Taking Action: Transforming Athens’ Urban Landscapes 9783986120139, 9783868598704

Table of contents :
Contents
Preface
Πρόλογος
Introduction
Taking Action: Working Towards Positive Urban Change
Εισαγωγή
Reading and Conceptualising Spaces of Urban Transformation
Re-Imagining Processes of Urban Transformation: A Thousand Green Deals
The Polykatoikia: An Osmosis of Public and Private Spaces
Catalyst of Urban Transformation: The “Inner-Urban Landscapes” Concept
Streetscape Essentials
Learning from @Omonoia: On the Development of Athenian Public Space through Media
Μελετώντας και Νοηματοδο- τώντας Χώρους Αστικού Μετασχηματισμού
Approaching and Framing Situations of Change
The Issue of Taking Action and the City of Athens
Visions and Local Knowledge: The Urban Everyday as Space of Change
Facing Athens’ Urban Heritage Paradox: An Abandoned Building Stock as Common(s)?
Being an Athenian; or, Who are we Planning for?
Digitally Assisted Community Mapping
#recording_the_city. Bougada: An Alternative Way of Mapping Victoria Square
Προσεγγίζοντας και Δια- μορφώνοντας Καταστάσεις Αλλαγής
Negotiating and Realising Change – Taking Action
Participatory Processes in Integrated Territorial Development: A Case of Co-Managing Water Commons
Athens’ Natural Capital: Aiming for 2030
Re-Thinking the Planning Process in Athens: Actors, Governance, Public Space and Planning Culture
Futureproofing Greek Cities: Old Tools are not Enough
The Ecological Semiotics of Air Pollution and Heat in Athens
Josep Bohigas and Ioanna Spanou: Winning, Losing and Regaining Barcelona’s Urban Spaces
Διαπραγματεύοντας και Υλοποιώντας την Αλλαγή – Αναλαμβάνοντας Δράση
Debating Athens' Futures
Biographies
Acknowledgements
Photography and Graphic Material
Imprint

Citation preview

Taking Action Transforming Athens’ Urban Landscapes Αναλαμβάνοντας Δράση – Μετασχηματίζοντας τα Αστικά Τοπία της Αθήνας edited by Norbert Kling, Tasos Roidis and Mark Michaeli

17 Preface 19 Πρόλογος

introduction 25 Norbert Kling, Tasos Roidis and Mark Michaeli ­ owards Taking ­Action: Working T Positive Urban Change 33 ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ Αναλαμβάνοντας Δράση: Προς μια Θετική Αστική Αλλαγή

Reading and ­Conceptualising Spaces of Urban ­Transformation 43 Mark Michaeli Re-Imagining Processes of Urban Transformation: A Thousand Green Deals 53 Richard Woditsch and Mark Kammerbauer The Polykatoikia: An Osmosis of Public and Private Spaces 63 Tasos Roidis Catalyst of Urban Transformation: The “Inner-Urban Landscapes” Concept 81 Kris Scheerlinck and Gitte Schreurs Streetscape Essentials 95 Panos Dragonas Learning from @Omonoia: On the Development of Athenian Public Space through Media 103 Περιλήψεις Ενότητας Μελετώντας και Νοηματοδοτώντας Χώρους Αστικού Μετασχηματισμού

Approaching and ­Framing ­Situations of Change

Negotiating and ­Realising Change – Taking Action

111 Panayotis Tournikiotis The Issue of Taking Action and the City of Athens

203 Eirini Iliopoulou and Vasilis Avdikos Participatory Processes in ­Integrated Territorial Development: A Case of Co-Managing Water Commons

117 Norbert Kling Visions and Local Knowledge: The Urban Everyday as Space of Change 135 Christos-Georgios Kritikos Facing Athens’ Urban ­Heritage Paradox: An Abandoned ­Building Stock as Common(s)? 153 Konstantina Georgiadou Being an Athenian; or, Who are we Planning for? 163 Vasiliki Geropanta Digitally Assisted Community Mapping 179 Theodora Malamou #recording_the_city. Bougada: An Alternative Way of Mapping Victoria Square 195 Περιλήψεις Ενότητας Προσεγγίζοντας και Διαμορφώνοντας Καταστάσεις Αλλαγής

215 Elissavet Bargianni and ­G rammatiki Papazoglou Athens’ Natural Capital: Aiming for 2030 227 Dimitris Poulios Re-Thinking the Planning Process in Athens: Actors, Governance, Public Space and Planning Culture 241 Futureproofing Greek Cities: Old Tools are not Enough. A Conversation Between Michalis Goudis and Norbert Kling 253 Jon Goodbun The Ecological Semiotics of Air Pollution and Heat in Athens 271 Josep Bohigas and Ioanna Spanou: Winning, Losing and Regaining Barcelona’s ­Urban Spaces. Edited by Norbert Kling 283 Περιλήψεις Ενότητας Διαπραγματεύοντας και Υλοποιώντας την Αλλαγή – Αναλαμβάνοντας Δράση 287 Debating Athens’ Futures 295 Biographies 298 Acknowledgements 299 Photography and Graphic Material 318 Imprint

Preface

Urban transformation presents enormous challenges. These have to be met with the strongest commitments possible if the ambitious global goals associated with re-thinking and re-making cities and urban processes are to be realised. Transformation and transition have become key terms in public debates about current problems and possible futures. Within the broadly defined field of change, urban transformation is seen as a prime site of analysis and intervention since it is here that multiple transformative processes and transitions intersect. To engage with such processes, inter- and transdisciplinary perspectives are needed to develop a fuller under­ standing of the conditions in and through which transformations take place and unfold their potential. The authors in this book aim to contribute to the multifaceted debate about urban futures and the restructuring of our cities towards healthier, greener, more liveable and resilient environments. Coming from different professional and academic backgrounds involved with the research, planning or production of urban change, they have joined forces to discuss the ever more urgent issue of how to make cities more sustainable and responsive to future change. The focus of this book is on Athens. Like other cities in Europe and globally, Athens and its conurbation in and around the Attica basin are challenged by a series of current and emerging problems that demand far-reaching decisions and actions. When, in December 2021, the authors first met to discuss the problems of and possible trajectories for Athens, a set of core questions crystallised and convergences in their respective approaches became apparent. This informed the basic structure of this book. During the following period, a series of exchanges enabled the authors to elaborate their contributions in parallel to the developing book and relate to each other across disciplinary boundaries. The publication is part of the research project which started as a broadly defined enquiry into the transformation of urban landscapes by the Chair of Sustainable Urbanism at the Technical University in Munich (TUM). It developed into an Athenian project in 2019 as the continuation of a working relationship between the

18

National Technical University of Athens (NTUA) and TUM. It was generously supported for a three-year research period in 2020 by the Schwarz Foundation. Since then, several institutions and collaborators have participated in the project, including the Gennadius Li­brary of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, as well as students, researchers and teaching staff from different schools of architecture in Greece and at TUM. As the work on the publication ran in parallel to urban analysis and academic design projects conducted with students, questions that emerged from design-oriented perspectives also found their way into the book. The book’s title, Taking Action: Transforming Athens’ Urban Landscapes, is an invitation to comprehend and learn from the Athenian situation, but also to actively participate in and contribute to the city’s multiple transformations.

Έχει καταστεί σαφές, ότι οι τεράστιες προκλήσεις που θέτει ο αστικός μετασχηματισμός πρέπει να αντιμετωπιστούν με τις ισχυρότερες δυνατές δεσμεύσεις, εάν πρόκειται να υλοποιηθούν οι φιλόδοξοι παγκόσμιοι στόχοι που συνδέονται με την επανεξέταση και την αναδιαμόρφωση των πόλεων και των αστικών διαδικασιών. Ο αστικός μετασχηματισμός και η πράσινη μετάβαση έχουν γίνει βασικοί όροι σε δημόσιες συζητήσεις σχετικές με τα τρέχοντα προβλήματα και με πιο βιώσιμα μέλλοντα. Στο πλαίσιο του ευρύτερα οριζόμενου πεδίου της αλλαγής, η αστική ανανέωση θεωρείται πρωταρχικός τόπος ανάλυσης και παρέμβασης, καθώς εδώ διασταυρώνονται πολλαπλές διαδικασίες και μεταβάσεις. Για να ασχοληθούμε με τέτοιες διαδικασίες, απαιτούνται διεπιστημονικές και πολυεπιστημονικές προοπτικές, που να πραγματεύονται την ανάπτυξη μιας πληρέστερης κατανόησης των συνθηκών μέσα και μέσω των οποίων οι μετασχηματισμοί λαμβάνουν χώρα και αποκαλύπτουν τις δυνατότητές τους.  Οι θεμελιώδεις αλλαγές που δρομολογούνται ή και συμβαίνουν, επηρεάζουν αναπόφευκτα τα συμφέροντα και την καθημερινή ζωή πολλών. Οι συγγραφείς αυτού του βιβλίου έχουν ως στόχο να συμβάλουν στην πολύπλευρη συζήτηση για το αστικό μέλλον και την αναδιάρθρωση των πόλεών μας προς ένα πιο υγιές, πράσινο και ανθεκτικό περιβάλλον. Προερχόμενοι από διαφορετικά επαγγελματικά και ακαδημαϊκά υπόβαθρα τα οποία ασχολούνται με την έρευνα, τον σχεδιασμό ή την παραγωγή αστικών αλλαγών, ένωσαν τις δυνάμεις τους για να συζητήσουν το ολοένα και πιο επείγον ζήτημα του πώς θα γίνουν οι πόλεις πιο βιώσιμες και πώς θα ανταποκριθούν σε μελλοντικές αλλαγές. Το παρόν βιβλίο επικεντρώνεται στην Αθήνα. Όπως και άλλες πόλεις στην Ευρώπη και παγκοσμίως, η Αθήνα και το πολεοδομικό της συγκρότημα εντός και γύρω από το λεκανοπέδιο της Αττικής, αντιμετωπίζουν μια σειρά από υπαρκτά και αναδυόμενα προβλήματα που απαιτούν μακρόπνοες αποφάσεις και εκτεταμένες δράσεις. Τις τελευταίες δύο δεκαετίες έχει αναπτυχθεί μια έντονη συζήτηση για την κατάσταση της Αθήνας και το μέλλον της πόλης. Όταν τον

19

Πρόλογος

Δεκέμβριο του 2021, οι συγγραφείς συναντήθηκαν για πρώτη φορά, για να συζητήσουν τα προβλήματα και τις πιθανές κατευθύνσεις για την Αθήνα, αποκρυσταλλώθηκε ένα σύνολο βασικών ερωτημάτων, ενώ έγιναν εμφανείς οι συγκλίσεις στις αντίστοιχες προσεγγίσεις τους. Αυτό αποτέλεσε και τη βασική δομή του παρόντος βιβλίου. Κατά τη διάρκεια της επόμενης περιόδου, μια σειρά από ανταλλαγές ιδεών και απόψεων επέτρεψε στους συγγραφείς να επεξεργαστούν τα κείμενά τους παράλληλα με την ανάπτυξη των θεματικών του βιβλίου και να συσχετιστούν μεταξύ τους πέρα από τα όρια του εκάστοτε γνωστικού πεδίου. Η παρούσα έκδοση αποτελεί μέρος του ερευνητικού προγράμματος που ξεκίνησε ως μια ευρεία έρευνα για τον μετασχηματισμό των αστικών τοπίων από την Έδρα Βιώσιμου Αστικού Σχεδιασμού του Τεχνικού Πανεπιστημίου του Μονάχου (Sustainable Urbanism TUM). Εξελίχθηκε σε ερευνητικό έργο για την Αθήνα το 2019, ως συνέχεια μιας υπάρχουσας σχέσης συνεργασίας μεταξύ του Εθνικού Μετσόβιου Πολυτεχνείου (ΕΜΠ) και του TUM. Υποστηρίχθηκε γενναιόδωρα για μια τριετή ερευνητική περίοδο το 2020 από το Ίδρυμα Schwarz. Έκτοτε, έχουν συμμετάσχει στο έργο διάφορα ιδρύματα και συνεργάτες, μεταξύ των οποίων η Γεννάδειος Βιβλιοθήκη της Αμερικανικής Σχολής Κλασικών Σπουδών στην Αθήνα, καθώς και φοιτητές, ερευνητές και διδακτικό προσωπικό από διάφορες αρχιτεκτονικές σχολές στην Ελλάδα και στο ΤUM. Οι εργασίες για την έκδοση διεξήχθησαν παράλληλα με πολεοδομικές αναλύσεις και ακαδημαϊκά εργαστήρια σχεδιασμού. Τα ερωτήματα που προέκυψαν από αυτήν τη διαδικασία βρήκαν επίσης το δρόμο τους στο βιβλίο.

20

Ο τίτλος του βιβλίου Αναλαμβάνοντας Δράση: Μετασχηματίζοντας τα Αστικά Τοπία της Αθήνας (Taking Action: Transforming Athens’ Urban Landscapes), είναι μια πρόσκληση να κατανοήσουμε και να διδαχθούμε από την αθηναϊκή πραγματικότητα, να συμμετάσχουμε ενεργά και να συμβάλουμε στους πολλαπλούς μετασχηματισμούς της πόλης.

Introduction

Taking Action: Working Towards Positive Urban Change

Norbert Kling, Tasos Roidis and Mark Michaeli

In many cities throughout Europe, basic spatial relations are currently being questioned and renegotiated. This is occurring against the backdrop of successive waves of crises, which once more have made apparent the spatial dimensions of the processes on which our wellbeing and futures depend. With a special focus on Athens’ densely constructed urban landscapes, Taking Action: Transforming Athens’ Urban Landscapes addresses the ever more urgent issue of how to make cities more sustainable and responsive to future challenges. How can climate change and spatial inequalities be tackled under crisis conditions and in view of limited spatial and other resources? How can we relate our ambitious and broadly defined goals to the reality of local conditions and everyday spaces? How can knowledge be translated into action? Approaching these multi-dimensional questions from different perspectives, the authors in this book seek to identify possible sites of intervention, suggest new models of transformation, and unleash the potential in urban landscapes as a means of stimulating positive urban change. If cities are understood to serve, above all, their residents and immediate users, transformations of and within the city need to be comprehended in terms of their impacts on people’s lives and the quality of urban life, as well as from higher-level perspectives that define the broader context. Questions of sustainability are often addressed either from the global perspective or from within the framework of a narrowly defined discipline, such as the single project, issue, or case. Moreover, goal-orientated, applied forms of research tend to operate in constellations that leave fundamental questions unaddressed while presenting established modes of spatial production as natural, inevitable, or optimal. In doing so, they stabilise and implicitly legitimise existing urban practices and institutions and limit their capacity to fully address all aspects of urban transformation. Applied research in architecture and urbanism is no exception. This book offers alternative perspectives on questions of sustainability across different scales. It engages with urban issues from a critical perspective, weaving together urban theory, concept formation, on-site observations, urban policymaking, planning initiatives and real-world situations.

Taking Athens as a Case While the symptoms of urban crises have been named, and the common goals for sustainable development and the green tran­ sition are being (re-)negotiated and defined through national and supra-national agendas, there is no single, universally applicable blueprint for realising higher levels of sustainability, environmental justice, resilience and responsiveness. However, there are projects, policy frameworks, cultures of change, and cities whose innovative power, broader relevance, and engaged discourses provide orientation and inspiration for others. Athens has become one such case. It is in Athens that some of the most pressing urban problems and a commitment to address them have crystallised to establish unique spaces of experimentation and urban action. Over the last two decades, and in the aftermath of several crises that have shaped contemporary Athenian society and its urban landscape, a remarkable range of initiatives, workshops, design studios and public events, as well as urban and architectural research and publications, have been centred on the Athenian situation and have advanced an intense and multifacetted discourse about innova­ tive and liveable urban futures (Brillembourg Tamayo et al., 2017; Burdett et al., 2022; Chair of Sustainable Urbanism, 2022; Dragonas & Skiada, 2012; Gugger et al., 2011; Othengrafen & Serraos, 2018; Urbanrise, 2013). Athens and its metropolitan area serve as a point of reference throughout the book. The city’s evolution covers a remarkable continuous historical span. Its trajectory embraces successive phases of prosperity and rapid growth, oblivion and disintegration, which were paralleled by urban struggle, crises, and fundamental social and political change. While the turn of the millennium was domi­nated by the optimism but also criticism associated with the Olympic games that took place in Athens in 2004, the global financial crisis that followed in 2008 hit Greece especially hard and brought processes of growth-oriented and market-led urban development to an abrupt halt. During the structural adjustment programmes and reorientations that followed, urban inequalities became more visible (Karadimitriou et al., 2021), further aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic and effects of climate change. The city's green tran­ sition and response to climate change are therefore conceived as processes that need to integrate not only environmental, but also economic and social issues. This new period is characterised by agendas that emphasise the connectedness of resilience, social and environmental justice, wellbeing and sustainability. In 2017, the City of Athens (2017) committed itself to an ambitious resilience strategy and is working on multiple projects and programmes to make it a reality.

26

Which Specific Goals and Imperatives do we Seek to Address in this Book? We need new urban concepts and approaches to planning that take account of the dynamic nature of cities A vast array of interrelated regulatory mechanisms and behaviours enable, coordinate, sustain, limit or inhibit transformation in various ways. However, processes of urban transformation cannot be

We need to develop, share and integrate knowledge for transformation Differences in terms of cultural, political, economic and environmental circumstances define limits for generalisations and the transferability of solutions across national or regional boundaries. The specific and broader dimensions related to each proposed intervention have to be assessed and taken into consideration. Such measures demand high levels of integration and cannot be developed in isolation. In turn, these measures require crosssectoral exchanges and cooperation between institutions, specialists, stakeholders, policymakers and the public. Programmes and partnerships like the C40 Cities networks (C40 Cities, 2019) have been established across Europe and globally to share knowledge and experience with the aim of accelerating processes of mitigation, restructuring and adaptation. The need to take action swiftly in response to the pressing challenges we are facing today is often undermined by the time it takes in urban planning to fully understand problems and develop and realise corresponding and appropriate action. Since both inaction and knowledge deficits are not an option, processes need to be configured in an open way so that new findings can be integrated while projects are being realised. The question is then what degree of flexibility, simplicity, incompleteness, or even imperfection plans should have. We need to establish supportive frameworks for innovation, civil engagement and urban action Cities have always been places of innovation, civic engagement, solidarity and collective action. The construction and reconstruction of cities and the processes of production and consumption that occur within them make up a considerable share of the global consumption of resources, waste production and CO2 emissions. The restructuring of urban environments is among the means through which the challenges posed by climate change and the negative effects of current modes of economic activity can be addressed. Supportive frameworks are needed that enable the cities to optimise public and private initiatives across different levels. Such frameworks need to be multi-dimensional, including national and sectoral policy, urban governance, funding mechanisms and environments of innovation, joint learning, and mutual exchange of knowledge. If transformative processes succeed in integrating the positive and

27

fully anticipated, evaluated or described. Their trajectories and impacts are complex and difficult to grasp. Traditional masterplans and linear planning processes are not well equipped to integrate far-reaching participative processes, or respond to major adjustments during implementation. In view of the dynamic nature of cities and the challenges urban populations are facing today, new concepts, instruments and approaches are needed, if we want to better understand and work with processes of urban transfor­ mation. How can we conceive plans that are strong enough to provide orientation, while remaining amenable to adjustments and negotiation? How can planning and visioning become more inclusive so that concrete measures and goals gain the support and commitment of the many?

creative capacity of the urban as mentioned above, the activities emerging from cities and urbanised areas will be seen as part of the way forward, rather than a source of problems.

28

We need debate about the (re-)distribution of urban resources Urban Landscapes are zones of production and exchange. Having access to them means having access to urban resources like space, knowledge, networks, means of production, livelihood, health services and other social goods. The global financial crisis of 2007–2008 and the subsequent European debt crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic and, increasingly, environmental disasters caused by climate change have made apparent the interdependence between local urban conditions and macro-level processes. The temporary restrictions imposed during the pandemic brought into sharp relief the significance of urban resources in daily life, economic activi­ties and wellbeing. The pandemic has disproportionally harmed vulnerable and marginalised groups in cities. Socio-spatial and other data indicates that the same is true for environmental effects such as heatwaves and flooding (City of Athens, 2017; Maloutas, 2007; Maloutas & Spyrellis, 2015). Urban inequality and long-term differences in access to resources are to a large degree the result of politically influenced social and economic processes of transformation. The transformation of urban landscapes is a contested process wedded to the re-distribution of and access to urban resources. It affects different groups and people in different ways and needs to be accompanied by engaged and continuous public debate. This book connects to current debates on the transformation of cities and is conceived as a contribution towards them. We need narratives of positive urban change This book addresses fundamental urban problems, conflicts and challenges that cities are facing today and will face in the future. At the same time, it acknowledges the creative capacity of life in processes of urbanisation. It seeks to detect, assemble and discuss urban transformations and narratives that offer positive change. Even in the midst of the problems that we observe in today’s cities, the urban can reassert itself as space of exchange, experimentation and different futures. The disciplines of urban design and architecture can and should bring their capacity to conceive and visualise different futures into public debates. Their ability to synthesise complex and conflicting goals, and operate under conditions of uncertainty, makes them well-suited to supporting and informing processes of transformation. However, narratives of urban change have to be jointly developed. If they are to include the visions and multiple stories of the many, they have to emerge from public debates and negotiations. Hence, this book seeks to initiate a dialogue between experts, stakeholders, actors, and the broader public – with groups, individuals and institutions who are engaged with and affected by processes of urban transformation. However, while inter- and transdisciplinary exchanges about urban processes are urgently required, they are for various reasons difficult to maintain. All too often, it seems, broader discussions are impeded not only by sectoral thinking and compartmentalisation, but by doubts as to how best to approach the complexity of urban transformation.

Book Structure and Contents The contributors to this book address practical questions related to transforming urban landscapes from the perspectives of different disciplines. They touch on the capacities and limits of current administrative frameworks and their effects on appropriation, negotiation, participation and spatial change. They raise questions about transformation design and look at experimental pathways of change. They put up for discussion a series of realised actions, interventions and projects and intend to make emerging initiatives towards sustainable cities more publicly known. This edited volume is arranged in four main sections, including the Introduction. The multi-dimensional situations to which these chapters refer, and the contexts in which they operate, do not lend themselves to strictly delimited categories. Conceptualising, approaching and actively working with and within urban situations and spaces is in one way or another inherent to all of the contributions in this book. For this reason, the sections are conceived as focal areas around which the texts, reflections and projects are assembled and from which they connect to each other in different directions. This is reflected in the cross-referencing that the authors have applied throughout the book. The authors in the section Reading and Conceptualising Spaces of Urban Transformation highlight fundamental problems of planning for transformation (Mark Michaeli), enquire into the potential of the public-private relationship from the perspective of the polykatoikia (Richard Woditsch and Mark Kammerbauer), and the concept of the Inner-urban Landscape (Tasos Roidis). They develop a socio-material understanding of the elements that determine the quality of everyday streets (Kris Scheerlinck and Gitte Schreurs) and observe how the media and digitalisation have changed our relationship with public space (Panos Dragonas). The authors in the section Approaching and Framing Situations of Change reflect on the relationship between change, perception, urban plans and learning (Panayotis Tournikiotis), and discuss the role of local knowledge and everyday change for the collective realisation of visions (Norbert Kling). They shed light on the complex relationship between private property and the right to urban heritage (Christos-Georgios Kritikos), raise questions about displacement, urban politics and identity construction (Konstantina Georgiadou), and discuss an inclusive way of mapping and approaching public space (Vasiliki Geropanta). This section concludes with a reflection on the Athenslaundry_bougada art project, which engages with local communities and practices of the everyday (Theodora Malamou). In the final section, Negotiating and Realising Change – Taking Action, the authors detail projects and processes of transformation that have shaped, could shape, or will shape, the urban landscapes of Athens and other cities. The project Cultural H.ID.RA.N.T is discussed as an innovative case of participation, cross-sectoral and inter-municipal cooperation in Integrated Territorial Development

29

It is not surprising, then, that despite their individual focus, many of the contributions in this book make the problem of communi­ cating and negotiating change a subject of discussion.

30

projects (Eirini Iliopoulou and Vasilis Avdikos). The authors of the following chapter introduce the strategies devised by the City of Athens to make the city more resilient and liveable, and reflect on the usefulness of an integrated landscape-led approach (Elissavet Bargianni and Grammatiki Papazoglou), which is complemented by a critical discussion of the structures, institutional arrangements, forms of governance and planning cultures that support these processes (Dimitris Poulios). The following conversation touches upon core urban issues, comprising inclusion, local processes, forms of solidarity, green transitions and the smaller and larger accomplishments in creating better places for people to live in (Michalis Goudis and Norbert Kling). Various narratives related to environmental risks are combined with an action-research-based design process in the next chapter (Jon Goodbun). For this purpose, Αθηνα is conceptualised as a semio-ecological entity and linked to extended ecological assemblages. The section and the book conclude with an account of Barcelona’s ambitious goals and the strategies conceived to put them into practice (lecture and visit by Josep Bohigas and Ioanna Spanou, edited by Norbert Kling). This book is written for an international readership interested in questions regarding urban futures and the search for possible pathways towards more sustainable cities, in particular scholars, students and professionals from the spatial disciplines, urban design, urban planning, landscape architecture, or environmental design. It is also written for actors in the public and private sector who are involved with the transformation of cities, as well as for members of various disciplines and fields of practice with an interest in urban studies, sustainability and urban change. As we wish to reach as many readers as possible, we have included Greek summaries at the end of each section. The image sequences at the beginning and end of the book give a visual expression to the idea that, in addition to established routines of change, we need more consequential and radical transformations that do not fall short when it comes to the questioning of established processes and conventions. To this end, the graphic designers Torsten Köchlin and Joana Katte have reassembled images of everyday urban situations in Athens to symbolically re­ present new ways of seeing, defining, approaching and responding to urban challenges. It seems that in particular cities with strong levels of civic engage­ment, committed municipal councils and ambitious administrations are at the forefront of sustainable urban restructuring. In the context of newly emerging discourses about the sustainable, productive, healthy and just city, this book combines analytic criticisms of the urban condition with design thinking and the production of narratives that can support processes of change. The authors seek to contribute to the discussion of the unique qualities of Athens along with its current problems and issues, and in this way to help reinterpret and (re-)discover its potential in view of the urban challenges of the present. The densely constructed urban landscapes of Athens and other cities described here provide a multitude of different situations that can be observed, analysed and used as real-world references for imagining possible and impossible futures. As noted by Michael Berkowitz, the president

Berkowitz, Michael (2017). Letter from the President of 100 Resilient Cities, Michael Berkowitz. In City of Athens (Ed.). Athens Resilience Strategy for 2030: Redefining the City (p. 8). City of Athens, https://resilientcitiesnetwork.org/downloadable_ resources/Network/Athens-ResilienceStrategy-English.pdf [Accessed: 28 March, 2023]. Brillembourg Tamayo, Alfredo; Klumpner, Hubert; Kalagas, Alexis & Kourkoula, Katerina (Eds.) (2017). Reactivate Athens: 101 ideas. Berlin: Ruby Press. Burdett, Ricky; Gomes, Alexandra; Triantis, Loukas & Isa-Daniel, Tayo (Eds.) (2022). Athens Urban Age Task Force: A spatial compendium. City of Athens. C40 Cities. (2019). C40 Cities Annual Report 2019. C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group, Inc., https://www.c40.org/wp-content/ uploads/2021/11/C40-2019-Annual-Report. pdf [Accessed: 28 March, 2023]. Chair of Sustainable Urbanism (2022). Athens’ Futures [workshop presentations, panel discussion and lecture at NTUA, 6 May, 2022], https://www.arc.ed.tum.de/land/ publikationen/athen-futures/ [Accessed: 9 February, 2023]. City of Athens (2017). Athens Resilience Strategy for 2030: Redefining the City. City of Athens, https://resilientcitiesnetwork. org/downloadable_resources/Network/ Athens-Resilience-Strategy-English.pdf [Accessed: 28 March, 2023]. Dragonas, Panos & Skiada, Anna (Eds.) (2012). Made in Athens [La Biennale di Venezia 2012, Greek Participation Exhibition Catalogue]. Athens: Ministry of Environment, Energy and Climate Change. Gugger, Harry; Kerschbaumer, Gwendolyn & Menzel, Götz (2011). Athens lessons. Lausanne: EPFL, https://www.latsisfoundation.org/content/elib/book_24/lapa_ en.pdf [Accessed: 28 March, 2023]. Karadimitriou, Nikos; Maloutas, Thomas & Arapoglou, Vassilis P. (2021). Multiple deprivation and urban development in Athens, Greece: Spatial trends and the role of access to housing. Land, 10(3), Article 3, https://doi.org/10.3390/land10030290 [Accessed: 28 March, 2023]. Maloutas, Thomas (2007). Segregation, social polarization and immigration in Athens during the 1990s: Theoretical expectations and contextual difference. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 31(4), 733–758, https://doi.org/10.1111/j. 1468-2427.2007.00760.x [Accessed: 28 March, 2023]. Maloutas, Thomas & Spyrellis, Stavros (2015). Athens Social Atlas. http://www. athenssocialatlas.gr/en/ [Accessed: 28 March, 2023].

Othengrafen, Frank & Serraos, Konstantinos (Eds.) (2018). Urban resilience, changing economy and social trends: Coping with socio-economic consequences of the crisis in Athens, Greece. Hannover: Leibniz Universität Hannover, Institut für Umweltplanung, 2019. https://www.repo. uni-hannover.de/handle/123456789/5605 [Accessed: 28 March, 2023]. Urbanrise (2013). Crisis regimes and emerging social movements in cities of Southern Europe [Workshop Athens 2013, organised by Encounter Athens, INURA Athens, The Institut de Govern i Polítiques Publiques Barcelona and the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at NTUA], https://urbanrise.net/workshop-athens-2013/ [Accessed: 28 March, 2023].

31

of the 100 Resilient Cities programme, “the city [of Athens] stands at the forefront of many challenges faced by the rest of Europe, and beyond [and] can serve as a model to others.” (Berkowitz, 2017) Taking the planetary scale of urbanisation and future challenges into account, the Athens case is not discussed in isolation and is strongly linked to global processes and phenomena that can be found elsewhere. The issues and problems we observe in Athens today are relevant to all cities.

Αναλαμβάνοντας Δράση: Προς μια Θετική Αστική Αλλαγή Norbert Kling, Τάσος Ροΐδης και Mark Michaeli Σε πολλές πόλεις της Ευρώπης, οι βασικές χωρικές σχέσεις αμφισβητούνται και τίθενται διαρκώς υπό επαναδιαπραγμάτευση. Ειδικά σήμερα, αυτό συμβαίνει με φόντο τα διαδοχικά κύματα κρίσεων, τα οποία καθιστούν για άλλη μια φορά εμφανείς τις χωρικές διαστάσεις των συνθηκών οι οποίες διαμορφώνουν την ευημερία και το μέλλον μας. Το βιβλίο Αναλαμβάνοντας Δράση: Μετασχηματίζοντας τα Αστικά Τοπία της Αθήνας εξετάζει το όλο και πιο επείγον ζήτημα του τρόπου με τον οποίο οι πόλεις μπορούν να γίνουν πιο βιώσιμες και να ανταποκριθούν σε μελλοντικές προκλήσεις, δίνοντας ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στα αστικά τοπία της Αθήνας. Πώς μπορούν να αντιμετωπιστούν η κλιματική αλλαγή και οι χωρικές ανισότητες, δεδομένου ότι οι χωρικοί και φυσικοί πόροι είναι περιορισμένοι; Πώς μπορούμε να συνδέσουμε τους φιλόδοξους και ευρέως καθορισμένους στόχους μας για βιωσιμότητα με την πραγματικότητα των εκάστοτε τοπικών συνθηκών και των χώρων της καθημερινής ζωής; Πώς μπορεί να μετατραπεί η γνώση σε δράση; Προσεγγίζοντας αυτά τα πολυδιάστατα ερωτήματα από διαφορετικές οπτικές γωνίες, οι συγγραφείς του παρόντος βιβλίου επιδιώκουν να εντοπίσουν πιθανούς τόπους και τρόπους παρέμβασης, να συστήσουν νέες έννοιες αστικού μετασχηματισμού και να ενεργοποιήσουν τις δυνατότητες των αστικών τοπίων, προς μια θετική αστική αλλαγή. Αν θεωρήσουμε ότι οι πόλεις εξυπηρετούν πρωτίστως τους κατοίκους και τους άμεσους χρήστες τους, τότε είναι αναγκαίο οι μετασχηματισμοί τους να εξεταστούν με μια νέα προσέγγιση. Θα πρέπει να κατανοηθούν από την άποψη των επιπτώσεών τους στην

33

Εισαγωγή

καθημερινή ζωή των κατοίκων και την ποιότητα της αστικής ζωής, καθώς και από ευρύτερες προοπτικές υψηλότερων στόχων που να καθορίζουν το γενικότερο πλαίσιο. Τα ερωτήματα της βιωσιμότητας συχνά εξετάζονται από δύο σκοπιές: είτε υπό την παγκόσμια προοπτική είτε υπό το μεμονωμένο έργο, ζήτημα ή περίπτωση, μέσα σε ένα στενά οριοθετημένο επιστημονικό πεδίο. Επιπλέον, οι στοχευμένες, εφαρμοσμένες μορφές έρευνας τείνουν να λειτουργούν σε σχηματισμούς που αφήνουν ανεπίλυτα θεμελιώδη ερωτήματα, ενώ παρουσιάζουν τους καθιερωμένους τρόπους χωρικής παραγωγής ως φυσικούς, αναπόφευκτους ή ιδανικούς. Με τον τρόπο αυτό, σταθεροποιούν και νομιμοποιούν σιωπηρά τις υπάρχουσες αστικές πρακτικές και θεσμούς, περιορίζοντας την ικανότητά τους να αντιμετωπίσουν πλήρως όλες τις πτυχές της αστικής ανανέωσης. Η εφαρμοσμένη έρευνα στην αρχιτεκτονική και την πολεοδομία δεν αποτελεί εξαίρεση. Το βιβλίο αυτό προσφέρει εναλλακτικές οπτικές σχετικά με ζητήματα βιωσιμότητας σε διάφορες κλίμακες. Ασχολείται με τα αστικά ζητήματα από μια κριτική σκοπιά, λαμβάνοντας παράλληλα υπόψιν την αστική θεωρία, τη διαμόρφωση εννοιών, τις επιτόπιες παρατηρήσεις, τη χάραξη αστικής πολιτικής, τις πρωτοβουλίες σχεδιασμού και τις πραγματικές συνθήκες. Η Περίπτωση της Αθήνας Ενώ τα συμπτώματα των αστικών κρίσεων έχουν κατονομαστεί και οι κοινοί στόχοι για τη βιώσιμη ανάπτυξη και την «πράσινη» μετάβαση (επανα) διαπραγματεύονται και καθορίζονται μέσω εθνικών και υπερεθνικών προγραμμάτων δράσης, δεν υπάρχει ένα ενιαίο, καθολικά εφαρμόσιμο, ισχύον σχέδιο-πλαίσιο για την επίτευξη υψηλότερων επιπέδων βιωσιμότητας, περιβαλλοντικής δικαιοσύνης, ανθεκτικότητας και ταχύτητας εφαρμογής. Ωστόσο, υπάρχουν μελέτες, πολιτικές, νέες αντιλήψεις ως προς την αλλαγή, καθώς και πόλεις που η καινοτόμος δύναμή τους, η ευρύτερη συνάφεια

34

και οι αφοσιωμένες συζητήσεις τους παρέχουν καθοδήγηση και αποτελούν έμπνευση για άλλες. Η Αθήνα αποτελεί μια τέτοια περίπτωση. Στην Αθήνα, αποκρυσταλλώνονται σήμερα ορισμένα από τα πιο κρίσιμα αστικά ζητήματα, καθώς και η δέσμευση για την αντιμετώπισή τους, ώστε να καθιερωθούν σε αυτήν νέοι χώροι πειραματισμού και αστικής δράσης. Κατά τις δύο τελευταίες δεκαετίες και στον απόηχο αρκετών κρίσεων που διαμόρφωσαν τη σύγχρονη αθηναϊκή κοινωνία και το αστικό της τοπίο, ένα αξιοσημείωτο φάσμα από πρωτοβουλίες, ακαδημαϊκά εργαστήρια σχεδιασμού, δημόσιες εκδηλώσεις αστικής και αρχιτεκτονικής έρευνας και δημοσιεύσεις, έχουν επικεντρωθεί στην αθηναϊκή περίπτωση και έχουν προωθήσει μια έντονη, πολυεπίπεδη συζήτηση σχετικά με ένα καινοτόμο και βιώσιμο αστικό μέλλον. Η Αθήνα και η μητροπολιτική της περιοχή αποτελούν σημείο αναφοράς σε όλη την έκταση του βιβλίου. Η εξέλιξη της πόλης καλύπτει μια αξιοσημείωτη, συνεχή ιστορική περίοδο. Η πορεία της περιλαμβάνει διαδοχικές φάσεις ευημερίας και ραγδαίας ανάπτυξης, λήθης και διάσπασης, οι οποίες συνοδεύτηκαν από αστικές δοκιμασίες, καταστάσεις κρίσεων και θεμελιώδεις κοινωνικές και πολιτικές αλλαγές. Ενώ στην αλλαγή της χιλιετίας κυριάρχησε η αισιοδοξία, αλλά και η κριτική που συνδέθηκε με τους Ολυμπιακούς αγώνες που έλαβαν χώρα στην Αθήνα το 2004, η παγκόσμια οικονομική κρίση που ακολούθησε μερικά χρόνια μετά, έπληξε την Ελλάδα ιδιαίτερα σοβαρά και προκάλεσε μια απότομη παύση στις διαδικασίες ανάπτυξης. Κατά τη διάρκεια των προγραμμάτων διαρθρωτικής προσαρμογής που ακολούθησαν, οι αστικές ανισότητες έγιναν ακόμα πιο ορατές (Karadimitriou et al., 2021), ενώ επιδεινώθηκαν περαιτέρω από την πανδημία της COVID-19 και τις διογκούμενες επιπτώσεις της κλιματικής αλλαγής. Ως εκ τούτου, η βιώσιμη και πράσινη μετάβαση της Αθήνας και η αντιμετώπιση της κλιματικής αλλαγής, εκλαμβάνονται ως διεργασίες που χρειάζεται να ενσωματώσουν όχι μόνο περιβαλλοντικά, αλλά και οικονομικά και κοινωνικά ζητήματα. Αυτή η νέα περίοδος χαρακτηρίζεται, λοιπόν, από προγράμματα που δίνουν έμφαση στη σύνδεση ανθεκτικότητας, κοινωνικής

και περιβαλλοντικής δικαιοσύνης, ευημερίας και βιωσιμότητας. Το 2017 η πόλη των Αθηνών δεσμεύτηκε για την εφαρμογή μιας φιλόδοξης στρατηγικής ανθεκτικότητας και εργάζεται σε πολλαπλά έργα και προγράμματα για να την πραγματοποιήσει. Ποιους Συγκεκριμένους Στόχους και Αναγκαιότητες Επιδιώκουμε να Εξετάσουμε σε Αυτό το Βιβλίο; Χρειαζόμαστε νέες αστικές έννοιες και προσεγγίσεις σχεδιασμού που να λαμβάνουν υπόψη τους τον δυναμικό χαρακτήρα των πόλεων: Ένα ευρύ φάσμα αλληλένδετων ρυθμιστικών μηχανισμών και συμπεριφορών διευκολύνει, συντονίζει, διατηρεί, περιορίζει ή και καταστέλλει τον αστικό μετασχηματισμό κατά ποικίλους τρόπους. Εν τούτοις, οι διαδικασίες αυτές δεν μπορούν να προβλεφθούν, αξιολογηθούν ή περιγραφούν με πλήρη ακρίβεια. Οι τροχιές και οι επιπτώσεις τους είναι σύνθετες και είναι δύσκολο να γίνουν αντιληπτές εξαρχής. Τα παραδοσιακά χωρικά και γραμμικά σχέδια από μόνα τους δεν αποτελούν κατάλληλα εργαλεία για την ενσωμάτωση συμμετοχικών και άλλων διαδικασιών και ως εκ τούτου, δεν συμπεριλαμβάνουν σημαντικές προσαρμογές κατά την υλοποίηση των έργων. Δεδομένου του δυναμικού χαρακτήρα των πόλεων και των προκλήσεων που αντιμετωπίζουν σήμερα οι αστικοί πληθυσμοί, είναι αναγκαίες νέες έννοιες και προσεγγίσεις, καθώς και νέα εργαλεία, προκειμένου να κατανοήσουμε καλύτερα τις διαδικασίες της αστικής ανανέωσης και να τις αξιοποιήσουμε. Πώς μπορούμε να συλλάβουμε σχέδια τα οποία να είναι τόσο στέρεα, ώστε να παρέχουν καθοδήγηση, παραμένοντας παράλληλα δυναμικά και ευέλικτα σε προσαρμογές και προς περαιτέρω διαπραγμάτευση; Πώς μπορούν ο σχεδιασμός και το όραμα να γίνουν πιο περιεκτικά, ώστε τα χειροπιαστά μέτρα και οι στόχοι να λάβουν την υποστήριξη και την αφοσίωση των πολιτών; Χρειάζεται να αναπτύσσουμε, να μοιραζόμαστε και να ενσωματώνουμε τη γνώση κατά τη διάρκεια του μετασχηματισμού: Πολιτιστικές, πολιτικές και οικονομικές διαφορές, αλλά και περιβαλλοντικές συνθήκες, καθορίζουν συχνά τα όρια μιας γενίκευσης ή μεταφοράς λύσεων, πέρα από τα εθνικά ή περιφερειακά σύνορα. Σε

