C o u n t r y m a n , 2 0 0 0 , M a y 14, p. 11 A )

A v eteran reporter, W enzl did not use an interview guide, nor did he tape re ­ cord the interview s. T h a t is a m eth od he has grow n com fortab le with, and it w as n ecessary to pu t the m ain su b je ct o f the story at ease. “A list o f q u estio n s is in ­ tim idatin g w ith som ebody like her,” Wenzl said. “S o m e tim e s I w ouldn’t even h ave the n oteb ook out. I’d pull it o u t later an d w rite it dow n” (person al co m m u ­ n ication , A pril 17, 2 0 0 2 ). In ad d ition to corrob oratin g K aren ’s sta te m e n ts with o th e rs’ Wenzl o v e r­ cam e validity issues by in clu din g in form ation from w ritten records. In addition to sta tistic s ab o u t suicid c and runaw ays, W cnzl in clu ded in form ation from court records, w hich w as prob lem atic since juven ile records are se ale d . “A fter a lot o f n egotiation we w orked ou t a d eal w here the state and cou rt people w ould look in the records and tell me if som eth in g w as in there an d w as true or n o t,” said W enzl (person al c om m u n ication , A p ril 17, 2 0 0 2 ). A n oth er, m ore u n u su al d o c ­ um en t source Wenzl in clu ded in the series w as lengthy excerp ts from K aren ’s own jou rn al, with e ach entry d ated in the series. E ach story is m ade up m ainly o f d irect q u o tes, su pp lem en ted with d etails th at Wenzl recon stru cted to pain t a picture an d m ake the series com e alive: S o w h e n R e e n i e p u ll e d o p e n the b a c k d o o r at 4 1 8 N . S p r u c e , th e sm el l w ou l d flo a t o u t like a w a v e . A n d sh e c o u l d sm e ll th e flor al s h a m p o o in M o m ’s ha ir w h e n t hey h u g g e d . (W en zl, 2 0 0 0 a , M a y 7, p. 3 A )

Feelings such as grief, anger, and gu ilt also figure into the stories, eith er in the q u o te s or in the in terv iew ee’s self-reflections. K aren said: It h u r t s s o m u c h . W h a t h a p p e n e d to m e a n d (m y b r o t h e r ) J e r e m i a h , w h a t h a p p e n e d to m y M o m , it h u r t s t o o m u c h . (W enz l, 2 0 0 0 b , M a y 7, p. 1 A )

Finally, the to p ic o f an alysis an d in te rp re tatio n , so in grain ed in jo u rn a lists to av o id , w as skillfully h an d le d in this se rie s by allow in g the p eop le in the s to ­ ries to offer th eir ow n in te rp re tatio n an d an alysis. “ I d id n ’t try to editorialize. I d id n ’t try to p u t my ow n spin on it. I ju st tried to do ju stic e to w h at w as a gre at story b e ca u se o f w hat h ap p en e d to h er an d w h at she d id ,” said W enzl (p e r­ so n al c o m m u n ic atio n , A p ril 17, 2 0 0 2 ). T h is rep orter m a in tain e d h is o b je c tiv ­ ity an d pro v id ed b ack g ro u n d for b ro a d e r c u ltu ral an d so c ia l p a tte rn s, but in c o rp o rate d in te rp re tatio n an d an alysis pro v id ed by o th ers, n ot him self. For e x am p le , on e o f the re fle ctio n s by Ju d g e B a c o n , w ho e m a n c ip a te d K aren , on h er d ecisio n -m a k in g p ro c e ss, said :

106

CO LEM AN

T h is child, thought the judge, was giving her facts. N o t empty prom ises, as so many other runaways make when asking for their freedom . R eal inform ation. T h e girl had subm itted eight full pages o f apartm ent price com parisons and weekly shopping lists, showing how sh e ’d care for herself if freed from custody.... In those pages o f lists, Bacon saw the threads o f an unfinished tale. It was the talc o f a M om and a little girl, a story em bedded in sheet after sh eet o f paper, typed out or w ritten in K aren’s fluid hand. (Wenzl, 2000, May 12, p. 1A)

T hen there are reflections from Karen herself: We all have a ch o ice,” R eenie would say years later. “ W hen the bad things com e, we can decide to be bad, or we can decide to be good. (Wenzl, 2000, M ay 8, p. 1A )

A lso: I guess what I want people to know by me sharing my life is this: T h ere is hope. I have gone through a lot in my life, and I feel I have turned that around to use it tow ards my strength and happiness. My pain has helped me find my passion. N o m atter how hard your life is, you can survive. (C ountrym an, 2000, M ay 14, p. 11 A )

Finally, Wenzl narrated: But for all the m em ories, for all she shares with M om , Karen has been able to say som e' thing new in the last year. T m N O T my M om .1 (Wenzl, 2000c, M ay 14, p. 1A )

C O NC LU SI ON A s this series shows, good, in-depth journalism and social science m ethods such as oral history have many similarities. O ral historians have studied the practice of journalism and incorporated techniques from it into their m ethod of re­ search. Now it is time for journalists to do the sam e. Writers who make an effort to learn about these social science m ethods and work to incorporate appropri­ ate techniques from them into their journalistic practice will find themselves with more confidence in the credibility of their work because they will have ad­ hered to respected scientific m ethods for assuring validity and reliability.

REFERENCES C ountrym an , K. (2000, May 14). A m essage from K aren. The Wichita Eagle, p. 11 A. Haley, A . (1 9 7 6 ). Roots: The saga of an American family. G arden City, NY: Doubleday. H oopes, J. (1 9 7 9 ). O ral history: An introduction for students. C h apel Hill, N C : T h e University o f N orth C arolin a Press. Iorio, S. H. (1 999). Faith's harvest. N orm an , O K : U niversity o f O k lah om a Press. Joh n son , D. (1994, A pril 10). I, the jury: Why this novelist can't resist a good book panel. New York Times Book Review, p. 14.

6.

107

ORAL AND LIFE HISTORIES

L an ce, D. (1 9 8 4 ). O ral history project design. In L). K. D unaw ay & W. K . Baum (E ds.), O ral history: An interdisciplinary anthology (pp. 1 1 6 -1 2 3 ). N ash ville, T N : T h e A m erican A ssociation for State and L ocal History. M eckler, A . M ., &. M cM ullin, R. (1975). O ral history collections. New York: R. R. Bowker. Morrissey, C . T. (1 9 8 7 ). T h e tw o-sentence form at as an interview ing technique in oral h is­ tory fieldw ork. O ral History Review, 15, 4 3 -5 3 . Perks, R., & T h om son , A . (Eds.) (1998). The oral history reader. L ondon: R outledge. Portelli, A . (1998). W hat m akes oral history different. In R. Perks &. A . T h om son (E ds.), The oral history reader (pp. 6 3 - 7 4 ). L ondon: R outledge. R itchie, D. A . (1995). Doing oral history. New York: Twayne Publishers. Shum w ay, G . (1 971). O ral history in the United States: A directory. New York: O ral History A s ­ sociation. Terkel, S. (1970). H ard Times: An oral history of the G reat Depression. New York: Pantheon. Terkel, S. (1974). Working: People talk about what they do all day and how they feel about what they do. New York: Pantheon. Terkel, S. (1 984). “ The Good W ar": An oral history of World War Two. N ew York: Pantheon. T h om p so n , P. (1 9 8 8 ). The voice of the past: O ral history (2nd E d.). O xford, England: O xford U niversity Press. Wenzl, R. (2000a, M ay 7). R eenie and mom. The Wichita Eagle, p. 3 A. Wenzl, R. (2000b , May 7). Karen lost and found. The Wichita Eagle, p. 1A. Wenzl, R. (2000, M ay 8). C h ildhood lost. A girl’s life unravels after her m om ’s suicidc. The Wichita Eagle, p. 1A. Wenzl, R. (2000, M ay 9). G ood girl, bad girl. A pot-sm oking kid finds trouble on the street. The Wichita Eagle, p. 1A. Wenzl, R. (2000, M ay 12). Ju dgem ent Day. A 16-year-old asks the court to grant her free­ dom . The Wichita Eagle, p. 1A. Wenzl, R. (2000, M ay 14). “ I am not my M o m .” The Wichita Eagle, p. 1A. Wicker, T. (1 975). A time to die. New York: Q uadrangle. W igginton, E. (Ed.) (1972). The Foxfire book. G arden City, NY: Doubleday.

A P P E N D IX 6.1 D E E D O F G IF T T O T H E P U B L IC D O M A IN

I, (interview ee), do hereby give to (organization), the tape recordings and tran­ scripts of my interviews conducted on (d ate ). I authorize use o f the tapes and transcripts in such a m anner as may best serve the educational and historical objectives o f this oral history program. In making this gift, I voluntarily convey ownership o f the tapes and transcripts to the public dom ain.

(A gent)

(donor)

(From Sen ate Historical O ffice, Ritchie, 1995, p. 213)

(date)

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

7 Focused In terview s Sharon H artin lorio W ich ita S ta te U n iversity

O n e tim e - h o n o re d tra d itio n o f jo u r n a lis m is th e s tr e e t in terv iew . T o d o a s tr e e t in terv iew , a re p o rte r g o e s to a p u b lic p la c e , s to p s p e o p le by c h a n c e , a n d a sk s e a c h o n e a sin g le q u e s tio n a b o u t an im p o r ta n t issu e o f th e day. T h is very sim p le fo rm o f re p o rtin g c o m m u n ity re a c tio n illu str a te s th ree p iv o ta l fe a tu re s o f th e q u a lita tiv e re se a r c h m e th o d c a lle d fo c u s e d in te rv ie w in g . F irst, th e re p o rte r se e k s o u t e v e ry d a y c itiz e n s, n o t g o v e r n m e n t o ffic ia ls, h ig h -ra n k in g b u sin e ss le a d e r s, o r s o c ia l e lite s. S e c o n d , th e re p o rte r a sk s e a c h p e r so n th e sa m e q u e s tio n in th e sa m e way. T h ir d , th e r e su ltin g n ew s re p o rt c o m e s d ire c tly from th e w o rd s o f th o se in te rv ie w e d . T h e s o c ia l s c ie n c e m e th o d o f fo c u se d in te rv ie w s, h o w ­ ever, is n o t m e re ly an e x t e n d e d form o f th e s tr e e t in terv iew . T h e s tr e e t in te rv ie w c a n p r o d u c e n o m o re th a n th e brief, s n a p s h o t o p in io n s o f th o se w illin g to sh a re th e ir v ie w s. F o c u se d in te rv ie w m e th o d o lo g y is a q u a li­ ta tiv e re se a r c h to o l th a t c a n c lic it in -d e p th re s p o n s e s an d id e n tify c o m m o n a li­ tie s a m o n g th e re p lie s p e o p le g iv e . T h e o ff- th e - c u ff c o m m e n ts p ic k e d u p from s tr e e t in te rv ie w s are m erely in te re s tin g o p in io n s o f in d iv id u a ls. T h e p u rp o se o f th e fo c u se d in te rv ie w is n o t o n ly to id e n tify a n d re p o rt, like th e s tr e e t in terv iew , b u t a ls o to in te rp re t a n d sh o w an y sh a re d in sig h ts fo u n d a m o n g th e in d iv id u a ls ’ re p lie s. T h e fo c u s is to u n c o v e r a c c u r a te ly h ow a g r o u p o f in te rv ie w e e s u n d e r ­ sta n d a p ro b le m o r w h a t th ey b e lie v e a b o u t a c e r ta in to p ic . T h e a c t u a l in te rv ie w p r o c e ss is p e r so n a l a n d c o n d u c t e d o n e - o n - o n e to d raw o u t e a c h in d iv id u a l’s u n iq u e v ie w p o in t (M e r to n , F isk e , & K e n d a ll, 1 9 5 6 /1 9 9 0 ).

109

no

IORIO

T h e focused interview m akes a specific con tribu tion to social scien ce re­ search and journ alism . It enriches in form ation gath ered by oth er m eth ods through revealin g su b jectiv e respo nses— th at is, answ ering w hat and how people think ab ou t a p articu lar sub ject. T h e m eth od, som etim es described as “guided c o n v e rsa tio n s” or “con versation s with a pu rp ose” (G ollin, 1956/ 1990, p. x ), can produce accu rate inform ation ab out the c o n text o f political, social, an d econ om ic life for individuals. T h e focused interview is a valuable tool for the jou rn alist.

IN T H E B E G IN N IN G : EARLY U SE O F F O C U S E D IN T E R V IE W S In the early 1940s, both academ ic and com m ercial investigators began to d e­ velop soph isticated m ethods o f con ductin g surveys. W orking with newly devel­ oped q u a n tita tiv e , sta tistic a l d esign s, tech n iq u e s to survey in d iv id u als accurately were studied and refined. T h e beneficial result was that the surveyed reactions supplied by a limited num ber o f people could be generalized to that o f a larger population o f similar individuals. In other words, if con ducted correctly, the survey o f a sm all group would produce results that could (within statistical and other lim itations) predict the overall responses o f a m uch larger group. A s might be expected, the survey m ethod blossom ed as business and political in ter­ ests recognized its benefits. R esearch priorities, however, shifted as war engulfed Europe and threatened the U nited States. O n e N ovem ber evening in 1941, Paul Lazarsfeld, a professor at C olum bia University, took time from his busy, w ar-related research agenda to invite Robert M erton, his new colleague at the university, to dinner. Lazarsfeld was so engrossed in his challenging work that before the first course was served; he suggested that he and M erton visit the studio where Lazarsfeld was testing responses to several radio m orale program s for the U .S. O ffice o f Facts and Fig­ ures, the predecessor o f the O ffice o f War Inform ation (M erton ct al., 1956/ 1990). W hen the two arrived at the studio, the rcscarch was in progress. W hile the test-groups stated what they did and did not like about the program , the on-site researchers lacked an em pirical m ethod to explore w hat those inter­ viewed did or did not like and “ why.” M erton was en ticed. H e began working the next week on a report that developed techniques for in-depth questioning o f interview ees and launched the first focused interview strategy. T h rough m uch o f World War II, M erton and Lazarsfeld continued their col­ laboration on com m unication research projects and the m ethods to build more effective research designs. They were join ed by anoth er com m unication re­ search pioneer, C arl H ovland, who was on leave from Yale U niversity during the

7.

FOCUSED INTERVIEWS

111

war. H o v lan d u n derstood the b en efits o f q u alitativ e interview s as ad ju n cts to the exp erim en ts th at he design ed (M erton ct al., 1 9 5 6 /1 9 9 0 ). H o v la n d ’s and L azarsfeld ’s con trib u tion s led to q u a n titativ e m eth ods, b ut both em ph asized the b alan ce an d im p ortan ce th at the q u alitativ e work o f this period brough t to their grou n d-b reak in g research . Lazarsfeld (1 944) laid o u t the aim s o f the fo ­ cu sed interview as follow s: 1. to clarify the m ean in gs o f com m on co n c e p ts and opin ion s; 2. to distingu ish the d ecisive elem en ts o f an expressed opin ion ; 3. to determ in e w hat in fluen ced a person to form an o pin ion or to act in a certain way; 4. to classify com plex attitu d e p attern s; and 5. to u n d erstan d the in terp retatio n s th at people attribu te to their m o tiv a­ tion s to act. L azarsfeld ’s purposes, first published in 1944, rem ain, despite the in te rv en ­ ing years, the fo u n d atio n o f focused interview ing (Lindlof, 1995). M e rto n ’s projects during W orld W ar II in clu ded a study o f A rm y training film s and the ch arism a o f K ate Sm ith , a pop u lar singer o f the day w ho raised m ore th an $39 m illion in pledges to buy war b on ds. W orking w ith K en dall and Fiske, M erton published an article and a b ook ab o u t how to use focused in te r­ view s (M erton et al., 19 5 6 /1 9 9 0 ; M erton & K en dall, 1946). T h e se pu b licatio n s laid o u t the prin ciples an d p rocedu res o f interview ing th at M erton , Fiske, and K en dall h ad d evelop ed by exam in in g the persu asiven ess o f p ro p agan d a efforts during the w ar years (M organ , 1988). T h e overall criteria they d evelop ed are p arap h rased below as: 1. R an g e . T h e in terview sh o u ld en ab le in terv iew ees to m axim ize the v a ri­ ety o f e le m e n ts and p a tte rn s in the situ a tio n or topic the in terv iew ees arc ask ed to d e scrib e , as w ell as d o c u m e n t, the full array o f re sp o n se s they m ay give. 2. S p e c ificity . T h e in terv iew sh o u ld e lic it h ighly p re cise re p o rts o f the d if­ fe re n t a sp e c ts o f th e situ a tio n or to p ic to w hich in te rv ie w e e s are ask e d to re sp o n d . 3. D ep th . T h e interview should help interview ees to describe their e m o ­ tion s, e v alu atio n s, an d their reason ed an alysis o f the situ atio n or topic as well as the degree o f their in volvem en t with it. 4. Personal C o n te x t. T h e interview should bring o u t the prior exp erien ce o f in terview ees an d their p erso nal attribu tes th at give the situ atio n the d is­ tin ctive m ean in gs they express (M erton et al., 1 9 5 6 /1 9 9 0 ).

10 R10

112

M e r to n ’s e t a l. (1 9 5 6 /1 9 9 0 ) fo c u se d in te rv ie w g u id e in c lu d e d in fo rm a tio n o n a r e la te d m e th o d , fo c u s g r o u p s, th a t w ere first in tr o d u c e d in th e 1 9 2 0 s. S o o n , c o m m e r c ia l re s e a r c h e r s fo u n d th a t in te rv ie w in g in g r o u p s m a d e fo r fa ste r d a t a c o lle c tio n a n d w as le ss e x p e n s iv e th a n p e r so n a l in te rv ie w s. T h e fo c u s g r o u p te c h n iq u e w as q u ic k ly in c o rp o ra te d in to c o m m e r c ia l m a rk e tin g re se a r c h th a t grew e x p o n e n tia lly fro m th e 1 9 5 0 s to th e e n d o f th e 2 0 th c e n tu ry a n d r e ­ m a in s a n e x tre m e ly p o p u la r to o l for m a rk e tin g a n d m e d ia r e se a r c h today. P ost-W orld W ar II, M e r to n a n d h is c o lle a g u e s c o n tin u e d th e ir w o rk , b u t little r e se a r c h th a t u se d th e in te rv ie w m e th o d th ey p r o p o se d w as p u b lish e d by th e m (M o rg a n , 1 9 8 8 ), n o r h a s it b e e n w id ely u se d by so c io lo g is ts in g e n e ra l. O n e e x ­ a m p le o f a p u b lish e d fo c u se d in te rv ie w stu d y in s o c ia l s c ie n c e re se a r c h is Z u c k e rm a n ’s “ In te rv ie w in g a n U ltr a - e lit e ” ( 1 9 7 2 ), a n a r tic le t h a t r e v e a le d s e ­ q u e n c e s in th e c a r e e r s o f N o b e l la u r e a te s. A n o th e r is “ M e d ia C o n s u m p tio n an d G irls W h o W a n t to H a v e F u n " (P e te rso n , 1 9 8 7 ). D e s p it e th e f o c u s c d in t e r v ie w ’s la c k o f a t t r a c t io n a s a s o c i a l s c ic n c e r e ­ s e a r c h m e th o d , M e r to n , F is k e , a n d K e n d a ll fu e le d th e p o p u la r tre n d in fo c u s g r o u p r e s e a r c h , a n d , o v e r tim e , th e c o n t r ib u t io n o f th e fo c u s e d in te r v ie w m e th o d a s a r e s e a r c h t o o l h a s b e e n fa r r e a c h in g . T h e m e th o d h a s in fo r m e d th e in te r v ie w p r o c e s s in m a jo r b r a n c h e s o f s o c ia l s c ie n c e r e s e a r c h w ith in b o th th e p u b lic a n d p r iv a t e s e c t o r s . In th e p r e fa c e to th e s e c o n d e d it io n o f T h e F o cu se d In terview (M e r to n , F is k e , & K e n d a ll) p u b lis h e d in 1 9 9 0 , M e r to n w ro te t h a t h e c o u ld n o t: presume to say how much of the seeming discontinuity between the focused interview and its modified version in the form of focus groups is actually another instance of obliteration by incorporation ... If the focused interview has experienced even occa­ sional obliteration by incorporation in the originating field of sociology, one is inclined to suppose that it is all the more (a fortiori) likely to have occurred in other fields into which it had diffused, (p. xxx)

T h e c o n c e p t s a n d t e c h n i q u e s u n d e r ly in g th e f o c u s e d in te r v ie w p r o c e s s c a n b e fo u n d r e p e a t e d a n d e x t e n d e d in r e la te d q u a l i t a t i v e in te r v ie w m e t h ­ o d s in c lu d in g th e p e r s o n a l o r in te n s iv e in te rv ie w , in w h ic h in - d e p t h r e ­ s p o n s e s a r e e lic it e d b u t u n ifo r m in te r v ie w g u id e s a r e n o t e m p lo y e d (e .g ., B r is s e t t & E d g le y , 1 9 9 0 ) . T h e d if fu s io n M e r t o n n o t e d a ls o c a n b e o b s e r v e d a c r o s s th e s o c ia l s c ie n c e d is c ip lin e s . F o r e x a m p le , th e p e r m e a t io n is s e e n in w o rk s o n th e s o c i o lo g i c a l in te r v ie w (F ie ld in g &. F ie ld in g , 1 9 8 6 ; M a s o &. W e ster, 1 9 9 6 ; M c C r a c k e n , 1 9 8 8 ), in p u b lic a t io n o n s o c i a l s c ie n c e a n d e d u ­ c a t i o n in te r v ie w in g

(S e id m a n ,

1 9 9 8 ) , in g o v e r n m e n t s t u d ie s ( N a t h a n ,

1 9 8 6 ) , a n d in c o m m u n ic a t io n r e s e a r c h (B e r g e r, 2 0 0 0 ; L in d lo f, 1 9 9 5 ; P o tte r, 1 9 9 6 ; W im m c r & D o m in ic k , 2 0 0 2 ) .

7.

FOCUSED INTERVIEWS

113

C O M PA R IN G F O C U S E D A N D JO U R N A L IS T IC -S O U R C E IN T E R V IE W S Jo u rn alists w ho w ork on d ead lin es an d do interview s daily use m any o f the prin ­ ciples an d tech n iqu es o f the focused interview , even though they m ay use them in a d ifferen t way or for a differen t p urpose. W h eth er by in fusion from the m e th ­ ods o f social scien ce o r diffusion o f sou n d jou rn alism p ractice, b asic ten ets o f the focused interview are also essen tial elem en ts foun d in rep ortin g texts and oth er book s specifically targeted to those in terested in learn in g ab o u t the m edia in te r­ view (A d am s, 2001; B iagi, 1991; G ibbs &. W arhover, 2002; M etzler, 1997; Patern o &. S te in , 2 0 0 1 ). In these p u b licatio n s, reporters, like focused interview ­ ers, learn how to seek specific rath er than g en eral inform ation . R eporters are d i­ rected (as M erton et al., 1 956/1990, poin ted out) to seek a range o f responses from their sou rces an d to interview for respo nses th at reveal d eep em otio n s and strongly held attitu d e s; reporters learn to probe. T h ey are tau gh t tech n iques, such as using tran sition s, and ways to avoid abrupt shifts in the interview that m ight break the so u rce ’s train o f th ough t. A jou rn alist is e d u cate d , like the re­ search ers M erton an d his c o lle ag u e s train ed, to look “ beyond lim ited, on c-dim e n sio n al rep orts o f ‘p o sitiv e ’ or ‘n e g a tiv e ,’ ‘fa v o ra b le ’ or ‘u n fa v o ra b le ’ respo nses ... to o btain a m axim um o f self-revelatory reports o f how the situation under review w as e x p e rie n c e d ” (M erton et al., 1 9 56/1990, p. 9 5 ). Traditional news reporting, however, differs greatly from focused interviewing. First and forem ost, the news reporter alm ost always has a fram e or “ lede” or start­ ing point for a story. T h e reporter is interested in finding d etails that will build the story or in som e cases reject the story as a news item. R eporters are strategic (Paterno & Stein , 2001). T h ey size up the interview source and push ultim ately for the source to reveal the inform ation sought. T h e focused interview er will not build a sequen ce o f leading questions to ferret out facts or test a possible co n clu ­ sion. T h e focuscd interview er en couragcs general discussion as a way to identify and extrap olate newsw orthy conccrn s that com e from the lives people lead. M etzler (1997) m arked the distinction betw een the focused m eth od and the tra­ ditional interview by labeling the two types o f interview ing as directive and nondirective in his journalistic writers guide, Creative Interviewing. Se co n d , the reporter w rites a trad ition al news story or featu re using a lede and builds the body o f the story from d irect and indirect q u o te s draw n from m ul­ tiple sources. In m any in stan ces, the com m en ts fram e the story from opp osing view points. In o th er in stan ces, the com m en ts provide a variety o f view points. Focused interview findings m ay be the startin g p oin t for trad ition al new s or fe a­ ture story or may stan d alo n e as a new s story. In any o f th ese cases, a story that results from focused interview s will report an d q u o te sources, but the reportin g

114

10 R10

will be based on shared persp ectives that un derlie m ultiple opin ion s collected on a particu lar topic. T h e poin t is not to publish m any voices on an issue or problem but to com pare and analyze m any voices to find com m on ly held points o f view. T h e identified them es are the poin t o f the new s story, an d the w riter supp orts the them es with qu o tes taken from the interview s. To illustrate, one new spaper series w as lau n ch ed w hen editors an d reporters foun d, through fo ­ cu sed interview s, th at local citizen s’ con cern s prior to an election w ere n ot the sam e cam p aign issues th at the c an d id a te s em ph asized (the exam ple th at follow s later in this c h ap ter d escrib es this project in d etail).

T H E A D V A N T A G E S A N D D IS A D V A N T A G E S O F F O C U S E D IN T E R V IE W S T h e focused interview d o es n ot replace the stan d ard journ alism interview that h as for d e c ad e s served as the b asis o f the m ajority o f new s stories th at are read or view ed by the public daily. N o r d oes the focused interview su b stitu te for the b enefits o f the o cc asio n al w ell-tim ed street interview th at w as d iscussed at the b egin n in g o f this chapter. T h e focused interview is an effective new sroom tool w hen used to 1. identify b uddin g political issues; 2. u n d erstan d in d iv id u als’ in terp retation o f highly publicized issu es; and 3. learn the c o n n e ctio n betw een p erso n al affairs an d larger social problem s. R esearch ers an d jo u rn alists can use focused interview s prior to surveys to h elp identify b road or u n tapp ed con cern s th at can then be tran slated to specific qu estio n s. F ocused interview s can also be used to follow up on the lim ited fin d ­ ings o f q u a n titativ e stud ies such as public opin ion polls. W h en M erton queried soldiers after they rated trainin g film s, he w as follow ing up on q u a n titativ e re ­ search findings. M oreover, the focused interview m eth od can stan d on its ow n as the prim ary m eth od for a project. For exam ple, a focused interview project can gath e r and analyze in form ation from a wide c ro ss-se ctio n o f people (the exam ple th at fol­ lows later in this ch ap ter used a large, countyw ide sam p le). Focused interview s with a sm all n um b er o f people also can be useful (P oin d exter & M cC o m b s, 2 0 0 0 ). Interview s with sm all n um bers o f resp o n d en ts are ap p ro p riate w hen the in dividuals interview ed h ave acce ss to in form ation that av erage people do not have. For exam ple, a study m igh t query the presid en ts o f n atio n al corp oration s on their view o f acco u n tin g c o n su lta n t practices or the ap pro priate level for e x ­ e c u tiv e s’ salaries. F ocused interview projects with lim ited n um bers o f re sp o n ­

7.

FOCUSED INTERVIEWS

115

dents are also suitable when those interview ed, because o f their positions, can be obstacles to, or influences on, chan gc. Interview ing com m unity church lead­ ers on the subject o f religious tolerance or school superintendents on their views o f affirm ative action are just two exam ples at the local level in which sm all num ­ bers o f respondents could provide desired inform ation. D ependin g on the sam ­ ple size needed, focused interviews can be con ducted by one researcher or reporter or by a team o f reporters or researchers. T h e ad van tages o f the focused interview m ethod are that it provides unfil­ tered inform ation from first-person accoun ts; it offers early identification o f com m on concerns; and it identifies grassroots issues at the point where the problem s are located. T h ese ad van tages com e into play when deciding w hether to use focused interview s or focus groups. T h e focus group provides good feed­ back when the topic is not extrem ely broad; whereas, the focused interview is ideal for soliciting com prehensive, multilayered responses. T h ere arc also tech n ical ad van tages that the focused interview has over the focus group. T h e success o f the focus group rests on the ability o f a w ell-trained m oderator to draw full responses from each o f the participan ts in a short am oun t o f time w ithout allowing any one person to dom inate the group. Fur­ therm ore, focus group participan ts generally are paid for their tim e, thus pre­ senting an unansw erable question about the underlying validity o f the data. T h e aforem entioned challenges usually are not associated with on e-on -one in­ terviewing. In a focused interview, the interview er has time to devote to a single individ­ ual. T h a t time can be used to help set each interview ee at ease with the process, repeat or rephrase questions, and draw out com plete answ ers. T h ere is no threat that one person will drown out an oth er’s attem pt to contribute inform ation or that a group m entality can develop to stifle opposing opinion, as can happen in the focus group interview. In addition, the focused interview can be con ducted when circum stances prevent bringing a specific group, such as decision m akers who may be in scattered locations, together at one place and time (Poindexter &. M cC om bs, 2 000). Interview ees need not be paid, and m ost reporters have the basic skills required to con duct the interviews. D isadvan tages o f the m ethod, however, should be considered before en ter­ ing a focused interview project. Sam ple sizes should be chosen with regard to re­ searching the question (s) posed for the project. Sm all sam ples, chosen w ithout regard to the scope o f the d ata needed to answ er the research question(s) and merely due to time and cost constrain ts, limit the reliability o f the data collcctcd. A n ad ditional disadvan tage is that within the interview ing process some responden ts may concen trate only on their personal relationships with other in ­ dividuals; this limits the ability to analyze the inform ation they provide (Iorio &.

116

10 R10

H u x m an , 1996). For the m ost part, however, it is the tim e an d cost in volved in c o n d u ctin g first-person interview s th at m ake their frequen t use difficult for d ead lin e-d riv en m edia in dustries. W ith effort, focus group d a ta can be ob tain ed quickly, even overn igh t. F ocused interview s generally take longer to co n d u ct an d analyze. F ocused interview s may be b etter suited for en terprise stories and p olitical cam p aign coverage. In sum m ary, the focused interview should be used w hen the project calls for m eth od s to go beyond simply nam in g topics o f in terest to in dividuals— w hen re­ p orters, pollsters, an d re se arch e rs need to exp lore brief, sc atte re d c o m ­ m en ts— w hen a sim ple answ er m ay not con vey a com plex view point. Focused interview s work well w hen a n on trad itio n al ap pro ach is required to get at the q u alification s an d c a v e a ts people p lace aroun d their opin ion s. T h e focused in ­ terview is ideally suited to au gm en t the m ore lim ited findings o f survey research. T h e benefit o f the focused interview is its ability to co llect unfiltered insights an d u n ad u lte rate d opin ion s people hold in co m m o n but arc often overlooked by focus groups an d surveys.

P L A N N IN G A N D C O N D U C T IN G A F O C U S E D IN T E R V IE W P R O J E C T P u rp o se o f th e R esearch In the fall o f 1991, a focused interview study w as co n d u cted in W ich ita, K an sas through a partn ersh ip betw een The Wichita Eagle and faculty at the Elliott S c h o o l o f C o m m u n icatio n , W ich ita S ta te U niversity. W h at evolved b ecam e a large-scale study an d a long-term Eagle rep ortin g ven tu re. T h e overall project will serve as b oth an exam ple o f the focused interview m eth od and a guide to its im plem en tation , even th ough focused interview projects can be large or sm all, c o n d u c ted by a single interview er or a team , and d eveloped by a new sroom on its ow n or by partn ersh ips am on g new s o rgan ization s an d aca d e m ic researchers. In this exam ple, the university faculty and Eagle rep resen tatives jointly p lan n ed the project. T h e faculty d esign ed the research and supervised the g rad u ate-stu d en t interview ers. T h e n , the Eagle reporters, editors, an d design ers used the in ­ terview s as a sprin gboard for a special eigh t-part series and for gen eral election c o verage in the year th at follow ed. T h e b asis o f all so c ial scien tific re se arch h olds true for jo u rn a lism p ro jec ts in ge n e ral an d for the W S U /E a g ie p ro ject. T h a t b asis is the re co g n itio n o f a c ore issu e, top ic, or problem an d the will to ad d re ss it (W im m er &. D o m in ick , 2 0 0 2 ). A m o n g the re a so n s for the Eagle m a n a g e m e n t team 's in te re st in the p a rtn ersh ip w ith W S U w as:

7.

FOCUSED INTERVIEWS

117

1. to h elp p lan th e n e w sp a p e r’s c o v e ra g e o f th e 1992 e le ctio n s by le arn in g c itize n s’ c o n c e rn s an d 2. to v a lid a te q u e stio n n a ire c o n stru c tio n for su b se q u e n t te le p h o n e in te r­ view s on th ese to p ics. T h e in itial ste p in this an d an y fo c u se d in terview re se arch (H sia , 1988) w as to ad d re ss the re se arch prob lem by fo rm u la tin g a se rie s o f c le a r an d c o m p e llin g re se arch q u e stio n s. A fte r a plen ary se ssio n w ith facu lty an d n e w sp ap e r m a n a g e ­ m e n t, the follow in g in te rre lated q u e stio n s e m erg ed : 1. W h a t are S e d g w ick C o u n ty re sid e n ts m o st w orried a b o u t th e se days in th eir c o m m u n itie s, n e ig h b o rh o o d s, an d d a y -to -d ay lives? 2. H ow do th o se c o n c e rn s relate to p o litic a l c o n c e rn s? 3. W h ic h o f the c o n c e rn s are u n d e re x p o se d by o u r e le cte d officials an d in m e d ia c o v e ra g e ?

S a m p le S e le c tio n T h e n e x t ste p in p la n n in g a p r o je c t is to s e le c t a s a m p le . S o m e fo c u s e d in te r ­ view p r o je c t s are c h a r a c te r iz e d by a sa m p le th a t is in te n tio n a lly o r p u rp o sively c h o se n , in o th e r w o rd s, d e v e lo p e d th r o u g h in fo rm a l c o n t a c t s or n e tw o rk in g (W im m e r &. D o m in ic k , 2 0 0 2 ) . In d iffe r e n t c ir c u m s t a n c e s , th e b e st s a m p le o f in te rv ie w e e s is a p r o b a b ility s a m p le . A p ro b a b ility s a m p le is c h o se n in a m a n n e r t h a t c a n be c a lc u la te d s ta tis tic a lly to r e v e a l th e p r o b a ­ b ility t h a t th e s a m p le is r e p r e s e n t a t iv e o f th e la r g e r p o p u la tio n o f p e o p le th a t th e in te rv ie w s h o p e to re fle c t. T h e s t a t is t ic s a re u se d o n ly to d e s c rib e th e s a m p le an d n o t to d raw c o n c lu s io n s a b o u t th e d a ta t h a t w ill be c o lle c te d late r. F o r th e E ag le /W S U p r o je c t, a ra n d o m ly d ra w n sa m p le w as d e e m e d n e c e s s a ry b e c a u s e th e n e w sp a p e r s t a f f w a n te d to le a rn a b o u t th e c o n c e r n s o f a p a r t ic u la r a n d sizab le p o p u la t io n — m o re th a n 3 5 0 ,0 0 0 r e s id e n ts o f th e c o u n ty t h a t e n c o m p a s s e s th e city o f W ic h ita . A ft e r d e c id in g on a s a m p lin g m e th o d , th e n e x t s te p w as to o b ta in w illin g p a r t ic ip a n ts . O n e p o p u la r w ay to d raw p r o b a b ility sa m p le s d e s ig n e d to re fle c t larg e p o p u la t io n s is r a n d o m ­ d ig it d ia lin g , an d it w as u se d by E agle e m p lo y e e s to id e n tify 2 7 0 c o u n ty r e s i­ d e n ts w h o w ere w illin g to p a r t ic ip a te .

P r e p a r in g fo r th e I n te r v ie w s W ith the sam p le draw n an d the research problem in m ind, the research team b e ­ gan to w ork on the interview gu id e. T h e go al w as to build on the b asic criteria o f

118

10 R10

focused interview s— range, specificity, depth , and personal con text (M erton et al., 1 956/1990). T h e guide was designed to help interview ers collect detailed per­ son al experiences and com prehensive opinions on a m axim um n um ber o f topics. T h e guide was based on the M erton et al. (1956/1990) procedures and supp le­ m ented by other publication s on interview ing (Labaw, 1980; M cC rack en , 1988).W ithin the guide, the interview ers received inform ation on how to initiate the interview session, help put the respondent at ease, and probe for full re­ sponses. M aterial on interpersonal skills involved in con du ctin g interview s was distributed to the interview ers. E xcep t for dem ograph ic d a ta , all q u estio n s w ere o p en -en d ed (M erton , 1987; M erton et al., 1 9 56/1990; M ishler, 1986). T h e guide w as w ritten to allow free d iscu ssion an d q u e stio n s to be asked by the respo n d en t. T h e qu estio n s on the guide w ere se q u e n ce d . T h e first q u estio n ask ed resp o n d en ts to identify their co n cern s, then in terview ers were in stru cted to probe for how resp o n d en ts sp e ­ cifically view ed those co n ccrn s. N e x t, interview ers asked resp o n d en ts to in d i­ cate at w hat level (person al, n eigh borh o od, com m unity, sta te , n ation al, and in tern ation al) their con cern s existed . T h is w as follow ed by a qu estio n design ed to establish the locus o f responsibility o f their con cern s. T h e research ers sought to know w ho or w hat in stitu tion s respo n d en ts b elieved were responsible for a d ­ d ressin g their co n cern s. Finally, interview ers asked respo n d en ts how they kept inform ed. T h e guide called for resp o n d en ts to be assured anonym ity at the b e­ gin ning o f the interview, but e ach w as asked at the end o f the interview w hether he or she w ould be w illing to be interview ed by a reporter for a new spaper story. T h e interview guide w as prepared, pretested , an d revised prior to co n d u ctin g the first interview . To assure uniform ity acro ss the interview s, the interview ers atte n d e d two trainin g session s and co n d u c ted p ractice interview s. T h e in ter­ view s w ere sch ed u led to last 30 m in u tes. T h e y w ere tap e-reco rd ed , an d the in ­ terview ers took su p p lem en tal n otes. E ach o f the 17 interview ers co n d u cted ap pro xim ately 12 interview s. T h e use o f m ultiple interview ers establish ed one form o f trian gu lation (or m ultiple cro ss-ch eck s) for the study. A n im p ortan t part o f the preinterview process involved inform ing the re ­ sp o n d en ts ab o u t the project and assu rin g th at the respo n d en ts w ere aw are o f the kind o f inform ation they w ould be ask ed. T h o se w ho agreed to be in ter­ view ed w ere m ailed a letter e xplain in g the project. R esp o n d en ts w ere then c o n ­ tacted by teleph on e by on e o f the grad u ate stu d en ts. T h e call reiterated the purpose o f the project. A fram ew ork w as created through the letters an d ph on e calls to h eighten the con scio u s aw aren ess o f the resp o n d en ts so th at they w ould be ready to talk w hen they arrived at the interview site (Labaw , 1980). In c o n ­ sid eration o f the re sp o n d en ts’ travel tim e, interview s w ere held at on e o f five lo ­ catio n s scattered across the county.

7.

FOCUSED INTERVIEWS

119

D e t e r m i n i n g t h e P r o j e c t ’s V a l i d i t y a n d R e l i a b i l i t y To e n su re the validity, o r accuracy, an d th e reliability, or con sisten cy, p ro c e d u re s for e a c h p art o f th e p ro ject w ere strin g en t. T h e n after the p ro jec t w as c o m p le te d , all the p ro ce d u re s w ere review ed an d an y possible lim itatio n s w ere n o te d . To assu re an a d e q u a te an d re p re se n tativ e sam p le, re p e a te d tele p h o n e calls w ere m ad e to p r o ­ sp e ctiv e su b je c ts to sc h e d u le interview s an d later to re sch ed u le b rok en interview d a te s. A s a result, 192 peop le o u t o f the sam p le p o o l w ere interview ed for a c o m p le ­ tion rate o f 88 p e rce n t. D esp ite th e h igh resp o n se rate, c o n v e n ie n c e ap p e are d to play a role in garn erin g p a rticip a tio n . A su b stan tial re p re se n tatio n o f th ose w ith d is­ cretio n ary tim e o r flexible sch e d u le s, su ch a s h ou sew ives, profession als, an d shift w orkers, w ere in terv iew ed. T h e young, the elderly, the h an d ic ap p e d , an d th e p o o r m ay h av e b een u n d e rre p re se n te d . T o be in terview ed, o n e n e e d e d a tele p h o n e an d tran sp o rta tio n to the site. W as the sam p le a n a c c u ra te re p re se n tatio n o f the coun ty p o p u latio n ? To find o u t, a profile o f th ose in terview ed w as c o m p a re d to U . S. c e n su s d a ta . C o m p a riso n s b ase d o n age, gender, len gth o f resid en ce in th e county, an d v o te r reg istration did n o t prove the sam p le to be a m irror im ag e o f the g e n e ra l p o p u ­ lation n eith er w as it grossly m isre p re se n tativ e .1 C le a r - c u t, o n - site in te rv ie w p r o c e d u re s w ere fo llo w ed . D iv e rsity o f r e ­ s p o n s e s w as so lic ite d th r o u g h a h e te r o g e n e o u s g r o u p o f in te rv ie w e rs; b o th g e n ­ d e rs a n d a v a rie ty o f a g e s w ere r e p re se n te d . Yet, d e sp ite th e p r e c a u tio n s , th e p r e se n c e o f th e in te rv ie w e r m ay h a v e a ffe c te d h ow so m e s u b je c ts r e sp o n d e d to q u e s tio n s . In a few c a s e s , re s p o n d e n ts a p p a r e n tly ta ilo re d th e ir re s p o n s e s to c o n fo rm to th e p e r c e iv e d p e r so n a l a ttitu d e s o f in d iv id u a l in te rv ie w e rs. F or e x ­ a m p le , in te rv ie w e rs w h o w ere in te r n a tio n a l s tu d e n ts re p o rte d a h ig h e r ra te o f d is c u s sio n s c e n te r e d o n g lo b a l c o n c e r n s th a n d id th e o th e r in te rv ie w e rs. I n te r ­ v ie w e rs w h o w ere A fr ic a n A m e r ic a n a n d H is p a n ic re p o rte d m o re d is c u s sio n s o n r a c ia l a n d e th n ic issu e s th a n d id in te rv ie w e rs w h o se a p p e a r a n c e d id n o t id e n tify th e m a s m in o ritie s. A few in te rv ie w e rs c o m m e n te d th a t so m e o f th e r e ­ s p o n d e n ts a p p e a r e d to try to m a k e a g o o d im p re ssio n by v o ic in g o n ly p o sitiv e s ta te m e n t s o r e x p r e ssin g o n ly n o rm a tiv e id e a s. T h e s e a n o m a lie s w ere n o te d in th e fin a l re p o rt. M o r ta lity r a te s fo r th is k in d o f stu d y a r e alw ay s a c o n c e r n . T h e lo n g d u r a ­ tio n o f an in te rv ie w tim e fra m e is o fte n c ite d a s a th r e a t to a p r o je c t ’s v a lid ity (C a m p b e ll & S ta n le y , 1 9 6 3 ). T h e E ag le in te rv ie w s to o k p la c e o v e r a 6 -w e e k p e r io d , a n d th e tim e la p se m ay h a v e c o n tr ib u te d to a c h a n g e in a t tit u d e s a m o n g th o s e in te rv ie w e d e a r lie r a n d th o s e in te rv ie w e d n e a r th e e n d o f th e p r o je c t . T h e n a g a in , n o s p e c ta c u la r ly d r a m a tic n e w s e v e n t o c c u r r e d d u r in g th e in te rv ie w p e r io d , so tim e w as e lim in a te d a s a m itig a t in g fa c to r, a n d a ll th e in te rv ie w s w ere a n a ly z e d to g e th e r.