Χρειαζόμαστε υποστηρικτικά πλαίσια για την καινοτομία, τη συμμετοχή των πολιτών και την αστική δράση: Οι πόλεις ανέκαθεν υπήρξαν τόποι καινοτομίας, συμμετοχής των πολιτών, αλληλεγγύης και συλλογικής δράσης. Η οικοδόμηση και επανα-οικοδόμηση των πόλεων και οι διαδικασίες παραγωγής και κατανάλωσης που διαδραματίζονται μέσα σε αυτές, αποτελούν ένα σημαντικό ποσοστό της παγκόσμιας ανάλωσης πόρων, παραγωγής αποβλήτων και εκπομπών CO2. Η αναδιάρθρωση του αστικού περιβάλλοντος είναι ένας από τους μοχλούς μέσω του οποίου μπορούν να αντιμετωπιστούν οι προκλήσεις της κλιματικής αλλαγής και οι αρνητικές επιπτώσεις των σημερινών μεθόδων παραγωγής και κατανάλωσης. Συνεπώς, χρήζουν υποστηρικτικών, πολυδιάστατων πλαισίων σε πολλαπλά

επίπεδα, ώστε να μπορέσουν να βελτιστοποιηθούν οι ιδιωτικές και δημόσιες πρωτοβουλίες προς αυτήν την κατεύθυνση. Τέτοια πλαίσια θα πρέπει να περιλαμβάνουν τόσο εθνικές, όσο και τοπικές πολιτικές, αστική διακυβέρνηση, μηχανισμούς χρηματοδότησης και περιβάλλον καινοτομίας, δια βίου μάθηση και αμοιβαία ανταλλαγή γνώσεων. Εάν οι εν λόγω διαδικασίες ανανέωσης κατορθώσουν να ενσωματώσουν τα θετικά στοιχεία και τη δημιουργική δυναμική των πόλεων, όπως αναφέρθηκε παραπάνω, οι δραστηριότητες που αναδύονται από τις πόλεις και τις αστικοποιημένες περιοχές, θα θεωρηθούν μάλλον ως μέρος μιας καινοτόμου πορείας, παρά ως πρόβλημα. Χρειαζόμαστε συζήτηση σχετικά με την (ανα)κατανομή των αστικών πόρων: Τα αστικά τοπία είναι ζώνες παραγωγής και ανταλλαγής. Η πρόσβαση σε αυτά σημαίνει πρόσβαση σε αστικούς πόρους, όπως ο χώρος, η γνώση, τα δίκτυα, τα μέσα παραγωγής, ο βιοπορισμός, οι υπηρεσίες υγείας και άλλα κοινωνικά αγαθά. Η παγκόσμια οικονομική κρίση του 2007-2008 και η επακόλουθη Ευρωπαϊκή κρίση χρέους, η πανδημία της COVID-19 και οι αυξανόμενες περιβαλλοντικές καταστροφές που προκαλούνται λόγω της κλιματικής αλλαγής, κατέστησαν προφανή την αλληλεξάρτηση μεταξύ τοπικών αστικών συνθηκών και μακροσκοπικών αλλαγών. Οι προσωρινοί περιορισμοί που επιβλήθηκαν κατά τη διάρκεια της πανδημίας, έδειξαν το πόσο σημαντικοί είναι οι αστικοί πόροι για την καθημερινότητα, τις οικονομικές δραστηριότητες και την ευημερία. Η πανδημία έβλαψε δυσανάλογα τις πιο ευάλωτες και περιθωριοποιημένες ομάδες στις πόλεις. Κοινωνικο-χωρικά και άλλου είδους δεδομένα υποδεικνύουν ότι το ίδιο ισχύει και για τις περιβαλλοντικές επιπτώσεις, όπως καύσωνες και πλημμύρες (City of Athens, 2017; Maloutas, 2007; Maloutas & Spyrellis, 2015). Οι αστικές ανισότητες και οι μακροχρόνιες διαφορές στην πρόσβαση πόρων, είναι συχνά αποτέλεσμα πολιτικά επηρεαζόμενων κοινωνικών και οικονομικών διαδικασιών μετασχηματισμού. Ο μετασχηματισμός των αστικών τοπίων είναι συνεπώς, μια διαφιλονικούμενη διαδικασία που συνδέεται με την ανακατανομή των αστικών πόρων και την πρόσβαση σε αυτούς. Επηρεάζει κοινωνικές ομάδες και ανθρώπους με ποικίλους τρόπους και πρέπει να συνοδεύεται από έναν

35

κάθε προτεινόμενη παρέμβαση πρέπει να αξιολογούνται οι συγκεκριμένες και ευρύτερες διαστάσεις του μετασχηματισμού. Τέτοια μέτρα προϋποθέτουν υψηλού επιπέδου ενσωμάτωση διαφορετικών στρατηγικών και δεν μπορούν να αναπτυχθούν ως μεμονωμένα σχέδια. Ομοίως, απαιτούν ανταλλαγή ιδεών και δεδομένων μεταξύ διαφορετικών ερευνητικών τομέων, θεσμικών οργάνων, εμπειρογνωμόνων, ενδιαφερόμενων μερών και του κοινού. Προγράμματα και συνεργασίες, όπως τo Δίκτυο Πόλεων για την Κλιματική Αλλαγή C40 (C40 Cities, 2019), έχουν καθιερωθεί στην Ευρώπη και παγκοσμίως για ανταλλαγή τέτοιων γνώσεων και εμπειριών. Στόχος τους είναι και η επιτάχυνση των διαδικασιών μετριασμού, αναδιάρθρωσης και προσαρμογής στην κλιματική αλλαγή. Η ανάγκη για ταχεία ανάληψη δράσης για την αντιμετώπιση των διαρκών προκλήσεων που αντιμετωπίζουμε, συχνά υπονομεύεται από τον χρόνο που απαιτείται κατά τον σχεδιασμό∙ συχνά απαιτείται αρκετός χρόνος για την πλήρη κατανόηση των προβλημάτων, και έπειτα για την ανάπτυξη και υλοποίηση αντίστοιχων, κατάλληλων δράσεων. Εφόσον λοιπόν, ούτε η αδράνεια ούτε η δήλωση άγνοιας αποτελούν επιλογή, οι διαδικασίες αυτές χρειάζεται να διαμορφώνονται με διαφανή τρόπο, έτσι ώστε τα νέα πορίσματα να ενσωματώνονται ενώ πραγματοποιούνται τα έργα. Το ερώτημα είναι λοιπόν, τι βαθμό ευελιξίας, απλότητας, μη πληρότητας ή ακόμα και ατέλειας θα πρέπει να έχει ο σχεδιασμός του αστικού χώρου;

36

ενεργό και συνεχή δημόσιο διάλογο. Το παρόν βιβλίο έρχεται να συνδεθεί με τις τρέχουσες συζητήσεις σχετικά με τον μετασχηματισμό των πόλεων και αποσκοπεί στην περαιτέρω συμβολή σε αυτές. Χρειαζόμαστε αφηγήσεις θετικών αστικών αλλαγών: Το βιβλίο αυτό ασχολείται με θεμελιώδη αστικά προβλήματα, καθώς και με προκλήσεις και διαμάχες που αντιμετωπίζουν οι πόλεις σήμερα και θα αντιμετωπίσουν στο μέλλον. Παράλληλα, αναγνωρίζει τη δημιουργική ικανότητα της ανθρώπινης δραστηριότητας ως μέρος των διαδικασιών αστικοποίησης. Επιδιώκει να εντοπίσει, να συγκεντρώσει και να εξετάσει αστικούς μετασχηματισμούς και αφηγήσεις που συντελούν προς θετικές αλλαγές. Ακόμη και εν μέσω των προβλημάτων που παρατηρούμε στις σύγχρονες πόλεις, το άστυ δύναται να επαναδιεκδικήσει τον ρόλο του ως χώρος ανταλλαγής, πειραματισμού και διαφορετικών προοπτικών. Οι επιστημονικοί κλάδοι του αστικού σχεδιασμού και της αρχιτεκτονικής μπορούν και πρέπει να εισάγουν σε δημόσιο διάλογο τη δυνατότητά τους να συλλαμβάνουν και να οπτικοποιούν αυτές τις διαφορετικές προοπτικές. Η δεξιότητά τους να συνθέτουν περίπλοκους, και συχνά αντιφατικούς, στόχους και να λειτουργούν υπό συνθήκες αβεβαιότητας, καθιστούν τους κλάδους αυτούς κατάλληλους για την υποστήριξη και την τεκμηρίωση διαδικασιών μετασχηματισμού. Παρ’ όλα αυτά, τα αφηγήματα αστικής αλλαγής πρέπει να αναπτυχθούν από κοινού. Εάν πρόκειται να περιέχουν τα οράματα και τις πολλαπλές ιστορίες των πολλών, πρέπει να προκύψουν από δημόσιες συζητήσεις και διαπραγματεύσεις. Ως εκ τούτου, το παρόν βιβλίο επιδιώκει να ενεργοποιήσει έναν διάλογο μεταξύ ειδικών, ενδιαφερόμενων, φορέων και του ευρύτερου κοινού – με ομάδες, μεμονωμένα άτομα, οργανισμούς και θεσμικά όργανα που επηρεάζουν και επηρεάζονται από τις διαδικασίες αστικού σχεδιασμού. Ωστόσο, ενώ είναι επειγόντως αναγκαία η διεπιστημονική συζήτηση σχετικά με τις αστικές διαδικασίες ανανέωσης, αυτή είναι συχνά δύσκολο να συντηρηθεί. Πολύ συχνά, φαίνεται να δυσχεραίνουν τις ευρύτερες συζητήσεις, όχι μόνο ο τομεακός τρόπος σκέψης και ο κατακερματισμός, αλλά και αμφιβολίες ως προς το ποια είναι η βέλτιστη προσέγγιση του αστικού μετασχηματισμού λόγω της

πολυπλοκότητάς του. Δεν προκαλεί λοιπόν έκπληξη το γεγονός ότι, παρά την εστίασή τους σε επιμέρους θέματα, πολλά από τα άρθρα σε αυτό το βιβλίο καθιστούν το πρόβλημα της επικοινωνίας και της διαπραγμάτευσης των αλλαγών ως βασικό αντικείμενο συζήτησης. Δομή και Περιεχόμενα Οι συγγραφείς του παρόντος βιβλίου εξετάζουν πρακτικά ζητήματα που συνδέονται με τον μετασχηματισμό των αστικών τοπίων από τη σκοπιά διαφορετικών γνωστικών αντικειμένων. Θίγουν τις δυνατότητες και τους περιορισμούς των σημερινών διοικητικών πλαισίων και την επίδρασή τους στην οικειοποίηση, διαπραγμάτευση και συμμετοχή στη χωρική αλλαγή. Θέτουν ερωτήματα σχετικά με τον σχεδιασμό του μετασχηματισμού και εξετάζουν πειραματικά μονοπάτια για την αλλαγή. Συζητούν επίσης, μια σειρά από υλοποιημένες δράσεις, παρεμβάσεις και έργα, και αναδεικνύουν ανερχόμενες πρωτοβουλίες για τη δημιουργία βιώσιμων πόλεων. Ο συλλογικός τόμος αναπτύσσεται σε τέσσερα τμήματα, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του εισαγωγικού κεφαλαίου. Οι πολυδιάστατες καταστάσεις στις οποίες αναφέρονται τα κεφάλαια και μέσα στις οποίες κινούνται, δεν αποτελούν αυστηρά οριοθετημένες κατηγορίες. Η νοηματοδότηση, η προσέγγιση και η ενεργός εργασία με αστικές συνθήκες και χώρους, με τον έναν ή τον άλλον τρόπο, είναι εγγενής σε όλα τα άρθρα του τόμου. Για τον λόγο αυτό, τα κεφάλαια είναι σχεδιασμένα ως θεματικοί τομείς, γύρω από τους οποίους συγκεντρώνονται τα κείμενα, το σκεπτικό και τα έργα, και με τους οποίους αλληλοσυνδέονται. Αυτό αντικατοπτρίζεται συχνά στις διασταυρώσεις παραπομπών που έχουν χρησιμοποιήσει οι συγγραφείς σε ολόκληρο το βιβλίο. Οι συγγραφείς της ενότητας Μελετώντας και Νοηματοδοτώντας Χώρους Αστικού Μετασχηματισμού, επισημαίνουν θεμελιώδη προβλήματα σχεδιασμού για τον μετασχηματισμό (Mark Michaeli), διερευνούν την προοπτική της σχέσης δημόσιου-ιδιωτικού από την άποψη της πολυκατοικίας (Richard Woditsch και Mark Kammerbauer) και την έννοια των Ενδοαστικών Τοπίων (Τάσος Ροΐδης). Αναπτύσσουν μια κοινωνική-υλική αντίληψη των στοιχείων που καθορίζουν την ποιότητα των

Στην ενότητα Προσεγγίζοντας και Διαμορφώνοντας Καταστάσεις Αλλαγής, οι συγγραφείς συζητούν για την αναγκαία ανάληψη δράσης στην πόλη της Αθήνας μέσω του παραδείγματος του Παρισιού (Παναγιώτης Τουρνικιώτης) και συζητούν για τον ρόλο που διαδραματίζει η γνώση των τοπικών συνθηκών και η καθημερινή αλλαγή στη συλλογική υλοποίηση των οραμάτων (Norbert Kling). Ρίχνουν φως στη σύνθετη σχέση μεταξύ ιδιωτικής ιδιοκτησίας και του δικαιώματος στην αστική κληρονομιά (Χρήστος-Γεώργιος Κρητικός), θέτουν ερωτήματα που αφορούν τον εκτοπισμό, την αστική πολιτική και διαμόρφωση της ταυτότητας των Αθηναίων πολιτών (Κωνσταντίνα Γεωργιάδου) και εξετάζουν έναν τρόπο χαρτογράφησης και προσέγγισης του δημόσιου χώρου χωρίς αποκλεισμούς (Βασιλική Γεροπάντα). Η ενότητα αυτή ολοκληρώνεται με έναν αναστοχασμό του καλλιτεχνικού έργου Athenslaundry_bougada, το οποίο ασχολείται με τις τοπικές κοινότητες και πρακτικές της καθημερινότητας (Θεοδώρα Μαλάμου). Στην τελευταία ενότητα, Διαπραγματεύοντας και Υλοποιώντας την Αλλαγή - Αναλαμβάνοντας Δράση, οι συγγραφείς περιγράφουν λεπτομερώς έργα και διαδικασίες μετασχηματισμού που έχουν διαμορφώσει, μπορούν ή πρόκειται να διαμορφώσουν τα αστικά τοπία της Αθήνας και άλλων πόλεων. Το πρότζεκτ Cultural H.ID.RA.N.T. εξετάζεται ως μια καινοτόμα περίπτωση συμμετοχικής, διατομεακής και διαδημοτικής συνεργασίας σε προγράμματα Ολοκληρωμένης Χωρικής Ανάπτυξης (Ειρήνη Ηλιοπούλου και Βασίλης Αυδίκος). Οι συγγραφείς του επόμενου κεφαλαίου παρουσιάζουν τις στρατηγικές που ανέπτυξε ο Δήμος Αθηναίων ώστε να διαμορφώσει μια πιο ανθεκτική και βιώσιμη πόλη. Επισημαίνουν τη χρησιμότητα μιας ολοκληρωμένης προσέγγισης στης οποίας το επίκεντρο θα είναι το τοπίο (Ελισσάβετ Μπαργιάννη και Γραμματική Παπάζογλου). Μια κριτική εξέταση και συζήτηση των δομών, θεσμικών ρυθμίσεων, μορφών διακυβέρνησης και της νοοτροπίας σχεδιασμού, συμπληρώνει την προσέγγιση αυτή (Δημήτρης Πούλιος). Η συζήτηση

που ακολουθεί θίγει βασικά αστικά θέματα που περιλαμβάνουν την ενσωμάτωση, μορφές αλληλεγγύης, πράσινες μεταβάσεις και τα μικρότερα και μεγαλύτερα επιτεύγματα στη δημιουργία βελτιωμένων χώρων για να ζουν οι άνθρωποι (Μιχάλης Γουδής και Norbert Kling). Η ενότητα και το βιβλίο ολοκληρώνονται με μια αναφορά στη Βαρκελώνη και στους φιλόδοξους στόχους και στρατηγικές που χαράχθηκαν για την πραγματοποίησή τους (διάλεξη και επίσκεψη των Josep Bohigas και Ιωάννας Σπανού στην Αθήνα, επιμέλεια Norbert Kling). Το βιβλίο αυτό στοχεύει σε ένα διεθνές αναγνωστικό κοινό που ενδιαφέρεται και αναζητά απαντήσεις σε ζητήματα σχετικά με τις αστικές προοπτικές και την αναζήτηση για πιθανές μεθόδους προς τη δημιουργία πιο βιώσιμων πόλεων. Πιο συγκεκριμένα, απευθύνεται σε ακαδημαϊκούς, φοιτητές και επαγγελματίες από τους επιστημονικούς κλάδους της πολεοδομίας, της αρχιτεκτονικής και αρχιτεκτονικής τοπίου ή του περιβαλλοντικού σχεδιασμού. Έχει επίσης γραφτεί για φορείς του δημόσιου και ιδιωτικού τομέα που ασχολούνται με την αναδιοργάνωση των πόλεων και επίσης, για μέλη σε κλάδους και τομείς της πράξης που ενδιαφέρονται για μελέτες και έρευνες αναπλάσεων, βιωσιμότητας και αστικής αλλαγής. Καθώς επιθυμούμε να προσεγγίσουμε όσο το δυνατόν περισσότερους αναγνώστες, έχουμε συμπεριλάβει περιλήψεις στα ελληνικά στο τέλος κάθε ενότητας. Οι αλληλουχίες των εικόνων στην αρχή και το τέλος του βιβλίου λειτουργούν ως μια οπτική έκφραση της ιδέας ότι, εκτός από τις υφιστάμενες ρουτίνες αλλαγής, χρειαζόμαστε πιο σημαντικούς και δραστικούς μετασχηματισμούς. Για το σκοπό αυτό, οι γραφίστες Torsten Köchlin και Joana Katte συνέθεσαν εκ νέου εικόνες καθημερινών αστικών καταστάσεων στην Αθήνα, προκειμένου να αναπαραστήσουν συμβολικά νέους τρόπους θέασης, ορισμού, προσέγγισης και αντιμετώπισης των αστικών προκλήσεων. Φαίνεται ότι, ειδικά πόλεις με μεγάλα επίπεδα συμμετοχής των πολιτών στα κοινά, αφοσιωμένα δημοτικά συμβούλια και φιλόδοξες τοπικές διοικήσεις, βρίσκονται στην πρώτη γραμμή σε εφαρμογές βιώσιμης αστικής αναδιάρθρωσης. Στο πλαίσιο εκ νέου εμφανιζόμενων συζητήσεων που αφορούν τη

37

συνηθισμένων, καθημερινών δρόμων (Kris Scheerlinck και Gitte Schreurs) και παρατηρούν πώς τα μέσα ενημέρωσης και η ψηφιοποίηση έχουν αλλάξει τη σχέση μας με τον δημόσιο χώρο (Πάνος Δραγώνας).

38

βιώσιμη, παραγωγική, υγιή και δίκαιη πόλη, το βιβλίο αυτό συνδυάζει την κριτική ανάλυση της αστικής κατάστασης με τη σχεδιαστική σκέψη και την παραγωγή αφηγήσεων που μπορούν να υποστηρίξουν διαδικασίες αλλαγής. Οι συγγραφείς αποσκοπούν να συνεισφέρουν στις συζητήσεις για τα μοναδικά χαρακτηριστικά της πόλης της Αθήνας, παράλληλα με τα τρέχοντα προβλήματα και θέματά της. Με αυτόν τον τρόπο, επιδιώκουν να επανερμηνεύσουν και να ανακαλύψουν εκ νέου τις δυνατότητες της, δεδομένων των σύγχρονων αστικών προκλήσεων. Τα αστικά τοπία της Αθήνας και των άλλων πόλεων που περιγράφονται εδώ, εξετάζουν μια πληθώρα διαφορετικών αστικών καταστάσεων. Αυτές μπορούν να παρατηρηθούν, να αναλυθούν και να χρησιμοποιηθούν ως σημεία αναφοράς σε πραγματικές συνθήκες, για την πρόβλεψη εφικτών μελλοντικών σεναρίων. Όπως σημειώνει ο Michael Berkowitz, Πρόεδρος του προγράμματος 100 Ανθεκτικές Πόλεις, «η πόλη [της Αθήνας] βρίσκεται στην πρώτη γραμμή πολλών προκλήσεων που αντιμετωπίζει και η υπόλοιπη Ευρώπη, και όχι μόνο, [και] μπορεί να λειτουργήσει ως πρότυπο για άλλες πόλεις.» (Berkowitz, 2017). Λαμβάνοντας υπόψη την παγκόσμια κλίμακα της αστικοποίησης και τις μελλοντικές προκλήσεις, η περίπτωση της Αθήνας δεν εξετάζεται μεμονωμένα και συνδέεται άρρηκτα με παγκόσμιες διεργασίες και φαινόμενα που ενδέχεται να ισχύουν και αλλού. Τα ζητήματα και προβλήματα που παρατηρούμε στην Αθήνα σήμερα, αφορούν συνεπώς, όλες τις πόλεις.

Reading

and Conceptualising Spaces of Urban Transformation

Re-Imagining Processes of Urban Transformation: A Thousand Green Deals

Mark Michaeli

The urgent need for climate-oriented green urban transformation is now broadly acknowledged. The dramatic increase in the number and severity of extreme weather events and weather conditions worldwide poses unprecedented challenges to the safety and longterm habitability of populated areas. Meanwhile, long-hesitant policymakers have launched ambitious plans to adapt our urban living environments to meet the challenges of climate change. And yet, both from a lay perspective as well as that of the planners and experts tasked with implementing the transformation project, the process is painfully slow. It is limited in many places to individual interventions, whose effect is to improve quality at a local level. Though committed to nature-based solutions and green urban infrastructures that serve the entire region, these projects have so far had little impact because they remain incoherent in the specific spatial and temporal context of transformation. In what follows, I turn the spotlight onto the critical dimensions of, and conditions for, urban transformation processes with the aim of deriving approaches to overcoming these obstacles. For the purposes of illustration, I make reference to selected European cities. In this context, I follow the basic principle of the Inner-urban Landscape (IUL) (see Roidis, chapter in this book), which I understand as the spatial backbone of an ecological-social urban system, encompassing entire urban and metropolitan areas. It is both the target spatial arena for thousands of jointly formulated and negotiated green deals between society and individual as well as cultural and natural processes in time and space. Transformation as Challenge for Planning Generally, green urban transformation calls for substantial planning interventions and guidance. This follows from the recognition that without a “systematic future-oriented thinking through of goals, measures, ways and means” – according to a current definition of planning (Wild, 1974, p. 13, translation by the author) – the chances of achieving the goals laid down in international agreements such as the UN Sustainable Development Goals (United Nations, 2015) remain slim.

44

Interestingly, however, spatial planning – unlike, for example, corporate planning – struggles with some of the four dimensions mentioned by Wild. With regard to “ways” and “means”, experts from planning practice point out that their scope for action and implementation is initially limited to legally standardised planning and decision-making processes. Urban transformation along various dimensions of sustainability, however, requires project-related special agreements between the actors involved as a minimum precondition for the development of productive potential – which, incidentally, is not unknown in urban planning (Kraft & Schmidiger, 2020). In contrast to formalised legal principles or established norms for environmental design, these agreements first require a dialogue between those who set the planning framework and those investing in or using the space. I would also suggest that, given this constraint, agreements are more likely to be developed successfully in a trialogue involving the community. This suggestion is not rooted in the suspicion that planning cannot express and represent the interests of the community. Rather, the triangular arrangement integrates two appreciably vital potentials for accelerating transformation: firstly, better visualisation and representation of all interests in the jointly designed transformation process; secondly, following from this, the mobilisation of numerous new constellations of actors supportive of the strategic achievement of goals, but now integrated under the umbrella of jointly agreed goals. In this (game) set-up, planning itself becomes the advocate of establishing and securing the equilibrium between the specific spatial and societal requirements of sustainability and space-transforming entities: the community as a whole and the individual contributor. Research focused on the transformation of urban systems and spaces has identified such re-negotiated and mutually agreed projects as the key to sustainable development. However, the findings indicate that initial projects are usually limited to fairly straightforward situations in which the individual and community benefits gained are easily measurable and thus clearly attributable to the participants. It is therefore not surprising that such agreements are almost never systematically enacted in complex scenarios and among networks of actors with divergent interests. On the contrary, planning that is fixated on short-term implementation tends to fall back on the basic standardised tools. The entire triangle of actors consequently fails to reach its potential, and many promising and feasible approaches are ruled out in practice (Brasche, 2019). Recent research from the field of environmental social sciences and environmental governance further corroborates the phenomenon of “institutional” blockages that can occur between multiple stakeholders even where their development goals converge (Jensen et al., 2015). In this regard, according to the research, frictions increase the more the individual subsystems, such as the participating planning departments, have institutionalised and codified their respective areas of responsibility. This includes predetermined administrative logics or procedures defined within subdepartments as well as optimisation measures or indicator systems for measuring performance (Madsen et al., 2022). Put simply, it is not only different performance targets that create problems for implementation. Rather, even when interests are similar,

Acting in Partnerships and Non-Partnerships It is a popular misconception that planning, or the public sector, undertakes planned interventions in the city itself, or can exercise substantial control over the majority of processes. In fact, this is true only for relatively few interventions. For the most part, these are located within cities’ own areas of responsibility, for example, in the construction of buildings or open spaces as part of public infrastructure. In actuality, the vast majority of interventions are undertaken by market economy actors, private individuals or companies. Their individual actions are oriented within the parameters set by planning. Planning stimulates this by means of incentive instruments or the definition of minimum standards when issuing permits. However, this means that a controlling effect only occurs if there is a transformation decision relevant to the legal enforcement mechanism in the first place – such as, for example, changes to conditions in approving permits. In the face of a deliberate perpetuation of an existing situation (non-activity; see, for example, Kritikos in this book), the established tools of planning are relatively powerless. Against this background, we should treat slogans in support of uncompromising, 100 % preservation of existing structures, which are often voiced in the popular debate with great caution. This is because they fail to recognise that goal-oriented, sustainable transformation, which necessitates addressing new issues and inventing new spatial modes of operation for the city, can only succeed if there is controlled re-structuring activity at all. This important aspect of controllability, especially for the further development of the built – and, given the climate crisis, increasingly important non-built – spatial stock, is, astonishingly, all but absent from the transformation narrative on urban space. In this respect, lessons could be drawn from international experience with energy conservation laws that have been introduced practically everywhere in Europe since the 1990s. In the short term, a substantial slump in the renovation rate of old buildings has followed the introduction or tightening of regulations. Austrian studies have also found a shift in activity in private real estate ownership in favour of “renovation via the DIY store”, which has largely eluded control within planning processes. (Amann et al., 2020, p. 6, translation by the author). Contemporary studies on this phenomenon, which was

45

the nuanced institutional version of performance accounting can become an insurmountable obstacle. In a worst case scenario, for example, a green urban transformation performance measured by biodiversity might impede another measure evaluated, for example, by the buffer capacity for rainwater in the decision-making process. And this despite the fact that the well balanced combination of both complementary measures would represent a considerable gain in quality for the overall system, as well as from both perspectives. It is for this reason that the aforementioned researchers maintain that in the complex, multidisciplinary and conflicting field of urban infrastructure delivery and transformation, alternative governance models are superior to traditional, heavily departmentbased planning models (Miörner et al., 2021).

46

quickly recognised as a problem of enforcement, primarily focus on types of (residential) real estate, typically held in individual ownership. These tend to recommend a review of the instruments developed to date, which, in addition to regulatory measures and state subsidies, now provide market-oriented stimuli and mechanisms that focus on the options available for action by individuals (Weiß & Dunkelberg, 2010). For this to happen, however, the behaviour of the actors involved must be plausibly calculable. The navigation of actors within, for example, a transformation process focused on sustainability has so far been given short shrift in typically objectfixated planning. Activating Spatial and Actor Knowledge: Think Tanks and Brokers of Transformation Since the middle of the 2010s, transformation research has been demanding that the knowledge of diverse actor expectations and behaviour be more effectively activated to enable the creation of implementable agendas and strategies for green urban transforma­ tion (Werbeloff et al., 2016). A recent study on the everyday supply structure in Bavaria (Michaeli et al., 2020) shows – as a methodo­ logical collateral product – how different the assessment of the problem situation and possible solutions can be when the traditional knowledge base of spatial planning is abandoned and an alternative view is taken from the perspective of the various stakeholders. The development and negotiation of a new relational spatial knowledge (the knowledge of space) is therefore cited in recent planning science as a basic condition for a socio-ecological recon­ struction of economic activity in space and the provision of the necessary patterns of spatial use and infrastructures (Hofmeister & Kanning, 2021). Equipped with these three dimensions of knowledge 1. on the system or context, 2. on orientation or goal achievement and 3. on the organisation of change the authors assign the role of pro-active transformation broker to the spatial planner and designer. Using their own instruments, spatial planners and designers can navigate between different actors in private and public space, as well as between departmental competences. They assemble knowledge and networks of actors, identify supporting projects that can form the backbone for numerous docking processes; they also mediate between research, politics and implementation practice and supervise the processes of change that have been initiated. In keeping with Miörner’s position (Miörner et al., 2021), these two authors’ reflections entail a new organisation of the governance of the impending urban transformations, here conceived as a genuine cross-sectional agency, although at least in Miörner’s case the risks of such an organisation within the established municipal, or even national, administrative logics are also considered. The challenge is primarily that the more openly legal frameworks – for example, for new forms of inclusion, participation or compensation of third parties in highly complex planning processes – have so far only been provided in the rarest of cases. Although I would endorse this risk assessment, I would nevertheless like to point out two things: the urgency of the transformative challenge leaves us no time to explore all possible conflict

Transformation Constellations Before going on to illustrate, with reference to selected European cities, that such new governance approaches can be successfully implemented and how, it is worth concluding this theoretical section with a look at the actual transformation scenarios that await us in the future. In principle, transformation denotes the conversion of an initial state into a target state. In the public discourse, the project of urban transformation appears strangely monolithic. Beside the description of the goal to be achieved by the community, considerations of the organisation of the continuity of the process or the activation of the complex groups and networks of actors mentioned take a back seat to descriptions of the state or standard to be achieved in the future. Here, urban development that is (almost always) additive and project-focused has not yet been discarded, and the primacy of growth continues to be the unquestioned engine of change. However, the transformation that is now imminent also requires knowledge of how to deal with the abandonment and non-replacement of certain structures or created investment values, or the reconstruction of urban infrastructures and their patterns of use during ongoing operation. In the process, the actors involved will also have to adapt to new economies of spatial transformation. The intentional renunciation of uses and building structures in order to use them as places for the development of open space or occupation for supposedly low-value uses has so far remained the exception rather than the rule. However, this deserves greater attention in the context of larger urban transformation projects and the increasingly scarce and already depleted inner-city land resources: for example, if one wants to pedestrianise street spaces, implement green infrastructures for shading or areas for rainwater retention, the space must first be reclaimed from motorised traffic. This means that new, less space-intensive mobility options must be developed, and stationary traffic must be removed from streets, for which the acquisition of land and the construction of neighbourhood (high-rise) car parks is proposed on a case-by-case basis.

47

configurations in order to then – in the best case scenario – arrive at a putative Gesamtkunstwerk of a transformation administration. Nor is it to be expected that all productive models of collaboration will necessarily be conflictual. Numerous studies on sustainability transformation (Werbeloff et al., 2016), or on complementary informal governance models in spatial development practice (Michaeli et al., 2016), demonstrate the consensual feasibility of transformation projects in inhabited space along collectively agreed development goals and comprehensible, visualised incentives. The contemporary model experiments by Barcelona Regional (Barcelona, Bohigas, Spanou & Kling, in this book), oriented around a long-term and strategic plan, or the studies by the Atelier Parisien d’Urbanisme (Apur) in Paris, which have been informing municipal transformation policy for over 50 years, are excellent examples. Both demonstrate how cities can make themselves fit for transfor­ mation through stimulus-providing think tanks and enter into productive discussion with all those involved in the process (Michaeli & Häupl, 2014).

48

Viewed individually, such a project makes neither economic nor ecological sense and seems to run counter to transformation goals. However, as a (partial) catalysing measure towards green urban transformation, it is precisely such initial projects that are receiving increasing attention today (Apur, 2012, 2020). This kind of intervention, combined with the targeted acquisition of individual plots of land, is seen as a strategic and complementary building block for gaining access to public spaces in a densely populated and privatised urban structure such as Paris. In this way, measures to improve the environment can be implemented, especially in rather narrow street spaces (greening, improvement of amenities and promotion of alternative modes of transport – especially pedestrian traffic. So far, these have mostly been limited to wide street sections or urban spaces earmarked to be freed of motorised traffic due to spatial requirements for stationary traffic. Establishing New Continuities What appears quite coherent in its conception, however, often turns out to be very difficult in its implementation, especially because such interventions are associated with enormous costs for the community, which, at least in conventional fiscal accounting, can scarcely be recouped by the environmental improvements. However, the beneficial urban ecology-climate potential of such coupled measures is estimated to be enormous. The exploratory study published in 2020 by the agency Atelier Parisien d’Urbanisme – established as early as 1967 and operating as a platform between policy advice, scientific groundwork and the writing of development proposals (Barcelona, Bohigas, Spanou & Kling, in this book) – estimates the amount of additional Parisian urban street space that can potentially be activated in this way at over 450 kilometres, quadrupling the street length previously considered green corridors (Apur, 2020). Assuming that the assessment of the capacity of the street space profile is no longer primarily based on the needs of traffic organisation but on the growth of street space greening, recent research results from construction botany suggest further activation potential in so-called tree façades (Höpfl et al., 2022). This involves specific techniques of growing and pruning asymmetrical growth forms that also allow the lateral placement of trees in the street space. This means that narrow street cross-sections, which are typical of Mediterranean cities, may now be planted with greenery. While the large-scale use of such building structures close to the façades of existing urban structures is precluded both by underground cable routing, the lighting requirements of the buildings, and also by considerations of the ventilation of the street spaces, they offer a potential supplement as a bridge element in the ecologically functional blue-green network of the city (Well & Ludwig, 2021). In addition to the rare corridors that can be developed in spatial-physical continuity of green structures, the resulting complementary network inheres in the idea of the pas japonais – the arrangement of stepping stones in a Japanese garden. Although arranged at a distance from each other, they nevertheless enable passage or transition. Green elements are arranged in relation to each other in such a way that the functional continuity of the

49

climatic corridors is preserved despite physical interruptions imposed by the urban structure. It should be noted, however, that the continuity requirements of air exchange or surface water drainage, for example, differ greatly. In addition, they must be carefully adapted to the topographical context. They do not necessarily follow the same developmental routes. In densely built-up urban areas such as Paris or Athens, the relative importance of climate-functional green spaces found or established in isolated locations cannot be underestimated. On a third supplementary level, conversion concepts now also include smaller pocket parks, urban residual areas along or in the middle of infrastructure corridors, as well as private green structures. They are assessed individually or, if too small-scale, as an area cluster with regard to their ecological-climatic performance and integrated into the green infrastructure plan in a similar way to the Japanese garden stepping stones (Apur, 2020). This approach of integrating private areas into the functional green space network is gaining traction in current discussions. In urban, morphologically dense and developed contexts, this is explained by the scarcity of areas in public space that can be acti­ vated for green transformation. However, urban climate studies on local city and neighbourhood scales also demonstrate the impor­ tance of the less densely built, suburban or garden city neighbourhoods as production and distribution spaces for fresh and cold air flows, and as crucial structures for coping with heavy rainfall events in the urban environment. These outlying districts and suburbs, which are located relatively close to the city centre in metropolitan conurbations, are in danger of losing their ecological-climatic functionality in hitherto little-controlled redevelopment processes. Due to ongoing urbanisation and re-densification processes, they are currently coming under particularly severe pressure. The climate adaptation discussion will therefore have to focus much more sharply than before on the outer areas of the city. This is particularly a matter of prevention strategies that can become effective in conjunction with measures in the vulnerable core area and thus contribute to the mitigation or averting of overheating effects, smog and flash foods. It is in outdoor areas that the fresh air flows that cool the city centres must be generated. Precipitation must be buffered, drained and percolated here in order to protect heavily sealed inner-city areas. This is where the decisive qualitative changes in the provision of infrastructure must take place – which, for example, allow the choice of alternative forms of mobility and so reduce congestion in the inner cities, creating fresh space for green structures. While core areas are primarily made fit to cope with climatic challenges, safeguarding and coordinating measures in the outer areas and the surrounding landscape ensures that local climatic problems are minimised. In order to be able to influence urban climatic conditions positively and to a sufficient extent in the future, the focus will consequently also have to be on private properties, as these take up the largest share of land in urban areas, and this is where the greatest potential exists from a mitigation perspective.

50

Transformation in Practice In some European contexts, this happens in a highly regulatory way. For example, in the Swiss canton of Zurich, where environmental planning for private property and thus practically the entire open space design, long-term care and maintenance is subject to building law (Canton of Zurich, 2022). Other cities and regions rely on the conceptual integration of small-scale measures for private property in overarching transformation planning, but act not so much through regulation as through new agreements between public and private actors. In its plan for a climate-adapted infrastructure in the field of rainwater management, for example, the Polish city of Gdansk actually puts the development of private green spaces at the forefront of the transformation process. The establishment of numerous so-called rain gardens on private properties, supported by advisory services and subsidies, forms the preparatory basis for the longterm total reconstruction of the surface water management of the entire city, which will extend over several decades. The initial focus here is on measures to increase infiltration and storage. In the long term, a closer coupling of this isolated small-scale infrastructure with the subsequent higher-level pipe network is possible, so that retained precipitation could be activated, for example, for irrigation of green elements to bridge dry periods (Kasprzyk et al., 2022). Even if the framework of measures in the relatively small city of Saarlouis in western Germany is rather modest compared to the large metropolises, the fairly simple approach taken deserves a special mention: in this case, a now widespread state support programme for planting trees on private properties is linked to strategic, spatial-structural conditions. The costs for the trees are then fully covered if they are planted in the area between the building structure and the street on private land. This not only progressively establishes a green corridor shading the street spaces along traffic areas. As a positive collateral eff­ect, sizeable areas of Saarlouis, mostly previously used as temporary parking lots, are unsealed and thus reclaimed as valuable areas for rainwater management (Municipality of Saarlouis, 2022). In this way, a clever combination of a superordinate structure- building approach and private initiative results in a transformation process in which the city figuratively “replants” itself and “grows from within” continuously. This strategy appears to be beneficial for all actors from both a community and an individual perspective. It is therefore important to develop new models of equilibrium between stakeholders and society for the forthcoming transformation, and to involve as large a group of private individuals or numbers of individually acting subjects as possible in the process. These projects show that this can be done not only through financial support or coercion, but also, for example, in a less intrusive way – through encouragement, planning support or risk protection combined with clever conditions for connecting the individual mea­ sures to the overarching strategy. The procedure should be unconditionally flanked by investment and compensation funds to be set up as part of the transformation process. This is an important element and an instrument which makes it possible to compensate, promote and encourage those

Amann, Wolfgang; Storch, Alexander & Schieder, Wolfgang (2020). Definition und Messung der thermisch-energetischen Sanierungsrate in Österreich. Vienna: IIBW – Institut für Immobilien, Bauen und Wohnen; Umweltbundesamt [Environment Agency Austria]. APUR (Atelier Parisien d’Urbanisme) (2012). L‘espace public parisien: nouvelles practiques, nouveaux usages [Parisian public space: new practices, new uses]. Paris: www.apur.org APUR (Atelier Parisien d’Urbanisme) (2020). Espaces publics à végétaliser à Paris: Étude Exploratoire [Public spaces to be greened in Paris: An exploratory study]. Paris: www. apur.org Brasche, Julia (2019). Kommunale Klimapolitik: Handlungsspielräume in komplexen Strukturen [Climate Policy at municipal level in Germany: Scope of action in complex structures] (PhD thesis). Munich: TUM. https://mediatum.ub.tum.de/?id=1452980 [Accessed: March 21, 2023]. Canton of Zurich (2022). Speeding up urban green transformation through integrating environmental issues into legal building permission processes (Presentation by Gregory Gräminger, Building Direction of Canton of Zurich, 11 November, 2022). Not publicly accessible. Hofmeister, Sabine & Kanning, Helga (2021). Raumwissen für die große Transformation [Spatial Knowledge for the Great Transformation]. In Hofmeister, Sabine; Warner, Barbara & Ott, Zora (Eds.), Nachhaltige Raumentwicklung für die große Transformation: Herausforderungen, Barrieren und Perspektiven für Raumwissenschaften und Raumplanung. Forschungsberichte der ARL 15 [Sustainable spatial development for the great transformation: Challenges, barriers and perspectives for spatial sciences and spatial planning. Scientific Reports ARL 15]

(pp. 190–213). Hannover: ARL. https:// nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0156-1010129 [Accessed: 21 March, 2023]. Höpfl, Lisa; Pilla, Divya; Köhl, Florian; Burkhard, Christian; Lienhard, Julian & Ludwig, Ferdinand (2022). TREE-FAÇADES Integrating trees in the building envelope as a new form of façade greening. In Scalisi, Francesca; Sposito, Cesare & De Giovanni, Guiseppe. On sustainable built environment: Between connections and greenery (pp. 192–213). Palermo: Palermo University Press. https://doi.org/10.19229/978-88-5509-4467/7112022 Jensen, Jens; Fratini, Chiara & Cashmore, Matthew (2015). Matters of Concern: The Role of Urban Governance in the Transition of the Wastewater System in Denmark. Journal of Environmental Policy and Planning, 18(2), 234–252. Kasprzyk, Magda; Szpakowski, Wojciech; Poznańska, Eliza; Boogaard, Floris; Bobkowska, Katarzyna & Gajewska, Magdalena (2022). Technical solutions and benefits of introducing rain gardens: Gdańsk case study. Science of The Total Environment, 835. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.scitotenv.2022. 155487 [Accessed: 21 March, 2023]. Kraft, Christian & Schmidiger, Markus (2020, March 9). Nachverdichtung: 4 Megatrends und deren Auswirkungen auf die Siedlungsentwicklung [Redensification: Four megatrends and their effect on urban settlements development]. https://hub.hslu.ch/ immobilienblog/2020/03/09/ nachverdichtung-4-megatrends-und-deren-auswirkungen-auf-die-siedlungsentwicklung/ [Accessed: 7 February, 2023]. Madsen, Stine; Miörner, Johan & Hansen, Teis (2022). Axes of contestation in sustainability transitions. Environmental Innovation and Societal Transitions, 45. 246–269. https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.eist.2022.11.001 [Accessed: 21 March, 2023].

51

who would otherwise emerge as losers from the jointly supported and politically sanctioned overall process. In addition, such funding enables continuous implementation of the transformation plan, which comprises numerous different sub-measures, by permitting the provision of strategic upfront investment – of temporal and other resources as well as fiscal – and hedging the associated litigation risks. These must be considered, for example, in the form of replacement buildings or redundancy infrastructures wherever the continuous and seamless operation of infrastructures must be ensured. However, the most important factor for generating and securing numerous individual measures is the timely inclusion and participation, in the sense of a trialogue, of all actors involved in shaping the transformation and implementing it in the spatial area in question. Within the framework of the resulting transformation agreements, in a counter-current exchange, thousands of individual green deals can be turned into the supporting and decisive engine of the transformation, within the framework of an overarching green deal for the city region.

52

Michaeli, Mark; Ehrhardt, Denise; Miosga, Manfred & Boß, Daniela (2020). Alltagsversorgung im ländlichen Raum: Stadt und Land Partnerschaften [Everyday Care in Rural Areas: Urban-Rural Partnerships Project]. Munich: TUM. Michaeli, Mark & Häupl, Nadja (2014). Made in ... Studierende und Städte entwickeln gemeinsam [Made in ... students and cites join forces for development], In Below, Sally & Schmidt, Rainer (Eds.), Auf dem Weg zur Stadt als Campus (pp. 50–61). Berlin: Jovis. Michaeli, Mark; Kiehlbrei, Nina; Westner, Andy; de Vries, Walter; Büchs, Sebastian & Magel, Holger (2016). Die Rolle der ILE in der räumlichen Entwicklung [The role of Integrated Rural Development in Spatial Development]. Munich: TUM. Miörner, Johan; Binz, Christian & Fünfschilling, Lea (2021). Understanding transformation patterns in different socio-technical systems: A scheme of analysis. Geography of Innovation and Sustainability Transition (GEIST) Working Paper Series, 11. https:// geist-wp.com/ [Accessed: 10 March, 2023]. Municipality of Saarlouis (2022). Projekt “Hausbäume für Saarlouis” startet [Project “Domestic Trees for Saarlouis” launched]. https://www.saarlouis.de/rathaus/ aktuelles/allgemein/projekt-hausbaume-fur-saarlouis-startet/?lang=de [Accessed 10 March, 2023]. United Nations (2015). Transforming our world: The 2030 agenda for sustainable development (Resolution A/RES/70/1 adopted by the General Assembly on 25 September, 2015). https://sdgs.un.org/sites/default/ files/publications/21252030%20Agenda%20 for%20Sustainable%20Development%20 web.pdf [Accessed: 21 March, 2023]. Weiß, Julika & Dunkelberg, Elisa (2010). Erschließbare Energieeinsparpotenziale im Ein- und Zweifamilienhausbestand. Berlin: Institut für ökologische Wirtschaftsforschung. Well, Friederike & Ludwig, Ferdinand (2022). Integrated Planning and Implementation of a Blue-Green Architecture Project by Applying a Design-Build Teaching Approach. Land 11(5), 762. https://doi. org/10.3390/land11050762 [Accessed: 21 March, 2023]. Werbeloff, Lara; Brown, Rebekah & Loorbach, Derk (2016). Pathways of System Transformation: Strategic agency to support regime change. Environmental Science & Policy 66, 119–128. https://doi.org/10.1016/ j.envsci.2016.08.010 [Accessed: 21 March, 2023]. Wild, Jürgen (1974). Grundlagen der Unter­ nehmensplanung. Hamburg: Rohwolt.

The Polykatoikia: An Osmosis of Public and Private Spaces

Richard Woditsch and Mark Kammerbauer

The polykatoikia and its Greek urban context are the product of a process of co-evolution that reflects a constellation of economic, legal and social preconditions that are partial to a culturally specific mode of modernization. If the polykatoikia and its urban context are so specific and unique, one might ask the legitimate question of how its study can contribute to other cases of (European) cities and urban development. A reading of this building type reveals three principal characteristics. They relate to the polykatoikia as a building type, as an urban phenomenon and as a spatial integrator. Firstly, the polykatoikia has proven that it can host a diverse set of functions within a common structure (micro-scale, mixed-use). Secondly, the polykatoikia defines the entire cityscape of Athens through a form of “copy-paste” reproduction from the city’s centre to its periphery (copy-paste urbanism). Thirdly, the polykatoikia demonstrates how public and private spaces merge into an osmotic sphere through the interaction of a specific set of rules, resulting in a culturally specific interface connecting the space of the city and the space of the building (osmotic sphere). Micro-Scale Mixed-Use A defining aspect of the polykatoikia as a building type is the fact that it was originally intended for housing. At the same time, however, it offered room for a diverse set of functions. It was created with a clear separation of functions in mind, echoing the core intent of Modernist planning but, eventually, it became both an instrument and a stage for mixing uses on the small scale of the individual building. On the upper floors and sometimes in the staircases, public or semi-public functions, such as language schools, offices, print shops, etc., can be found. This functional mix does not obscure the fact that the original purpose of the polykatoikia was the provision of dwelling space for families as an answer to the housing crisis; instead this fact is emphasised by the observation that the vertical extension of various “additions,” or the stacking of different functions and apartments, is hardly the result of an architectural design. Neither is the mix of different socio-economic groups within an individual building the outcome of a purposeful process. At first, the social structures of the polykatoikia were homogeneous, but from the mid-1970s onward, these social structures changed rapidly (Theocharopoulou, 1999, p. 69). Originally intended as housing for

1 View across the urbanised Attica basin towards Mount Penteli to the north of Athens. Photo by Richard Woditsch.

2 Roofscape and shaded street. Densely-built urban fabric of polykatoikias. Photo by Richard Woditsch.

3 Typical polykatoikia comprising ground floor shops, balconies and awnings. Photo by Richard Woditsch.

4 Entrance area, building Kaningos 28 in Exarcheia, constructed in 1959. Photo by Richard Woditsch.

Copy-Paste Urbanism As an urban phenomenon, the polykatoikia can, without a doubt, be understood as a Greek interpretation of Le Corbusier’s Maison Dom-Ino. In this regard it is the core element of the modern urban development of Greece. It refers to a culturally specific interrelation between urban planning and architecture, which in return is identified as a significant reason for the success of the polykatoikia (Colenbrander, 1999, p. 33). The result is a comprehensive transformation of the Greek landscape through a form of urbanism that is best described by the term “copy-paste.” Again and again, identical structural patterns consisting of prefabricated (reinforced) concrete elements are spread across the landscape in an additive and endless manner. The foundation for the constant repetition of this basic form is a process of urban development that is fuelled by private business (Aesopos and Simeoforidis, 1999, p. 115). With the polykatoikia as its smallest common denominator, this process was often enough enabled by the near-absence of formal planning and institutional organisation. In this regard, the polykatoikia has very little to do with the top-down master planning of formal (yet non-participatory) spatial urban development concepts and related planning procedures. However, the polykatoikia did indeed offer a pragmatic, quasi bottom-up answer to the urgent housing crisis of a country that was undergoing a constant process of modernisation. As a flexible model for the development of cities and through its repetitive application, the polykatoikia contributed to a persistent process of urban transformation: from minimum to maximum, from the small scale of an individual element to the large scale of the entire city. This phenomenon contributed to a highly specific, highly efficient, yet also highly problematic mode of urban development due to its genesis having been dominated by market actors and due to the resulting near-shapeless homogeneity of the cityscape. The city is transformed into a continuous sea of white cubes. The Osmotic Sphere Greek authorities experienced enormous pressure due to the problems faced in the context of the housing crisis. In other words, because of the acute housing emergency, those involved in the construction of the polykatoikia could hardly have cared less about architectural design or the relevance of public space. The latter was, eventually, simply residual space or an epiphenomenon of the production of private space. As a result, the ground floor – likely the largest continuous area of the building – merges with the public space of the city. While this osmotic sphere is still a part of

59

a specific socio-economic group, the polykatoikia eventually became a place where different groups lived together under one roof, leading to the emergence of a vertically-differentiated social hierarchy where, simply put, the poor lived below and the rich above – at least in relation to the scale of the individual building. The building type and its grid comprise no more and no less than a frame, within which surprising and unpredictable uses and changes of use become possible. Particular social structures contribute to particular functions and, in return, particular functions also contribute to particular social structures.

60

the building, its public use makes it an extension of the city within the structure of the building. The entrance does not simply show visitors and residents the way to the upper floors. Through the entrance, the city itself actually flows into the building. The upper floors are accessed from the street level through the entrance and the staircase by nothing less than (what appears to be) a continuous public street. The genesis of the osmotic sphere can be retraced according to three rules that are defined by their general application throughout any kind of architecture: one, the spatial-physical frame; two, the possible demarcations the frame facilitates; and three, the combined application of the first two rules by the user. The first rule relates to the spatial-physical frame. It defines both the spatial configuration of the building itself and how it fits within the context of the city. It is shaped by the field of tension between characteristics that are described as “global” and those that are “local.” Is a space or an area located on the ground floor (global) or on the upper floors (local)? Along the street facade (global) or deep within the interior of the building (local)? Along or within the staircase (global) or towards the end of a corridor (local)? In the city centre (global) or along the periphery (local)? At an intersection (global) or along a back alley (local)? The spatial configurations also contribute to the formation of a hierarchy. The second rule relates to the demarcations that are possible within the spatial configuration. How are borders defined between individual spaces within the building or between the building and the city? This is decisive for any kind of movement towards a partic­ ular space and within that space. How a space is approached, how it is entered, and how movement within it takes place is the result of the existing openings within walls and the visual and spatial connections those openings make possible. The facade is a prime example: it can have a closed appearance, such as in the case of facades with individual windows; or it can also have an open appearance, for instance if balconies are oriented towards the street. The third rule relates to the combined application of the first two rules by the user. In a very pronounced way, this rule depends on social processes and their related (spatial) patterns. The transition from one space to the next and the related spatial configuration within a building is the basis for any possible functions taking place within the building. It is the user, and the user alone, who translates the osmosis of public and private domains into practice within the combined application of the rule of spatial configuration and the rule of related demarcations (Hillier & Hanson, 1984). Conclusion The polykatoikia demonstrates an astounding diversity of functions and spatial arrangements. Its nearly 100 years of co-existence with the Greek city and its osmosis of private and public domains in a very urban context are key to understanding its success as an urban building block. Within its seemingly random recombination and succession of various functions, the polykatoikia is the embodiment of the diversity and the rhythm of an urban development dominated by capitalist forces. In this regard, and despite its originally monofunctional programme, it can also be understood as a model that reacts to the different structures, processes and needs of an urban

61

community. The translation of the principle of the Maison Dom-Ino into the Greek context in the form of a multiresidential building comprises the generic idea of the polykatoikia. As a direct result, every new instance and implementation of this idea equals a continuous reinterpretation of the polykatoikia itself. And, as the cityscape of Athens demonstrates, it does so in an extremely successful way, even eclipsing the success of (socialist) slab housing construction. The polykatoikia adapts to and enables adaptation to processes of urban change in spatial, social and functional terms. Its emphatic importance for Greek urban communities is exemplified by the osmosis of public and private spaces within the polykatoikia. As the stage and backdrop for spatial and social practice, this building type becomes an integral part of the community that inhabits and visits and uses it. The interrelations between public and private within and along the polykatoikia influence and shape each other to a large degree. Here, the differences between the domains of public and private are characterised rather by shades or gradients, and not as much by strict separation. Private and public spaces become a continuum. Within it, many semi-public and semiprivate areas take place and find room. The appropriation of the polykatoikia by its users demonstrates their self-determination in light of the type’s originally generic spatial logic. Perhaps this can be understood as an aspect of the classically democratic culture of Greece. The key to unlock the polykatoikia is to read it as a culturally specific example of the sum of its three principal characteristics: the functional mix it houses, its reproduction on the urban scale and its spatial integration of public and private domains. The polykatoikia achieves vitality, diversity and adaptability: essential factors for any city subject to change. Unfortunately, this outstanding building type is losing its importance as a building block of the urban space of Athens and of other Greek cities, a trend that began with the onset of the economic crisis of 2008. The characteristic ground floor of the polykatoikia, and with it, the strength and relevance of this multifunctional white cube, is decreasing both in terms of quantity and relevance. The reasons are changes within the social processes that are fundamental to the establishment of the osmotic sphere itself, as well as the related specific spatial configurations of the polykatoikia within the Greek city. We can therefore conclude that the revival of the polykatoikia as a stage for urban life is strongly connected to economic growth, the political situation and creative will of the users. The polykatoikia has hardly changed since its first appearance at the beginning of the last century. In 1978 Philippides stated that this apartment house was so tightly knit with contemporary Greek life as to become an integral part of urban society, both reflecting and shaping its social organisation (Philippides, 1978, pp. 103–104). It might very well be that a priceless cultural concept slumbers in this city and the landscape of Athens; a concept based on the polykatoikia, an as yet undiscovered intellectual programme that needs only to be unfurled and successfully applied in the wake of the post-modern era.

This text was first published as: Woditsch, Richard & Kammerbauer, Mark (2018). Reading the polykatoikia. In Woditsch, Richard. The public private house: Modern Athens and its polykatoikia (pp. 239–249). Zurich: Park Books. The authors have made minor changes and added an additional paragraph to the end of the original text.

62

Aesopos, Yannis & Simeoforidis, Yorgos (Eds.), (1999). Landscape of modernisation: Greek architecture 1960s and 1990s (p. 115). Athens: Metapolis Press. Colenbrander, Bernard (1999). The Greek experience. In Aesopos, Yannis & Simeoforidis, Yorgos (Eds.), Landscape of modernisation: Greek Architecture, 1960s and 1990s (p. 33). Athens: Metapolis Press. Hillier, Bill & Hanson, Julienne (1984). The social logic of space. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Philippides, Dimitri (1978). Apartment houses and life in modern Greece. Architecture in Greece, Annual Review, 12, 103–104. Theocharopoulou, Ioanna (1999). The housewife, the builder and the desire for a polykatoikia apartment in postwar Athens. In Heynen, Hilde & Baydar, Gülsüm (Eds.), Negotiating domesticity: Spatial productions of gender in modern architecture (p. 69). Abingdon: Routledge.

Catalyst of Urban ­Transformation: The “Inner-Urban Landscapes” ­Concept

Tasos Roidis

Introduction During the 20th century, European cities underwent processes of densification and saturation. In the 21st century, there is an ongoing emphasis on urban regeneration processes, which often take the form of interventions in public space and the urban landscape. As the last free spatial resource available to the city, these types of interventions vary in form and character – often focusing on climate adaptation, pedestrianisation of central areas and the introduction of new mobility systems. However, these processes are sometimes fragmented in nature, targeting areas with urban characteristics that are linked to tourist development or purely recreational activi­ ties. It is therefore important to look at the city as an entity in order to promote improved urban spaces that appeal to the majority of citizens and enhance their daily lives in the urban environment (Madanipour et al., 2014). The concept of Inner-urban Landscapes seeks to highlight the need for a holistic approach to the urban realm of the city and addresses the importance of focusing not only on the specific, but also – and most importantly – on the generic parts of a city, considering its publicly used spaces as its common-place. Using Athens as a paradigm, the article attempts to explore and analyse aspects of its Inner-urban Landscapes that need to be considered if we aspire to more sustainable urban futures. The Concept of Inner-Urban Landscapes How is public and private space being negotiated nowadays? In what way can we re-conceive, reconnect and repair urban territories? How do we explore and profit from new potentials? Who are the stakeholders that actively contribute to and in urban regeneration processes? How can we best profit from urban voids, in order to promote urban renewal? There seems to be a mismatch between the traditional definition of public space and the places where public life actually takes place, which extend far beyond the public realm into the private sphere. The architectural thinker and theorist Yorgos Simeoforidis (1996), in his text “Landscapes of the Familiar”, describes an office building in Athens as “a fluid public space that creates an inner landscape [...] that acts as a filter between the elements [...] in whose volume all the common spaces are located”. Extrapolating this concept to

64

1

urban space, we can think of this description as the mere function of public space, as a constantly changing scheme and subject to permanent negotiation. We can argue that the urban space that attracts public life is also a fluid space in itself, functioning within conforming and geometrically defined boundaries that are, however, in a constant flux of uses and user groups, resulting in shifting ways of shaping and transforming the public space. It is soon evident that public life extends far beyond the defined boundaries of public space. In order to describe this phenomenon and grasp its extent, we need to find a definition of space that adequately describes and includes these aspects: a fluid urban landscape that includes most of the inner-city parts that are respon­ s­ible for the public life that takes place in them and the quality they offer, or an Inner-urban Landscape. Among the many definitions and derivatives of the word “landscape” (Stirlgoe, 2015), we can understand the term in this context as the assemblage of natural elements and human-made structures that come together to form environments characterised by a degree of continuity and order within urban contexts. This is achieved by the elements and structures relating to each other in physical ways, creating and also incorporating interstitial spaces. The definition of the Inner-urban Landscape is a heuristic device, an open concept rather than a fixed term, which helps us recognise the material and immaterial dimensions that urban regeneration processes face today. The Inner-urban Landscape is not (only) public space as we traditionally tend to define it. Rather, it is the sequence of public places – streets, squares, parks, etc. – accompanied by a series of public-facing private spaces, which generate public life, attracting and stimulating activities of various kinds: economic, political and social. These processes take place not only at the material or spatial-structural level but also have an impact on the socio-economic structure of the areas undergoing regeneration and on the built environment. Manuel Castells emphasises that spatial transformation can only be understood within a broader context of social transformation as space is a fundamental element in the process of social organisation and change (Castells, 2004). The aim of this heuristic tool is therefore to work in both a material-spatial and a social continuity, depending on the processes we study, as they are intertwined. At the Technical University of Munich, Chair of Sustainable Urbanism, we have been researching and teaching on the concept of Inner-urban Landscapes and their catalytic function for urban transformation processes since 2019 (Chair of Sustainable Urbanism, 2023). We have been engaging students in reading and writing about these processes, and designing change at a strategic level (design studios: Urban Palimpsest Athens, 2019–20; High-Speed Birmingham, 2018–19). We have also been debating current issues with young and established researchers and scholars at an academic level (Transformation of Inner-urban Landscapes, Round Table, December 2021, Athens’ Futures, workshop and public event, 2022). Finally, we have been in contact with local authorities and the administration, in order to map the current needs of the city and establish a network of future action in Athens, with the goal of educating, researching and orienting practice towards positive urban scenarios.

65 PUBLIC SPACE

PRIVATELY OWNED PUBLIC SPACE

INNER-URBAN LANDSCAPE

PRIVATE SPACE

1 Inner-urban Landscape as a “soft / flexible” space at the interface of public, private and semi-public spaces. Graph by the author. Adapted from: Mark Michaeli, unpublished lecture, TUM, 2018.

2, 3

Shaping Inner-Urban Landscapes The physical and social environments within a city or urban area are shaped by each other in a symbiotic process. We can argue that spaces of publicness can be found both in public spaces and in publicly accessible spaces such as shops, cafés, offices, stadiums, music halls, petrol stations or car parks. The degree of control over these spaces varies according to the typology or intensity of use of such places and the people for whom they are intended. Since parts of the Inner-urban Landscape are also privately controlled, it is in a constant state of change and adaptation, beyond the direct influence of the state or the city administration alone. Access to Inner-urban Landscapes is largely determined by economic processes and considerations, as they are often privately-owned spaces, with a greater intensity of use at ground level. Extensive research has been conducted to develop an understanding of streetscape elements as socio-material elements or ground level interfaces. Combining several of these perspectives, we soon notice that the ground level hosts most of the social inter­ actions in the city (Scheerlinck & Schreurs, chapter in this book; Gehl, 2008; Zoller, 2016). Beyond the two-dimensional perception of public space, Inner-urban Landscapes include the multi-layered strata of the city as a territory of potential intervention. We need to consider the underground levels and the usually invisible layers of the city, such as water streams, communication networks, mobility and other infrastructures, and even the structures of antiquity, as an underlying capital, but also as a potential for urban

66

2 , 3 Street level uses and ‘hidden’ areas of publicness in Athens, 2022.

Following pages 4 Gretta Louw “The Commons” - a poster exhibition from 2020 on billboards in Munich and on Instagram. Photo by Tasos Roidis, 2020.

4

The Potential of Inner-Urban Landscapes, and the Paradigm of Athens Inner-urban Landscapes not only incorporate outdoor activities but also spatial sequences of indoor and outdoor spaces that facilitate the everyday routines of citizens. Inner-urban Landscapes can therefore act as catalysts for urban change within the multiple levels of public space and spaces of publicness. Focusing on Athens, the city encompasses a remarkably continuous historical span, consisting of periods of prosperity and crisis, rapid growth and fundamental social upheaval. These past and present changes can be observed within this dense urban fabric. Having undergone massive processes of densification, especially in the second half of the 20th century, it is now a dense conglomerate of many layers that have

67

regeneration. Ground level uses are not the only aspect of urban landscapes, as there are buildings whose spatial arrangements also reflect the degree of activity between them: the typologies and predominant uses of buildings that shape the urban environment play a significant role in the way publicness is expressed at street level. For example, a busy but almost monofunctional commercial or business area during the day might be deserted at night if the uses are not mixed in such a way as to allow for continuous activity around the clock. This, in turn, can impact on issues such as safety, accessibility and services, creating disruptions in the continuity of public life in the Inner-urban Landscape. Beyond the material world, the digital world has expanded and transformed the ways in which publicness is created and enacted in the contemporary urban landscape. Our everyday lives are connected to both digitally supported and other mediated forms of public­ ness, such as advertisements, books, graffiti, as well as forms of publicness realised through direct physical interaction (Dragonas, chapter in this book). In everyday situations, the digital and physi­ cal worlds are intertwined. Interestingly, digital connection usually means a spatial separation – it refers to a non-place or remote place (Drucker & Gumpert, 2012). Nowadays, popular mobilisations of citizens often happen through digital online media, especially among younger generations. This can then be followed by mobili­ sations in the public space, as in the “Fridays for Future” movement, initiated by Greta Thunberg, which spread among student groups in Sweden and Germany and later became a global phenomenon in many cities, mainly through the organisation of these groups on the internet. As the coupling of the physical and digital worlds takes on new forms, the cohesion and interplay between urban elements and the digital world is more important than ever. As urban space becomes scarcer and its uses more competitive, it must also respond efficiently to an ever-increasing number of urgencies, covering all three dimensions of sustainable development laid out in the UN 2030 Agenda: economic, social and environmental (United Nations, 2015). The growing attractiveness of cities in recent decades could offer enormous potential for urban regeneration, renewal and, ultimately, more sustainable development of settlement structures by tapping into semantic potentials and urban patterns (Alexander et al., 1977), developing them into prototypes for the future of cities and their Inner-urban Landscapes.

5

6

, 6 Vegetation and natural elements in the Athenian urban fabric, 2022. 5 7 Regeneration and integration of green and blue systems in the existing urban fabric of Athens’ northern suburbs. Master's Thesis 2021–2022, Chair of Sustainable Urbanism TUM, © Spyros Koulouris – Supervisors: Mark Michaeli, Tasos Roidis. 8 Model of vacant areas with potential for interventions and programmatic adjustments, Urban Palimpsest Athens Design Studio, TUM, WiSe 2019–2020. Project by P. Sel, M. Attar and T. Riemer.

7

8

been piled on top of each other since antiquity, shaping the urban landscape as we know it today. Looking to the future of the city, we need to explore the underlying potential of the Inner-urban Landscape if we want to transform it into a more sustainable urban habitat. In order to exploit these opportunities, planners need to grasp their different dimensions, focusing on the aspects that are critical for change in the respective urban environments. Inner-urban Landscapes can function as catalysts for sustainable urban transformation in a multitude of ways.

5, 6

72

7

Green transformation for more vital urban landscapes: Urban climate adaptability is a key element of resilience. In the face of severe climatic conditions such as heatwaves, flash floods and droughts, much of the discussion and action on transformation processes will have to focus on the ecological adaptability of urban areas. To explore the potential for climate-adapted urban regeneration, we must first examine the natural capital of the city: topography, water elements, small and large urban forests, air circulation and general climatic conditions need to be taken into account to promote new urban climate action plans. We therefore need to identify and map high-risk areas and prepare them as best as we can for such events. The re-design of public spaces should consider multifunctional use and adaptability to new weather conditions. For example, spaces that can be used as recreational or sports areas under normal conditions could be used as water retention basins or cooling areas for the summer in the event of a flash flood, such as the re-design of Levy Park in Houston (Mertens, 2022). More than 80 % of Athens’ surface area is sealed from water (Bargianni & Papazoglou, this volume), posing an immediate threat of flash flooding. Athens also has untapped underground capital that could have a positive impact on the sustainable transformation of the city: underground streams are ubiquitous but invisible and can be used as new green corridors. Following the streams can lead us to new solutions, creating secondary networks for new urban spaces with intensified vegetation (as plant roots can easily reach the underground water), while the streets above could be dedicated exclusively to pedestrians and cyclists, or to slow traffic, shared mobility and deliveries, encouraging citizens to use the public transport and non-motorised infrastructure. The city’s main transport axes could remain unimpeded. Furthermore, water management principles, such as rainwater harvesting, treatment and re-use of grey and brown water, need to be thoroughly investigated and implemented at different scales: from the metropolitan scale (streams and rivers) to the block scale (water collection and re-use). Defragmentation of Inner-urban Landscapes and the potential of voids: Urban streams and water elements can help us trace the connections of the city at the subterranean level and project them at the street level. In addition to tracing these connections, we need to strengthen connections in urban areas that are fragmented or cut off from others by multiple barriers or voids. Voids, in particular, could take several forms: voids of use – under-used spaces, unbuilt plots, unoccupied or abandoned buildings, rest spaces (Rummel, 2019). Such undefined spaces could play a catalytic role in creating

9, 10

11, 12

new uses in a neighbourhood, as they can allow flexibility for new or temporary uses. Mapping the missing links and gaps of a wider network of uses can lead us to innovative solutions for reading urban space and towards a defragmentation of such spaces. Defragmentation also refers to the linking and re-integration of related areas that may be separated by physical barriers, obstacles and under-utilised land, social or economic divisions or cultural differences. Inner-urban Landscapes can play an important role in promoting the defragmentation of urban space by facilitating a greater sense of connectedness and cohesion within the city or urban area. This process should start with a careful examination of coherent areas and the boundaries that often cause the fragmen­ tation of urban space, taking advantage of voids and creating new potential for urban regeneration. Larger territories that could be unified should be identified in order to exploit the potential of merging them, thus creating more organised areas and flexible zones of use, strengthening the logic of the 15-minute city. Recently, local authorities have been taking advantage of such under-utilised areas to increase the amount of green space available in the city in the form of pocket parks. Pocket parks could play a very important role for neighbourhoods, not only as additional elements of vegetation (a few trees fit comfortably into plots of usually less than 500 square metres), but mainly because they can play an important role in the missing – and rather informal – uses that many designed public spaces cannot provide. One such example is the Greek Alana, a term used during the 20th century to describe unbuilt plots or urban niches, usually covered only with soil and gravel, where the children of the neighbourhood would meet and play (Kairofylas, 2014). Such places have gradually disappeared from the Greek city through densification. Pocket parks should hence be strategically placed in a wider network of open spaces, able to link functions, host spontaneous uses, have a socially inclusive character for the neighbourhood, and also offer climate adaptability in the small-scale Inner-urban Landscapes. The introduction of unprogrammed open spaces that allow multifunctional and easily adaptable uses is a resource that the city urgently needs. Control of space and reflection of the many private spaces on public space: Spaces of publicness, being partly public and partly private, are usually controlled by different actors. The boundaries between public and private spaces are thus often invisible, with the control of private activity extending – officially or unofficially – into outdoor public space, usually directly in front of the assumed activity. Habraken’s theory of “territorial depth” highlights the difference between territory and public/private space depending on the perception of the viewer/user (Habraken, 1998). If we draw a clear line around “real” public space – in this case, the space owned by the city – we can see that the territorial claim of private use extends far beyond public space, where the interests of multiple stakeholders often merge or collide. Moreover, the needs of new user groups, such as an ever-growing mass of tourists, digital nomads and other visitors, are subsequently reflected in public space and influence the design of the Inner-urban Landscape. Mapping and monitoring the uses of Inner-urban Landscapes is important if we want to

73

8

9 10 11

9, 10 Fragmentation and accumulation of elements in the urban space, 2020. 11 Pocket Park in Kolonos, Athens, 2020. 12 Pocket Park at Alexandras Avenue, Athens, 2022. 13 “Schanigarten” in Munich, or the extension of privately run businesses into the public realm, 2020.

12

13

13

76

14

respond to the needs of the various stakeholders without excluding existing user groups, and thus induce a sense of commons in these areas. Inner-urban Landscapes are expressed in public spaces as the sum of many private entities operating in these domains, which are both privately and publicly controlled. One example of the generation of new informal spaces of publicness is the Summer-streets pilot programme (Sommerstraßen), initiated by the city of Munich after the pandemic restrictions. These are now an integral part of alternative forms of use in public space. Together with parklets and pub gardens (Schanigärten), streets are transformed into new recreational areas for consumption-free encounters, play and exercise close to home. The Schanigarten (Bernstein & Kotteder, 2020) is the temporary and seasonal extension of the outdoor spaces of restaurants and bars, which occupy parking spaces directly in front of their businesses, creating an extension of them on public pro­perty. This could be described as a formalised solution to an invisible appropriation, resulting in a lively use of street level. Another example is the typology of the Greek stoa, a building passage which is usually controlled by many private actors forming a unit that is publicly accessed but entirely privately controlled. Focusing on the generic city: The “accidentally resilient” model of the polykatoikia as a social construct that shaped the Greek city in the second-half of the 20th century (Maloutas & Karadimitriou, 2001; O’Sullivan, 2020; Woditsch, 2018) only partially reflects its success in the public realm. As already discussed, the ground level, despite its intensive use, promotes publicness through diversity and intensity of use that both fosters public uses and induces economic activity. What Richard Woditsch describes in this volume as the osmosis of the private and the public is both a virtue and a curse for the functionality of many parts of the Greek city: the typology of the polykatoikia reflects the lack of parking within the structure, the relatively high percentage of plot coverage (which leaves little space at the rear of the plot for significant use) and the fragmen­ tation of ownership. Unplanned uses or clearly defined functions of public space have led to an arbitrary use of the urban landscape in Athens. This, together with the lack of supporting mobility infrastructures during the development and expansion of the city, has resulted in a car-centric city to this day. This micro-ownership in the urban block (Oikonomou, 2016) creates a similar sense of ownership in the public space, giving the impression that the Inner-urban Landscape is the coagulation of many small individual private interests that meet on the terrain of the street level. It is in the generic city where the potential of Inner-urban Landscapes can be best realised, with its high density and scarcity of space, the place where “everyone” lives and which needs the most care. The repetitive urban block, together with the flexible typology of the polykatoikia in the Greek city, could allow a new way of thinking about the common urban space that shapes public life, through the identification of missing uses, the re-imagination of the street level and through better accessibility to major mobility nodes. The high density of many neighbourhoods in Athens is therefore a potential asset for future transformations based on the principle

Towards More Liveable Inner-Urban Landscapes The city is a coherent network of interdependent spaces with interrelated uses and interests that is constantly changing. Establishing new relationships, based on the conceptual approach of Innerurban Landscapes, could create new socio-material continuities and networks at different scales. In this sense, we need “a thousand small urban projects”, positioned in strategic places in the city in a network of projected interventions, to initiate change starting from the small, neighbourhood scale, which will be able to reach the wider urban-city scale through spin-off effects. At the same time, we also need a macro-scale, long-term strategic plan to guide us in achieving change with immediate impact at the smaller scale. The empowerment of private initiatives through investment, political support and intervention by city authorities should ensure well-functioning Inner-urban Landscapes that are managed by a wider strategic arrangement at the administrative level. We therefore need to approach planning as a dynamic process with multiple dimensions in order to establish guidelines for the positive future we wish to achieve – without, however, restricting ourselves to the fixed solutions that have been designed in recent decades, and also taking into account the factor of time as a basic parameter. Strategic planning can integrate concrete intentions that are crucial for the city’s quality of everyday life in the coming decades, and flexible space for the implementation of these guidelines over time. The City of Munich’s 2022 plans for 2040 succeed in demonstrating such intentions, indicating future city expansions, areas for further densification, green corridors, etc., but rightly avoids describing precise boundaries and projects on the plan, thus leaving room for future refinement through further negotiation processes. In Athens, the high density of many neighbourhoods can be made to work productively towards achieving such an approach, as the urban fabric also offers a wide variety of mixed uses, not only on ground level areas, but also on the upper levels of the polykatoikia units. Well-designed and well-functioning Inner-urban Landscapes can act as a catalyst for the surrounding area, strengthening economic and social activity and attracting new population and user groups (Rousanoglou, 2023). The risk of displacement and gentrification should not be underestimated, and the aspect of inclusion must be carefully considered when designing new spaces. The physical design of Inner-urban Landscapes should not necessarily have a uniform character across the city, but should have elements that are identifiable within the fabric and, most importantly, easy to maintain. We therefore need a sophisticated simplification of design in terms of usability to encourage change, to be able to create more shared urban spaces that are easy to maintain and whose materials are easy to re-use/re-purpose (Constantopoulos, 2012), but also to allow new flora and fauna to re-populate the city.

77

of the city of short distances. Urban transformation through new mobility systems (shared mobility, micro-mobility, etc.) can create space for new uses at ground level (City of Athens & Lever S.A., 2021). Finally, another challenge for the generic city will be to upgrade the existing building stock, focusing on energy efficiency, passive cooling and heating of buildings, and water management.

14 Generic urban tissue in Athens, 2020.

Alexander, Christopher; Ishikawa, Sara & Silverstein, Murray (1977) A Pattern Language: Towns, Buildings, Construction. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Bernstein, Isabel; Kotteder, Franz (2020) Freischankflächen: Oh, wie schön ist München, Süddeutsche Zeitung https://www.sueddeutsche.de/ muenchen/muenchen-schanigartenetymologie-1.4982456 [Accessed: 21 December, 2022]. Castells, Manuel (2004). Space of flows, space of places: Materials for a theory of urbanism in the information age. In LeGates, Richard & Stout, Frederic (Eds.). The City Reader (6th ed., pp. 231–240). London: Routledge. Chair of Sustainable Urbanism (2023). Athens- Inner-urban landscapes (Urban research and design project at TU Munich,2019–2023), https://www.arc. ed.tum.de/land/lehre/semesterarchiv/ ws-2021-22/international-urbandesign-studio/ [Accessed: March 24, 2023]. City of Athens (2017). Athens Resilience Strategy for 2030: Redefining the city. Athens: City of Athens (p. 103–105). https://resilientcitiesnetwork.org/ downloadable_resources/Network/ Athens-Resilience-Strategy-English.pdf [Accessed: 15 September, 2019].

City of Athens & Lever S.A. (2021). Σχέδιο Βιώσιμης Αστικής Κινητικότητας Δήμου Αθηναίων (ΣΒΑΚ) [Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan of the Municipality of Athens]. https://www.4troxoi.gr/wp-content/ uploads/2021/11/ATHENS-SBAK.pdf [Accessed: 3 January, 2023]. City of Munich, (2022) STEP 2040: Stadtentwicklungsplan 2040 – Entwurf. https://stadt.muenchen.de/infos/ stadtentwicklungsplan-2040.html [Accessed: 23 November, 2022]. Constantopoulos, Elias (2012). Re-use: a new urban consciousness. In Dragonas, Panos & Skiada, Anna (Eds.). Made in Athens [La Biennale di Venezia 2012, Greek Participation Exhibition Catalogue] (pp. 61–67). Athens: Ministry of Environment, Energy and Climate Change. Drucker, Susan & Gumpert, Gary (2012). The impact of digitalization on social interaction and public space. Open House International, 37(2), 92–99. Gehl, Jan (2008). Life between buildings: Using public space (6th ed.). Washington, DC: Island Press. Habraken, John N. (1998). The structure of the ordinary, (pp. 136-141). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Kairofylas, Giannis (2014) Αναμνήσεις ενός Αθηναίου [Memories of an Athenian]. Edited by Martzoukou Eleni. Athens: Kastaniotis.

79

Collaboration with local authorities who are responsible for decisionmaking in the city, and with experts from different academic backgrounds, needs to be intensified in order to shape the urban landscape in a functional, technical and sustainable way. The current fragmentation of governance into smaller sectors often does not allow for consistent and broader strategic planning. There is a need for inter-municipal cooperation to solve major pressing problems, following not a fixed, repetitive master plan in a one-size-fits-all logic, but a strategic, integrative vision of a more liveable future. For the Athens metropolitan area, a regional planning agency or a think-tank could play a coordinating, organising and monitoring role in this direction. It could cover a wide range of specialisations, involving sociologists, architects, hydrologists and legislators, among others, in order to productively grasp the complexity of the transformation processes, working at – but also beyond – the interface between architecture, urbanism and landscape architecture. Barcelona Regional is one such agency, which successfully cooperates with local authorities at the metropolitan level, defining plans and objectives at the larger scale, which are later implemented, even experimentally, at the small scale (Bohigas, Spanou & Kling, chapter in this book). Ultimately, quality of space means quality of life: creating doable visions for a better urban future has to be our goal – taking action in an informed way, without fear of failure. We should therefore focus on simple but radical transformations of Inner-urban Landscapes for future generations, asking ourselves what we will dedicate our free spaces to, and who will benefit from these new changes.

80

Languillon-Aussel, Raphaël (2021). Digitalization of public spaces: The great urban change? Articulo – Journal of Urban Research,  22|2021. https://doi.org/10.4000/ articulo.4859 [Accessed: 4 February, 2023].  Lefebvre, Henry (1991). The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Madanipour, Ali; Knierbein, Sabine & Degro, Aglaée (2014). A moment of transformation. In Madanipour, Ali; Knierbein, Sabine & Degro, Aglaée (Eds.). Public space and the challenges of urban transformation in Europe. New York, NY: Routledge. Maloutas, Thomas & Karadimitriou, Nikos (2001). Vertical social differentiation in Athens: Alternative or complement to community segregation? International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 25(4), 699–716. Mertens, Elke (2022). Resilient City: Landscape Architecture for Climate Change (pp. 107–114). Basel: Birkhäuser. Oikonomou, Maria (2016). The Greek Urban Block since the Establishment of the Greek State in 19th Century: A Chronicle about Morphology and Urban Form. In Hein, Carola (Ed.). International Planning History Society Proceedings (17th IPHS Conference, History-Urbanism-Resilience, TU Delft 17–21 July 2016, V.02, p. 413–422). Delft: TU Delft Open, https://journals.open.tudelft. nl/iphs/article/download/1250/1850/4334 [Accessed: 27 March, 2023]. O’Sullivan, Feargus (2020, July 15). Behind the Accidentally Resilient Design of Athens Apartments. Bloomberg, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/ features/2020-07-15/the-design-history-of-athens-iconic-apartments?srnd=storythread-QH14LDDWX2Q601 [Accessed: 20 November, 2020]. Porter, Michael (1995). The Competitive Advantage of the Inner City. Harvard Business Review, May–June 1995, https:// hbr.org/1995/05/the-competitive-advantage-of-the-inner-city [Accessed: 27 March, 2023]. Roidis, Anastasios; Kling, Norbert & Michaeli, Mark (2021). Inner-urban Landscapes: Athens – Munich [Seminar project]. Munich: TUM, https://www.arc.ed.tum.de/fileadmin/ w00cgv/land/_my_direct_uploads/IUL_ MAG01_Spr2021_WEB_S.pdf [Accessed: 27 March, 2020]. Rousanoglou, Nikos (2023, January 24) Οι αναπλάσεις φέρνουν υπεραξίες [Redevelopments generate surpluses] Ekathimerini. https://www.kathimerini.gr/ economy/562240339/oi-anaplaseisfernoyn-yperaxies/ [Accessed: 27 January, 2023]. Rummel, Dorothee (2019). Unbestimmte Räume in Städten: Der Wert des Restraums [Undetermined spaces in cities: The value of the rest space]. Karlsruhe: KIT Scientific Publishing. Scheerlinck, Kris; Schoonjans, Yves; Gantois, Gisèle & Van Damme, Hannes (2017). A narrative approach to collective spaces: Urban analysis and the empowerment of local voices. OASE 98, 63–72, https:// www.oasejournal.nl/en/Issues/98/ Anarrativeapproachtocollectivespaces#063 [Accessed: 27 March, 2020].

Simeoforidis, Yorgos (1996). Τοπία του Οικείου [Landscapes of the Familiar]. In Simeoforidis, Yorgos (2005). Διελεύσεις, Κείμενα για την αρχιτεκτονική και τη μετάπολη [Transitions: Texts on architecture and the metapolis] (pp. 257-263). Athens: Metapolis Press. Stirlgoe, John (2015). What is landscape? (pp. 6–14). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. United Nations (2015). Transforming our world: The 2030 agenda for sustainable development (Resolution A/RES/70/1 adopted by the General Assembly on 25 September, 2015). https://sdgs.un.org/sites/default/ files/publications/21252030%20Agenda%20 for%20Sustainable%20Development%20 web.pdf [Accessed: 21 March, 2023]. Woditsch, Richard (Ed.) (2018). The public private house: Modern Athens and its Polykatoikia. Zurich: Park Books. Zoller, Doris (2016). Schnittstelle Erdgeschoss: Wechselwirkungen zwischen Öffentlich und Privat [Ground Floor Interface: Interactions between Public and Private]. Münster: Monsenstein und Vannerdat.