120

10 R10

C o d in g a n d A n a ly z in g t h e I n te r v ie w s A s the interview s were being con ducted , the codin g began. U sin g a m atrix p at­ terned after M iles’ and H uberm an’s (1994) designs, each interview er codcd the interview s that he or she con du cted by putting the responses in a category for each o f the questions asked. A fter the initial coding, the interview ers broke down each category into subcategories based on broad them es found am on g the a n ­ swers. O n e general debriefing session was held where prelim inary findings were discussed and com pared for verification. Finally, the coded d ata was reduced to sum m ary sheets an d a com prehen sive analysis was prepared by the W S U faculty. T h e researchers’ analysis based on grounded theory did n ot im pose any preco n ­ ceived theory on the d ata; instead, the findings em erged from the “groun d,” that is, from codin g and sum m ary sheets (G laser &. Strau ss, 1967). T h e report was w ritten directly from the com m en ts that appeared in the categories. T h e co m p o site p o rtrait re v e a led m o st re sp o n d e n ts as registered v o te rs w ho look ed to the m ass m e d ia for their so u rce o f in fo rm atio n , h ad lived in the c o u n ty for m ore th an 5 y ears, an d h ad som e co llege e d u c a tio n . R e sp o n d e n ts a d d re sse d how the Eagle co v e rs issu es in an in fo rm ed m ann er. In gen eral, w hen the in terv iew ees talk ed ab o u t their everyday lives, they did n ot sp e a k in term s o f le gislatio n , g o v e rn m e n ta l policy, or party e n d o rse m e n ts. T h e y told re se arc h e rs th eir in d iv id u al h opes, e x p e c ta tio n s, an d fears. W h a t they did n ot tell re se arc h e rs w as how th eir a ttitu d e s and o p in io n s tran slate d into p o litic a l strate g ie s or party platfo rm s. In sh ort, they raised a large n u m b er o f issu es an d d isc u sse d them in d isp a rate fash io n . P erson al c o n c e rn s did n o t a p p e ar to tran slate directly in to p o litica l so lu tio n s. T h e excep tion to this w as the topic o f e d u catio n . T h e resp o n d en ts were m ore con fid en t in offering solu tio n s to ed u c atio n al w oes. R e sp o n d e n ts’ su gg es­ tion s in clu ded: design b etter teach er ed u catio n , explore altern ativ e teach er certificatio n , in crease teach e r salaries, redu ce the n u m b er o f stu d en ts in classes, e xten d the sch oo l year, an d ad o p t n atio n al tests. W h en resp o n d en ts were ask ed, “ [O verall] w hich do you think is the m ost im portan t con cern o f all you’ve n am e d ,” the co n cern s m en tion ed w ere crim e, 32; ed u catio n , 26; taxes, 21; the econom y, 20; ab ortion , 10; fam ily life, 6; sta tu s o f go vern m en t an d le a d ­ ership, 5; h ealth care, 5; drugs, 4; an d the future o f children, 4 .2 T h e se sam e co n cern s h ave ap p eared , in roughly the sam e form , in public opin ion polls for years. A review o f G allu p poll surveys show s sim ilar con cern s cod ed as far back as 1975. E xcep t for ab ortion , family life, an d the future o f children , the item s on the G allu p list o f the 21 m ost im p ortan t problem s in 1991 show ed up again in 1993, and they were am on g the 10 m ost often m en tion ed by re sp o n d en ts.3 It is n ot surprising that m ost o f the sam e issu es also turned up in later surveys

7.

FOCUSED INTERVIEWS

121

(K oh ut, 2 0 0 2 ). T h e im p o rtan ce o f the Eagle research w as th at it revealed “ h ow ” those interview ed view ed the issues. O verall, the E agie/W SU research discovered that p eop le’s con cern s related to an issue were often not entirely the sam e as govern m en t adm in istrators or politi­ cians view o f that sam e issue, and, at tim es, were quite different. R ecen t research also has noted the m ultifaceted and personal-level responses people give w hen asked to com m en t on their political con cern s. In m id-Septem ber 2002, a poll asked A m erican s w hether they favored using U .S. military' force to rem ove Iraq’s leader, Sad d am H ussein. T h e poll reported support (64% ) for military interven­ tion, but looking b eneath the easy thum bs-up, thum bs-dow n characterization, a com plex picture o f public opinion appeared. Kohut (2002) discovered a c o n ­ flicted public that voiced many qualification s and lim itations about their vote on this particular issue, ju st as the earlier Eagle/W SU research uncovered m ultifac­ eted responses w hen individuals spoke about their concerns. It w as c le ar to the in terv iew ers and prin cip al r e se arc h e rs in 1991 th at a new an d d ifferen t kin d o f re se arch rep ort w as n e e d e d . T h e team w an ted to show how stab ility acro ss m a jo r to p ics v o ice d by peop le b reak s dow n in to prob lem s th a t link issu es an d c h o ic e s to in d iv id u al’s p e rso n al lives. T h e re se arc h e rs b e ­ gan by p rovid in g the Eagle w ith a list o f the m ost often m en tio n ed to p ics to ­ g e th e r w ith se lecte d v erb atim a c c o u n ts th a t sh ow ed how peop le spok e ab o u t th eir p e rso n a l co n ce rn s. A tta c h e d to the rep ort w as a list o f new s story id eas g e n e ra te d by the stu d e n t in terv iew ers an d faculty re se arch e rs. T h e se w ere p o se d as q u e stio n s. T h e new s story id eas cam e directly from the w ords o f the in terv iew ees an d c o rre sp o n d e d to the eigh t top c o n c e rn s fou n d in the in te r­ view s. T h e Eagle m a n a g e m e n t team w as su rp rised by the to p ics an d n o ted it w as d o u b tfu l th a t rep o rters an d ed itors cou ld h ave com e up the to p ics by ju st k ick in g aro u n d id e as. A t the tim e, n on e o f the ge n e ral to p ics in the lo cal and n a tio n a l new s w ere bein g ad d re sse d from the p a rtic u la r v iew p oin ts voiced ac ro ss the in terview s. S o m e o f the in te rv ie w e e s’ highly ran ked to p ics w ere n ot b ein g co v e re d at all.

H o w th e N e w s r o o m U se d t h e F in d in g s T h e eigh t m ajor topics o f con cern n am ed in the interview s are follow ed by som e p roposed news story ideas (questio n s) the research team found asso ciate d with th at p articu lar con cern . T h ey are: 1. C rim e: Is crim e really higher in the parts o f the city w here m ost people think it is higher? D o m ore people su p p o rt gun con trol now th at so m any fear ran dom and crim e-related sh o otin gs? H ow can we learn to feel safe in

122

10 R10

o u r city? S h o u ld we? H o w c a n we re claim v ic tim s’ righ ts? W h a t e x actly is th e re la tio n sh ip b etw een d ru gs an d crim e in W ich ita? 2. E d u c a tio n : S e e fin d in gs d isc u sse d previou sly in this ch apter. 3. T a x e s: W h y are ta x e s rising, an d w ho is to b lam e? 4- T h e e c o n o m y : H ow m an y b u sin e sse s h av e failed in the p a st year? H ow m an y su rv iv in g b u sin e sse s h av e h ad layoffs? H ow m an y v a c a n t b u sin e ss p ro p e rtie s are th ere? H ow d o e s th e high in te re st paid on c re d it-c a rd d eb t affe c t the p o c k e tb o o k o f th e av e rag e fam ily an d o u r n atio n ? H ow m any h o m e le ss are th ere in W ic h ita, an d w h at is b e in g d o n e to h elp them ? 5. A b o rtio n : W ich ita h ad b e en th e sc e n e o f a R igh t to Life p ro te st in the su m m e r o f 1991 th a t laste d m ore th an 40 days. M e d ia co v e ra g e w as e x ­ te n siv e ; th erefo re, story id e as w ere n o t su g g e ste d for th is top ic. 6. Fam ily life: W h y c a n n o t q u ality day care be affo rd ab le? H o w d o stro n g fam ilies g e t th a t w ay? S ta y th a t w ay? W h a t fam ily v a lu e s arc a tta c k e d m o st th e se days? 7. H e a lth c a re : W h y w ill n o t so m e d o c to rs tak e M e d ic a re an d M e d ic a id p a ­ tie n ts? In w h at sp e c ia ltie s is it m o st difficu lt for th ese p a tie n ts to find help? W hy? W h a t are the b e st h e a lth c are p la n s for w orkers a m o n g c o m p a n ie s th a t em ploy locally? 8. F u tu re o f ou r ch ild re n : W h a t d o e s c u ltu ra l diversity m e an ? H o w c a n we reg ain c o m m u n ity c o n n e c tiv e n e ss? H o w a t th e c o m m u n ity level, c a n we b e tte r c o m b a t lo n e lin e ss ? A fte r re c e iv in g th e re p o rt, th e Eagle la u n c h e d a m a jo r e ig h t-p a rt, p a g e - o n e se rie s b a se d o n th e in te rv ie w s. T itle d th e “ P eop le P r o je c t ,” th e se rie s ra n a s a c o m p r e h e n siv e p a c k a g e th a t in c lu d e d in -d e p th re p o rts, new in te rv ie w s w ith c itize n s, fu rth e r in te rv ie w s w ith so m e o f th e o rig in a l r e sp o n d e n ts, p h o to s, e x ­ p la n a to ry g ra p h ic s, an o v e r a ll th e m a tic d e sig n , an d a n id e n tify in g lo g o . T h e se rie s w as w idely re v ie w e d an d b e c a m e la b e le d as o n e o f th e first o f m an y p u b ­ lic or c iv ic jo u rn a lism p r o je c ts to e m e rg e in th e early 1 9 9 0 s. T h e in itial re p o rt a lso se rv e d as b a c k g ro u n d in fo rm a tio n fo r p u b lic o p in io n te le p h o n e su rv ey s c o n d u c te d by th e E agle p rio r to th e n e x t g e n e ra l e le c tio n , a n d , o v e r th e e n s u ­ in g m o n th s, th e E agle a d d re sse d m an y o f th e 26 sto ry p ro p o sa ls in se p a r a te n ew s sto rie s. A s the re se a rc h re su lts w ere p u t in to p r a c tic e , the n e w sp a p e r s t a ff le arn e d th a t c o v e rin g m an y o f the sto ry su g g e stio n s re q u ire d in n o v a tiv e str a te g ie s. F o llo w in g up on th e su g g e stio n s in v o lv e d b u ild in g new n e tw o rk s o f in fo r­ m a n ts, m an y o f w hom did n o t q u a lify as c re d ib le s o u r c e s in th e tra d itio n a l se n se o f th a t term . O n e s ta ffe r o ffere d th a t a re p o rte r sim ply co u ld n o t rely on c u ltiv a tin g a sin g le so u rc e o r c a llin g an e sta b lish e d ag e n cy to g e t the sc o o p .

7.

123

FOCUSED INTERVIEWS

Second, the researchers and newspaper staff acknowledged that the project was time-bound. Over time, some o f the concerns identified matured then faded away, others grew in intensity, and new issues appeared. T he research findings and the People Project that followed were a freeze-framed picture of one community at one point in time.

CONCLUSION When a project calls for an interpretative technique— that will gather specific data and at the same time reflect on the lives, circum stances, and distinctive­ ness of a populace (whether large or sm all)— the results o f focused interviews arc helpful. Developed during World War II for use in conjunction with quan­ titative studies, the focused interview method solicits in-depth, personal re­ marks. Because they are conducted one-on-one, focused interviews offer benefits over focus groups and shore up deficiencies of opinion polls that iden­ tify popular issues without checking what the issue-labels mean to individu­ als. Focused interviews involve many of the same techniques journalists use in daily reporting, but focused interviews are conducted according to a protocol that can be reviewed to discover com m onalities among those interviewed. Am ong the comm ents collected in a focused interview project conducted by Th e W ichita Eagle and W SU researchers were expressions of gratitude from re­ spondents for having an opportunity to be heard out in the interviews and ap­ preciation for being made to feel important. Many said they were surprised that anyone, much less those in charge of the city's newspaper, would be inter­ ested in what they had to say. T he results of the project show that how people talk about issues can turn out to be much more meaningful than what people identify as the issues. Use of qualitative methods such as the focused interview can dramatically shift political coverage and open doors for a new kind of in­ teractive journalism.

ENDNOTES 'O f the Sedgwick County residents interviewed who gave their age, there were 9 (5%) be­ tween 18 and 24 years as compared to 14% of the total population who comprised that age group, 39 (23%) between 25 and 34 years as compared to 27% of the total population, 64 (37% ) between 35 and 44 years as compared to 21% of the total population, 23 (13%) be­ tween 45 and 54 years as com pared to 13% of the total population, 29 (17%) between 55 and 64 years as com pared to 10% of the total population, and 7 (4%) who claimed to be more than 65 years old as compared to 16% o f the total population (Census ofPopulation and Housing, 1990). A s for gender, 55% were male as com pared to 49% of the total popu­ lation and 45% were female as compared to 51% of the total population (U .S. Census, 1990). Five said they had lived in Sedgwick County less than 5 months, 26 less than 6 years, 15 less than 11 years, and 116 had lived in the county more than 11 years; 146 re­ ported they were registered voters.

124

IO RIO

2O t h e r c o n c e r n s d e e m e d m o s t im p o r ta n t w ere n a m e d by fe w e r th a n fo u r r e s p o n d e n t s . T h o s e n a m e d ra n g e d from c u lv e r t re p a ir to p e r s o n a l p r o b le m s su c h a s p r o te c t in g o n e ’s c h ild r e n from v io le n c e a t s c h o o l. * D a t a g a th e r e d by th e A m e r ic a n In s titu te o n P u b lic O p in io n sh o w r e su lts from a r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s a m p le o f th e U .S . p o p u la t io n a s k e d a t re g u la r in te r v a ls a n o p e n - e n d e d q u e s t io n : W h a t is th e m o s t im p o r ta n t p r o b le m fa c in g th e n a tio n ? R e c u r r in g a s m a jo r c a t e g o r ie s are p o litic s , e c o n o m ic s , in te r n a tio n a l r e la t io n s - d e fe n s e , th e e n v ir o n m e n t , h e a lth , p o v erty , ra c e r e la tio n s , c rim e , a n d m o rality . M o s t o fte n m e n tio n e d in N o v e m b e r 1991 w ere : (a) th e e c o n o m y in g e n e r a l, 3 2 % ; (b ) u n e m p lo y m e n t, 2 3 % ; (c) p o v e r t y - h o m e le s s n e s s , 16% ; (d ) d r u g s, 1 0 % ; (c ) h e a lth c a r e , 6 % ; ( 0 c rim e , 6 % ; (g) d is s a t is fa c t io n w ith g o v e r n m e n t, 5 % ; (h ) A I D S , 5 % ; (i) i n s u r a n c e - S o c i a l S e c u rity , 5 % ; (j) fe d e r a l- b u d g e t d e fic it, e d u c a ­ tio n q u a lity , e t h i c s - m o r a l d e c lin e , tr a d e r e la t io n s - d e fic it , a ll 4 % ( S a a d , 1 9 9 3 ).

REFERENCES A d a m s , S . ( 2 0 0 1 ) . Interview ing fo r jo u rn a lists. N e w Y ork: R o u tle d g e . B e rge r, A . A . ( 2 0 0 0 ) . M e d ia an d com m u n ication : R esearch m ethods. T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sage. B ia g i, S . ( 1 9 9 1 ) . Interview s that w ork. N e w Y ork: W a d sw o rth . B r iss e tt, D ., & E d gle y , C . ( 1 9 9 0 ) . Life a s theater: A d ram a tu rg ic al sourcebook. N e w Y ork: A ld in e d e G ru y te r. C a m p b e ll, D . T., & S ta n le y , J. C . ( 1 9 6 3 ) . E xp erim en tal arid qu asi-exp erim en tal designs fo r re­ search . S k o k ie , IL : R a n d M c N a lly . C e n s u s o f P o p u la tio n a n d H o u sin g . ( 1 9 9 0 ) . 1 9 9 0 cen su s o f pop ulation an d housing. W ichita, K S M S A . W a s h in g to n , D C : U .S . G o v e r n m e n t P r in tin g O ffic e . F ie ld in g , N . G ., & F ie ld in g , J. L . ( 1 9 8 6 ) . Linking d a ta . B e v e rly H ills , C A : S a g e . G ib b s , C . K ., & W a rh o v e r, T. ( 2 0 0 2 ) . G e ttin g the whole story: Reporting an d w riting the new s. N e w Y ork: G u ilfo rd . G la se r , B. G ., &. S t r a u s s , A . L . ( 1 9 6 7 ) . T h e discovery o f groun ded theory. C h ic a g o : A ld in e . G o llin , A . E . ( 1 9 9 0 ) . F o r e w o rd . In R . K . M e r to n , M . F isk e , & P. L . K e n d a ll, T h e fo cu sed in ter­ view (p p . i x - x i i ) . N e w Y ork: T h e F ree P re ss. (O r ig in a l w o rk p u b lis h e d 1 9 5 6 ) I l s i a , I I . J. ( 1 9 8 8 ) . M a s s com m u n ication s research m eth ods: A step by step ap p ro ach . H ills d a le , N J: L a w r e n c e E rlb a u m A s s o c ia t e s . Io rio , S . H ., & H u x m a n , S . S . ( 1 9 9 6 ) . M e d ia c o v e r a g e o f p o litic a l is su e s a n d th e fra m in g o f p e r so n a l c o n c e r n s . Jo u rn a l o f C o m m u n icatio n , 4 6 , 9 7 - 1 1 5. K o h u t, A . (2 0 0 2 , S e p t e m b e r 2 9 ) . S im p ly p u t, th e p u b lic ’s view c a n ’ t be p u t sim p ly . T h e W ash­ ington Post, p. B 0 5 . L ab aw , P. J. ( 1 9 8 0 ) . A d v a n c e d questionn aire design. C a m b r id g e , M A : A b t B o o k s . L a z a r s fe ld , P. F. ( 1 9 4 4 ) . T h e c o n tr o v e r s y o v e r d e ta ile d in te rv ie w s. Public O p in ion Q u arte rly , 8, 3 8 -6 0 . L in d lo f, T. R . ( 1 9 9 5 ) . Q u alita tiv e com m un ication research m ethods. T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : S a g e . M a s o , I., &. W ester, F. (E d s .). ( 1 9 9 6 ) . T h e deliberate dialogu e: Q u alita tiv e perspectives on the in ­ terview. B r u s s e ls , B e lg iu m : V U B U n iv e r s ity P re ss. M c C r a c k e n , G . ( 1 9 8 8 ) . T h e lorig interview. N e w b u r y P a rk , C A : S a g e . M e r to n , R . K . ( 1 9 8 7 ) . T h e fo c u s e d in te rv ie w a n d fo c u s g r o u p s . Public O p in ion Q u arte rly , 5 1 , 550-566. M e r to n , R . K ., F isk e , M ., & K e n d a ll, P. L . ( 1 9 9 0 ) . T h e fo cu sed interview. N e w Y ork: T h e Free P re ss. (O r ig in a l w ork p u b lish e d 1 9 5 6 ) M e r to n , R . K ., &. K e n d a ll, P. L . ( 1 9 4 6 ) . T h e fo c u s e d in te rv ie w . A m eric an Jo u rn a l o f Sociology, 51, 5 4 1 -5 5 7 . M e tzle r, K . ( 1 9 9 7 ) C re a tiv e interview ing (3 rd e d .) . N e w Y ork: A lly n &. B a c o n .

7.

FO CU SED INTERVIEW S

125

M iles, M . B., & H u b erm an , A . M . (1 9 9 4 ). Q ualitative data analysis: A n expanded sourcebook. T h o u sa n d O a k s, C A : S a g e . M ishler, E. G. (1 9 8 6 ). Research interviewing. C am b rid ge , M A : H arv ard U niversity Press. M o rgan , D. L. (1 9 8 8 ). Focus groups as qualitative research. Beverly H ills, C A : S a ge . N a th a n , H. (1 9 8 6 ). C ritical choices in interviews. Berkeley, C A : In stitu te o f G o v ern m e n tal S tu d ie s U n iversity o f C alifo rn ia Berkeley. Patern o, S. F., &. S te in , M . L. (2 0 0 1 ). Talk straight listen carefully. A m es, IA : Iow a S ta te U niversity Press. Peterson , E. E. (1 9 8 7 ). M edia co n su m p tio n an d girls who w ant to h ave fun. Critical Studies in M ass Comm unication, 4, 3 7 - 5 0 . Poindexter, P M ., & M cC o m b s, M . E. (2 0 0 0 ). Research in mass communication. B o sto n : Bedford /St. M artin ’s. Potter, W. J. (1 9 9 6 ). A n analysis o f thinking and research about qualitative methods. M ah w ah , N J: L aw ren ce E rlbaum A sso ciate s. S a a d , L. (1 9 9 3 , Ja n u ary ). M o st im p ortan t problem . The G allup Poll Monthly, 328, 3 1 - 3 2 . Se id m an , I. (1 9 9 8 ). Interviewing as qualitative research. N ew York: T e a c h e rs’ C o lle g e Press. W immer, R . D ., &. D om in ick , J. R. (2 0 0 2 ). M ass media research (7th e d .). N ew York: W adsw orth. Z uckerm an , H . (1 9 7 2 ). In terview ing an ultra-elite. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36, 1 5 9 -1 7 5 .

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

8 E t h n o g r a p h i c J o u r n a lis m Ja n e t M . C r a m e r University o f New Mexico M ic h a e l M c D e v itt University o f C olorado, Boulder

Ethnography is primarily concerned with uncovering m eanings— in particular, the m eanings inherent to a particular group and its practices. T h e ethnographer accom plishes this aw areness through a process o f im m ersion into the life, rou­ tines, and rituals o f the social setting under study. We describe in this chapter the principles and techniques o f ethnographic journalism , but we are well aware that the m ethod could put reporters in an awkward position in relationship to “ sources.” R eporting as social im m ersion would seem to violate the traditional un derstanding o f objectivity as detach m en t from sources and subjects. H ow ­ ever, we placed quote m arks around the word “sources" for a reason — to e m ­ phasize that the task o f grafting ethnography on to journalism requires us to revisit the auth or-subject relationship o f reporting. We offer w hat we hope is a persuasive rationale as to why journalists should use this powerful tool for observing and docum en ting social life. A s we describe, ethnography is really not the alien concept that som e in a newsroom might im agine; its narrative schem e and observational m ethods are close kin to long-respected journ alistic practices. However, in providing practical sugges­ tions for how to con duct this type o f reporting, we will contem plate som e o f the eth ical dilem m as that arise out o f this blending o f social science with journal127

128

C R A M E R AND M cP E V IT T

ism . We con clu d e with a d escription o f a case study in volving e th n ograp h ic re­ p ortin g o f p an h an d lers in a N o rth ern C aliforn ia com m unity.

P R IN C IP LE S A ND T E C H N IQ U E S O F E T H N O G R A P H Y D raw ing o n the root m ean in gs o f the w ords “ e th n o ” (people) and “grap h y ” (d e ­ scrib in g), L in d lo f (1 995) explain ed th at an e th n ograp h er trad ition ally tries to describe all relevan t asp ects o f a c u ltu re ’s m aterial existen ce, social system , and collective beliefs an d exp erien ces. T h u s, the m ore d etail an eth n o grap h er su p ­ plies an d the m ore in -d epth the e n co u n ter with a p articu lar group, the greater the ch a n ce s for a reader to u n d erstan d th at group and its m em b ers’ feelings, th ough ts, v alu es, ch allen ges, and goals. So cio lo g ists h ave used eth n ograp h y as a m eth od in the field since the early 19th cen tury (G old , 1997; M arcu s &. Fischer, 1 9 8 6 /1 9 9 9 ), but the best-know n early study m igh t be Bronislaw M alino w sk i’s visits to the Trobriand Islan ds in the 1920s (Lindlof, 1995). In his research , M alinow sk i exh ib ited the valu e o f su stain ed , firsth an d exp erien ce with a group’s en viron m en t, lan guage, rituals, social cu sto m s, relation sh ips, and exp erien ces in the prod u ctio n o f a truthful, au th e n tic, an d com preh en sive acc o u n t o f th at cultu re (Berger, 2 0 0 0 ; Keyton, 20 0 1 ; Van M a an e n , 1988). O th e r exam p les include eth n o grap h ies o f such groups as street gan gs (C o n q u ergo o d , 199 4 ), w itch es’ co v en s (L esch , 1994), an d V ietn am v e te ra n s’ m eetin gs (B raith w aite, 1997). In each case, the e th n o g ­ raph er w as im m ersed in the group’s activities to provide an in sid er’s stan d p o in t. S u c h thick d escription (G eertz, 1973) provides a persp ective th at em erges from w ithin a group rath er than being im posed from the ob se rv e r’s poin t o f view. U l­ timately, eth n ograp h y as exploration and in vestigation o f a case in detail results in an an alysis th at in volves explicit in terp retation o f the m ean in gs an d fu n c­ tions o f h um an action s (A tk in son & H am m ersley, 1994). T h is e x p lic it in te rp re tatio n , how ever, is on ly ac h ie v e d th rou gh clo se c o n ­ ta c t w ith the grou p bein g stu d ie d . E th n o g rap h e rs are c a u tio n e d ag ain st im ­ p o sin g th eir ow n view s on the d a ta they c o lle c t (in the form o f o b se rv a tio n s, c o n v e rsa tio n s, an d p a rtic ip a tio n in the gro u p ’s a c tiv itie s). W eber (1 9 4 7 ) a r ­ gu ed th at only from a group m e m b e r’s p e rsp e ctiv e cou ld an a u th e n tic ac c o u n t be ac h ie v e d . T h e o b serv ed group keep s the e th n o g rap h e r in c h e c k by v a lid a t­ ing or c h a lle n g in g the e th n o g ra p h e r’s in te rp re tatio n o f ev e n ts, b e ca u se m e m ­ b ers o f th a t grou p are c o n sid e re d the u ltim ate au th o ritie s reg ard in g the sign ifican ce o f e v e n ts an d p ra c tic e s p e rtain in g to the grou p (G a m b le , 1978; G la se r &. S tra u ss, 1967; G o ld , 199 7 ). A n e th n ograp h er may particip ate in the life o f a group at variou s levels, e i­ ther as a com plete p articipan t, a particip an t as observer, an o b server as p artici­

8.

E T H N O G R A P H IC JO U R N A L IS M

12 9

pant, or as a com plete observer (A tkinson &. Hammersley, 1994; G old, 1958; Junker, 1960). We discuss in a subsequent section the practical and ethical co n ­ siderations o f enacting these roles in journalism . T h e com plete participant is fully functioning as a m em ber o f the scene, but others are not aware o f the e th ­ n ographer’s role (Keyton, 2 001). A participan t as observer acknow ledges his or her observation role to the group under study but participates fully in that group’s culture or activities. T h e observer as participan t has the prim ary goal o f observation and only a secondary role in participation, usually because o f a lack o f full access to or m em bership in the group, as Lesch ’s (1994) study o f witch c o ­ vens illustrated. T h e com plete observer blends into the surroundings or is hid­ den com pletely from the group. T h ere is no participation in the group’s activities by the eth n ographer and no aw areness o f the eth n ographer’s presence by the group being studied. In addition to the selection o f a p articipan t-ob servcr role, the practice o f ethnography typically entails extensive use o f field notes and may additionally include interviews with group m em bers. A n exten ded period o f im m ersion is usually required, although specific time fram es are depen den t on the situation under study and other potential lim iting factors, such as money or access. Typically, d ata are collected over a period o f several days, but in certain cases, ethnographers have devoted years to collecting inform ation. It may take many visits to understand fully why a group does w hat it does or to understand the thoughts, feelings, and attitudes o f the m em bers o f a particular subculture. In the case o f C on qu ergoo d ’s (1994) study o f street gangs, the au th or decided to relocate to the neighborhood he was studying.

A R A TIO N A LE FO R E T H N O G R A P H IC R E P O R T IN G Ethnographic reporting challenges journ alists’ understanding o f objectivity, neutrality, and balance, but it should appeal to professionals' com m itm ent to enlighten rather than to obscure in the portrayal o f everyday life. In fact, serious contem plation about the appropriateness o f ethnography in journalism would suggest that the telling o f au th entic stories requires som e rethinking about the relationships betw een reporters and sources. To protect their objectivity, journalists are urged to keep som e social and em otional distance betw een them selves and the people they write about. From an epistem ological perspective, o f course, the fact-value dichotom y is problem ­ atic at best. W ith respect to ethnography, the principle o f detach m en t m ust be revisited if journalists are to em brace this m ethod as a way to know, in intim ate detail, the perspectives o f groups that are otherw ise invisible or stereotypically portrayed in the news.

130

C R A M E R A N D M c P E V IT T

W h ile m ad d en in g to aca d e m ic critics w ho h ighlight its p ro b lem atic — if n ot d e lu sio n al— im p licatio n s, ob jectiv ity in jo u rn alism is n ot a sta tic o rie n ­ tatio n to news w ork; p e rce p tio n s ab o u t it h ave ev o lv ed in reccn t d e cad e s as p ro fessio n als h ave com e to ap p re c iate its lim itatio n s (E tte m a & G lasser, 1 9 9 8 ). W ithin the p rofession itself, the norm o f ob jectivity h as sh ifted to an em p h asis on m ore realistic g o als such as neutrality, b ala n c e , accuracy, and fairn ess (D u rh am , 1 9 9 8 ). T h is is reflected in the p rin ciples id en tified by re ­ portin g tex tb o o k s (e.g., Fedler, B ender, D av e n p o rt, &. K ostyu, 1 997), and in e v id e n ce o f in creased reflection ab o u t the ro u tin es o f new s p ro d u ctio n (e.g., K ovach & R o se n stie l, 2 0 0 1 ). O n e ad van tage o f ethnographic reporting is how it portrays in a responsible m anner the lives and cultures o f groups that are typically m arginalized through m ain stream journalism practices. W hile m ost journ alists do not refer to in-depth feature reporting as ethnographic, an abiding goal o f the profession is pluralism in the portrayal o f a cultu re’s diverse groups. T h e H utchins C om m is­ sion, for exam ple, ad vocated the “projection o f a representative picture o f the con stituent groups in the society” (1947, p. 26). Responsible perform ance m eans “ that the im ages repeated and em phasized be such as are in total repre­ sen tation o f the social group as it is. T h e truth about any social group, though it should not exclude its w eaknesses and vices, includes recognition o f its values, its aspirations, and its com m on hum anity.” T h e com m ission expressed faith that if readers were presented with the “inner truth o f the life o f a particular group,” they would develop respect and understanding for that group (p. 27). Inner truth is a key con cept because an understanding o f a group on its own term s is the very purpose o f ethnography. W h at is still lacking from the journalistic ethos, according to D urham (1998), is the recognition that representations o f the truth about a group d e ­ pend on the reporter’s social location. G ranted, the obligation to seek out oppositional views alleviates professional con cern s about the inevitability o f subjectivity. T h u s the recent em phasis on balance is a more realistic goal than the pursuit o f objectivity as value-free reporting. In practice, however, this cre­ ates a kind o f crippling relativism that enforces dom in ant ideologies by defining the limits o f acceptable public discourse. D urh am ad v o cate d “stan d p oin t epistem ology ” as an escape from “ the in­ tellectu al qu ick san d o f relativism and the indefensible territory o f neutrality and d e tac h m en t” (p. 126). S tan d p o in t epistem ology requires a reform ulation o f objectivity, directin g it away from the unrealistic erasure o f b ias tow ard the purposeful in corporation o f su b jectiv e p ersp ectives. Borrow ing from fem inist theory (H arding, 1991) and so ciological m odels o f know ledge production (M ann heim , 1952), D urh am (1998) argued th at people inside the dom in ant

8.

E T H N O G R A P H IC JO U R N A L IS M

131

so c ial ord er c o lle c t an d in te rp re t in fo rm atio n a b o u t th ose w ho are e ith e r in ­ side or o u tsid e it: “ It is my c o n te n tio n here th a t new s sto rie s arc jo u rn a listic b e ca u se it is jo u rn a lists w ho relay th e m ” (p. 1 3 0 ). G ce rtz (1 9 7 3 ) recogn ized the sam e prob lem in the eth n o grap h y o f an th ro p o lo g ic al research , arguin g th a t a c c o u n ts o f e v e n ts or o f p eop le are u ltim ately in te rp re tatio n s o f o u tsid ­ ers, c a stin g su sp ic io n on the realism or a u th e n tic ity o f su ch a c c o u n ts. In re ­ sp o n se to this critiq u e , eth n o g rap h e rs in recen t years h ave b e co m e m ore reflexive a b o u t th eir so cial p o sitio n s as o b serv ers o f o th e rs, an d now D u rh am a d v o c a te s the sam e for jo u rn a lists. T h is reflexivity req u ires th a t rep orters b e co m e se lf-c o n sc io u s a b o u t their so cial lo c atio n s in relatio n to the in d iv id u als an d g ro u p s they w rite ab o u t. A u ­ to n o m o u s rep o rters w ould realize th a t to p ursue e th n o g rap h ic jo u rn alism , they m u st in som e ways tran sce n d n ot only p ro fessio n al c o n v e n tio n s an d re ­ p o rtin g h ab its but also th eir ow n d e m o g ra p h ic p rofiles. A s a first ste p , D u rh am a d v o c a te d stro n g ob jectivity , in w hich jo u rn a lists w ould ap p ro ac h rep ortin g from the v a n ta g e p o in t o f m argin alized g ro u p s to c o u n te rb a la n c e the d o m i­ n an t p e rsp e ctiv e s o f m ain stre am new s m ed ia. T h is ap p ro ac h b e co m e s p ro b ­ le m atic, to say the le ast, in ligh t o f the form al e d u c atio n , train in g, an d p ro fessio n al so cializatio n th at p o sitio n s m any rep o rters c lo se r to the in sider view s o f d o m in a n t grou p s th an the view s o f the d isa d v a n ta g e d or the p o liti­ cally d ise n gag e d . T h e c o n te x t in w hich m ost journ alism is p racticed , in highly b u reau cratic an d corp orate settin gs, further restricts the realization o f stron g objectivity. G lasse r (1 992) n oted th at the very purpose o f p rofession al socialization is to o b literate diversity in jou rn alistic valu es and rep ortin g p ractices, so th at the only diversity th at rem ains is o f the token variety, with the prim ary con ccrn b e ­ ing the eth n ic b reak dow n o f the editorial staff. W h at we n eed, G la sse r c o n ­ ten ded, is diversity in the true sense o f the w ord, so th at jo u rn alists bring a w ealth o f cu ltu ral persp ectives, n ot only to the new sroom itse lf b ut also to their m eth od s o f new sw riting. E th nograph y provides w hat is perhaps the m ost effec­ tive m eth od for en actin g stron g objectivity. T h u s, on e ad v an tag e o f the e th n ograp h ic m eth od is accu rate portrayal o f variou s grou ps in society th at may not be realized w hen ad h erin g to trad ition al m eth od s or n ew sm akin g criteria. A n o th e r ad v an tag e is a reth in k in g o f the p rob lem atic n otion o f objectivity. H ow ever, eth n ograp h ic reporting raises som e e th ic al co n sid eratio n s th at are in som e ways rep resen tativ e o f the profession but also u n ique in the ap p lication o f eth n ograp h ic tech n iques. We con sid er n ext c om m on areas o f con ccrn , alo ng w ith som e divergen ce in thinking, in the ways th at jou rn alism an d eth n ograp h y ad d ress eth ical issu es involvin g verification , b ias, d isclosure o f in ten t to sou rces, and confidentiality.

132

C R A M E R A N D M c P E V IT T

ET H IC A L C O N SID ER A T IO N S O b je c tiv ity a s V e rific a tio n For journalists, objectivity is typically construed as detach m en t from the object or persons being reported, along with the assurance o f balanced perspectives. Ethnography, however, represents the an tith esis o f this with its em phasis on im ­ m ersion and its goal o f telling a story as intim ately as possible from the sta n d ­ point o f the group being studied. Im m ersion into the life o f those observed can invite a certain m easure o f idealization. A s Keyton (2001) observed, the re­ search er’s “ value and belief system becom es so integrated with the value and belief system s o f those being observed that the researcher loses the ability to b e­ lieve that a degree o f objectivity is attain ab le” (p. 275). R ather than d etach ­ m ent, however, the purpose o f objectivity, with respect to ethnography, is faithfulness to the real world under study. W h at is sought is the retelling o f a story as it actually occurs, not as the eth n ographer interprets it. T h us, proce­ dures are used to m axim ize observational efficacy, minimize investigator bias, and allow for replication or verification or both o f the eth n ograp h er’s ob serva­ tions (Gold, 1997, p. 397). O b jectivity is achieved w hen the eth n ograp h er’s re­ port and the participan ts’ experiences are in agreem ent. Jo u rn alists are urged to ch eck facts for accuracy and to protect sources if there is poten tial harm th at m ight occu r as a result o f pub lication (e.g., Fedler et al., 1997). However, the verification o f explicit and u n con tested facts is too lim iting as a prescription for eth n ograp h ic journ alism . If jou rn alists are to tell stories from the stan d p oin t o f a particular group, the individuals observed m ust p articipate to som e exten t in verification o f how the m ean ings o f their lives are portrayed. A llow ing this would require som e rethin kin g o f jo u rn alis­ tic h abits, su ch as the norm th at reporters should not allow a source to read a draft prior to publication.

A v o id in g B ias A com patib le goal o f the eth n ograp h ic m eth od an d the craft o f journ alism is the ab sen ce o f in ten ded bias. B oth the eth n ograp h er and the jo u rn alist strive to avoid applying their own fram e o f reference to the even ts and people ob ­ served. B ecau se the purpose o f eth nography is to portray a group accurately an d intim ately, the im position o f the eth n o grap h e r’s poin t o f view would c o r­ rupt the final product. However, when applied to the organ ization al co n te xt o f journ alism , the ev alu atio n o f bias m ust exten d beyond the in dividual reporter to the news production process itself. E th nograph y in journ alism , for in stan ce, requires an

8.

E T H N O G R A P H IC JO U R N A L IS M

133

ab an d o n m en t o f routin es such as the reliance on official sou rces and the goal o f creatin g b alan cc by ju xtap o sin g con flictin g views o f ideological elites (G an s, 1980; Tu ch m an, 1978).

C overt o r O v ert O b se rv a tio n A n o th er eth ical con sideration is w hether to inform those being studied o f the intent o f the eth nographer to observe certain practices. A lth ough one o f the roles an ethnographer might assum e is that o f pure observer— in which the presence o f the eth n ographer is unknow n to those being observed— such p rac­ tices are prohibited when federal funding is used to support research (Punch, 1994). Still, the necessity to receive the consent o f those observed m ight pre­ vent many useful projects. A s Punch (1994) observed: “a strict application o f codes will restrain and restrict a great deal o f inform al, innocuous research in which ... explicitly enforcing rules concerning inform ed con sent will m ake the research role simply un tenable” (p. 90). Th erefore, eth ical considerations re­ garding covert observation should be considered guidelines and not strict rules. A distinction is m ade, however, betw een informed consent and deception regarding o n e ’s purpose. D eception seem s to be m ost com m on w hen an eth n og­ rapher em barks on research intended to expose corrupt practices or to ad vocate for reforms. R esearch ers disagree on where and when to draw this line. T h e b en ­ efits o f particular kinds o f knowledge might outw eigh the potential or actual harm o f m ethods used to obtain that knowledge, according to som e researchers. M ost scholars agree that the rights o f subjects take precedence and should guide o n e ’s m oral calculations. A ttem p ts to justify deception in journalism typically derive from the prem ise that unusual reporting techniques are necessary to expose certain types o f cor­ ruption (Elliott &. Culver, 1992). By contrast, we envision ethnographic report­ ing as a com m itm ent to portray people and perspectives usually ignored in m ainstream m edia. A part from the eth ical im plications, deception restricts the capacity o f the observer to create an auth entic portrait. C on cern s about pri­ vacy, along with the need to include group m em bers in the story verification process, require that a journalist openly declare her intentions. O n the oth er han d, it is possible to envision eth n ography used in in v e stiga­ tive journalism with the goal o f exposin g corruption . W h eth er in co n v e n ­ tion al or in vestigative journ alism , the m otivatio n to co n ce al a rep o rter’s in ten tion stem s from the assum ption th at o n e ’s identity as a reporter alters naturally occurring behaviors. T h e im m ediacy and au d ien ce size associated with p ub lication , coupled with the pu b lic’s in creasin g cynicism ab ou t jo u rn a l­ istic m otives (C ap p ella & Jam ieso n , 1997), often p roduces gu ard ed or artifi­

134

C R A M E R A N D M c P E V IT T

c ial beh avior. A w a re n e ss o f e th n o g rap h ic tec h n iq u e s, how ever, cou ld en cou rage jou rn alists to think o f altern atives to co n cealm cn t or to outrigh t stealth . W h ereas social scien tists arc trained in m eth ods th at address th reats to inference such as the H aw th orn e effect, journ alism e d u cation provides lit­ tle gu id an ce beyond interview tech n iques th at m ight put a source at ease (e.g., R ich, 2 0 0 0 ). If jou rn alists were trained in tech n iqu es that redu ce— or at least ac co m m o d ate — the influence o f their presen ce on others, they m ight be less tem pted to con ceal their iden tities.

C o n fid e n tia lity A related concern is the preservation o f confidentiality. A n eth n ograp h er’s as­ surance o f confidentiality provides som e safeguard against invasion o f privacy. A ccording to Punch (1994): "T h ere is a strong feeling am ong fieldworkers that settings and respondents should not be identifiable in print and that they should not suffer harm or em barrassm en t as a con sequence o f research” (p. 92). To ob ­ serve this standard requires som e sensitivity to w hat might be considered em ­ barrassin g and w hat m ight be con sidered public as opp osed to private. Journalism entails a larger and more diverse audience in com parison to a c a ­ dem ic research, m aking the protection o f confidentiality all the more im portant for ethnographic reporting. Publication in m ainstream m edia represents a m ag­ nitude o f potential harm that far exceeds the dam age that might arise from pri­ vate behavior revealed in a scholarly journal. A reporter should discuss with group m em bers— and perhaps n egotiate— the kind o f inform ation that should be revealed. W hile a reporter might assure that an individual rem ains anony­ m ous, certain actions or statem ents could becom e public, with possible harm to the group’s reputation.

H O W TO C O N D U C T E T H N O G R A P H IC R EPO R T IN G To illustrate the process o f ethnographic reporting, we include Table 8.1 that pin­ points key differences between in-depth feature reporting (the closest relative in c o n v e n tio n a l jou rn alism to the m ethod describ ed in this ch ap ter) and ethnographic journalism on three levels: conceptualization, reporting, and writing.

C o n cep tu alizatio n In traditional conceptions o f newsworthiness, journalists focus on extraordinary events and the actions and decisions o f politicians, business leaders and celebri­ ties. By contrast, ethnographic reporting aims for pluralism in its coverage o f ev­ eryday people, stressing individual character and quotidian victories over

8.

135

E T H N O G R A P H IC JO U R N A L IS M

TABLE 8.1 Differences Between Conventional anil E thnographic R eporting

C onvencional In-depth Features

Ethnographic Portraits Conceptualization

N ew sw orth iness

• Change

• A d aptatio n

• T h e unusual

• H id d en m e an in gs

• C e le b r it ie s a n d elites

• R itu als an d p ractices

Reporting R elation sh ip

A u t o n o m o u s p rofession al

Socially a c cep ta b le in c o m p e te n t

w ith so u rc e s O bservation

D eductive

In terview er

T h e m iner

In d u ctive T h e traveler

Writing N arrator Epistem ology

Jo u rn alist

G roup

B alance

A u th en ticity

bureaucratic or political achievements. The notion of change as a criterion for newsworthiness helps us to make this distinction. While a conventional journal­ ist will look for social eruptions or gradual trends that signal change, a reporter pursuing ethnography examines changc in a different sense. According to the perspective of structural functionalism, social systems do change but for the pur­ pose of adaptation and continuity. The paradox of this dynamic becomes manifest in rituals and practices that help a group to cope with external pressures while preserving identity and values. These practices can involve hidden meanings that must be understood by a journalist if the group’s story is to be told accurately. R ep o rtin g

A journalist interviewing for an in-depth feature would seek to establish rapport with sources while maintaining some distance as an autonomous observer and recorder. Reporters are sometimes advised to demonstrate knowledge about a topic while conversing with a source, in the hope that the interviewee will recip­ rocate and offer valuable insights. In ethnographic journalism, however, the re­

136

C R A M E R A N D M c D E V IT T

p orter m ust n ot let p rofession al expertise im pinge on her effort to ob serve and gath er in fo rm ation in a n atu ral setting. L oflan d and L oflan d recom m en ded that a field rcsearch er act as a “socially acce p tab le in co m p e te n t” (19 9 5 , pp. 5 6 -5 7 ) as a tech n iqu e for gain in g a c c e ss to groups w ithout alterin g their behavior. In c o n v e n tio n al jou rn alism , reporters usually h ave in m ind the b asic them e o f their stories before m ost interview s are co n d u cted . W ith sp ace to fill an d a d ead lin e to m eet, an editor m ight in sist th at a reporter essentially h ave the nut graph (the paragraph th at distills w h at the story is ab ou t) w ritten before b egin ­ ning research . T h is d ed u ctive ap p ro ac h — in w hich interview s are co n d u c ted to confirm the story initially im agined by the reporter— is n ot com patib le with the in ductive tech n iqu es o f ethnography. O n ly after a process o f discovery d oes the w riter c o n te m p late the m ean in g o f w hat she observed. K vale’s (1996) portrayal o f the interview as a m iner or a traveler highlights how these contrasting approaches are played out during interviews (Babbie, 1998). M iners assum e that their role is to dig out nuggets o f inform ation, along with lively quotes, because the source is essentially used to extract inform ation. A traveler w anders without a m ap through unknow n territory and asks questions “that lead the subjects to tell their own stories o f their lived world” (Babbie, 1998, p. 5). So m e o f the best exam ples o f in-depth and literary journalism in the U nited S ta te s reflect eth n ographic principles (e.g., Berner, 1999; Connery, 1992; Sim s, 1990; Sim s and Kram er, 1995), and practitioners have on occasion explicitly d e­ scribed their work as eth n ographic (e.g., Kram er, 1995; Sim s, 1995). A s explained by H arrington (1997), the tech niques o f producing narratives o f ordinary lives are sim ilar to the eth nographic m ethod: writing the story from the poin t o f view o f one or several subjects; gath erin g details from su b jects’ lives; gathering real-life dialogue; gathering “ in terior” m onologue, such as w hat subjects are thinking, dream ing, im agining, or worrying ab out; gathering physical details o f places and people; and im m ersing tem porarily in the lives o f subjects. Im m ersion an d w hat eth n ograp h ers w ould call particip an t ob servation are the prim ary tech n iq u es used to gath er d a ta . For in stan ce, K idder w atch ed a d e ­ sign team build a co m p u ter to write his Pulitzer Prize-w inning b ook , The Soul of a N ew M achine, an d for an o th er story, sp en t a year in a nursing hom e, takin g n otes and listen ing to co n v e rsatio n s to co llect m aterial (Sim s, 1995). In an in ­ terview with N o rm an Sim s on the su b ject, Ted C o n o v e r said: P a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n ... is t h e way I p re fer to p u r s u e j o u r n a l i s m . It m e a n s a re li an ce n o t o n the in te r v ie w so m u c h as o n th e s h a r e d e x p e r i e n c e w ith s o m e b o d y . T h e id e a to m e t h a t j o u r n a l i s m a n d a n t h r o p o l o g y g o t o g e t h e r ... w as a g r e a t e n a b l i n g id e a for my life— th e id e a t h a t I c o u l d le a rn a b o u t di ff er en t p e o p l e a n d di ff er en t a s p e c t s o f the world by p l a c i n g m y s e l f in s i t u a t i o n s , a n d t h er eb y see m o r e t h a n yo u e v e r c o u l d ju s t by d o i n g a n int erview. ( S i m s , 1 9 9 5 , p. 13)

8.