Streetscape Essentials

Kris Scheerlinck and Gitte Schreurs

Streetscapes are important players in the social updating of the urban fabric and its multiple collective realms. Many of the city’s social encounters and interactions, its spatial appropriations and its territorial contestations happen at the level of the streetscape. These complex socio-spatial configurations of collective spaces, including interior spheres as well as outdoor areas, need to be constantly analysed, monitored and managed, as streetscapes are constantly changing and are repeatedly challenged by new multi-­ scalar processes of city-making. Intensifying waves of climate and health crisis only highlight the need to critically re-read the functioning of contemporary streetscapes. One of the main questions related to the analysis of street­ scapes remains: which are the “essential” elements in these urban landscapes: which elements – implicitly or explicitly – trigger social interaction? Which elements guarantee just and tolerant uses of streetscapes? We can also wonder which elements help us to organise – rather than divide or specialise – these landscapes? How to manage streetscapes without micro-managing them or applying excessive and patronising guidelines for their use and appropriation? Are there new ways in which citizens can relate to and appropriate these streetscapes? Which streetscape elements relate to collective memories? This article explores alternative ways of reading contemporary streetscapes in the case of New York, with reflections on other cases of placemaking processes. The Importance of Everyday Streetscapes Since the 1960s, when architects and urbanists were able to obtain perspective on the outcomes of modern principles in architecture and urban planning, the reading and making of streetscapes have become protagonists in discussions around urban development and urban renewal. As a reaction to CIAM (Congrés International de l’Architecture Moderne) ideas, where the concept of the street had become obsolete, TEAM-X proposed taking a close look at streets and using them as a structural device in urban discourses. From that moment on, streetscapes were considered places of social cohesion (Goffman, 1963), even if their position in the urban fabric and the density of the environment and intensity of use lead to different levels of togetherness.

The start of this decades-long evolution of contextual placemaking discourses can be traced to when Nigel Henderson allowed the TEAM-X movement to publicly present his pictures of Chisenhale Road in London, showing children playing and happily appropriating the city’s streetscapes in a rather picturesque setting. Obviously, the focus of these new spatial discourses was on people, rather than on absolute space or its strict functionality. Around the same time, Gordon Cullen pioneered the concept of the Concise Townscape (Cullen, 1961) giving visual coherence and organisation to sets of buildings, streets and all spaces that make up the urban environment. It was a major influence on architects, planners and others concerned with what cities should look like and introduced the street as an almost scenographic medium to achieve higher liveability. Not totally without coincidence, in the same year Jane Jacobs published The Death and Life of Great American Cities (Jacobs, 1961), turning public attention to the social value of the urban fabric, with a strong emphasis on how streets can work as havens of social cohesion. Streets in cities serve many purposes besides carrying vehicles, and city sidewalks – the pedestrian parts of the streets – serve many purposes besides carrying pedestrians. These uses are bound up with circulation but are not identical with it and in their own right they are at least as basic as circulation to the proper workings of cities. A city sidewalk by itself is nothing. It is an abstraction. It means something only in conjunction with the buildings and other uses that border it, or border other sidewalks very near it. The same might be said of streets, in the sense that they serve other purposes besides carrying wheeled traffic in their middles.

82

Streets and their sidewalks, the main public places of a city, are its most vital organs. Think of a city and what comes to mind? Its streets. If a city’s streets look interesting, the city looks interesting; if they look dull, the city looks dull. (Jacobs, p. 29) Alison and Peter Smithson similarly dedicated a great deal of ener­gy to re-thinking streets and trying to figure out their structural value (Smithson & Smithson, 1967) and introduced the idea of scale, a notion they updated from Patrick Geddes’ discourses, which suggested a scalar understanding of a broader landscape (Geddes, 1915). They suggested tactics for increasing social cohesion, like clustering, aligning, etc. as part of the streetscape. Half a decade later, Stanford Anderson presented a study called On Streets (Anderson, 1978), illustrating the history and sociology of streets, their role in urban life, their design and structure, as well as providing an actual demonstration project. He not only looked at the social dimension of streets but also looked at how streets were defined, exploring their borders and boundaries. His work was followed by Donald Appleyard, who talked about Livable Streets, introducing the notions of inhabiting and testing streets (Appleyard, 1981). William Whyte showed us how close and systematic observation can unveil how streets and squares work and how people decode these urban

The city is the very place where the private domain can be, and often is, a social domain, just as much as or indeed even more than the public domain. Private buildings as public elements, radiating social meaning and value that extend beyond the actual buildings embody their urban character. Collective spaces are not strictly public or private, but both simultaneously. These are public spaces that are used for private activities, or private spaces that allow for collective use, and they include the whole spectrum in between. (de Solà-Morales, 1992/2008, p. 33). The notion of collective space here refers to the fact that certain spaces are or can be shared, by a few or by many people. The key issue here is access: collective spaces have a stronger meaning when they are encoded to provide more potential forms of access to a property, a street, a neighbourhood or a certain area. This is different from saying that these types of spaces will have more meaning if more people have access to them, which is a condition linked with the notion of public space. In other words, collective spaces include private or public properties, and refer to spaces that can be shared by a restricted number of people or by a huge crowd. Collective spaces appear as the result of multiple collective levels that are defined by as many territorial boundaries. Some of these levels belong to an intimate sphere, others provide a high exposure; some of them can feel safe, others embody threat or danger. The multiplicity of collective space and the tolerance of its use is ­essential. Because of this multiplicity, collective space is not synonymous with – though it can include – in-between, interstitial spaces or sequential gaps: collective space ranges from the most accessible part of open space (a street, a square, a park) to the other extreme of the range of shared urban spaces (for example, a night vestibule that gives access to a bedroom). We can also consider non-­ linear movements in space, including multiple choice scenarios

83

spaces in a subtle way, suggesting architects, planners or design­ ers could code them by configuring levels of social control from within. Allen Jacobs joined the discussion on streets by studying Great Streets and presenting a comparative set of drawings, sections and graphics showing how we can organise streets (Jacobs, 1993) and presenting the making of streets as an almost universal practice of great importance. Around the same period, Manuel de Solà-Morales introduced the idea of collective spaces (de Solà-Morales, 1992/2008). He was one of the first authors to abandon the idea that streets – or any public space – should be understood as a space that is publicly owned and should have free access – without any restriction. The change of scale in the concept, development and transformation of the urban fabric demands its re-definition and proposes collec­ tive space as a protagonist of the contemporary urban landscape. Examples of collectively used hotel lobbies in Manhattan, shopping malls or theme parks call for a critical reflection on the notion of public space, as the contemporary city takes an increasing interest in the idea of more ambiguous property and boundary conditions. De Solà-Morales defines collective space as follows:

or intermittent spaces. Collective space can be indoor or outdoor, large or small, intimate or exposed, defined explicitly or implicitly, and can be privately or publicly owned. It can include sequential gaps and overlap scenarios, all part of a territorial transition that is defined by the way people share space, or in the way they individual­ise space. De Solà-Morales thus takes a more social stance and prioritises everyday-like approaches when considering urban landscapes, moving away from formal space production. These ideas have an affinity with what Michel de Certeau wrote a decade before in The Practice of Everyday Life (de Certeau, 1980). The book examines the ways in which people individualise mass culture, altering things, from utilitarian objects to street plans to rituals, laws and language, in order to make them their own. He argues that in the activity of re-use we can find an abundance of opportunities for ordinary people to subvert the rituals and representations that institutions seek to impose upon them. This means that collective spaces, such as streetscapes, need to be understood as open social (re-)constructs with no linear or predefined use or programme. The importance of the “everyday interpretation” of streets as urban spaces was also pointed out by Henri Lefebvre (1996) who introduced the idea of temporality as a way of understanding streets, which leads to the conceptualisation of situations, instead of places, adding non-linearity in designing streetscapes and stressing the importance of openness in their making. The window on the street is not a mental place from which the interior gaze would be following abstract perspectives. A practical site, private and concrete, the window offers views that are more than spectacles. Perspectives which are mentally pro-longed so that the implication of this spectacle carries its explanation. Familiarity preserves it as it disappears and is reborn, with the everyday life of inside and out. Opacity and horizons, obstacles and perspectives are implicated, for they become complicated, imbricate themselves to the point of allowing the Unknown, the giant city, to be perceived or guessed at. With its diverse spaces affected by diverse tempo­ ralities – rhythms. (Lefebvre 1996, p. 224)

84

While accepting this relational nature and the inherent qualities such as the multiplicity of the everyday in streetscapes, we could look for further aspects that contribute to differences in lived ex­ periences. In order to achieve this, we also need to look at ways of understanding it, analysing it. Margaret Crawford suggests that part of this analysis requires mapping these different daily routines. This mapping results in the creation of what Henri Lefebvre referred to as the social geography of the city (Crawford, 1999): This creates a tapestry of the people, their social strata, their habits, and their interactions within the urban fabric. While staying true to the ambiguous nature, this map clearly determines how different spaces are habited by different people at different times. Above all, it brings to the forefront how ‘the burdens and pleasures of the everyday are distributed unevenly, according

One particular type of lived experiences in streetscapes can be related to what Oldenburg (1989) articulated as third places, or places conducive to social interaction and community outside of home and work. According to Williams and Hipp (2018), these places are thought to be at the very heart of public life, as they foster socia­ bility and provide the normative context for interaction between strangers (Lofland, 1998). Oldenburg (1989) makes substantial claims about the role of third places, arguing that they are crucial to the wellbeing of individuals and communities, and essential to civic engagement, informal social control, grassroots democracy and the development of cohesion and a sense of community. Elsewhere third places are argued to unify neighbourhoods through increased interaction, serve as ‘ports of entry’ which help socialize newcomers, sort individuals according to particular interests and culture, bring adults and children together, and support ‘public characters’ who serve as ‘eyes on the street’… (Williams & Hipp, p. 2) According to Williams and Hipp, Oldenburg (1989) argued that third places are those that “host the regular, voluntary, informal, and happily anticipated gatherings of individuals beyond the realms of home and work.” They add that although Oldenburg (1989) had clear ideas of what he considered third places, with regular references to bars and pubs, cafés, coffee shops, and teahouses, it would have been more useful to consider the underlying attributes which qualify them as third places. It is precisely these kinds of places that are included in de Solà-Morales’ collective spaces. Many scholars have developed these ideas further in different ways: we learn that streetscapes are meeting places for families, neighbours and strangers, but also an area where a delicate but essential relationship is established between private and public properties (Dovey & Wood, 2015), between the intimate and the exposed, between the coded and decoded (Stahl, 2009), between the individually and the collectively used and between levels of privacy and community. In much the same way as this approach to street­ scapes was introduced a few decades before by Chermayeff and Alexander (1963) when they tested filters, borders and boundaries in architectural settings. Other scholars focus on the political dimension of making or inhabiting streetscapes (Rose-Redwood et al., 2018), on related identities or citizenship within streetscape configurations (Hall, 2012), or on the levels of social diversity within urban life (Franck & Stevens, 2006). Studies on the need or desire for sustainability in the design, use or transformation of contemporary streetscapes (Furchtlehner et al., 2022) are yet another example of how to re-think contemporary landscapes, while considerations of liveability are also in play (Harvey & Aultman-Hall, 2016).

85

to class, age, race, and gender’, leading to the concept the French theorist (Henri Lefebvre) termed as the victims of the Everyday. (Crawford, p. 11)

1

86

2

Deep Streetscapes Streetscapes are thus open systems of territorial depth (Habraken, 1998), related to various collective spaces (de Solà-Morales, 1992/2008), where different spheres relate, interact and overlap, not as levels but rather as assemblages (Dovey & Wood, 2015). It is in this ever-changing dynamic that the true social value of streetscapes can be found. The potential of streetscapes in terms of the social fabric does not depend on the level of programming or formality, or on style or cost, but rather depends on how we can trigger active changes in the way its constituent spheres relate to each other. The potential of contemporary streetscapes is unlocked by the interaction between its ordinary spheres, which relate to each other in different ways as part of the depth configurations seen in streetscapes. We could add that the very capacity to change these relations between spheres is more important than any other aspect, as social relationships need to be established in dynamic settings, where testing borders and boundaries of spheres happens constantly, as part of a constantly changing process. This process is not dependent on programme, form, style or cost but on the way spheres are permeable or not, accessible or not by its multiple users. Depth configurations consist of multiple territories in constant transformation – territories claimed and their borders and bound­ a­ries (Sennett, 2013) tested by its users and outsiders – that define the way that collectivity, in all its forms and intensities, can occur. Prior analytical mapping of streetscapes to unveil their inherent depth configurations (Scheerlinck, 2011) leads to the following conclusions. There are only five different ways that territories can relate to one another. These five types of relationships define the form and intensity in which collectivity occurs, in most cases in proximity to their borders or boundaries. First, territories can be separated, including explicit buffer areas, substantial gaps creating distances between them. As an example, we can refer to garden streetscapes that are defined by setback mechanisms to separate different users by means of green zones, employing topographic changes, etc. Here, territories are differentiated not by boundaries but by the space between them. The second possible territorial relation is that of aggregation: here, the territories actually do touch each other, without any special interaction besides the sharing of their boundaries. Many residential streetscapes are characterised by this form of space production, like terraced housing or bungalow neighbourhoods, for example, where many individual plots are aggregated. The third possible relation is adjacency, where the territories do not simply share a boundary but where the use or appropriation of one territory has an effect on the adjoining one. This is the case where their users seem to share a concern about how spaces could be appropriated, or a desire to meet in those spaces but without actually blurring the territorial boundaries themselves. In many cases, this adjacency is defined by different activities, like a warehouse sitting next to a residential unit, or an educational activity affecting a commercial one. In other cases, there is a subtle link between these territories, like for example the possibility of a passage between backyards in residential neighbourhoods. Nevertheless, when the boundaries become vague or more open and the

87 1 Depth configurations. The sequence of outdoor and indoor collective spaces between ­M adison Avenue and 1st street in Manhattan, New York (scheme by author).

2 Possible relationships among territorial spheres (graphics by author).

88

2

territorial use no longer fully coincides with its outlines, we arrive at the fourth type of possible territorial relationship, that is, the case of overlapped territories. Here, boundaries often become borders (either because they have become less clearly marked or because they have become more permeable), interpreted and delimited by their users, in many cases time-dependent. There are many examples of cases of overlap, such as commercial activities taking over the street, domestic realms taking over parts of the street, residential sidewalk stoops or porches as places of encounter, etc. In some cases, this happens spontaneously; in other cases, it is an intentional consequence of planning, building and maintenance. It is important to mention Habraken’s definition of territorial overlap here. According to the author (Habraken, 1998), this only occurs when there is a property accessible through dual orientation and when on each side of this configuration, the level of collectivity is different (which means that access is restricted in different ways on each side of the scheme). The fifth and last possible territorial relationship is inclusion. Here, territories seem to be defined by certain levels of hierarchy, where it is necessary to cross multiple boundaries or borders to get deeper into the spatial system. Included territories are related to complex spaces. They are based on a strongly determining functional, cultural or religious principle, where territories intentionally include one another: territories within territories. Examples range from vernacular residential compounds, based on intimate or functional bubbles within a larger compound or neighbourhood, to high-security facilities that require successive territorial filters to make space. Considering these five relationships among territorial spheres is essential to understanding how streetscapes operate within the social fabric. Knowledge of these possible assemblages may unlock alternative design attitudes and strategies to improve the overall quality of these vital urban landscapes. Open Streetscapes, Streetscape Essentials A stronger social realisation of contemporary streetscapes leads to higher levels of social interaction and identification by its users, and to increased cohesion and inclusion, embodying multiplicity in use and appropriation in the neighbourhood (Goffman, 1963; Hillier, 2004; Williams & Hipp, 2018; Kickert, 2019). This social application depends on how we intensify or change the relationships between the different spheres within the streetscapes, since static and rigid environments rarely lead to satisfactory results. This leads us to the main question: how can we trigger these ordinary relationships among different spheres, preferably without applying top-down approaches, excessive programming or prescribing paternalistic guidelines for use? A possible answer can be found in identifying the elements or silent forms (Van Daele, 2012) that are part of the contemporary landscape and are capable of triggering this constant transformation. Van Daele refers to the transformative potential that forms without a predefined use – or forms with a different use to the one initially specified – can have on the transformation of the contemporary landscape by its users. He refers to certain types of intermediate scale platforms in landscapes that are used as meeting places, reference points, picnic areas, viewpoints, etc.

What’s a metaphoric void? Metaphoric in the sense that their interest or value wasn’t in their possible use... You mean you were interested in these spaces on some non-functional level. Or on a functional level that was so absurd as to ridicule the idea of function. For example, the places where you stop to tie your shoe-laces, places that are just interruptions in your own daily movements. These places are also perceptually significant because they make a reference to movement space. (...) Property is so all-pervasive. Everyone’s notion of ownership is determined by the use factor (...)  (Matta-Clark, 1974/2006, p. 166) This is the real quest for streetscape essentials: detecting and valorising the landscape elements that trigger the possible interaction of different assembled spheres, but in an open way, a suggestive way, almost as part of an ordinary routine. As made clear in the first chapter, the focus of this article is on the socio-cultural dimension of streetscapes, while acknowledging complementary political, anthropological, economical, technical or ecological dimensions that are only dealt with in an implicit manner here. For this reason, while we seek to identify possible streetscape essentials, we do not seek to list design approaches or intervention tactics but instead look for emerging spatial situations from which we can learn. These situations often occur because of the presence of certain ordinary artefacts as part of the streetscape or simply because of the specific way spatial elements like facades, sidewalks, walls, greenery, etc. are configured and, in this way stimulate liveliness in the streetscapes. Here, different relationships among the territorial spheres (Habraken, 1998; Scheerlinck, 2011) manifest themselves: people change their spatial behaviour as they read and use space differently.

89

Anne Lacaton and Jean-Philippe Vassal refer to something similar in their manifesto Freedom of Use (Lacaton & Vassal, 2015). They are well known for an architecture that privileges inhabitants’ freedom and pleasure through generous, open designs. The Paris-­ based architects opened their 2015 lecture at Harvard University with a manifesto: study and create an inventory of the existing situation, densify without compressing individual space, promote user mobility, access, choice and, most importantly, never demolish. Freedom of Use thus reflects on these core values to present a fluid narrative of Lacaton and Vassal’s oeuvre, articulated through processes of accumulation, addition and extension, all starting from the idea of openness. Gordon Matta-Clark can be placed in the same line of thinking, though from a more artistic perspective. In an interview (Matta-­ Clark, 1974/2006), the installation and performance artist empha­ sises the notion of the metaphoric void and the importance of daily ordinary movements and actions, as well as the fact that these are not the result of programming. Instead, they can be understood as open and free in their spatial codification:

3

4

5

6 7

8

9

10

90

11

During the last decade, an ongoing explorative research project has taken place (2012–2022), as part of Streetscape Territories (Scheerlinck, n.d.), where groups of researchers and students of KU Leuven (Faculty of Architecture, campus Sint-Lucas Ghent/Brussels) walked the streets of New York on different occasions with the objective of identifying possible streetscape essentials. This on-site research has been conducted in different seasons in the year, at different places in Manhattan and Brooklyn, based on personal or group walking experiences. It is the result of semi-structured interviews, where the residents were asked which were the elements part of their streetscapes that triggered higher levels of engagement and interaction among them. After many working sessions and discussions, an initial list was made of potential essential elements. The list is based on real spatial explorations, as well as on the imaginary value New York’s streetscapes have through movies, novels, publicity etc. and includes the following situations in different neighbourhoods in Manhattan and Brooklyn, New York City: –– Fire hydrant uncapping: the well-known habit of opening the street’s fire hydrants in summer, inviting the local children to cool off and play in hot weather –– Sidewalk stoops: the common flight-up entry to town houses in different boroughs, where neighbours meet, hang out and appropriate the sidewalks and the streets –– Street vendor carts, where food (pretzels, hamburgers, kebabs, etc.) is prepared and sold to the public, always at street corners, often understood as an improvised standing lunch area and the starting point for other social activities in the street –– Shoe shine stands, where different customers take a break and socialise –– Pedestrian traffic lights, combined with newspaper kiosks, phone boxes, and bins, where people wait to cross the street and often start a conversation or wait to meet someone –– Sidewalk canopies, keeping the entrance of residential buildings dry and warm, often where a doorman holds the door or calls a cab, and where neighbours take shelter and have a conversation –– Subway train entrances, configured on different levels, where people meet and socialise, where there may be various small scale commercial stalls, where street music and art performances may take place –– Formal entrances to public buildings, often in the US with the American flag displayed, as a meeting place, introducing a larger indoor collective space –– The properly elaborated and careful design and material finishes of the sidewalk pavement, suggesting multiple uses, without strict delimitation –– Streetscape scaffoldings for construction or for protecting passers-by from falling ice or water, suggesting in a sponta­ neous way different collective uses in the streets –– Traffic cones and steam outlets that guide traffic and pedestrian movement in the streetscapes In order to continue with this search for streetscape essentials, and in seeking to provide a larger perspective and higher accuracy

Taking Action: Testing Relational Spheres The presence, proper acknowledgement and considerate study of ordinary streetscape elements like those mentioned above are important in guaranteeing vibrant social dynamics and improving the possibility of personal identification by the inhabitants or users in urban landscapes, especially when these purposes are not ex­plic­­­ itly coded. Too often, urban place-making is strictly profit-driven and functional, focused on making conflict-proof environments, and reducing legal liabilities. The danger in place-making of this kind is that the desired emerging side-effects of increased interaction and inclusion are in practice excluded from the application of this approach. It is thus essential to include the possibility of adding open signifiers, free forms or metaphoric voids in the making or renewal of urban streetscapes, as these can trigger real social change. This requires taking care to include non-linear programming as a part of the design or monitoring process, paying special attention to where territorial spheres can be shifted and where social updating of the social fabric can occur through a sponta­ neous process. In this way, urban landscapes are transformed in the most beneficial fashion.

91

to this part of the research, a series of ceramic models was made of these initial identifications of streetscape elements. The objective was to remove the specific-ness of the location in the following discussions, adding a layer of artistic abstraction to the research findings at this stage, and at the same time, with the aim of highlighting the particular spatial qualities in the situations. This time-­ consuming process resulted in a series of models without a specific predetermined scale – as these objects are not seen as mere descriptive representations but rather as triggers for conversation about the social value of streetscapes at a more general level. During discussion sessions among students, residents and researchers in the field of architecture or place-making, and with the sculptures on the table, this list of essential elements was further discussed and a more limited selection of streetscape essentials was made after which some common characteristics were identified. What most essential elements had in common was that the objects or spatial configurations have a very practical or functional use but in each case are read, interpreted and used by the neighbours in a very different way, which while not intentionally designed is very socially constructive, since these elements energise the streetscape and introduce new social dynamics to the relational spheres present.

3

5

4

6

7



3 4 5 6 7

8 9 10 11

Fire hydrant uncapping Sidewalk stoops Street vendor carts Shoe shine stands Traffic lights, combined with outdoor newspaper stands and bins Sidewalk canopies Subway train entrances, configured on different levels Formal entrances to public buildings Sidewalk pavement

8

9

10

11

“Streetscape Essentials” is linked to the Street­s cape Territories Research Project (http://www.streetscapeterritories.org) and “Urban Projects, Collective Spaces and Local Identities” (http://www. collectivespaceskuleuven.be).

94

Anderson, Steven (1978). On streets. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Appleyard, Donald (1981). Livable streets: Protected neighbourhoods. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Certeau, Michel de (1997). The practice of everyday life. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press (first published in 1980 as L’invention du quotidien. 1 Arts de faire. Paris: Gallimard). Crawford, Margaret (1999). Introduction to everyday urbanism. New York, NY: Monacelli Press. Cullen, Gordon (1961). The concise townscape. London: The Architectural Press. Dovey, Kim & Wood, Stephen (2015). Public/ private urban interfaces: type, adaptation, assemblage. Journal of Urbanism: Inter­ national Research on Placemaking and Urban Sustainability, 8(1), 1–16. Franck, Karen & Stevens, Quentin (2006). Loose space: Possibility and diversity in urban life. New York, NY: Routledge. Furchtlehner, Jürgen; Lehner, Daniela & Lička, Lilli (2022). Sustainable streetscapes: Design approaches and examples of Viennese practice. Sustainability, 14(2), 961. https://doi.org/10.3390/su14020961 Geddes, Patrick (1915). Cities in evolution: an introduction to the town planning movement and to the study of civics. London: Williams. Goffman, Erving (1963) Behavior in public places: notes on the social organization of gatherings. New York, NY: Free Press of Glencoe. Habraken, John. (1998). The structure of the ordinary. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Hall, Suzanne (2012). City, street and citizen: The measure of the ordinary. London: Routledge. Harvey, Chester & Aultman-Hall, Lisa (2016) Measuring urban streetscapes for livability: A review of approaches. The Professional Geographer, 68(1), 149–158. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/00330124.2015.1065546 Hillier, Bill (2004). Can streets be made safe? Urban Design International, 9, 31–45. Jacobs, Allan (1993). Great streets. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Jacobs, Jane (1961). The death and life of great American cities. New York, NY: Vintage Books. Kickert, Conrad (2019). Dream city. Creation, destruction, and reinvention in downtown Detroit. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Lacaton, Anne & Vassal, Jean-Philippe (2015). Freedom of use. Incidents. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Graduate School of Design. Lacaton, Anne & Vassal, Jean-Philippe (2015). Freedom of use. Edited by Jennifer Sigler, Leah Whitman-Salkin. London and Harvard: Sternberg Press Ltd. University Graduate School of Design. Lefebvre, Henri (1996). The right to the city. In Writings on cities. Oxford: Blackwell. Lofland, Lyn (1998). The public realm: Exploring the city’s quintessential social territory. New York, NY: Aldine de Gruyter.

Matta-Clark, Gordon (1974). “Splitting the Humphrey Street Building”. Interview by Liza Bear, May 1974. Avalanche, December 1974, 34–37 [reprinted in Gordon Matta-Clark exhibition catalogue, Museo Nacional, Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, Madrid, 2006, pp. 165–180] Mehta, Vikas (2007). Lively streets. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 27, 165–187. Rose-Redwood, Reuben; Alderman, Derek & Azaryahu, Maoz (2018). The political life of urban streetscapes: Naming, politics, and place. New York, NY: Routledge. Scheerlinck, Kris (2010). Depth configurations. Proximity, permeability and territorial boundaries in urban projects. Dissertation, Universitat Ramon Llull, E.T.S.A. La Salle, Barcelona. Scheerlinck, Kris (2011). Privacy and depth configurations. Architektura & Urbanizmus. Journal for Architecture and Town Planning Theory, 2, 166–185. Scheerlinck, Kris (2013). Collective Spaces. Streetscape Territories Notebook. Brussels, KU Leuven, Faculty of Architecture. Scheerlinck, Kris (n.d.) Streetscape Territories. https://.streetscapeterritories.org Secchi, Bernardo (1993) For a town-planning of open spaces. Casabella, 597/598, 116. Sennett, Richard (2013). The public realm: Borders and boundaries. [Unpublished essay based on lecture given at GSD on 2 July, 2012. Accessed at http://www.richardsennett.com] Smithson, Peter & Smithson, Alison (1967). Urban structuring. London: Studio Vista/ Reinhold. Smithson, Peter & Smithson, Alison (1979). Signs of occupancy [Slide show lecture]. https://www.pidgeondigital.com/talks/ signs-of-occupancy/play/ Solà-Morales, Manuel de (1992). Public and collective space: The urbanisation of the private domain as a new challenge. Oase, 33 [Reprinted and translated in Solà-Morales, Manuel de (2008). A Matter of Things. Rotterdam: NAI Publishers]. Stahl, Geoff (2009). Urban signs/signs of the urban. Culture Unbound, 1, 249–262. Van Daele, Erik (2014). Hybrid spaces as open signifiers. Brussels: KU Leuven. Williams, Seth & Hipp, John R. (2018). How great and how good: Third places, neighbor interaction, and cohesion in the neighborhood context. Social Science Research, 77(1), 68–78. Whyte, William (1988). City: Rediscovering the center. New York, NY: Anchor Books.

Learning from @Omonoia: On the Development of Athenian Public Space through Media

Panos Dragonas

The Rise and Fall of a Modern Square It is night in the centre of Athens and cars circle around a spectacular fountain. The surrounding buildings are covered by neon billboards that create a cosmopolitan atmosphere. The design of the fountain is modern, the water spouts asymmetrically, and the lights are stunning. The narrator’s voice says that Athens is changing rapidly as it transforms into a modern metropolis. This was a common opening in the Greek movies of the 1960s. Many commercial movies used to begin with night shots of the newly constructed Omonoia Square. It is no coincidence that the typical establishing shot of post-war films was taken at Omonoia. A few hundred metres away, one would still come across refugee slums, but the centre of the city had already been modernised. This was the place where Greece, which was still recovering from the war, looked like a western metropolis. 1960s films have shaped a strong mental image of post-war Athenian downtown; they were huge commercial successes in their time and have continued to be shown on television since then. Most Greeks, regardless of their age, have learned about Omonoia through film and television. These movies have contributed to the creation of a collective ­memory about a spectacular public space in the centre of a fast growing city. The post-war layout of Omonoia Square was designed by the sculptor George Zongolopoulos and the architect Kostas Bitsios in the late 1950s. This was not a typical square but a traffic roundabout with a beautifully designed fountain in the centre. Originally, the ground around the polygonal pond was covered by gravel that was soon replaced by a more conventional grass belt. The new buildings around the square, mostly hotels and offices, were designed by prominent modernist architects. However, the most important part of the public space was below the ground. Under the fountain was a modern metro station, which included a small shopping centre and brand new escalators. Public life took place below and at the perimeter of the traffic junction. It was the newly arrived migrants from the countryside that would mostly populate the perimeter of the square. For the newcomers, life in the big city used to begin at the heart of modern Athens under the bright lights of Omonoia Square.

The popular modern square was demolished in the 1990s during the construction of the new metro station. Much excitement followed the publication of the architectural renderings for the new configuration of Omonoia in 1998. The new square was built again as a rooftop to the metro station without any visual connection to its underground life. The implementation of this ambitious project did not fulfil expectations. This was not a problem of architectural design but of poor construction quality. Moreover, the creation of the new public space did not take into consideration the new social and economic conditions in the centre of Athens. The old users of the area, mostly people working in services and tenants of low budget hotels, had abandoned Omonoia during the 1980s and 1990s. The leisure industry was booming on the other side of the city but not yet in the centre of Athens. Thus, during the years of the Olympic preparations, Omonoia became a neglected public space. The square was populated by homeless people and drug addicts. There was a long discussion in the local media about the problems of the square and the effectiveness of architectural competitions (Ρηγόπουλος, 2003). Criticism was reasonable, but it disregarded the discrepancy between the vision of an iconic public space, similar to that of the 1960s, and the harsh social reality of an abandoned urban area. Young people in swimwear are laying on a sandy beach. Some are playing beach volleyball while others are swimming in a pool. There are orange and yellow sun umbrellas everywhere while cars pass by. We are not at the seaside but in the centre of Athens. The surrounding buildings may be easily recognised. This is Omonoia Square, which has been transformed into a sandy beach for a television commercial. The representations of Omonoia in film and television have shaped the identity of public space more than the architectural design itself. Its significance is not dependent on the activities that take place there, but on the meanings which are expressed through the representations of public space in media. Omonoia used to be an iconic urban space that expressed modern lifestyles and the Americanisation of Greek culture during the Cold War. As the modern square was demolished in the late 1990s, it became a symbol of failure and urban decay. It was under these circumstances that the square was transformed into a sandy beach for the demands of a television commercial in 2011. This was a heterotopic moment for the crisis-stricken centre of Athens. People enjoyed the event and even wondered why this change could not be permanent (Athensville, 2011). At the peak of the economic crisis the cancellation of urban reality was not a problem. Public opinion was well prepared to accept the dominance of leisure activities in a photogenic urban environment.

96

The Re-Making of Omonoia Square A drone camera films Athens, Lycabettus hill and the central avenues during the night. The camera moves over Panepi­ stimiou street and Omonoia Square. A timelapse scene follows, which shows Omonoia under construction. We distinguish

The YouTube video that is described above (Bakoyannis, 2020) promoted the reconstruction of Omonoia Square that took place in the winter of 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic. It was part of an ambitious project by Mayor Kostas Bakoyannis to create a “grand promenade” at the centre of the city, taking advantage of the traffic restrictions under the quarantine conditions. The construction of the new fountain was funded by the owners of the new hotels around the square. Tourism is thriving in Athens and the lockdowns offered an ideal opportunity for the transformation of Omonoia in line with the new demands. As the president of the Greek Tourist Confederation (SETE) Mr. Retsos put it: “the restoration of the fountain, in the centre of the square, is a symbolic underlining of the fact that Omonoia is once again becoming the heart of Athens” (Επτακοίλη, 2020). The project elicited a very positive response from the public. It was actually one of the very rare cases where a public space project in Athens was well received. The only negative reaction came from the Association of Greek Architects, who pointed out that a project of major significance for the city was created without an architect. Despite the fact that no architects were involved, the layout of the new Omonoia has a very clear design concept. A spectacular fountain at the centre of the square is surrounded by a green belt. There is a strong similarity to the 1950s design, but some important details are different. The new pool is circular while the older one was polygonal. The new fountain is symmetrical while the 1950s water jets were more elaborate in form. A new sculpture by George Zongolopoulos was installed next to the fountain. This is a 15-metre tall kinetic sculpture that consists of five moving metal circles. Water is supposed to flow between the moving circles, but unfortunately most of the time the sculpture does not move and remains inert. The water flow from such a height would require a larger water tank in order not to disturb the passers-by. A rather unexpected similarity with the 1950s layout is that the scale of the new fountain and the surrounding green belt have eliminated the area available for pedestrians. There are no seating areas in the public space other than the coffee bars. In addition to this, anti-homeless infrastructure has been installed around the Zongolopoulos sculpture. The construction of the new square has not given priority to the needs of pedestrians. It is mostly an attempt to create a playful landmark in reference to the 1950s fountain. However, since there was no architect involved, there was no careful study of the qualities of the former design. Considered design has been subsumed by nostalgia. But nostalgia for what? For a lived memory? Or for a collective memory that has been constructed through film? As writer Elias Manglinis questions, “living the square through the safety of a family car, as a child of the 1970s, the waters of Omonoia are still intertwined with the colourful, illuminated signs of airlines

97

traces of the public space configuration of the 2000s, which are quickly eliminated as a new layout appears. Construction workers move in fast frame to indicate the speed of the building process. In the end, a circular fountain appears that takes up most of the public space. The connection with the 1950s project is very clear. The circular fountain is back.

1 Omonoia Square. Photo by Norbert Kling, 2022.

on the roofs of its buildings. They flashed, changed colours, the fonts ‘played’ constantly – it was a unique sight that had something cosmo­politan, I would say. Or is this all just the patina childhood leaves on the memory?” (Μαγκλίνης, 2020) Omonoia Square as Instagrammable Public Space

100

Nimala (name anonymised) comes from Sri Lanka. She is photographed at Omonoia wearing a black miniskirt and a light green jacket. Daylight fades as the lights of the fountain turn on in shades of blue. A man who is sitting on the edge of the grass belt is looking at her rather awkwardly. Nimala has 135k followers on Instagram. Her Instagram feed includes photos from many tourist locations around the world. Her post of Omonoia has received 1,840 likes. The way that the Municipality of Athens communicated the reconfiguration of the square during the pandemic was successful. Public opinion accepted the new symbolic meaning of Omonoia. The attempt to reconnect the new layout of the square with its past has been well received. The area does not attract drug addicts and homeless people as it did in the past. Most of the surrounding buildings have been converted into luxury hotels, so that Omonoia has remained a place for newcomers. This time it is neither the country­ side migrants of the 1950s nor the Eastern European migrants of the 1990s who populate the square, but the wealthy tourists who arrive from around the world for short-break holidays. The view of Omonoia Square is quite spectacular when seen from the roof garden of a hotel or filmed by a drone. The fountain’s water jets, the playful lighting and the mix of neoclassical and carefully renovated modern buildings around the square offer a backdrop for photos or selfies, which are often posted on social media. According to Fabiola Fiocco and Giulia Pistone “social media is changing urban planning, facilitating the shift from a functional understanding of design to a formal and commercial one” (Fiocco & Pistone, 2020). In Omonoia the functionality of the public space has been designed to enhance its photogenicity. It looks as if the square has recovered part of its former glory. However, this has been done at the expense of addressing a broader mix of uses and user groups. The aestheticisation of Omonoia, through the playful lighting of the fountain jets and the useless green belt around the pond, emphasises the commercial role of public space, following the demands of the tourism industry for “Insta-worthy” public spaces and buildings. The lack of public space infrastructure shows that there is no concern for its use by pedestrians. Moreover, the installation of anti-homeless detailing makes clear that marginal groups are not welcome in the square. The new configuration of Omonoia exemplifies the attempt to create an Instagrammable public space. It could be argued that this is not inappropriate for a public space which has mostly been known through media representations, from film and advertising in the 1960s and the 2000s to social media, i.e. Facebook posts, Instagram stories and YouTube videos, in the present. However, despite the efforts made, it is not considered a popular destination

Social Media as an Extension of Everyday Athenian Public Space In order to understand the impact of social media on public space, it is worth examining its use by cultural institutions, artists and curators in Athens. During the last decade, many cultural events have taken place in everyday public spaces and abandoned urban buildings. Most of these events have been promoted through social media and attracted people to neglected buildings and areas. Athens Biennale is an institution that has taken great advantage of the abandoned buildings in the centre of the city. A light instal­ lation at Stadiou Street in 2021 temporarily revitalised a neglected part of the old commercial centre. A few metres away, the artist Navine G. Khan-Dossos created a temporary entrance for an exhi­ bition venue from a rather unpopular public square. During a performance on the last day of the show, the facade of the temporary construction was cut into pieces, which were distributed among the visitors. The artist invited the visitors to participate in this closing performance through her social network. Another interesting example was the Athenslaundry_bougada art project (Malamou, chapter in this book), which took place around Victoria Square. This was a no-budget project, organised by artist Theodora Malamou, which promoted photos of impromptu laundries on Athenian balconies through social media during the pandemic. The main point of interest was the projection of domestic activities into the public sphere, which became more evident during the lockdowns. The main part of the project was the installation of art pieces, mostly textiles, from the balconies which commented on the ambiguous relationship between the private and public spheres. During the same period as the Victoria Square project, another cultural initiative in the same area was an art installation by the artist Adrian Paci. A scaffolding was erected which carried an illuminated sign stating that “WE APOLOGIZE FOR THE DISCONTENT AND STRESS THAT THIS MAY HAVE CAUSED YOU”. There were different ways to interpret this ambiguous message, but most people thought that the artist himself was apologising for the use of public space. This was a very simple but powerful installation that was photographed and reproduced many times on social media. According to Niovi Zarampouka, who was the curator of the installation, the “insta­ grammability” of the art piece allowed the organisers to receive feedback from people as “social media became part of the life of the project” (Σακελλαρίου & Τσιφουτίδου, 2022, p. 89). But the most ambitious art project in public space was the intervention by the Onassis Foundation at Pedion tou Areos Park. This involved two prestigious digital media exhibitions, with the title You and AI in summer 2021 and Plasmata (creatures) in summer 2022. Highdefinition digital screens were installed among the trees and ponds in a subtle way, which attracted new visitors to the urban park

101

in the city, in contrast to Plaka or Syntagma Square. Social media could have been a powerful tool in attracting a diverse range of people to the public space. But this has not really happened. The lack of infrastructure for pedestrians and the lack of inclusiveness and opportunities for appropriation has set a limit on the possibilities of the project. Apart from the hotel guests and the users of the metro station, the square does not attract any other visitors.

102

without disturbing its use by the locals. The promotion of the exhibi­ tion took place through the Onassis’ social channels. The photos and short videos that were posted by the organisers and the exhi­ bition visitors highlighted the surreality of the digital “creatures” which appeared among the trees and the typical park infrastructure. The power of ephemeral interventions to bring life to public space is not something new for cities. Art installations have also been an important element in the design of public spaces since the Renaissance. Nevertheless, during the last decade in Athens there has been a remarkable upsurge in temporary art installations in public space and urban buildings. Social media has given more prominence to these pop-up interventions. In addition to this, social media often provide good feedback from the visitors’ side about the artworks and their interaction with public space. Temporality gives more opportunities to the artists and curators to manipulate the symbolic meaning of public space through powerful statements, as happened in the case of We Apologize. It also offers freedom for the design of Insta-worthy interventions – as with those by Paci and Khan-Dossos – attracting visitors and bringing life to public space. In some cases, as in Pedion tou Areos, these new visitors may even become permanent occupants of the public space. Most of the inhabitants of Athens know Omonoia through media representations, films, television commercials, press articles and, more recently, social media posts. Indeed, these days most people form their opinion about public space through social media. It is also a fact that many people visit well-designed public spaces and buildings only to post on their social channels (McKie, 2018). Facebook, Instagram and Twitter may also be accelerators of public life, in that they bring new visitors or provoke public discussions about their use and symbolic meaning. The interaction with social media channels has become an important element of life in public space, which should not be overlooked. Very often this may seem to be a defeat, the death of public space, but we should better think of it as a new reality, as an extension of everyday public life. Moreover, the history of Omonoia through film and social media, in relation to the recent experience of art installations in public space, shows us that the contemporary city requires not only welldesigned masterplans but also good curation. Athensville (2011, April 6). Σκέτη άμμος και παιδιά. [Just sand and children] Athensville. http://athensville.blogspot.com/2011/04/k. html. [Accessed: September 25, 2022]. Bakoyannis, Kostas (2020). Η νέα πλατεία Ομονοίας [The new Omonoia Square] (Timelapse). https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=sHJY4EoUUzg [Accessed: September 25, 2022]. Fiocco, Fabiola & Pistone, Giulia (2020, June 17). Good Content vs Good Architecture: Where Does ‘Instagrammability’ Take Us? Archdaily. https://www.archdaily. com/941351/good-content-vs-goodarchitecture-where-doesinstagrammability-take-us [Accessed: September 25, 2022]. McKie, Bella (2018, July 12). Is Instagram changing the way we design the world? The Guardian. https://www.theguardian. com/lifeandstyle/2018/jul/12/readyfor-your-selfie-why-public-spaces-are-

being- insta-designed [Accessed: September 25, 2022]. Επτακοίλη, Γιούλη (2020, February 1). Κάτι τρέχει στην πλατεία Ομονοίας. [There’s something going on on Omonoia Square] Καθημερινή. https://www.kathimerini.gr/ life/city/1062942/kati-trechei-stin-plateiaomonoias [Accessed: September 25, 2022]. Μαγκλίνης, Ηλίας (2020, May 16). Ομόνοια [Omonoia]. Καθημερινή. https://www. kathimerini.gr/opinion/1078531/omonoia [Accessed: September 25, 2022]. Ρηγόπουλος, Δημήτρης (2003, March 3). Αρχιτεκτονική…αγώνας άγονος [Architecture…a barren race] Καθημερινή. https://www.kathimerini.gr/culture/145274/ architektonikis-agonas-agonos [Accessed: September 25, 2022]. Σακελλαρίου, Στέλιος-Ραφαήλ & Τσιφουτίδου Αθανασία (2022). Curate Athens (Research thesis). Department of Architecture, University of Patras.