E T H N O G R A P H IC JO U R N A L IS M

137

W r itin g T h e goal o f literary journ alism , accordin g to K ram er (1 9 9 5 ), is to broaden “ readers' sc a n s” and allow them to see oth er lives and con texts, thereby m ov­ ing readers— and w riters— “ tow ard realization, com passio n , and in the best of cases, w isdom ” (p. 3 4 ). E th nograph y takes this principle a step further by in ­ sisting th at the su b jects w ritten about are the ac tu al n arrators o f the story. T h e w riter becom es a m edium through w hich the group’s story is told. T h e close exam in ation o f a group en sures th at it is not the eth n o grap h e r’s poin t o f view but the actu al experien ces, values, and goals o f the group that are com m u n i­ cated (Blum er, 1969). In this regard, the epistem ological goal o f the ethnographic reporter is au ­ thenticity in the portrayal o f a group’s perspective. By con trast, the knowledge produced in a con vention al feature originates from attem pts to create balance, whereby com peting ideologies or other perspectives are juxtaposed. K ovach and Roscnstiel (2001) provided eviden ce that many journalists do realize the lim itations o f the con cepts o f objectivity, neutrality, and balance. T h e authors reported on a study they described as the m ost com prehensive exam ination ever con ducted by journalists o f news gathering and its responsibilities. “A fter synthesizing what we learned, it becam e clear that a num ber o f fam iliar and even useful ideas— including fairness and b alan ce— are too vague to rise to the level o f essential elem ents o f the profession” (p. 13). We w ant to em phasize that K ovach and R osenstiel are describing a critical perspective expressed by jo u r­ nalists them selves, rather than a critique originating from academ ic theory.

A C A S E S T U D Y : S ID E W A L K S T A N D O F F How the ethnographic m ethod might be applied is illustrated next in the d e ­ scription o f a case study con ducted in Palo A lto, where college journalists pro­ duced stories on the hom eless population. C overage o f hom eless people illustrates the potential harm o f con ven tional reporting, as well as the value o f an ethnographic alternative. In the late 1990s, for exam ple, the City C ouncil in Palo A lto en acted a ban on sitting or lying on dow ntown streets. M erchants had com plained about hom eless people hovering outside their storefronts and aggressive panhandlers scaring o ff custom ers. L o­ cal new spapers provided extensive coverage when about 200 citizens, in opposi­ tion to the ordinance, staged a sit-dow n protest outside dow ntow n shops on the evening the law went into effect. However, in a university town that views itself as a tolerant community, the subsequen t news stories seem ed to enflam e o u t­ rage on both sides.

138

C R A M E R A N D M cD E V IT T

T h e case study described here outlines how a political com m unication course at Stanford University, taught by one o f the authors o f this essay, sought to contribute to public knowledge and constructive dialogue about p an h an ­ dling. In a project that becam e known as Sidewalk Standoff, students adopted a three-stage m odel. T h ey developed goals based on evaluation o f prior news coverage; gen erated stories using ethnographic m ethods; and assessed the co m ­ m unity’s reaction to the project. E thnographic journalism obviously takes more time than the typical deadline-orien ted coverage, and the class took advan tage o f the 10-week academ ic quarter to pursue activities associated with each o f the three stages. Stu d en ts eventually contributed m ultiple features and sidebars for the Palo Alto Weekly, an off-cam pus, locally ow ned paper.

S t a g e O n e: E v a lu a tio n In con ten t analysis or other m ethods, an evalu ation o f prior news coverage, par­ ticularly in its depictions o f a particular subculture, can provide a rationale for ethnographic approaches. A n analysis o f coverage may reveal that the local press virtually ignores certain groups, or that it perpetuates stereotypes despite the lack o f purposeful bias. T h is realization is itself an im portant outcom e o f e d ­ ucation al training for future journalists because it m ight coun teract the com ­ m on scenario in which a stud ent’s psychological need to identify with a profession fosters a rigid loyalty to conven tion al notions o f detach m en t and au ­ tonom y (M cD evitt, Gassaw ay, & Perez, 2002). For the Palo A lto project, students noticed that news sources rarely ex­ pressed outright hostility toward panhandlers, but reporters tended to lump hom eless people together: as a collective problem , as an em barrassm ent for the community, as a curiosity for the upscale town, or as objects o f sympathy. T h e local press dutifully provided what may have appeared to be a balanced account o f the debate betw een m erchants and com m unity activists, but virtually absent were perspectives o f hom eless individuals them selves. Stu d en ts resolved to u n ­ derstand the m eanings that hom eless people them selves bring to their lives and to share these insights with readers. T h is becam e the overriding goal o f the class, and the next step was to choose the appropriate reporting techniques.

S ta g e T w o : E th n o g ra p h ic R e p o rtin g T h e class initially decided on a team approach to reporting, which seem ed to al­ leviate the unstated but obvious apprehension o f som e students about in teract­ ing with hom eless people on their own turf. A b o u t a dozen students arrived together at a hom eless shelter one m orning to m eet several men and women

8.

E T H N O G R A P H IC JO U R N A L IS M

139

who were waiting for donuts and coffee. T h e team approach also allowed the class to distribute questionnaires efficiently to 33 hom eless persons to produce d ata that would eventually supplem ent qualitative descriptions. Individual stu ­ dents then worked on their own to write intim ate portraits o f hom eless people. M eanw hile, a few students tried their hands at first-person journalism by living the life o f panhandlers for 1 day and experim enting with passive and aggressive approach es to begging. In interview s and in observation s o f panhandling, students began to appreci­ ate the diversity o f life experiences and outlooks within the hom eless popula­ tion. In one news story, for exam ple, a student explained that many hom eless people never pan han dle, consider such activity to be dem eaning, and resent the negative image panhandling im parts to hom eless people in general. Many o f the panhandlers, in turn, described them selves as long-term , stable m em bers o f the community, and they expressed resentm ent toward new com ers who had en ­ gaged in aggressive begging. In aggregate, the reporting seem ed to challenge m ost directly the perception that hom eless people were outsiders, rather than m em bers o f the community. D ata from the survey distributed at the shelter supported the various narratives produced by the students. For exam ple, the average num ber o f years respon­ dents had lived in Palo A lto was 15, about 55 percent o f the respondents indi­ cated that they had relatives in the San Francisco Bay A rea, and 52 percent said they felt com fortable living in the area. A n ecd otes from personality profiles por­ trayed the subjects with cultural traits, values, and parochial perspectives sim i­ lar to other residen ts with m onthly m ortgage paym ents. D ata from the questionnaires encouraged readers to com e to the sam e conclusion.

S t a g e T h r e e : R e c o r d in g C o m m u n ity R e s p o n s e T h e primary goal was to contribute to readers’ understan din g o f panhandlers, not to influence policy at City H all directly. T h e class did conclude the series, however, with a roundtable discussion held at the n ew spaper’s office, to which public officials, activists, and m erchants were invited. M ost im portantly from an ethnographic perspective, a m em ber o f the hom eless com m unity attended the discussion to confirm or challenge various portrayals in the stu d en ts’ news coverage. T h e hope was that insight from the published series would contribute to a constructive dialogue directed toward consensus on how to alleviate vari­ ous concerns about panhandling. T h e con ten t o f the n ew sp aper’s letters to the editor and o f 110 teleph on e interview s c o n d u cted by stu d en ts with residen ts follow ing the coverage of­ fered insight ab out the com plexity o f p ersp ectives in the com m unity. Indeed,

140

C R A M E R A N D M cD E V IT T

m any respon d en ts expressed am bivalen ce ab out pan h an dlers: W hile 59 per­ cen t in dicated that they had spoken with a h om eless person, m ore than 40 p ercen t said they w ould cross a road to avoid a panhandler. T h e class could n ot assert with certain ty that its series con tribu ted to this am bivalen ce, but if it did, this w ould be con sidered a positive outcom e in light o f prior research show ing that the process o f com in g to ju dgm en t requires a recon sideration of assum p tion s prior to the attain m en t o f a refined perspective (Yankelovich, 1 991). T h e teleph on e survey design was n ot in ten ded to produce inferences ab ou t the in fluen ce o f news exposure on read ers’ know ledge and attitu d es, but 55 percen t o f respo nd en ts agreed or strongly agreed with the follow ing statem en t: T h e news reports “ m ade me think m ore ab ou t possible solu tio n s to the h om eless prob lem .” A final outcom e o f the project con cern ed the influence o f ethnographic re­ porting on the students them selves. T h e desire o f som e students to join the ranks o f the panhandlers, if only for 1 day, and the nuan ced m anner in which they portrayed hom eless individuals suggest that these journalists-in-training were em bracing an em path etic approach to the craft. T h ey seem ed to be experi­ encing journalism as a form o f citizenship, in which they were com ing to know, perhaps for the first tim e, the true com plexity o f their community. T hey had cer­ tainly stepped beyond— both physically and psychologically— the privileged setting o f the university cam pus. However, if ethnography directs student journalists to a kind o f im m ersion into the lives o f m arginalized groups, it also challenges the perception that pro­ fessional autonom y is equivalent to social detachm ent. Stu den ts are en cour­ aged to decide for them selves w hether any ethnographic experiences they might have cross the line into advocacy. A t the very least, a reflective response to this question encourages students to consider the lim itations o f w hat is typi­ cally considered objective, value-free reporting.

C O N C L U S IO N In the construction o f auth entic and em pathetic portrayals, journalists are aided by em ploying ethnographic m ethods in their work. Su ch techniques e n ­ tail im m ersion in a com m unity or culture to reveal as deeply and as accurately as possible group m em bers’ feelings, thoughts, values, challenges, and goals. T h ese journalistic accoun ts, then, are drawn from perspectives within a group rather than in terpretations im posed from the outside. Su ch perspectives reflect the strong objectivity described by D urham , w hich is not a detached view point but a purposeful incorporation o f subjective perspectives. It is an ob ­ jectivity based on accuracy, rich description, and an insider point o f view.

8.

141

ET H N O G R A P H IC JO U R N A L IS M

T h e aim o f som e com m unity-oriented newspapers seem s com patible with the ultimate goals o f an ethnographic journalism — that is, to have a newspaper be of its com m unity and let m em bers o f the com m unity tell their stories through a jour­ nalist immersed temporarily in their culture (e.g., H indm an, 1998). W hile we recognize the hazards o f adopting what may seem to be advocacy journalism , we contend that journalists can adopt ethnographic m ethods without sacrificing the essential values o f the profession. Indeed, through ethnography, journalists might recover a core, but perhaps neglected, principle o f their craft. A s H arrington (1997) suggested: “T h e stories o f everyday life— about ... people as they seek m eaning and purpose in their lives, stories that are windows on our universal hu­ man struggle— should be at the soul o f every good new spaper” (p. xiv). A t a practical level, we also recognize that reporters can n ot practice eth n og­ raphy on deadline. Like civic journalism or investigative reporting, eth n o ­ graphic journalism requires a project approach based on substan tial planning and m anagem en t support. Indeed, it might require a fun dam en tal change in a new sroom ’s culture. C ivic and investigative journalism have becom e in stitu­ tionalized as regular practice at a relatively small percentage o f new spapers in the U nited States. We invite students as future professionals to consider w hether ethnography also provides a com pelling reason to slow the frenetic pace o f daily news coverage. E ducators and students, m eanw hile, can experim ent with a three-stage cur­ riculum strategy that initially asks students to evalu ate con ven tional coverage. Stu d en ts should then appreciate the value o f ethnographic principles as they begin the reporting stage. Finally, students reflect on how their reporting might em pow er not merely their subjects, but them selves as storytellers now more deeply engaged in a community. T h rough ethnographic journalism , students and professionals edge closer to portraying the inner truths o f society’s con stituent groups (H utch in s C om m is­ sion, 1947). Spradley (1979) wrote that ethnography represents “the one sys­ tem atic approach in the social sciences that leads us into those separate realities that others have learned and used to m ake sense out o f their w orlds” (p. iv). However, if these separate realities are system atically excluded in news cover­ age, journ alists m ust rethink the m ethods they use to describe the social world, and they m ust revisit the professional values that legitimize these m ethods.

REFEREN CES A t k i n s o n , P., & H a m m er sl ey , M. ( 1 9 9 4 ) . E t h n o g r a p h y an d p a r ti c ip a n t o b se r v a t io n . In N. K. De n z in & Y. L in c o ln (E d s. ), H andbook o f qualitative research (pp. 2 4 8 - 2 6 1 ) . T h o u s a n d O aks, C A : Sage. Ba b bi e, E. ( 1 9 9 8 ) . The practice o f social research. B e l m o n t , C A : W ad sw o r th .

142

CRAM ER AND M cD E V ITT

Berger, A . A . (2 0 0 0 ). M edia and communication research methods: An introduction to qualitative and quantitative approaches. T h o u sa n d O a k s, C A : S a ge . Berner, R . T. (1 9 9 9 ). The literature of journalism : Text and content. S ta te C o llege, PA : S tra ta Publishing. Blum er, H . (1 9 6 9 ). Symbolic interactionism: perspective and method. E nglew ood C liffs, N J: P ren tice H all. B raith w aite, C . A . (1 9 9 7 ). “ Were Y O U there.7” A ritual o f legitim acy am on g V ietn am v e te r­ an s. Western Journ al o f Comm unication, 61 , 4 2 3 - 4 4 7 . C a p p e lla , J. N ., & Ja m ie so n , K. H . (1 9 9 7 ). Spiral of cynicism: The press and the public good. New York: O x fo rd U n iversity Press. C h arity, A . (1 9 9 5 ). Doing public journalism . N ew York: G uilford. C on nery, T. B. (E d.) (1 9 9 2 ). A sourcebook of Am erican literary journalism : Representative writers in an emerging genre. N ew York: G reen w ood Press. C o n q u erg o o d , D. (1 9 9 4 ). H o m eb oy s an d h oods: G a n g co m m u n icatio n an d c u ltu ral sp a ce . In L. R . Frey (E d .), G roup communication in context: Studies of natural groups (pp. 2 3 - 5 5 ). H illsd ale, N J: L aw ren ce E rlbaum A sso ciate s. D u rh am , M . G . (1 9 9 8 ). O n the relevan ce o f stan d p o in t ep istem ology to the p ractice o f jo u r­ n alism : T h e case for “stron g o b jectivity .” Com m unication Theory, 82 , 1 1 7 -1 4 0 . E lliott, D ., &. C ulver, C . (1 9 9 2 ). D efin ing and analyzing jou rn alistic d e c e p tio n . Jo urn al of M ass M edia Ethics, 7, 6 9 - 8 4 . E ttem a, J. S ., & G la ssc r.T . L. (1 9 9 8 ). C ustodians of conscience: Investigative journalism and pub' lie virtue. N ew York: C o lu m b ia U n iversity Press. Fedler, F., Bender, J. R ., D av e n p o rt, L., & K ostyu, P. E. (1 9 9 7 ). Reporting for the media (6th e d .). Fort W orth, T X : H arco u rt B race. G a m b le , D. (1 9 7 8 ). T h e Berger inquiry: A n im p act asse ssm e n t process. Science, i 99, 946 -9 5 2 . G a n s, H. J. (1 9 8 0 ). Deciding w hat’s news: A study of C B S Evening N ew s, N B C Nightly N ew s, Newsw eek, and Time. N ew York: R an d o m H o u se. G eertz, C . (1 9 7 3 ). T h ick descrip tion : Tow ard an in terp retive theory o f cu ltu re. In The interpretation o f cultures (pp. 3 - 3 0 ). N ew York: B asic Books. G laser, B. G ., & S tra u ss, A . L. (1 9 6 7 ). The discovery o f grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. N ew York: A ld in e. G lasser, T. L. (1 9 9 2 ). Profession alism and the derision o f diversity: T h e case o f the e d u c atio n o f jo u rn alists. Journal of Com m unication, 1 2 (2 ), 1 3 1 -1 4 0 . G o ld , R . (1 9 5 8 ). R oles in so cio lo gical field o b se rv a tio n s. Social Forces, 36, 2 1 7 - 2 2 3 . G o ld , R . L . ( 1 9 9 7 ) .T h e e th n o grap h ic m eth od in sociology. Q ualitative Inquiry, 3, 3 8 8 - 4 0 3 . H ardin g, S. (1 9 9 1 ). Whose science? Whose knowledge? Thinking from women’s lives. Ith aca, NY: C o rn ell U n iversity Press. H arrin g to n , W. (E d .). (1 9 9 7 ). Intimate journalism : The art and craft o f reporting everyday life. T h o u sa n d O a k s, C A : S a g e . H in d m an , E. B. (1 9 9 8 ). “ S p e c ta c le s o f the p o o r” : C o n v e n tio n s o f alte rn ativ e new s. Jo u rn al' ism and M ass Communication Q uarterly, 75, 1 7 7 - 1 9 3 . H u tch in s C o m m issio n (1 9 4 7 ). A free and responsible press. C h ic a g o : U niversity o f C h ic a g o Press. Junker, B. (1 9 6 0 ). Field work. C h ic a g o : U n iversity o f C h ic a g o Press. K eyton , J. (2 0 0 1 ). Com m unication research: Asking questions, finding answ ers. M o u n ta in View, C A : M ayfield Publish in g C om pan y. K ovach , B., & R o sen stiel, T. (2 0 0 1 ). The elements of journalism : What newspeople should know and the public should expect. N ew York: C row n P ublishers. K ram er, M. (1 9 9 5 ). B reakab le rules for literary jo u rn alists. In N . S im s &. M . K ram er (E d s.), Literary journalism (pp. 21—3 4 ). N ew York: B allan tin e.

8.

ETHNOGRAPHIC JO U RN ALISM

14 3

K v a le. S. (1 9 9 6 ). Interview s: A n introduction to qualitative research interviewing. T h o u sa n d O a k s, C A : S age . L esch , C . L. (1 9 9 4 ). O b serv in g theory in p ractice : S u stain in g co n sc io u sn e ss in a coven . In L. R . Frey (E d .), G roup communication in context: Studies o f natural groups (pp. 5 7 - 8 4 ). H illsd ale, N J: L aw ren ce E rlbaum A sso c ia te s. L indlof, T. R. (1 9 9 5 ). Q ualitative communication research methods. T h o u sa n d O a k s, C A : S a ge . L oflan d , J., &. L oflan d , L. H. (1 9 9 5 ). Analyzing social settings: A guide to qualitative observation and analysis. B elm on t, C A : W adsw orth. M an n h eim , K . (1 9 5 2 ). E ssays on the sociology of knowledge. L o n d o n : R ou tled ge & K egan Paul. M arcu s, G . E ., & Fischer, M. M . J. (1 9 8 6 /1 9 9 9 ). Anthropology as cultural critique: An experi­ m ental moment in the human sciences. C h ic a g o : T h e U niversity o f C h ica g o Press. M c D e v itt, M .,G assaw ay , B., & Perez, F. G . (2 0 0 2 ). T h e m akin g and u n m akin g o f civic journ alists: In flu en ces o f profession al socialization . Journalism and M ass Com munication Q uarterly, 79, 8 7 - 1 0 0 . P u n ch , M . (1 9 9 4 ). Politics an d eth ics in q u alitativ e research . In N . K . D enzin &. Y. S. Lincoln (E d s.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 8 3 - 9 7 ). T h o u sa n d O a k s, C A : S a ge . R ich, C . (2 0 0 0 ). Writing and reporting news; A coaching method. B elm on t, C A : W adsw orth. Sim s, N . (E d.) (1 9 9 0 ). Literary journalism in the twentieth century. N ew York: O x fo rd U n iv e r­ sity Press. Sim s, N . (1 9 9 5 ). T h e art o f literary jou rn alism . In N . Sim s &. M. K ram er (E d s.), Literary journalism: A new collection of the best Am erican nonfiction (pp. 3 - 1 9 ). N ew York: B allan tin c. Sim s, N ., & K ram er, M . (E ds.) (1 9 9 5 ). Literary journalism : A new collection of the best Am erican nonfiction. N ew York: B allan tin c. Spradley, J. P. (1 9 7 9 ). The ethnographic interview. Fort W orth, T X : H arco u rt B race. T u ch m an , G. (1 9 7 8 ). M akingnew s: A study in the construction o f reality. N ew York: Free Press. Van M a an e n , J. (1 9 8 8 ). Tales of the field: O n writing ethnography. C h ic a g o : U n iversity o f C h i­ c ag o Press. W eber, M . (1 9 4 7 ). The theory of social and economic organization (1st A m eric an e d .). (A . M. H en d erso n &. T. P arsons, T ran s.). N ew York: O x fo rd U n iversity Press. Y an kelovich, D. (1 9 9 1 ). Com ing to public judgm ent. Sy racu se, NY: Sy racu se U n iversity Press.

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

9 I n v e n t i n g Civic M a p p i n g K a th ry n B . C a m p b e ll University o f Oregon

Som e reporting assignm ents and research problem s simply boggle the m ind. How can a com plicated social or political issue be investigated, understood in all o f its com plexity, and then com m un icated to an audience that may— or may not— be ready to consider and act on the inform ation? Part o f the answ er to this question is straightforw ard. To tackle com plex re­ search and storytelling about a community, a reporter can assess the qualitative and quan titative m ethods that have a docum ented history o f successful im ple­ m entation and then choose the m ethod that appears best suited to the en ter­ prise. Consider, however, the exciting and challenging notion that the best m ethod may not have been devised yet. N ew research problem s often call for the creation o f new research m ethods, or for the com bination o f existing m eth ­ ods, to solve them. T h e em erging practice o f civic m apping is an exam ple o f such innovative thinking. A t its m ost basic, civic m apping is a way for reporters and com m unity researchers to find out who talks to whom about w hat. T h e “ w ho” in this case could be an individual, com m unity group, or governm ent entity. T h e “ w hom” includes other individuals, groups, and organizations, as well as them selves. To “m ap” the patterns o f com m unication, researchers system atically record infor­ m ation on the relationships am ong individuals and groups, paying special atte n ­ tion to the num ber and variety o f the researchers’ own sources. T h is m ap helps the researcher or reporter identify the gaps in com m unication chan nels, such as two groups working on housing issues who do not coordinate their efforts or en145

146

CA M PBELL

tire neighborhoods w hose residents are never interview ed for new spaper sto ­ ries. Identifying such gaps is the first step toward closing them. T h e journ alists who decide to try civic m apping are indeed innovative. T h ese m apping experim ents, undertaken in about three dozen cities to date, have resulted in projects ranging from the creation o f “expan ded R olodex” d a­ tabases for reporters to m ultipart new spaper series on com plex issues. M ost of­ ten, however, the term m apping becom es a m etaphor for a list, a database, or a chart, rather than being used in its more literal, traditional sense; and geo­ graphic m aps have rarely been incorporated in the projects. A n exception is the case o f civic m apping at The Tampa Tribune in T im p a, Florida. In 1999, two reporters at The Tribune w anted to find out how residents felt about a redevelopm ent plan that would encourage the restoration o f charm ing but rundown houses in the Tam pa H eights neighborhood. T h e as­ signm ent sounds deceptively sim ple. T h e reporters could have interview ed a couple o f city officials, called three or four property owners, and written a solid news story about the pros and cons o f the redevelopm ent plan. But they didn ’t. Realizing that they knew little more about the neighborhood than its nam e, they decided to experim ent with civic m apping, im m ersing them selves in the Tam pa H eights neighborhood until they developed a com prehensive, nuanced un derstanding o f the com m unity’s concerns. Even though they were am ong the first to test this new research technique, w hat they learned has indelibly changed their own journalistic practice. A n o th er case o f experim ental civic m apping unfolded differently. To begin with, the research question was clearly com plex. Reporters at The SpokesmanReview in Spokan e, W ashington, w anted to know why som e children grow up to lead happy, productive lives and others simply end up on the streets, drug ad ­ dicted, or in jail. M ore than that, they w anted to help Spokane fam ilies figure out how to help them selves raise successful children. Clearly, the issue could not be addressed by m aking a few phone calls and talking to a few parents. T h e Spo kan e journ alists also decided to experim ent with what they called civic mapping, inventing as necessary the m ethods they needed to research and re­ port the enorm ously com plicated story they had assigned them selves. In Tam pa and in Spokane, the experienced journalists assigned to these stories were familiar with many o f the research techniques described in this volume. They were skilled, for exam ple, in using focus groups and conducting in-depth in­ terviews; and they were acquainted with the techniques o f case studies, oral his­ tories, ethnography, and issue analysis. They also had experience in using quantitative data in more traditional investigative reporting. Yet as they tackled their projects, they pushed them selves beyond the familiar to try to create som e­ thing entirely new. In doing so, they were acting in the best tradition o f the Chi-

9.

INVENTING CIVIC MAPPING

147

cago School— reaching across disciplines to try to develop ways of reporting and researching that are equal to the complexity of the problem at hand. C O N C E P T U A L IZ IN G CIVIC M A P P IN G

Civic mapping can be conceptualized in at least two ways: cognitively and struc­ turally. The concepts are somewhat similar, but their differences lead quite n at­ urally to different kinds of civic mapping. A brief introduction to these conceptual approaches may help explain how two experiments, both called civic mapping, differed so markedly. C ogn itive M a p p in g

Cognitive mapping is the kind o f mapping previously described, which can be defined more formally as an attem pt to catalog the actors in a community, their positions in the community and their relationships to each other, and their relationships to journalists. This is the methodology that was developed and dissem inated by the Pew Center for Civic Journalism and T he Harwood Group between 1999 and 2002. This method of civic mapping, which is de­ scribed more fully later in this chapter, docs not insist on the production of geographic maps; indeed, only one such set o f maps emerged in the 3 years of the Pew-Harwood training seminars. Stru ctu ral M ap p in g

Structural mapping is more complex and thus better suited to complex re­ search. Its hallmark is an attem pt to capture graphically the social networks, layers of civic life, and the spatial relationships among people and institutions. Put another way, structural mapping literally uses maps of communities— streets and boulevards, bike paths and bridges, buildings and open spaces— to plot the pattern of community relationships. The central task of structural map­ ping is to dem onstrate the complex set o f interrelationships across the entire range of the m ulti­ ple levels o f society that make up the interlocking structure of public life. Individuals, small groups, larger groups and associations, and institutions all contribute to the structure of public life, and all must be considered in their interrelationships if we are to have any adequate working model of contemporary public life. (Friedland, Kang, Cam pbell, & Pondillo, 1999, p. 2)

These groups communicate with each other in a mediated atmosphere— that is, they construct an imagined community (Anderson, 1991) relying in

148

CA M PBELL

large part on the m edia to circulate inform ation about them . U sing this kind o f civic m apping, journalists can uncover the boundaries o f com m unities— w hether they are the boundaries o f political partitions, the barriers o f so cio e co ­ nom ic status, or the limits o f com m on interest— and try to deduce how m em ­ bers o f various com m unities get and use inform ation about the others. T h e subsequen t geographic display o f detailed and com prehensive d ata on these patterns is critical for researchers to acquire an understanding o f the whole, rather than simply the sum o f the parts, o f com m unity life.

M A P P IN G IN H IS T O R IC A L S O C IA L R E S E A R C H M apping is both an ordering and an orderly affair, and it has historically been seen as a way to reduce the am ount o f error present in calculations about the relationships am ong places and people. This was precisely the reason that Charles Booth, in the late 1800s, dedicated nearly two decades to m apping London. Booth’s motives were clear: He wanted to dem onstrate the correlations between poverty and wages, and between impoverished morality and organized religion, in order to provide social reformers with accurate information about the scope o f the problems they were try­ ing to solve. A s noted in a previous chapter, the Booth method traveled well across the Atlantic, where social activists were dedicating themselves to research and re­ form. Jane A ddam s and Florence Kelley based Hull'House Maps and Papers (Resi­ dents, 1895) on the first volumes o f Booth’s study, Labour arid Life of the People in London (1889, 1891). Booth’s maps were also the model for dozens o f graduate stu­ dents whose research formed the core o f the U niversity o f C hicago’s version o f soci­ ology, commonly referred to as the C hicago School. M apping was central to all the research o f the period and nowhere was it more im portant than in the C h icago Sch ool studies. Bulm er (1984) attributes to one m onograph’s auth or the recollection that “it was difficult as a C h icago sociologist in the 1920s to get a Ph.D. without doing a spot m ap” (p. 155). In­ deed, gradu ate stud en ts from about 1922 to 1935 produced a scries o f studies that were not only illustrated by m aps o f their findings but used m apping as a crucial com pon en t o f their m ethodology.1 O n e o f these classic studies, The Taxi-Dance Hall (Cressey, 1925/1969), was com pleted under the direction o f Professors Robert E. Park and Ernest Burgess. T h is study o f the dim e-a-dance halls o f C h icago, which Cressey supplem ented by research on sim ilar establishm ents in other big cities o f the 1920s, is an excel­ lent exam ple o f the way the C h icago Sch ool used m apping to reveal relation­ ships as well as to display the data in a published report. T h a t is, m apping was a way o f learning about the topic being studied, not just a graphic device to pres­ ent w hat had been learned.

9.

INVENTING CIVIC MAPPING

149

T h e taxi-dance halls, according to C ressey’s analysis, had evolved in response to the social and econom ic needs o f various groups: men who wanted fe­ male company, young women who wanted to earn more than factory wages, and businessm en who wanted to make money. A t a taxi-dance, men paid 10 cents for dances with the women, who split the payment with the dance hall owners. These taxi-dance halls were considered by m ost conventional people to be breeding grounds for, at the very least, indecent behavior and interracial rela­ tionships, and, m ost probably, for prostitution and other illegal activities. A s a result, social workers were concerned with the morals o f the young women who worked as dancers, many of whom were in their middle teens, and law enforce­ m ent agencies were concerned with crime and neighborhood safety. T h e taxi-dance hall was not only a microcosm of the city itself; it was a product of the city. Cressey investigated the taxi-dance halls socially, geographically, psy­ chologically, and morally (through the voices of social workers, am ong others). He concluded that taxi-dance halls filled legitimate needs for companionship, commerce, and better wages in the city and that their more unsavory aspects might be controlled through the efforts o f “social engineers,” his term for a collec­ tion o f social workers, clergy, newspaper editors, police officials, and the like. In the m anner o f the C h icag o studies o f the period, C ressey used a variety o f d ata from a variety o f sources, trying to acco u n t for the stru ctu ral ch an ges th at rapid urbanization had brought to p eop le’s lives. He interview ed, at great length, the girls and the m en who paid for their com pany on the dan ce floor. In ad d ition , C ressey m ade m aps. He plotted the location s o f the d a n c ­ ers’ hom es, the cu sto m ers’ hom es, and the d an ce halls. In doin g so, C ressey learned a great deal about the relation sh ips am ong them , which he shared with his readers: C om pare, in rhe first place, the distribution o f residences throughout the city. A l­ though the girls com e from hom es in nearly all parts o f the city, a large m ajority reside on the N orth and N orth w est sides. M uch more im portant, however, is the observation that the taxi-dan cers appear to be persons som ew hat detached from the com m unities in which they have lived. T h is is revealed through M ap I.... Little evidence o f n eigh ­ borhood association was found, and as a result one is forced to the conclusion that the tax i-d an ce r’s girl associates do not com e from her own neighborhood within the city. W hen found in the dance hall, the taxi-dan cer is already considerably detached from her early neighborhood ties. T h ese m aps also suggest som ething concerning the nationality and ancestry o f these young girls. A surprisingly large num ber are from the Polish areas o f rhe city. Hardly any girls com e from the Italian areas or from the Jewish G h etto. In the Jew ish areas of second settlem ent, however, where the Jew m oves first after leaving the G h etto , one finds taxi-dan cers. T h e striking contrast betw een the Polish group, on the one hand, and the Italian and the G h etto groups, on the other, suggests the distinct cultu ral heri­ tage o f the Slav ic group as com pared with th at o f either o f the latter two groups, and

CAMPBELL

150

s u g g e s t s t h e a p p a r e n t e a s e w i t h w h i c h t h e girl o f P o li s h p a r e n t s m a y b e a b s o r b e d i n t o t h e life o f t h e t a x i - d a n c e h a l l . ( 1 9 2 5 / 1 9 6 9 , p p . 5 7 —5 8 )

In Cressey’s The Taxi-Dance H all, and throughout most of the monographs produced in the same manner, the spatial dimension of the data collected was crucial to the understanding of the whole. As Abbott (1997) puts it: T h e C h i c a g o s c h o o l t h o u g h t .. . t h a t o n e c a n n o t u n d e r s t a n d s o c i a l life w i t h o u t u n d e r ­ s t a n d i n g t h e a r r a n g e m e n t s o f p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l a c t o r s in p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l t i m e s a n d p l a c e s .. . C h i c a g o fe lt t h a t n o s o c i a l f a c t m a k e s a n y s e n s e a b s t r a c t e d f r o m its c o n t e x t in s o c i a l ( a n d o f t e n g e o g r a p h i c ) s p a c e a n d s o c i a l t i m e . S o c i a l f a c t s a r e l o c a t e d . T h i s m e a n s a f o c u s o n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s a n d s p a t i a l e c o l o g y in s y n c h r o n i c a n a l y s i s , a s it m e a n s a s i m i l a r f o c u s o n p r o c e s s in d i a c h r o n i c a n a l y s i s . E v e r y s o c i a l f a c t is s i t u a t e d , s u r ­ r o u n d e d b y o t h e r c o n t e x t u a l f a c t s a n d b r o u g h t i n t o b e i n g by a p r o c e s s r e l a t i n g it t o p a s t c o n t e x t s , (p . 1 1 5 4 )

Abbott (1997) argues, and it is true of most journalism as well, that “most contemporary sociology does not take the location or relationships of a social fact as central” (p. 1154). People, events, and processes, he says, are not located in time or in space. They are “units of analysis,” rather than actors in a maze of social relations. “Yet,” he adds, “throughout the Chicago writings ... we find map after map after map, dotted with brothels, schizophrenics, residential ho­ tels, businesses, or whatever else was of interest. Throughout the Chicago writ­ ings, wc find time and place” (p. 1156). CIV IC M A P P I N G IN C O N T E M P O R A R Y J O U R N A L I S M

The theory and practice of civic mapping is developing in two major direc­ tions that generally reflect the cognitive and structural concepts discussed earlier in this chapter. Each approach is remarkable for its initiative and in­ ventiveness, and each is moving journalism toward a new reporting tool that may yet develop into a sustainable practice. These two approaches will be ex­ plored next by looking at mapping projects undertaken at The Tam pa Tribune and The Spokesman-Review. Although nearly three dozen newspapers have experimented with the cogni­ tive approach to civic mapping, The Tampa Tribwie is the only one that included a geographic mapping component. To date, the practice of civic mapping has not been studied systematically, but some evidence suggests that the practice has not yet gained widespread acceptance in newsrooms (Campbell, 2002). The case of The Tampa Tribune illustrates the successful application of the Harwood civic mapping method, as well as the challenges of sustaining it in daily practice, while the structural mapping suggested by the Chicago School studies inspired The Spokesman-Review's civic mapping experiment.

9.

IN V EN TIN G CIVIC M A P P IN G

151

T h e H a rw o o d M e th o d T h e Pew C en ter for Civic Journalism began to develop its ideas about civic m ap­ ping in 1996 (Schaffer, 2001, M ay 22). D avis “Buzz” M erritt, editor o f The Wich­ ita (Kansas) Eagle, had a hand in it, too; he recalls that he asked Richard C. H arw ood in the m id-1990s to help his new spaper “m ap" the “dark and trackless swamp o f public life” (H arw ood, 1996, p. 3). T h e Pew C en ter provided the funding for the H arw ood study; and 5 years later, Pew was defining civic m ap ­ ping as “a system atic search for alternative sources o f know ledge— other than officials and quasi-officials” (Schaffer, 2001, Feb. 9 - 1 1 ). By then, the language o f civic m apping officially included “charting com m unity ‘third p laces,’ actively seeking out all stakeholders, using alternative story frames beyond simply co n ­ flict and controversy” (Schaffer, 2001, Feb. 9 - 1 1 ), and “ building a database o f people who know w hat’s going o n .” (Schaffer, 2001, M ay 22). To help new sroom s test the poten tial o f civic m apping, the Pew C en ter co n ­ tracted with T h e H arw ood Institute for Public Innovation to provide basic training for journalists via a series o f w orkshops. Founded and run by Richard C. H arw ood, a public policy con sultan t with degrees from Skidm ore C ollege and Princeton University, T h e H arw ood Institute worked closely with the Pew C e n ­ ter to develop the civic m apping sem inars, a “ how -to” w orkbook, and a boxed set o f four training videos. Television, radio, newspaper, and w eb-based news­ room s applied to attend the sem inars; atten dees were selected based on their descriptions o f a planned civic m apping project. T h e Pew C en ter distributed the videos and the w orkbook, now in its secon d edition, at little or no cost to jo u r­ nalists around the country. T h e first H arw ood civic m appin g sem inar was held in 1999, atten d ed by jou rn alists from five c itie s / In 2000, two sem inars were held to train jo u rn a l­ ists from 12 m ore new sroom s; and in 2001, an oth er 12 new sroom projects were selected for the training w orkshops. In cluding an o th er eight projects th at were n ot directly tied to the H arw ood sem inars, a total o f 37 new sroom s or m edia partnerships had tried, or were in ten din g to try, a version o f civic m appin g by m id-2002. T h e first Pew-Harwood w orkbook, Tapping Civic Life, was published in 1996 and introduced the con cept o f the layers o f civic life, designated as official, quasi-official, third places, incidental, and private. T h ese were the layers to be “m apped” by finding new sources o f inform ation and using that inform ation to build a better understanding o f a community. T h a t is, reporters were en cour­ aged to expan d their understanding o f their com m unities by w alking their beats, talking with rather than interview ing people, and organizing the inform a­ tion they gleaned in a way that others in the new sroom could use. Som e new s­

152

CA M PBELL

papers m ade lists; others drew charts on the walls o f the new sroom s to track the em erging picture o f the community. T h e H arw ood notion o f third places— lo­ cations such as coffee shops and beauty parlors where real people had real co n ­ versations— was quickly assim ilated. D esign atin g such places as rich and legitim ate news sources gave reporters the time to do in-depth reporting, the perm ission to listen for more than a quote, and the luxury o f gathering inform a­ tion that didn’t have to show up in a story the next day. T h e second edition o f Tapping Civic Life appeared in A pril 2000, following the first round o f w orkshops; it incorporated som e o f the experiences o f the journalists who had participated, including those from The Tampa Tribune and its project partner, W FLA -TV . T h e second edition also laid out H arw ood’s new taxonom y o f leadership layers, introducing terms that are still m aking their way into new sroom s: official leaders, civic leaders, con nectors (people who interact with multiple organizations, institutions, or social groups), catalysts (people who exert influence through their netw orks o f interpersonal relationships), and experts. T h e idea o f civic m apping thus expanded slightly to add a new way o f visualizing the conn ection s that create a community. Both editions o f Tapping Civic Life (1996, 2000) provide step-by-step e xp la­ nations o f journalistic civic m apping and its associated term inology; the 2000 edition also offers specific exam ples o f how newsroom s have collected and used this new kind o f data. T h e w orkbook is available on the web at www.pewcenter. org/doingcj/pubs/tapping/toc.htm l

T h e H a r w o o d M e t h o d in P r a c t i c e E xecutive Editor Gil T h elen arrived at The Tampa Tribune in M ay 1998 and promptly applied for adm ission to the first H arw ood civic m apping sem inar to be held the following year. Traditional journalistic practice at the new spaper was already being challenged by the unique partnership o f The Tampa Tribune, W FLA -TV , and Tam pa Bay O nline. T h e three m edia outlets share a new c am ­ pus o f state-of-th e-art buildings and a universal n ew s-assign m ent desk. They also share their reporters and photographers. A daily news budget m eeting pulls together 20 or more journalists, including representatives from each newsroom, where daily assignm ents and projects are “collab orated ," that is, each story is evalu ated for its poten tial in print, broadcast, and online. C ivic m apping was anoth er new idea that the Tam pa journalists were eager to try. A fter their H arw ood training, editor Steve Kaylor and reporter Ken Koehn decided to test w hat they had learned for a series about a neighborhood slated for redevelopm ent. W h at the reporters uncovered was even more com ­ plex than they had an ticipated. Following H arw ood’s injunctions to get beyond

9.

INVENTING CIVIC MAPPING

153

official and quasiofficial layers o f civic life, they discovered that the residents o f the neighborhood had very different goals, concerns, and fears— differences that actually separated rather than united the residents of what had always been considered a single neighborhood. Kaylor recalls: Wc w ent in thinking, “ Tam pa H eights: T h ese are the Tam pa H eights issues for the whole area up th ere.” A n d the more time Ken spent in the neighborhoods up there, we realized there were very diverse subset areas along street boundaries. T h e people that live within the historic district, with the beautiful houses, obviously costing lots of m oney— their num ber one issue was historic preservation, m aking sure that the new houses going in m aintained the character o f their four-block area. T h en we went three blocks away to this area that was slated for redevelopm ent and their num ber one issue was crime. T h e more reporting we did, the better picture we got of the neighborhood. T h ey all may be a little bit concerned about all o f the issues, but depending on where you were in that community, you can get an entirely different point o f view. If your source is from the north east corner, they may be worried about som ething com pletely different than a person in the southw est corner.3

M uch o f K aylor’s and Koehn s realization cam e from their decision to plot the information they were collecting on maps o f the area. The maps served m ul­ tiple purposes. They were a reporting tool, revealing key insights about the rede­ velopm ent stories as sources were plotted and updated; they were used as graphic illustrations for the stories that appeared in the newspaper; and they were to be made available, in slightly different form, to all the reporters and edi­ tors in the newsroom. T h e Tam pa H eights stories are an excellent exam ple o f the potential o f civic m apping, and a training video produced by the Pew C en ter for Civic Journalism called “Tapping Your Com m unity: W hat D on ’t You K now ?” fe a­ tures interview s with Koehn and Kaylor about their experien ce.4 A lthough the training m aterials were overly optim istic about the newsroom-wide use o f the Tam pa H eights prototype m aps (indicating th at intranet access was avail­ able, for exam ple), the basic lessons learned about uncovering m ultiple layers o f civic life are well explained. It remains a challenge, however, to add the techniques of civic mapping to the everyday reporting in the Tam pa newsroom. Ironically, innovations in con ­ vergence and collaboration that opened a receptive space for the idea of civic m apping have also distracted editors and reporters from pursuing this new prac­ tice. Newsroom leaders are still trying to find ways to institutionalize both the civic reporting m ethods and the knowledge gained from them, so that neither has to be rediscovered by new staff members. Top editors not only see civic m ap­ ping’s promise as a reporting and editing tool, but also speculate that it could be useful in deciding how to allocate scarce newsroom resources and analyze their own use o f sources.

154

CA M PBELL

D esp ite the p h ilosoph ical c o m m itm en t o f the m an agem en t, despite the b e n ­ efit o f ou tsid e training, and despite the d e m o n strate d su cce ss o f a new sroom m appin g project, civic m appin g rem ain s on the shelf. S id e trac k ed by the c h a l­ lenges o f m u ltim ed ia co n v erg en ce and further foiled by technology, even in a sta te -o f-th e -a rt new sroom with little sta ff turnover, plan s to institutionalize the in form ation glean ed from the T am pa H eigh ts project h ave yet to m aterialize.

T h e S tru c tu ra l A p p ro ach To the Pew C e n te r for C ivic Journalism , as well as to m ost o f the H arw ood sem i­ nar participants, m apping has rem ained a m etaph or for the system atic recording o f sources an d other inform ation about com m unities. A n o th er ap pro ach w as of­ fered by Professor Lewis A . Friedland o f the U niversity o f W isconsin through in­ form al con versation s, con feren ce presentations, and w orkshops in 1999 and 2000. Friedland envisioned a civic m ap that was geographically based, with m ulti­ ple overlays revealing the pattern o f com m unity activities, liabilities, assets, and the netw orks o f people and organizations that anim ate com m unity life. H e pro­ posed that citizens could help gath er d ata for such civic m aps and th at the m aps could then be m ade available to the public as a resource to further en courage and inform com m unity dialogue. In effect, Friedland w as proposing a way to m ap and m ake public the interlocking netw orks o f individuals and institutions that pro­ duce the social cap ital required for a vigorous and productive civic life. T h e civic m appin g experim en t u n dertak en by The Spokesman-Review w as groun ded in F ried lan d ’s vision o f civic m appin g and reflected the h istorical p er­ sp ective o f the C h ic a g o S c h o o l’s research m eth ods. D urin g the 2-year span o f the project, led by th en -ed itor C h ris Peck, a new sroom team w restled ph ilo­ soph ically w ith ways to report an im p ortan t an d extraordin arily com plex story ab o u t their com m unity. T h ey also w restled with how to tell th at story in a way th at could be publish ed. In the e n d, the civic m appin g co m p o n en t o f the project h ad produced som e p rovocative d iscu ssion b ut did n ot p roduce new spaper copy in the way it h ad b een en vision ed.

M a p p in g K ey M o m e n ts Peck an d his top editors had nearly a d e c ad e o f experien ce in civic journ alism w hen they d ecided to try to locate the h oles th at youn gsters fall through on their way to grow ing up— the h oles th at drop them directly into prison. It quickly b ecam e cle ar th at the p ro jec t’s w orking title, “ Fixin g Failing Fam ilies,” w as too n egative in ton e, an d as the b ack gro u n d reportin g b egan , the id ea o f key m om en ts em erged. In teractive editor D o u g Floyd w as in stru m ental in bringing

9.

IN V E N T IN G CIVIC M A P P IN G

155

togeth er a n um b er o f profession als who w ork with children an d ad o le sce n ts to try to tease o u t the m ost com m on turn in g poin ts in youn g lives. W orking through a n um ber o f m eetin gs with variou s groups, Floyd an d his colleagu es at the p ap er distilled w hat they foun d and agreed on 10 key m om en ts th at could be crucial in p e o p le ’s lives. T h e y soon realized, too, th at not all o f the key m om en ts w ere age-related , so they divided them into two groups: ch ron olog ical and d e ­ v elop m en tal. T h e ch ron olog ical series in clu ded five key m om en ts: c o n ce p tio n to birth, b on din g in infancy, age 10 (fourth g rad e), the first day o f seven th grade, an d rites o f p assage such as experim en tin g with alcoh ol an d learn in g to drive. T h e dev elo p m en tal m om en ts were co llap sed in to frien dships, fam ily m oves, d i­ vorces an d d e ath s, first failures an d su ccesses, an d valu es d ev elo p m en t. Floyd, Peck, an d o th ers on the p ro ject team interview ed ab ou t 75 teen agers— from top stu d e n ts to ju ven ile d e lin q u e n ts— to test the fit o f their key m om en ts to actu al e xperien ce and to try to identify the resources th at were availab le to the you n g­ sters as they were m akin g life-ch an gin g d e c isio n s.5 Peck an d Friedland h oped th at the reporters w ould be able to plot the d istri­ b ution o f resou rces across the city and com pare th at m ap to a sim ilar p lottin g o f n eigh borh oods or elem entary sch ools w here su ccessfu l lives w ere lau n ch ed or troubled teens stum bled o u t an d in to jail (C . Peck, perso nal com m u n ication , Jan u ary 6, 1999). Peck an d Friedlan d w ere also interested in fin din g o u t how kids w ere socially c o n n e cte d to e ach o th er an d how well the netw ork o f related social resources in the com m un ity w as function in g. Plans for the civic m appin g c o m p o n en t o f the Key M o m en ts project also in ­ cluded w hat Peck called m aps o f “ civic assets, social assets, com m un ity re­ sou rces, an d rep orters’ b e a ts.” R ecogn izing th at co lle ctin g this en orm ous am ou n t o f in form ation w ould be labor in ten sive, Peck and Friedland an tici­ pated th at com m un ity volu n teers from civic, ch u rch , and sch o o l o rgan ization s m ight help; in return, the com m un ity w ould h ave ac c e ss to the d a ta (C . Peck, person al c om m u n ication , A p ril 29, 1999). D urin g these early d iscu ssion s o f the project, Peck’s v oraciou s ap petite for in ­ form ation and in tellectu al stim u lation allow ed him to acquire a relatively quick yet so p h isticated u n d erstan d in g o f social netw ork theory; in ad dition , he looked to the early socio lo gical stu d ies at the U n iversity o f C h ic a g o for inspiration and un d erstan d in g o f the value o f in -d epth c ase stu d ies. By Ju n e 1999, however, the p rag m atic q u estio n s o f w hat w ould be rep orted, w hat stories w ould be w ritten, an d w hat ph o to s w ould be taken h ad becom e param ou n t. A s ph oto editor Jo h n S a le put it tow ard the end o f an in ten se discu ssion on the project on Ju n e 22, 1999, “ L et’s n ot let the m appin g get in the way.” D urin g the follow ing sum m er, the Key M o m en ts team refined its plan s and the rep ortin g got un der way. R eporter Je a n e tte W h ite an d p h otograp h er C olin

156

CAMPBELL

Mulvaney found subjects for a yearlong story on a new seventh-grader and for an in-depth article on a homeless teen mother. White was also working on other key moments stories, including one about an adopted child struggling with the effects of fetal alcohol syndrome and another about adolescent best friends who had subsequently chosen completely different lifestyles. Meanwhile, one of the newspaper’s editors, Rebecca Nappi, was working with fourth-graders who were writing and drawing about their own experiences; she was also reporting a story about the effects of divorce on one father and child. The Key Moments team hoped to have the series in print by the following spring. A s the project moved closer and closer to its deadline, however, it moved fur­ ther and further away from a definable civic mapping component. Friedland and Peck still held on to the vision they had of the project, and Friedland visited Spokane to talk with the Key Moments team, as well as other reporters and edi­ tors, on November 5, 1999/' In three separate meetings, Peck and Friedland talked about ways to add some of the tools of social science research to the jour­ nalists’ reporting skills. Peck described the Key Moments project as a laboratory where the idea of civic mapping was being tested in the hope that what was learned could be applied more generally in the newsroom. Friedland reviewed the principles of social network mapping, pointing out that the immediate re­ ward was a deeper understanding of the complex relationships involved in a sin­ gle story. The story can reflect that deeper understanding, Friedland said, but its full potential is not realized until it is, in effect, generalized: Y o u c a n t e l l t h e s t o r y a n d t h e r e a d e r c a n i d e n t i f y w i t h t h e p r o b l e m , b u t it d o e s n ’t a l l o w u s t o m o v e it u p t o t h e n e x t l e v e l o f c o n t e x t . T h e g o a l is t o try t o d e v e l o p a w a y t o f i n d the m o re g e n e r a l k n o w le d g e . By u sin g [th is p artic u la r] k n o w le d g e w e c a n c o n s t r u c t a g e n e r a l i z e d c o m m u n i t y k n o w l e d g e t h a t c a n b e u s e d a g a i n a n d a g a i n . M a y b e t h e r e ’s a w a y t o m a k e s e n s e o u t o f it — t o f i g u r e o u t a s e t o f p a t t e r n s . T h e g e n e r a l k n o w l e d g e c a n be a p p lie d to o t h e r key m o m e n t s as a follow up. O f t e n t im e s y o u m o v e o n w ith o u t ext r a c t in g th e m o r e g e n e r a l le s s o n t h a t w o u l d a llo w y o u to ta k e y o u r k n o w l e d g e a n d use it i n t h e n e w s r o o m , a n d in y o u r o w n r e p o r t i n g a n d t o s h a r e w i t h f e l l o w r e p o r t e r s . S o it b e c o m e s a l e a r n i n g t o o l in t h e n e w s r o o m . Y o u c a n p a s s o n t h e k n o w l e d g e o f t h e b e a t .

Friedland framed this kind of civic mapping not only as a way of creating in­ stitutional memory but also as a way ot reducing error. Error, in this context, he said, is not the error of a misspelled name or an incorrect date, but the error of omission— an incomplete picture of the complexity of any given story: It's n o t w h e t h e r t h e r e ' s e r r o r — t h e r e ' s a l w a y s er ro r. T h e q u e s t i o n is w h e t h e r y o u d e a l w i t h t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f e r r o r s y s t e m a t i c a l l y o r w h e t h e r y o u d e a l w i t h it s i m p l y a s a k i n d o f r a n d o m , n oisy in te r m ix in to y o u r ju d g m e n t . A n d right now, m o r e o fte n t h a n n o t, error in r e p o r t i n g in c o m m u n i t i e s is a m a t t e r o f r a n d o m n o i s e . H e r e y o u ’r e t r y i n g t o r e d u c e t h e r a n d o m n o i s e in t h e c o m m u n i t y i n f o r m a t i o n s y s t e m s o t h a t y o u c a n d o a li tt le b i t b e t t e r

9.

INVENTING CIVIC MAPPING

157

job o f reducing error. It doesn’t m ean there isn’t error— it just m eans you’re controlling for error more systematically than you would be if you were just starting anew every time. I If] Jeanette does this for five years, she’ll pretty m uch have this picture in her head ... But then somebody else com es in and they literally have to recreate this picture from scratch. T h ey’re introducing a whole new set o f random errors into the knowledge sys­ tem about the com m unity that then gets filtered through this newspaper.

Peck was com fortable with the experim ental nature o f the m apping enterprise as infused with Friedland’s social science: W h at we’re trying to do is use his social scien ce background to see if there’s actually a way you could institutionalize this in a newsroom . M aybe you can , maybe you can ’t. I’m not going to say we can do it. I’m sold on the idea though, on the possibility o f it. I really think it is som ething you could build into a newsroom . It’s bringing more focus, structure, atten tion , discipline to som ething we already do intuitively ... I think it would move the whole level o f reporting up a n otch . U ltim ately it com es back to re­ porting. It com es back to saying, “T h is would help us be even better at our reporting.”

In the final m eeting o f the day (N ovem ber 5, 1999) the members o f the Key M om ents team were still struggling to find ways to apply what they were learn­ ing about civic mapping and social networks— and to get their stories pub­ lished. Friedland suggested that one or two reporters could attem pt a small experim ent to determine the structure o f juvenile peer networks. A t first, even that limited task seem ed overwhelming. Peck and Floyd recalled the prototype interview they conducted with a man named Rodney. The two editors had spent about 2 hours with Rodney, using an interview protocol they had devel­ oped to try to get him to pinpoint the key m om ents in his life where a decision or an event cleared his path to prison. T h e specter o f conducting similar long in­ terviews with various cliques o f teenagers who might not be so self-reflective was at first quite daunting to Peck. “T h ere’s a lot there ... that’s a lot o f inter­ viewing,” he said. “ You do five skinheads, five cowboys, five jocks, five nerds— that’s ridiculous.” But the paper’s top editor was not easily dissuaded from an idea to which he had been com m itted for more than a year: “Well, if you did two hours a kid times 20 kids— th at’s 40 hours a week— that’s doable.” After a m om ent’s thought, he turned to his colleague and added: “ Right, D oug?” T h e Key M om ents series was published in June and July o f 2000. W hite and M ulvaney had spen t that year im m ersed in seventh grade when they weren’t tracking the hom eless teen m other at the downtown bus station or living through the trials o f a family raising an adopted child with fetal alcohol syn­ drom e. T h e project was huge, stretching across 2 m onths in 10 installm ents o f 4 to 6 full pages each. C om pelling journalism , the stories eschew ed blatant a t­ tributions such as “ experts say” or “ psychologists believe” ; the series was w rit­ ten from a position o f authority, one earned by the in-depth research that

158

CA M PBELL

preceded, as well as infused the reporting. S e v e ral o f the in stallm en ts featured sidebars on w here to find out m ore inform ation about particular issues. Fol­ low ing the series, Floyd h osted a public forum for p aren ts and others who were in terested in follow ing up on the inform ation ; the n ew spaper printed a sm all broch ure outlinin g av ailab le resources. But the civic m apping pieces, such as geograph ic plots o f n eigh borhoods and social netw ork analysis that could have helped reveal the holes in social and fam ily supp ort system s, were simply too m uch to be accom p lish ed. T h e Spokane case reveals quite clearly the challenges o f devising a m odel o f civic m apping that can produce newsroom knowledge as well as journalism . A strong tradition o f innovative civic journalism was not enough; as the Key M o­ m ents team and other thoughtful journ alists at the new spaper found, the social science research m ethods they were trying to ad apt were fraught with com plex­ ity and distressingly plagued by unansw ered questions. M anaging editor Peggy Kuhr worried that they were trying to figure out too m uch o f the story before they started the reporting; that is, she was concerned that the theory would drive too m uch o f the practice. R eporter Kelly M cBride raised a set o f insightful questions about how journ alists would be rew arded for participating in a civic m apping project, about who would own and control the data collected, and about how the mere existen ce o f such d ata in a collected form might render it invalid. T h e Key M om ents project, although it did not m aterialize in the way Peck and Friedland had envisioned, nevertheless produced rem arkable, au th or­ itative, m eaningful, and top-caliber journalism . T h e lessons learned will help shape the practice o f civic m apping as it con tinues to develop.

T H E F U T U R E O F C IV IC M A P P IN G R e fin in g tlie P r a c tic e R esearchers are continuing to test the poten tial o f civic m apping as the m eth ­ ods to operationalize it are evaluated and revised. For exam ple, a long-term pro­ ject in civic m apping began in the fall o f 2002 in M adison, W isconsin, that used the com bined resources o f the C en ter for C om m u n ication and D em ocracy at the U niversity o f W isconsin, the C en ter for D em ocracy in A ction at Edgew ood C ollege, W ISC -T V , and D an e County U nited Way. T h e planners developed a m ethod in which the research would be con ducted by the com m unity partners, and the resulting data would be held in com m on for all to use. T h e goals o f the M adison project are to develop a picture o f the com m unity that reveals how people and organizations interact and to m ake that picture available to researchers, journalists, and citizens. To gather the basic inform a­

9.

IN V E N T IN G C IV IC M A P P IN G

159

tion , 125 E d gew ood C o lle g e stu d e n ts w ere sc h e d u le d to in terv iew a b o u t 1,000 c o m m u n ity le ad e rs a b o u t v a rio u s civic a sso c ia tio n s an d in stitu tio n s w ith w hich they are affiliate d . T h e in te rv ie w e rs p la n n e d to ask the le ad e rs a b o u t e a c h o r g a ­ n izatio n ’s m issio n an d stru c tu re , w hich issu es are th e m o st im p o rta n t to it an d to its w ork, an d w ith w h om it h as w orked on th o se issu es d u rin g th e p a st year. A t th e e n d o f th e p ro je c t, all o f th e d a ta w ill be fed in to a w eb -b ase d softw are th a t c a n c re a te a so c ia l n etw ork d a ta b a se from w h ich g rap h ic disp lay s o f the c o n n e c tio n s a m o n g p e o p le an d o rg an iza tio n s c a n be g e n e ra te d . T h is a c c o m ­ p lish e d , the softw are will d isp lay th e d a ta u sin g c o n v e n tio n a l C I S m ap p in g te c h n iq u e s, e n ab lin g citizen s to lo c a te o rg an iza tio n s an d o th e r c o m m u n ity re ­ so u rce s. T h e telev isio n partn er, W IS C -T V , p la n n e d to use the in fo rm atio n to m ap th e c o m m u n ity in a w ay th a t re v e a ls se c to rs n o t only w here th eir ow n c o v ­ e rage is th in o r n o n e x iste n t b u t also w here it c a n be d e e p e n e d o r im p ro v ed .

E n r ic h in g th e T h e o r y T h e S p o k a n e an d M a d iso n p r o je c ts are th e so le e x a m p le s o f str u c tu r a l c iv ic m a p p in g . A ll o f th e o th e r c iv ic m a p p in g p r o je c ts to d a te w ere b u ilt o n th e c o g n itiv e ly b a se d H a rw o o d m o d e l, a n d jo u rn a lis ts an d e d u c a to r s say they h a v e fo u n d it to be in stru m e n ta l in c h a n g in g th e w ay th ey see th e ir c o m m u n i­ tie s an d in re fra m in g th e ir sto rie s as a re su lt (H e tric k , 2 0 0 1 ; S p u rlo c k , 2 0 0 1 ). O th e r s h a v e c o m m e n te d th a t d ia lo g u e in th e c o m m u n ity h as b e e n b r o a d ­ e n e d , th a t new v o ic e s are b e in g h e a rd , th a t n o n tr a d itio n a l s o u r c e s h av e b e en fo u n d in th ird p la c e s, th a t c a ta ly s ts an d c o n n e c to r s are b e in g id e n tifie d , an d th a t sto rie s are now w ritten w ith a m ore a u th o r ita tiv e v o ic e (F o rd , 2 0 0 0 ; H a r ­ w o o d , 1 9 9 6 , 2 0 0 0 ). T h e H a rw o o d -in sp ire d p ro je c ts th e m se lv e s h av e n o t b e en sy ste m atica lly e x ­ am in e d , how ever. It is a d a u n tin g ta sk . For e x a m p le , m any o f th e sta te d g o als o f th e m a p p in g se m in a r p a rtic ip a n ts m orph afte r they retu rn to the n ew sroom . T h e ir “ m a p s ” are o fte n in th e ir h ea d s, p e rh a p s o n R o lo d e x c s or in a m od ified d a ­ ta b a se , o c c a sio n a lly b ro u g h t to g e th e r in a sh o rt d o c u m e n t or w all c h a rt. To d a te , n o re se arc h h as e x am in e d w h e th e r or how an y o f th e self-rep o rted a c ­ c o u n ts o f the e ffe c tiv e n e ss in m a p p in g c o rre late to m e asu rab le c h a n g e s in new s c o n te n t, re a d e r or view er sa tisfa c tio n , p u b lic o p in io n , c o g n itio n , civic p a rtic i­ p a tio n , n ew sroom m o rale, or any o f a h o st o f o th e r v a riab le s th a t h av e b e en used as tra d itio n a l m e asu re s o f m e d ia effects an d jo u rn a listic p rac tic e . T h e P e w -H a rw o o d te c h n iq u e o f civic m a p p in g in th e c o g n itiv e m o d e l h as m u ch to re co m m en d it. N e v e rth e le ss, it m igh t be im p roved if it in c o rp o rate d m ore o f the stru c tu ra l a p p ro a c h , th a t is, if it p la c e d m ore e m p h asis on m ap p in g itse lf an d on th e in v e stig a tio n o f the n atu re o f so c ia l n etw o rk s a t the levels o f in ­

160

CAMPBELL

terpersonal, associational, and institutional life. Civic mapping models would be further enhanced if they specified a method, or a range of methods, to cap­ ture another critical dimension of the project: ensuring that the information so painstakingly gathered is collected, examined, updated, and institutionalized in a manner that increases the knowledge base in the newsroom and community as a whole. A richer, more complex model of civic mapping may be needed to unpack the relationships among various layers of civic life. This “network of networks,” as Friedland and M cLeod (1999) contend, is the site of community revealed and understood in its most complex form. And community is not devoid of a geo­ graphic element; it can transcend environmental barriers, but it can be circum­ scribed by them as well. Illuminating the relationship of social networks to the geography that they inhabit or eclipse is a crucial piece of the community puzzle. The final piece is the critical role of the mass media. This single institution bridges the layers of civic life in ways that were not possible before cities with a single daily newspaper became the norm, before television invaded every home, and before the media became the primary creators of imagined community. The media are, in the end, the only place where members of a large and diverse pub­ lic can “go” to see each other. Mapping the public space that they inhabit could become an invaluable tool for journalists to refine and improve their skill in un­ derstanding community life. ENDNOTES 'it is worth borrowing a footnote here from Robert E. L. Paris, whose 1967 book, Chicago Soci­ ology 1920-1932, rarely strays into the personal information he undoubtedly possessed as the son of one of the school’s leading members. But in recounting the early attem pts at preparing maps for display, Faris says: “Trial and error plays its part in most rapid develop­ ments o f graphic devices. Som e o f the first spot maps were made by m oistening and stick­ ing onto the map little colored glue-backed dots. In addition to making an attractive display, the various colors provided highly visible distinctions which facilitated general­ izations. But when a large map marked this way wras taken out o f a rack and unrolled, a cascade o f colored dots broke loose and fell to the floor. Because there was no way of knowing where they had once been pasted, the whole map becam e worthless. This acci­ dent led to the use of ink for the spot maps— more work and less beauty, bur they were d u ­ rable” (p. 52, Footnote 2). 2This summary and analysis is based on materials drawn from the Pew C enter for Civic Jour­ nalism’s Web site, retrieved from www.pccj.org; and from its publications, including each edition of Civic Catalyst from Sum m er 1999 to Winter 2002. It also draws from two edi­ tions of Tapping Civic Life (Harwood, 1996, 2000), as well as the au th or’s many years of participation, observation, and scholarship in the field of civic journalism. 5Unless otherwise noted, all quotes and information attributed to Steve Kaylor are from per­ sonal interviews conducted by the author, N ovem ber 15-16, 2001, Tam pa, Florida. T o r a critical analysis o f the Tampa Heights project and in-depth interviews with Kaylor, Koehn, and their editors, see Cam pbell, 2002.

9.

161

INVENTING CIVIC MAPPING

5T h is sum m ary and analysis is draw n from the a u th o r’s e x ten siv e research at The Spokesrnan-ReWew from 1 9 9 9 -2 0 0 1 . ^U n less otherw ise cited, m ate rial in this section is based on the a u th o r’s n o tes and tran script tion s o f tape recordin gs o f the new sroom m eetin gs held N o v e m b e r 5, 1999, at The Spokesman-Review offices, S p o k a n e , W ashin gton .

REFERENCES A b b o tt, A . (1 9 9 7 ). O f tim e and sp a ce : T h e con tem p orary relev an ce o f the C h ic a g o S ch o o l. Social Forces, 7 5 (4 ), 1 1 4 9 -1 1 8 2 . A n d erso n , B. (1 9 9 1 ). Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism . L on d on : Verso B ooks. B oo th , C . A . (1 8 8 9 ). Labour and life o f the people: Volume I, B ast London (2nd ed., Vol. I). London : W illiam s & N o rg ate . B o o th , C . A . (1 8 9 1 ). Labour and life o f the people: Volume II, London continued (Vol. II). London : W illiam s & N o rg ate . Bulm er, M . (1 9 8 4 ). The Chicago School of Sociology. C h ic a g o : U niversity o f C h ic a g o Press. C am p b ell, K . B. (2 0 0 2 ). M ore than a metaphor: The challenge of civic mapping. U n p u b lish ed dis­ sertatio n , U n iversity o f W iscon sin , M ad ison . Cressey, P. G. (1 9 6 9 ). The taxi-dance hall. M ontclair, N J: P atterson Sm ith . (O rigin al work published in 1925) D av is, A . F. (1 9 6 7 ). Spearheads for reform: The social settlements and the Progressive Movement, 18 9 0 - 1 9 1 4 • N ew York: O x fo rd U n iversity Press. Haris, R. E. L. (1 9 6 7 ). Chicago Sociology 1 9 2 0 - 1 9 3 2 . S an F ran cisco : C h an dler. Ford, P. (2 0 0 0 , F all). M appin g pay off: B etter sto ries. Civic C ataly st, 2 2 - 2 3 . Friedlan d, L. A ., K ang, N ., C am p b ell, K . B., & Pon dillo, B. (1 9 9 9 ). Public life, community inte­ gration and the m ass media: The empirical turn. Paper presen ted at the A sso c ia tio n for Jo u r ­ nalism and M ass C o m m u n ic a tio n , N ew O rle an s, L A . Friedlan d, L. A ., & M c L e o d , J. M. (1 9 9 9 ). C om m u n ity in tegration an d m ass m edia: A re c o n ­ sid eration . In D. P. D em ers &. K . V isw an ath (E d s.), M ass media, social control, and social change: A m acrosocial perspective (pp. 1 9 7 - 2 2 6 ). A m e s, IA : Iow a S ta te U n iversity Press. H arw ood , R. C . (1 9 9 6 ). Tappi)}gcivic life. W ash in gton , D C : Pew C e n te r fo rC iv ic Jo u rn alism . H arw ood , R. C . (2 0 0 0 ). Tappitigcivic life. W ash in gton , D C : Pew C e n te r fo rC iv ic Jo u rn alism . H etrick , J. (2 0 0 1 , Fall). S tu d e n ts see value in civic m apping. Civic C atalyst. Pew C e n te r for C ivic Jo u rn alism . (S u m m er 19 9 9 -W in te r 2 0 0 2 ). Civic C atalyst. W ashington, DC. R esid en ts o f H ull H o u se . (1 8 9 5 ). Hull-H ouse maps and papers. B o sto n : C row ell & C o . Schaffer, J. (2 0 0 1 , Feb. 9 - 1 1 ) . Civic journalism cycles-1 9 9 0 - 2 0 0 0 . Paper presen ted at the C iv ic in n o v atio n s in n ew sroom s an d classro o m s w orkshop/sem in ar, E ugen e, O R . Schaffer, J. (2 0 0 1 , M ay 2 2 ). Civic mapping. Paper presen ted at the M orris C o m m u n ic a tio n s W orkshop, A u g u sta, G A . S p u rlo ck , K . (2 0 0 1 , S u m m er). C om m u n ity m appin g reveals dire n eed s. Civic C atalyst.

T h i s p a g e i n t e n t i o n a l l y left b l a n k

10 T e x tu a l A n a ly sis in J o u r n a lis m Jo h n L . “ J a c k ” M o rris Loyola University, N ew O rleans, LA

Textual analysis is som etim es called careful reading, and it is as im portant to a journ alist as good listening. Textual analysis is a m ethod that com m unication researchers use to describe, interpret, and evaluate the characteristics o f a re­ corded m essage (Frey, B otan , Friedm an, &. Kreps, 1991). T h is type o f qu alita­ tive research and analysis focuses on a particular text to determ ine its characteristics and place it in a category shared by other similar texts for com ­ parison and con trast purposes. Q u alitative textual analysis can lead to qu an ti­ tative research m ethods such as con ten t analysis (Krippendorff, 1980) or Q m ethodology (Brown, 1993; M cKeow n &. T h om as, 1988), which can be used to analyze publications or opinions about texts. For exam ple, researchers m ight categorize the types o f m essage strategies that politicians use in public cam paign speeches as fear-appeals and rew ard-appeals by studying individual texts, and then con duct a quan titative study. T h is research project m ight study how the New York Times and the Los Angeles Times covered cam paign speeches over the period o f a year by focusing on the textual attributes o f each p ap er’s cam paign coverage. R eporters who write the news stories also use som e level o f textual analysis to com pare and con trast oral and written language. Reporters at the Washington Post use personal com puters to search for key words in bills and legislation that indicate stakeh olders— winners and losers— in the docum ents (see following exam ples). 163

164

M O R R IS

M ass m edia tex tu al analysis is closely related to literary criticism , w hich, broadly used today, en co m p asses any discourse on any literatu re, in clu ding three distin gu ish ab le but overlapp in g areas: history, theory, and evalu ation . M any sch o lars view literatu re as part o f an h istorical process, a ph en om en on that can be describ ed by in tern al prin ciples su ch as types, tech n iqu es, and fu n c­ tions, or as o b jects to be stu d ied , analyzed, an d ju d ged . S e v e ra l m eth ods and a p ­ p roach es to criticism fiercely co m p ete for atte n tio n in the field. W ellek (1995) c om m en ted on this new age o f criticism : T h e v ar ie ty o f v o i c e s t o d a y is so g r e a t t h a t the s i t u a t i o n h a s b e e n c o m p a r e d to the T o w e r o f B a b e l , w ith its m u t u a ll y in c o m p a t i b l e l a n g u a g e s . N e v e r b e fo r e h a s t h e r e b e e n su c h a f e r m e n t in cr it ic is m , a n d c ri tic s h a v e n e v e r b e fo r e a t t r a c t e d so m u c h a t t e n t i o n a n d f e r v e n t loyalty ... I n d e e d s o m e s c h o l a r s ar g u e t h a t this is t h e a ge o f cr i ti c is m , si n c e literary cri tic s n ow o ft e n fu n c t i o n n o t on ly as s p e c i a l i s t s in li te r at u r e, b u t al s o as gene r al c ri tic s o f s o c ie ty a n d c i v ili z at io n .

T h is c h a p te r fo cu se s on only the m o st c o m m o n term s o f te x tu a l an alysis th at are used by jo u rn a lists. It a d d re sse s how jo u rn a lists read, an alyze, c a te g o ­ rize, describ e, an d e v a lu a te th eir ow n w riting as well as the w riting an d oral lan g u ag e o f oth ers.

P U R P O S E S A N D T Y P E S O F T E X T U A L A N A L Y S IS T h e re are tw o b asic uses o f te x tu a l an alysis for p ractic in g jo u rn a lists. T h e first is to study the lan g u ag e o f their so u rce s for sp e cific sto rie s; the se co n d is to stud y the lan g u ag e o f jo u rn a lism to refine th eir art o f w riting. T h is b road a p ­ p ro ach to criticism is relatively new ; it h as b een a d v a n c e d in recen t d e c a d e s by critiq u e s o f E nglish c o m p o sitio n an d rh e to rical an aly ses o f sp eech c o m m u n i­ catio n . In th eir 1991 b o o k , Investigating Com m unication, Frey an d c o lle ag u e s e x p la in e d th a t te x tu a l an aly sis ste m s from a sy ste m atic atte m p t to u n d e rstan d how m e an in g m o v es from au th o r to au d ien ce an d how the tex t is re late d to o th e r v ariab le s th at p reced e it. U ltim ately, te x tu a l an alysis is a scie n tific a t ­ tem p t to e v alu ate a tex t b ased on a se t o f e sta b lish ed sta n d a rd s or criteria. S e v ­ e ral o rg an izatio n s an d p u b lic atio n s h ave b egu n criticizin g the c o n te n t o f the new s m ed ia o n a reg u lar b asis for the ge n e ral public. T h e y in clu d e NewsW atch, M ediaC hannel, B rill’s Content, Fairness & A ccuracy in Reporting, CounterSpin, M edianew s, an d M edia Watch.' T extu al analysis can be applied to any co m m u n icatio n s m edium becau se ph otos, illustration s, graphics, and video im ages can be redu ced to tex tu al su m ­ m aries before analysis. So m e lan guage th eorists claim th at history in general c on sists o f tex ts to be analyzed (Iser, 1986). S crip ts o f radio an d television news

10.

T E X T U A L A N A L Y SIS IN JO U R N A L IS M

165

and en tertainm en t are m ore readily available than ever, and they often can be securcd over the Internet for textual analysis. Five types o f m edia criticism use tex tu al analysis: A risto te lian , genre, h is­ torical, dram atic, and fantasy them e (Frey et al., 1991). T h e first is a return to A risto tle ’s judicial, logical, and form al analysis cen tered on the work itself rath er than its historical, m oral or religious co n te xt. G en re critics group texts th at are sim ilar in function , purpose, and form , and then evalu ate each text based on the establish ed attribu tes o f the genre. A n exam ple o f genre criticism is C aw e lti’s Adventure, Mystery, and Romance: Formula Stories as A rt and Popu­ lar Culture, published by the U niversity o f C h icago Press in 1 9 7 6 .2 H istorical criticism con sists o f oral h istories, case studies, b ibliographical stud ies and so ­ cial m ovem en t studies. T h e h istorical critic atte m p ts to ev alu ate the in flu­ en ce o f even ts on the creation o f the text. D ram atic critics study principles draw n from th eater— act, purpose, agent, agcncy, an d sccn e— to evalu ate texts. Finally, fantasy them e critics focus on stories with ch aracters th at sym ­ bolize cultu ral m oral principles or ph ilosoph ies. E xam p les o f this type o f criti­ cism include C h a n c e ’s The Lord o f the Rings: The Mythology o f Power, published by Twayne Publishers of N ew York in 1 9 9 2 .5 E ach o f these critical approach es used to study journalism and m edia share a com m on list o f textual attributes that can be identified and then described, a n a ­ lyzed, and evaluated by a com m unity o f readers. C areful and com parative read­ ing and analysis by know ledgeable critics help to create a richer understanding o f the function and value o f any single text, and such case studies contribute to the general knowledge in the field. W hile som e m edia criticism attem pts to m easure the influence o f the m ass m edia on society, in general, textual analysis attem pts to categorize, analyze, and evalu ate one particular text. V isual forms such as the inverted pyramid (see Fig. 10.1) are tools o f textual analysis that crit­ ics use to classify one piece o f writing as a report, anoth er as a story, and still an ­ other as an essay. C areless use o f these forms contribute to confusion and im precision in the profession. T h u s, textual analysis is an activity that reporters, editors, publishers, news directors, producers, m edia critics, and researchers use on a daily basis. For e x ­ am ple, a reporter writes a 25-inch news story on A fghan istan, but how good is it? How can working journalists evaluate the quality o f the texts they receive and create on a daily basis? Textual analysis can help. A ttributes o f nonfiction prose, including journalism , can be used to categorize, analyze, and evaluate any news report or feature story. M any o f these textual attributes can be applied to texts o f sources, too, but som e other specialization, including term inology from a field other than journalism , may be required for such an analysis.4

M ORRIS

166

Visual Forms of Textual Analysis The Inverted Pyramid or Report Form

The Narrative or Story Form

The Three-Part or Essay Form

The beginning introduces the thesis or main idea of the piece of writing. A thesis statement is much like a summary lead.

The middle paragraphs present support for the main idea of the article. The body of an essay should focus clearly on the main idea.

The ending concludes the articlc by restating the thesis, main idea or lead.

V isual forms arc structural aids to organizing, interpreting and evaluating texts. The inverted pyram id is well known to journalists, who often present factual reports, hut the other two basic visual forms presented here arc becoming more popular in news writing. Often associated with fiction and persuasive writiug, the narrative and essay forms can be used to present objcctivc, factual, nonfiction writing. For more about visual forms, see Brooks et al.. News Reporting and Writing. 6 * ed. (1999, 122-46) and Rackham and Bcrtagnolli, From Sight to Insight: The Writing Process (1999, 213218).

F I G . 10.1.

T E X T U A L A N A LY SIS O F N EW S W RITING E v a n M aho n ey, a reporter for the Fun d for Investigative Re p o rti n g a n d a pro fes­ sor at University o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a at Asheville, uses the following terms when teaching, analyzing, an d ev al u at in g news writing (personal c o m m u n i c a t i o n , February 21, 2 0 0 2 ) : abstraction, attribution, co n n o ta ti o n , d en o ta ti o n , c o n ­ trast, lead, nut graph, narration, exposition, form, in duction, d ed u ct io n , tone,

10.

T E X T U A L A N A L Y S I S IN JO U R N A L I S M

167

v o ice , m o o d , style, th esis, q u o ta tio n , an d m etaph or. C o n siste n tly c are fu l use o f su c h attrib u te s o f lan g u ag e c a n en rich th e e x p e rie n c e o f re a d in g in ad d itio n to sim ply in fo rm in g the p u b lic. For exam p le, sm ell an d fragran ce h av e the sam e d e n o tativ e (literal) m ean ing, b u t on e h as a positiv e c o n n o ta tiv e (su ggestive) m ean in g w hile th e o th e r is n e g a ­ tive. A q u ick reading, w ith out tex tu a l an alysis, can m iss co n n o tatio n s. E xp o sitio n is logical e x p la n atio n , an d form is the overall stru ctu re o f an article. In d u ctio n is reason in g th at m oves from specific d e tails to a gen eralization , w hile d ed u ctio n m o v es from a gen eralization to specifics. T on e an d m ood refer to w ord ch o ices th at in d icate seriou sn ess, hum or, glee or depression , to n am e only a few em otio n s. Paying careful a tte n tio n to th ese attrib u te s o f lan g u ag e c an lead to an en rich ed u n d e rstan d in g o f a text. M ah o n ey urged w riters to c h e c k for th ese attribu tes w hen revising their tex ts to enrich their w riting an d m ake it m ore engagin g. D ia n a F ish lo ck , diversity rep orter for the H arrison (P enn.) Patriot-News, c o n ­ sidered b rain storm in g, am biguity, clich es, ch aracter, c lo se -u p s (c o n crctc, sensory d e tails), an d editorializin g w hen e v alu atin g her ow n w riting an d the w riting o f o th ers (perso n al co m m u n icatio n , February 21, 2 0 0 2 ). B rain storm in g is a m eth od for analyzing topics or ideas for a new s story. It ran ges from m ak in g sim ple lists o f id eas an d ran k in g th em in im p ortan ce to se m an tic w ebbing, in w hich the w riter b egin s w ith a key w ord an d diag ram m atically c o n n e c ts it to an o th er w ord, w h a t­ ever c o m e s to m ind, an d so on , through lines an d circles. N ew c o n n e ctio n s are m ad e in this playful a c t o f discovery, an d the p ro cess h elp s the w riter see new p o s­ sibilities for the article. Fish lock explain s: B r a i n s t o r m i n g o f t e n is e x t r e m e l y u s e f u l . B r a i n s t o r m i n g a n d s i m p l y h a v i n g t i m e t o let a c o n c e p t p e r c o l a t e in m y m i n d h e l p m e t o e x p l o r e m o r e f a c e t s o f t h e i d e a . Is t h e r e a h i s ­ t o r i c a l c o n t e x t ? W h a t a b o u t r e li g io n ? G i v e n t h e t i m e (o r b r a i n s t o r m i n g i n p u t fro m o t h e r p e o p l e ) t h e s t o r y b e c o m e s m u c h m o r e c o m p l e t e ... O f t e n c h a r a c t e r m a k e s o r b r e a k s a story. If t h e c h a r a c t e r is c o m p e l l i n g a n d t h e w r i te r is a b l e t o s h o w t h a t , I ’ll r e a d a b o u t s o m e o n e d o i n g a l m o s t a n y t h i n g — e v e n s o m e t h i n g I m a y h a v e n o i n t e r e s t in.

M e d ia criticism is grow in g as a c lassro o m an d n ew sroom p r a c tic e , so new s w riters m u st b e co m e m ore so p h istic a te d a b o u t th eir use o f lan g u ag e . T e x tu a l an aly sis is a q u a lita tiv e m e th o d th a t c a n be u sed to c re a te , d e fe n d , an d im prove w ritin g skills. “ M a k in g m e a n in g c le a r d o e s n o t m e an m a k in g th e co p y te d io u s,” Peter Ja c o b i e x p la in e d du rin g the A sso c ia tio n for E d u c atio n in Jo u rn a lism an d M a ss C o m m u n ic a tio n ’s G a n n e tt T e a ch in g Fellow s W o rk sh op at In d ian a U n i­ versity (p e rso n al c o m m u n ic a tio n , Ju ly 2 2 - 2 8 , 1 9 9 0 ). “ E x p o sitio n [in fo rm atio n delivery] m u st go b eyon d a d ictio n a ry d e fin itio n an d be as b righ t an d in trig u in g as n a rra tio n [story te llin g ].’’

168

M O R R IS

T E X T U A L A N A L Y S IS O F D O C U M E N T S In addition to enriching their own news writing, journalists can use textual an al­ ysis to un derstand com plex legal, court, and corporate docum ents more co m ­ pletely as sources o f news. Washington Post reporters H elen D ew ar and Bill M iller regularly analyze the texts o f legislation, court opinions, and briefs. T h ey have developed a m ethod for finding the stakeholders o f any governm ent action based on the language of the official docum ents. W hile analyzing the 2002 Energy Bill and C orporate A ccountability A ct, D ew ar (personal com m unication, A u gust 5, 2002) was forced to “ read betw een the lines” o f lawyers’ “code lan guage” to discover indications o f perm issive or m andatory requirem ents. Permissive requirem ents m ean that the provisions o f the bill allow lots o f latitude in fulfilling them , whereas m andatory requirem ents are strict stan dards written into the bill that provide little or no w iggle-room. Words such as shall, may, or will arc flags o f intent that she carefully noted. She explained that reading betw een the lines m eant talking to the lawyers who wrote the bill, as well as the critics who study the policies involved. Sh e said som e politicians and political critics use a form o f textual analysis, too. They con duct com puter searches o f all new bills for key term s that signal their own in­ terests to m ake sure an im portant issue is not buried in the wording o f a seem ­ ingly unrelated bill. D ew ar said she also looks for litigable language, w hich is language that would likely lead to lawsuits. H er reports explained the possibility and types o f law suits that would likely arise if the bills were to becom e law. W hile analyzing the 2002 H om eland Security A ct, M iller (personal com m u­ nication, A ugust 5, 2002) said he looked for words that in dicated authority to spend m oney or appoint staffs. M ore m oney and larger staffs usually appeal to bu reau crats regardless o f the am ount o f public service they provide. A co st-b en efit analysis can produce a valuable news story from a text that o b ­ scures its hidden purposes and powers. T h e boilerplate legal language o f bills tends to cloud the political in ten tion s o f those who drafted them , M iller said, so he interview s the auth ors and critics about such issues. H e also studied other analyses o f the act, and he con ducted com puter searches for term s such as “N a ­ tional G u ard ,” “ b u d get,” and “Civil Serv ice.” T h e search term s were based on hunches, hypotheses, or questions. Civil Service, for exam ple, turned up all ref­ erences to how the bill would regard or treat governm ent em ployees. T h e refer­ en ces were scattered, but this m ethod enabled M iller to gather and analyze them to produce an inform ative and engaging news story. B oth M iller and D ew ar said they pay close atten tio n to the beginn ing and end o f a com plex govern m en t docu m en t, and they underline or star highlights

10.

T E X T U A L A N A L Y S IS IN JO U R N A L IS M

169

an d m ean in gfu l p a ssa g e s. Every line, an d even b etw een the lin es (w h at is n ot in the t e x t ) , m u st be scru tinized b e ca u se o f the p o litic a l n atu re o f su ch d o c u ­ m en ts. T h e follow in g a c c o u n t is an o th e r e x am p le o f how p e rso n a l co m p u te rs c an be used to c o n d u c t key w ord se arch e s th a t w ould be extrem ely ted io u s to do oth erw ise (B ro o k s et al., 1 9 9 9 ): K a t h l e e n Ke r r a n d R u s s B u e t t n e r o f N ew sd ay f a c e d [this] s o rt o f p r o b l e m . T h e i r go al : to d i s c o v e r w h e t h e r N e w York C i t y 's c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s y st e m d i s c r i m i n a t e d a g a i n s t the poor. T h e i r m e t h o d : to a c q u i r e c o m p u t e r d a t a b a s e s o f city a n d st a t e r e c o r d s o n 2 7 , 8 1 0 p r is o n e r s, t h e n to us e th ei r o w n c o m p u t e r to s o rt t h o s e c a s e s by ra c e a n d o t h e r criter ia [ i n c lu d in g i n c o m e level , jail t im e, bail, a n d v e r d i c t s .) T h e i r fi n d in gs : T h e poor, e s p e ­ cially m i n o r it i e s , o f t e n w er e d e n i e d bail a n d f o r c e d to w ai t in jai l for trials t h a t o ft en fo u n d t h e m n o t guilty, (pp. 4 1 0 - 4 1 1 )

Tw o o b s ta c le s to te x tu a l a n a ly sis are lack o f tim e an d m on ey (B ro o k s et al., 1 9 9 9 ). R e p o rte rs m u st care fu lly an alyze all o f the p e rtin e n t re c o rd s or a sc ie n tific a lly se le c te d sam p le . T h e y also m u st ask the righ t q u e stio n s an d r e ­ co rd d a ta in a way th a t w ill an sw er th em . T e x tu a l an a ly sis is an in v alu a b le q u a lita tiv e m e th o d for u n d e rsta n d in g an d e v a lu a tin g p o lic e an d c o u rt re ­ c o rd s, le g isla tio n , c o u rt o p in io n s, an d le g a l b riefs, b u t it is m ore tim e - c o n ­ su m in g an d co stly th an the m ore tra d itio n a l m e th o d o f in te rv ie w in g an d q u o tin g so u rce s.

T E X T U A L A N A L Y S IS O F C IV IC J O U R N A L I S M R ep orters co n d u c ted tex tu al analysis o f com m un ity c o n v ersatio n s th at were co n d u c ted with a wide ran ge o f citizens in C o lu m b ia, M issouri. T h e project b e­ gan w ith U n iversity o f M issouri S c h o o l o f Jo u rn alism P rofessor E dm un d L am b eth w ho studied and tau gh t civic jou rn alism , a m ovem en t deb ated in re­ search an d trade jo u rn als throu gh ou t the 1990s (C o lem an , 1997). L am b eth e s ­ tablish ed the C iv ic Jo u rn alism In terest G rou p o f the A sso c iatio n for E d u cation in Jo u r n a lis m a n d M a s s C o m m u n ic a t io n a n d g u id e d th e u n iv e r s ity ’s C o ­ lum bia M issourian n ew sp ap er s ta ff th ro u gh a civ ic jo u rn a lism p ro jec t th at

becam e k n o w n a s “ F a ith in O u r C o m m u n it y ” (M o rr is, 2 0 0 2 , p p . 6 1 —7 0 ). Lambeth (1 9 9 8 ) said public jo u rn a lism co u l be viewed as a form o f jo u r n a l­ ism that s e e k s to: 1. Listen system atically to the stories an d ideas o f citizens even while pro­ tecting its freedom to ch o ose w hat to cover. 2. E xam ine alternative ways to fram e stories on im portant com m unity issues. 3. C h o o se fram es th at stan d the best ch an ce to stim u late citizen d e lib e ra­ tion an d build public u n d erstan d in g o f issues.