Επαναπροσδιορίζοντας τις Διαδικασίες Αστικού Μετασχηματισμού: Χίλιες Πράσινες Συμφωνίες Mark Michaeli Από οικολογική και κοινωνική άποψη, η διαδικασία μετασχηματισμού των αστικών δομών και του περιβάλλοντός τους, έχει χαρακτηριστεί από καιρό και κατά γενική ομολογία, ως επείγουσα, εξελίσσεται όμως πολύ αργά στην πράξη. Σε πολλές περιπτώσεις, ο μετασχηματισμός αυτός περιορίζεται σε μεμονωμένες παρεμβάσεις. Οπότε αυτές δύσκολα μπορούν να αποδώσουν τον χαρακτήρα συνολικών πράσινων υποδομών για τις πόλεις, καλύπτοντας ολόκληρο τον αστικό χώρο και να είναι παράλληλα προσηλωμένες σε περιβαλλοντικές λύσεις. Έτσι συχνά, δεν ανταποκρίνονται στο συγκεκριμένο χωρικό και χρονικό τους πλαίσιο, παραμένοντας ασύνδετες. Το άρθρο αναδεικνύει τις κρίσιμες διαστάσεις των συνθηκών και των διαδικασιών του αστικού μετασχηματισμού. Ταυτόχρονα, πλαισιωμένο με επιλεγμένα παραδείγματα από το ευρωπαϊκό αστικό περιβάλλον, δίνει ερεθίσματα για την υπέρβαση των εμποδίων του μετασχηματισμού. Με τον τρόπο αυτό, ο συγγραφέας ακολουθεί τη βασική ιδέα της διαπραγμάτευσης και της ανάπτυξης ενός Ενδοαστικού Τοπίου (Inner-urban Landscape, βλ. Ροΐδης, κεφάλαιο στο παρόν βιβλίο). Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, τα Ενδοαστικά Τοπία πρέπει να κατανοηθούν ως η χωρική ραχοκοκαλιά ενός εκτεταμένου, οικολογικού-κοινωνικού αστικού συστήματος, που περιλαμβάνει διευρυμένα τμήματα αστικών περιοχών και μητροπολιτικών οικισμών. Τα Ενδοαστικά Τοπία είναι ταυτόχρονα τόπος υλοποίησης και στόχος μετατροπής χιλιάδων διατυπωμένων και διαπραγματευόμενων

103

ΜΕΛΕΤΩΝΤΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΝΟΗΜΑΤΟΔΟΤΩΝΤΑΣ ΧΩΡΟΥΣ ΑΣΤΙΚΟΥ ΜΕΤΑΣΧΗΜΑΤΙΣΜΟΥ

Πράσινων Συμφωνιών (Green Deals) μεταξύ κοινωνίας και ατόμου, και πολιτιστικών και φυσικών διεργασιών στον χώρο και στον χρόνο. Σε αντίθεση όμως με τις νομικές αρχές ή τους καθιερωμένους κανόνες για τον περιβαλλοντικό σχεδιασμό, οι συμφωνίες αυτές απαιτούν μια γνήσια συμμετοχική διαδικασία. Σε αυτήν εντάσσονται, τόσο ο σχεδιασμός του πλαισίου και το Άτομο που επενδύει στον χώρο, όσο και η κοινότητα που συνεισφέρει παραγωγικά στα ζητήματα που την απασχολούν. Η προκύπτουσα πιο ανοικτή απεικόνιση και η εκπροσώπηση όλων των συμφερόντων, στην από κοινού σχεδιασμένη διαδικασία αναδιάρθρωσης, λειτουργούν ως καταλύτες: επιτρέπουν τον εντοπισμό πολυάριθμων, νέων σχηματισμών φορέων που ευνοούν τη στρατηγική επίτευξη των στόχων, ενσωματωμένων πλέον με τους από κοινού συμφωνημένους στόχους. Σε αυτήν τη διαδικασία, ο θεσμικός σχεδιασμός αναλαμβάνει τον ρόλο του συνηγόρου, με σκοπό να εγκαθιδρύσει και να διασφαλίσει την ισορροπία μεταξύ των χωρικών και κοινωνικών απαιτήσεων για βιωσιμότητα και των φορέων μετασχηματισμού του χώρου. Είναι αναμενόμενο, να προκύψουν ως αποτέλεσμα εντελώς νέα μοντέλα διακυβέρνησης για τις διαδικασίες του αστικού μετασχηματισμού. Μια σειρά από πολυάριθμες, επιμέρους Πράσινες Συμφωνίες μπορούν συνεπώς, να γίνουν ένας υποστηρικτικός και αξιόπιστος κινητήριος μοχλός του αστικού μετασχηματισμού, στο πλαίσιο μιας συνολικής, υπερκείμενης και ευρύτερης πράσινης αλλαγής για τη μητροπολιτική περιοχή της πόλης.

Η Πολυκατοικία – Ώσμωση ­Δημόσιων και Ιδιωτικών ­Χώρων Richard Woditsch και Mark Kammerbauer

104

Σε αυτό το κεφάλαιο, η πολυκατοικία και το ελληνικό, αστικό της πλαίσιο κατανοούνται ως προϊόντα μιας διαδικασίας συν-εξέλιξης. Ως τέτοια, αντανακλούν έναν σχηματισμό οικονομικών, νομικών και κοινωνικών προϋποθέσεων που είναι μερικώς συνδεδεμένες με έναν πολιτισμικά συγκεκριμένο τρόπο εκσυγχρονισμού. Αν η πολυκατοικία και το αστικό της πλαίσιο, είναι τόσο συγκεκριμένα και μοναδικά, θα μπορούσε κανείς να θέσει το εύλογο ερώτημα σχετικά με το πώς η μελέτη της μπορεί να συμβάλει σε άλλες περιπτώσεις (ευρωπαϊκών) πόλεων και αστικής ανάπτυξης. Η ανάγνωση αυτού του κτιριακού τύπου αποκαλύπτει τρία κύρια χαρακτηριστικά. Πρώτον, η πολυκατοικία έχει αποδείξει ότι μπορεί να φιλοξενήσει ένα ευρύ σύνολο λειτουργιών μέσα σε μια κοινή δομή (micro-scale mixed-use). Δεύτερον, η πολυκατοικία καθορίζει ολόκληρο το αστικό τοπίο της Αθήνας μέσω μιας μορφής αναπαραγωγής copy-paste από το κέντρο της πόλης προς την περιφέρειά της (copy-paste urbanism). Τρίτον, η πολυκατοικία καταδεικνύει πώς οι δημόσιοι και ιδιωτικοί χώροι συγχωνεύονται σε μια ωσμωτική σφαίρα μέσω της αλληλεπίδρασης ενός συγκεκριμένου συνόλου κανόνων. Αυτό έχει ως αποτέλεσμα μια πολιτισμικά συγκεκριμένη ώσμωση που συνδέει τον χώρο της πόλης και τον χώρο του κτιρίου (osmotic sphere). Οι συγγραφείς υποστηρίζουν ότι η οικειοποίηση της πολυκατοικίας από τους χρήστες της καταδεικνύει τον αυτοπροσδιορισμό τους υπό το πρίσμα της αρχικά γενικής χωρικής λογικής του είδους. Η πολυκατοικία επιτυγχάνει ζωτικότητα, ποικιλομορφία και προσαρμοστικότητα: βασικοί παράγοντες για κάθε πόλη που υπόκειται σε αλλαγές. Ωστόσο, οι συγγραφείς παρατηρούν επίσης ότι, μετά την οικονομική κρίση, αυτός ο εξαιρετικός τύπος κτιρίου έχει χάσει μέρος της σπουδαιότητάς του ως βασικό δομικό στοιχείο του αστικού χώρου της Αθήνας και άλλων ελληνικών πόλεων. Αυτό συμβαίνει ιδίως λόγω της μείωσης του ρόλου των χρήσεων του

ισογείου και των αλλαγών στο πλαίσιο των κοινωνικών διαδικασιών, οι οποίες είναι θεμελιώδεις για την εγκαθίδρυση της ωσμωτικής σφαίρας. Οι συγγραφείς καταλήγουν στο συμπέρασμα ότι, η αναβίωση της πολυκατοικίας ως σκηνικού της αστικής ζωής συνδέεται στενά με την οικονομική ανάπτυξη, την πολιτική κατάσταση και τη δημιουργική βούληση των χρηστών. Οι συγγραφείς προτείνουν ότι μπορεί κάλλιστα να ενυπάρχει σε αυτήν την πόλη και το τοπίο της Αθήνας, μια ανεκτίμητη πολιτιστική έννοια βασισμένη στην πολυκατοικία, ένα ανεξερεύνητο ακόμη πνευματικό πρόγραμμα, που το μόνο που χρειάζεται είναι να ξεδιπλωθεί και να εφαρμοστεί με επιτυχία στον απόηχο της μεταμοντέρνας εποχής. Το κείμενο αυτό δημοσιεύθηκε για πρώτη φορά ως: Woditsch, R. & Kammerbauer, M. (2018). Διαβάζοντας την Πολυκατοικία (Reading the Polykatoikia). Στο: Woditsch, R. (Ed.). Το Δημόσιο Ιδιωτικό Σπίτι: Η Μοντέρνα Αθήνα και η Πολυκατοικία της (The Public Private House: Modern Athens and its Polykatoikia) (pp. 239-249). Zurich: Park Books. Οι συγγραφείς έχουν προσθέσει μία επιπλέον παράγραφο στο τέλος του πρωτότυπου κειμένου.

Καταλύτης ­Αστικών ­Μετασχηματισμών: Η Έννοια των ­Eνδοαστικών Tοπίων Τάσος Ροΐδης Κατά τη διάρκεια του 20ού αιώνα, οι ευρωπαϊκές πόλεις έγιναν κορεσμένες και πυκνοδομημένες. Στον 21ο αιώνα, δίνεται συνεχής έμφαση στις διαδικασίες αστικής ανάπλασης, οι οποίες συχνά λαμβάνουν τη μορφή παρεμβάσεων στον δημόσιο χώρο και το αστικό τοπίο. Ως ο τελευταίος ελεύθερος χωρικός πόρος της πόλης, αυτού του είδους οι παρεμβάσεις ποικίλλουν ως προς τη μορφή και τον χαρακτήρα τους, εστιάζοντας συχνά στην προσαρμογή, στην κλιματική αλλαγή, στην πεζοδρόμηση κεντρικών περιοχών και στην εισαγωγή νέων συστημάτων κινητικότητας. Ωστόσο, οι διαδικασίες αυτές έχουν ενίοτε αποσπασματικό χαρακτήρα, στοχεύοντας σε περιοχές

Ο δημόσιος βίος εκτείνεται πολύ πέρα από τα καθορισμένα όρια του δημόσιου χώρου, δημιουργώντας μια αναντιστοιχία μεταξύ του παραδοσιακού ορισμού του δημόσιου χώρου και των χώρων όπου πραγματικά διαμορφώνεται ο δημόσιος βίος, που εκτείνεται συχνά και σε ιδιωτικά ελεγχόμενες σφαίρες. Προκειμένου να περιγράψουμε αυτό το φαινόμενο και να κατανοήσουμε την έκτασή του, πρέπει να επινοήσουμε έναν ορισμό του χώρου που να περιγράφει και να περικλείει αυτές τις εκφάνσεις με επαρκή τρόπο: ένα ρευστό τοπίο της πόλης που πέραν από τους δημόσιους χώρους ενσωματώνει επίσης μεγάλα τμήματα του εσωτερικού της, τα οποία δρουν καταλυτικά για τον δημόσιο βίο, ή ένα ενδοαστικό τοπίο.  Αν θέλουμε να κατανοήσουμε την πολυπλοκότητα των διαδικασιών μετασχηματισμού με παραγωγικό τρόπο, χρειαζόμαστε μια διεπιστημονική προσέγγιση για την παραγωγή αυτών των μελλοντικών ενδοαστικών τοπίων, η οποία βρίσκεται στην παραγωγική αλληλεπίδραση της αρχιτεκτονικής, της πολεοδομίας και της αρχιτεκτονικής τοπίου. Η συνεργασία με τις τοπικές αρχές, μαζί με ειδικούς από διάφορα επιστημονικά υπόβαθρα, πρέπει να εντατικοποιηθεί, προκειμένου να σχεδιαστεί και να διασφαλιστεί η βιώσιμη μελλοντική μορφή του αστικού περιβάλλοντος, ακολουθώντας όχι ένα σταθερό, επαναλαμβανόμενο γενικό σχέδιο σε μια λογική που να ταιριάζει για κάθε περίπτωση, αλλά περισσότερο ένα στρατηγικό ενοποιητικό όραμα για ένα πιο βιώσιμο μέλλον.

Θεμελιώδη Στοιχεία για τα Οδικά Τοπία (Streetscapes) Kris Scheerlinck και Gitte Schreurs Τα οδικά τοπία (streetscapes) αποτελούν σημαντικούς παράγοντες στην κοινωνική ανανέωση του αστικού ιστού και των πολλαπλών συλλογικών πεδίων του. Πολλές κοινωνικές επαφές και αλληλεπιδράσεις, χωρικές οικειοποιήσεις και εδαφικές διεκδικήσεις της πόλης, συμβαίνουν στο επίπεδο του δρόμου. Αυτές οι πολύπλοκες κοινωνικό-χωρικές συνθέσεις των συλλογικών χώρων, συμπεριλαμβανομένων των εσωτερικών καθώς και των εξωτερικών χώρων, πρέπει συνεχώς να αναλύ­ ονται, να ελέγχονται και να διαχειρίζονται. Και αυτό καθώς τα streetscapes βρίσκονται σε διαρκή μετασχηματισμό και τίθενται επανειλημμένα υπό αμφισβήτηση από νέες, πολυεπίπεδες διαδικασίες διαμόρφωσης της πόλης. Τα συνεχιζόμενα, εντεινόμενα κύματα της κλιματικής και υγειονομικής κρίσης υπογραμμίζουν την ανάγκη κριτικής επανεξέτασης της λειτουργίας των σύγχρονων streetscapes. Το παρόν άρθρο διερευνά εναλλακτικούς τρόπους ανάγνωσης των σύγχρονων streetscapes, συγκεκριμένα στην περίπτωση της Νέας Υόρκης, θέτοντας προβληματισμούς και για άλλες περιπτώσεις διαδικασιών διαμόρφωσης του δημόσιου χώρου. Ένα από τα κύρια ερωτήματα που σχετίζονται με την ανάλυση των streetscapes παραμένει: ποια είναι τα «θεμελιώδη» στοιχεία σε αυτά τα αστικά τοπία: ποια στοιχεία – εμμέσως ή σαφώς – προάγουν την κοινωνική αλληλεπίδραση; Ποια στοιχεία εγγυώνται δίκαιες και ανεκτικές χρήσεις των δρόμων; Μπορούμε επίσης να αναρωτηθούμε ποια στοιχεία µας βοηθούν να οργανώσουμε, και όχι να διαχωρίσουμε ή να εξειδικεύσουμε, αυτά τα τοπία; Πώς να διαχειριστούμε τα streetscapes, χωρίς να τα μικροδιαχειριζόμαστε ή να εφαρμόζουμε υπερβολικές και συγκαταβατικές κατευθυντήριες γραμμές για τη χρήση και την οικειοποίησή τους; Υπάρχουν νέοι τρόποι με τους οποίους οι πολίτες μπορούν να συσχετιστούν με αυτά τα streetscapes και να τα οικειοποι­ ηθούν; Ποια στοιχεία των streetscapes σχετίζονται με τις συλλογικές μνήμες;

105

με χαρακτηριστικά που συνδέονται με την τουριστική ανάπτυξη ή με δραστηριότητες καθαρά αναψυχής. Η έννοια των ενδοαστικών τοπίων επιδιώκει να αναδείξει την ανάγκη για μια ολιστική προσέγγιση του αστικού χώρου της πόλης, εστιάζοντας όχι μόνο σε συγκεκριμένα (specific) στοιχεία, αλλά κυρίως στα γενικά (generic) μέρη μιας πόλης, θεωρώντας τους χώρους της πόλης που έχουν δημόσιο χαρακτήρα ως τον κοινό της τόπο. Χρησιμοποιώντας την Αθήνα ως παράδειγμα, το άρθρο επιχειρεί να διερευνήσει και να αναλύσει πτυχές του αστικού τοπίου που πρέπει να ληφθούν υπόψη, εάν φιλοδοξούμε να επιτύχουμε πιο βιώσιμα αστικά μέλλοντα.

Στην καταληκτική ενότητα Taking Action: Testing Relational Spheres, οι συντάκτες υποστηρίζουν ότι η παρουσία, η σωστή αναγνώριση και η προσεκτική μελέτη των συνηθισμένων στοιχείων των streetscapes είναι σημαντικές. Ένας λόγος είναι ότι συντελούν στη διασφάλιση ζωηρών κοινωνικών δυναμικών και τη βελτίωση της δυνατότητας προσωπικής ταύτισης από τους κατοίκους ή τους χρήστες στα αστικά τοπία. Οι συντάκτες επίσης υποστηρίζουν ότι πολύ συχνά, η διαμόρφωση του αστικού χώρου είναι αυστηρά κερδοσκοπική και λειτουργική, επικεντρωμένη στη δημιουργία περιβάλλοντος ανθεκτικού σε συγκρούσεις και στη μείωση νομικών ευθυνών. Ο κίνδυνος σε αυτού του είδους διαμορφώσεις είναι ότι στην πράξη αποκλείονται οι επιθυμητές παρενέργειες για αυξημένη αλληλεπίδραση και κοινωνική ένταξη. Συνεπώς, είναι απαραίτητο να δοθεί η δυνατότητα προσθήκης ανοικτών σημάτων, ελεύθερων μορφών ή συμβολικών κενών κατά τη δημιουργία νέων streetscapes, καθώς αυτά μπορούν να προκαλέσουν πραγματική κοινωνική αλλαγή. Οπότε, απαιτείται να ληφθεί μέριμνα, ώστε να συμπεριληφθεί ένας μη γραμμικός προγραμματισμός ως μέρος της διαδικασίας σχεδιασμού ή παρακολούθησης. Στον προγραμματισμό αυτόν θα πρέπει να δοθεί ιδιαίτερη προσοχή στα σημεία όπου τα εδαφικά πεδία μπορούν να μετατοπιστούν και όπου η επικαιροποίηση του κοινωνικού ιστού μπορεί να προκύψει μέσω μιας αυθόρμητης διαδικασίας. Με αυτόν τον τρόπο, τα αστικά τοπία μπορούν να μετασχηματιστούν με τον πλέον επωφελή τρόπο.

Μαθαίνοντας από την @Omonoia

106

Πάνος Δραγώνας Η πλατεία Ομονοίας έχει σημαντική παρουσία στα εμπορικά φιλμ της δεκαετίας του 1960. Οι χαρακτηριστικές σκηνές με τα νέον φώτα, το εντυπωσιακό σιντριβάνι και τη συνεχή ροή των αυτοκινήτων, δημιούργησαν τη συλλογική μνήμη ενός μοντέρνου δημόσιου χώρου στην καρδιά της Αθήνας. Η παλιά Ομόνοια κατεδαφίστηκε στα 1990s και η ευρύτερη περιοχή οδηγήθηκε σε μαρασμό. Η συζήτηση για την κρίση του αθηναϊκού κέντρου απασχόλησε για αρκετά χρόνια τα media. Ιδιαίτερη

στιγμή αποτέλεσε η δημιουργία ενός τηλεοπτικού σποτ όπου η Ομόνοια μετατράπηκε σε αμμώδη παραλία. Πολύς κόσμος αντέδρασε θετικά σε αυτή την έκπληξη. Την στιγμή εκείνη φάνηκε πως το ευρύτερο κοινό ήταν έτοιμο να αποδεχτεί τη μετατροπή της πλατείας σε έναν φωτογενή χώρο αναψυχής. Η πλατεία Ομονοίας έλαβε τη σημερινή μορφή της κατά τη διάρκεια της καραντίνας. Η παρουσίαση της έγινε μέσα από ένα προσεκτικά κινηματογραφημένο video, στο οποίο γινόταν εμφανής η ομοιότητα του νέου σχεδίου με την πλατεία των 1960s. Η νοσταλγία για ένα μακρινό παρελθόν φαίνεται να αποτέλεσε τη βάση για την αναμόρφωση της πλατείας. Η νέα διαμόρφωση δεν προσφέρει χώρους στάσης ή συγκέντρωσης αλλά είναι εντυπωσιακή η θέα της από τα roof garden των γύρω ξενοδοχείων. Το νέο σιντριβάνι και οι αναμορφωμένες φωτεινές όψεις των ανακαινισμένων κτιρίων δημιουργούν ένα φόντο για αναμνηστικές φωτογραφίες ή selfies, οι οποίες αναρτώνται στα μέσα κοινωνικής δικτύωσης. Η πλατεία έχει ξαναβρεί ένα μέρος της παλιάς της δόξας δίνοντας προτεραιότητα στη φωτογένεια του χώρου αντί της λειτουργικότητας. Πρόκειται για μια προσπάθεια δημιουργίας ενός «instagrammable» δημόσιου χώρου, η οποία όμως δεν είναι πραγματικά επιτυχημένη λόγω των περιορισμένων φιλοδοξιών του έργου. Η επίδραση των μέσων κοινωνικής δικτύωσης στη λειτουργία του δημόσιου χώρου είναι καθοριστική. Τα τελευταία χρόνια σημαντικές εκθέσεις τέχνης έλαβαν χώρα σε δημόσιους χώρους της Αθήνας, προβλήθηκαν μέσα από τα κοινωνικά δίκτυα και επηρέασαν τη ζωή της πόλης. Μέσα από την εμπειρία αυτή και τη σύγκριση της με την ιστορία της Ομόνοιας και τη διαμόρφωση της αστικής ταυτότητας μέσα από τον κινηματογράφο, τη διαφήμιση και τα μέσα κοινωνικής δικτύωσης, συμπεραίνουμε ότι, πέρα από σωστά σχεδιασμένα master plan, η σύγχρονη πόλη έχει ανάγκη και από καλή επιμέλεια.

Approaching and Framing

Situations of Change

The Issue of Taking Action and the City of Athens

Panayotis Tournikiotis

Old cities like Paris, Munich and Athens do not seem to change. Of course they do change – enough to be cumulatively different after a few years. Living permanently in Athens it is hard to see this continuity of change, either because it is very slow or because you digest it every day and cannot easily perceive it. However, looking at Paris, where I go from time to time and always observe the city, the changes are numerous and significant even though the city as a whole is the same. The longue durée can only be perceived when the mutations of the urban space are perceptually condensed into short time segments. This observation is methodologically important, because the main issue that concerns me is to have an overall plan and be able to implement it. This planning should not develop single large-scale programmes that will disrupt urban continuity over a large area and over a long time with results to be evaluated all together at the end of the projects. Instead, it should define a planning strategy that will propose small and medium scale interventions, which are virtually interconnected and gradually implemented in phases – allowing for adjustments, even reversals, depending on the actual course of things. This does not of course exclude larger plans for urban intervention, but treats them as exceptions and attributes to them another kind of metropolitan dimension, which may be due to exceptional conditions. The most important thing, in Athens, which has experienced a long period of crisis, is that all plans must be implemented: taking action is crucial. From the historical perspective, and because I have mentioned Paris, there are great plans that have been implemented and have radically changed cities, and others that have remained on paper and are exhibited in museums, for which we can sometimes be thankful and sometimes not. Haussmann’s interventions, deemed offensive in their time, have largely shaped the Paris we love today (Jallon et al., 2020). The re-location of Les Halles central market was part of a plan that changed not only a large part of the city centre but also its relationship with the suburbs. In Bercy, next to the Seine, de-industrialisation naturally led to a large-scale planning that has evolved over several decades, creating a new urban condition. Consider now, for comparison, Le Corbusier’s Ville contemporaine of 3 million inhabitants or the Plan Voisin (Le Corbusier, 1956), which had a similar scale of intervention (I, at least, would say today that it is just as well that they remained on

112

paper). In Paris, however, many small changes are constantly being made that, cumulatively, match the scale of the radical plans described above. The public space in central squares has increased (i.e. Bastille, Republique). Cars have been drastically restricted on historic avenues (e.g. Rivoli). The canals and docks of the Seine have been decisively reclaimed. Linear routes are repaired next to traffic walls, pocket parks are formed in the free space of building blocks and, in every free space, the porosity of the urban space is partially recovered. Bicycle avenues are networked and tramways connect the underground metro stations to the surface, limiting the freeway space (Michelin, 2005). Bricolage, collage, agraffage are words that spring to mind in view of this cosmogony. However, these words do not belong in the vocabulary of the well-educated architect or urban planner. In fact, bricolage (the French word for do-it-yourself) literally means making or creating something useful and effective from an assembly and/or adaptation of things that happen to be available, and involves improvisation, but it is used as a concept with a much broader meaning in the humanities. I am referring especially here to Claude Lévi-Strauss’ (1962) Pensée sauvage, where he opposes the rational thinking of engineers to the cognitive processes that allow “savage” societies to recover and re-combine the knowledge they already possess and re-use available materials to solve new problems. Similarly, collage – which refers to an avant-garde technique in the visual arts that combines separate pieces to create a new whole – was extended as an urban concept by Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter (1986[1978]) in their Collage City, in an attempt to shift from the utopia of a single urban vision to a multifaceted and multivalent city form. Going beyond Rowe and Koetter, I under­ stand the complexity of urban form as a collage of continuities and discontinuities, combining differences in place, history, traffic networks, urban fabrics and social structures, including their attendant contradictions and similarities. Agraffage, another French word that is less-commonly used as a concept within urban planning and humanities, is literally a stapling of separate but similar elements that aims to re-weave lost continuities. It specifically refers to the stapling of disjointed urban continuities that were disrupted after major infrastructure projects – such as highways, interchanges or railways – to repair urbanity. The approach I am referring to obviously presupposes that planning is taking place at many scales and levels simultaneously, in collaboration with decision mechanisms that have administrative, social and economic content, and cannot be the subject of a single specialty but rather of many and interdisciplinary practices. Moreover, it is oriented primarily towards public space, i.e. the space between buildings, even though decisions about the location and use of large buildings are catalytic to life in the public space. Moving a stadium for 20,000 spectators is without doubt a huge shift that radically changes two neighbourhoods, as is currently underway in Athens with the Panathinaikos football stadium. In particular, an existing stadium in a central district of the city will become a park and a new stadium will be built in a de-industrialised and degraded area on the periphery of the city centre. However, if it is not just a single interchange and is combined with comprehensive parallel planning

113

in the wider area of two places that aims at their networking, then it is not only a stadium that has been moved but a large part of the city has been changed. Even more so if this is part of a planning strategy that is gradually networked with other small and large interventions. What is critical and necessary is the feasible, which can be lost when planning presupposes large-scale and long-term urban projects, but will be effective when it is part of an integrated series of many seemingly fragmentary small and medium-scale interventions. This combined perspective, which ensures completion of pro­ jects in a certain time, is important for an additional reason. It does not include mutations of the urban environment that extend over a large area of space and last long enough to disrupt its unity and continuity. Further, it allows authorities dependent on access to political power to complete their projects in a reasonable time and register the new projects in a distinct continuity and/or discontinuity from the old ones. This is not a peculiarity of the Greek political scene, because it is similar in many small and large cities, although there are also several examples of long-term integrated space management. However, it is very important that there be continuity and change – that is, a coherence that includes contradiction and reversal. In order for all this to happen, one of the conditions is the formation of an environment of shared and active understanding that extends from the space of professional education to the spaces of decision and implementation. The last finding is a good reason to connect the university with the city. It is true that the educational process is, and must be, autonomous and independent to be able to innovate, challenge and question at a distance from the established perception of decisions dependent on administration and the economy. However, this dimension also produces a distance and potentially a gap that may prove unbridgeable. Not only because the educational process develops at a distance from material reality but also because this reality is not in step with the research processes and experimentations which belong to the academic environment. The osmosis of concerns and practices will be mutually beneficial, even as a means of understanding or measuring differences, so that it should be programmatic for both sides. Of course, this should not be an established framework for cooperation, but a field for meeting and exchanging proposals, opinions and methods that move in the same direction of ever-changing city planning. The School of Architecture in Athens has a long tradition of undertaking research projects that respond to real problems of the urban environment and are prepared for public institutions with the ultimate goal of implementation, in which postgraduate and doctoral students participate together with professors and researchers. Some of them have actually contributed to transforming ideas and plans in city making, which at the same time has fed the educational process with the necessary experience of real conditions. It has simultaneously furnished a number of young scholars with knowledge, methodology and experience in taking action to transform urban landscapes. After all, today’s students are the actors who will implement changes in the coming years.

1 Athens from the air. Photo by Panayotis Tournikiotis, 9 May, 2022.

116

Jallon, Benoit; Napolitano, Umberto & Boutté, Frank (Eds.) (2020). Paris Haussmann: Modèle de ville: A model‘s relevance. Paris: Editions du Pavillon de l‘Arsenal. Le Corbusier (1956). Les plans de Paris: 1956– 1922 [The plans of Paris: 1956–1922]. Paris: Les Éd. de Minuit. Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1962). La Pensée sauvage [Wild thought]. Paris: Plon.  Michelin, Nicolas (Ed.) (2005). Nouveau Paris: La ville et ses possibles [New Paris: The city and its possibilities]. Paris: Editions du Pavillon de l’Arsenal. Rowe, Colin & Koetter, Fred (1986[1978]). Collage City. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Visions and Local Knowledge: The Urban ­Everyday as Space of Change

Norbert Kling

In the midst of the global challenges that we observe today, cities seem to be reasserting their role as sites of exchange, experiment­ ation and the search for different futures. At the same time, it is often in cities where the consequences of unsustainable growth, inequality and social conflicts are directly felt. Changing and adapting urban environments, together with their mechanisms of (re-)production, are seen as effective means though which some of the pressing problems of the present and the future can be addressed. In this article I seek to relate the visions of current discourses on sustainability to the concepts of local knowledge and the local from the perspectives of planning and urbanism. If the urban is defined as the unfolding and negotiation of differences and contradictions, if the production of the built environment is seen as being shaped by the interplay of choices and regulation – of economic, environmental and social processes, as well as public, collective and private initiatives – how could local knowledge help in achieving the goals of large-scale visions and contribute to the re-shaping of socio-ecologic relations? How could private initiatives and collective action on the local level enhance urban qualities and make our cities more sustainable? The following theoretical discussion is connected to the Athenian context through two cases that exemplify two specific modes of change. Big Problems, Grand Visions If there is broad agreement that modes of production, access and distribution of resources and, ultimately, levels of consumption and behaviours need to change in response to the challenges posed by climate change, environmental degradation and growing inequality, there is far less agreement about how to change, what to change, and to what extent. The issues involved are linked to a vast array of different and often conflicting interests, while predictions about future developments and the effects of possible measures come with various degrees of uncertainty. In response to these global challenges, various supranational agendas, agreements and sets of guidelines are being developed to define the goals and levels of commitment envisaged to achieve them. They could be seen as the grand visions of our times and include the 2030 Agenda of the United Nations, the Paris Agreement, the Green New Deal, and the European Union’s European Green Deal. However, the United

118

States’ withdrawal from the 2015 Paris Agreement in 2021 and subsequent re-joining in 2022, as well as the fact that some countries are not parties to the agreement, are indicative of the difficulties in adopting large-scale visions. This is mirrored by the difficulties in translating them into meaningful and effective policies, especially if the local conditions to which they are applied vary greatly. In response to the complexity of the issues involved, the United Nations’ “Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development” (United Nations, 2015) defined 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and provided instruments for evaluating the main issues that should be considered in the making of better worlds. The development goals are conceived as guiding principles that can be addressed on different levels of action. The European Green Deal (European Commission, 2019), which was approved in 2020, seeks to make the European Union climate-neutral by 2050. The communication paper outlines interrelated measures in different sectors, including energy, industry, building, agriculture, mobility, pollution, biodiversity, and finance and commits the states to the restructuring of economic processes. This will affect not only core areas such as production chains, but also patterns of consumption and routines of the everyday. The programme is coupled with what is called a Just Transition Mechanism (JTM), a financial instrument to support national economies that are disproportionally affected by the envisaged restructuring and channel investment in sustainable restructuring and innovation (Financing the green transition, 2020). While the European Commission stresses the European Green Deal’s significance and capacity, critics from within the European Parliament and non-governmental organisations like Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace claim that it would not be “ambitious enough” (Kelly, 2019) and would “miss the mark” (Greenpeace European Unit, 2019). The multiple SDGs of the UN 2030 Agenda and the JTM of the European Green Deal are based on the understanding that the envisaged fundamental changes cannot be achieved through blueprint solutions, but rather on the basis of integrated approaches that can be adapted to national requirements and local conditions. Hence, the question arises how changes that emerge from the local level and from within the everyday can contribute towards the grand visions and large-scale processes of sustainable urban transformation? Crisis-Induced Spatial Appropriation and the Re-Discovery of the Local The consequences of climate change, the global financial crisis, Covid-19, and lately the energy crisis make apparent the many, often unexpected interdependences between macro-level processes, local urban conditions and spaces of the everyday (Brenner, 2021; Harvey, 2019; Sassen, 2014). The pandemic led to the tempo­ rary suspension of public life as we knew it and fundamentally changed familiar patterns of local interaction and spatial use. At the same time, it revealed significant differences between urban areas. During the lockdowns and periods of isolation and travel restrictions, people relied on their locally available resources. Local shops, services, parks and open spaces in general assumed a new

The Local in Urban Research and Practice In urban theory, the notion of the local has been used in different contexts, ranging from the conservative perspectives of new urba­ nism, to criticisms of global capitalism. It is used in multi-scalar models to describe the particular zone of locally effective inter­ action, whereby concepts like “glocal” (Swyngedouw, 2004), “planetary urbanization” (Brenner, 2021) or network theory (Brenner et al., 2011; Farías, 2011) have widened and respectively questioned the notion. Differences in approach and definition are also present within the different methodological perspectives in the social sciences. For example, while urban ethnography tends to focus on human interactions within their narrowly defined contexts, theories like social worlds/arenas (Clarke et al., 2018) or relational space (Löw, 2016) emphasise the interrelatedness of processes across different scales. In these perspectives, the broader defined situation respectively relations are used as conceptual frameworks and sites of analysis. In the social sciences and spatial disciplines, the local may be discussed in close relationship with the concept of neighbourhood, in particular in the study of communities, identity construction and boundary formation, inclusion and exclusion. The term neighbourhood may define a spatial entity, with the difficulty of demarcating its boundaries, or a social construct. It becomes problematic when used to advocate homogeneity and cohesion as a counter-model to the urban condition, since this tends to promote mechanisms of exclusion and segregation. If used as a conceptual framework to describe the proximity and interaction of similarities and differences, the neighbourhood could attain a new significance in the

119

significance. Their potentials were rediscovered and integrated in new routines. In urban planning, concepts like the “walkable neighbourhood” or the “15-minute city” (Moreno et al., 2021; Pozoukidou & Chatziyiannaki, 2021) were seen from new perspectives and could be studied under pandemic conditions. At the same time, people became aware of local deficits and the inaccessibility of basic essentials, the missing qualities in their immediate urban surroundings, or the vulnerability of the way their everyday lives had been organised. In view of the speed of change and general constraints, many people responded with solidarity, the formation of mutual aid groups and developed solutions that worked for them locally. The pandemic caused a shift, at least temporarily, in how people perceived and appropriated their urban environment and how they took action to transform everyday space. Some ad-hoc interventions were realised out of necessity, others were the result of emerging opportunities. The pandemic changed public discourses and legitimised hitherto controversial proposals for the redistribution of spatial resources. City administrations installed provisional cycle lanes, on-street parking was converted into outdoor space for bars and restaurants, sport and recreational activities were held in hitherto unusual places, previously neglected spaces were brought back into use (Bohigas, Spanou & Kling, chapter in this book). The local became a zone of unexpected opportunities and collective experimentation. Many of these interventions proved their beneficial values and were subsequently retained.

120

conceptualisation of emerging processes in cities, for example in the fields of circular economy or sharing of knowledge and resources. Urban and political concepts like “Open City” (Sennet, 2010), “ago­ nistics” (Mouffe, 2013), “urban porosity” (Stavrides, 2018), or “Green new Dialogue” (Goodbun, 2021) are based on the understanding that urban issues are entangled with conflicting interests that evolve along open and non-linear processes of negotiation. They may be useful tools for achieving a more critical framing of the local. Looking at current urban research and planning, there seems to be a tendency towards studying large-scale projects also in terms of their micro impact on specific local situations. Examples include the multi-level and cross-sectoral research of green infrastructures, new mobility concepts, circular economy or the reduction of CO2 emissions. This tendency is paralleled by ongoing research in social geography, environmental studies, the design disciplines and other disciplines aimed at developing a better understanding of local processes, economies, resources and the intrinsic web of socio-spatial relations. Research in this field is diverse and draws from different theoretical backgrounds to grasp the many facets of local realities. Examples in urban research range from the mapping of community interactions (Jungfer et al., 2022), digitally enabled participatory analysis and design (Geropanta, chapter in this book), artistic participatory formats (Iliopoulou & Avdikos; Malamou; both in this book), to multi-layered social geography (Maloutas & Spyrellis, 2015). In architectural and urban design, life-world laboratories (Beecroft et al., 2018), or Urban Research and Design Studios (URDS), seek to engage spatial processes from within their local situations. While the statutory inclusion of participatory elements in today’s planning processes is still often kept to a minimum, de­ spite the shortfalls of technocratic planning in the past, a growing number of urban development projects and strategic plans are defined as dynamic frameworks that actively draw from the inputs of a broad range of stakeholders and actors. Increasing levels of digitalisation, including in the public domain, have produced new possibilities for the management and communication of projects, such as improved access to data, greater transparency and public control. Improved levels of communication are understood to help in raising public expectations and demanding better outcomes. In this constellation, the local event is not necessarily limited to a fixed place and predefined group of participants, since it can be streamed to a remotely interacting audience, or shared and accessed through the cloud. Based on these various assumptions, we could say that while the local, as a concept, has retained its close relationship to the material and social worlds of a specific place, it is increasingly seen in its connectedness to other people, places, processes and systems. Dynamic Change and Local Knowledge Many of the spatial adjustments initiated by local residents and users in response to the pandemic resulted in noticeable changes despite their small scale. Their impact may be attributed to the focus on a specific goal, improvisation, efficiency and embeddedness in local situations. Urban theory offers a range of concepts that

121

describe the types of change that are at work in these and other, similar processes, such as satisficing, learning in the doing, repair and upgrading, guerrilla tactics, or urban acupuncture (Awan et al., 2011; Kling, 2020, pp. 196–197). A new feature during the pandemic, however, was the degree of digitalisation that facilitated the exchange of information beyond the local and immediate. Also new was the non-linear dynamic of change that people had to respond to. The pandemic evolved in waves and with shifting intensities. The prevailing levels of uncertainty required actors to have alternatives at hand and keep their coping plans in an open and fluid state. Experiments and ideas that were developed in one place could travel ahead of the zones of acute crisis to be broadly shared. Once the condition of urgency had led to the ad-hoc initiation of a project, the ensuing dynamic often enabled successive steps of refinement, testing, collective learning, gradual change and adaptation. The interventions occurred simultaneously in different places and cities and, taken as a whole, in large numbers. They required a level of expertise about the local conditions, including spatial configurations, social relations, decision-making processes, materialities, resources, as well as trans-local connections to broader discourses. Knowledge theory in planning uses the term “local knowledge” to describe this capacity (Matthiesen, 2005; Matthiesen & Reisinger, 2011; Zimmermann, 2009). According to Matthiesen (2005, p. 8) “local knowledge addresses locally situated forms of knowledgebased competencies, integrating more or less systematically fragments of different knowledge forms on the local level. This knowledge form operates in close contact to everyday and professional experiences.” Processes of urban transformation are influenced by the interplay of different forms of knowledge. As part of the Governance for Sustainability project (GFORS), Matthiesen and Reisinger (2011, p. 97) conceptualised the “zone of knowledge transactions” as the arena in which different forms of knowledge and knowledge producers interact with each other, in which “knowledge, information and data are shared, absorbed or mutually produced and where knowledge spillovers, cognitive flows and knowledge conflicts […] create the basis for innovation and learning at the local, societal and global level.” In their attempt to operationalise the concept, Matthiesen and Reisinger (2011, p. 105) propose four clusters which they refer to as “knowledge domains”: 1. the “science, research and expert domain”, with a focus on expert/professional/scientific/product knowledge; 2. the “policy and governance domain”, with a focus on steering/ institutional knowledge; 3. the “market domain”, with a focus on economic knowledge; and 4. the “life world domain”, with a focus on everyday/milieu/local knowledge. Within each domain, relevant forms of knowledge are collected, controlled and stored according to the domain’s conventions and requirements. Actions between the domains include the exchange and trading of knowledge, filtering and translating of knowledge (Matthiesen & Reisinger, 2011, pp. 105–106). Reflective knowledge is conceptualised as a transversal category that fills the space in between the domains. The model of knowledge domains assumes that knowledge does not evolve in a linear process of accumulation, but rather through a complex web of knowledge transactions. Other models

122

of knowledge emphasise the dynamic and contested nature of knowledge in similar ways. In her conceptualisation of knowledge in the context of strategic planning, Patsy Healey suggests that “policy groups, scientific teams or local neighbourhoods” usually draw on different forms of knowledge in the “processes through which what counts as valid knowledge and legitimate inference is established.” (Healey, 2007, p. 255). The questioning of the modernist claim to the authority of “matters of fact” (Latour, 2008) paved the way for concepts like “epistemic communities” (Haas & Haas, 1995, p. 261), “communities of practice” (Healey, 2007, p. 27; Wenger, 2008), “discourse coalitions” (Hajer, 1993), or “matters of concern” (Latour, 2008). These concepts assume that knowledge is socially produced and mediated, related to power structures, and that knowledge claims compete with each other. From such perspectives, local and everyday knowledge are understood to have the capacity to question and challenge institutional knowledge. Putting institutional knowledge to the practical test in real-world urban situations defines one possible way of developing and legitimising claims to local knowledge. Since local knowledge is directly connected to the everyday, its capacity to respond to unexpected or fast changes stems from practical necessities. This seems to make local knowledge more responsive than other forms of knowledge, in particular if it engages in the exchange of information through trans-local networks as it did during the pandemic. In view of the dynamic nature of urban problems and the difficult task of translating grand visions into policies that can adapt to the changing requirements of local contexts and everyday situations (and vice versa), knowledge about local knowledge seems to be more important than ever. The Polykatoikia as Shared Local Knowledge and Practice of the Everyday Local knowledge has enabled and supported different modes of urban change in the Athenian context. The accumulative mode of change based on the polykatoikia has shaped much of the urban fabric of Athens and other Greek cities (Woditsch, 2018). The structural concept of the polykatoikia – the multi-storey apartment building that can be found in any Greek city – is based on a simple concrete frame in the tradition of rationalised, modernist construction. The rationales of repetition and efficiency, as well as enabling (de-)regulation and the tax and financial incentives offered by Antiparochi, have helped to produce large numbers of buildings across broad areas of urban land that resemble each other. Small local building firms were able to manage the construction process, as they had access to knowledge about the more complex techni­ cal aspects of the process. This distinguished the polykatoikia from other European post-war reconstruction projects. Despite the significant differences in funding mechanisms and procurement methods, the Greek city of polykatoikias shares with other modernist urban projects the principles of repetition and accumulation. In the planning of the modernist functional city, aggregated elements – be they buildings, solutions to a problem, or processes – typically resembled each other, while the hierarchy of infrastructures followed the logics of linear, tree-like patterns of organisation.