17«

M O R R IS

4. Take the in itiative to report on m ajo r public problem s in a way th at a d ­ v an ce s public know ledge o f possible solu tio n s an d the valu es served by al­ tern ativ e courses o f action . 5. Pay con tin u in g an d sy stem atic atte n tio n to how well an d how credibly it is co m m u n icatin g w ith the public, (p. 17) To test the effects o f one o f civic jou rn alism ’s reportin g tools, com m un ity co n v ersatio n s, a group o f radio, TV , an d new spaper jo u rn alists w orked togeth er to co n d u ct a civic journ alism project an d publish a series o f new s stories during the w eek o f M ay 26, 1996. W ith the su pp ort o f their editors an d statio n m a n a g ­ ers, the group p lan n ed a w eek-long collab orativ e strategy that in clu ded all three m edia becau se L am b eth ’s earlier research in d icated th at citizens learn m ore from m u ltim ed ia p re se n tatio n s (T h o rso n & L am b eth , 1995). M issourian M an ag in g E ditor G eorge K ennedy (person al com m u n ication , A pril 30, 1996) said the m edia m an agers selected the topic during a discussion session . T h ey settled on religion b ecau se it h ad high rclev an cc to the co m m u ­ nity an d in ad e q u ate co v erage. H e said the go al w as to raise the level o f public aw aren ess co n cern in g the relation sh ip betw een religion an d public life. R esearch b egan in Fall 1995 w hen five resource p an els w ere c o n d u cted . E ach resource pan el con sisted o f ab o u t five experts w ho w ere kn ow ledgeable in som e asp ect o f religion an d public life. M ed ia m an agers m oderated the pan els, and the au d ien ce con sisted o f reporters an d editors. T h e se p an els were used for b ack gro un d in form ation only. E ight com m unity con versation s were plan ned. T h e se , too, were used only for b ackground inform ation (M orris, 2002). Participants were told in ad van ce that they w ould not be quoted in the new spaper or recorded for radio or TV, although m inutes o f the m eetings were recorded and reported to project m em bers. C on fid en tiality en ab led p articip an ts to speak m ore openly and freely, said a reporter (p erso n al co m m u n icatio n , A p ril 2 0 - 2 1 , 1996) w ho co n d u cted the public policy c o n v e rsatio n . O th erw ise, the citizen -participan ts m ight h ave b een re lu ctan t to be h o n est and forthrigh t ab ou t con troversial issu es, he said, ad d ing th at the c o n v e rsatio n s w ere good for g en eratin g sou rces an d story ideas. O n e reserv ation w as expressed by a reporter (perso n al co m m u n icatio n , A pril 2 0 - 2 1 , 1996) w ho said the tim e an d effort required to organ ize, co n d u ct, and analyze com m un ity co n v ersatio n s could be costly in day-to-day reporting. T h e a d v an tag e o f using them on a co llab o rativ e p roject, he said, w as th at several re­ porters could atten d and benefit from one com m un ity con versation . T h ro u g h o u t the civic jo u rn a lism p ro jec t previously d e scrib e d , L am b e th m et w ith g rad u ate jo u rn a lism stu d e n ts to stud y an d analyze the sig n ifican ce o f th ese p ra c tic e s to w orking jo u rn a lists. O n e o f his classe s d isc u sse d a list o f c h a ra c te ristic s o f civic jo u rn a lism , w hich cou ld be used to identify the la n ­

10.

T E X T U A L A N A L Y S I S IN JO U R N A L I S M

171

g u a g e o f civ ic jo u rn a lism . T h e s e c h a r a c te r is tic a ttr ib u te s o f civ ic jo u rn a lism w ere id e n tifie d as c o v e ra g e o f citize n v ie w p o in ts, in v ita tio n s to a c tio n in n ew s sto rie s, re p o rte r-re a d e r in te r a c tio n , id e n tific a tio n o f p e r so n a l a n d so c ia l v a l­ u e s, id e n tific a tio n o f c o n s e q u e n c e s a s s o c ia te d w ith th e e v e n ts - is s u e s c o v ­ e re d , an d id e n tific a tio n o f th e s ta k e h o ld e rs in v o lv e d in th e c o v e ra g e . T h is list of a ttr ib u te s c o m p le m e n te d th e a ttr ib u te s o f tr a d itio n a l n ew s sto rie s th a t r e ­ se a r c h e rs h a v e p re v io u sly id e n tifie d as c h a r a c te r is tic s o f n ew s (B ro o k s e t al, 1 9 9 9 ): im p a ct, proxim ity , tim e lin e ss, p r o m in e n c e , n ovelty, an d c o n flic t. Tw o h y p o th e ses e m e rg ed from this e x e rc ise : (a) T e x tu a l an alysis o f a civic jo u rn a lism new s story sh o u ld p ro d u ce a ttrib u te s sign ifican tly d iffe ren t from th o se o f a trad itio n al n ew s story; an d (b) A t le ast m o st o f the attrib u te s o f civic jo u rn a lism id en tified by L am b e th an d his stu d e n ts sh o u ld be fo u n d in civ ic jo u r ­ n alism tex ts. T h e orig in al list w as m o d ified a c c o rd in g to su g g e stio n s in a m em o from n e w sp ap e r e d ito r D av is M e rritt (p e rso n al c o m m u n ic a tio n , S e p te m b e r 2, 1 9 9 6 ), o n e o f th e fo u n d e rs o f th e p u b lic jo u rn a lism m o v e m e n t: T h e o b je c t i v e isn’ t to q u a n ti fy t h in g s a n d m a k e a j u d g m e n t a b o u t w h e t h e r o r how m u c h a n e w s p a p e r is s u c c e e d i n g , t h o u g h t h a t m i g h t b e a s m a l l s i d e e f f e c t . R a t h e r , t h e o b j e c t i v e is t o p r o v i d e a li s t o f t r a i t s t h a t w e t h i n k c o n s t i t u t e p u b l i c j o u r n a l i s m a n d e x a m p le s to illu strate th o se traits— an d how they differ from t r a d itio n a l practice— as a step tow ard a w ork ing d efin ition th at jo u rn a lists ca n u n d e rsta n d .

A sam p le o f re a d e rs w as ask ed to rate th e se new s criteria from low to h igh on a 7 -p o in t sc ale after re a d in g se v e ra l b lo ck s o f new s c o v e ra g e th a t re su lte d from the civ ic jo u rn a lism p ro je c t titled “ F aith in O u r C o m m u n ity ” an d sam p le s o f m ore trad itio n al new s c o v e ra g e from the sam e p erio d an d n ew spaper. S o m e b lo ck s c o n ta in e d trad itio n al new s c o v e ra g e , so m e c iv ic jo u rn a lism style re p o rt­ ing, an d som e w ere m ixed . T h e follow in g are the te x tu a l a ttrib u te s an d th eir d e fin itio n s th a t w ere ra te d in this p ilo t stu d y (M o rris, 2 0 0 2 ). 1. C itize n v ie w p o in ts: C itize n s are id en tified as c o n trib u to rs in so lv in g a p u b lic issu e. 2. Im p a ct: M an y citizen s are likely to be sign ifican tly affe c te d by th is new s. 3. In v ita tio n s to a ctio n : T h is new s c o v e ra g e p re se n ts w ays re a d e rs c a n a c ­ tively resp o n d . 4 . P ro xim ity : T h is tak e s p la c e clo se to re a d e rs’ h o m e s. 5. R e p o rte r-re ad e r in te ra c tio n : T h is in d ic a te s re p o rte rs h av e c o m m u n i­ c a te d w ith citizen s. 6. T im e lin e ss: T h is n ew s is b ase d o n re c e n t e v e n ts. 7. V alu es: T h e v a lu e s (m o r a l- e th ic a l p rin cip le s) un d erly in g c o u rse s o f a c ­ tion are e x p la in e d . 8. P ro m in e n ce : T h is new s in c lu d e s w ell-k n ow n p e rso n a litie s or ce leb ritie s.

172

M O R R IS

9. Consequences: C onsequences (the outcom e or end results) of actual or possible decisions arc explained. 10. Novelty: This news is based on the odd or unusual. 11. Stakeholders: W ho (individuals or groups) stands to gain and who stands to lose are clearly identified (in the news story). 12. Conflict: This news emphasizes opposing sides, (p. 68) A procedure was designed to test two hypotheses about the characteristics of the news coverage.The researcher (Morris, 2002) wanted to learn: (a) whether readers would identify civic journalism stories, and (b) whether readers would rate civic journalism stories differently from traditional news stories. T h e readers for this pilot study con sisted o f 12, specifically selected journalism stu d en ts who had com pleted a basic news w riting course and were in a m edia history course. T h is sam ple was used because the m em bers p o s­ sessed a basic know ledge o f the elem ents o f journ alism . E ach subject was asked to read five to six blocks o f news and rate each block, which rep re­ sented part o f a new spaper page and con tain ed som e o f the “ Faith in our C om m u n ity ” project. T h e block included headlines, teasers, ph otos, c a p ­ tions, and other news devices. T h e blocks were rated accordin g to the 12 textu al attribu tes previously listed. A t least two readers rated each block, and scores for each of the criteria were averaged for each copy block. T h e scores were grouped into a public journalism (PJ) index (statem ents 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, and 11 previously mentioned) and a tradi­ tional journalism (TJ) index (2, 4, 6, 8, 10, and 12). Each block received PJ in­ dex and T J index scores. Scoring on a 7 -point scale, the readers gave the public journalism blocks an average o f 4.62 for public journalism and only 3.62 for tra­ ditional journalism ; they gave the traditional journalism blocks a 4-16 for tradi­ tional journalism and a 3.67 for public journalism. T h e public journalism index score was a full point above the traditional jour­ nalism index score for the blocks that contained the public journalism news. This shows that the readers correctly identified which news blocks contained more public journalism language attributes. They had identified public journal­ ism by its textual attributes.5

C O N C L U SIO N Textual analysis can be useful to reporters, editors, news directors, and re­ searchers, who use it to explain how mass media affect our everyday lives. M ahoney and Fishlock used textual analysis to help strengthen individual jour­ nalists’ writing skills by offering models to identify, describe, and evaluate vari-

10.

TEXTUAL ANALYSIS IN JOURNALISM

173

ous types of news writing. Miller and Dewar used textual analysis of complex governm ent docum ents to uncover important issues clouded by legalcse. Finally, textual analysis offers benefits through identifying, describing, and evaluating various genres of journalism as shown by the civic journalism pro­ ject in Missouri. T h at textual analysis revealed that a purposive sample of journalism students could identify public journalism texts by language attrib­ utes. M anzella (2002) frames the civic journalism debate of the 1990s as a bat­ tle between the news of record, inverted-pyramid journalists versus the narrative, storytelling journalists. Before deciding which is the one best style for journalism , media critics, editors, and news writers must carefully identify, describe, and evaluate the various genres of news writing. After seeing valid alternatives, the questions to ask, as Merritt (personal com m unication, S ep ­ tember 2,1996) suggested, involve the characteristics o f various forms o f jour­ nalism, and the set of circum stances that call for the use of each form. T h e question s that can be addressed through textu al analysis arc q u ali­ tative. A s researchers analyze a text, they ask the overarching question, “W hat are the qualities o f this particular text, and how does this text com ­ pare and co n trast to other te x ts?” U nder this um brella, they may ask other question s such as, “C an readers distinguish a public journalism text from a traditional journalism te x t?” or “W h at’s the difference betw een a story and a repo rt?” or “ How does interactivity affect the language o f jo u rn alism ?” T extual analysis takes more time than routine reading, and it may require som e com puter hardw are and softw are, but it is an effective m ethod for und e rstan d in g an d evalu atin g news writing, com plex docum ents and jo u rn al­ ism genres. ENDNOTES lF o r an u p d a te d d irectory o f m e d ia criticism , go to: h ttp ://jo u r n a lism n e t.c o m /m e d ia 2F o r m o r e i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t g e n r e c r i t i c i s m , s e e : h t t p : / / w w w . m b c n e t . O r g / a r c h i v e s / e t v / G / htm IG /gen re/gen re.h tm Fo r m o r e e x a m p l e s o f f a n t a s y t h e m e

criticism , see: http://lib rary .c i.sc o ttsd ale.az.u s/w eb 2/

tram p 2.exe/auth ority_hits/A 0b8gujo.001 ?serv er= lh o m e & it e m = 1 4T h e f o l l o w i n g b o o k s c o n t a i n e x p l i c a t i o n s o f m a n y j o u r n a l i s m t e r m s t h a t c a n b e u s e d i n

Assessing Public Journalism, e d i t e d b y L a m b e t h , M e y e r a n d T h o r s o n Reporting and Writing, b y B r o o k s , K e n n e d y , M o e n a n d R a n l y ( 1 9 9 9 ) ; Words on Words, b y J o h n B r e m n e r ( 1 9 8 0 ) ; The Public Journalism Movement in America, b y D o n C o r r i g a n ( 1 9 9 9 ) ; A Study of Attitudes toward Audience Interaction in Journalism, by J o h n M o r r i s ( 2 0 0 2 ) ; From Sight to Insight, b y R a c k h a m a n d B e r t a g n o l l i ( 1 9 9 9 ) ; A G los­ sary of Literary Terms, b y M . H . A b r a m s ( 1 9 8 1 ) ; a n d A Handbook to Literature, b y te x tu a l an alysis: (1998); N ew s

H o lm a n and H a rm o n (1 9 8 6 ). 5A t ' t e s t f o r s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n d i c a t e d r h e h y p o t h e s i s w a s s u p p o r t e d b y t h e r e s u l t s (p < .0 0 0 4 ).

174

MORRIS

REFERENCES A b ram s, M . H. (1 9 8 1 ). A glossary o f literary terms (4th e d .). N ew York: H o lt, R in eh art, & W in ston. Brem ner, J. B. (1 9 8 0 ). Words on words: A dictionary for writers and others who care about words. N ew York: C o lu m b ia U n iversity Press. B rook s, B. S ., Kennedy, G ., M o en , D. R ., & Ranly, D. (1 9 9 9 ). N ew s reporting and writing (6th e d .). N ew York: B e d fo rd /S t. M artin s. Brow n, S. R. (1 9 9 3 ). A prim er on Q m eth odology. O perant Subjectivity, 1 6 (3 ), 9 1 - 1 3 8 . C aw elti, J. G. (1 9 7 6 ). Adventure, mystery and romance: Formula stories as art and popular cul­ ture. B ou lder: U n iversity o f C o lo rad o Press. C h a n c e , J. (1 9 9 2 ). The lord of the rings: The mythology o f power. N ew York: Tw aync P ublishers. C o le m a n , R. (1 9 9 7 , A u g u st). The treatment of public journalism in three media review journals. Paper presen ted at the a n n u a l co n v e n tio n o f the A sso c ia tio n for E d u catio n in Journ alism and M ass C o m m u n ic a tio n , C h ic a g o . C orrigan , D. H . (1 9 9 9 ). The public journalism movement in Am erica: Evangelists in the newsroom. W estport, CT: Pracger. Fish lo ck , D. H arrison (Penn.) Patriot'N ew s. P erson al c o m m u n ic atio n , February 21, 2002. Frey, L. R ., B o tan , C . H ., F riedm an , P G ., & K reps, G ary L. (1 9 9 1 ). T extu al analysis. In Investi­ gating communication (pp. 2 0 3 - 2 2 8 ). E nglew ood C liffs, N J: P ren tice-H all. H o lm an , C . H ., &. H arm o n , W. (1 9 8 6 ). A handbook to literature (5th e d .). N ew York: M acm illan . Iser, W. (1 9 8 6 ). T h e readin g process: A p h e n o m e n o lo gical ap p ro ach . In R. C . D av is (E d .), Contem porary literary criticism: Modernism through post-structuralism (pp. 3 7 6 - 3 9 1 ). N ew York: L on gm an . K rippen dorff, K . (1 9 8 0 ). Content analysis: A n introduction to its methodology. N ew bury Park, C A : S age . L am b eth , E. B., M eyer, P. E ., & T h o rso n , E. (E d s.). (1 9 9 8 ). Assessing public journalism . C o lu m ­ bia, M O : U niversity o f M issouri Press. M an zella, J. C . (2 0 0 2 ). The struggle to revitalize Am erican newspapers L ew iston , NY: Edwin M ellen . M cK eow n , B., &. T h o m a s, D. (1 9 8 8 ). Q methodology: Q uantitative applications in the social sci­ ences. N ew bury Park, C A : Sa g e P u blication s. M orris, J. L. (2 0 0 2 ). A study o f attitudes toward audience interaction in journalism : citizen-based reporting. L ew iston, NY: Edwin M ellen . R ack h am , J., & B crtagn olli, O . (1 9 9 9 ). From sight to insight: The writing process (6th c d .). Fort W orth, T X : H arc o u rt B race. T h o rso n , E. & L am b eth , E. B. (1 9 9 5 , A u g u st). A n evaluation o f the cognitive, attitudinal and synergistic effects of a multi-media civic journalism project. Paper presen ted at the an n u al co n v e n tio n o f the A sso c ia tio n for E d u catio n in Jo u rn alism an d M ass C o m m u n ic a tio n , W ash in gton , D C . W ellek, R. (1 9 9 5 ). Literary criticism . In The N ew Grolier Multimedia Encyclopedia (p. 12). D anbury, C T: G rolier E lectron ic Publishing.

11 S c ie n tis t s a n d S to r y te lle r s The Imperative of Pairing Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches in Communication Research S u s a n S c h u ltz H u x m a n Wichita State University M ik e A lle n University o f Wisconsin, M ilwaukee

From its inception, com m unication has been a com plex, diverse, and rich co g­ nate area, spanning the hum anities (speech), fine arts (theater), social sciences (journalism ; telecom m u nications), and natural sciences (com m unication d is­ orders) . It is little w onder then that the discipline has experienced a particularly lively and lengthy debate that began in the 1920s over its two research tradi­ tions: behaviorism and phenom enology. T h e issue, which strikes at the heart o f on tological and epistem ological q u es­ tions, has been posited in sim ple, polar extrem es: Behaviorism is deductive, for­ m al, functional, and quan titative in its quest to explain and predict hum an com m un icative behavior; phenom enology is inductivc, interpretive, evalu ­ ative, and qualitative in its quest to understand and appreciate the m eaning o f hum an m essages. T h is dichotom ous m indset has led to entrenched and even com bative views: “T h a t w hich we can n ot see, we can n ot m easure and so is m eaningless” ; versus “A ttem p ts to find statistical correlation betw een discrete 175

176

HUXMAN AND ALLEN

v ariab les o f a process, con text-b ou n d p h en om en a (i.e., co m m u n icatio n ) are hopelessly m isgu id ed .” Increasingly, however, our d iscu ssion s h ave been m ore in vitin g and co llab o rativ e. If the spirit o f postm od ern ism h as tau gh t us an y ­ thing, it is th at d ich o tom ies are often overdraw n — som etim es ridiculously so; a m ultip erspectivism en rich es research fin din gs; an d p arad o xes and am biguities in the h u m an con d ition should be celeb rated . T h is chapter, w ritten by on e au th o r w ho practices q u alitativ e research and the oth er w ho practices q u a n titativ e research , su ggests th at there is an im pera­ tive to pairin g qu alitative and q u a n titativ e ap p ro ach es in co m m u n icatio n re­ search . It begins by revisiting the q u a lita tiv e -q u a n tita tiv e d eb ate , but argues th at m any o f the dich o tom ies are overdraw n and th at oth er real harm s to the h ealth o f our disciplin e d eserve our atten tio n . From there, the ch a p te r o utlin es the types, o pp ortu n ities, an d th reats o f trian gu lated research an d in trodu ces several case stud ies in co m m u n icatio n th at blend b eh avioral and p h e n o m e n o ­ logical assu m p tion s.

Q U A L IT A T IV E V E R S U S Q U A N T IT A T IV E : A R E T H E D IS T IN C T IO N S O V E R D R A W N ? W h e n a p e r s o n p o s s e s s e s on ly a h a m m e r , [s /he] will view all p r o b l e m s as re q u ir in g the p o u n d i n g o f nails. — P ro v e rb

Q u a n tita tiv e re se arch in c o m m u n ic atio n tak e s its lead from the n atu ra l sc i­ e n ces. T h e o u tc o m e o f a q u a n tita tiv e e x am in a tio n sh o u ld be the e stim a tio n o f an em p irical re la tio n sh ip b etw een or am o n g a b stra c t c o n c e p tu a l variab les. T h e go al is to find a gen eralizab le re la tio n sh ip th a t g o e s ac ro ss c o n te x t, tim e, an d situ a tio n . For e x am p le , d o c s the am o u n t o f p o litical a d v e rtise m e n ts g e n ­ era te m ore v o te s for a c a n d id a te ? T h e q u a n tita tiv e in v e stig a to r w ould spen d tim e ge n e ra tin g a c o n c e p tu a l u n d e rstan d in g o f w hat is m e an t by the am o u n t o f paid p o litica l ad v e rtise m e n ts, an d th en co m p a re th at to the n u m b er o f v o te s for a c a n d id a te . W hile the term am o u n t o f paid political ad v ertisem en ts may first ap p ear rel­ atively sim ple, it carries w ith it a num ber o f defin itio n al issues. D o es an attack ad v e rtise m e n t on an op p o n e n t c o u n t tow ard the c a n d id a te ’s to tal or not? D o ad v ertisem en ts paid for by som eon e else co u n t tow ard this total? Is a 15-second television ad v e rtise m e n t the sam e as a 3 0 -seco n d ad vertisem en t? How do you total new spaper, radio, In tern et, an d television m aterials? A s on e can see, this sim ple set o f p roblem s related to the operatio n alizin g or puttin g in to practice the c o n ce p tu al entity requires a great deal o f effort. S u ch efforts arc often acri­

11.

S C IE N T IS T S A N D S T O R Y T E L L E R S

1 77

m o n io u s a s s c h o la r s d isa g re e a b o u t th e c o n c e p tu a liz a tio n , as w ell as o peratio n alization o f variou s featu res. Yet this d e b ate an d exp lication , n ever fully settled , is an ex p e cted an d h ealth y part o f the process. T h e seco n d issue is th at a single finding or study is su b ject to Type I (false p o s­ itive) an d Type II (false n egative) error. T h e problem is th at scien ce o p erates in a world o f probability. A single fin din g m ight be the result o f ran dom error. T h e search to estim ate a single asso ciatio n n ecessita te s dozens or even h un dreds o f atte m p ts a t rep lication . T h e rep lication s are even tually sum m arized using m eta-an alysis to distill or gen erate a final asso ciatio n across the entire body o f literatu re th at often sp an s d e cad e s (in som e rare cases we h ave m ore th an 100 years o f d a ta ). S c ie n ce is a dynam ic process o f com parison o f w hat we think we know to the curren t in form ation collected by in vestigators an d the th eoretical p rediction s o f w hat ou gh t to be true. E v en w hen the sc ie n tific a p p ro a c h to u n d e rsta n d in g c o m m u n ic a tio n w ork s (a n d it d o c s ) , it d o e s n o t su p p ly m e an in g . W c h av e se v e ra l m e ta - a n a l­ y ses th a t d e m o n stra te for p u b lic h e a lth m e ssa g e s th a t h igh fe ar m e ssa g e s are m o re p e r su a s iv e th a n low fe a r m e s s a g e s (B o ste r & M o n g e a u , 1 9 8 4 ; M o n g e a u , 1 9 9 8 ; S u tto n , 1 9 8 2 ; W itte & A lle n , 2 0 0 0 ). T h is is an im p o rta n t an d p r a c tic a l fin d in g for th o se e n g a g e d in p u b lic h e a lth . H o w ever, the in fo r­ m a tio n is a b stra c t an d re m o v e d from th e reality o f c ra ftin g th o se m e ssag e s. S ittin g dow n to w rite a h igh fe ar m e ssag e is d ifficu lt w hen re se a rc h c a n n o t p ro v id e in stru c tio n for how to d o it. T h e p ro b lem o f c u ltu ra l in sta n tia tio n is a fu n d a m e n ta l lim ita tio n o f q u a n tita tiv e m e th o d s in c o m m u n ic a tio n re ­ se a rc h (A lle n & P reiss, 2 0 0 2 ). A n o th er exam ple o f the blindness to understan ding eth nographic factors in q uan titative research is best expressed by Fisher (1994): “ H ow appropriate is pre-test and post-test analysis in research assum ing a p rocess view o f com m u n ica­ tion ?” (pp. 3 - 4 ). C arey (1975) defined com m un ication as: “a sym bolic process w hereby reality is produced, m ain tain ed, repaired, and tran sform ed” (p. 17), and in 1989 pointedly en couraged m ass com m un ication researchers to ab an d on the discovery o f laws and d iagnose h um an m eanings (see Leeds-H urw itz, 1995, pp. 4, 7). Yet, b ehaviorists still feel com pelled to treat com plex and dynam ic features o f our com m un icative life as if they were w ell-defined variables entering into fixed relationships irrespective o f con text. Sch olars have long suggested that predic­ tion is flawed in the hum an sciences because we can n ot shield the dom ain o f h u­ m an experien ces from extern al influences. In short, interpretation o f m eaning does n ot allow for exactitude. M o st im portant, if we grant that h um an beings are self-defining, it is m uch m ore accurate to un derstan d com m un icative behavior after the fact than to predict. H um an com m un ication is “ inescapably h istorical” (Polkinghorne, 1983, p. 229).

178

H U X M A N AND A LLEN

Q u alita tiv e research w as born from these reaction s to the lim itation s o f q u a n titativ e design . Ph en om en ology takes its lead from the h u m an ities, w hich arc com m itted to celeb ratin g the “ w ondrously u n com m on creatio n s as escape the gen eralizin g m ind b ecau se they are not, as the scie n tists say o f their e x p e ri­ m en ts, rep licab le" (W ayne B oo th as qu o ted in D arsey, 1994, p. 171). Q u a lita ­ tive research , as V an M a an e n (1983) articu lated , is: “ an um brella term ” coverin g a variety o f in terpretive m eth od s th at “seek to describ e, d eco d e, tran s­ late, and otherw ise com e to term s w ith the m ean in g, n ot the frequency, o f c e r­ tain ... n aturally occurrin g ph en o m en a in the social w orld” (p. 9 ). T h e q u alitativ e research er treats d a ta as particular, con tin u o u s, an d am bigu ous; not d iscrete, replicable, and clearly defin ed. T h e em ph asis is on d escription , an aly­ sis, and exp lan atio n , m ore th an con trol, m easu rem en t, an d prediction (Fitch, 1994, p. 3 2 ). In term s o f the evid en ce o f research reports, n arrative excerp ts of­ ten replace n um erical charts. In the co m m u n icatio n discip lin e, q u alitativ e research ers arc com m itted to e x am in in g how ag e n ts p ro d u ce m ean in g w ith w ords, w ritten or spok en (Tom kins, 1994, p. 4 4 ). T h is m ean s th at co m m u n icatio n is view ed as “ a deeply cultu red p ro ce ss,” and the research er m u st be a n atu ralist o f sorts who “ w atch es, listen s, an d records com m u n icative co n d u c t in its n atu ral se ttin g ” (P hilipsen, 1992, p. 7). R esearch q u estio n s th at begin with how and why replace h ypoth eses th at are driven by if-then co n n ectio n s. S o , for exam ple, qu alitative research ers ask such q u estio n s as: H ow do ad vertisem en ts th at d ep ict su c c e ss­ ful w om en corrob orate and ch allenge theories o f fem inism ? W hy do presid en ­ tial in augurals soun d so m uch alike? How d oes the m usic industry use W eb sites to attra c t con su m ers? W hy are people frigh ten ed o f public speak in g? T h e se q u estio n s en cou rage co m m u n icatio n research ers to personalize, localize, and particularize the im plicatio n s o f their findings. U n like their q u an titativ e c o u n ­ terparts, q u alitative research ers do n ot claim to know w hat their ob servation s m ean “ until they h ave d evelop ed a d escription o f the c o n te x t in w hich the b e ­ h avior took place an d attem p ted to see th at b eh avior from the position o f its o rig in ato r” (V an M a a n e n ,1983, p. 10). Q u alita tiv e research d oes n ot require the sen se o f p erm an en ce n ecessary for scien tific in vestigation . P h ilipsen’s sem in al w ork “S p e a k in g Like a M an in T eam sterv ille,” published in 1975, d o es n ot b ecom e flaw ed if we were to go back to th at sou th -sid e C h ic a g o neigh borhood and found no on e sp eak in g like th at in 2003. T h e requirem en t th at rep lication o f results be c o n textu ally an d tem p o ­ rally in varian t d oes not apply to q u alitativ e research , n or should it. T h e value o f q u alitativ e research lies in cre atin g an in terp retation o f the dynam ics o f a c u l­ ture and the co m m u n icatio n practices on goin g in th at cultu re. H ow ever, c u l­ tures and practices ch an ge with tim e, experien ce, an d c ircu m stan ces.

11.

S C IE N T IS T S AN D S T O R Y T E L L E R S

179

Q u alitative research is not w ithout lim itations. Interpreting m eaning is messy and tim e-consum ing, hut the overriding conccrn is its proclivity to fea­ ture the hum an voicc o f the researcher. “ M eth o d s,” as Black wryly noted: “a d ­ mit o f varying degrees o f personality” (1965, p. xi). Q u alitative research has personality because a lone researcher is generally the sole instrum ent o f obser­ vation and the writing ability o f the researcher is intrinsic to the validity o f the findings. A qualitative researcher m ust bring the reader to corroborate an inter­ pretive process. T h is m eans that the quality o f the research is often dependen t on the caliber o f the researcher’s own com m un icative perform ance (Black, 1965; Ivie, 1994). U nlike the quan titative researcher who purges style and su p­ plants passive voice in order to distan ce the reader, the qualitative researcher tries to engage, even “en ch an t” the reader (Black, 1965, p. xiii) through persu a­ sive “ forensic reason in g” (R osenfield, 1968, p. 10). T h e se traits have led to criti­ cism that the m ethod lacks rigor. W ith the defining characteristics, strengths, and lim itations o f qualitative and quan titative approach es in com m un ication research established, one can see more clearly how the various practices o f the two research traditions work. If you read a research report in an academ ic journal, how can you detect if the a u ­ thor is using q uan titative or qualitative m ethods (procedures or practices) ? A simple answer would be if there are num bers it is quan titative, no num bers q u a l­ itative (Frey, B oton, Friedm an, &. Kreps, 1992, p. 4). Yet as we discuss later in the chapter, more obfuscation than clarity com es from this distinction. A quali­ tative study would be interested in using som e com bination o f interview s, ob ­ servation, and analysis o f texts to represent the com m unicative experiences o f the persons studied. Som etim es called a thick description the report provides an attem pt to capture the essence o f w hat the person enacts or lives within a cu l­ ture. Such descriptions attem pt to represent the symbolic world o f those under study with no attem pt to predict or control the process. A quantitative investigation is concerned with establishing and evaluating the relationship between or am ong conceptualized variables. T h e use o f controls (like those in an experim ent) and understanding the selection o f sam ples for a survey (to estim ate error from the group norm and to generalize to those not in the inves­ tigation) is critical to a quantitative investigation. T h e design may use experi­ m ents, surveys, or c o n ten t analysis to extract inform ation that assesses relationships am ong the variables under study. T h e effort is to find a m ean (a cen ­ tral value) and the reason why individual scores deviate from that value. Q u alitative research is concerned with representations. Individual differ­ en ces arc not treated as part o f the error term but encouraged to becom e part o f the in vestigation. T h e representations in a qualitative investigation are the o u t­ com es and may or may not have ab stract im plications that generalize to others.

180

H U X M A N AND A LLEN

Q u an titativ e research view s the p articu lar particip an ts as operatio n alization s o f a c o n te x t in w hich to exam in e relation sh ips. T h erefo re, the statistics are in ­ ten ded to asse ss an d ev alu ate those relation sh ips. Q u alita tiv e research focuses on the accu racy o f the rep resen tatio n o f the particip an ts' c o m m u n ic a tio n -c u l­ ture w ith ou t n ecessary regard to v a lid a tio n o f e x tern al re la tio n sh ip s or generalizability. W hile there are m any specific q u alitativ e p rocedu res th at research ers use to u n cover a research qu estio n , four com m on on es used in m edia research in ­ c lude: rh etorical criticism , c o n te n t analysis, survey, an d eth n ograp h y (Berger, 199 8 ). U sin g rh etorical criticism (analysis o f d isco u rse ), research ers perform a close, sy stem atic in sp ection o f m essages with the help o f a selected theory th at serves as a lens. T h e aim is to describe, in terpret, an d e v alu ate m essage c o n te n t (e.g., film, book, Web site, speech , and ad v ertisem en t) in order to gain greater insight for how and why persu asion w orks. U sin g co n te n t analysis (m easurin g the am o u n t o f so m eth in g in a rep resen tative sam p lin g o f d isc o u rse ), research ers c o n d u c t a m ore sw eeping, sy stem atic e xam in atio n o f groups o f discourse. T h e aim is to com pare and c o n trast m essage form an d c o n te n t (e.g., television show s, new spaper cov erage, an d political cam p aign literatu re) in order to a s ­ sem ble frequen cies an d estab lish p attern s o f m essages over tim e. R h etorical criticism and co n te n t analysis are text-b ased and un ob trusive procedu res for q u alitativ e in v estigation . C o n te n t analysis, like survey research , is a hybrid p ro­ cedu re; it can be used for q u alitativ e an d q u an titativ e purposes. U sin g surveys (e.g., m ailed questio n n aires, teleph on e surveys, person al in ­ terview s, and focus g ro u p s), research ers ask people ab o u t th em selves in order to draw co n clu sio n s ab ou t w hat the larger pop u lation thinks. H e n ce , gain in g a rep resen tative sam ple is critical. T h e co n stru ctio n o f the q u estio n n aire or in ter­ view guide m ust be un d ertak en in a system atized way to m axim ize the accuracy an d usefulness o f the d a ta gain ed . U sin g eth n ograp h y (particip an t o b se rv a­ tion) , research ers e n ter the field to observe how people co m m u n icate with each o th er in their n atu ral settin gs in order to u n d erstan d the tacit rules th at govern their c om m u n icative in teractio n . Survey an d eth n ograp h y are su b ject, not text-b ased, procedu res o f qu alitative in v estigation . H en ce, they are often re­ ferred to as o b trusive m eth ods th at require su b ject co n se n t. Survey an d c o n te n t analysis are used in q u a n titativ e or qu alitative ap p ro ach es to com m u n ication research an d are typically m arked by bread th o f inquiry. E th nograph y an d rh e­ torical criticism are used strictly in q u alitativ e ap p ro ach es to co m m u n icatio n research an d are typically m arked by d ep th o f inquiry. A s we trot o u t these distin ction s betw een the two research w orldview s, and their correspon din g m eth od s o f ch o ice, we arc m indful n ot to reify the very s te ­ reotypes we eschew . M any o f the dich o tom ies betw een the m eth od s are o v e r­

II.

S C IE N T IS T S AN D S T O R Y T E L L E R S

181

draw n.1 For instance, quan titative research is usually equated with num bers, em piricism , objectivity, and deduction. Q u alitative research conversely is equated with words, subjectivity, and induction. U pon close inspection, these grand eith er-ors collapse. A ll com m unication research is about words. “W ords con stitute T H E data o f interest to C om m u n ication sch olars,” wrote Liska and C ronkh ite (1994, p. 59). In addition, m any qualitative researchers count things. Som e qualitative researchers have described them selves as “ unw itting m ath em atician s” who notice rhetorical patterns, coun t things, and adhere to the law o f “central tenden cy” (H art, 1994b, p. 75, 80). A ll com m un ication re­ searchers do em pirical study. T h e critic-eth n ograp h er and the scien tist have in com m on two vitally im portant activities: “ to see a thing clearly and to record w hat they have seen precisely” (B la c k ,1965, p. 4). A ll com m unication research is rigorous and em pirically based— though quan titative researchers practice it through research team s, random sam pling and replication, and qualitative re­ searchers practice it through purposive sam ples, lengthy im m ersion in a setting, and plausible argum ent drawn from ream s o f raw data. Perhaps the m ost curious distinction involves the d edu ctive-in du ctive debate. N eith er describes what researchers do. A s B avelas sum m arized it: “A ll researchers engage in a sequ en ­ tial process that includes both forms o f reason in g” (1995, p. 54). T h e harm s o f thinking that great chasm s separate the two research practices are several-fold. First, differences o f this m agnitude breed hostility. Berger (1994) decried the tendency o f the field’s active researchers “ to be occupied chronically with arguing about the relative merits o f various m ethodological ap ­ proach es for studying hum an com m unication” (p. 1 1). T h e intensity o f the d e­ bate has som etim es degen erated into personal atta ck .2 Secon d, turf wars also led to w hat Jan esick aptly coined: “ m eth odolatry"— “ the slavish attach m en t and devotion to m eth od” and “ the alm ost con stan t obsession with the trinity o f validity, reliability and generalizability’’ that overtakes the discourse (Janesick, 1988, p. 215). T h e tem ptation to becom e over involved with m ethod m eans that researchers are prone to separate experience from knowing (p. 215). Burke (1969) referred to the ph en om en a o f overzealous affirm ation o f a m yopic skill set as a trained incapacity to see clearly. Th ird, the idolatry o f a particular re­ search paradigm has also led to a distressing tendency to sever research from theoretical advan cem en ts. O p eration al m astery does not in and o f itself pro­ duce theoretical insights about hum an com m unicators. A s Berger (1994) ob ­ served: “A th eoretical qualitative research is as uninform ative as atheoretical q uan titative research” (p. 14). Finally, looking at behaviorism and ph en om en ­ ology as oil and w ater n egates the entire possibilities o f triangulation— o f the postm odern im pulse, o f m any fruitful interdisciplinary and academ ic-profes­ sional partnerships and the proposition to which these authors are com m itted.

182

H U X M A N AND A LLEN

H O W D O E S T R I A N G U L A T IO N W O R K ? C A S E S T U D I E S IN C O M M U N IC A T I O N T h e h u m an it ie s w ith ou t sc ie n ce are blind; sc ie n ce w it h o u t the h u m an it ie s m a y be vicious. — Marie H o chm u th -N ich olas

W h en the w ord b lend ed fam ily first en tered our lexicon to replace broken h om e, it w as m et w ith a m ixture o f relief and resistan ce. In som e sen se, the e n ­ tran ce o f trian gu lation — a b len d in g o f h u m an istic an d scien tific research c u l­ tures— to replace the gre at q u a lita tiv e -q u a n tita tiv e divide h as m et with a sim ilar reaction in the academ y. Paradoxically, the term trian gu lation has been used to describe precision, accuracy, an d clarity, but also ten sion , duplicity, and o b fu scation . O riginally, the term cam e from the field o f n avigatio n to help d e ­ scribe how the use o f m ultiple reference poin ts could help in vestigators zero in on a precise location . T h e location o f an unknow n poin t can be found “by the formation o f a triangle [em p h asis ad d ed ] h avin g the un know n poin t an d two know n poin ts as the v e rtic es” (A m erican H eritag e D ictionary, 2 0 0 1 ). T h is m ean in g o f the term m akes sen se intuitively. A s S in gle to n , S tra its, an d M cA llister (1 988) exp lain ed : “ In their everyday lives, people frequently use m ore than on e m ean s to solve a problem " (p. 3 6 0 ). S o , too, the reason in g goes, blend in g q u alitativ e and q u a n titativ e m eth ods can solve vexin g research prob ­ lem s ab out com m u n ication . Yet in o th er co n te x ts the w ord in vites an opposite m eaning. V isual c o m m u n icatio n sch olars know th at the sh ape o f a triangle c o n ­ n otes ten sion an d irresolution. T h e clich é love trian gle reflects this m ood. T h e B erm u da T rian gle is a n av ig atio n al nigh tm are, an d the ph rase h as com e to sym ­ bolize lost, m isguided, or bun gled scen arios. C o m m u n icatio n co n su lta n ts use the term trian gu latin g to design ate w hen two people are en gaged in unhealthy con flict m a n age m e n t— a dy sfu nction al co m m u n icatio n p attern that involves sh arin g frustration s ab out an o th er in dividual to a third person (Brenner, 2 0 0 1 ). T h is con flu en ce o f op p osites can enrich the usage o f the term in a research setting. P racticin g trian gu lation is fraugh t with op p ortu n ities and threats, c la r­ ity, an d ob fu scation , the blend in g o f view s, and the break in g o f trad ition s. A s the title o f our essay su ggests, w hat the field o f co m m u n icatio n really n eeds are good scien tists and storytellers. S c ie n tists, w ho u n d erstan d the im portan ce o f precision an d m easu rem en t; storytellers, w ho u n d erstan d the im portan ce o f e n ­ gagem en t and reason in g. C o m m u n ic a tio n research as a w hole n eeds scope and generalizability, b ut it also m ust be vivid an d particular. If we can fram e our re­ search from a trian gu lated p ersp ective, we will yield e x p lan atio n and insight; be true to the n eed o f rep lication and receptivity; and presen t findings th at are effi­ cien t an d com pellin g. N e ith e r w orldview h as a corn er on relevan ce, validity, or

II.

S C IE N T IS T S A N D S T O R Y T E L L E R S

18 Î

sign ifican ce. A “ sy n cretic” (P olkin gh orne, 1983, p. xi) or m u ltip arad igm atic a p ­ p roach allow s these stap les o f sch olarsh ip to flourish. T h a t said, w here d ocs one begin? T h e opp ortu n ities for trian gu lation arc seem ingly en dless but b ecau se the path is n ot well m arked, th reats loom large. Ja n e sic k (1 988) p osited four types o f trian gu lation : (a) in vestigator, (b) d ata, (c) m eth od o logical, and (d) th eoretical, b ut published sch olarsh ip in the disciplin e tends n ot to reference this typology. We know th at in creasingly research ers a d ­ v o c a te trian gu lation , b ut preciou s few practice it. W orse yet, grad u ate training in un iversities still ten ds to prepare stu d e n ts for one m eth od or the other, not b oth (Jick, 198.3, p. 135), an d aca d e m ic research pu b licatio n s still prefer sin g u ­ lar m eth ods, citin g length an d focus con cern s. Yet, excitin g m odels o f blended sch olarsh ip exist on a range o f co m m u n icatio n topics from across the a c a ­ d em ic-pro fessio n al lan d scap e. T h e c ase stu d ies exam in ed below treat tren ds in p residen tial discourse from the 1960s through the 1980s, m edia co verage o f c h a ra c te r issu es in the 200 0 p residen tial cam p aign , view er reactio n s to te le ­ vised political d e b ates in the 200 0 election , and m edia coverage o f the A ID S epidem ic from its in cep tion to the presen t by com b in in g q u alitative an d q u a n ti­ tative research m eth ods in so p h isticated ways.

N E W D I R E C T I O N S IN C O N T E N T A N A L Y S IS C o n te n t analysis is the old est qu an titatively driven m eth od in m ass c o m m u n i­ catio n research , e xten d in g b ack to the 1800s in this country, an d even the 1500s in E urope. By the late 1960s, a few p ractition ers (G offm an , 1979; H olsti, 1969) em b raced the radical n otion th at c o n te n t analysis should b eco m e m ore q ualitatively driven . Specifically, this n on trad ition al p ractice m ean s th at: (a) sign ifican ce is not e q u ated exclusively with frequen cy o f o ccu rren ce; (b) c o n ­ ten t catego ries cou ld an d sh ould be ju d gm en tal or in terp retive; an d (c) a d isc u s­ sion o f laten t m ean in gs should follow the pre se n tatio n o f m an ifest co n ten t. In sh ort, the research go al is to b eco m e ad ep t at descriptive sta tistic s and rh eto ri­ c al analysis. G o ffm an ’s (1 979) im pressive stu d ies o f gen d er stereo ty pes an d a d ­ v ertisem en ts exem plified som e o f these new ideas. Few follow ed this lead. A con tem p orary co m m u n icatio n researcher, H art, has w on recogn ition for his so p h isticated blend in g o f co n te n t analysis and rh etorical criticism . In 1984, H art published Verbal Style and the Presidency: A Com puter-Based Analysis, a w ork th at sh o w cased his specially design ed softw are pack ag e, D IC T IO N . T h e work exam in ed 8 0 0 presiden tial m essages from Jo h n F. K ennedy to R on ald R e a ­ gan from 30 different lan gu age analysis v a n tag e points. T h e study w as both a h u m an istic an d scien tific e xam in atio n o f p residen tial rh etoric th at in H a rt’s ow n w ords w as “ precise, co m preh en sive, co m p arativ e, and q u a n tita tiv e ” (p.