1, 2

3

Transformation through Multiple Small-Scale Adaptations Some of the more recent changes of the polykatoikia include measures that seek to respond to climate change and environmental issues. The roofscape of Athens is dotted with solar thermal collec­ tors. With costs for energy set to rise further, solar powered systems are likely to multiply in the future to meet domestic hot water demands. The extent of the solar retrofitting can be experienced from the mountains that surround the metropolitan basin of Athens and its neighbouring municipalities, with thousands of stainless steel appliances sparkling in bright sunlight. In line with the overall rep­ etitive logics of the polykatoikia (Dragonas, 2014), this small-scale adaptation follows the principle of repetition and multiplica­tion. Its benefits include, among others, the aggregate effect of small-scale change and economy of scale in production, installation capacities and maintenance. If, as in the case of solar systems, private interests are directly aligned with the goals of grand visions, measures towards more sustainable futures have a realistic chance of being implemented, and this within a comparably short period of time, provided they are manageable and economically viable. The Greek polykatoikia offers itself as a framework that could accommodate a broad range of adaptations towards the sustainable city on the basis of repetition and accumulation. However, many of the problems and tasks emerging in urban environments today cannot be effectively approached at the scale of the single building and on the basis of isolated solutions and interventions (Michaeli, chapter in this book). Furthermore, accumulative change is allied with affirmation and does not necessarily lead to the levels of change that are needed. It tends to follow the principle of “dynamic conservatism” (Schön, 1973, pp. 31–60) in that

123

This simplified, uniform model enabled actors in both planned and market economies to deal with the challenge of large numbers, efficiency and complexity. It disciplined urban planning, the construc­tion and financing sector, and legal regulators, at the expense of urban diversity. However, where users had the means and power to appropriate their built environment, as in the polykatoikias, the process did not rigidify the built environment and it remained in a dynamic, or “osmotic” state (Woditsch & Kammerbauer, chapter in this book). The specific open layout and vertical zoning of the polykatoikia enabled the building type to gradually accommodate changing needs, different uses and different social groups (Maloutas, 2007, 2018). Since they were constructed in large numbers during the post-war period and up until the 1980s, the polykatoikias of Athens have been modified to accommodate the changing needs of commercial activities and the service sector; they saw shifts in the social composition of its inhabitants resulting from changes in location preferences, displacement and migration, or the arrival of Airbnb and tourism. Many practices of the everyday, routines and conventions, ways of doing, are linked to and influenced by the polykatoikia. In this sense, the Greek polykatoikia is more than a building type. It is a key spatial element in a dense web of social, economic, legislative, environmental and cultural relations. It is an important element around which a large body of broadly shared local knowledge is assembled.

1 Solar thermal collector installed on a typical flat roof in Athens. 2 Solar collectors reflecting light after rainfall.

3 Single tree in a Piraeus neighbourhood. Photo by Sophie Wolfrum, 2017.

4

5–9

Civic Engagement and Common Good Conceived by the Philodassiki Society and Kaity Argyropoulou in the late 1940s (Mt. Hymettus Aesthetic Forest, 2009), the Mount Hymettus Reafforestation Programme started as a private initiative and evolved into a broadly supported project. It operates outside the frameworks of short-term profitability, consumerism and obso­ lescence, and is explicitly aimed at serving the common good. Mount Hymettus is part of the mountain ridge that defines the eastern edge of the Attica basin and rises more than 1000 metres above sea level. The collective work of many volunteers and the participation of the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) during the years 1969–1979 helped to realise the ambitious goals of converting the eroded pastures on the slopes of Mount Hymettus into mature woodland. The project had to withstand a series of ups and downs, but the orchestrated effort of planting trees in large numbers produced a new ecosystem that today is far more than a mere accumulation of plants. The woodlands are home to diverse wildlife and plant communities. They reduce erosion on the sensitive slopes and protect the neighbourhoods at the foot of the mountain – and along the natural drainage systems in the Attica basin – from flooding. The forest is a popular recreational destination that offers many opportunities for outdoor activities, such as family walks, picnicking, school excursions, yoga classes, ambitious hikes and mountain biking. During the hot season the forest provides shade and creates cooling effects in adjacent neighbourhoods. Since the beginning of the programme, the forest has achieved a level of maturity and resilience, with fire being the only real threat to the system. While the many benefits are clearly visible today, this wasn’t the case 50 years ago. A series of hurdles had to be overcome. Speculative expectations on rising land values had to be abandoned, privileges and conventions given up, funding and labour provided, objections addressed, and the commitment to long-term care and maintenance established. Its location right next to the metropolitan basin helped to generate a critical mass of support since its positive effects would be available to a large number of people. Furthermore, its elevated location allowed the project to have a subtle visual presence in the public domain. It seems justifiable to suggest that this encouraged people – be they users, neighbours, volunteers, donors, or other supporters – to identify with the project and share in the idea of a commons that is beneficial to many and in need of care. The initiators had future generations in mind and the many volunteers accepted that their investment in a better future would not produce immediate returns. The project benefitted from the diverse local knowledge brought into it by the participants during its early phase. Today, while the area’s land use status and processes of monitoring and maintenance are institutionalised, local knowledge still seems to play a role when it comes to practices of everyday use, appropriation and volunteer work.

127

it aims to reduce change to a level that does not undermine the foundations of a given system. If the process mirrors current models of economic growth, consumption and extraction, the causes of climate change and growing inequalities are likely to remain.

4 View from reafforestation area on Mount Hymettus across the Attica basin.

5 6

7

5–8 Everyday uses and recreational activities are part of the complex Mount Hymettus ecosystem. 9 Sign of the reafforestation programme.

8

9

132

Linking the Everyday and Vision(s) The ongoing transformation of the polykatoikia and the reaffores­ tation programme could be seen as specific examples of how local change can contribute towards the grand visions and large-scale processes of sustainable urban transformation. They are meant to demonstrate how local knowledge, private initiatives, civic engagement, incremental change, persistence and the multiplication of small-scale adaptations can make a difference. However, despite the many promising and positive models we may have for urban transformation, they also illustrate that there is no universal model, or approach. In view of the complexities involved, the vision of a more sustainable future cannot be achieved through following a predefined set of prescriptions. I argue that we need a mix of different modes of transformation, in particular if we wish to make the most of the resources and knowledges that are at our disposal to respond to the challenges ahead. From an institutional and regulative perspective, many of the more fundamental questions can only be dealt with on the national and supra-national level. This makes it even more important for local discourses to connect to them, since the required measures need to be adapted to the specifics of the local and lived by the local communities in the long term. Both, policymaking and research in the fields of sustainability and resilience seem to increasingly take this into account. As privately initiated changes to the built environment greatly outnumber those implemented by the municipalities and other public bodies, both in numbers and volume (Negreiros et al., 2021, p. 16), the private sector is likely to continue to play a significant part in processes of urban transformation. The frameworks conceived to initiate and orchestrate transformative processes have to be based on the right balance between incentives and regulative intervention, and need to offer sufficient degrees of openness to encourage experimentation. In order to connect local initiatives, capacities and knowledge to higher-level processes and institutions and vice versa, suitable political and administrative mechanisms need to be in place. Successful decentralised systems include political bodies and administrative processes for debating and decision-making on local and intermediate levels, where goals and actions are negotiated, agreed upon and put in practice. To be effective, they have powers beyond mere consultation and partici­ pation, giving them certain levels of autonomy and control. In view of the decisions that need to be taken, local bodies need to have the will to look beyond their backyards and be committed to environmental justice, to prevent the burdens of urban restructuring being distributed in uneven ways. Since the required speed of change defines limits with regard to experimenting, testing and optimisation, much of the practical knowledge and skills that are needed to implement the envisaged goals will have to be developed while construction is under way. This is where local knowledge that is well connected within and beyond the local can have a powerful impact. The potential benefits of the local perspective in processes of urban transformation are obvious. At the neighbourhood level, problems can be approached in smaller units than at the city scale and become more tangible. The effects of actions can be analysed and discussed in relation to

Awan, Nishat; Schneider, Tatjana & Till, Jeremy (2011). Spatial agency: Other ways of doing architecture. Abingdon: Routledge. Beecroft, Richard; Trenks, Helena; Rhodius, Regina; Benighaus, Christina & Parodi, Oliver (2018). Reallabore als Rahmen transformativer und transdisziplinärer Forschung: Ziele und Designprinzipien [Real-world laboratories as sites of transformative and transdisciplinary research: Goals and design principles]. In Di Giulio, Antonietta & Defila, Rico (Eds.), Transdisziplinär und transformativ forschen [Transdisciplinary and transformative research]. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. Brenner, Neil (Ed.). (2021). Implosions / Explosions: Towards a study of planetary urbanization. Berlin: Jovis. https://doi. org/10.1515/9783868598933. Brenner, Neil; Madden, David J. & Wachsmuth, David (2011). Assemblage urbanism and the challenges of critical urban theory. City, 15(2), 225–240. https://doi.org/10.1080/1360 4813.2011.568717. Clarke, Adele; Friese, Carrie & Washburn, Rachel (2018). Situational analysis: Grounded theory after the interpretive turn. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. Dragonas, Panos (2014). An Obituary for the Greek city of repetition. MAS Context, 12. https://mascontext.com/issues/repetition/ an-obituary-for-the-greek-city-of-repetition [Accessed: 16 September, 2022]. European Commission (2019). The European Green Deal. Communication from the commission released on 11 December 2019.

https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/ TXT/?uri=COM:2019:640:FIN [Accessed: 16 September, 2022]. Farías, Ignacio (2011). The politics of urban assemblages. City, 15(3–4), 365–374. https:// doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2011.595110. Financing the green transition (2020, January 14). Financing the green transition: The European Green Deal Investment Plan and Just Transition Mechanism [Press release]. Brussels: European Commission. https:// ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/ detail/en/ip_20_17 [Accessed: 16 September, 2022]. Friedmann, John (1999). The city of everyday life: Knowledge/power and the problem of representation. DisP – The Planning Review, 35(1/2), 4–11. Goodbun, Jon. (2021). There isn’t one Green New Deal. In Bader, Markus; Kafka, George; Schneider, Tatjana & Talevi, Rosario (Eds.), Making futures (pp. 75–79). Leipzig: Spector Books. Greenpeace European Unit (2019, December 11). European Green Deal misses the mark. https://www.greenpeace.org/eu-unit/ issues/climate-energy/2517/europeangreen-deal-misses-the-mark [Accessed: 16 September, 2022]. Haas, Peter & Haas, Ernst (1995). Learning to Learn: Improving international governance. Global Governance, 1, 255–285. https://doi. org/10.1163/19426720-001-03-90000002. Hajer, Maarten A. (1993). Discourse Coalitions and the Institutionalization of Practice: The case of acid rain in Great Britain.

133

their immediate effects on everyday life. The often hidden and otherwise inaccessible resources can be identified and either be acti­ vated for processes of change or protected. This two-fold approach is important, since it is often places with symbolic local meaning that offer a sense of orientation and continuity in people's everyday lives in situations of rapid spatial change. They are often less visible to the eyes of the administration and urban planners (Friedmann, 1999; Jungfer et al., 2022) and need to be treated with great care. The collective work of visualising transformation and sketching out images of desired futures could facilitate processes of local change as well as the communication between different bodies and levels. Visual media have an integrative capacity. They can be easily shared in different ways and debated in online forums or during assemblies. The difficulty rests in finding the right way of sketching out an image of a vision that supports public debates without closing the process. Like in the Collage City (Rowe & Koetter, 1978), the key issue seems to be whether visions are conceptualised and presented as pre-defined goals, or as perspectival orientations that include a degree of fuzziness so that actors may pursue and experiment with alternatives, conflicts and different interpretations. The importance given to adaptation and modification of the existing in discourses about sustainability seems to lead to a renewed interest in the everyday urban environment, in the spaces people use and modify as part of their daily lives and the processes that enable or restrict their activities. The tasks ahead will require major efforts on all levels, including the changes of the everyday city that are often overseen and underrated by architectural and planning professionals.

134

In Fischer, Frank & Forester, John (Eds.), The argumentative turn in policy analysis and planning (pp. 43–76). Durham, NC: Duke University Press. https://doi. org/10.1215/9780822381815-003 Harvey, David (2019). Spaces of global capitalism: A theory of uneven geographical development. London: Verso. Healey, Patsy (2007). Urban complexity and spatial strategies: Towards a relational planning for our times. New York, NY: Routledge. Jungfer, Carsten; Palmieri, Fernanda & Kling, Norbert (2022). “DALSTON! WHO ASKED U?”: A Knowledge-centred perspective on the mapping of socio-spatial relations in east London. Urban Planning, 7(3), 191–205. https://doi.org/10.17645/up.v7i3.5365. Kelly, Éanna (2019, December 12). EU Council meets to debate Green Deal grand plan for tackling climate change. https://sciencebusiness.net/news/ eu-council-meets-debate-green-dealgrand-plan-tackling-climate-change [Accessed: 28 March, 2023]. Kling, Norbert (2020). The Redundant City: A multi-site enquiry into urban narratives of conflict and change. Bielefeld: transcript. https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839451144. Latour, Bruno (2008). What is the style of matters of concern?: Two lectures in empirical philosophy. Assen: Koninklijke Van Gorcum. Löw, Martina (2016). The sociology of space: Materiality, social structures, and action (Donald Goodwin, Trans.). New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Maloutas, Thomas (2007). Segregation, social polarization and immigration in Athens during the 1990s: Theoretical expectations and contextual difference: Segregation, social polarization and immigration in Athens. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 31(4), 733–758. https:// doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2007.00760.x. Maloutas, Thomas (2018). The Athenian apartment building and the city’s social geography. In Woditsch, Richard (Ed.), The public private house: Modern Athens and its polykatoikia (pp. 112–115). Zurich: Park Books. Maloutas, Thomas & Spyrellis, Stavros (2015). Athens Social Atlas. http://www. athenssocialatlas.gr/en/ [Accessed: 16 September, 2022]. Matthiesen, Ulf (2005). KnowledgeScapes: Pleading for a knowledge turn in sociospatial research. Leibniz-Institute for Regional Development and Structural Planning. https://leibniz-irs.de/fileadmin/ user_upload/IRS_Working_Paper/ KnowledgeScapes.pdf [Accessed: 4 April, 2022]. Matthiesen, Ulf & Reisinger, Eva (2011). The zone of knowledge transactions: Recent tendencies in knowledge production, knowledge sharing and the trading of knowledge from a socio-spatial perspective. In Atkinson, Rob & Terizakis, Georgios (Eds.), Sustainability in European environmental policy: Challenges of governance and knowledge (pp. 94–114). Abingdon: Routledge. Moreno, Carlos; Allam, Zaheer; Chabaud, Didier; Gall, Catherine & Pratlong, Florent (2021). Introducing the “15-Minute City”: Sustainability, resilience and place identity in future post-pandemic cities. Smart Cities, 4(1), 93–111. https://doi.org/10.3390/ smartcities4010006.

Mouffe, Chantal (2013). Agonistics: Thinking the world politically. London: Verso. Mt. Hymettus Aesthetic Forest (2009, December 14). Mt. Hymettus aesthetic forest. https://www.philodassiki.org/index. php?option=com_content&view=article &id=87&Itemid=137&lang=en [Accessed: 16 September, 2022]. Negreiros, Priscilla; Furio, Valerie; Falconer, Angela; Richmond, Morgan; Yang, Kristiina; Jungman, Laura; Tonkonogy, Bella; Novikova, Aleksandra; Pearson, Marianne & Skinner, Ian (2021). The State of cities climate finance part 1: The landscape of urban climate finance. World Bank. https:// citiesclimatefinance.org/wp-content/ uploads/2021/06/Part-1-l-The-Landscapeof-Urban-Climate-Finance-FINAL.pdf [Accessed: 16 September, 2022]. Pozoukidou, Georgia & Chatziyiannaki, Zoi (2021). 15-Minute City: Decomposing the new urban planning Eutopia. Sustainability, 13(2). https://doi.org/10.3390/su13020928 Rowe, Colin & Koetter, Fred (1978). Collage City. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Sassen, Saskia (2014). Expulsions. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. https://www. jstor.org/stable/j.ctt6wpqz2 [Accessed: 16 September, 2022]. Schön, Donald A. (1973). Beyond the stable state. New York, NY: Norton. Stavrides, Stavros (2018). Urban Porosity and the right to a shared city. In Wolfrum, Sophie; Stengel, Heiner; Kurbasik, Florian; Kling, Norbert; Dona, Sofia; Mumm, Imke & Zöhrer, Christian (Eds.), Porous City: From metaphor to urban agenda (pp. 32–37). Basel: Birkhäuser. https://doi. org/10.1515/9783035615784-055. Swyngedouw, Erik (2004). Globalisation or ‘glocalisation’? Networks, territories and rescaling. Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 17, 25–48. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 0955757042000203632 [Accessed: 28 March, 2023]. United Nations (2015). Transforming our world: The 2030 agenda for sustainable development. Resolution A/RES/70/1 adopted by the General Assembly on 25 September 2015. https://sdgs.un.org/sites/default/files/ publications/21252030%20Agenda%20 for%20Sustainable%20Development%20 web.pdf [Accessed: 30 September, 2022]. Wenger, Etienne (2008). Communities of practice: Learning, meaning, and identity (1st ed., 18th printing). Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. Woditsch, Richard (Ed.). (2018). The public private house: Modern Athens and its Polykatoikia. Zurich: Park Books. Zimmermann, Karsten (2009). Changing governance- Evolving KnowledgeScapes. DisP – The Planning Review, 45(178), 56–66.

Facing Athens’ Urban H ­ eritage Paradox: An Abandoned Building Stock as Common(s)?

Christos-Georgios Kritikos

During the years of the economic crisis, an urban pathology that had been evident since before the turn of the century came to the forefront as part of the many problems the Athenian urban landscape had to face. Articles such as Helena Smith’s “Forget the Parthenon: how austerity is laying waste to Athens’ modern heri­ tage” published in The Guardian in 2017, pointed out the numerous 19th and early 20th century Athenian listed buildings that were abandoned and in a decaying state, without however attempting to historically explore the reasons behind this chronic phenomenon (Smith, 2017). This chapter presents the ways in which the institutional framework for the preservation of Athens’ urban heritage may have itself actually prevented many owners from being able to properly preserve their properties in a financially sustainable way, along with certain repercussions of this condition. Taking into consideration that owning a listed building may have been rendered more of an economic burden than anything else for many citizens, the common good of urban heritage can be seen as having been incompatible with the right to property in the Greek urban context of the previous decades. This unique condition is currently highlighted by a recently proposed legislation plan that will be presented and analysed in the last section of the chapter. Throughout the chapter, the balance – or lack of balance for that matter – between Athenian citizens’ right to manage their properties and the institutionally expressed right to an urban heritage will be explored via different examples and representations. “Building” the Greek Citizens’ Right to (Home)Ownership To understand the Greek citizens’ right to property and homeownership, one must be aware of the various forces that promoted it in the post-war period. Roughly between 1949 and 1974, the Reconstruction Era in Greece saw the building sector practically supporting the unstable post-war Greek economy. After WWII and the following Greek Civil War, subsequent governments witnessed the population of Greek urban centres increase dramatically. Addressing the lack of adequate housing stock, legislations and incentives for citizens to replace existing structures with apartment buildings were provided, promoting a system that later became known as Antiparochi. According to the legal framework that created the leeway for this unique system to emerge and proliferate, landowners

136

were able to turn over their properties to building contractors, the properties being either empty plots or, in many cases, small-scale residences that would be demolished. The contractors, usually small construction companies, would then build multi-storey apartment blocks and the original owners would, in exchange, receive an agreed number of apartments in the finished building. Interestingly, the contractors would often pre-sell most of the apartments even before having halfway finished the whole construction, in a way crowdfunding the apartment building. Thus, a contractor could begin the construction without investing a large sum of capital up front. At the same time, a large percentage of future homeowners were inclined to participate actively and financially in the urban reconstruction process, either by investing property in the form of building plots or by funding the construction. This actually drove the Greek economy on many levels, in an era of economic insecu­ rity during which people could not even trust the banking system with their savings, which were commonly held in gold coins (Kostis, 1962). Through the Law of Horizontal Ownership (1929) and the subsequent system of Antiparochi, real-estate ownership in Athens multiplied in the post-war years, providing the security of home­ ownership not only to Athens’ previous generation of citizens, but to internal migrants as well. The scale of this phenomenon is evident today, as a huge percentage of Athens’ housing stock can be found in the generic apartment building known as Polykatoikia, a building typology now part of academic discourse even at an international level (Woditsch, 2018). At the beginning of the Reconstruction Era, the renowned Greek architect and town planner Constantinos Doxiadis pointed out how the Greek citizens’ desire for homeownership had begun funding the proliferation of the typical Greek mid-rise apartment building as well as urban reconstruction in general (Doxiadis, 1950). Ten years later, the same opinion was echoed in parliamentary conversations as one of the few ways of exposing “hidden private capital” that would otherwise not be channelled into the Greek economy. Evidently, during the post-war era, the right to home­ ownership was promoted as a value in parliamentary conversations because of its historically unique capacity to support the Greek economy on a macroscopic level, but also because it was believed to be effective in deterring people from embracing communism (Savopoulos, 1962, translation by the author). This kind of discourse is highlighted by the work of architectural historian Konstantina Kalfa, who – among other things – points out the ideological agendas of the post-war U.S. Housing Aid to Greece (Kalfa, 2021), through a perspective similar to the one Nancy Kwak (2015) introduced in “A World of Homeowners: American Power and the Politics of Housing Aid”. It is safe to suggest that the post-war era established the notion that homeownership and real estate property in general provided a kind of safety that no other investment or savings plan could provide. Homeownership would come to mean “security, independence and accumulation of wealth” (Emmanuel, 2014) that was also beneficial for the Southern European model of the extended family. This could also explain the fact that a very large percentage of those who became homeowners before 1970 were

Coming to Terms with the End of an Era It is important to keep in mind that concepts of preserving 19th century modest architecture as urban heritage, or establishing historic urban centres, were almost non-existent in Greece and in Athens in particular before the 1970s. Up until then, during the aforementioned Reconstruction Era, the first priority was to keep up with the rising need for an adequate housing stock that could support Greece’s rapid urbanisation. A large percentage of existing buildings dating from the 19th century or even earlier was replaced by mid-rise apartment buildings that could accommodate the contemporary needs of the rising population of the Greek capital. In this way, a housing stock that could live up to its modern citizens’ expectations was developed, which holds a specific meaning especially after the difficult years of the Axis occupation and the Greek Civil War. Discourse demanding the preservation of Athens’ urban heri­ tage gradually emerged only after the European Architectural Year 1975, and it took almost a decade for it to become part of Athens’ Master Development Plan, where the importance of revitalising the decaying “historic” buildings and the “picturesque” neighbourhoods became central. However, this does not mean that Athens’ citizens automatically accepted the accompanying discourse or its argumentations, and certainly not the sacrifices needed to be made to achieve the goals it promoted. The implementation of the legal framework to preserve Athens’ urban heritage, a heritage mostly composed of privately-owned small- and medium-scale buildings, was not preceded by the necessarily slow and gradual process of raising social awareness concerning the need of preserving recent heritage. In a nation where the only thing that could challenge private property was the possibility of expropriations conducted to unearth antiquities – something that had been met with different expressions of social resistance in many cases, as illuminated by Sylvie Dumont’s recent work (2020) – the sudden appearance of a new kind of threat did more than just raise some eyebrows. The main difference to ancient buildings was that retaining the previous use as well as the private ownership status was essential in the concept of the preservation of recent architectural heritage. In a conference announcement made by three renowned academics and urban planners in 1995, looking back on different possible scenarios of handling urban heritage, it was made clear that: “The expropriation, i.e. of listed buildings by the state, apart from being impossible, is also inconvenient. For example, what would a public institution do with [all these] listed buildings, given the fact that we want them to be many so as to preserve the historic character of cities and not just individual specimens?” (Mantouvalou et al., 1996, translation by the author). It is safe to suggest that the process of raising awareness concerning Athens’ urban heritage might have even been sabotaged in a way by the institutional measures taken to support the very same cause; mass listings of small-scale private properties actually took

137

owner-constructors or what some may refer to as “self-promoters”, meaning that the management of building a home was in the hands of the household that intended to occupy the whole structure, or part of it (Maloutas, 2003).

138

place soon after 1975, but they were unaccompanied by any kind of financial support for “proper” restorations, let alone any compen­ sation for the sudden restrictions imposed on the owners, in relation to the exploitation of their property (Kritikos, 2018). The only kind of compensation came in the form of giving the owners the opportunity to use the remaining unused floor area ratio (FAR) – termed “building factor” in Greece – on a different property, or even sell it to be used by the buyer, meaning that one could overbuild another plot to make up for their losses from the listed property (Law 880, 1979). The concept of transferring the building factor in Greece has been criticised as having failed exactly because there were very few areas actually able to receive it due to urban planning restrictions. Most listed building owners would have to find an interested buyer who would go through the risky bureaucratic channels of buying their unusable building factor to add a few floors to a property they would construct on a different site, where it would probably be permitted. In a conference critically looking back to the small-scale implementation of this legislative measure in 1995, Athanasios Randos stated “it’s about time the State understands that the only means of compensation (to owners of listed buildings) that corresponds to the Constitution is the deposition of money” (Randos, 1996, translation by the author). Similarly, assistant professor of Constitutional Law at the Law School of Athens University, Georgios Sotirelis, noted: “At the base of this problem is, in my opinion, the problem of conflicting rights, in its most intense form under the current Constitution. On the one side, we have what we call the financial rights, financial freedom and property with the latter taking priority, and on the other we have the protection of the environment” (Sotirelis, 1996, translation by the author). Twenty years after the European Architectural Year 1975, no apparent solution had been found according to most participants of the conference. Owning a listed building had become more of a curse than a blessing for middle-class Athenian citizens, something that became a recurring theme in articles that would tackle the issue later throughout Athens’ recent history (Lialios, 2008). On a micro level, it is a fact that the listing of a building in Greece has always had its downsides in addition to preventing the owner from making any significant alterations to accommodate developing needs or desires. Restoration is the only viable choice, but its price is several times higher given the fact that it has to follow the respective regulatory requirements for high quality repair work, expensive materials, etc. Bureaucratic obstacles at each step also make any effort timeconsuming, apart from financially challenging. Of course, the ability to delist a building when its restoration is not financially sustainable is a privilege that only a few have enjoyed. The lack of governmental funding has always left the financially weak owners of listed buildings with an economic burden, forcing them either to sell their properties to anyone willing and able to restore them, or simply to abandon them when they stop providing a certain standard of living. This clash between the right to ownership and the right to urban heritage is also evident in the archive of the Ministry of Environment and Energy, responsible for the majority of listings of buildings in Greece. Opening files from the 1980s one may find letters from owners claiming that their properties should not be listed,

The building discussed in this report does not display anything at all regarding all five of these aspects. Truly, it displays nothing excellent, neither on an urban, nor on an aesthetic, historical, folklorist or architectural level. It is apparent that it is a common building in the urban fabric of Athens. Aesthetically, it is a very common house, there is no feature that even deserves mentioning. […] The Report includes general and vague statements, or words whose meaning apply to every house, in a way that no ‘special’ characteristics can be presented, characteris­ tics that, as is the law, would impose its conservation and promotion. (Antoniadis, 1987, translation by the author) Another, sent on April 30 1987, reads: The listing of our building, to be preserved, (page 4 of the report) caused us great surprise & finds us completely opposed for the following correct, legal & valid reasons: The building in question, far from the centre of Athens, is an ordinary building of the pre-thirties era, of shoddy construction […] It does not have any special features that would render it a work of art, that is, a human creation with an interesting artistic value, or architecture. [...] Therefore, in the current pursuits of the State, for the preservation of our architectural tradition, it is not allowed to include the building in question, bound by the Administration, as a listed building, so as to deprive us of our ownership right which is protected by the Constitution and imposed by the existing social system of our country. Respect for property (rights) requires, similarly to the hundreds of thousands of property owners who managed their properties and were free to manage them, that the same should happen to us, since according to the Charter, the current Constitution, all Greeks are equal. (Karyda, 1987, translation by the author) Interestingly, concerning the last remark, the post-dictatorship revision of the Greek Constitution, and specifically the implementation of Article 24, rendered the protection of the natural and cultural environment as an obligation of the state and a right of every citizen, something that was considered innovative even by European standards. However, the question in hand should not be considered exclusively in its legal aspects, nor should it simply concern a conflict between two institutional rights. The above excerpts reveal two things that concern the concept of urban heritage and its social reception at the time. Firstly, the criteria that defined what architecture

139

accompanying the official expository reports proposing the listing of buildings and arguing the undeniable need to “rescue” the remaining specimens of 19th and early 20th century architecture and the “historic” character of parts of the urban environment (Kritikos, 2021). While exercising their legal right to attempt to prevent the finalisation of the listing of their properties, the owners also expressed their historical positioning in ways that can illuminate the reasons behind the decaying conditions of many listed buildings today. One of these letters, sent on January 15 1987, puts the following case for not listing their property:

was worthy of being preserved were not commonly accepted as valid. This explicit relativisation of the institutionally granted cultural value cannot be seen as unjustified; the ideological shift in favour of practices of urban preservation was not part of the dominant narra­ tive that, until recently, promoted urban reconstruction as a path towards prosperity and better living standards. Secondly, the stake of preserving urban heritage as a common good was not accepted as being above the right to ownership, especially since it affected only certain owners. Interestingly, the fact that most owners had had the chance to capitalise on existing properties through the aforementioned system of Antiparochi before the 1970s is shown to have created a feeling of historical inequality for owners who were suddenly legally bound to preserve a property that could otherwise have provided them with financial profit and/or one or two brand new apartments via the aforementioned method of Antiparochi.

140

1–7

Ownership vs. Heritage: A New Hope This problem is of course still present, evident in the urban fabric of Athens in the form of numerous listed buildings remaining abandoned and in decay, in many cases four decades after the relevant ministries granted them the gift of permanence. Apart from the adverse effects this condition may have on the streetscape quality, the actual irony of having listed buildings decay, along with the expected discontent expressed by their owners, should have gradually paved the way towards a solution. Thus, a brief assessment should begin by inquiring what changes have taken place concerning these immovable monuments, both in terms of the institutional framework and of the ideology socially supporting Athens’ urban heritage. Has awareness been raised? Have there been any incentives or financial support mechanisms that would render owning a listed building less demanding? Has the clash between the right to ownership and the right to urban heritage been eliminated? Illuminating examples of how things have progressed can be found through the Greek Society of Listed Building Owners. Founded in 1985, it is said to have initially functioned as a means of claiming its members’ right to de-list their properties when they were not profitable. In 2016, after a decade during which the society was almost inactive, a technical informative seminar was conducted, where they proposed legislation changes (tax reduction, legislative leeway, etc.) and claimed European Funding to make up for the unfair treatment (Listed Buildings; Legislation and Actions, 2016). In December 2020, the Society created a Facebook group whose numbers are growing and which features posts presenting personal experiences by indignant owners of listed buildings, as well as calls for action. Even from a brief survey, it is apparent that almost half a century after preserving cultural heritage became a constitutional right in Greece, it is still in conflict with the right to ownership. In a recent interview, Irini Gratsia – founding member of Monumenta, a non-profit organisation for the protection of the natural and architectural heritage of Greece and Cyprus – stated that many cases of sudden demolitions of unlisted old buildings have come to their attention, as “The owners try to pre-empt the listing (of their properties), they see it as an enemy” (Lialios, 2020, translation by the author). In a recent article titled “Listed buildings belong to the

1–7 Following pages Examples of the urban image of listed buildings in decay in the neighbourhoods of Koukaki, Exarchia and Vathi Square. Photographed by the author, 23 September, 2022.

1

2

3

4

6

7

148

commons”, the author Lois Papadopoulos, Professor Emeritus in the Faculty of Architecture, University of Thelassy, criticises a legislative measure of 2021, noting that discussions on the subject may vary “until the troublesome monuments collapse on their own and/or with a little help from their owners, so that the problem is solved once and for all” (Papadopoulos, 2021, translation by the author). This implies a common secret: that even after their listing, abandoned decaying buildings may be left – or even assisted – to collapse to rid their owners of the burden of preserving them. Another Facebook group, numbering over 3,700 members – named after the slogan “Make ‘PRESERVE’ happen!” (“Το ‘ΔΙΑΤΗΡΩ’ να γίνει Πράξη!” in Greek) – is focused on demanding that a proposed programme that was communicated in 2020 by the Ministry of Environment officials becomes reality. The programme, which was supposed to be included in the EU Recovery Fund Plan for Greece, promised funding to each listed building owner for restoration purposes. After a recent earthquake in Samos Island in October 2020, where the neglect of derelict, listed 19th-century buildings had lethal results, the Ministry of Environment's public agenda focused on the implementation of an immediate response plan for dilapidated buildings, mostly promising the demolition of non-listed, collapsing buildings rather than the preservation of listed private properties. This, of course, gave the impression that the previously proposed plan would be abandoned, something that has yet to be clarified. After a few months of radio silence, in January 2021 the Ministry of Environment started communicating the same programme as part of a different European Fund, the NSRF 2021–2027. Despite this, the programme has not been officially launched. Ownership vs. Heritage 2: Irrationality Strikes Back About a year later, in April 2022, a legislation plan moving in a completely different direction started being disseminated via the Greek media. Coming again from the Ministry of Environment, the proposed plan provides that municipalities or private companies will be able to assume the management of abandoned buildings for up to 50 years, after which they will have to reimburse the owners. The reimbursement will include the revenues of exploiting the property, after deducting an amount corresponding to the certified costs of the restoration and any other unexpected expenses, pre-existing debts, such as municipal taxes and fees, as well as an additional fee of 20 % of the total revenues to be attributed as management costs. According to information provided by the Ministry to the press, the change of management of such buildings will take place after an irrevocable decision of the Court that will be reflected in either the respective Mortgage Office or the Land Registry. This may give the impression that the owners will not have the right to oppose such a decision. Echoing a certain legislative measure and painting a very specific and one-sided picture of the owners, the articles disseminating the draft legislation plan speak of a “non-compliance (on behalf of the owners), inadvertently or voluntarily, with the obligations arising from the right to property but burdening society as a whole.” (Εγκαταλελειμμένα ακίνητα σε Δήμους, 2022, translation by the author). The legislation provides that owning an abandoned building is of course illegal; according to the legal framework that

An Abandoned Building Stock as Common(s)? The notion of heritage as a “common good” or even as part of what is considered a “commons” has been introduced by researchers, concerning an international (González, 2014) as well as a purely Greek context (Lekakis, 2020). Approaching heritage as commons at both institutional and social levels may indeed be key to readdressing issues that have never been close to being resolved in

149

was implemented in 1985 and found its way into the contemporary Code of Basic Urban Planning Legislation: “The owners or occupiers of buildings must preserve them in such a condition that they do not constitute a danger to people or foreign objects or a danger to public health, they do not harm the natural, cultural and urban environment and generally they do not degrade the quality of life in their area” (Presidential Decree, 1999, translation by the author). A large number of abandoned buildings happen to be listed and Athens in particular features numerous small-scale, decaying, listed private properties, usually in neighbourhoods where mass-listing had been thought to be a tool for urban regeneration during the 1980s. Keeping in mind the conditions described in the previous section, the illegality of abandoned buildings may have put even more pressure on listed building owners who may have already been facing financial difficulties in preserving their properties. In light of this legal framework, many owners may have had to sell their decaying properties in order to not face charges, having touristic or commercial uses replace the residential ones, or rich owners replace the financially weak ones. The second to worst scenario of abandoning their own properties for not being able to exploit them, may have created the possibility of them being prosecuted or, in the case of the proposed legislation, of their properties being appropriated. It thus makes sense that there is even a special reference to what happens in the case of abandoned listed buildings included in what the Ministry of Environment sent to the press. In an effort to supposedly safeguard the listed building owners, the new legislation provides that the restoration of the listed properties must be completed within “four or five” years after the assumption of the management by the municipality or the private company. If not, the owner of the property may claim the re-assumption of the management of the property, after applying to the court, without having to compensate the municipality or private company for any expenses made up to that point. While this plan itself underlines the original clash between private ownership and architectural heritage as a common good, it also helps raise a few contemporary questions. Can the right to a common heritage finally outweigh the right to private property? Has urban heritage become a tool for the displacement of those who cannot afford to preserve it? The concept of cultural capital may have created a contemporary culturally indebted man (Kritikos, 2021) who has spent decades awaiting some kind of a relief mechaism. However, should such a law pass, issues of possible displacements via touristification and/or gentrification phenomena will have to be addressed promptly in order to avoid irreversible changes in Athens’ social geography.

150

Greece, by creating leeway for a different type of collective perception of urban heritage. Contemporary and future heritage management practices can only gain from interdisciplinary approaches that focus on creating inclusive physical and cultural spaces in contemporary cities, something essential in establishing heritage’s role as part of a city’s commons. However, since recent history has shown that the process of raising awareness concerning a certain cultural value – including the different potentials as well as the sacrifices required – is a slow process that needs to play out on its own, a different approach is due. Attempting to transcend the evident signs of urban individualism in Athens, it is important to first underline that an urban problem such as the aforementioned abandoned listed building stock is a common problem, in the sense that it is the phenotype of a problematic legal framework that affects fellow citizens and that could potentially affect anyone. After all, the conservation movement is already rightfully demanding later post-war architectural artefacts as part of its ever-expanding roster, and failing to mitigate the clash between private ownership and urban heritage could easily result in new waves of unwilling heirs. While avoiding the recurrence and the proliferation of an exist­ ing problem might be enough to motivate citizens, taking action today in order to give shape to Athens’ future should also be based on recognising the potentialities presented by such a condition. This will involve accepting the fact that these buildings can be a resource for the many, instead of a burden for a few, without their revitalisation taking part in social and economic displacement phenomena. Thus, accepting that a solution to this common problem is long overdue should first lead to rejecting workarounds such as the proposed legislation plan; if the only way to be the owner and the exploiter of a building that was deemed worthy of preservation is to be financially comfortable – otherwise even your rights to your property are questioned – it is easy to also imagine cultural heritage gradually becoming exclusive in future forms of class stratification. Apart from the scenario where urban heritage gradually is driven towards the higher economic strata, there is also the possibility of Athens’ citizens attributing all kinds of urban heritage to touristic activities, either for short term leases or for picturesque commercial activities, if that is the only way to financially support the preservation of listed buildings in a sustainable way and maintain their ownership rights. In that sense, actively establishing that cultural heritage is part of the realm of the commons, especially on an institutional level, may be crucial. We should also be focused on, however, making sure that it protects and assists listed building owners in participating in its preservation, no matter what their economic background. After all, creating purely state-funded financial support mechanisms is not even the only way of achieving such a goal, as examples of other paths are evident abroad, with the UK’s National Lottery Heritage Fund being one very successful example. Along with solving the funding problem, adopting more socio-­ centric preservation regulations and incentives could be important to commoning listed buildings in dense urban fabrics such as Athens. In that sense, the vast amount of privately-owned, smallscale listed buildings that have been vacant of use and decaying

Aftodioikisi (2022, July 1). Εγκαταλελειμμένα ακίνητα σε Δήμους: Οι εκλογές «τρώνε» τη διάταξη [Abandoned listed buildings to municipalities: Elections “eat” the legislation]. https://www.aftodioikisi.gr/ipourgeia/ egkataleleimmena-akinita-se-dimoys-oiekloges-trone-ti-diataxi/ [Accessed: 17 July, 2022]. Antoniadis, Stergios (1987, January 15). Letter from Stergios Antoniadis to the Ministry of Environment and Energy concerning the building on 64 Patission Avenue [in Greek]. Ministry of Environment Archives (folder No1169). Athens. Doxiadis, Constantinos (1950, August 24). Ο αγών επιβιώσεως του λαού μας: ο ιδιωτικός τομεύς του σχεδίου. Το Βήμα [The Battle for the survival of our people: The private sector of the program], To Vima. Dumont, Sylvie (2020). Vrysaki: A neighborhood lost in search of the Athenian agora. Athens: The American School of Classical Studies at Athens. Emmanuel, Dimitris (2014). The Greek system of home ownership and the post-2008 crisis in Athens. Région et Développement, 39,

167–182. https://regionetdeveloppement. univ-tln.fr/wp-content/uploads/8Emmanuel.pdf [Accessed: 17 August, 2022]. Gonzalez, Pablo A. (2014). From a given to a construct: Heritage as a commons. Cultural Studies, 28(3), 359–390. https://doi.org/10.1 080/09502386.2013.789067. Greek Society of Listed Building Owners (2016). Διατηρητέα κτήρια: Νομοθεσία και Πράξη [Listed Buildings, Legislation and Action], Technical Informative Seminar (1 December, 2016). https://www.pomida.gr/assets/File/ 20_%CE%94%CE%99%CE%91%CE%A4%C E%97%CE%A1%CE%97%CE%A4%CE%95% CE%91%20%CE%9A%CE%A4%CE%97% CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91%20%CE%9D %CE%9F%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%98% CE%95%CE%A3%CE%99%CE%91%20 %CE%9A%CE%91%CE%99%20%CE%A0% CE%A1%CE%91%CE%9E%CE%97.pdf ­[Accessed: 17 July, 2022]. Kalfa, Konstantina (2021). “Giving to the world a demonstration”: U.S. Housing Aid to Greece, 1947–51. Journal of the Society of ­A rchitectural Historians, 80(3), 304–320. https://doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2021.80.3.304

151

in Athens could easily be funded for restoration in order to become part of the municipality’s social infrastructure, without bypassing the owners for decades, as the legislation plan proposes. For example, a restored listed building could be subject to considerable tax reductions if rented for public use. In that way, listed buildings could become active social spaces, bringing the local communities, as well as citizens in general, closer to an urban heritage that would otherwise be nothing more than a picturesque facade in their city’s landscape. While Athens has been searching for a future for its young urban heritage, its citizens have yet to be properly included in that process either as owners, or as part of active communities claiming their city’s historic segments as something more than just artefacts. In order to imagine Athens’ urban heritage as an integrated part of its urban fabric, the city has to assume a different role in its citizens’ imaginary. Only through the re-conceptualisation of urban heri­ tage as socially claimable can the goal of finally raising awareness among its heirs be secured. Thus, drawing out “radical counterimaginaries that can serve as templates for alternative futures” (Nicolaus, 2021) seems more than adequate to start re-imagining the role of privately-owned, small-scale listed buildings in Athens. Instead of expecting a legal framework and institutional measures to regulate a condition that is detrimental to the city and its resi­ dents, invoking urban hyperstitions may be achieved by encouraging the citizens to imagine the possible uses and roles listed buildings may have in their city’s future. Through such processes, a more socio-centric conservation movement could eventually emerge and finally claim an institutional framework that will successfully combine socially inclusive mechanisms with the necessary funding schemes. After all, the only way for urban heritage to fulfil its assigned role is to be connected with its heirs, something that – looking back at the previous decades – seems more than essential if we are to expect a sustainable future for Athens’ past.

152

Karyda, Kaliopi (1987, April 30). Letter to Minis­ try of Environment and Energy. Ministry of Environment Archives (folder No1169) [in Greek. This letter concerns the building on 55 Acharnon Street]. Kostis, Dimitris (1962, August 9). Conference 39 [in Greek], Book of parliament conversations of 1962, (p. 778). Athens. Kritikos, Christos-Georgios (2018). Listed buildings in decay: The self-fulfilling prophecy of Athens’ urban heritage. Scroope: Cambridge Architecture Journal, 27, Cambridge. https://issuu.com/scroopecamarchjournal/ docs/scroope_27_high_res [Accessed: 22 August, 2022]. Kritikos, Christos-Georgios (2021). Η μη σχετικοποιημένη ηθική υποχρέωση για αρχιτεκτονική διατήρηση: ακανονιστίες στο σύγχρονο αστικό πλαίσιο της Αθήνας [The non-relativised moral obligation for architectural preservation: irregularities in the contemporary urban context of Athens]. Proceedings of the conference Space Interweavings: ethos-social practices-architecture. Thessaloniki: Epikentro. Kwak, Nancy (2015). A world of homeowners: American power and the politics of housing aid. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. Law 880 (1979, March 22) Περί καθορισμού ανωτάτου ορίου συντελεστού δομήσεως, εισαγωγής του θεσμού μεταφοράς συντελεστού δομήσεως και ετέρων τινών διαρρυθμίσεων της πολεοδομικής νομοθεσίας [On regulating maximum building factor, introducing the institution of building factor transfer and other arrangements of the urban planning legislation], Government Gazette 56 A’. Lekakis, Stelios (Ed.) (2020). Cultural heritage in the realm of the commons. London: Ubiquity Press. https://doi.org/10.5334/bcj.b Lialios, Giorgos (2008, November 16). Διατηρητέο, από ευλογία έγινε κατάρα [Listed Building, from blessing to a curse]. Kathimerini. https://www.kathimerini.gr/society /340421/diatiriteo-apo-eylogia-eginekatara/ [Accessed: 21 August 2022]. Lialios, Giorgos (2020, November 17). Θα πάρει και κτίρια-μνημεία η μπάλα [Will listed buildings be affected too?], Kathimerini. https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/ 561157057/tha-parei-kai-ktiria-mnimeia-impala/ [Accessed: 24 August, 2022]. Maloutas, Thomas (2003). The self-promoted housing solutions in post-war Athens. Discussion Paper Series, 9(6), 95–110. University of Thessaly, Dept. of Planning, Volos. Mantouvalou, Maria; Mavridou, Maria & Polyzos, Giannis (1996). Η μεταφορά του συντελεστή δόμησης και οι πολεοδομικές επιπτώσεις του [The transfer of building factor and its urban consenquencies], [in Greek] Proceedings of the conference titled Ο θεσμός της μεταφοράς του συντελεστή δόμησης [The institution of building factor transfer] held on 12 April, 1995. AthensKomotini: Sakoula Publications.

Nicolaus, Noël (2021). Materializing alternative futures through urban hyperstitions: The case of Haus der Statistik in Berlin. The Urban Transcripts Journal, 4(2). https:// journal.urbantranscripts.org/article/ materializing-alternative-futures-throughurban-hyperstitions-the-case-of-haus-derstatistik-in-berlin-noel-nicolaus/ [Accessed: 22 August, 2022]. Papadopoulos, Lois. (2021, April 6). Τα διατηρητέα ανήκουν στα κοινά [Listed buildings belong to the commons]. Parallaxi. https:// parallaximag.gr/ta-diatiritea-anikounsta-koina-108014 [Accessed: 17 July, 2022]. Presidential Decree (1999, July 14). Κώδικας βασικής πολεοδομικής νομοθεσίας [Code of Basic Urban Planning Legislation], Government Gazette 580 D’. Randos, Athanasios (1996). Discussion [in Greek], Proceedings of the conference Ο θεσμός της μεταφοράς του συντελεστή δόμησης [The institution of building factor transfer] held on 12 April 1995. AthensKomotini: Sakoula Publications. Savvopoulos, Evangelos (1962, August 9). Conference 39 [in Greek], Book of parliament conversations of 1962, (p. 786). Athens. Smith, Helena (2017, September 12). Forget the Parthenon: how austerity is laying waste to Athens’ modern heritage. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/ sep/12/athens-modern-heritage-austerityneoclassical-architecture-acropolis-greece [Accessed: 25 August, 2022]. Sotirelis, Georgios (1996). Discussion [in Greek], Proceedings of the conference Ο θεσμός της μεταφοράς του συντελεστή δόμησης [The institution of building factor transfer] held on 12 April, 1995. AthensKomotini: Sakoula Publications. Woditsch, Richard (2019). The public private house: Modern Athens and its polykatoikia. Zürich: Park Books.

Being an Athenian; or, Who are we Planning for?

Konstantina Georgiadou

Introduction In the spring of last year, I was invited to the closing event of 2022’s “Athens Urban Age Forum”, a two-year project led by the London School of Economics and Political Science. This occasion brought together a group of established urbanists, academics and public officials to discuss the urban planning of Athens, examining its past development, current state and future aspirations. Drawing parallels with other European capitals, while reflecting on the socio-context­ual idiosyncrasy of the Greek capital, complex issues of urban planning, organisation and sustainable development were debated. One of the talks by the city council announced the plans for the regenera­ tion of parts of the city, which immigrants and refugees occupied under the ESTIA programme (Emergency Support to Integration and Accommodation). The programme was run by UNHCR from 2015 to 2020, and transitioned to the Greek Government in 2021 (UNHCR Greece, 2021). The presentation began with the controversial topic of the termination of the ESTIA programme and focused on the city council’s plans for the redevelopment of its former properties and the regene­ration of their respective neighbourhoods. The questions and criticism from the audience about the reasons for the termination of the programme were answered by the council representative, who responded that the refugees had vacated these properties and ultimately left Athens. The termination of the previous programme of use of the building stock was presented as an exciting opportunity to redefine the urban character of the area and attract a very different clientele of young professionals and families. It seems that the representative considered the situation as a unique chance for the municipality to decide on the allocation and use of property without being driven by the imperative of necessity. Hence, we could speak of a fundamental shift in the politics of space, from property allocation of necessity to allocation of choice – a fairly rare instance in the core of urban centres. With this as a starting point, this chapter aims to examine the relationship between the city’s building stock, designers and population, and – more specifically – discuss historic and contemporary examples of refugee rehabilitation and their effects on the development of the city.

154

Being an Athenian; or, Who are we Planning for? Planning the future of a city boils down to planning for, and increasingly with, its people. The combination of bottom-up and top-down approaches to place-making consists of a series of organic and premeditated decisions, where everyday human interaction and well-orchestrated planning efforts meet to define the urban character and negotiate the urban form, according to current trends and changing needs. The exploration of the ever-changing profile of the Athenian population is a crucial step in arriving at context-specific spatial design approaches. What constitutes an Athenian citizen has been an issue of deliberation since ancient times when, according to Pericles’ Citizenship Law of 451/0 BCE, this title was limited to people whose parents were both born on Athenian soil (Patterson, 1981). This legis­ lation, which appears to have stayed in effect into the Hellenistic period, prohibited non-Athenians from owning land or participating in politics (Whitehead, 1977). Two millennia later, new ideas of what the city and its people represented for the origins of the western world were explored by European travellers of the Ottoman period and, eventually, the Philhellenic movement and the Struggle for Independence (Tsigakou, 1981). The 19th century was a period of intense configuration of the Neo-Hellenic identity and a sharp break from the last four centuries of territorial history. This was achieved through the redefinition of the components of the new state and the manipulation of its urban profile (Cartledge & Voutsaki, 2017) The last two centuries have shaped our understanding of the country’s identity as a whole, with Athens as the case study, model and epicentre of activity (Bastea, 2000; Roubien, 2017). In an ever-developing capital, these issues of identity are complex and their exploration essential to the design of the city. As a result, the emerging question is who identifies as Athenian, who populates the city’s neighbourhoods and, essentially, who we are designing for. How do current planning strategies respond to and accommodate demographic changes, or, indeed, deny them? In an attempt to examine these questions, the next section will delve into the urban strategies adopted for the integration of the refugees that arrived in Greece at the beginning of the 20th century. This year is the centennial of the 1923 Lausanne Population Exchange, which formalised an unprecedented population transfer between Greece and Turkey. The exploration of the conditions of arri­ val, temporary settlement and urban rehabilitation of those people, through the employment of existing building stock and the development of urban centres – Athens among them – offer grounds for reflection on current practices. A one-to-one comparison is impos­ sible and not the goal of this exercise. Instead, I will be focusing on the comparable attributes and nuanced variations in the approaches to the issue that characterised the two historical events. A Century-Old Urban Rehabilitation The Greek army’s defeat in Anatolia, which was marked by the monumental destruction of Smyrna in 1922, resulted in the displacement of the indigenous Greek populations of Asia Minor, Pontus and Caucasus. Although unprecedented in scale, this population movement followed a series of previous immigration waves, sparked by

The Urban Settlement of Refugees Vast numbers of refugees arriving by boats were sent to quarantine centres close to Piraeus and Thessaloniki, then released to the mainland. The national response was divided into immediate reception and relief and, at a second stage, permanent rehabilitation. The first dedicated state organisation founded to manage the refugee crisis was the Refugee Relief Fund, which was established in November 1922, and sought short-term solutions, utilising the state and exchangeable (Muslim) property and the establishment of refugee camps. From its first months, the refugee crisis took over public space, either in the form of masses of new people wandering the streets of urban centres looking for food and jobs, or the establishing of tents and similar temporary shelters in open spaces and squares. The camp conditions were dreadful, with people exposed to the elements and falling prey to diseases. Seeking additional space in the existing building stock, the Greek government published a law in November 1922 that allowed the commandeering of state and private properties, where the refugees were typically housed for short, but in some cases, longer periods. These included rooms in private houses, barracks, warehouses, hotels, public baths and even mining quarters and train wagons, churches and mosques, while large and important governmental buildings and town halls were also employed (League of Nations, 1926; Gkizeli, 1997; Kallimopopoulou & Poulos, 2015). The Zappeion Megaron was converted into a Near East Relief orphanage along with the former palace of Kaiser in Corfu. Additionally, train stations, the Polytechnic School and even the Old Palace in Athens were occupied by refugees, with the latter mostly housing the offices of the relief unit. Finally, according to the report of the president of the Refugee Settlement Commission, Henry Morgenthau (1929), nearly all school buildings were utilised as either refugee shelters or ­hospitals.

155

the unstable political climate of the period resulting from the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the Balkan Wars and the concomitant terri­ torial conflicts between the new countries. The exodus started in the summer of 1922 and reached its peak in the following months as people driven away from their birthplaces sought refuge in Greece. The vast majority of the refugees leaving Central Asia and Eastern Thrace had arrived in Greece in the months prior to the official agreement. Signed on 24 July 1923, the “Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations” was the first legal instrument leading up to the Treaty of Peace of Lausanne. Its aims were the establishment of peace in the Near East and the territorial redefinition of the former Ottoman Empire into various states. This highly controversial treaty formalised the ongoing refugee movement, and its clauses defined its compulsory, irreversible nature, the populations involved as well as the conditions for property transfer and compensation. Having religion as the only criterion, it referred to “Turkish nationals of the Greek Orthodox religion established in Turkish territory” and to “Greek nationals of the Moslem religion established in Greek territory” (“Treaty of Lausanne”, 1924), leading to the displacement of approximately 1.2 million people from Turkey to Greece and around 350,000 contrariwise (Ladas, 1932).

The major undertaking of the permanent rehabilitation of the refugees was handed over to the Refugee Settlement Commission, established on 31 October 1923. Its work involved the permanent establishment of refugees in new homes with stable sources of income, which involved their relocation and housing in urban centres and housing in urban centres and the periphery. These sites were especially common in the north of Greece due to the availability. The construction of new residential districts in most cities was a long, complex and very inconsistent process, while it was evident that planning policies were unable to respond to the pace of urban development and social pressure (Yerolympos, 2003; Gavra, 2009). In Athens and other cities, new residential settlements were designed in place of the temporary shelters and aimed to upgrade their conditions and formalise their establishment, while others were built on available land, clearly separated from the urban core and the residential areas of the natives, all of which resulted in the creation of fragmented cities (Leontidou, 1990).

156

1

Short-Term Adjustments and Long-Term Effects The Population Exchange altered the course of the country’s ­history, politically, economically and demographically, with direct effects on its society and built fabric. From the early days, the influx of refugees transformed the urban landscape. Makeshift shacks and tents dominated publicly-owned land, including archaeological sites and riverbeds. The accommodation of refugees in private dwellings and neighbourhoods, businesses, and religious structures, enforced through commandeering measures, was in many cases met with resentment and social unrest (Vasileiou, 2009). Additionally, the distribution of former Muslim land to refugees was a constant source of tension and antagonism with the local population (Kontogiorgi, 2003). The photographic archives of the American Red Cross show aspects of refugee settlements in the heart of Athens, and their juxtaposition with the former urban narrative as told by the architectural composition and antiquities. Photographs of the camp by the Hephaestion, in the ancient Agora of Athens, speak of a new urban reality in which conventions and certainties are questioned, and the allocation of spatial resources renegotiated out of necessity and in fundamental ways. Being thus associated with people in need, ancient monuments began losing their prominence in the city. Considering the role that had been assigned to antiquities for the identity of the relatively new nation, such camps were met with mixed reactions. The housing of refugees in churches and other buildings of symbolic cultural value was condemned by the press, which claimed, for example, that “churches filled with refugees are the most disgusting sources of miasmas.” (Eleutheriou & Georgopoulos, 1922). The Population Exchange completely changed urban trajec­ tories, as the acute housing needs triggered a chain reaction of changes in the urban setting. Cities of all scales with uninterrupted historical presence and urban tradition, but also small towns and villages, were employed in the rehabilitation process. The sudden demographic change acted as a catalyst of urbanisation, affecting the cities’ size and reforming their organisation, but also proving

1 Tent village next to the Hephaestion in the ancient Agora of Athens. Source: American National Red Cross photograph collection, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division. https://www.loc.gov/resource/cph.3c39254/.

2 Detail of the Alexandras Avenue housing estate, constructed 1933–1935 by the Greek state for displaced populations of the 1923 exchange. Designed by Kimon Laskaris and Dimitris Kyriakos (Technical Department of the Ministry of Welfare). Photo by Tasos Roidis, 2022.

2

A Comparative Reflection The rehabilitation of the 1923 refugees proved a strenuous task for Greece but it has nevertheless been characterised as successful. Integration took place in the ensuing decades, from the completion of permanent houses and economic rehabilitation to the social reconciliation of the refugee and local populations. Reflecting on the city of Athens as it stands today, we can easily identify large parts of the urban landscape that resulted from this period. In the last decade, a new wave of refugees has followed a similar route to reach European soil, from Turkey to Greece, and faces analogous issues and challenges to those that Asia Minor and Pontic Greeks did 100 years ago in their effort to find refuge and continue life. The scale of the migration movement that peaked in 2015 has challenged the country and features numerous commonalities as well as some astonishing differences to the historic precedent. Both migration waves found the country in dire financial states, affected by wars and the economic crisis, respectively. As a result, and due to the unpreparedness and lack of infrastructure, the country received financial support from international organisations. On a social level, both groups faced mixed responses from the native population, ranging from acts of charity and humanism to bigotry, conflict and xenophobia (Arvanitidis et al., 2020); however, the state policies and efforts were vastly different, a disparity that unfolded in the built fabric of the city. Naturally, immediate relief in both cases took place in the form of temporary housing, in tents and existing building stock. The new wave of refugees found shelter in Piraeus Port, Victoria Square and Pedion Areos (Myofa & Stavrianakis, 2019), in mass numbers and challenging conditions. The ESTIA programme came to provide a structure for this rehabilitation, in terms of housing (ESTIA Accommodation component), financial support (ESTIA Cash Assistance scheme) and access to social and municipal services for asylum seekers in the country (UNHCR Greece, 2021). It has since received criticism for failing to develop longer rehabilitation strategies that would ensure the integration of the population (Kourachanis, 2019). Notwithstanding these shortcomings, the employment of the existing building stock was vital for the survival of refugees in

159

that the existing infrastructure and planning efforts were insufficient to respond to the new numbers. Nevertheless, alongside these practical changes the vision related to cities also had to change. This was particularly evident in the case of Athens, where the city as designed in the previous century had to adjust abruptly to a new pluralistic reality. Greek urban centres were redesigned, expanded, and developed because of, for, and also by a population that was not accepted by the locals as Greek, native and therefore, legitimate, on an unparalleled scale by the country’s standards. This created a paradox where the integration of this seemingly foreign body of people came hand in hand with the Hellenisation of the profile of former Ottoman cities, especially in the north of the country, as it entailed the employment and appropriation of existing built fabric, in an organic but also strategically organised manner (Georgiadou, 2019).

160

the short term, providing an interim solution until more permanent plans could be explored, funded and realised. The properties rented in this period generated income for locals and offered grounds for cultural interaction between the two groups (UNHCR Greece, 2021). However, the termination of the ESTIA programme and the lack of social housing provision in the cities dissolved any emerging effort to absorb and integrate the new population. Finally, the 1923 refugees played a crucial role in rebuilding the country’s economy and infrastructure and, more importantly, in solidifying its national profile. Their settlement in the north of the country was a strategic choice to stabilise the national borders and Hellenise the territories through architecture, tactics that were also applied in other disciplines, such as linguistics, history and geography, and together enabled the construction and prevalence of a unified Greek national identity (Koliopoulos & Veremis, 2004; Kitromilides, 2008; Georgiadou, 2019). This characteristic is where the pertinent distinction between old and new refugees lies: their role and the opportunity it presents for the national narrative is interconnected with the arriving population’s ethnic profile and cultural characteristics, their language, customs, religion. The Lausanne refugees were a heterogenous group from geographically dispersed areas of Turkey, reflected in their local dialects, traditions and socio-economic backgrounds. Still, the overarching characteristic, the basis of the exchange according to the Treaty of Lausanne, was their religious identity, a defining feature of the populations under the Ottoman Empire. Their rehabilitation started as one of necessity and was moulded to one of choice, as their cultural differences were set aside in order to serve a greater national purpose. The irreversible character of the 1923 Treaty surely pressed the state to accept the refugees and seek permanent solutions for their rehabilitation. This transition was manifested in the built environment, as existing cities were forcibly transformed and adapted to this new reality. On the other hand, in the contemporary case we are failing to investigate options for long-term integration, keeping the refugees’ status, as well as our approaches, temporary. Seen as irrelevant to, or worse, incompatible with the social and political project of constructing futures, they are being rejected from the urban centres. In contrast to the historical example, they are currently only allowed to pass through our cities and not to interact with, or ever themselves become Athenians. Questioning Current Strategies The existing building stock was a great boon to the short-term rehabilitation effort of 1922, being at the forefront of immediate housing relief. Nowadays, the reluctance to re-use empty structures in urban cores points to our resistance to opening up our urban centres to the other, to allowing them in. Instead, we build new camps and draw new borders, in remote areas, as the physical distance allows for social detachment and separation to take place literally. The Athenian population has been in a constant state of flux for decades now, a fact that needs to be reflected in the urban identity and to inform its design and planning. Denying the existence of

Arvanitidis, Paschalis; Vergou, Pinelopi; Manetos, Panagiotis & Grigoriou, Georgios (2020). Immigrant & refugee segregation dynamics (InSert) [Research report]. London: Hellenic Observatory Research Calls Programme. https://www.lse.ac.uk/HellenicObservatory/Assets/Documents/Research/ HO-Research-Calls-Programme/2018/ Immigrant-Refugee-SegregationDynamics-InSert-Research-Report.pdf [Accessed: 19 January, 2023]. Bastea, Eleni (2000). The creation of modern Athens. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cartledge, Paul & Voutsaki, Sofia (Eds.). (2017). Ancient monuments and modern identities: a critical history of archaeology in 19th and 20th century Greece. London: Routledge. Eleutheriou, Michail S. & Georgopoulos, Spyros G. (1922). Αραίωσις [Sparsification], Εφημερίδα Σφαίρα, 1 November. Gavra, Eleni (2009). Προσφυγικές οικήσεις, μετασχηματισμοί του χώρου στην Ελλάδα [Refugee housing, transformations of space in Greece]. In Koliopoulos, Ioannis S. & Michailidis, Iakovos D. (Eds.), Οι Πρόσφυγες στη Μακεδονία. Από την τραγωδία, στην εποποιΐα [The refugees in Makedonia. From the tragedy to the epic poem]. Athens: Society for Macedonian Studies – Militos, pp. 207–226. Georgiadou, Konstantina (2019). Political effects on urban landscapes: A case study of ‘urbanix’ in Drama, Greece. University of Liverpool. Gkizeli, Vika D. (1997). Επίταξις ακινήτων κατοικουμένων ή οπωσδήποτε χρησιμοποιουμένων [The commandeering of houses or other real estate]. In Ο ξεριζωμός και η άλλη πατρίδα. Athens: Εταιρεία Σπουδών Νεοελληνικού Πολιτισμού και Γενικής Παιδείας. Kallimopopoulou, Eleni & Poulos, Panagiotis K. (2015). Ανταλλάξιμα κτήρια, σιωπηλὲς κληρονομιές: Η προσωρινὴ εγκατάσταση των

Μικρασιατών προσφύγων καὶ τα ισλαμικὰ τεμένη της Θεσσαλονίκης [Exchangable buildings, silent legacies; The temporary settlement of the Asia Minor Greeks and the Islamic mosques of Thessaloniki]. Bulletin of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 19, 241–270. Kitromilides, Paschalis M. (2008). The Greek-Turkish population exchange. In Zürcher, Erik-Jan (Ed.), Turkey in the Twentieth Century. Berlin: De Gruyter. Koliopoulos, John S. & Veremis, Thanos M. (2004). Greece, The modern sequel: from 1831 to the present. Second imp. London: Hurst & Company. Kontogiorgi, Elisabeth (2003). Economic consequences following refugee settlement in Greek Macedonia 1923–1932”. In Hirschon, Renée (Ed.), Crossing the Aegean: An appraisal of the 1923 compulsory population exchange between Greece and Turkey. New York, NY: Berghahn Books, pp. 63–78. Kourachanis, Nikos (2019). From camps to social integration? Social housing interventions for asylum seekers in Greece. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, 39(3–4), 221–234. Ladas, Stephen P. (1932). The exchange of minorities. Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. League of Nations (1926). Greek refugee settlement (translation). Geneva: Publications of the League of Nations (Economic and Financial Series, 1926, II.32). Leontidou, Lila (1990). The Mediterranean city in transition: social change and urban development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Morgenthau, Henry (1929). I was sent to Athens. New York, NY: Doubleday Doran & Company inc. Myofa, Nikolina & Stavrianakis, Stylianos (2019). Συγκριτική μελέτη των πολιτικών εγκατάστασης των προσφύγων του 1922

161

otherness, diversity and the presence of marginalised groups in urban centres inhibits authorities and planners from designing for a pluralistic reality, and the opportunities this may bring. With the housing crisis, constant gentrification processes in the city, and the lack of a cohesive urban strategy, these questions begin to reemerge. Are we designing for the needs of Athens’ current, mixed and ever-changing population, or for an imaginary demographic of a city, serving an outdated idea of Hellenism in the built space, attracting, accommodating and attending to its tourists? And, more importantly, is this a result of our inability to grasp the realistic conditions of the city, or a premeditated decision to ignore and reconfigure?

162

και του 2016 στη μητροπολιτική περιοχή της Αθήνας [A comparative study of the refugees’ settlement policies of 1922 and 2016 in the metropolitan area of Athens]. Aειχώρος: Κείμενα Χωροταξίας, Πολεοδομίας και Ανάπτυξης, 29, 147–173. Patterson, Cynthia (1981). Pericles’ citizenship law of 451–50 BC. New York, NY: Arno Press. Roubien, Denis (2017). Creating modern Athens a capital between East and West. Oxon: Routledge. Treaty of Lausanne (1924). Treaty of peace with Turkey signed at Lausanne, July 24, 1923. In The Treaties of Peace 1919–1923, II. New York, NY: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Tsigakou, Fani-Maria (1981). The rediscovery of Greece: Travellers and painters of the romantic era. London: Thames & Hudson. UNHCR Greece (2021). ESTIA: A home away from home. https://data.unhcr.org/en/ documents/download/88995 [Accessed: 19 January, 2023]. Vasileiou, Sotiria (2009). Το προσφυγικό ζήτημα μέσα από την εφημερίδα Φως (1922–1930) [The refugee issue through the Fos newpaper (1922–1930)]. In Koliopoulos, Ioannis S. & Michailidis, Iakovos D. (Eds.), Οι Πρόσφυγες στη Μακεδονία. Από την τραγωδία στην εποποιΐα. Athens: Society for Macedonian Studies-Militos, pp. 156–206. Whitehead, David (1977). The ideology of the Athenian metic. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. Yerolympos, Alexandra (2003). Inter-war town planning and the refugee problem in Greece. Temporary “solutions” and long-term dysfunctions. In Hirschon, Renée (Ed.), Crossing the Aegean: An appraisal of the 1923 compulsory population exchange between Greece and Turkey. New York, NY: Berghahn Books, pp. 133–144.  

Digitally Assisted Community Mapping

Vasiliki Geropanta

Digital innovations such as civic technologies, geographic information systems and digital platforms, among others, have had a great impact on how community groups connect, collaborate among themselves and organise mutual aid. A number of community actors and citizens around the world are exploring the potential of these technologies to a) bring the social milieu into cartography and GIS; b) overcome under-representation; and c) raise hope of addressing patterns of segregated urban development and human rights violations. These new approaches have emerged in the literature as “critical cartography”, “collaborative mapping”, “digital citizenship”, “bottom-up GIS”, “participatory GIS” and “participatory approaches in urban planning” (Panek & Netek, 2019; Garbutt, 2009). Following these trends, this research analyses how digitally assisted community mapping can be of use in community building and asset mapping. It offers a case study of the Her City toolbox, which was jointly created by UN-Habitat (the United Nations Human Settlements Programme) and the think tank Global Utmaning, to enable women to participate in urban planning. The analysis explores the approaches used and experiences gained while implementing Her City in Greece and aims to reveal a number of potentialities in the field of architectural community mapping. Introduction One of the most significant barriers to people’s prosperity is their exclusion from networks that permit community actors to enjoy mutual aid and have access to “shared material, immaterial or digital goods in an urban setting” (Feinberg et al., 2021, p. 1; UN-Habitat, 2020). This exclusion relates to a number of inequalities based on ethnic background and nationality, socio-economic status, age and gender, and can be identified in various urban assemblages such as public spaces, economic markets, public buildings, infrastructural neighbourhood resources or medical and health assets (Foster & Iaione, 2016; Feinberg et al., 2021; Geropanta & Cornelio-Marí, 2022). The circumstances created by recent global emergencies have made these phenomena even more visible and encouraged systems of planning, management and governance to be more integrated and inclusive (UN-HABITAT 2020; Geropanta & Cornelio-Marí, 2022; Pantic et al., 2021).

164

The need for community inclusion is intrinsically related to many other key concepts, such as active participation, presence and sense of belonging, along with detailed clarity regarding who belongs in a place, who governs a place and the spatial implications of sharing resources in the city (United Nations, 2017; Garbutt, 2009). These factors require a better understanding of social units’ spatial footprints, their social practices, their experience of living in and through spaces, and in and through institutional urban frameworks – all leading to an awareness of what would need to be changed to generate local value. Community inclusiveness, in a nutshell, is about acquiring knowledge and information that is comprehensive, locally applicable and accessible to bring to light what would otherwise be invisible. It also aims to involve the public in urban planning, achieving the equitable participation of citizens and stakeholders in the future of their cities. The impact of community inclusiveness on the formation of space reveals the significance of the link between such social and spatial considerations and often leads to a shared territorial perception in a specific locality (Felstead, 2019). The community inclusiveness approach emphasises community-based participatory mapping activities as a significant source for collecting valuable local information and a means of visualising spatial and social practices. Sometimes described as asset mapping or collaborative mapping, these activities are very popular as “trends in the development discourse that allow local commu­ nities to become part of the power structures and influence what is mapped and what/who is on the map” (Panek & Netek, 2019, p. 2). Community-based participatory mapping also identifies the means by which a) people participate and engage with the issue being mapped, and b) they provide their collective understanding on how different problems affect their direct environment, their neighbourhoods and their lifestyle. Both the mapping and the provision of such information make it possible to visualise not only how an area is but also what it is like to live in that area, and to assist marginalised people in communicating, conducting business, receiving near-real-time feedback, being alerted to different hazards and eventually being empowered. The socio-spatial manifestation of a community also has political, cultural and material dimensions (Arnstein, 1969). Reclaiming space for a certain community and perhaps imagining its revitalisation is a short-term goal (Huron, 2015). However, progress towards new means of complete urban and social reconstruction can be obstructed by top-down frameworks and planning regulations. Many scholars praise the synergies that can be created among different stakeholders both at top management and operational levels as crucial to successfully going against the flow. Is collaborative, collective community mapping the key to a shift from traditional ways of governing space towards liaison among a variety of stakeholders in the delivery of place? Which spaces should one look at first, and how would that work in a residential area with few urban commons but with a lot of public space to reclaim for its citizens? Reflecting on the above, here we analyse the Her City project, an initiative that evaluated how well a number of public spaces in the city of Chania, Greece satisfied the essential needs of

ICT in Community Mapping and Asset Mapping User-generated data provide a rich source of information for community and asset mapping. Specifically designed web map images, texts, notes and infographics with individualised preferences and colour-coded tags can give an idea of the potentiality of an area and reveal the feelings, ideas, desires, capacities and skills of people living there, thus depicting values that are otherwise difficult to express (Morales et al., 2013). In turn, these practices influence policymakers since they enable the regulation of issues relating to land ownership, spatial documentation and the visualisation of urban data. Geographic information systems (GISs), Gmap generators, software tools for managing, analysing and visualising urban data, as well as specialised toolkits and mobile apps that are offered in an open-access model, create a basis for the above practices. These maps have the advantages of being inexpensive, containing accurate data, being independent of social power structures and allowing people to contribute to and have an important influence on urban development. The disadvantages are that, coming from bottom-up initiatives, they may not be professional or complete, they may focus on individual assets without thinking of the public sphere, and they cannot compensate for gaps in governmental service provision. Spatial interventions that require collabo­ ration by policymakers, decision-makers and urban planners can be difficult to implement. Among the many approaches to mapping, digitally assisted community mapping (DACM) combines state-of-the-art collabora­ tive mapping techniques with community-based participatory methods. The study of DACM acknowledges that not just the various elements of the urban built environment, but also social meaning-making practices, and urban and social semiotics, can produce comprehensive information on communities’ resources and capacities on a local scale. When employed in processes in which collaboration and the exchange of information are key, DACM can help many different stakeholders participate online, and can eliminate common problems of cultural mapping through digital means. For example, crowd sourced DACM activities – such as the Map Kibera project (2009), Addressing the Unaddressed (2012) or the Spatial Collective (2012) project – have helped provide a better understanding of places in Kenya, Kolkata, Tanzania and South Africa, for example, and created the first free, open digital maps of communities in slums where mapping initiatives enable corpo­ rations, decision-makers, NGOs and citizens to collaborate. Collaborative mapping projects such as OpenStreetMap (OSM), Esri, Maptionnaire, Mapbox or Mappler are designed to support community empowerment and encourage a sense of place, belonging,

165

surrounding communities, involving citizens, students of architecture and users and managers of the specific public spaces in that evaluation. A broader mission was also to test whether there were specific cases of discrimination based on gender and how to effec­ tively solve that issue. The overall goal is to examine how the Her City toolbox can connect the various participants, map them as a joint community, educate them and give them a sense of place and space in the city context.

166

property and public participation. Lately, UN toolkits such as Her City and Our City Plans have included multiple software applica­ tions. Increased levels of accessibility and user-friendliness facilitate these collaborations and bring even more of a revolution in the field of frontier technologies for the urban poor (Geropanta & Cornelio-Marí, 2022). Case Study: The Implementation of Her City in the District of Dikastiria in Chania, Greece The Her City project in Chania was a university-based initiative carried out during the 2021–2022 winter semester. It was organised by the Technical University of Crete and the course “Planning of Smart and Digital Cities” in association with the UN-Habitat programme Her City. The purpose was to evaluate the various public spaces in the city of Chania using the Her City toolkit, an open-access technology that allows cities to be mapped and co-designed from a female perspective. Through a number of activities, categorised into nine blocks that reflect the three stages of “the urban development process” as presented on the Her City platform – “assessment”, “design” and “implementation” (Andersdotter et al., 2022, p. 11) – users can develop or support informative content online, collaborate, learn, share information on their skills and assets, interact and participate in the design of the virtual environment. Among the many possibilities offered by this toolkit are the use of Miro boards, the Kobo Toolbox – an open-source tool for data collection and analysis – and Minecraft, whose features allow citizens to create and design parts of their city while simulating the proposed design in a 3D environment. Upon completing the blocks, all participants share an understanding of their perspective on the use and management of public space, leading a) to a stage in which key stakeholders can realise community ideas and b) to a sense of ownership which strengthens the community. In this specific exercise, the toolkit was used by the University as a basis for collecting all the information, facilitating the process and testing the success of using digital platforms when required for community-assisted mapping. However, the toolkit itself offers the possibility for two-way interaction, meaning that citizens, different stakeholders etc. might also connect online, collaborate and make joint solutions, designs, delivery schemes and budget priorities for urban spaces, etc. Chania covers an area of 356.1 square kilometres. The city is located in the northwest of Crete, with a population of 118,881. There are approximately 106 public spaces, with 0.25 square kilometres of public open space and 26 city districts. The public space under review is used by the communities that surround the district of Dikastiria, though other temporary communities such as tourists and visitors are also considered. The local people use and manage the same public space, so share a sense of community cohesion. The overall aim of the study was to identify whether women have been included in the design of these specific public spaces. In light of this focus on the community at a local scale, it is crucial to highlight the multi-scale character of women’s inclusion and acknowledge that the mechanisms leading to social inclusion occur concurrently at both small and large scales.

1, 2 Dikastiria Square, Chania, Greece. ­P hotos by Team 19.

The following steps were taken during this exercise: –– Select a space and community. –– Identify and categorise community participants. –– Carry out initial neighbourhood profiling and documentation. –– Design a map of the community, leading to further visual observations.

1, 2

As an example, the work of Team 19 (formed by the students Eleftheriou D., Moschoviti E., Tzevelekis I. and Paschali M.) is presented below. Team 19 chose to look at the public space of Dikastiria Square, located north of the courthouse of Chania, from where it got its name, a “dicastery” being a court of justice. The elongated square consists of green areas that organise mobility – two connected roundabouts – but also embraces the open spaces in front of the surrounding shops. Its location makes it a pivotal meeting point in the city of Chania. It is a mixed-use area (residential and offices), concentrating leisure, entertainment, retail and services in the neighbourhood’s centre, the square. A Multi-Dimensional Approach to Understanding Socio-Spatial Relations This exercise allowed Team 19 to gain ideas not only about the image or “face” of the district, but also about the people that visit it and the lifestyle of the people living around it. Initially, Team 19 carried out an analysis within a radius of a five-minute walk around the district, exploring the different urban planning elements (land uses, networks, demographics, street patterns, etc.) and observing how social practices differ in the day and night. With the help of Kobo technology, which is integrated into the Her City toolkit and the various open-access design tools that had been uploaded to the platform, the Team created a first base map of the area and were able to receive hyperlocal content about the neighbourhood. On different occasions, they then experimented with how to visualise social movements and practices on the map. After having obtained a clear idea of the area, Team 19 proceeded in two parallel steps: a) exercises to identify the community in the district (section: the face of the community); b) mapping of community opinions and community assets and spaces (section: the space of the community).

168

3

The “face” of the community in the district The first observations that were generated showed case-specific categories (communities) of people surrounding the square (lawyers and public servants), as well as locals and students enjoying the amenities of the area. Over the many occasions the team revisited these areas, some categories were constantly present as users of the public space, others had a more official role in the use of the public space and yet others were present only occasionally. With the help of the generated map and observations regarding the way the square is used socially, people were identified either as users of a public space (those who regularly or irregularly use the public space under consideration as a place for encounters, interaction etc.) or as managers (those who manage the specific spaces as part of a job, or in their commercial interest as local stakeholders). In this way, Team 19 created a basis for describing the social space

169 Pedestrians Noise Crowded roads

Bus Stop

Buses

Cafe

Lawyers

Walking

Buses

Students

Students

Cars

Motorcycles

Students Cafe Food

Healthcare

Cafe

Motorcycles

Walking

Supermarket Buses Food

Court

Bus Stop

Cars

Lawyers

Motorcycles Cars

Walking

100 metres

3 Mapping observations, people and practices on Dikastiria Square, Chania, Greece The district of Dikastiria is one of the most central areas of the city of Chania. It features the impressive Eleftheria Square (commonly known as Dikastiria square), the courthouse, local cafés and restaurants. The sidewalks are busy in this area and the streets noisy. Students go there for a walk, lawyers visit the court building, or people of all ages are passing through the area. Despite the vibrancy of the place, people have safety concerns, especially at night. The perimeter of analysis is defined by a five-minute walking radius which is drawn around Dikastiria square. The radius equals 400 metres and defines the area for data collection. The routes chosen for exploratory walking passed the school of the neighbourhood, court building and other landmarks. Each route included three to four stops to facilitate observations and the compiling of the questionnaire which is provided by the Kobo toolbox. Map by Team 19.