184

H U X M A N AND A LLEN

14). T h e sam p lin g m eth od s, units o f analysis, relian ce on co m p u ter softw are, an d, o f cou rse, the d a ta presen tatio n in the form o f nearly 60 tab les show ing d e ­ scriptive sta tistic s an d correlatio n am on g the lan guage use o f p residen ts, were q u an titativ ely driven . T h e use o f in terp retative catego ries (activity, optim ism , certainty, realism , em b ellish m ent, variety, h um an in terest, com plexity, e tc .), the an alysis o f late n t m ean in gs, an d the o verall in terest in presid en tial u n iq u e ­ ness (clevern ess o f sym bolic c h o ice s), n ot ju st p residen tial conform ity (fre­ quen cy o f sym bolic ch o ic e s), w as q ualitatively driven. T h e results o f this tw o-pronged inquiry are broad (e.g., Presid en ts scored significantly higher in their use o f optim ism , self-reference, realism an d cau tio n than business, reli­ gious, an d political leaders) an d deep (e.g., K en n ed y ’s rh etoric w as least folksy, Jo h n so n ’s least com p lex, an d N ix o n ’s m ost realistic o f all oth er p resid en ts’ rh et­ oric). H art cap tu red the trian gu lated effort in this way: T h e p u r p o s e h e r e is to s h o w w h y t h e n u m e r i c a l d a t a t u r n e d o u t as t h e y di d . F ig u r e 1.2 is e v e r y bit a s i m p o r t a n t a s T a b l e 1.1 s i n c e t h e f o r m e r t e a r s u s a w a y fr o m th e m a g i c o f n u m b e r s a n d f o r c e s us t o d e a l , m i c r o s c o p i c a l l y , w it h th e s t r u c t u r e o f l a n ­ g u a g e . S u c h p r o c e d u r e s r e t u rn u s to t h e li ve d re a li ty o f s y m b o l - u s i n g a n d d e m a n d t h a t we d o c u m e n t for o u r s e l v e s t h e fa c t s u n e a r t h e d by t h e c o m p u t e r . T h r o u g h o u t t h is b o o k , t h e r e f o r e , e x a m p l e s o f p r e s i d e n t i a l p e r s u a s i o n will b e u s e d e x t e n s i v e l y . In a l m o s t all c a s e s , I h a v e c o n f i n e d t h e n u m e r i c a l d a t a to t h e A p p e n d i x e s s o t h a t w o r d s — n o t n u m b e r s — r e c e i v e t h e a t t e n t i o n d u e t h e m . T h e n u m b e r s , o f c o u r s e , are i n d i s p e n s a b l e , fo r t h e y a d d t h e le v e l o f d e t a i l n e c e s s a r y to m a k e s h a r p d i s c r i m i n a ­ t io n s a n d v a li d c o m p a r i s o n s . B u t e v e r y a t t e m p t will be m a d e h e r e to te ll t h e rh etori­ c a l st o ry o f t h e m o d e r n p r e s i d e n c y ; to a p p r e c i a t e t h a t sto ry, w e m u s t li s te n , critic all y, to w h a t o u r p r e s i d e n t s h a v e s a i d . ( 1 9 8 4 , p. 34)

Increasingly, q u alitativ e co n te n t analysis in co m m u n icatio n is bein g p rac ­ ticed an d finding a receptive au d ien ce. For exam ple, T h e P roject for E xcellen ce in Jo u rn alism , funded by the Pew R e search C e n te r at C o lu m b ia U niversity, re ­ leased in their ow n w ords, an “ u n u su al study o f the c h a ra c te r issue in the 2000 p residen tial election ” (np, n d ). T h e study w as u n u su al in two sen ses. First, “ c h a ra c te r” is a variable th at requires in terpretive catego ries (in this case, the c o n te n t catego ries in clu ded six th em es: for G o re, “ sc an d a l ta in te d ,” “ liar,” “ c o m p e te n ce ” ; for B ush , “different kind o f R e p u b lic an ,” “ u n in telligen t,” and “ c o asts on fam ily”). T h e se ch a ra c te r them es are difficult to isolate an d quantify. S e c o n d , the c o n te n t analysis w as paired with a com pan ion teleph on e survey to reveal how in fluen tial press co verage is in sh apin g public opin ion o f c an d id ate s. T h e study exam in ed 5 w eeks o f stories in n ew spapers, television, radio, an d the In tern et betw een February and Ju n e o f 2000. D raw n from a d a ta set o f 2000 print and In tern et stories and 4 0 0 television an d radio program s, the study s u g ­ g ested th at ch aracte r w as a m ajo r focus o f the coverage. B ush received m ore positive co v erage, G ore m ore n egative cov erage; yet, as the survey d a ta re­

11.

S C IE N T IS T S A N D S T O R Y T E L L E R S

185

vealed , people form their ow n im pression s o f the c a n d id a te s’ c h a ra c te r so m e ­ tim es in spite o f the ten d en cies o f press coverage. In e ach c ase , the c o n te n t an alytic findings w ere en riched w ith the pairing o f q u alitativ e an d q u a n titativ e d a ta . N o t only d o we learn the w hat and w here o f a co m m u n icatio n ph en om en a, b ut also the how an d why. B read th o f discovery an d d ep th o f insight is a com pellin g, albeit difficult, research ach ievem ent.

N E W D I R E C T I O N S IN IN T E R V I E W S T h e em ergen ce o f civic journ alism has led to an u n an ticip ated need for triangulation an d an em ph asis on q u alitativ e ap p ro ach es to new sgathering. Interview m eth ods, for in stan ce, h ave b eco m e m uch m ore com p lex, tim e-con su m in g, and c o n te x t-d e p e n d e n t in an effort to gen erate relevan t, in -d epth stories from the lo cal citizenry. S o p h is tic a te d in terv iew in g m e th o d s th a t req u ire professio n al-acad e m ic partn ersh ips are finding their way in to television new sroom s especially d u ring election coverage. T h e In terdisciplin ary C o m m u n ic a tio n R e ­ search In stitu te at W ich ita S ta te U n iversity devised a live d eb ate tracker, a m o ­ bile au to m a te d respo n se testin g in stru m en t (M A R T I) th at K SN W , the N B C affiliate, used in coverin g the 2000 p residen tial d e b ate s. W h eth er used for d e ­ b ate tracking, ev alu atin g m arketin g strategies, testin g ad vertisin g co n ce p ts, or even analyzing legal d efen ses, M A R T I allow s for focus group d a ta to be g a th ­ ered an d p rocessed in a m ore scien tific way, acco rd in g to the p rinciple in v e stiga­ tor o f the project, Philip G a u n t (perso n al co m m u n icatio n , M ay 9, 2 0 0 2 ). For the television statio n d e b ate p roject, a ran dom sam p le o f area residen ts was c o n d u c ted by a team o f university research ers. R ecru itm en t for the focus group involved screen in g for p olitical affiliation , race, gender, in com e, an d ed u catio n . O n ce the scien tifically se lected focus group p articip an ts were iden tified, they m et at the television statio n to view the d e b ate live an d w ere given respond ers th at looked like w alkie-talkies to record their im pression s in real tim e. E ach re­ sp on d er h ad a num eric pad (to register d iscrete cognitive reaction ) an d a d y ­ n am ic con trol on the side (to register feeling sta te s). R esu lts w ere ag gregated a cco rd in g to m ale versus fem ale, and superim p osed on the d eb ate im age at the b ottom o f the screen . T h e n ovelty o f the M A R T I tech n o lo gy is th at it reco rd ed d isc re te an d c o n ­ tin u o u s d a ta in easy -to -p ro c e ss real tim e. In sh o rt, the b len d ed re se arch p o ssi­ b ilities th a t this tech n ology allow ed w ere se v e ra l fold. Q u an titativ ely , the focus grou p w as a re p re se n tativ e sam p le. M A R T I allow ed for precisio n o f an aly sis in n u m erical term s. T h e study co n tro lle d for g e n d e r an d co u ld c o n ­ trol for o th e r v ariab les. Finally, M A R T I p reserved the an on y m ity o f the p a r­ tic ip a n ts from the m ass au d ien ce . Q u alitativ ely , the fo cu s group w as deb riefed

186

H U X M A N AND A LLEN

a fte r th e live d e b a te by a m o d e r a to r w h o c o u ld ask su c h th in g s as: W h y did the w o m en in th e g ro u p re sp o n d so n e g a tiv e ly to c e rta in issu e s, w hile th e m en te n d e d to re sp o n d p o sitiv ely ? M a n y in sta n c e s o f a g e n d e r d iv id e w ere r e ­ c o rd e d an d th e d ia le d in te n sity o f fe e lin g in fo rm a tio n g e n e ra te d m ore d is c u s ­ sio n th a n th e p a d p re se n c e or a b se n c e in fo rm a tio n . T h e e v e n t w as live an d allo w e d for c o n tin u o u s re a c tio n th u s le sse n in g th e artificia lity o f a tr a d itio n a l b e h a v io rist stud y. O f c o u r se , th e s o p h is tic a tio n o f th is p r o je c t re q u ire d in v e s ­ tig a to r tria n g u la tio n , to o . E n g in e e rs, te c h n ic a l d ire c to rs, p r o d u c e rs, an d r e ­ p o rte rs a t th e te le v isio n sta tio n w ork ed w ith c o m m u n ic a tio n a n d e d u c a tio n fa c u lty a t th e u n iv e rsity to p u ll o ff a first in lo c a l n ew s p ro g ra m m in g an y w h ere in th e c o u n try (G a u n t, p e rso n a l c o m m u n ic a tio n , M ay 9, 2 0 0 2 ).

A T R A J E C T O R Y O F R E S E A R C H IN H IV E D U C A T I O N A N D M E D IA C O V E R A G E M o re o fte n , trian g u late d stud y o f a re se arc h q u e stio n c o m e s in d irectly from trac in g the a c c u m u la te d k n o w led g e b a se o f a su b je c t o v e r tim e. T h e fa st c h a n g ­ in g w orld o f how th e m e d ia re sp o n d ed to w h at b e c a m e kn o w n as th e H IV e p i­ d e m ic is a c a se in p o in t. A fu n d a m e n ta l c h a lle n g e to jo u rn a lism an d the p ra c tic e s o f the m ass m e d ia ap p e are d in the early 19 8 0 s w h en gro u p s o f gay m en sta rte d dyin g o f rare d ise a se s like K a p o s i’s S a r c o m a in N e w York an d S a n F ra n ­ c isc o . T h e o rig in al lab el, G a y R e la te d In fec tio u s D ise a se (G R I D ), w as e v e n tu ­ ally su p p la n te d by th e term A c q u ire d Im m u n e D efic ien c y S y n d ro m e (A ID S ) an d th e c a u se o f the d ise ase , H u m a n Im m u n o d eficien c y V irus (H IV ), w as d is ­ c o v e re d . C ritic a l q u e stio n s a b o u t m e d ia co v e ra g e h av e e m e rg ed : (a) D id m ed ia c o v e ra g e fuel a h o m o p h o b ic re a c tio n ? (b) D id m e d ia p ra c tic e s fav o r the p o liti­ c al an d scie n tific elite, an d th e sta tu s q u o a t th e e x p e n se o f c h a n g e an d in te r­ v e n tio n ? an d (c) D id m e d ia desire to av o id d isc u ssio n o f d ista ste fu l issu es, m argin alize p e rso n s (e.g., h o m o se x u a ls an d d ru g users) an d p ra c tic e s (i.e., an a l sex, b re astfe e d in g, n e e d le sh arin g, an d p ro m iscu ity ) ? E x a m in a tio n o f m e d ia co v e ra g e in th is are n a e x ists from a variety o f so u rce s b o th q u a n tita tiv e an d q u a lita tiv e . O n e g ro u n d b re a k in g body o f re se arc h on this to p ic, E lw o o d ’s (1 9 9 9 ) Power in the blood: A handbook on A ID S , politics, an d com ­ m unication, is a c o m p ila tio n o f b e h a v io ra l an d p h e n o m e n o lo g ic a l a p p ro a c h e s th a t tak e n as a w hole e x e m p lifie s m u ltip le types o f trian g u latio n . Q u a n tita tiv e an aly se s in the b o o k d o c u m e n ts the k in d, am o u n t, tren d s, an d im p a ct o f m e d ia c o v e ra g e in a variety o f se ttin g s, in c lu d in g su ch th in gs as the n u m b e r an d types o f g u e sts on tele v isio n p ro gram s (W right, 1 9 9 9 ), re call o f p u b lic se rv ic e a n n o u n c e m e n ts (W alters, W alters, & P riest, 1 9 9 9 a ), an d the rise o f A I D S as a p u b lic issu e (W alters, W alters, & Priest, 1 9 9 9 b ). T h e s e in v e stig a ­

11.

S C IE N T IS T S AN D S T O R Y T E L L E R S

187

tions, using a variety o f experim ental, quasiexperim ental, and survey m ethods respectively, provide a valuable set o f quan titative inquiries on w hat the m edia coverage o f this nation al epidem ic looked like, as well as the im pact o f that co v ­ erage. In short, the accum u lated research quantifies institutional bias on the part o f m edia and points to the silences in the m edia at representing conditions afflicting the less popular segm ents o f society (Fuller, 1999). W hile m edia coverage o f H IV was being docum en ted in term s o f q u a n tita­ tive research, ad ditional study explored the undercurrent o f frustration and fear expressed by marginalized publics. Q u alitative essays in the Elwood anthology addressed these concerns. H aller (1999) pointed out that the change o f A ID S to a legally defined disability carried a num ber o f im plications for how m edia covered such stories, n ot just how many stories were published. R hetorical works in the series deal with the political issues involved in H IV (G erm an & C ourtright, 1999; M cKinney & Pepper, 1998) and perm it further u n derstan d­ ing o f the scientific investigations that preceded them . T h e backdrop o f politi­ cal and social forces that had labeled the disease represented a m eans to interpret the nature o f the m edia reaction. T h e inability o f the R eagan adm inis­ tration to acknow ledge the disease and, as M cK inney and Pepper (1998) pointed out, the distraction s o f the C lin ton adm inistration provides insight into the m edia practices docum en ted in the quan titative studies. T h e problem with any source o f scientific or quan titative study is that the in­ form ation m ust be understood in the environm ent in which those m essages o p ­ erate. W hen one un derstands the broader social, econom ic, and political con text o f the m essages, then the quan titative data m ake sense. So, the im pact o f the an n ou ncem ent that N B A A ll-Star Earvin “M agic” Joh n son had co n ­ tracted H IV on public attitudes and behaviors (A llen ct. al., 2001) provides an exam ple o f shifting attitudes in response to a single event. T h e problem with qualitative research, on the other hand, is that interpretive practices need a big picture perspective to validate the significance o f their findings. T h e work by K naus and A u stin (1999) dealing with the im pact o f the A ID S M em orial Q uilt required a con text in which to interpret the m eaning or symbolism o f the quilt as a poten tial form o f A ID S education and prevention. T h e pairing o f qu alita­ tive and quan titative research perm its an understanding o f the quilt in personal and symbolic term s, as well as the social im plications o f the artwork as a force for change. Similarly, Sh ilts (1987), as a reporter, did not simply report just the facts but through personal in-depth interview s provides insight into those m edical and scientific facts in the con text o f the gay com m unity and represents the em o­ tional and political struggles in which such facts take place. A n alysis is n ot con fused with bias (an asso ciatio n often m ade by behaviorists to describe qu alitative work) when the qu alitative research er can dem on-

188

HUXMAN AND ALLEN

s t r a t e t h a t t h e c o n c l u s i o n r e a c h e d c a r r i e s a g r e a t e r s e n s e o f u n i v e r s a li t y t h a n si m p l y th e p e r s p e c t i v e o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l . A l l o f th e p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d c a s e s t u d i e s a r c t e s t a m e n t to th e p o w e r o f t r i a n g u l a t e d r e s e a r c h m e t h o d s to r e d u c e th e w e a k n e s s e s o f a n y o n e m e t h o d , c o m b i n e the s t r e n g t h s o f m u l t ip l e m e t h ­ o d s , a n d a d d s o p h i s t i c a t i o n ( b o t h s c o p e a n d i n si g h t ) t o r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n s in com m un ication .

C O N C LU SIO N In an age of mass media, a new and complex phenomenology reigns. — R o d H a r t ( 1 9 9 4 , p. 3 1 0 )

E t h n o g r a p h e r s , w ro t e Ph ilip s e n ( 1 9 9 2 ) , m u s t b e g o o d s c ie n t is t s a n d storytellers. T h a t im p e r a ti v e , we h a v e a r g u e d , s h o u l d be true o f all c o m m u n i c a t i o n r e ­ s e a r c h e r s r e g a r d le s s o f p e r s p e c t i v e (b e h a v i o r i s m or p h e n o m e n o l o g y ) , field (jo u r n a l i s m o r t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s ) r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n (w h a t, a n d w h e re, or how, a n d w h y ), or s e tt in g ( la b o r a t o ry o r field). T h e p a ir in g o f q u a l i t a t i v e a n d q u a n t i t a t i v e a p p r o a c h e s in c o m m u n i c a t i o n is n c c e s s a r y in a disc ip lin e t h a t d e ­ fin es i ts e l f in p r o c e s s a n d c o n t e x t - d e p e n d e n t term s. T h e tw o a p p r o a c h e s arc a ls o n e c e s s a r y for re s e a r c h e r s w h o are c o m m i t t e d to s h o w c a s i n g th e h u m a n i n ­ g e n u it y o f o u r s y m b o l s y ste m a n d yet s e e k to the oriz e a b o u t th e re g u lar itie s o f c o m m u n i c a t i v e p a tt e r n s . T h i s c h a p t e r b e g a n by r e v i s i ti n g th e q u a l i t a t i v e - q u a n t i t a t i v e d i v i d e in o r ­ d e r to c a p t u r e t h e d i s t i n c t s t r e n g t h s a n d w e a k n e s s e s o f e a c h a p p r o a c h , b u t a l s o t o s h o w t h a t m a n y o f t h e d i c h o t o m i e s b e t w e e n th e tw o r e s e a r c h t r a d i ­ t i o n s are o v e r d r a w n . In r e c o g n iz i n g t h a t m a n y o f t h e d i f f e r e n c e s a r e e x a g g e r ­ a t e d , c o m m u n i c a t i o n s c h o l a r s c a n s e e m o r e c le a r ly th e t y p es, o p p o r t u n i t i e s , a n d c h a l l e n g e s o f t r i a n g u l a t i o n . A t t h e s a m e t im e , w e a c k n o w l e d g e d t h a t th e t e r m i t s e l f is f r a u g h t w ith d o u b l e m e a n i n g s , r e q u ir i n g c a u t i o u s v e n t u r e i n to b l e n d e d m o d e s o f inquiry. W e h i g h l i g h t e d n e w d i r e c t i o n s in c o m m u n i c a t i o n c o n te n t an alysis an d su rv ey research , in v o lv in g a ran ge o f c o m m u n ic a tio n topics (presid en tial sp e e c h p a tte rn s, m e d ia c o v e ra g e o f c a m p a ig n s, televised deb ate response, and m edia coverage o f A I D S ) . A ll used innovative trian gu ­ l a t i o n ( c o n t e n t a n a l y s i s p a i r e d w ith r h e t o r i c a l c r i t ic i s m ; t e l e p h o n e s u r v e y s p a i r e d w it h c o n t e n t a n a ly s is ; f o c u s g r o u p s p a i r e d w ith a c o m p u t e r i z e d s u r v e y i n s t r u m e n t ; a n d r h e t o r i c a l c r i t ic i s m p a i r e d w ith p e r s o n a l i n t e r v ie w s a n d tie d to m e t a - a n a l y s e s ) . T h e s e k in d s o f st u d ie s sh o u ld in d ica te t h a t the o u t l o o k for trian g u late d re­ se a r c h in c o m m u n i c a t i o n is prom isin g. In ad d itio n to the view alre ad y ex p r e ss e d in this chapter, re se ar c h e r s w o u ld be wise to n o t e t h a t the d e m a n d s o f p o s t ­

11

189

SC IE N TISTS AND ST O R Y T ELLER S

m o d e r n i s m in t h e a c a d e m y a n d c r o s s - t r a i n i n g in t h e w o r k p l a c e w ill c o n t i n u e t o su p p o rt a sy n cretic a p p r o a c h to re se arc h p rac tic e a n d a m o re c o m p le x p h e n o ­ m e n o lo g ic a l o u tlo o k . F o u c a u lt (1 9 8 0 ) re m in d e d us th a t th e discursive tu rn o f p o s t m o d e r n i s m p r i v i l e g e s t h e p o w e r o f w o r d s . P o w e r is l o c a t e d in d i s c o u r s e ; it is n o l o n g e r t h e h a n d m a i d e n o f e c o n o m i c r e a l i t i e s . C o n c o m i t a n t l y , t h e ris e o f c h a o s t h e o r y , e s p e c i a l l y in t h e f i e l d o f p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s ( M u r p h y , 1 9 9 6 ) , r e m i n d s u s t h a t to c a p tu r e the c o m p le x ity a n d volatility o f pu blic o p in io n , p re d ictio n , an d c o n tro l m o d e ls m u s t give w ay to n on lin ear, q u a lita tiv e m o d e ls. T h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n d u s t r y is a l s o d e m a n d i n g t h a t t h e a c a d e m y p r o d u c e g r a d u a t e s w h o a r e m u l t i s k i l l e d . E m p l o y e r s in a ll t y p e s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o i v r e la t e d fie ld s e x p e c t , n o t ju s t h o p e , t h a t s t u d e n t s c a n e s ta b lis h r a p p o r t w ith c li­ e n ts ; c ra ft c o m p e llin g sto rie s t h r o u g h a r tic u la te s p e a k in g , w riting, a n d v isu a l r e p re se n ta tio n ; d e c ip h e r pollin g d a ta , tab les, a n d sp rea d sh e e ts; u n d e r sta n d the r e s e a r c h p r o c e s s ; c o n t r o l fo r v a r i a b le s ; a n d b e c o m e i m m e r s e d in c o m m u n i c a t i v e c o n t e x t s b y t a k i n g it t o t h e s t r e e t s .

ENDNOTES ’ Curiously, these dicho tom ie s still find their way into m e th o d s textbooks with great regularity. S e e B ave las in Leeds-H urw itz (1 9 9 5 ) for an exception al and witty discussion o f many false dichoto m ies. 2See for instan ce the D arsey vs. H a rt e xch an ge in Western Journal o f Com munication (1 994 ) the spe c ial issue d e v o t e d to q u a litativ e and q u a n tit a tiv e c o n c e rn s . In ad dition , Polkinghorne (1 9 83) and C o h e n ’s (1 994) work summarizing a century-worth o f lively, and s om etim es acrim on ious, debate.

REFERENCES A llen, M., & Preiss, R. (2 0 0 2 ). A n analysis o f tex tb ook s in interpersonal c o m m u n ic atio n : How ac curate are the representations? In M . A llen, R. Preiss, B. Gayle, &. N . Burrell ( E d s .) , Interpersonal com m unication research: A d van ces through m eta-an aly sis (pp. 3 7 1 - 3 8 8 ) . M a h w a h , N J: Law ren ce Erlbaum A ssoc iate s. A llen, M., Casey, M., E m m e rs - S o m m e r s, T., Sah lste in , E., Degooyer, D., D u n n , T., Wagner, E., & W inters, A. (2001, April). W h e n a celebrity c o n trac ts a disease: T h e e xam ple o f Earvin “ M a g i c ” Jo h n s o n ’s a n n o u n c e m e n t that he was H IV positive. Paper presented at the C e n tr a l S t a t e s C o m m u n i c a ti o n A s s o c iatio n con ve n tion , Cin c in n a ti, O H . (E R IC Document #4 5 3 1 4 9 ). Am erican Heritage Dictionary (2 0 0 1 ). 4th ed. N e w York: Dell. A questio n o f character: How the m edia have han dled the issue and how the public has reacted (2 0 0 0 ). Project for excellence in journalism , Pew C h aritab le Trusts, C o lu m b ia U n iv e r ­ sity G r a d u a te S c h o o l o f Journalism . Bavelas, J. B. (1 9 9 5 ). Q u a n tit a t iv e versus qualitative? In W. Leeds-I Iurwitz (E d.), Social a p ­ proaches to cotnmunication (pp. 4 9 - 6 2 ) . N ew York: Guilford. Berger, A . B. (1 9 9 8 ). Media research techniques (2nd e d.). T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sage. Berger, C . (1 9 9 4 ). Evidence? For W h at? Western Jo u rn al o f Com m unication, 58, 1 1 - 1 9 9 .

190

IIÜ X M A N A N D A LLE N

Black, E. (1 9 6 5 ). Rhetorical criticism: A study in method. M a d iso n , W I: U niversity o fW i s c o n sin Press. Boster, F. J., &. M o n g e a u , P. (1 9 8 4 ). Fear-arousing persuasive messages. In R. Bostrom (E d.), Com m unication yearbook (8th ed., pp. 3 3 0 - 3 7 5 ) . N ewbury Park, C A : Sage. Brenner, R. (2 0 0 1 ). E m otion s at work: T h e triangulation zone. Point Lookout, C h a c o C an y on Co n su ltin g [on-line]. A vailable: h ttp://w w w .chacocanyon.com Burke, K. (1 9 6 9 ). A rhetoric of motives. Berkeley, C A : University o f C alifornia Press. Carey, J. W. (1 9 7 5 ). A cultu ral ap pro ac h to c o m m u n ic atio n . Communication, 2, 1-22. Carey, J. W. (1 9 8 9 ). Culture as communication: Essays on media and society. Boston : Unwin Hym an. C o h e n , H. (1 9 9 4 ). The history of speech communication: The emergence of a discipline, 1 9 1 4 - 1 9 4 5 . A n n a n d a l e , V A : S p e e c h C o m m u n i c a ti o n A ssoc iation . Darsey, J. (1 9 9 4 ). M u st we all be rh eto rical theorists? A n an ti-d em o c ratic inquiry. Western Journal of Comm unication, 58, 1 6 4 - 1 8 1 . Elwood, W. (E d.). (1 9 9 8 ). Power in the blood: A handbook on A ID S, politics, and communication. M a h w a h , N J: Law ren ce Erlbaum A sso c iate s. Fisher, W. (1 9 9 4 ). G e n e sis o f the con ve rsa tion . Western Journ al o f Comm unication, 58, 3 - 4 . Fitch, K. (1 9 9 4 ). Criteria for eviden ce in qualitative research. Western Jo urn al o f C om m unica­ tion, 58, 32—38. Frey, L., B otan , C., Friedm an, P., &. Kreps, G. (1 9 9 2 ). Interpreting communication. Englewood Cliffs, N J: Prcntice-H all. Foucault, M. (1 9 8 0 ). Power¡knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings, 1 9 2 7 - 1 9 7 7 (C. G o r d o n , Trans.). N e w York: Pantheon. Fuller, L. (1 9 9 9 ). M e d ia m a n ip u lation s and the A I D S /b r e a s tfe e d in g issue. In W. Elwood (E d.), Power in the blood: A handbook on A I D S , politics, and communication (pp. 3 4 1 - 3 5 2 ) . M a h w a h , NJ: L aw rcn ce Erlbaum A sso c iate s. G e rm a n , K., & Courtrigh t, J. (1 9 9 9 ). Politically privileged voices: G la se r and Fisher ad dress the 1992 Presidential n om in atin g con ve n tion s. In W. Elwood (E d.), Power in the blood: A handbook on A ID S, politics, and communication (pp. 6 7 - 7 6 ) . M a h w a h , NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum A ssoc iate s. G o ffm an , E. (1 9 7 9 ). Gender advertisements. New York: H a rp e r & Row. Haller, B. (1 9 9 9 ). A I D S as a legally defined disability: Im plications from new media coverage. In W. Elwood (E d.), Power in the blood: A hajidbook on A ID S, politics, and communication (pp. 2 6 7 - 2 8 0 ) . M a h w a h , NJ: L aw ren ce Erlbaum A sso c iate s. H art, R. (1 9 8 4 ). Verbal style and the presidency: A computer-based analysis. N e w York: A c a ­ demic Press. H art, R. (1 9 9 4 a ). D oing criticism my way: A reply to Darsey. Western Journ al o f C om m unica­ tion, 58, 3 0 8 - 3 1 2 . Hart, R. (19 94b ). W andering with rheto rical criticism. In W. N o th stin e , C . Blair, & G. C o p e ­ land (E ds.), C ritical questions: Invention, creativity, and the criticism of discourse and the media (pp. 7 1 - 8 1 ) . N e w York: St. Martins. Holsti, O . (1 9 6 9 ). Content analysis for the social sciences and humanities. M en lo P a r k . C A : A d ­ dison-Wes ley. Ivie, R. (1 9 9 4 ). A questio n o f significance. Quarterly Journ al o f Speech, 80, 1. Ja n e sic k , Y. (1 9 8 8 ). T h e d a n c e o f qualitative research design: Metaphor, methodology, and meaning. In R. Singleton, Jr., B. Straits, M. Stra its, & R. M c A lliste r (E ds.), Approaches to social research (pp. 2 0 9 - 2 2 9 ) . N ew York: O x fo rd University Press. Jick, T. (1 9 8 3 ). M ixin g qualitative an d quan titative m e th ods: Triangulation in action. In J. V a n M a a n e n (E d.), Q ualitative methodology (pp. 1 3 5 - 1 4 8 ) . Beverly Hills, C A : Sage. K n a u s, C ., &. Austin, E. (1 9 9 9 ). T h e A I D S m em orial quilt as a preventative ed u c ation : A d e ­ v e lo p m en tal analysis o f the quilt. A ID S Education and Prevention 1 1, 5 2 5 - 5 4 0 .

11

SCIEN TISTS A N D STO R YTELLER S

191

Leeds-Hurw itz, W. (Ed.). (1 9 9 5 ). Social approaches to communication. N ew York: Guilford. Liska, J., & C ro n k h ite , G. (1994, W inter). O n the d e ath , d ism e m b erm e n t, or d isestab lish ­ m en t o f the d o m in a n t paradigm s. Western Journal o f Com m unication, 58, 5 8 - 6 5 . M cKinney, M., &. Pepper, B. (1 9 9 8 ). From hope to h eartbreak: Bill C lin ton and the rhetoric o f A I D S . In W. Elwood (E d.), Power in the blood: A handbook on A ID S , politics, and commu­ nication (pp. 7 7 - 9 2 ) . M a h w a h , N J: Law ren ce Erlbaum A sso c iate s. M o n g e a u , P. (1 9 9 8 ). A n o th e r look at fear-arousing persuasive ap peals. In M. Allen & R. Preiss (E ds.), Persuasion: Advances through m eta-analysis (pp. 5 3 - 6 8 ) . Cresskill, NJ: H a m p t o n Press. Murphy, P. (1 9 9 6 ). C h a o s theory as a model for m a n a gin g issues and crises. Public Relations Review, 22, 9 5 - 1 13. Philipsen, G. (1 9 7 5 ). Sp e a k in g like a m a n in Teamsterv ille: C u ltu ra l pattern s o f role e n a c t ­ m en t in an urban n eigh borhood. Q uarterly Journal of Speech, 61, 1 3 -22 . Philipsen, G. (1 9 9 2 ). Speaking culturally: Explorations in social communication. Albany, NY: S tate University o f N ew York Press. Polkinghorne, D. (1 9 8 3 ). Methodology for the human sciences. N ew York: S t a t e University o f N e w York Press. Rosenfield, L. (1 9 6 8 ). T h e an a tom y o f critical discourse. Speech M onographs, 25, 5 5 - 6 9 . Shilts, R. (1 9 8 7 ). And the band played on: Politics, people, arid the A ID S epidemic. N ew York: Penguin Books. Sin gleto n , R., Straits, B., & McAllister, R. (1 9 8 8 ). Approaches to social research. N ew York: O x fo rd University Press. Su t to n , S. (1 9 8 2 ). Fear-arousing c o m m u n ic atio n s: A critical e x am in a tio n o f theory and re­ search. In J. Eiser (E d.), Social psychology and behavioral medicine (pp. 3 0 3 - 3 3 7 ) . N ew York: Wiley. Tom pkin s, P. (1 9 9 4 ). Principles o f rigor for assessing eviden ce in qualitative c o m m u n ic atio n research. Western Jo urn al of Com m im ication, 58, 4 4 - 5 0 . Van M a a n e n , J. (Ed.). (1 9 8 3 ). Qualitative methodology. Beverly Hills, C A : Sage. Walters, T., Walters, L., & Priest, S. ( 1 9 9 9 a ). Life on the edge o f the precipice: In form ation subsidy an d the rise o f A I D S as a public issue, 1 9 8 3 - 1 9 8 9 . In W. Elwood (E d.), Power in the blood: A handbook on A ID S , politics, and communication (pp. 2 5 7 - 2 6 6 ) . M a h w a h , NJ: L a w ­ rence Erlbaum A ssoc iate s. Walters, T., Walters, L., & Priest, S. (1 9 9 9 b ). W h a t we say and how we say it: T h e influence o f psychosocial characteristics an d m essage c o n te n t o f H I V / A I D S Public Service A n ­ n o u n c e m e n ts . In W. Elwood (E d.), Power in the blood: A handbook on A ID S , politics, and communication (pp. 2 9 3 - 3 1 0 ) . M a h w a h , N J: Law ren ce Erlbaum A ssoc iate s. Witte, K., &. A llen, M. (2 0 0 0 ). A meta-analysis o f fear ap peals: Im plications for effective health cam p aign s. Health Education & Behavior, 27, 5 9 1 - 6 1 5 . Wright, K. (1 9 9 9 ). A I D S , the status quo, and the elite m edia: A n analysis o f the guest lists o f “T h e M a c N e il/L e h re r N e w s H o u r ” and “N ig h tlin e .” In W. Elwood (Ed.), Power in the blood: A handbook on A ID S , politics, and communication (pp. 28 1 - 2 9 2 ). M a h w a h , NJ: L a w ­ rence Erlbaum A ssoc iate s.

T h i s p a g e in te n t io n a lly left b la n k

12 A cad em ic/P rofessio n al P artn ersh ip s Newsrooms and Community Jan Schaffer Pew C e n te r fo r C ivic Jo u rn a lism , W ashington, D C J- L a b : T h e Institute fo r Interactive Jo u rn a lism , C ollege Park, M D

O v e r the p a s t d e c a d e , n ew s o r g a n i z a ti o n s h a v e forged new r e la tio n s h ip s with v a rio u s p a r t n e r s in their c o m m u n i t ie s . S o m e t i m e s rhe re l a ti o n s h i p s are with o t h e r n ew s o r g a n iz a tio n s , s o m e t i m e s they are with c o m m u n i t y g r o u p s. S o m e o f the m o s t p r o d u c t iv e r e la tio n s h ip s , however, h a v e b e e n with lo c al c o lle g e s a n d u n iv e rsitie s. W h e r e a s , in the past, universities h a v e b e e n a l o o f an d o fte n q uite d e t a c h e d from their h o m e to w n s , they arc now e m e rg in g to leverage their expertise in ways th a t c a n m a k e a difference to their c o m m u n it ie s . H ig h e r e d u c a t i o n articles h a v e traditionally fo c u se d o n t o w n - g o w n ten sion s, binge drinking, or landl o r d - s t u d e n t t e n a n t dis p u te s — in a d d itio n to a c a d e m i c laurels or con trove rsie s. W h ile n o t trying to a b a n d o n their w a t c h d o g roles, news o r gan ization s are r e a c h in g o u t to c olle ge s an d universities to ad d s o m e ad d itio n a l juice to their j o u rn a lis m . Sim ply put, the news organ iza tion s are s e e k in g to tap s o m e o f the a c a d e m y ’s in tellectual m usc le in ways that build s o m e c ap ac ity for ad d re ssin g c o m m u n it y issues or solvin g c o m m u n i t y prob lem s. M oreover, the universities are lo o k in g for ways to be go o d c o rp o ra te citizens.

193

194

SCHAFFER

T h e s e jo in t initiativ es take m a n y form s— from polling to training, from dialo g u in g to engin eerin g, from b eefin g up stories to b eefin g up c urricula. M a n y o f these ve n tu re s h a v e d e v e lo p e d m o m e n t u m an d left lastin g legacies in their tow ns. U su ally n e ith er the news o r gan iza tio n n o r the e d u c a t i o n a l institution kn ew where the first ov e r tu r e s w ould lead, but the p a rtn ersh ip s sta rte d o u t o f ­ fering benefits to b oth partie s an d e n d e d up g e n e ra tin g w in - w in o u t c o m e s . S o m e ve n tu re s show e xc itin g prom ise. For in stan c e , the energy sim ulator g a m e d e v e lo p e d by the U n ive rsity o f W isc o n sin for a M a d i s o n civic jou rn a lism partn ersh ip b le n d e d the n e w s r o o m ’s public-policy k n o w le d g e with the e n g i­ n ee rin g d e p a r t m e n t ’s tec h n o lo g ic al expertise to a d v a n c e new te m p la te s for p ub lic c o n v e rs a tio n , in this case , w eighing the c o s ts a n d c h o ic e s affectin g future energy supplies. T h e b o t t o m line, as the following ve n tu re s d e m o n s t r a t e , is that these c o lla b o r a t io n s c re a te d new entry poin ts for delivering in fo rm atio n to p e o ­ ple so th a t they d o c ould their job s b e tter as citizens.

C U ST O M IZ IN G SO F T W A R E W isc o n sin S t a t e J o u r n a l a n d t h e U n iv e rsity o f W isc o n sin - M a d iso n O n e o f the m o s t in n o v ativ e p a rtn ersh ip s o c c u rr e d in M a d i s o n an d in v o lv e d u s ­ ing the un iversity ’s c o m p u t e r softw are expertise to help p e op le literally “ pla y ” with in fo rm atio n to a d v a n c e public d ialog u e . A t issue were the s t a t e ’s energy o p tio n s an d the c h o ic e s t h a t w ould n e e d to be m a d e to en su re futu re supplies. T h e news or ganizations h ad reported a fair a m o u n t o f policy de b ate ab o u t the s ta te ’s energy problem s, said Tom Still, assoc iate editor o f the n ew sp aper an d pres­ ident of the “ We the People W iscon sin ” civic journalism partnership (2 0 0 2 ). “ B ut it was clear to m e that the av erag e person w asn’t tun ed into this d eb ate, h ad no real idea o f the exten t o f the problem , probably thought they weren’t part o f the problem or part o f the solutio n” (personal c o m m u n ic atio n , February 19, 20 02). A t an early b rain storm ing session, Still thought o f the S im City c o m p u te r gam e, which lets players simulate different city-planning scenarios, an d blurted out: “ W h y d o n ’t we turn it into a g a m e ? ” A great idea, perhaps, but how to begin? T h e p a rtn ers d e c id e d to start with the university. Still w en t first to U n iversity C h a n c e l l o r Jo h n D. Wiley, a ph ysics p rofessor w ho was pa rt o f a p a n e l disc ussion Still m o d e r a t e d at a Fall 2 0 0 0 e c o n o m i c s u m m i t s p o n s o r e d by the university. “ 1 knew he u n d e r s t o o d the n e x u s b e tw e en sc ie n c e a n d public policy,” Still said. Wiley h o o k e d up the p a p e r with a p rofessor an d two d o c to ra l s tu d e n t s in the e n ­ gin eerin g d e p a r t m e n t. Still said they “ were a n x i o u s to show they c o u ld be part o f solvin g the p rob lem e v e n if it was ju s t pr e se n tin g in fo rm ation in a n ob jec tive w ay ” (perso n al c o m m u n i c a t i o n , Feb ruary 19, 2 0 0 2 ) .

12. NEWSROOMS AND COMMUNITY

195

Professor Jerry Kulcinski and the two students, Paul M eier and Paul Wilson, devised a user-friendly exercise to give the public a good look at their energy o p ­ tions. T h e result was “T h e Energy E D Sim ulator,” a gam e that lets people select from different sources o f energy and then see how each choice would im pact p e o p le ’s future bills and future emissions o f greenhouse gases. (See Fig. 12.1.) “ It’s been a great success with the public,” Kulcinski said (personal co m m u n ic a ­ tion, February 19, 2002). In addition to launching the gam e at a community conference, the engineers beta-tested it on a num ber o f groups. “T h e y all liked it and wanted to know how they could get it. We’re now giving it to high school social studies teachers so they can use it with their stu d en ts.” T h e “ We the People W isconsin” m edia partn ers— which also include W I S C - T V and W isconsin public radio and television— liked the interaction. “ Bringing that issue hom e to people in a very hands-on way was im portant, and the role o f the university was valu able,” Still said. T h e university’s participation also added credibility. Kulcinski called it a “ pro vo cativ e” partnership. “ We don ’t normally do things like that. It was just som ething we did as a public service. N o

T h e Energy ED S im ulator

Users

is

transm ission

an

interac tive

softw are

m ake

consum ption choices,

and

an d

technologies

de­

In

ad ditio n

ow n

to

m e e tin g

en viro n m e n ta l

and

the ir cost

p ro gram th a t supplies re a lis ­

cide w hich

(coal,

o b je c tive s, users m ust account fo r system re lia b ility b y p r o v id ­

tic in fo rm a tio n on both

the

clean co al, n a tu ra l gas, nuclear,

e n viro n m e n ta l

im pac t

and

w in d, solar, biom ass) to u tiliz e

ing an ad equ ate reserve m argin

econom ic

of

o v e r the next 15 years.

fo r peak e le c tric ity dem and .

cost

providing

re lia b le electricity.

As p a rticipa nts m o d ­ ify the system , they see ho w ant

air

p o llu t­

emissions

consum er

and

elec tric

bills, rise and fa ll.

" L e t ’s

in v e s tig a te

re a l a lterna tive s tha t w e can begin to im ­ O Meier Engineering Research LLC

p le m e n t tod ay.”

F I G . 1 2 .1.

W i s c o n s i n ’s e n e r g y s i m u l a t o r g a m e w a s d e v e l o p e d b y e n g i n e e r s a t t h e

U n iv e rsity o f W isco n sin .

196

SCHAFFER

m oney ch a n ge d hands. We didn’t m ake a dime off it. Paul did it mainly on his spare time. N o w h e ’s starting to think, if it’s so successful, he should go to the utility c om pan ies to sec if they would pay to im prove it.” A ll in all it was a win-w in situation. T h e public go t info rmation in a new way, the n ewspaper go t a new entry point for citizens that a d v an c e d its earlier expe ri­ m ents with citizen input via town halls and conferences, the university got some good publicity and proffered som e t echnical expertise to m a n a ge the challenges o f explain ing m egawatts and tons. It also ope n e d the door to thinking ab out new opportunities. Sa id Kulcinski, “ W h a t it forces us to do is put things in terms that are usable by the general public. We tend to talk a different language to each other, a kind o f jargon. T h a t ’s n ot the way most people converse. T h is forces us to step back an d try to see things through the layperson’s eyes. It’s good for us and good for students. It helps the public un derstan d us so they d o n ’t think w e’re black b o xe s” (personal com m un ic ation , February 19, 2 0 02).

PO LLIN G A ND SU R V E Y R E SE A R C H S a v a n n a h M o r n in g N e w s a n d G e o r g ia S o u t h e r n U n iv e rsity A n o th e r w in -w in partnership h as been in the works in G e orgia since the early 1990s, when the Savannah Morning New s re ached out to Georgia So u th e r n U n i ­ versity in Statesb o r o to partn er in a survey on race relations. T h a t partnership has blossomed to include several more surveys. T h e surveys, by giving the new s­ p aper critical com m un ity input, help to focus in -depth interviews in the field a n d follow-up civic m appin g exercises. T h e y also give market-research students h an d s-o n field experience. It all started when the newspaper h ooke d up in 1993 with two business school professors, Jim R an dall and D o n T h o m p s o n (who is now retired), for the race poll. T h e survey was one o f the first polls the 65,00 0-circulation newspaper ever sponsored. T h e university did it for ab out $ 2 ,0 0 0 versus estimates o f $ 6 ,0 0 0 to $ 1 0 ,0 0 0 from professional pollsters. “ You c a n find attitudes in the c om m un ity that might surprise y ou ,” said D avid D on ald , the p a p e r’s precision jo urnalism editor. “ We need to find o u t why those attitudes are there, and poll­ ing is an oth er way to get your ear to the g r o u n d ” (personal c o m m un ication , M a rc h 27, 2002 ). D o n ald go t involved in 1997. After learning som e survey techniques at the university’s graduate S c h o o l o f Sociology, he b e ca m e an active partner with Randall, a professor o f marketing. “ H e brings an a c a d e m ic viewpoint, and I bring a journalist’s viewpoint, so we c he ck up on e ac h other for certain things outsid e our ow n line o f sight," D on ald said.

12.

NEWSROOMS AND COMMUNITY

197

For R andall, the opportunity to engage students in a real project for credit is invaluable. S t u d e n t teams bra instorm survey questions to get at the research objectives. T h e y drive the 60 miles to S a v a n n a h , every evening for three weeks, to m ake the ph on e calls. T h e y en ter answers into a spreadsheet. S t u d e n t teams analyze responses from different subgroups. “T h e y really see the research p ro ­ cess from start to finish, and learning these research skills is im portan t,” R an dall said (personal c om m u n ic ation , M arch , 20 0 2 ). Moreover, the stud ents get e x ­ cited when they discover something. T h e y also receive a small stipend to help offset their transportation costs. T h e students tell prospective poll respondents they are also work ing on a class project. O n e benefit, n oted D o n ald , is that “our response rates tend to be pretty high, especially considering the declining rates o f pa rticipation in n a ­ tional surv eys” (personal com m un ic ation , M a rc h 27, 2002 ). T h e n ew spaper-un iversity partnership yields large-sample, com m un ity su r­ veys— 800 or more respo nd en ts and as many as 50 questions— for a fraction o f w hat a professional pollster would charge. To date, the surveys h ave been the basis for projects exam in in g S a v a n n a h ’s increasingly elderly community, the perfo rmance of its schools, and the future o f the S a v a n n a h River. T h e survey work, however, is ju st an early part o f a process. Findings are c re ­ atively followed up with a trem en dous am o u n t o f fieldwork, focus groups, a d v i­ sory panels, and other citizen entry points. In the A g in g M a tte r series, for instance, the survey research laid the groundw ork for focus groups, reader ad vi­ sory panels, and reporting to chronicle how the S a v a n n a h region was becom ing older demogra phically and w hat that m e an t in terms o f political, e con om ic , s o ­ cial an d infrastructure spending choices (M. D. Suw yn, R. Lester, M. Mayle, & J. R. Marino, personal c o m m un ication , Jan uary 24, 200 2). In Vision 2010, A L earning Odyssey, the paper started with a citizens a d v i­ sory group o f 60 people w ho brain storm ed how the public could take ow nership o f its schools. T h e group m et more than 20 times and grew to 150 people over the course o f a year. T h e y also visited 21 m odel schools around the country and reported ab out their visits for the paper. A survey fleshed out how the com m un ity viewed the public school system. Focus groups through out the com m un ity followed. B usinesspeople were asked to gauge how prepared high school gradu ates were for em ploym ent. R e c en t gradu ates talked ab out their K - l 2 experience. Focus groups o f teachers, a d m in ­ istrators, private-sch ool stud ents and faculty were also held. In a follow-up survey in N o v e m b e r 2002 o f 1,500 people, 23% could a c c u ­ rately describe the Vision 20 1 0 project and identify it with the newspaper. For its project on the c om p e tin g d e m a n d s for S a v a n n a h River water, the p a ­ per c o n d u c ted a survey on how m uch responden ts knew ab o u t water resource

198

SCHAFFER

issues. T h a t was followed by tours o f the river, interviews of port, city and envi­ ronmental officials, and a town hall meeting. Later in 2003, the paper planned a follow-up survey to assess whether its reporting efforts had any im pact on public knowledge of the issues.

P O L L IN G A N D T O U R IN G H e a r s t ’s S a n F r a n c i s c o E x a m i n e r a n d S a n F r a n c is c o S t a t e U n iv e r sity W h en anecdotal evidence hinted at large demographic changes in the Bay A re a at the end of the 1990s, the S a n Francisco Examiner tapped university ex­ pertise to chart the changes and get ahead o f the Census. A n early and valuable find was urban geographer M ax Kirkeberg at San Francisco State. “ I’m a geogra­ pher. M ost o f my information comes from research I do on three-hour walking tours o f different neighborhoods, illustrating different themes,” Kirkeberg said (personal communication, April, 2002). Reporter Annie N ak ao first tapped Kirkeberg to take some reporters on a tour o f changing neighborhoods. They talked about it with such enthusiasm that the paper asked him to do the same thing for editors. “ We thought it was such an eye-opener that other people should see it. S o we institutionalized it. We called it the N ew City Tour, and we tried to get as many of the staff as we could involved,” said then-Managing Edi­ tor Sharon Rosenhause (personal communication, June 12, 2002). Kirkeberg took the journalists to southeastern parts o f the city unknown to tourists and known to journalists only by their images. For instance, they visited neighborhoods south o f Mission Street, where warehouses were being c o n ­ verted to dot.com use and a lot of older businesses were being dislocated. “T h e biggest change was the replacement o f the African-A merican majority with a rapidly growing A sian presence. I took them to neighborhood streets where they would be overwhelmed with shops with Chinese chara cters,” Kirkebcrg said. “To my surprise, or was it my naivete, the reporters learned an awful lot,” he said. “ 1 thought reporters would know the city but many were new to San Francisco or lived elsewhere. Everything I showed them seemed to be new to them” (personal com munication, April, 2002). R osenhause agreed that, once the reporters hit the neighborhoods, they saw astounding changes. “Even people w ho’d been in S a n Francisco a very long time went to places they’d never been before and learned things they didn’t know be­ cause it had changed so m uch .” A s many as 60% of the staff took the tour, which became a way to engage the journalists and help with their education. R osenhause said the paper got a lot o f “ buy-in” to a year-long series labeled “Th e New City.” (See Fig. 12.2.)

Sanjranns«» «te»

scammer

5PM U .

W Men of Teal

î*t-

K*> Kmoc*Uioo

d*&«btobrtr Uckrr^i

Dealer’s delight

t-S^-i.-tWVlUd jcnci ocr w T

Cop killed Remaking San Francisco ¡H hail Of shots after traffic stop THE NEW CI1Y uunauou

F in i M iObae officer slain m line

_

.

i«mdvs*}.

— no end Sight

D3y DOOITI

in housing

l e u (k m I n y *r \ M t r t tk* ■¡IW aaiia. S m Frm c ( k « h i c l l )

k n k lW è w C M Q

WMfKitt-

—

Sierra Club: Sidestep on .r ^ r -r ir ^ r ^ ^ x r : immigration

IK +

!u^ tiic%iomo3 m o i k i h o n e fa*

Breaux, Landrieu split on

Schools get first LEAP21 scores today

C o m m o n S c n sc W ireless 2500 m in u tes '29.99 n m o n ili

FIG. 12.4. A newsroom-university city mapping project in Louisiana led to critical coverage of students failing high-stakes testing. 2 07

208

SCHAFFER

T h e week after the stories were published, the stud e n ts h an d e d out flyers, in ­ viting com m un ity residents to a town hall meeting; 2 50 people atten ded. " T h is is the first time som e o f those students were ever in a newsroom. T h i s was their first professional byline. Now, they have an idea o f w hat reporters really do and the problems they run in to,” O w e n s said. “ R igh t below the surface is the issue o f ra c e ,” he said. O w e n s said he was able to pair W h ite an d B lack s tu d e n ts to go into the schools, m ost o f which were pre d o m in an tly Black. “ S o m e o f these kids h ad n e v e r been into som e of these types o f n e igh b o r h o o d s a n d they got a c h a n c e to look at som e social dy­ n am ics. T h e y saw it for real. T h e y ran into peop le w ho were suspicious o f them b e ca u se they were W h i t e . ” A lth ou gh , at first, people in the com m un ity were suspicious, one o f the big­ gest results was that the com m un ity and the schools had a positive experience with the newspaper. “A s a result o f those stories, people called these schools and asked, ‘W h a t c an wc d o ? ’ A n d now they have volunteers com in g in,” O w e n s said. “T h a t ’s what the project was all a b o u t ” (personal com m u n ic ation , April, 200 2 ). Spu rlock agreed, “ We essentially intr oduced the com m un ity to the issue and allowed the com m un ity to be involved in proposing solutio ns” (personal c om m u n ic ation , April, 2002).

C O L L A B O R A T I N G W I T H C IV IC P A R T N E R S N e w H a m p s h i r e P u b lic R a d io , U n i v e r s i t y o f N e w H a m p s h ir e S u r v e y C e n te r, t h e N e w H a m p s h ir e C e n te r f o r P u b lic P o lic y S t u d i e s , N e w E n g l a n d C e n t e r f o r C iv ic L if e , T h e N e w H a m p s h i r e H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , L e a d e r s h ip N ew H a m p sh ir e A grand collaboratio n, the N e w H am psh ire C ivic C o n n e c tio n , is seeking to do w hat any one o f the partners, individually, c an n o t do alone: deal with a public-policy issue from beginning to end. In this case the issue is the quality o f e d u ­ c ation in the state (Greenberg, 2002). In N e w H am psh ire, the h ot-button issue is how to fund education . But to the partners, who started m eetin g in 2001, the questio n that n eeded to precede the funding questio n was: W h a t is the quality o f educ ation ? W h a t d o we need to fund good schools? T h e group, all nonprofit organizations, started with a poll don e by the Survey Center. “ T h e y ’re great," said Jo n Greenberg , senio r producer at N e w H a m p ­ shire Public Radio . “ W h e n e v e r possible, they slip questio ns wc have into polls they are already doing, so w e ’ve go tten a free ride” (personal c o m m un ication , M a rc h 8, 20 0 2 ).

12. NEWSROOMS AND COMMUNITY

209

T h e first poll explored the oft-repeated finding that, despite public skepti­ cism ab out education, people arc satisfied with their local schools. T h e Civic C o n n e c tio n took responses from telephone interviews and com pared them with the actual performance o f the re spo n d en ts’ school districts. So, the poll­ ing d a ta “ is attached to som e hard information ab out how schools are per­ forming,” said Andy Sm ith, director of the Survey Center, which, with the C e n te r for Public Policy Studies, is part o f the university’s Institute for Policy and Social S c ie n ce Research (personal com m un ication , Ap ril 23, 2 002). T h e poll showed that, most o f the time, that satisfaction is based on in adequ ate in­ formation. For instance, in districts that ranked in the bottom third, half the re spo n d en ts th o u g h t the schoo ls were doin g a good or e xce llen t job, Greenberg reported (2002). T h e poll results have laid the groundwork for a series of local forums, focus groups, and a discussion scries over the next 2 years to bridge the gap between the public’s language and e ducators’ language. “ It’s very nicc to get insights into your work from others and see it carried through to a bigger audience, a different audience,” Smith said (personal com munication, April 23, 2002). Moreover, Smith said, it is seen as contributing not just to the debate on the quality of e d u ­ cation, but giving the legislature some good information to work from. Th e partners have identified another poll they would like to do, and the group is seeking to raise $10,0 00 to fund it. D oug Hall says his Center for Public Policy Studies would not have much im­ pact without partners. Hall is credited with being a key instigator o f the collabo­ ration. “We are a quantitative research operation but we don’t have the ability to disseminate information across a wide audien ce” (personal communication, April 23, 2002). Public television and radio, he pointed out, have the ability to get the information out, but they have reporters who hop from one subject to another every day, without deep expertise in any one area. T h e New England C e n te r for Civic Life, which is affiliated with Franklin Pierce College, con ven ed state residents to discuss the quality o f education. “ We see the key to a more robust dem ocracy as giving more information to citi­ zens” said director D o u g Challenger, a sociology professor (personal c o m m u ­ nication, April 24, 20 02). But the center prefers a “ public learning” model vs. an expert inform ation model. “ We believe the public has a productive way to talk ab out issues. T h e re are insights and wisdom in their experience and knowledge of issues that is often overlooked or never tapped into, even by or­ ganizations that want to serve the public.” By involving students in convening the public, the center is helping students broaden skills and their knowledge o f community life. In all, the partners expressed satisfaction, even e n th usi­ asm, for their efforts. Said Hall: “After we test it out for an oth er year or so, we

210

SCHAFFER

will p ic k a n o t h e r topic, m o stly likely h e a l t h care , t h a t we c a n all w ork o n t o ­ g e t h e r ” (p e r so n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n , A p ril 23, 2 0 0 2 ) .

C O N C LU SIO N A s wc c a n sec in all t hese p artn erships, there arc s o m e c o m m o n d e n o m in a t o r s . T h e y a d v a n c e q u a litativ e k n o w le d g e a b o u t p a rtic u la r issues, an d they offer s o m e th i n g to b enefit all the partn ers. For the n e w sroom s, the p a rtn ersh ip s offer ways to tap the public for input or f e e d b a c k , in fo rm atio n th a t im prove s the jo u rn a lism an d ofte n helps it rise a b o v e limp a n e c d o t e s . It m a k e s the jo u rn a lism m ore in te ra c tiv e by offering m ore entry poin ts th a n the news o rgan iza tion a lo n e c o u ld provide. T h e c o lla b o r a t io n s also give the jou rn a lism m ore “ legs,” m ore ability to run with s o m e m o m e n t u m o ff the prin ted p a ge or a n ew sc a st. It gives the journ alists a s e n se th a t they are do in g m ore th a n ju s t a d a ta d u m p , after w hich they p at th e m s e lv e s o n the b a c k an d say their jo b is d o n e . In d e e d , if citizens c a n ’t figure o u t w h a t to d o with the d a ta , the jo b is n o t very useful an d hard ly finished. W h e r e the n e w s r o o m s c a n ad d va lu e is in also h elp in g the citizens, as well as e le c te d officials, d o their jobs. Finally, the efforts c re a te new a t t a c h m e n t s , for b oth the universities an d the n e w sroom s, with peop le in the com m un ity, an d , as with any a t t a c h m e n t , there is the p o t e n tia l for a lon g-term relationship. For the university partn ers, these ve n tu re s h a v e s h o w c a s e d sign ifican t e x ­ pertise an d , often, c h a lle n g e d a c a d e m i c s to use their in te lle c tua l m uscle in new ways for the b enefit o f the c om m u n ity . Inevitably, w h e n s tu d e n t s pa rtic ipa te d, they go t h a n d s - o n e x p e r ie n c e with real-life issues. T h e p a rtn ersh ip s c a n start w hen o n e party c old -c alls an other, as E ditor Trish a O ’C o n n o r did in M yrtle B e a c h . T h e y also c a n build from p a s t a c q u a i n ­ ta n c e s, s u c h as those t h a t led to the c re a tio n o f the energy softw are in M a d is o n , W I. T h e b est way to initiate the c o lla b o r a t io n s is for on e party to simply re ach o u t to the o t h e r with a specific idea. I f t h e r e ’s a w in - w in sc e n a rio for b o th p a r ­ ties, t h e r e ’s usually a way to m a k e it work. O f t e n it is easier for the n ew s o r g a n i ­ zation to m a k e the initial ove rture b e c a u s e journ alists, in gen eral, tend to be skittish w h e n ask e d to d o so m e th in g by n on -jo u rn a lists. E a c h p a rtn er m u s t be p e rm itte d the fre e d o m to a d h e re to in dividual core m issio ns. Importantly, p a rtn ers w ho e n g a g e in a d v o c a c y m u s t realize th a t the news o rgan iza tion s c a n n o t . F u n d in g is n ot always necessary. A s these e x a m p le s show, m a n y o f the v e n ­ tures built o n activities t h a t the in dividual pa rtn ers w ould h av e d o n e anyway. B u t the in dividu al efforts w ould h a v e delivered m u c h less th a n the su m o f the w hole enterprise.

12. NEWSROOMS AND COMMUNITY

211

While the Pew Center funded many of these initiatives, others took on a life of their own after early partnerships proved their worth. In some cases, as with the “Wc the People Wisconsin” partnership, the news organizations have formed a collective nonprofit entity, which seeks funding from community corporations and foundations interested in supporting civic-engagement efforts. Most news organizations, though, won’t accept funding from non-journalism outfits. Funding for small local initiatives is usually m ost easily obta ined from local foundations. University developm en t officials often have lists o f local funders who c an be ap proached. T h e fdncenter.org Web site, hosted by the F o u n d a ­ tion C e n te r in Washington, D C , also provides a n ational list o f foundations and a key-word search function that can help identify prospective funders. It’s always best if you c an find som eon e to introduce you or offer an en dorsem en t letter. If that is not possible, you can usually research a foundation’s Web site, which will often tell you whether an initial query letter or a full-blown grant application is preferred. Either should be followed up with a telephone call and a request for a meeting. If your application is denied, ask the funder to recommend other sources of support. In truth, foundations usually fund individuals more than ideas, so it’s important to note your track record and background. For most o f the collaborations in this chapter, qualitative research was just the beginning of the process. Survey work was done, not so much to produce a final news story as it was to unearth clues that needed to be fleshed out with some qualitative input. This often went by many names, such as focus groups, reader advisory panels, brainstorming sessions. St rong research designs usually build in multiple points for information to flow in, thereby ensuring that the feedback is cross-checked and that the re­ searchers can unpack n uances in a way that sheds informative light on the topic. Since most issues have more gray areas than black and white ones, the best results often occur when focus groups are asked to consider trade-offs or choices for dealing with an issue rather than to render a thumbs-up or thumbs-down opinion. Successful collaboratio ns should produce someth ing useful for both the newsroom and the classroom. It’s im portant for researchers to share prelimi­ nary results early with the newsroom. Too often, researchers c an fall into d e ­ ducing a simplistic cause and effect when editors can actually cite another ob vious cause that will significantly change the analysis. Exchan gin g info rm a­ tion to refine the analysis breeds a sense o f cross-ow nership that can feed an appetite for ongoing relationships. In all eases, partners know they have a succcssful initiative when the com m un ity starts to react. T h is presu mes, o f course, that the partners have

212

SCHAFFER

built in multiple venues for readers or viewers to respond and participate fur­ ther, if they wish. It's important to measure the response. For one thing, it provides fodder for evaluation. Second, it supplies feedback for future funders. So, track the atten­ dance at meetings, count e-mails and phone calls, collect letters and formal commentary, pay attention to the number of volunteers or participants, and note outcomes. As important, report those responses back to your audience, to the university, to the publisher or general manager. It helps chronicle the mo­ mentum in the community, and it helps to build appetites for future initiatives. The ultimate success occurs when the level of qualitative insight enables a news organization to articulate, with considerable authority, a community’s col­ lective wisdom and aspirations, and that prompts the community to take own­ ership of the problem. ACKN O W LEDGM EN T

Pew Center staff writer Pat Ford assisted with research for this chapter. R EFER EN C ES' Ford, R (1998). Leadership challenge: Building a new generation of leaders. Don't slop there! Five adventures in civic journalism. Available at http:/Avww.pewcenter.org/doingcj/pubs/ stop/leader.html Gibbs, C. (2002, Winter). New views on old wire stories. Civic Catalyst, 12. Greenberg, J. (2002, Winter). Civics physics: Energy matters in N H effort. Civic Catalyst, 13. The James K . Batten Award for Excellence in Civic Journalism: Leadership Challenge/Peoria (IL) Journal Star. (1997). News breaks: Can journalists fix it! (Available from the Pew C e n ­ ter for Civic Journalism, 7100 Baltimore Ave., Suite 101, College Park, MD 20740). Rosenhause, S. (1999, Spring). Th e Examiner maps the remaking o f The New City. Civic Catalyst, 1,15. Still, T. (2002, Winter). Interactive game totes energy costs. Civic Catalyst, 6.

ENDNO TES 'Volume numbers for Civic Catalyst do not exist; all numbers listed are pages.

G lo s s a r y J o h n L . “ J a c k ” M o r r i s with S h a r o n H a r t i n lo r io and volum e coau th ors

A c c u r a c y : To achieve accuracy in news reporting, facts should be verified by at least one independent source to overcome mistakes, lies, false memories, and misinterpreted documents (Brooks, Kennedy, Moen, &. Ranly, 1999, p. 220). T h e traditional definition o f accuracy in news is repeating or paraphrasing faith­ fully what an interview subject says. In public journalism, accuracy is related to recognizing and reporting the complexity o f the community being covered (Sirianni & Fricdland, 2001 p. 220). A n o n y m ity: A promise o f anonymity is a guarantee that a given respondent or sourcc cannot be linked to any particular sta tement he or she makes (Wimmer & Dominick, 2000, p. 73). A ttribu tion : Attribution is the clause that tells a reader o f a news story, ei­ ther directly or indirectly, who is speaking. For example, a clause such as “he said” is called an attribution (Brooks et al., 1999, p. 207). Attribution for the first instance in which a speaker is mentioned in a news report should include identification, for example, Director of R esearch John Jo nes s a i d __ A n a ly sis: T h e act whereby som ething is separated into parts, and those parts are given rigorous, logical, and detailed scrutiny, resulting in a consistent and relatively complete accoun t of the elements and the principles of their organiza­ tion (Holm an & Harm on, 1986, p. 20). A nalytic gen e ra lization -A n aly tic a l inference: This is the process of gener­ alizing “a particular set of results to some broader theory” (Yin, 1994, p. 36). A n ­ alytic generalization and inference, in the social sciences, are based on the findings o f a study or studies. 213

214

GLOSSARY

A n e c d o t e : In qualitative methodology, an anecdote is a short narrative de ­ tailing the particulars o f an interesting event (H olm an & Harm on, 1986, p. 22). B a l a n c e : O n e explanation o f balance is the differcncc between two items (Bremner, 1980, p. 57). In newswriting, balance often is satisfied by presenting two sides o f an issue. B a tt e n A w a rd: From 1995 to 2002, the Pew Center for Civic Journalism (which came to a close in 2002) presented the awards, named for Knight Ridder executive Jam es Batten, to encourage best practices and innovations in civic journalism (Ford, Sum m er 2002, p. 22). B e h a v io r ism : A n approach to research that aims to explain and predict hu­ man communicative behavior, behaviorism is marked by quantitative methods. In the disciplines of psychology and sociology, the behavioral appro ach is a the­ ory and accompanying methods that focus on externally observable human a c ­ tions rather than mental processes (D eFleur & Ball-Rokeach, 1989, p. 39). B ia s: W h en a researcher allows her or his personal opinions to influence o th ­ erwise fact-based conclusions, the research or writing based thereon is biased (Brooks et al., 1999, pp. 1 53-15 4). C a s e study: A case study is used to examine many characteristics of a single subject (Severin &. Tankard, 1992, pp. 3 0 - 3 1 ). T h e term case study generally describes research that may use a variety of data collection methods to examine a single subject or a set of closely interrelated subjects. C h a o s theory: Often applied to crises in the communication field, chaos theory explains how events occur in terms of confluence. T h e theory is radical in that it challenges rationalistic theories o f prediction and control and linearity o f thought. C h a r le s F. K etterin g F o u n d a tio n : This operating foundation sponsors in­ ventive research that focuses on this question: W h at docs it take to make d e ­ mocracy work as it should? (www.kettering.org) C ivic catalyst: T h is term is used in civic mapping to denote the respected leaders whom people look to in their everyday lives for community expertise and wisdom and who encourage others to get involved in civic life (Harwood & M cCrehan, 2000). Civic Catalyst was the Pew C en ter for Civic Journalism quar­ terly newsletter. C ivic c o n n e c to r s: A term used in civic mapping denoting individuals who move between groups spreading ideas, often without having any official c ap a c ­ ity (Harwood & M cCrehan , 2000). Civic j o u rn a lis m : Civic journalism is a broad label put on efforts by journal­ ists to do their jobs as journalists in ways that help to overcome people’s sense of powcrlcssncss and alienation. T h e goal is to producc news that citizcns need to be educated about issues and current events, to make civic decisions, to engage

GLOSSARY

215

in civic dialogue an d action — an d generally to exercise their responsibilities in a d em ocracy (Schaffer, 1999). T h e terms civic journalism and public journalism h ave b e en used interchangeably. C i v i c m a p p i n g : T h is activity or m eth od is a systematic way for reporters to identify the various layers o f civic life and the potential sources and news in them so they c an report first and best what is h app en in g in a com m un ity ( H a r ­ w ood &. M c C r e h a n , 2000). C o m m u n i t a r ia n : Communitarian philosophy stresses the balance between so­ cial forces and the person, between community and autonomy, between the co m ­ mon good and liberty, between individual rights and social responsibilities (Etzioni, 1998, p. x.). T h e term also refers to a person who practices this philosophy. C o m m u n i t y c o n v e r s a t i o n : W h e n this term is used formally, it de n otes a group o f citizens discussing a public issue at a m edia-spon sored meeting. T h e group is m ode rate d by a reporter or other discussion leader whose primarily role is to listen (Morris, 2002, pp. 68, 127, 210). C o n c l u s i o n : A con clusion is an inference draw n from facts (R a c k h a m &. Bertagnolli, 1999, pp. 1 3 3 - 1 3 4 ). C o n c lu sio n s are usually associated with q u a n ­ titative research while a discussion or summary o f the findings without stating an assum p tion ab out their m ean in g is associated with qualitative research. C o n f id e n t ia lity : A promise o f confidentiality assures a source or re spondent that, e ven though he or she c an be associated with a specific sta te m e n t or re­ sponse by the researchers or reporters, his or her nam e will never be publicly a s­ sociated with it (W imm er &. D om in ick , 2000, p. 73). C o n f l ic t : Con flict occurs when a text or situation presents two opposing fac­ tions (Morris, 2002, pp. 68, 127, 210). C o n s t r u c t validity: T h e level o f c o n struct validity is the degree to which a test, survey, experim ent, observation, ctc. m easures an intended hypothetical construct, de e m e d to explain behavior (Gay, 1987, p. 542). C o n t e n t an a ly s is : T h is is a quan titative and qualitative research m ethod wherein researchers c o n d u c t a sweeping, systematic e xam in a tio n o f groups o f discourse. T h e aim is to c o m p a r e - c o n tr a s t m essage form and con te n t in order to assem ble frequencies and establish patterns o f m essages over time. It is marked by objectivity (reliability o f c o n te n t categories), systematicity (a repre­ sentative sample o f discourse), and generality (findings that show theoretical relevance based on the com parison s produ c e d). Q u an titativ e c o n te n t analysis uses de facto (n on judgm en tal) categories such as observable d em og raphic fac­ tors. Q u alita tive c o n te n t analysis uses interpretive (judgm ental) categories such as value appeals (Holsti, 1969). C o n t e x t/ c o n te x t u a l i z i n g : T h e re se arche r’s con struction o f the p h e n o m e ­ n on or the journalist’s reporting o f the experience under study in terms o f indi­

216

GLOSSARY

viduals and the social worlds in which they live is contextualizing. Providing contcxt is also recreating experience in terms o f conduct, constituencies, and surroundings (H ubcrman & Miles, 2002, p. 359). D e d u c ti o n : T h e process whereby a researcher starts with a theory and then seeks to learn whether empirical (observable) data support it is deduction (Frey et al., 1992). A reasoning process that moves from general to specific ideas is d e ­ ductive (R ackham & Bertagnolli, 1999, pp. 3 1 4 - 3 1 5 ). D e t a c h m e n t: T h e dominance of scientific thought and methods in Western civilization sanctified the most distanced observer as being the most reliable (Merritt, 1995, p. 18). T h e distance of such a nonpartisan observer is marked by lack o f involvement and separation from the context of the research. E m ic an d Ettic: In qualitative research, the emic represents the insider’s (or research subject’s) perspective; whereas, the ettic is the outsid er’s (or objective) perspective. W hen the researcher or reporter writes from the cmic perspective, the insights should be shown to the subjects to cross-check the accuracy of the description (Potter, 1996, p. 42). E mpirical research: T h e natural sciences are based on empiricism, the belief that the world is measurable and all objects and actions can be perceived (Wimmer &. Dominick, 2000, p. 12). Empirical research is a systematic and critical investiga­ tion of natural and social phenomenon. It can be conducted by qualitative methods or quantitative methods or both via observation or collecting data or evidence. E nterp rise story: A n enterprise story is a news story that focuses on a pro­ cess, not a specific event (Gibbs &. Warhover, 2002, p. 427). Coverage o f a mur­ der is not enterprise reporting; a story that addresses why the murder rate is higher in one particular area o f the community over others is. Entry p o in t s- p o rt a ls : T h ese are terms for opportunities in news coverage for citizen input, such as town hall meetings or focus groups, that move the jour­ nalism beyond simply providing information to engaging their audiences a c ­ tively in analyzing and using information (Ford, Spring 2002, p. 1). T h e terms also apply to opportunities for individuals to use electronic technology for the purpose of interaction with each other and news organizations regarding events and issues in the news. E th ics: Ethics is the study of philosophic principles from which can be de ­ rived actions that resolve moral problems (Lambeth, 1992, p. 80). E th n ograph y : This is a qualitative research method wherein researchers e n ­ ter the field. Through living in the community under study and participating in community life, ethnographers learn how people communicate with each other in certain settings in order to understand the tacit rules that govern their inter­ actions. A s an encompassing term, ethnography or ethnographic study can be used interchangeably with the terms field work and participant observation.

GLOSSARY

21 7

E p i s te m o l o g y : T h is is the study o f knowledge sources. In c o m m un ication , epistemic inquiries are based on how theories and research contribute to our kn owledge o f c o m m u n ic atio n acts and processes. E v a l u a t i o n r e s e a r c h : T h e study and assessm ent o f program plans, their im ­ plem en tation and their im pact (W imm er & D om in ick , 2000, p. 369). E x p e r i m e n t : A n artificial en viron m e n t that is controlled to isolate variables an d find eviden ce o f causality is an e xperim en t (Wimmer & D om in ick, 2000, pp. 2 1 0 - 2 1 8 ) . A n experim en t often consists o f at least two groups— in one group an in depen den t variable is m a nip ulated and in the oth e r group no m a n ip ­ ulation takes place. T h e research observes any effects that result in the experi­ m ental and control groups and draws con clusio n s based on the observation. F a c t: A fact is an assertion that c a n be verified by other observers (R ac k h a m & Bertagnolli, 1999, pp. 1 3 0 - 1 3 5 ). F a ir n e s s : A news story often has more than two sides. Fairness involves find­ ing all sides o f the issue and including responses from anyone who is being a t ­ tacked or whose integrity is being questioned (Brooks et al., 1999, p. 15). F e a tu r e sto ry : N e w s stories developed without short d eadlin e pressures are called feature stories or features. T h e y often con c e rn trends, personalities, and lifestyles (Brooks et al., 1999, p. 563). F o c u s g r o u p : A discussion o f appro ximately 6 - 1 2 people m oderated by a leader trained to elicit c o m m e n ts from all m em b ers ab out a predeterm ined topic is a focus group. Focus groups are used to g ath er preliminary info rm ation for a research project, to develop questio nnaires, to un derstan d re asons behind p h e ­ n om e n a, or to test preliminary ideas or plans (W imm er & D om in ick , 2000, p. 119). T h e y c an also be used to verify findings o f previous research and to elicit c om prehensive, subjective responses to specific questions. F o c u s e d in te rv ie w : C o n d u c t e d o n e - o n - o n e , the focuscd interview m ethod is similar to both the in-depth or personal interview and focus group interview­ ing, but focused interviews c an get at more com plex topics than focus groups without risk that the individual responses will be influenced by oth e rs’ c o m ­ ments. T h e purpose o f focused interviews is to identify underlying c o m m o n a li­ ties that may be con sisten t am on g the responses. Focused interviews provide b ackgroun d for enterprise or political reporting or c an stand alone as the subject o f a news report. F r a m i n g - N e w s fra m e : Frames are con c e ptu al tools, such as a conflict narra­ tive or explanato ry narrative, that m edia and individuals rely on to convey, in ­ terpret, and e valu ate inform ation (D enton , S u m m e r 1998, p. 4). Frames call attentio n to som e aspects o f reality, while obscuring other elem ents (Entm an, 1993, p. 55) in m uch the sam e way that the frame o f a picture provides a b o u n d ­ ary for and draws attentio n to the imag e that it surrounds. Traditionally, jo u r ­

218

GLOSSARY

nalists have focused on conflict in framing news reports, but researchers have identified other news frames: moral values, economics, powerlessness, and hu­ man impact (N euman, Just, & Criglcr, 1992, pp. 6 0 - 7 7 ). G e n e raliz atio n: A n inference about a population is a generalization. In probability sampling, generalizations are statistically significant only when the sample has been selected randomly and contains enough subjects to minimize sampling error (Wimmer &. Dominick, 2000, pp. 8 5 - 9 9 ). Being able to general­ ize the results o f a research project to a larger population is an end result of quantitative research; qualitative research differs in that its results offer expla­ nation rather than prediction and seldom are generalized (H uberman &. Miles, 2 0 0 2 ). H a r d n e w s - N e w s sto ries: A lso known as spot news and deadline stories, hard news is a type of news written underp ressure of short deadlines as informa­ tion becomes available (Brooks et al., 1999, p. 558). H a w t h o r n e effect: This phenom enon was identified at Western Elcctric C o m p an y ’s Hawthorne Plant in Chicago in 1927. T h e Hawthorne effect occurs when the subjects in an experiment realize that something special is happening to them. T h e feeling o f being special alters the subjects’ behavior thus posing a threat to the validity of a research project (Meyer, 1991, p. 175). Studies that use control groups do not face this problem. H u t c h i n s C o m m i s s i o n : T h e Hutchins Commission, was so called because its chair was University of Chicago President Robert Hutchins, but its official ti­ tle was the Commission on Freedom of the Press. Created on the suggestion of Henry Luce, then publisher o f Time magazine, to investigate increasing controls or m anagem ent o f the press, the commission concluded in 1947 that freedom of the press in the United States was in danger because o f its monopolistic nature, ad ding that a free socicty depends on truthful, comprehensive, and intelligent reporting of events presented in a context that gives them meaning (Brooks et al., 1999, p. 17; Folkerts &. Teeter, 1989, p. 464). I m p a c t: This refers to the number of people likely to be affected by a news story (Morris, 2002, pp. 68, 127, 210). Impact also can refer to the level or d e ­ gree o f effect produced by a situation. In duction : T h e process whereby a researcher first gathers data and then de ­ velops a theory from them, often referred to as ‘grounded theory,’ is induction (Frey et. al., 1992). A reasoning process that moves from specific to general ideas is inductive (R ackham & Bertagnolli, 1999, pp. 3 1 4 - 3 1 5 ). I n te raction : Th ree types of interactional situations are face-to-face interac­ tion, in which the participants in the exchange arc immediately present to one another; mediated interaction, that involves the use o f a technical medium such as paper and pen, a telephone, or a personal computer; and mediated

GLOSSARY

21 9

quasi-interaction that involves relations established by mass media (books, television, etc.). Mediated quasi-interaction information is directed to an in­ definite range of potential recipients. I n te r ac tiv e j o u r n a l i s m : Journalism that actively provides entry points for people to interact with the information, tell their own stories, and participate in public dialogue can be termed interactive (Schaffer, 2 001). U se o f Web sites, e-mail news discussion groups, and other technology that people may employ to interact with each other and news organizations also is called inter­ active journalism. In -depth interview: A lso known as an intensive interview, an in-depth in­ terview provides detailed background to answers, permits observation o f n on ­ verbal responses, can last several hours, is tailored to the respondent, and can be influenced by the relationship established between interviewer and subject (Wimmer &. Dominick, 2000, p. 122). Life history: A research tcchniquc that focuscs on one individual’s life; life history is a form of biography or autobiography. Life histories may be essays about o n e ’s life or journal writing (Bertaux, 1981; Smith, 1988). M a rk e tin g re se arch : T h e goal of advertising is to sell a product to people who have the desire for the product and the ability to buy it. Marketing research attempts to identify audiences for particular products (Biagi, 2001, p. 235). N a t u r a l L a w s - N a t u r a l S c ie n c e : This is a system o f thought holding that all phenom ena can be explained in terms of natural causes without attributing spiritual or metaphysical significance to them (Danesi, 2000, p. 1 58). N e utrality : In newswriting, the concept o f neutral reportage was advanced in a 1977 U.S. C ourt o f Appeals ruling when the judge overturned a libel verdict because the New York Times had accurately reported a libelous statement with­ out taking sides in the issue. This concept, however, has not attained the status of a reliable constitutional defense (Teeter, Le Due, & Loving, 1998, pp. 2 5 9 - 2 6 3 ). A canon o f reporting, neutrality requires the journalist to remain im­ partial and not express opinion in news coverage. N u l l h ypoth esis: A term used in quantitative research, the null hypothesis is a statement that measurable differences are due to chance alone (Williams, 1992, p. 66). N u t graph: W hen a news story opens with a scene, quotation, or anecdote, the paragraph that links the opening to the main idea of the story, or lede, is called the nut graph (Brooks et al., 1999, pp. 183-184). O n tology : T h e study o f essence or origin, in communication, ontological in­ quiries are based on those communication factors that make us human. O p in io n : A n opinion is an inference or conclusion drawn from facts (Rackham &. Bertagnolli, 1999, pp. 130-135). It is a belief held toward a spe­

220

GLOSSARY

cific object, such as a man, or an issue, or a belief held toward an event or activ­ ity. Individuals hold many opinions, some o f which may conflict. Different situations may trigger one of many personal opinions to be prominent for an in­ dividual at a particular m oment in time. O p e ration aliza tion : A n operational definition o f a variable specifies proce­ dures that enable a researcher to experience or measure a concept (Wimmer &. Dominick, 2000, p. 12). O r a l history: This research technique addresses the personal experiences of ordinary people involved in the historical process (Brennen, 1996, p. 571; T h om p so n , 1990). Participan t ob se rvation : A field observation that involves the researcher as participant in the behavior under study is called participant observation (Wimmer &. Dominick, 2000, p. 47). Personal c o n c e rn (s): Personal concerns are the problems o f individual citi­ zens that are shared by or resonate with the general public and these conccrns may be quite different from political issues. N ation al Gallup polling has sur­ veyed the important problems facing the U.S. population since 1975 (lorio &. H uxm an , 1996, pp. 9 8 - 1 0 0 ). Pew C e n t e r for C i v i c J o u r n a l i s m : T h e Pew Center, fun ded by the Pew C h aritab le Trusts from 1992 through 2 0 0 2 , was an in cubato r for civic jo u r ­ nalism expe rim e n ts th at en ab led news organizations to c re a te and refine better ways o f reportin g the news to en gage people in public life (www. pewcenter.org ). P h e n o m e n o lo g y : Th is is an appro ach to research that aims to understand and appreciate the meaning o f human messages. It is marked by qualitative methods. Phenomenology is also a specific social science theory based on the belief that consciousness is always directed at objects; as such, phenomenology is the study of the forms and manifestations of experience as they are perceived by the mind (Danesi, 2000, p. 172). Political Issu e (s): A s problems com m on to the general public, political is­ sues are those that are presented on politicians’ and media agendas as having s o ­ lutions in or being related to government action. Po pulation : Any class of object (including humans) or event defined on the basis o f its unique and observable characteristics is a population (Williams, 1992, p. 11). P o stm o d e r n is m : Postmodernism in art and philosophy questions traditional assumptions about certainty, identity, and truth based on the belief that words arc abstract symbols without fixed meanings (Danesi, 2000, pp. 180-181). Pre te st-P ost-test: In a social scicntific experiment, after two samples arc randomly selected from a population, each is given the same pretest and

GLOSSARY

221

post-test, but only one sample receives the experimental treatment between the tests (Wimmer &. Dominick, 2000, p. 218). Public jo u rn a lis m : Also known as civic journalism, public journalism is a practice o f journalism that listens to citizens, considers alternative framing of news stories, stimulates public understanding o f social and political issues, a d ­ vances possible solutions, and continually evaluates its communication with the public (Lambeth, Meyer, & Thorson, 1998, p. 17). Public opin ion : There are at least four definitions o f public opinion. First, modern polling assumes that public opinion is an aggregation of many individ­ ual opinions (results o f a survey); second, that public opinion is the opinions of the majority; third, that they are what is communicated consensus— social norms; and fourth, that they are merely a fiction or reification and do not exist in reality (Herbst, 1993, p. 43—46). Public sph ere: This abstract concept refers to civil society where rational, critical debate, free from domination o f the state, occurs (T hompson, 1995, p. 237). In com m on usage, the realm o f media, politics, and opinion processes is often referenced as the public sphere. P re c ision j o u rn a lis m : Newswriting based on intensive and systematic fact finding (Meyer, 1973, p. 13), precision journalism uses quantitative social sci­ ence research methods to collect and interpret large am ounts o f informational data and report the findings in a way that can be easily understood. Profe ssion al ethics: This is the study of philosophic, professional principles related to career or employment situations from which can be derived actions that resolve moral problems (Lambeth, 1992, pp. 80, 106 -1 07). Pulitzer prizes: Endowed by newspaper publisher Joseph Pulitzer, these a n ­ nual awards from the trustees of Columbia University are given for outstanding work in journalism and the arts (Goldstein, 1997, p. 170). P u rp o siv e s am p le : This is a nonra ndom sample of a population where sub­ jects are selected on the basis of specific characteristics or qualities (Wimmer & Dominick, 2000, p. 84). R a n d o m sam p le: This is a type of sampling or subject selection in which a collection of objects or events is defined in a way so that each one in the popula­ tion has an equal chance of being selected (Williams, 1992, p. 52). Reliability: This standard forjudging research quality is the consistency of mea­ surement both internal and external to the study (Williams, 1992, pp. 29-30). R e p lic atio n : A n independent verification of a research study (Wimmer & Dominick, 2000, p. 432), in general, replication entails repeating a research study in order to verify its findings. R e s p o n d e n ts : T h e subjects or participants in a research projcct arc called respondents.

22 2

GLOSSARY

Rhetorical criticism: This is a qualitative research method wherein researchers perform a close, systematic inspection of discourse via a selected communication theory that serves as a lens. T h e aim is to describe, interpret, and evaluate message content in order to gain greater insight for how and why persuasion works. Rhetori­ cal criticism can also be called communication analysis or media analysis. S a m p l e : A subgroup or subset of a population is called a sample (Wimmer &. Dominick, 2000, p. 432). S e c o n d a ry sou r c e s : A secondary source is research performed by others to com e to some conclusion about a topic or make some kind o f an argument. S e c o n d a ry re se arc h : This is a form o f editing, in which quotations (and sometimes summaries, phrases, and syntheses o f the material read) from this scholar and that scholar are collected to produce an essay or article. Secondary researchers use the research that others have done. (Berger, 2000, p. 23). Se n s a tio n a lism : In a broad sense, most good writing is sensational because it appeals to the senses o f touch, taste, smell, sound, and sight. M ost media critics use the term when referring to news that attracts attention by appealing to pru­ rient interest or shock value (Ward, 1997, p. 29). S o c ia l capital: T h ose stocks of social trust, norms, and networks that people can draw on to solve com m on problems are social capital. Networks of civic e n ­ gagement, such as neighborhood associations, sports clubs, and cooperatives, are essential forms o f social capital (Friedland, Sotirovic, & Kaily, 1998, p. 195). Social capital is the value or power accrued when people know one another and, as a result, work together (Ford, Winter 2002). S o c ial responsibility: This is a philosophy that calls for self-regulation of freedom o f the press for the betterment of society. S o u r c e : A person or persons who provide information that is relevant, use­ ful, and interesting to a news audience (Brooks ct al., 1999, pp. 4 - 6 ). St a k e h o ld e r s: People or organizations who stand to be gainers and losers in a public course of action are often labeled stakeholders (Morris, 2002, pp. 68, 127, 210). S t a t is t ic a l in fe r e n c e : T h is is the process o f e stim atin g a c h aracte ristic o f a pop ulation from a c h aracte ristic o f a sam ple o f the p op ulation (Williams, 1992, p. 51). St ru c t u ra l f u n c tio n alism : This social scientific theory is based on the idea that the organization o f a society provides the source o f its stability (DeFleur & Ball-Rokeach, 1989, p. 31). Subjectivity: Subjective writing presents personal impressions and experi­ ences (R ackham & Bertagnolli, 1999, pp. 13 0-135).

GLOSSARY

223

Su rv e y : Asking questions o f a sample or all of a population constitutes a sur­ vey. T h e methodology includes selecting a subject, constructing the questions, writing instructions, presenting the questions, achieving a reasonable response rate, and interpreting the results (Wimmer &. Dominick, 2000, pp. 160 -1 90). Textual analysis: Text, broadly speaking, is any work o f art in any medium. Texts can be company contracts, newspapers, go vernment documents, even street signs or tattoos. Through careful reading and analysis the researcher or reporter can uncover information on som ething else besides the words them ­ selves (Watson, 1997, pp. 8 0 - 8 4 ). To the researcher this usually is something about the social world o f the writer or the intended audience. To the reporter textual analysis may uncover buried facts or provide leads to other information. T h i c k description : In qualitative research, description that is thick presents essential themes and strictures discovered in the context of the respondents' or subjects’ setting, their language, their emotions, and their terms (H uberman &. Miles, 2002, p. 359). Th ick description is a shorthand term for the web of m e a n ­ ings that sustain a culture (Lindlof, 1995, p. 52). T h i r d places: T h e layer o f civic conversations and spaces where people gather to talk and do things together, such as churches, diners, and barbershops are called third places where reporters can go for information (Harwood &. McCrehan, 2000). Type I error: In quantitative research, Type I error occurs when the re­ searcher rejects a null hypothesis, or rejects the research premise that there is no difference between the groups under study, and claims there is a difference, when, unbeknow n to the researcher, the findings are wrong and in reality there is no difference. Type II error: In quantitative research, Type II error occurs when the re­ searcher acccpts a null hypothesis, or acccpts the research premise that there is no difference between the groups under study, when, unbeknown to the re­ searcher the findings are wrong and in reality there is a difference. Validity: Th e standard forjudging research quality is the degree to which a m ea­ surement technique, research procedure, or research finding is accurate (Frey, Botan, Friedman, & Kreps, 1992); that is, measures what it claims to measure. V alues: T h ese are underlying principles of courses o f action (Morris, 2002, pp. 68, 127, 210). Variable: A n observable characteristic o f an object or event that can be de ­ scribed according to some well-defined classification or measurement scheme can be called a variable (Williams, 1992, p. 11).

224

GLO SSARY

REFERENCES Berger, A . A . (2 0 0 0 ). Media and communication research methods. T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sa ge . Be rta u x, D. (Ed.). (1 9 8 1 ). Biography and society: The life history approach in the social sciences. L o n d o n : S a ge . Biagi, S. (2 0 0 1 ). M edia/Im pact: An introduction to mass media (5th ed., in stru cto r’s ed.). B e lm on t, C A : W adsworth - T h o m p s o n Learning. Bremner, J. B. (1 9 8 0 ). Words on words: A dictionary for writers and others who care about words. N e w York: C o lu m b ia U niversity Press. Brenn en , B. (1 9 9 6 ). Toward a history o f labor an d new work: T h e use o f oral sources in jo u r ­ nalism history. The Journ al o f Am erican History, 8 3 (2 ): 5 7 1 - 5 7 9 . Brooks, B. S., Kennedy, G., M o e n , D. R., & Ranly, D. (1 9 9 9 ). New s reporting and writing (6th ed.). N ew York: B e d f o r d - S t. Martins. D an esi, M. (2 0 0 0 ). Encyclopedic dictionary o f semiotics, media, and communications. Toronto: University o f Toronto Press. D eFleur, M . L., & Ba ll-R o ke ac h , S. (1 9 8 9 ). Theories o f m ass communication (5th ed.). W hite Plains, NY: L o n gm a n . D e n t o n , F. (1 998 , S u m m e r ) C ra c k in g the Spiral o f S ilen ce. Civic C atalyst, 4. E n tm a n , B. (1 9 9 3 ). Framing: Toward a clarification o f a fractured paradigm. Journal o f C o m ­ munication, 4 3 (4), 5 1 - 5 8 . Etzioni, A . (1 9 9 8 ). The essential communitarian reader. L a n h a m , M D : R o w m an &. Littlefield. Folkerts, J., &. Teeter, D. L. (1 9 8 9 ). Voices of a nation. N e w York: M acm illa n. Ford, P. (2 002 , W inter). L aw ren ce, K S : C o m m o n ground on grow th. Civic C atalyst, Ford, P. (200 2, Spring) G a m i n g the n ew s— building new entry points. Civic C atalyst, Ford, P. (200 2, S u m m e r ). Batten award money takes many paths. Civic C atalyst, 22. Frey, L., B otan , C., Friedm an, P., & Kreps, G. (1 9 9 2 ). Interpreting communication. Englewood Cliffs, N J: Prentice-H all. Friedland, L., Sotirovic, M ., & Kaily, K. (1 9 9 8 ). Public journalism and social capital. In E. B. L am b e th , P. E. Meyer, &. E. T h o r s o n (Eds.), Assessing public journalism , (p. 195). C o l u m ­ bia, M O : University o f M issouri Press. Gay, L. R. (19 8 7 ). Competencies for analysis and application (3rd ed.). C olu m b u s , O H : Merrill. Gibbs, S., &. Warhover, T. (2 0 0 2 ). Getting the whole story. N ew York: Guilford. G oldste in , N. (E d.). (1 9 9 7 ). T h e A s s o c iate d Press style book and libel m a n u al (6th trade ed.). N ew York: T h e A s s o c iate d Press H arw ood, R. C ., & M c C r e h a n , F. (2 0 0 0 ). Tapping civic life (2nd ed.) [on-line]. Available at: http://w ww.pcwcenter.org/doingcj/pubs/tcl/ H erbst, S. ( 1 9 9 3 ). Num bered voices: How opinion polling has shaped Am erican politics. C h ic a go: University o f C h ic a g o Press. H o lm a n , C . H., & H a rm o n , W. (1 9 8 6 ). A handbook to literature (5th ed.). N ew York: M acm illan . Holsti, O. R. (1 9 6 9 ). Content analysis for the social sciences and humanities. Reading, M A : Addison-Wesley. H u b e rm an , A . M., & Miles, M. B. (2 0 0 2 ). The qualitative researcher's companion. T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sage. lorio, S. H., & H u x m a n , S. S. (1 9 9 6 ). M e dia cove ra ge o f political issues and the framing o f personal con cern s. Journ al o f Communication, 4 6 ( 4 ) , 9 7 - 1 1 5 . L a m b e t h , E. B. ( 1 9 9 2 ) . Com m itted journ alism : An ethic for the profession (2n d e d.). Bloo m in g ton , IN: Indiana University Press. L am b e th , E. B., Meyer, P. E., & Th o r s o n , E. (E ds.). (1 9 9 8 ). Assessing public journalism . C o l u m ­ bia, M O : University o f M issouri Press. Lindlof,T. R. (1995). Qualitative communication research methods. T h ousa n d O aks, C A : Sage.

GLO SSARY

225

Merritt, D. (1 9 9 5 ). Public journalism : Why telling the news is not enough. Hillsdale, N J: Lawrence Erlbaum A ssoc iate s. Meyer, P. (1 9 9 1 ). The new precision journalism . Bloo m in g ton , IN : Indiana University Press. Morris, J. L. (200 2). A study o f attitudes toward audience interaction in journalism : Citizen-based reporting. Lewisto n, NY: Edwin Mellen. N e u m a n , W. R., Just, M. R., &. Crigler, A . N. (1 9 9 2 ). Com m on knout ledge: N ew s and the con­ struction of political meaning. C h ic a g o : T h e University o f C h ic a g o Press. Potter, W. J. (1 9 9 6 ). Aii analysis of thinking and research about qualitative methods. M a h w a h , NJ: Law rence Erlbaum A ssoc iate s. R ac k h a m , J., & Bertagnolli, O. (1 9 9 9 ). From sight to insight: The writing process (6th ed.). Fort Worth, T X : H a rc o u r t Brace. Schaffer, J. (1 9 9 9 ). Attack dog, watch dog, guide dog: The role o f the media in building community [on-line]. Available at: h ttp://w w w.pew center.org/d oingcj/speeches/s_batonrouge.h tm l Schaffer, J. (200 1, Fall) Interactive journalism : clicking on the future. A P M E N ew s. Severin, J. W., &. Tan kard, Jr., J. W. (1 9 9 2 ). Comm unication theories: Origins, methods, and uses in the mass media (3rd ed.). W h ite Plains, NY: L o n gm a n . Sirianni, C., & Friedland, L. (2 0 0 1 ). Civic innovation in A m erica. Berkeley, C A : University o f C alifornia Press. Sm ith , L. M. (1 9 9 8 ). Biographical m eth od. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (E ds.), Strategies of qualitative inquiry (pp. 2 8 5 - 3 0 5 ) . T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : S a g e Publications. Teeter, D. L., Le D ue, D. R., & Loving, B. (1 9 9 8 ). Law of m ass communications: Freedom and control of print and broadcast media (9th ed.). N ew York: F o u nd atio n Press. T h o m p s o n , J. B. (1 9 9 5 ). The media arid modernity. Stan ford, C A : Stan ford University Press. T h o m p s o n , P. (1 9 9 0 ). The voice of the past: O ral history. L o n d o n : O x fo rd University Press. Ward, H. H. (1 9 9 7 ). Mainstreams o f Am erican media history. B oston : Allyn & Bacon . W atson, R. (1 9 9 7 ). E th n o m e th o d o lo g y and textual analysis. In D. S ilv e rm a n (E d.), Q u alita­ tive research: Theory, method and practice (pp. 8 0 - 9 8 ) . T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sage. Williams, F. (1 9 9 2 ). Reasoning with statistics: How to read quantitative research (4th e d.). Fort Worth, T X : I la r c o u r t Brace Jo v an o v ic h . Wimmer, R. D., & D o m in ic k , J. R. (2 0 0 0 ). M ass media research: An introduction (6th ed.). Belm ont, C A : Wadsworth. Yin, R. (1 9 9 4 ). C a s e study research: Design and methods. T h o u s a n d O a k s , C A : Sage.

T h i s p a g e in te n t io n a lly left b la n k

A u th o r In dex N o t e : / indicates figure, n indicates en dn ote

A A b b o tt, A ., 28, 29, 38, 150, 161 A b r a m s , M. H., 173n, 174 A d a m s , S., 113, 124 Agar, M., 8 1 , 9 1 A llen, D., 69, 72 A llen , M., 177, 187, 189, 191 A lo n s o , C . G., 78, 91 A n d e r s o n , B., 147, 161 A n d e r s o n , N., 27, 29, 35, 36, 38 A n d re w s, F. E., 38n, 38 A n o n y m o u s, 69, 72 A p p ia h , K. A ., 50, 56 Argyris, C., 82, 91 A tk in son , P., 128, 129, 141 A u stin , E., 187, 191 A ustin, L., 10, 19

B Babbie, E., 136, 141 B agdikia n, B. H., 4, 9, 18 B a ll 'R o k e a c h , S. J., 37, 38, 214, 222, 2 24 Barzun, J., 49, 55 B avelas, J. B., 181, 189 Bayer, J., 3 7 ,3 8 Becker, H., 2 3 , 2 5 , 3 8 Bender, J. R., 130, 132, 142 B en n ett, W. L., 4, 18 Berger, A . A ., 112, 124, 128, 142, 222, 224

Berger, A . B., 180, 189 Berger, C., 181, 189 Berner, R. T., 136, 142 Bernstein , C., 59, 72 Bertagnolli, O., 166/, 173n, 174, 215, 216-219, 2 22,225 B ertaux, D., 219, 224 Biagi, S., 113, 124, 2 1 9 ,2 2 4 Black, E., 179, 181, 190 Black, J., 9, 18 Bloor, M m 7 6 , 8 0 , 8 1 , 8 6 , 9 1 Blumer, H., 48, 55, 137, 142 Bogue, D. J., 29, 30, 38 Bohhoeffer, D., 46, 55 B oo th , C . A . , 30, 38, 148, 161 Borg, W., 6 1 , 6 8 , 72 Boster, F. J., 177, 190 B otan , C ., 179, 190, 216, 218, 223, 2 24 B o ta n , C . H., 163, 165, 174 Braith w aite, C . A ., 128, 142 Brandt, L., 38n, 38 B ran n ick, T., 77, 82, 91 Bremner, ]. B., 173n, 174, 214, 2 24 B renn en , B., 220, 224 Brenner, R., 182, 190 Brissett, D., 112, 124 Brooks, B. S., 166/, 169, 171, 173n, 174, 2 1 3 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 7 - 2 1 9 , 2 2 2 , 224 Brow n, S. R., 163, 174 Bulmer, M., 34, 38, 148, 161 Burgess, E. W., 7, 19, 29, 30, 33, 38 Burke, K., 181, 190 227

228

AU TH O R INDEX

c C am p b ell, D. X , 119, 124 C am pb ell, K. B., 147, 150, 160n, 161 Can tril, H., 59, 72 C ap e lla , J. N., 133, 142 Carey, J. W., 9, 10, 18, 4 5 , 4 6 , 5 0 , 5 5 , 177, 190 Casey, M., 187, 189 C aw elti, J. G., 165, 174 C h a n c e , ]., 165, 174 Charity, A ., 10, 18, 142 Coffey, S., 11, 18 C o g h la n , D. J., 77, 82, 91 C o h e n , H., 189», 190 C o l e m a n , R., 169, 174 Connery, T. B., 136, 142 C o n q u e r g o o d , D., 128, 129, 142 Corrigan , D. H., 173n, 174 C o u n t ry m a n , K., 105, 106 C ourtrig ht, J., 187, 190 Craw fo rd, N., 43, 55 Cressey, P. G., 27, 38, 1 4 8 - 1 5 0 , 161 Cresswell, J. W., 190 Crigler, A . N . , x, x, 218, 225 C ro n k h ite , G., 181, 191 Culver, C ., 133, 142 C u rran , J., 42, 55

D Daily, K., 3 7 , 3 8 D an e si, M., 219, 2 20, 224 Darsey, J., 178, 190 D a v e n p o r t, L., 130, 132, ¡4 2 D avis, A . F., 161 DcFleur, M. L., 214, 222, 224 Degooyer, D., 187, 189 D e n t o n , F., 217, 224 Denzin, N. K., 4 8 - 5 2 , 55, 56, 64, 72 Dewey, J., 7, 9, 18 D ick en G a rc ia, H., 43, 55 D io n n e , Jr., E. J., 9, 18 D o m in ic k , J. R., 112, 116, 117, 125, 213, 21 5 -2 2 3 ,2 2 5 D o ts o n , J., 69, 72 D u n n , X , 187, 189 D u rh a m , M. G., 130, 142 Dyer, B., 71, 72

E Edgley, C ., 112, 124

Elliott, D., 133, 142 Elwood, W., 186, 190 Emery, E., 44, 55 Emery, M., 44, 55 E m m e rs - S o m m e r s, T., 187, 189 E n tm a n , B., 217, 224 E n tm a n , R. M., 4, 9, 18 Erickson, F., 68, 70, 72 E tte m a, J., 53, 55 E t t e m a , J . S., 130, 142 Etzioni, A ., 2 1 5 , 2 2 4 Euben , P.J., 50, 55 E velan d, Jr., W. P., 37, 38

F Fallows, J., 9, 18 Faris, R. E. L., 160n, 161 Fedler, F., 130, 132, 142 Fern, E. F., 77, 91 Fielder, V. D., 7 6 , 8 5 , 9 1 Fielding, J. L., 112, 124 Fielding, N. G., 112, 124 Fischer, M. M. J., 128, 143 Fisher, W., 177, 190 Fiske, M., 1 0 9 - 1 1 3 , 118, 124 Fitch, K., 178, 190 Flick, U., 48, 55 Flint, L., 43, 55 Flores, J. G., 78, 91 Folkerts, J., 218, 224 F o n tan a , A ., 77, 78, 91 Ford, P., 159, 161, 2 00, 212, 2 14, 216, 222, 224 Fortner, R . S . , 4 2 , 4 3 , 5 5 Foster, P., 60, 61, 72 Fou cault, M., 9, 18, 50, 55, 189, 190 Fran klan d, J., 76, 80, 81, 86, 91 Frey, J. H., 77, 78, 91 Frey, L., 179, 190, 216, 218, 223, 224 Frey, L. R., 1 6 3 - 1 6 5 , 174 Friedland, L., 213, 2 2 2 - 2 2 5 Friedland, L. A., 10, 19, 24, 39, 147, 160, 161 Friedm an , P., 179, 190, 216, 218, 223, 224 Friedm an, P. G., 1 6 3 - 1 6 5 , 174 Fuller, L., 187, 190

G Gall, J., 6 1 , 6 8 , 72 Gall, M., 61, 68, 72 G a m b le , D., 128, ¡4 2

229

AUTH O R INDEX

G a n s, H. J., 133, 142 Gassaway, B., 138, 143 Gay, L. R., 215, 224 Geertz, C ., 25, 38, 128, 131, 142 G e rm a n , K., 187, 190 G ib b o n s, W., 4 3 , 4 5 , 5 5 Gibbs, C., 203, 212 Gibbs, C. K., 113, 124 Gibbs, S., 2 1 6 , 2 2 4 Gillham , B., 60, 64, 68, 72 Glaser, B. G., 120, 124, 128, 130, 142 Glasser, T., 53, 55 Glasser, T. L., 10, 18, 53, 55, 131, 142 G le n n , J. M ., 3 8 n, 38 G o ffm a n , E., 183, 190 G old , R., 129, 142 G old , R. L., 128, 132, 142 G o ld m a n , A ., 54, 55 G oldstein , 221, 224 Gollin, A . E., 110, 124 G o m m , R., 60, 61, 72 G o u d re a u , R., 89, 92 Gräber, D. A., 4, 18 Graff, H .F ., 49, 55 Greenberg, J., 208, 209, 212 G r ee n w o o d , D., 82, 83, 91 G u o , Z., 37, 38 II H a a s , T., 71, 72 H a b e r m as, J., 9, 18, 50, 56 Haley, A ., 95, 106 Haller, B., 187, 190 H a m ilto n , D., 61, 69, 73 Hammerslcy, M., 60, 61, 72, 128, 129, 141 Harding, S., 130, 142 H a rm o n , W., 173», 174, 213, 214, 224 H arrin gton , W., 136, 141, 142 H art, R., 181, 183, 184, 188, 190 H a rw ood, R. C ., 151, 152, 159, 1 60», 161, 214, 215, 2 2 3 , 2 2 4 H en n in g, A ., 43, 45, 56 H erbst, S., 224 Herzog, H., 59, 72 H etrick, J., 159, 161 H in d m a n , E. B., 141, 142 H o lm a n , C . H., 173», 174, 213, 214, 224 H osti, O., 183, 190 Holsti, O. R., 2 1 5 , 2 2 4 H oopes, JM9 4 - 9 7 , 1 0 0 - 1 0 2 , 106

H sia, H . J . , 117, 124 H u b e rm a n , A . M., 120, 125, 2 16, 218, 2 2 3 ,2 2 4 H u x m a n , S. S., 116, 124, 2 20, 224 I lorio, S. H., 37, 38, 95, 106, 116, 124, 220, 224 Iser, W., 164, 174 Ivie, R., 179, 190 Iyengar, S., x, x

J Ja m ie so n , K. H., 133, 142 Ja n e sic k , Y., 181, 183, 190 Jen k in s, C ., 71, 72 Je n se n , K. B., 7, 18 Ji c k .T ., 183, 190 Jo h n s o n , D., 102, 106 Junker, B., 129, 142 Ju st, M . R., x, x, 218, 225 K Kaily, K ., 2 2 2 , 2 2 4 Kang, N., 147, 161 Kellogg, R U . , 3 2 , 3 8 Kendall, P. L., 1 0 9 - 1 1 3 , 118, 124 Kennedy, G., 166/, 169, 171, 173», 174, 213, 214, 2 17, 218, 222, 224 Keyton, J., 128, 129, 132, 142 Kirksey, R., 71, 72 K n au s, C ., 187, 191 K n ödel, J., 79, 92 K oh ut, A ., 121, 124 Kostyu, P. E., 130, 132, 142 K o v a c h , B., 130, 137, 142 K oven , S., 32, 38 Kramer, M., 136, 137, 142, 143 Kreps, G., 179, 190, 216, 218, 223, 224 Kreps, G. L., 1 6 3 - 1 6 5 , 174 Krippendorff, K., 163, 174 Krueger, R. A ., 7 7 - 8 1 , 92 Kvale, S., 136, 143

L Labaw, P. J., 118, 124 L am b e th , E. B., 85, 92, 169, 170, 173», 174, 216, 2 2 1 , 2 2 4 L an c e , D., 95, 96, 107

230

AU TH O R INDEX

Lan dis, S., 82, 92 Lazarsfeld, P. F., I l l , 124 Le D ue, D. R., 2 1 9 , 2 2 5 L e ed s'H urw itz , W., 177, 189n, 191 Lelyveld, J., 16, 18 L esch , C . L., 128, 129, 143 Levin, M., 8 2 , 8 3 , 9 1 L ichtenberg, J., 45 , 56 Lincoln, Y. S., 48, 49, 5 1 , 5 5 , 5 6 Lindlof, T. R., I l l , 112, 124, 128, 143, 223, 2 24 L ip p m a n n , W., 9, 18, 4 4 , 5 6 Liska, J., 181, 191 L ofland, J., 136, 143 L ofland, L. H., 136, 143 Loving, B., 219, 225

M M a c D o n a l d , B., 44, 45, 56 M a c D o n a l d , J., 81, 91 M a n n h e im , K., 9, 18, 130, 143 M anzella, J. C ., 174 M arcus, G. E., 128, ¡4 3 M a so , I., 112, 124 M a th e w s, D., 88 , 92 M c A fe e , N., 88, 92 McAllister, R., 182, 191 M c C o m b s , M. E., 114, 115, 125 M c C r a c k e n , G., 112, 118, 124 M c C r e h a n , F., 2 14, 2 15, 223, 224 M c D e v itt , M., 138, 143 M c K e o w n , B., 163, 174 M cKinney, M., 187, 191 M c L e o d , J. M., 37, 38, 160, 161 M c M u llin , R., 98, 107 M e a d , G. H., 7, 19 Meckler, A . M . , 9 8 , 107 M e r r i a m . S . , 60, 6 4 , 6 8 , 72 Merritt, D., 9, 10, 19, 69, 73, 76, 92, 216, 224 M erton , R. K., 7 8 , 9 2 , 109, 1 10, 112, 113, 1 1 8 , ¡2 4 Metzler, K., 113, 124 Meyer, P., 5, 6, 8, 19, 218, 2 2 1 , 2 2 5 Meyer, P. E., 85, 92, 169, 173n, ¡7 4 , 221, 224 Miles, M. B., 120, 125, 216, 218, 223, 224 Miller, D. L., 7, 19 Mills, C . W., 4 7 , 5 6 Mishler, E . G . , 118, 125

M o e n , D. R., 166/, 169, 171, 173n, 174, 213, 214, 217, 218, 219, 222, 224 M o n g e a u , P., 177, 190, 191 Morgan, D. L., 7 7 - 7 9 , 81, 92, 111, 112, 125 Morris, J. L., 1 6 9 - 1 73n, 174, 215, 218, 222, 223,225 Morrissey, C . T., 98, 107 M ulh all, S., 5 2 , 5 6 Murphy, L., 44, 56 Murphy, P., 189, 191

N N a t h a n , H., 112, 125 N e u m a n , W. R., x, x, 218, 225 O Olthuis, J. H., 5 2 , 5 6

P Palmer, V., 29, 39 Park, R. E., 7, 19, 2 9 , 3 3 , 3 5 , 3 9 Partlett, M., 6 1 , 6 9 , 73 Paterno, S. F., 113, 125 Patterson, G. H., 45, 56 Pa tton, M., 60, 64, 65, 73 Paynter, B., 71, 72 Pepper, B., 187, 191 Perez, F. G., 138, 143 Perks, R., 98, 107 Peters, J. D., 10, 19 Peterson, E . E . , 112, 125 Petheram , B., 44, 45, 56 Philipsen, G., 178, 188, 191 Pippert, W., 46, 56 Plaut, T. S., 82, 92 Poindexter, P. M ., 114, 115, 125 Polkinghorne, D., 177, 183, 189n, 191 Pondillo, B., 147, 161 Pool, I. S., 9, 19 Portelli, A., 103, 107 Poster, M., 4, 19 Potter, W. J., 1 12, 125, 216, 225 Preiss, R., 177, 189 Priest, S., 186, 191 Pu n ch , M., 133, 134, 143 Purcell, E. A., 44, 56 Pu tn am , R., 9, 19, 82, 91

231

AUTH O R INDEX

Pu tn am , R . D., 8 7, 91, 92 Q Q u in e , W. V., 44, 56

R

Still, T., 1 9 4 , 2 1 2 Straits, B., 182, 191 Strauss, A . L., 120, 124, 128, 142 Stringer, E. T., 77, 92 Su t to n , S., 177, 191 Swift, A ., 52, 56

T R a c k h a m , J M 166/, 173n, 174, 2 1 5 - 2 1 9 , 2 22,225 Ranly, D., 166/, 169, 171, 173n, 174, 213, 214, 2 1 7 - 2 1 9 , 2 2 2 ,2 2 4 Rieh, C ., 134, 143 Ric h a rdson , L., 49, 56 Ritchie, D. A ., 93, 95, 9 8 - 1 0 0 , 102, 103, 107 Roberts, N., 44, 55 R ob son , K., 76, 80, 8 1 , 8 6 , 91 Rockefeller, S. C ., 50, 56 Root, M., 5 0 , 5 6 R ose n , J., ix, x, 9, 10, 19, 76, 82, 92 Rosenfield, L., 179, 191 R o s e n h a u s e , S., 2 00, 212 Rosenstiel, T., 130, 137, 142

s S a a d , L., 124n, 125 Sahlstein , T., 187, 189 Sa lm o n , C . T., 10, 18 Schaffer, J., 151, 161, 215, 2 1 9 , 2 2 5 Scholz, R., 61, 6 2, 70, 73 S c h u d s o n , M., 9, 19 S e a t o n , J., 42, 55 Se id m a n , I., 112, 125 Severin, J. W., 214, 225 Shaw, C . R., 29, 39 Shilts, R., 187, 191 Sh umway, G., 98, 107 Sim s, N., 136, 143 Sinclair, U., 43, 56 Singleton, R., 182, 191 Sirianni, C ., 10, 19, 24, 39, 213, 225 S m ith , D. M., 82, 91 S m ith , L. M., 2 1 9 , 2 2 5 Sotirovic, M., 2 22, 224 Spradley, J. P., 141, 143 Spu rlock, K ., 159, 161 Stak e, R., 5 9 - 6 1 , 64, 69, 71, 73 Stanley, J. C ., 119, 124 Stein , M. L., 113, 125

Tankard, Jr., J. W., 2 1 4 , 2 2 5 Taylor, C ., 50, 52, 56 Teeter, D. L., 218, 219, 2 2 4 , 225 Terkel, S., 95, 107 T h o m a s , D., 163, 174 T h o m a s , M., 76, 81, 86, 91 T h o m a s , W. I., 7, 19, 27, 34, 39 T h o m p s o n , J. B., 4, 19, 2 2 1 , 2 2 5 T h o m p s o n , P., 96, 102, 103, 107, 220, 225 T h o m p s o n , R., 89, 92 T h o m s o n , A ., 98, 107 T h o r s o n , E., 85, 92, 169, 170, 173n, 174, 2 2 1 ,2 2 4 Thrasher, F., 2 7 , 2 9 , 39 Tietje , O., 61, 62, 70, 73 To m pk in s, P., 178, 191 Trevor, J., 82, 92 Tuchinan, G., 9, 19, 133, 143

U U re n e c k , L., 11, 19

V Van M a a n e n , J., 68, 73, 128, 143, 178, 191

W Wagner, E., 187, 189 Walters, L., 186, 191 Walters, T., 186, 191 Walzer, M., 5 0 , 5 6 Wang, H., 3 7 , 3 8 Ward, H. H., 222, 225 Warhover, T., 113, 124, 216, 224 W atson, R., 2 2 3 , 2 2 5 Weber, M., 128, 143 Welleck, R., 164, 174 Wenzl, R., 1 0 5 - 1 0 7 Wester, F., 112, 124

232

A U T H O R IN D EX

W ic k e r , T., 9 5 , 1 0 7

Y

W i g g i n t o n , E ., 9 5 , 1 07 W i l l i a m s , F., 2 1 9 - 2 2 3 , 2 2 5

Yang, S ., 3 7 , 38

Willey, S ., 7 7, 8 0 , 92

Y a n k e l o v i c h , D ., 9, 19, 8 0 , 8 3 , 9 2, 1 4 0,

W im m e r , R . D ., 1 12, 1 1 6 , 1 1 7 , 125 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 5 -2 2 3 ,2 2 5

143 Yin , R ., 6 0 - 6 8 , 7 0 , 73, 2 1 3 , 2 2 5

W in g , F. E ., 3 2 , 3 9 W i n t e r s , A . , 187, 189 W ir th , L ., 2 7 , 2 9 , 3 9

Z

W i t t e , K . , 1 77, 191 Wolf, S., 5 0, 5 6

Z n a n i c c k i , F., 7, 19, 2 7 , 3 4 , 3 9

W o o d w a r d , B., 5 9 , 72

Z u c k e r m a n , H ., 1 1 2 , 125

W r ig h t, K . , 1 86, 191

S u b je c t In d ex N o t e : / indicates figure

A Accuracy, 12, 43, 46, 68, 1 19, 130, 132, 140, 1 6 4 , 1 8 0 , 1 8 2 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 6 A d d a m s , Ja n e , 3 0 - 3 1 , 148 Allen, D ale, 69 Analysis, viii, 7 1 , 8 3 Analytic generalization, 60, 213 A n a lytic al inference, 213 A n d e r s o n , N c ls, 27, 29, 3 4 - 3 6 , 38, 39 A n e c d o t e , 139, 214 Anonymity, 118, 1 8 5 , 2 1 3 A Question of Color, 6 9 - 7 2 Attribution, 157, 166, 213 A u to m a te d response testing (mobile a u t o ­ mated response testing in stru­ men t ( M A R T I ) , 1 8 5 - 1 8 6

B Ba lan c e , 8, 9, 12, 72, 80, 104, 111, 129, 1 3 0 -1 3 3 ,1 3 7 ,1 3 8 ,2 1 4 ,2 1 5 Ba tte n Aw ard, 85, 90, 200, 201, 212, 214, 224 Beh aviorism , 175, 181, 188, 214 Bias, 11, 48, 96, 103, 1 3 0 - 1 3 2 , 138, 187, 214 avoiding, 1 3 2 - 1 3 3 unbiased, 45, 78 Booth , C h arle s, 30, 148 Brack, Richard, 8 5 - 8 7 Brainstorming, 167 Brimeyer, Ja c k , 200

Burgess, Ernest, W., 7, 19, 27, 29, 30, 33, 34,148 Bush ec, Ward, 8 8 - 9 0

c C a s e studies, ix, xii, 13, 14, 23, 27, 47, 59, 6 0 , 6 1 - 6 5 , 6 7 - 6 9 , 137, 138, 146, 155, 165, 176, 182, 183, 188,214 Challenger, D oug, 209 C h a o s theory, 189, 214 C h arle s F. Kettering Fou n d atio n , xvii, xviii, 10, 88, 202, 203, 214 C h ic a g o S c h o o l em e rg en ce of, 26 founding scholars of, 27, 28 m e th o d , 22, 23, 148 unique qualities of, 23—25 model, 36, 37 o f sociology, 21 Cincinnati Enquirer, 88 Cities decentr alization of, 33 In vasion s of, 33 natural areas of, 33, 34 Civic catalyst, 214 Civic con n e c tors, 214 Civic journalism, xiii, xv, xviii, 10, 23, 24, 3 7 , 3 8 , 7 6 , 8 4 , 8 5 , 9 2 , 9 5 , 100, 122, 141, 147, 151, 153, 154, 1 5 8 , 1 6 9 - 1 7 2 , 1 8 5 , 193, 194, 200, 2 0 1 , 2 0 4 , 2 0 6 , 2 1 4 , 2 2 0 , 2 2 1

233

234

S U B JE C T IN D EX

C i v i c m a p p i n g ( d e f i n e d ) , 1 4 5 , 146

Error, 15, 16, 2 5 , 1 4 8 , 1 5 6 , 16 0, 1 7 7 , 179,

c o g n i t i v e m a p p i n g , 147

2 0 2 ,2 1 8 ,2 2 3

c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g , 147

E th ics, 43, 46 , 51, 216

f u tu r e of, 1 5 8 - 1 6 0

E t h n o g r a p h y , vi, ix, xii, 13, 14, 2 2 , 2 6 , 3 7 ,

in c o n t e m p o r a r y j o u r n a l i s m , 150

1 2 7 - 1 3 3 , 1 3 5 - 1 3 7 , 1 40, 146,

T h e H a r w o o d M e t h o d , 1 51, 152 in p r a c t i c e , 1 5 2 —1 54 in h is t o r i c a l s o c i a l r e s e a r c h , 1 4 8 - 1 5 0

180, 216 E v a l u a t i o n r e s e a r c h , 138, 2 1 2 , 2 1 7 E x p e r i m e n t s , 10, 11, 2 5 , 5 0 , 5 1 , 6 0 , 76,

Key M o m e n t s p roject, 1 5 4 - 1 5 8

7 7 , 8 2 , 8 4 , 8 5 , 1 1 1 , 1 3 9 , 141,

P a s s in g t h e T e s t p r o j e c t , 2 0 6 - 2 0 8

1 4 6 , 147 , 1 5 0 , 1 5 4 , 1 5 5 , 157,

s t r u c t u r a l m a p p i n g , 1 47, 1 4 8 , 154

1 7 8 , 179 , 1 9 6 , 2 0 4 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 7 ,

C o d i n g , 1 2 0 , 1 68, 178

2 1 8 , 2 2 0 , 221

C o m m u n i t a r i a n p h ilo s o p h y , 2 1 5 C o m m u n ity con versation , 76, 77, 81, 86,

F

8 8 , 9 0 , 169, 1 7 0 ,2 1 5 C o n clu sio n , 215 C o n f i d e n t i a l i t y , 6 5 , 7 8 , 79, 1 31 , 1 34 , 170, 215 C o n f l i c t , 9 9 , 1 72, 1 82, 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 C o n s e q u e n c e s , 172 C o n s t r u c t va lidity, 6 4 , 6 8 , 21 5 C o n t e n t a n a l y s i s , 7 1 , 1 3 8 , 1 6 8 , 1 7 9 , 180, 1 8 3 - 1 8 5 , 1 8 8 , 2 15 C o n t e x t , ix, xv, 3, 5, 10, 11, 15, 17, 2 1 , 22, 2 9 ,3 4 ,3 6 - 3 8 ,4 1 ,4 3 ,4 5 - 4 7 , 4 9 - 5 1 ,6 0 ,6 1 ,6 9 , 7 2 ,9 5 , 1 0 1 - 1 0 3 ,1 1 0 ,1 1 1 , 1 1 8 ,1 3 1 , 1 3 2 , 1 3 7 , 1 50, 1 5 6 , 1 6 5 , 1 67, 1 7 6 - 1 7 8 ,1 8 0 ,1 8 2 ,1 8 5 , 1 8 7 - 1 8 9 ,2 0 3 , 2 1 5 , 216, 218, 223 C o u n t r y m a n , K a r e n , Iren e “ R e e n i c ” ,

F a ir n e s s , 3, 4 , 2 17 F e a t u r e story, 6 8 , 1 13, 1 6 5 , 2 1 7 Fielder, V i r g i n i a D o d g e , 76 F i e l d w o r k , 7, 2 2 , 2 7 , 1 3 4 , 197 F i s h l o c k , D i a n a , 167 F lo y d , D o u g , 1 5 4 - 1 5 5 , 157 Focus groups academ ic, 7 7 -7 9 jo u rn a lism , 7 9 - 8 2 m e t h o d o l o g y of, 76 t e c h n i q u e s , 76 F o c u s e d in te rv ie w , vi, xii, 13, 14, 7 8 , 1 0 9 -1 1 7 ,1 2 3 , 217 Foxfire C ollection , 95 F r a m i n g , x, 8 , 8 1 , 8 5 , 1 59, 2 0 6 , 2 1 7 , 221 F r e e d o m o f th e p r e ss , 9

(see O r a l h istory )

G

D D e d u c t i o n , 2 5 , 1 6 6 , 1 67, 2 1 6

G a u n t , P h ilip , 185

D e t a c h m e n t , 8, 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 2 , 13 8,

G e n e r a l i z a t i o n , 2 5 , 6 0 , 6 9 , 7 1 , 9 6 , 160,

140, 216

1 6 7 ,2 1 3 ,2 1 8

D e w a r , H e l e n , 168

G ib bs, C h eryl, 20 2 , 203

D e w e y , J o h n , 7, 9, 10, 2 6 , 82

G o u d r e a u , R o s e m a r y , 88

D on ald , D avid, 1 9 6 -1 9 8

G reenberg, Jo h n , 208, 209

D r u m m o n d , Bill, 2 0 4 , 2 0 6

H

E H all, D ou g, 209 E m ic a n d e tt i c , 6 8 , 7 1 , 2 1 6

H a rd news, 68, 218

E m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h , xii, 2 1 6

H artn ett, Barbara, 200

E n t e rp ris e , 4 5 , 145, 1 5 7 , 2 0 1 , 2 0 6 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 7 story, 14, 3 2 , 9 9 , 1 16, 2 1 6

H arw ood M ethod, 151 -1 5 4 H a r w o o d , R i c h a r d , 159

E n try p o i n t s - p o r t a l s , 4, 2 1 6

H a w t h o r n e e f fe c t, 1 3 4 , 2 1 8

E p i s t e m o l o g y , 1 35 , 2 1 7

H ow R ace is Lived in A m e ric a, 15, 16

235

S U B J E C T INDEX

Hull House, 30, 31, 148

I Impact, 171, 186, 218 In-depth interview, 8, 112, 1 87,219 Induction, 25, 135, 175, 181, 218 Interaction, 4, 7, 1 1, 28, 29, 78, 218 Interactive journalism, xviii, 123, 219 Interactive media environment, 4, 5 Interpretive journalism and public life, 51—53 social science, 51 sufficiency, 46 triangulation, 48, 49 validity, 47, 48 Interviews (see also Oral History) focused, 110 advantages of, 114, 115 aims of, 111 analyzing, 120, 121 criteria for, 111, 118 disadvantages of, 115, 116 diversity of responses, 119 duration of, 119 early use of, 110-112 planning a project, 116 ensuring validity, 119 preparing for interviews, 117, 118 purpose of the research, 116, 117 techniques of, 113, 114 street, 109, 185, 186 Interviewing, ix, xiii, 7, 8, 17, 48, 93, 95, 9 8 ,1 0 0 ,1 0 4 ,1 0 9 ,1 1 1 -1 1 3 ,1 1 5 , 1 18, 135, 151, 157, 169, 185, 217

Malinowski’s research in, 128 objectivity in, 129, 130 reporting, 134-136 techniques in, 128, 129, 140, 141 textual analysis in, 163, 164, 172, 173 attributes of, 171, 172 of civic journalism, 169-172 of documents, 168, 169 o f news writing, 166, 167 purposes of, 164, 165 types of, 165 visual forms of, 166/ writing, 137 objectivity in, xii, 6, 8, 9, 43-46 university education in, 8 utilizing qualitative methods in, 14, 15 Journalistic code o f strict objectivity, 6, 8 ,9 K

Kaylor, Steve, 152, 153, 160 Kellogg, Paul, U., 3 1 , 3 2 Kennedy, George, 170 Kirkeberg, Max, 198-200 Koehn, Ken, 152, 153 Kulcinski, Jerry, 194, 195

L Law ren ce Jou rnal-W orld , 85

Lazarsfeld, Paul, 110, 111 Life history, 34, 93, 95, 103, 104, 219

M J

Jacobi, Peter, 167 Journalism education, 5 ,6 , 11 the beginning of, 41, 42 ethnographic, 128 advantages of, 130, 131 covert observation, 133 ethical considerations of, 129, 132-134 avoiding bias, 132, 133 confidentiality, 134 objectivity as verification, 132

Mahoney, Evan, 166 Marketing research, 112, 219 McBride, Kelly, 158 Mead, George Herbert, 7, 26, 28 Media ethics, 43—46 concerns over, 43 inquiry into, 43, 44 textbooks in, 43 Merritt, Davis “ Buzz”, 9, 10, 69, 73, 76, 151, 171 Merton, Robert, 78, 109-113, 1 14, 118 Miller, Bill, 168 Moral Literacy, 53, 54

236

SU B JE C T INDEX

Morality, 49, 50 Multiple m c t h o d ( s), 188, 190

N N a k a o , A n n ie , 198 N a t io n a l Issues Forums (N IF ), 88 N a t u r a l Sc ie n ce s, 6, 44, 46, 175, 176, 219 Neutrality, 46, 49, 50, 129, 130, 137, 219 N e w s m edia technologies d e v e lo p m e n t of, 8 N e w s organizations and com m un itie s, 193, 194, 2 1 0 - 2 1 2 Earlham College, Dayton (Ohio) Daily Net vs, and the Palladium Item, 202, 203 Journ al Star, Bradley University, and Illinois C e n tr a l College, 200 , 201 N ew H a m psh ire Public R ad io, University o f N e w H am psh ire Su rvey Center, N ew H a m psh ire C e n te r for Public Policy Studies, N ew E ngland C e n te r for Civic Life, T h e N ew H am psh ire H istorical Society, Leadership New H am psh ire, 208-210 San Francisco Exam iner an d S a n F rancisco S tate University, 198-200 Savannah Morning News and G eorgia S o u th ern University, 196-198 The News Star, Louisiana Tech U n i ­ versity, an d Gram b ling S tate University, 2 0 6 - 2 0 8 The O akland Post an d the University o f C alifornia-Berkeley, 204-206 The Sun N ew s and C o a s t a l C aro lin a University, 201, 202 Wisconsin State Journal an d the U n i ­ versity o f W is c o n s in M a d ison , 1 9 4 - 1 9 6 N ew s reporting, viii, xii, 10, 173, 174, 201, 213 traditional, 113, 114 N e w p ap e rs in Britain, 42

in the U n ite d S tates, 42 Novelty, 172 N u ll hypothesis, 66, 219, 223 N u t graph, 136, 166, 219 O Objectivity, vii, xii, 6, 8, 9, 41, 43, 44, 46, 49, 50, 54, 105, 127, 129, 130, 1 3 1 , 1 3 2 , 1 3 7 , 1 4 0 , 215 O ’C onnor, Trisha, 202 Ontology, 219 O p eration alization , 180, 220 O p in ion , 44, 48, 219, 220 O ral History (defined), 94 ad v a n t a g e s of, 94, 95 choosin g a topic, 95, 96 controversial questio ns, 98, 99 credibility of, 102, 103 draw backs of, 95 interviews, 9 7 - 9 9 analyzing d ata, 101, 102 recording, 99, 100 techniques, 100, 101 o f C o u n try m an , Karen Irene “ R e e n ie ” , 103-106 research, 97, 98 sampling, 96, 97 O ral History A sso c iatio n , 95 O w e n s , R eginald, 206, 208 I> Park, Robert, 7, 8, 10, 2 7 - 2 9 , 33, 34, 35, 148 Participant observation , 12, 13, 22, 27, 36, 59, 63, 64, 136, 180, 216, 220 Peck, Chris, 1 5 4 - 1 5 7 Personal con cern s, xi, 120, 121, 220 Pew C e n te r for Civic Jo urn alism , xiii, xviii, 1 0 , 8 4 , 8 5 , 147, 151, 153, 154, 193, 200, 2 03, 204, 206, 211, 214, 220 Phenomenology, 175, 178, 181, 188, 220 Political issue(s), 14, 1 14, 145, 1 8 7 , 2 2 0 , 221

Po stm odernism , 176, 189, 220 Power in the Blood: A Handbook on A ID S, Politics, and Com m unication, 186 Precision jo urnalism , 5, 6, 46, 196, 221 Pre-test/Post-test, 1 18, 177, 220, 221

237

SUBJECT INDEX

Prom in e n ce , 171 Proximity, 171 Public journalism, ix, xi, xiii, xvi, xvii, 24, 7 6 , 8 2 , 9 4 , 169, 171, 1 7 2 , 2 1 3 , 215,221 Public opinion, 6, 9, 70, 114, 1 2 0 - 1 2 2 , 124, 159, 184, 189, 221 polls, 6, 114, 120 Public sphere, 4, 17, 35, 221 Pulitzer prizes, 1 5, 69, 95, 136, 221 Purposive sample, 117, 221 K R an dall, Jim, 196, 197 R a n d o m sam ple, 1 17, 187, 223 Reliability, 2 5 , 6 3 , 6 5 , 103, 104, 106, 115, 119, 1 8 1 ,2 1 5 ,2 2 1 R eplicatio n, 62, 66, 132, 177, 178, 182, 221 R eport o f the C o m m is s io n on Freedom o f the Press (H u tc h in s C o m m i s ­ sion), 45, 218 R esea rc h m eth ods action, 77, 82, 83, 91 c ase study(overvie\v of), 2 3 - 2 5 , 5 9-61 analyzing the eviden ce, 6 5 - 6 7 collecting the d ata, 6 3 - 6 5 e m b e d d e d , 62 formulating the research questio ns, 61 holistic, 62 literal replication, 62 multiple design, 61, 62 single design, 61 writing the report, 6 7 - 6 9 qualitative, 6 - 8 ,1 2 , 21, 46, 47, 178, 179 applying, 14, 15 limita tions of, 179 observation , 12, 13 participant observation, 13 participation, 13 procedures, 180 versus qua n titative , 1 76 -1 81 q ua n titative , 6, 21, 176, 179, 180 high fear messages, 177 Power in the Blood, 18 6 - 1 8 7 secondary, 97, 223 R e sp o n d e n ts, 3 4 , 6 0 , 114, 115, 1 1 8 - 1 2 0 , 1 2 2 - 1 2 4 , 134, 139, 140, 197, 2 09, 213, 215, 219, 221, 223 R h etorical criticism, 180, 183, 188, 222

R o s e n h a u s e , S h a r o n , 198 Russell Sa ge Fou n d atio n , 3 1 - 3 2

S Sa m p le /Sa m p lin g, 60, 70, 96, 97, 115, 1 17, 1 19, 124, 169, 171, 172, 179, 1 8 0 ,1 8 4 ,1 8 5 ,1 9 7 ,2 1 5 ,2 1 8 , 220-223 Savannah Morning New s backyard b arbequ es, 75 Vision 20 10 project, 8 3 - 8 5 , 197 Schweitzer, Jo h n , 200 Se n satio n a lism , 43, 222 Sm ith , Andy, 209 So c ia l capital, 87, 91, 154, 222 Soc ial responsibility (theory), 222 So c ia l survey m o v e m e n t, 31, 32 S o u rc e s, 3, 14, 23, 29, 34, 43, 54, 63, 64, 68, 7 5 , 8 0 , 8 1 , 8 4 , 8 5 , 8 8 , 97, 98, 100, 1 0 3 - 1 0 5 , 113, 120, 122, 127, 1 2 9 , 1 3 1 - 1 3 3 , 1 35, 136, 138, 145, 149, 1 51, 1 5 3 - 1 5 5 , 1 5 8 , 159, 164, 165, 1 6 8 - 1 7 0 , 186, 187, 195, 203, 206, 213, 2 15, 217, 222, 224 Sp u rloc k , Kathy, 206, 208 Stak eh olde rs, 86, 157, 163, 168, 172, 206, 222

S t a n d p o in t epistomology, 130 Statistical inference, 25, 222 Still, Tom, 194, 195 Stow e, H a rold, 201, 202 S tructural functionalism, 222 Subjectivity, 130, 222 Surveys, 6, 25, 2 9 - 3 3 , 36, 38, 60, 70, 7 7 - 8 1 , 9 1 , 100, 110, 114, 116, 120, 122, 139, 140, 179, 180, 184, 188, 1 9 6 - 1 9 8 , 2 0 0 , 203, 206, 208, 209, 211, 215, 220, 221, 223 Suw yn, D aniel, 75, 8 3 - 8 5 Sy mbolic interaction, 7, 28, 142

T Tapping Civic Life, 151, 152, 160 Technology in the late 19th century, 42 news m edia, 8

238 Terkel, Studs, 95 Textual analysis (see also Journalism), vi, xii, 13, 79, 163, 164, 165, 166, 166/, 167 -1 69, 172, 1 7 3 ,2 2 3 The Hobo, 3 4 - 3 6 The M oral Foundations of Professional Ethics, 54 The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, 27 ,3 4 The Taxi Dance Hall, 148-150 Th elen, Gil, 152 Th ick description, 25, 47, 128, 179, 223 Third places, 151, 159, 206, 223 Th om a s, William I., 7, 27, 34, 36, 76 Th om p so n , Don, 196 Timeliness, 171 Triangulation, 15, 48, 49, 63—65, 70, 77, 79, 91, 118, 181-183 , 185, 186, 188, 190 Type I and Type II error, 177, 223

SU B JE C T INDEX

II University o f Chicago, x, 7 - 1 0 , 2 1 - 2 3 , 26, 27, 33, 35, 36, 148, 155, 165, 218

V Validity, 34, 47, 48, 64, 67, 68, 78, 79, 91, 95, 102, 105, 106, 115, 1 19, 179, 181, 182, 215, 218, 223 Values, 53, 171, 223 Variable, 26, 176, 223

W Wenzl, Roy, 103-105 Winerip, Mike, 15, 16, 17

z Znaniecki, Florian, 7, 27, 34, 36