170

community surrounding Dikastiria Square as: a) a community consisting of users and managers of the public space; b) a community that is brought together by the geographic boundaries of the fiveminute radius; and c) a community that shares the same amenities, activities and services around Dikastiria Square. After this initial phase, Team 19 created a social campaign to engage as much as possible with the specific community through Instagram, by organising in-person meetings with the users and managers that were classified in the first exercise (@hercity_chania, 2022). As a third step, Team 19 built a list of interview questions for the people involved in the campaign as a way of obtaining local knowledge, and producing a more accurate map of the Dikastiria Square user groups and communities. A total of 32 local people who had a close relationship with the square were interviewed, 58 % of whom were female. These were either commercial stakeholders, such as shop owners or bartenders renting space on the square (40 %), or regular users such as local residents (23.3 %) or employees (23.3 %). The questions were constructed around certain principles in relation to the public space: safety, accessibility and user inclusion, comfort and green coverage, with an emphasis on women. There were 30 questions, such as: –– Personal details, including age, gender, profession, level of education, status etc. –– “Which space do you identify as the Dikastiria public space?” –– “Do you feel that these public spaces are really public and for everybody?” –– “Do you feel part of a community in this public space?” “To whom or what does that community belong?” –– “Which places in this area do you use daily; which shops and which services?” –– “Which parts of the public space do you usually use and why not the others?” –– “How do you evaluate the mobility and visibility of the square?” –– “Is the area safe enough to ride your bike here?” –– “Is the area clean?” –– “Is the area safe or are there any unsafe areas?” –– “Can you satisfy everyday needs inside this neighbourhood?” –– “How do you evaluate the different parts of the square?” The results offered several insights into the area. While the presence of males and females in the public space was almost equal in terms of numbers, there were differences in the pattern of distribution. This might indicate that different public spaces attract users of different ages or have different safety levels. The population is mixed in terms of age and status, but few elderly people (70+) were present in the area. 85 % of people categorised as managers were women (i.e. 15 % were men), and 65 % of those categorised as daily users were men (i.e. 35 % were women). Most of the interviewees raised issues of exclusion relating to the use and management of the surrounding public space and enthusiastically embraced a possibility for reclaiming public space and introducing new social activities. For example, almost all participants claimed that around Dikastiria Square, although

4

171

female occupancy is high, the form of public space does not allow for a number of daily practices (breastfeeding, public toilets, daily child care for working women, safe public spaces for children, etc.). More targeted questions were designed to help Team 19 best define the specific community (sense of belonging in the specific public space, characteristics of unity among residents within the five-minute radius) challenged almost all interviewees. Firstly, the majority of interviewees did not feel the same way about all parts of Dikastiria Square. Almost all of them claimed that the south of the square, including the open space in front of the Court and the adjoining pedestrian commercial streets, are not part of the same public space as the one in the north; instead, they consider it segregated and unfamiliar. This might mean that participants do not see a spatial unity in the public space, although there is geographical unity, or they do not have the same levels of occupancy and thus do not feel part of the space. Secondly, although the elder participants (15 %) described their origins in relation to the residential district behind the square as the place where they were born and raised, many could recognise bonds based on social relations and status but not really in terms of spatial identity and sense of belonging. All of them complained about the traffic, as well as discomforts related to pollution, bad use of public space and/or the inaccessibility of public space. All of them believed there should be more street furniture, natural shade and CCTV cameras. Their responses hinted at a feeling of not having been consulted on how they want this square to be today. On the other hand, the collected data led Team 19 to the conclusion that social status or occupation directly correlated with the forming of specific interests and ideas about the space. Groupspecific common interests were observed in women with higher educational qualifications. Another similar connection was observed among working-class women employed in fast-food restaurants and cafeterias. These observations were then gathered in the Miro board integrated into the Her City toolkit, as an exercise in visualising state and affinity in community members. The group used circles to indicate people with common interests who are already creating synergies. In the last step, interviewees were asked to suggest proposals for the public space based on how they felt the area should be in the future, and to consider which of their specific ideas might lead there. Interestingly, all of them mentioned the provision of more accessible, open green spaces and envisioned that the roundabouts would be closed and the square pedestrianised. All wanted some more traditional economic activities to happen (daily childcare, local markets and more spaces for female practices in open space). Some mentioned that certain parts of the public space could be opened up to inhabitants as a place for cultural activities to thrive. In the interviewees’ opinion, these adjustments will strengthen the local sense of community and serve as a basis for entering into discussions with local leaders.

Girls Professionals

Crazy Quick fix

172

Realistic

4 Mapping the stakeholders’ ideas and visions for the case study on Dikastiria Square, Chania, Greece. Map by Team 19.

5

6

7

8

173

The Space of the Community This part of the exercise happened after the group had developed a clear idea of what the people of this area wanted, so the choice of the spaces that were mapped was chosen in response to several requests and with the participants forming opinions about the interpretations. For example, the data that was visualised and mapped was related to areas within a five-minute walk around the district (radius of 400 metres from the centre of the square). Even though it was an individual choice of Team 19, the same area was indicated by the interviewees as a cohesive neighbourhood surrounding the specific public square. A number of maps were generated using different tools – such as mapping, notes or photographs – to collect a variety of qualitative data, that presented and considered the five aspects of the quality of public space, as suggested by the Her City programme. These are: “comfort”, “accessibility”, “green coverage”, “facilities”, “use and users”. In Figure 5 we can see their interaction and relation with the distribution of land uses and where they are located in the public space under consideration. Most of the non-residential uses in the area, such as retail and recreation, are concentrated on the main roads, while the rest of the district is characterised by unmixed housing. Participants noticed that when walking in the Dikastiria area, pedestrians can be subject to various problems affecting their daily lives: the limited amount of pavements, arbitrary occupations of public space, vehicles violating the Highway Code, double-parked cars hindering the free movement of vehicles and pedestrians, a lack of lighting and many under-used open spaces. Specifically, on the “Accessibility” map, Team 19 presented how the traffic network is organised, with parking areas, stop signs and bus stops. Participants highlighted that on both the main and secondary roads, illegal parking was a daily practice, despite the presence of small public parking areas in the south. As there is a lack of pedestrianised streets, they labelled the public space as segregated, creating discontinuity and thus issues relating to the perception of the square as a whole. Cars and street patterns discourage pedestrian mobility, generating discomfort. The prevailing feeling regarding street furniture (public lighting, bins and benches) is that it is insufficient, in poor condition and thus hard to find and use. Similar observations were also made regarding the state of the pavements in the area, which were generally considered bad; respondents believed that people with mobility difficulties would find it quite difficult to cross the area. On the “Facilities and Green Spaces” map, Team 19 notes that the waste and recycling bins are not sufficient to cover the needs of the residents of the area (one bin for 75 square metres is recommended). The public green areas do not have the necessary street furniture, and there are also many unused green spaces (62 %). Furthermore, during the night it becomes more obvious that city lighting is absent or broken. Some of the roads would be adequately equipped, but for the fact that most of that equipment appears to be broken or unable to function properly. There is insufficient natural shade in the area and a lack of shaded public space altogether. On the “Comfort” map, measurements show the microclimate

Users Private parking spaces Public parking spaces Religious places Play areas Meeting places Uses Residence Commerce Catering, leisure, tourism Churches

Private services Public services Education Care, welfare, health Unused buildings

100 m

5 Relating users and uses on Dikastiria Square, Chania, Greece Most non-residential uses in the area are concentrated along the main roads, such as retail and restaurant. The area is characterised by different groups of residents and users, including families, students and employees. Map by Team 19.

Two-lane road with parking Residential street with parking Stop signs Bus station Public parking space

174

Private parking space

6 Accessibility around Dikastiria Square, Chania, Greece The accessibility map shows the traffic network of the area, as well as the parking lots, stop signs and bus stops. There are two kinds of roads, the two-lane road and the residential street, both of them with parking lots. There are two private and only one public parking area, which seems to encourage on-street parking. Many University students live in Chania, ­e specially in Dikastiria. A series of bus stops connect the area with the historic centre and other areas. Map by Team 19.

175

Public green spaces Private green spaces Artificial shading Tree Benches

7 Facilities and green spaces on and around Dikastiria Square, Chania, Greece Many of the roads in Dikastiria are without adequate lighting. The equipment seems to be broken or does not operate properly. The number of public rubbish and recycling bins is not adequate for the number of residents in the area. The green ­p ublic spaces do not have the necessary equipment and there is a general lack of green ­p ublic spaces. At the same time, we observe that there are a series of under-used green ­s paces in the surrounding area. Map by Team 19.

Heat Noise Monotonous field views Soft material public spaces Hard material public spaces Traffic network

8 Comfort map, Dikastiria Square, Chania, Greece Measurements show the microclimate distribution and the noisiest spots in the area. ­Participants highlight that the highest temperature points are located on Iroon Polytechniou Street and Papanastasiou Street, while the noisiest spots are near the centre of the “Square Courts”. Map by Team 19.

176

distribution and the noisiest spots in the area. Participants highlight that the highest temperature points are located on Iroon Politechniou Street and Papanastasiou Street, while the noisiest spots are near the centre of the “Square Courts”. This map also illustrates the interesting relationship between hard/soft public surfaces and central traffic networks. Visibility is quite satisfactory, but in certain areas, it is obstructed by the vegetation and the roundabout, generating concerns for safety among the majority of respondents. Over recent years, the levels of policing have been increased in response to traditional issues with safety in the area. However, many users do not feel differently when it comes to safety, despite the relatively high police presence. One interesting point is the universal concern for women’s sense of safety at night. 100 % of participants believe there are areas of the district where women do not feel safe, with 80 % arguing that such places not only exist but dominate. Interestingly, these users' perception of the same public space before sunset, when it is lit, is identical with their perception of it after sunset. Findings and Conclusions The use of Her City blocks in Chania provided some interesting insights into the city’s community mapping. A combination of empirical surveys, the use of Her City toolkit, along with the use of social media and in-person meetings, might clarify the identity of the users and managers of public space, much beyond a simple demographic analysis. The open-access character of the plans produced allows the public to view and modify the content with a simple communication through social media, so that it can be customised. Source ideas and feedback from locals can now be directly inserted into traditional planning tools such as the land use plan, mobility networks, etc., suggesting that in the future all this information could allow city leaders to make informed decisions about urban development. Considering the capacity of the Her City platform to connect not only students and citizens but also many more stakeholders, this exercise provokes a discussion on how to achieve two-way communication between citizens and planners or the government. In any case, the participation of people was needed to start the process of mapping the area; something that was facilitated by the Instagram campaign. Data accuracy within the mapping process can be achieved by involving more users in the process so as to avoid subjectivity and offer further insights into the spatial situation. An on-the-spot examination of current public areas also proved beneficial, and participants had easy access to appropriate technology, including a smartphone with a camera and an audio recorder. The challenges associated with the use of this exercise made it possible to identify specific questions in the field. To acquire more objective results for the survey, it was necessary to constantly revisit the area multiple times per day (especially during the phases of low user frequency caused by COVID-19). Seeing the environment through the eyes of the users engaging with it, rather than from a student’s perspective, also proved to be a challenge. For instance, it can be hard to comprehend how drastically the appearance of such a crowded neighbourhood can alter at night. Lastly,

Andersdotter Fabre, Elin; Levonen, Tove; Lahoud, Christelle & Martinuzzi, Chiara (2022) HERCITY: A guide for cities to sustainable and inclusive urban planning and design together with girls. United Nations Human Settlements Programme and Global Utmaning. https://unhabitat.org/sites/ default/files/2022/06/25052022_her_city_ publication.pdf [Accessed: 9 October, 2022]. Arnstein, Sherry R. (1969). A ladder of citizen participation. Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 35(4), 216–224, http://doi. org/10.1080/01944366908977225. Feinberg, Arthur; Ghorbani, Amineh & Herder, Paulien (2021). Diversity and challenges of the urban commons: A comprehensive review. International Journal of the Commons, 15(1), 1–20, http://doi.org/10.5334/ijc.1033. Felstead, Aimee L. (2019, November 13). Shared residential landscapes. In Encyclopedia. https://encyclopedia.pub/entry/139 [Accessed: 9 October, 2022]. Foster, Sheila & Iaione, Christian (2016). The city as a commons. Yale Law & Policy Review, 34(2), 281. Garbutt, Rob (2009). Social inclusion and local practices of belonging. Cosmopolitan Civil Societies Journal, 1(3), https://doi.org/ 10.5130/ccs.v1i3.1080.

Geropanta, Vasiliki & Cornelio-Marí, Elia Margarita (2022). Inclusiveness and participation in the design of public spaces: Her City and the challenge of the post-pandemic scenario. International Journal of E-Planning Research (IJEPR), 11(1), 1–15. https://doi. org/10.4018/IJEPR.309380. @hercity_chania (2022). HerCity Chania [Instagram]. https://www.instagram.com/ stories/highlights/17912193500298626/ [Accessed: 20 December, 2022]. Huron, Amanda (2015). Working with strangers in saturated space: Reclaiming and maintaining the urban commons. Antipode, 47(4), 963–979. https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.12141. Morales, Heriberto N.; Gonzalez, Jaime G.; Mendoza, Arturo T. & Lopez, German R. (2013). Empowerment as a culture and a strategy to strengthen the activities of research and innovation: Proposal of a methodology. ESJ, 9(10). https://doi.org/10.19044/ esj.2013.v9n10p%p. Panek, Jiri & Netek, Rostislav (2019). Collaborative mapping and digital participation: A tool for local empowerment in developing countries. Information, 10(8), 255. MDPI AG. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/info10080255. Pantíc, Marijana; Cilliers, Juaneé; Cimadomo, Guido; Montaño, Fernando; Olufemi,

177

many of the stakeholders lacked the spatial awareness necessary to understand the difficulties that people with mobility limitations face in such cities. For example, some interviewees found it difficult to answer with absolute certainty questions regarding the acces­ sibility of the pavements around the Dikastiria area. Kobo made it feasible to combine many types of data and present them clearly. This technology can therefore provide the information required to create schemes for certain social groups (e.g. women, children, etc.). Issues around safety, accessibility and inclusivity can be investigated, documented, evaluated and finally shaped by visualising the results of the data interpretation on maps of different sizes, depicting anything from the entire city to specific sites. Another noteworthy finding was that the exercise illustrated how design and social behaviours are related, making this programme particularly pertinent for pushing an inclusive agenda. To conclude this article, I argue that the Her City toolkit can be a valuable tool for community mapping and inclusion. As a whole, the exercise demonstrated the usefulness of the method for expressing local communities’ concerns and opinions about the use and management of their own public spaces. Since the method can be applied to different spatial and social situations, questions arise as to how it can be used in other analytical contexts, for example in comparative studies, different cultural settings or research projects extending beyond academic education. The toolkit seems to be well suited to developing a better understanding of the many, often less obvious relationships people have with the urban environment. Many public and open spaces are currently undergoing processes of fundamental restructuring as part of urban regeneration, the implementation of the walkable city, or as sites for green infrastructure. In view of the many different interests and agendas involved, inclusive tools are needed to enable communities to assume an active role in the shaping of urban change.

178

Olusola; Torres Mallma, Sally & van den Berg, Johan (2021). Challenges and opportunities for public participation in urban and regional planning during the COVID-19 Pandemic–Lessons learned for the future. Land, 10(12), 1379. https://doi.org/10.3390/ land10121379. United Nations (2017). Resolution adopted by the General Assembly on 6 July 2017 (A/RES/71/313). Work of the Statistical Commission pertaining to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

#recording_the_city. Bougada: An Alternative Way of Mapping Victoria Square

Theodora Malamou

“this city that sleeps and believes that she rocks what could she say? She hurts us and then cries and asks for cuddles and hugs and that you keep telling her: ‘my Athens, I love you’” (The Boy – “Keep telling her ‘I love you’”, from the album Please Make Me Dance, 2009, Inner Ear Records)

1

Victoria Square is a part of Athens very close to the city centre. It has faced vast transformations over the last few decades: from an upper-middle class neighbourhood in the previous century, it was neglected by many of its residents in the 1980s and 1990s, who eventually abandoned it for a life in the suburbs. Since then it has been re-inhabited largely by immigrants. In recent years, the area has become a fulcrum of the recent refugee crisis, and acquired a reputation for being “dodgy”. The neighbourhoods surrounding it, such as Stathmos Larissis, Agios Pavlos, Agios Panteleimonas and Attikis Square have also received immigrants from many countries over the years. The area is home to organised communities of people from Eastern Europe and the Balkans, who moved to Greece decades ago, while the latest immigration flows are mostly from South Asian countries such as Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan. These constant changes and additions of newcomers have created a constantly expanding palimpsest of diverse cultures living together, more or less peacefully, including the locals – mostly middle- to lower-class Athenians. Such a complicated, multi-layered system can provide an interesting field for understanding the way life has evolved in the Greek capital. As someone who was born, raised and still lives in the area, I was interested in finding a way of recording and presenting the current state of my neighbourhood. As an artist, I was looking for a less conventional and more poetic way of doing so and an idea came to me by looking upwards: to the balconies, windows and verandas of the buildings around Victoria Square. Balconies have always played an important part in the social life of Athens. These smaller or larger spaces that form the thin line where the private meets the public domain have appeared in

1 , 2 Balconies. Images by Theodora Malamou from the project Athenslaundry_bougada.

182

2

many ways in the social, cultural and political daily life of the city. In the movie The Auntie from Chicago (Sakellarios, 1957) the famous comedian Georgia Vasileiadou throws cruses (earthenware jars) off the balcony in order to “accidentally” trap potential grooms for her unmarried nieces. Politicians have addressed the public from the balconies of historical buildings in central Athens on important occasions, such as Prime Minister Georgios Papandreou’s speech after the liberation of Athens from the Nazi German army in 1944 (Deetis, 2015). In the 1980s, before air conditioners became a standard household appliance, people would sleep on their verandas during major heatwaves. In recent times, balconies all over south Europe gained a symbolic status during the Covid-19 quarantine, as they became central spots of interaction for locked-down citizens. In Greece they were used for clapping to show support for hard working health professionals, while in other countries they turned into stages for various events and participatory actions, such as singing and dancing, subsequently circulated through social media (David, 2020; Monopoli Team, 2020). They also provided the inspiration for art projects during that same period, such as “Die Balkone 2” (Die Balkone, 2021) where, for a weekend, “artists placed work on their apartment balconies, in windows or on the street below” in the area of Prenzlauer Berg in Berlin (Herbert, 2021) Balconies are communication points, where inhabitants can get in touch with their neighbours and the outside world in general and look at it from their own private theatre box. Human absence, though, changes the balcony space from a point of looking from to a point of looking at, from the viewer’s seat to the main stage. This stage can be a very theatrical one, as – especially in less wealthy areas – the lack of space can turn it into a set that combines wrought iron tables and chairs, flowerpots, storage space, kids’ bicycles, satellite plates and – most common of all – laundry hanging out to dry. Bougada is the Greek word that describes the act of doing the laundry but is also used for clothes hanging out to dry. The idea of endless tidy clothes lines might seem like a rather picturesque sight to a northern tourist, but according to a police ordinance it is forbidden to hang clothes from the facade of buildings or balconies and such spectacles are rare in the more expensive and developed parts of the city. The reality around Victoria square is different, though, and bougadas drying is one of the most common sights in the area. The main reason for this is the economic state of many residents, mostly immigrants who move into overcrowded, shared apartments and lack sufficient space for their needs. It is not just foreigners or newcomers who are ignorant of the rule against bougadas, however, as many Greeks, especially those on a lower income, do not seem to know or care about it. The result is a wide variety of – sometimes quite creative – ways of hanging clothes from balconies, verandas and windows. These images can be so strong that they often emerge as impromptu installations that offer information about their owners: their ethnicity, social and economic background; they even show whether this is a permanent residence (something they can call a home and care about) or a temporary one (a station among others before they reach the final destination of usually some northern European country). To many older

3, 4 Balconies. Images by Theodora Malamou from the project Athenslaundry_bougada.

5 Balconies. Image by Theodora Malamou from the project Athenslaundry_bougada. 6 7 8 9

Following pages Theodora Malamou, Flag for the city centre, acrylics on fabric, 2020. Photo by Theodora Malamou. The Callas, In lust we trust, embroidery, 2020. Photo by Theodora Malamou. Maria Varela, Data Altar, handwoven textile on ­t raditional loom, 2020. Photo by Theodora Malamou. Irini Bachlitzanaki, Parasol, Madeira thread on cotton, 2020. Photo by Theodora Malamou.

3

4, 5

6–9

185

Athenians this is an appalling sight and a reason – among others – for arguments and misunderstandings in the daily life inside the polykatoikia (the infamous Greek apartment block). Athenslaundry_bougada is a social media project (on Facebook and Instagram) with photographs of washing hung out in Victoria Square and the areas surrounding it. The aim is to create a visual archive that records that particular part of the city. It consists of two parts: the photographic documentation and the art project (@Athenslaundry_bougada, 2020a, 2020b). The documentation was created through numerous walks in the area, following a daily routine that included revisiting the same streets and observing the balconies, simultaneously observing their everyday life. Under the hashtag #recording_the_city, these unstaged photos should capture the life, the state, the social and economic situation of people living in the area. They should also show both the cultural and architectural diversity that characterises it as, scrolling though the images, one will see Afghan restaurants, Pakistani mini markets, Polish delis and Chinese clothes shops co-existing with the neoclassical buildings of the early 1900 and examples of Athenian modernism, standing monuments of the area’s past and history, along with the typical apartment blocks of the polykatoikias. The photos were kept simple, far from the polished, beautified images of popular Instagram aesthetics. They had to be raw and unfiltered, to show reality as it is and find beauty within its contradictions, yet avoid exoticising the neglected area where vibrant life exists among the dirty streets, the drug dealing and the brothels. For the art project, I asked people who live nearby to offer their balconies for a photoshoot of artworks hanging from them as a different kind of bougada. Nine contemporary artists, including myself, have contributed with different kinds of work on textile material: weavings, embroideries, silk screens and drawings were among the media used. The artists were not necessarily related to the area – such a limitation would have been too restrictive – but were chosen based on works that could stimulate interaction with the surroundings. Esoteric pieces were placed in more discreet, low-key balconies, thus creating a dialogue with the life hidden behind them, while upbeat, dominant works were matched with more imposing buildings in order to explore their co-existence with the wider surroundings. Being a part of the area, I was very cautious of not using the neighbours as some kind of spectacle; the aim was to include them without exploiting them. The support of friends and acquaintances from the neighbourhood proved to be priceless, as they helped me get in touch with balcony owners and talk about the project. The fact that I live next to them and share the same daily problems was of key importance, as it provided the necessary reassurance that everything would be handled with respect and understanding, even if it meant foregoing some easy tricks that could have enhanced the project’s visibility, such as an art walk in the area at a time when all the works would be hung out simultaneously. Instead, works were photographed on different days without it being announced and were then uploaded onto the project’s social media accounts.

190

191

193

Overall, the project aimed to offer a different point of view of Victoria Square and its surroundings than the troubling one currently encouraged by the media, and hopefully upend some of the accompanying prejudices. Keeping a sense of humour was also important in order to exploit a sight that is so simple and yet can trigger such a variety and intensity of reactions, as to many citizens of Athens it symbolises the city’s decadence and the inhabitants’ lack of discipline. To others meanwhile, especially those from other areas or countries, it invokes romantic images of Mediterranean life. The fact that the project was online and part of it took place during the first COVID-19 lockdown in Athens gave it an unexpected dynamic, allowing it to reach a wider audience as people intensified their use of social media. There are many other, more official ways of mapping an area. Anthropologists, architects, social researchers would follow specific methods in order to gather as much information as possible and reach conclusions. When it comes to everyday life, though, it also requires a resident to explain what living in an area feels like and point to the little things that might go unnoticed and yet carry great importance. Athenslaundry_bougada was the result of the disappointment I feel every time someone has asked me, “How can you possibly live there?” and the passionate belief that this neighbourhood, problematic as it might be, is yet one of the most interesting and lively places of original character in a city that is quickly transforming into a tourist theme park. It was an open love-letter to an area that is worth getting to know. It might not be pretty in an ideal way, but it remains true.

194

Athenslaundry_bougada (2020a, June 15). Athens laundry bougada [Facebook]. https://www.facebook.com/athenslaundrybougada/ [Accessed: 7 April, 2022]. @athenslaundry_bougada (2020b, June 15). Athens laundry bougada [Instagram]. https://www.instagram.com/ athenslaundry_ bougada/?hl=en [Accessed: 28 March, 2023]. David, Elisa (2020, March 28). Why Italians are dancing on balconies during the Covid-19 emergency. Litro Magazine. https://www.litromagazine.com/everysaturday-litro-magazine-publishes-essays-that-reach-far-beneath-the-surface/ why-italians-are-dancing-on-balconiesduring-the-covid-19-emergency/ [Accessed: 7 April, 2022]. Deetis, Christos (2015, September 1). Τα πολιτικά μπαλκόνια που έγραψαν ιστορία [Political balconies that made history]. News 24/7. https://www.news247.gr/politiki/tapolitika-mpalkonia-echoyn-ti-diki-toysistoria.6372705.html [Accessed: 7 April, 2022]. Die Balkone (2021). Die Balkone 2: Scratching the Surface. An exhibition in Prenzlauer Berg windows and balconies, 30 April–2 May, 2021. https://www.diebalkone.net [Accessed: 7 April, 2022]. Herbert, Martin (2021, August 11). Look Up! The Art of the Balcony. ArtReview. https:// artreview.com/look-up-art-on-the-balconyberlin/ [Accessed: 7 April, 2022]. Monopoli Team (2020, April 2). Είναι το μπαλκόνι η νέα πλατεία; [Is the balcony the new square?]. https://www.monopoli. gr/2020/04/02/stin-poli/381192/einai-tompalkoni-i-nea-plateia/ [Accessed: 8 April, 2022]. Sakellarios, Alekos (Director) (1957). The Auntie from Chicago [Movie]. Finos Film. The Boy (2009). Keep telling her “I love you” [Song]. From the album Please Make Me Dance. Inner Ear records.

195

ΠΡΟΣΕΓΓΙΖΟΝΤΑΣ ΚΑΙ ­Δ ΙΑΜΟΡΦΩΝΟΝΤΑΣ ­ΚΑΤΑΣΤΑΣΕΙΣ ΑΛΛΑΓΗΣ

Η Αναγκαία Ανάληψη Δράσης και η Πόλη της Αθήνας Παναγιώτης Τουρνικιώτης Οι πόλεις μοιάζει να μην αλλάζουν, ή τουλάχιστον να αλλάζουν αργά, αλλά τόσο αργά ώστε σωρευτικά να είναι ‘άλλες’ όταν περάσουν λίγα χρόνια. Η ‘μακρά διάρκεια’ γίνεται αντιληπτή μόνο όταν συμπυκνώνονται αντιληπτικά οι μεταλλάξεις σε μικρά χρονικά διαστήματα. Η παρατήρηση αυτή είναι μεθοδολογικά σημαντική, επειδή το ζητούμενο είναι να υπάρχει ένας σχεδιασμός και κυρίως να γίνεται πράξη, να υλοποιείται και να αποδίδει. Ο σχεδιασμός αυτός δεν μπορεί να αναπτύσσει ενιαία προγράμματα μεγάλης κλίμακας που ανατρέπουν την αστική συνέχεια για μεγάλο χρονικό διάστημα και με αποτελέσματα που θα κριθούν για μια φορά στο τέλος. Πρέπει να είναι ένας στρατηγικός σχεδιασμός πολλών μικρότερων παρεμβάσεων που θα συνδέονται μεταξύ τους και θα υλοποιούνται σε φάσεις, ακόμα και αποσπασματικά, επιτρέποντας προσαρμογές, ακόμα και ανατροπές, ανάλογα με την πραγματική πορεία των πραγμάτων. Αυτό δεν αποκλείει μεγαλύτερα σχέδια αστικών παρεμβάσεων, αλλά τα αντιμετωπίζει ως εξαιρέσεις και τους αποδίδει μια άλλη μητροπολιτική διάσταση. Το σημαντικό, στην Αθήνα ειδικά, που έχει ζήσει μια μακρά περίοδο κρίσης, είναι τα σχέδια να γίνονται πράξη. Το κρίσιμο είναι δηλαδή το εφικτό, όταν εγγράφεται σε μια οργανωμένη σειρά πολλών φαινομενικά αποσπασματικών μικρότερων και μεγαλύτερων παρεμβάσεων, να μπορεί να ολοκληρωθεί ως σύνολο, το οποίο θα είναι και αποτελεσματικό. Για να μπορούν να συμβούν όλα αυτά, μια από τις πολλές προϋποθέσεις είναι η διαμόρφωση ενός περιβάλλοντος κοινής και ενεργητικής αντίληψης που να εκτείνεται από τους χώρους της εκπαίδευσης ως τους χώρους της απόφασης και της υλοποίησης. Η τελευταία διαπίστωση είναι

μια καλή αφορμή για να συνδέσουμε το Πανεπιστήμιο με την πόλη. Η ώσμωση των προβληματισμών και των πρακτικών θα είναι αμοιβαία ωφέλιμη, ακόμα και ως μέσο αντίληψης ή μέτρο των υποτιθέμενων διαφορών, ώστε να πρέπει να είναι προγραμματική και για τις δύο πλευρές. Άλλωστε, οι σημερινοί σπουδαστές είναι εκείνοι που στην πραγματικότητα θα το κάνουν τα επόμενα χρόνια.

Οράματα και ­Τοπική Γνώση. Η Αστική Καθημερινότητα ως Χώρος Αλλαγής Norbert Kling Εν μέσω των παγκόσμιων προκλήσεων που παρατηρούμε σήμερα, τα μεταβαλλόμενα και προσαρμοζόμενα αστικά περιβάλλοντα, μαζί με τους μηχανισμούς (ανα)παραγωγής τους, θεωρούνται ως μοχλοί, μέσω των οποίων μπορούν να αντιμετωπιστούν τα πιεστικά προβλήματα του παρόντος και του μέλλοντος. Σε αυτό το κεφάλαιο, ο Norbert Kling προσπαθεί να συνδέσει τα οράματα των σημερινών λόγων για την αειφορία με τις έννοιες της τοπικής γνώσης και του τόπου από τη σκοπιά του σχεδιασμού και της πολεοδομίας. Συζητά τις ευκαιρίες και τα όρια της συσσωρευτικής αλλαγής, υποστηρίζοντας ότι πολλά από τα προβλήματα και τα καθήκοντα που αναδύονται σήμερα στα αστικά περιβάλλοντα, δεν μπορούν να προσεγγιστούν αποτελεσματικά στην κλίμακα του μεμονωμένου κτιρίου. Παρατηρεί ότι οι μεμονωμένες, τεχνοκρατικές λύσεις τείνουν να συγκλίνουν προς την επικύρωση και την αρχή του «δυναμικού συντηρητισμού», αποτρέποντας έτσι τις πιο θεμελιώδεις και, ανάλογα με την οπτική γωνία, ακόμη και ριζικές αλλαγές που απαιτούνται. Υποστηρίζει ότι, λόγω της πολυπλοκότητας και των διαφορετικών ατομικών συμφερόντων, δεν υπάρχει

καθολικό μοντέλο ή προκαθορισμένο σύνολο προδιαγραφών, μέσω των οποίων μπορούν να υλοποιηθούν τα μεγάλα οράματα ενός πιο βιώσιμου μέλλοντος. Υποστηρίζει επίσης ότι, ένα μεγάλο μέρος των πρακτικών γνώσεων και δεξιοτήτων που απαιτούνται για την υλοποίηση των στόχων της αειφορίας θα πρέπει να αναπτυχθεί κατά τη διάρκεια της υλοποίησης των έργων. Τούτο συμβαίνει, δεδομένου ότι η απαιτούμενη ταχύτητα αλλαγής ορίζει όρια σε σχέση με τον πειραματισμό, τη δοκιμή και τη βελτιστοποίηση. Στο σημείο αυτό, η τοπική γνώση, που είναι καλά συνδεδεμένη εντός και εκτός του τοπικού, μπορεί να έχει ισχυρό αντίκτυπο. Καταλήγει στο συμπέρασμα ότι τα μεγάλα καθήκοντα που έχουμε μπροστά μας, θα απαιτήσουν μεγάλες προσπάθειες σε όλα τα επίπεδα, συμπεριλαμβανομένων των αλλαγών της καθημερινής πόλης, που συχνά παραβλέπονται και υποτιμώνται από τους επαγγελματίες της αρχιτεκτονικής και του σχεδιασμού.

Αντιμετωπίζοντας το Παράδοξο της Αστικής Κληρονομιάς της Αθήνας: Ένα Εγκαταλελειμμένο Κτιριακό Απόθεμα ως Μέρος των ‘Κοινών’

196

Χρήστος-Γεώργιος Κρητικός Παρουσιάζοντας μία συνθήκη ατελούς αντιπαράθεσης μεταξύ δύο συνταγματικά κατοχυρωμένων δικαιωμάτων από τα χρόνια της μεταπολίτευσης μέχρι σήμερα, το παρόν κεφάλαιο καλείται να διερευνήσει δύο ζητήματα. Πρώτον, τον τρόπο που το δικαίωμα στην ιδιοκτησία έχει υπάρξει σε σύγκρουση με τις απόπειρες διατήρησης νεώτερων ακίνητων μνημείων, και δεύτερον, τον τρόπο που οι κηρύξεις ιδιωτικών ιδιοκτησιών ως διατηρητέων έχουν αποβεί ζημιογόνες για τους/τις κατόχους τους σε πολλαπλά επίπεδα. Αφού παρουσιάζεται η μεταπολεμική καλλιέργεια της προτεραιοποίησης της ιδιοκτησίας και της ιδιοκατοίκησης, διερευνάται η μεταπολιτευτική αδυναμία του ελληνικού θεσμικού πλαισίου να ρυθμίσει την ισορροπία μεταξύ της διασφάλισης

της διατήρησης της νεότερης ακίνητης κληρονομιάς και των δικαιωμάτων που έφεραν οι νόμιμοι/ες ιδιοκτήτες/τριες τμημάτων της. Εστιάζοντας στην Αθήνα, το κεφάλαιο πραγματεύεται ένα ‘κύμα’ μαζικών χαρακτηρισμών ιδιωτικών κτισμάτων μικρής κλίμακας ως διατηρητέων, το οποίο παρατηρείται την πρώτη μεταπολιτευτική περίοδο. Το κύμα αυτό, ωστόσο, δεν συνοδεύτηκε από τη θεσμοθέτηση ανάλογων κρατικών επιχορηγήσεων ή/και επαρκών κινήτρων για την οικονομικά βιώσιμη διατήρηση των διατηρητέων κτισμάτων. Έτσι, σύντομα, η ιδιοκτησία ενός διατηρητέου κτίσματος κατέστη ένα οικονομικό βάρος στις περιπτώσεις που δεν ήταν οικονομικά δυνατή ή επενδυτικά συμφέρουσα η αποκατάστασή του. Τόσο ο απόηχος της εποχής της ανοικοδόμησης και των πολλαπλών οφελών της, όσο και η έλλειψη πραγματικής διάχυσης της ιδεολογίας αξιοδότησης τέτοιων κτισμάτων, διαφαίνονται σε γράμματα/ενστάσεις ιδιοκτητών/τριών προς το ΥΧΟΠ και το ΥΠΕΧΩΔΕ της περιόδου. Σε αυτά τα πολύτιμα ψήγματα λόγου, διακρίνουμε τις θέσεις ιδιοκτητών/τριών που επιχειρούσαν την άρση απόφασης χαρακτηρισμού των ιδιοκτησιών τους. Επιβεβαιώνοντας τη σημασία της κρατικής οικονομικής στήριξης για τη διατήρηση της αστικής κληρονομιάς, τις επόμενες δεκαετίες αναδύθηκε το πλέον αναγνωρισμένο πρόβλημα ενός μεγάλου όγκου αναξιοποίητων, εγκαταλελειμμένων και ερειπιωδών διατηρητέων κτισμάτων. Η σύγκρουση του δικαιώματος της ιδιοκτησίας και της θεσμικά κατοχυρωμένης διατήρησής της έχει αποκτήσει ένα ξεκάθαρο χωρικό αποτύπωμα που επιβιώνει μέχρι σήμερα. Παραδόξως, οι διάφορες προτάσεις αντιμετώπισής του μέχρι στιγμής τείνουν να ενισχύουν το ρήγμα μεταξύ των δύο δικαιωμάτων, αντί να το γεφυρώνουν. Προτείνεται μια αλλαγή προσέγγισης που θα έχει ως σκοπό τη στοχευμένη ένταξη των διατηρητέων ιδιωτικών κτισμάτων στο φάσμα της αναδυόμενης έννοιας των κοινών. Μια τέτοια ένταξη μπορεί να επιτευχθεί μέσω διαφόρων θεσμικών και μη μηχανισμών, εκκινώντας από την κατοχύρωση της συμπερίληψης ιδιοκτησιακών δικαιωμάτων αλλά και ανταποδοτικών μηχανισμών στα νομικά πλαίσια διατήρησης

Για Ποιους Αθηναίους Σχεδιάζουμε; Κωνσταντίνα Γεωργιάδου Η εξερεύνηση της διαρκούς μεταβαλλόμενης φυσιογνωμίας του αθηναϊκού πληθυσμού και των κοινωνικοπολιτικών χαρακτηριστικών που του έχουν αποδοθεί από την αρχαιότητα έως και σήμερα, είναι ένα κρίσιμο βήμα προς τον σχεδιασμό της σύγχρονης πόλης. Με αφετηρία τη λήξη του προγράμματος ESTIA, αυτή η μελέτη πραγματεύεται τη σχέση μεταξύ κτιριακού αποθέματος, σχεδιαστών και κατοίκων της πόλης και πώς αυτή σηματοδοτεί πολιτικές αλλαγές στον αστικό χώρο. Αυτό επιτυγχάνεται μέσω της εξέτασης των εισροών δυο μεταναστευτικών κυμάτων στην πόλη της Αθήνας και των βραχυπρόθεσμων και μακροπρόθεσμων προσπαθειών αποκατάστασής τους, όπως εκτυλίσσονται στο δομημένο περιβάλλον. Η αποκατάσταση των προσφύγων του 1922 επιτεύχθηκε μέσω μιας πρωτοφανούς σειράς αστικών μεταβολών στην Αθήνα και σε μικρότερες πόλεις της Ελλάδας. Η ραγδαία δημογραφική αλλαγή που επήλθε, συνέβαλε στη μαζική αστικοποίηση, επηρεάζοντας το μέγεθος και την οργάνωση των πόλεων, ενώ οι έντονες στεγαστικές ανάγκες έκριναν τις υπάρχουσες υποδομές και τους πολεοδομικούς κανονισμούς ανεπαρκείς να ανταπεξέλθουν στις αυξανόμενες πιέσεις. Πέραν των πρακτικών τροποποιήσεων της πολεοδομικής οργάνωσης, κατέστη αναγκαία και η αναπροσαρμογή του χαρακτήρα των πόλεων υπό μια νέα πλουραλιστική βάση. Αν και συνθέτη, η ενσωμάτωση των προσφύγων του 1922 χαρακτηρίστηκε επιτυχής, διαδραματίζοντας καθοριστικό ρόλο στην ανοικοδόμηση της οικονομίας, στον εξελληνισμό, κυρίως της Β. Ελλάδος, και στην επιβολή ενιαίας εθνικής ταυτότητας. Η αποκατάσταση ξεκίνησε ως αναγκαιότητα και διαμορφώθηκε σε επιλογή, καθώς οι πολιτισμικές διαφορές γηγενών

και προσφύγων παραμερίστηκαν για να εξυπηρετήσουν έναν μεγαλύτερο εθνικό σκοπό. Η συγκριτική μελέτη της αποκατάστασης των μεταναστευτικών πληθυσμών του 1922 και αυτών της τελευταίας δεκαετίας παρουσιάζει κοινά οικονομικά και κοινωνικά στοιχεία, αλλά και σημαντικές αποκλίσεις στις πολιτικές προσεγγίσεις. Παρόλο που οι λύσεις που υιοθετήθηκαν για προσωρινή περίθαλψη των μεταναστών και στις δυο περιπτώσεις ήταν κοινές, η έλλειψη μακροχρόνιων στρατηγικών που θα διασφαλίσουν την ένταξη των σύγχρονων μεταναστών, διατηρεί το καθεστώς τους προσωρινό. Η αποτροπή της μόνιμης εγκατάστασής τους εκφράζει τη δυσχέρεια προσαρμογής τους στο μέλλον των πόλεων και τελικά αναχαιτίζει έναν πιο ουσιώδη και ρεαλιστικό αστικό σχεδιασμό.

Ψηφιακά Υποβοηθούμενη Κοινωνική Χαρτογράφηση Βασιλική Γεροπάντα Τα τελευταία χρόνια, πολλές ψηφιακές καινοτομίες, όπως κοινωνικές τεχνολογίες, συστήματα γεωγραφικών πληροφοριών και ψηφιακές πλατφόρμες, μεταξύ άλλων, επιδρούν καταλυτικά στον τρόπο με τον οποίο κοινωνικές ομάδες και κοινότητες χαρτογραφούνται, συνδέονται, επικοινωνούν και διαδρούν μεταξύ τους. Πράγματι, πληθώρα κοινοτικών παραγόντων και πολιτών παγκοσμίως διερευνά τις δυνατότητες αυτών των τεχνολογιών στο α) να ενσωματώσουν στοιχεία του κοινωνικού περιβάλλοντος μέσα στην επιστήμη της χαρτογραφίας και του GIS, β) να περιορίσουν φαινόμενα υποεκπροσώπησης τοπικών κοινοτήτων και γ) να αντιμετωπίσουν ανισότητες και προκλήσεις που αντιμετωπίζουν διάφορες αστικές περιοχές. Όλες αυτές οι νέες προσεγγίσεις εμφανίζονται στη βιβλιογραφία σε περιοχές όπως η «κριτική χαρτογραφία», η «συνεργατική χαρτογράφηση», η «ψηφιακή ιθαγένεια», η «συμμετοχική επιστασία γης» και σε «συμμετοχικές προσεγγίσεις στον αστικό και πολεοδομικό σχεδιασμό» (Panek; Netek, 2019; Garbutt, 2009) και ενδυναμώνουν τον

197

τέτοιων κτισμάτων. Τα παραπάνω προτείνεται να συνδυαστούν με την πριμοδότηση κοινωνικών χρήσεων εντός διατηρητέων κτισμάτων, καθώς και την εισαγωγή μέσων συμμετοχικού σχεδιασμού για τη διαχείριση τέτοιου τύπου πολιτισμικών πόρων μικρής κλίμακας και τοπικής εμβέλειας.

συμμετοχικό χαρακτήρα του σύγχρονου πολεοδομικού σχεδιασμού, παρέχοντας ένα ενισχυμένο πλαίσιο για την αποτελεσματικότερη εφαρμογή του. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, η συγκεκριμένη έρευνα αναλύει το φαινόμενο της «ψηφιακά υποβοηθούμενης χαρτογράφησης κοινοτήτων», μελετά τον τρόπο με τον οποίο οι νέες τεχνολογίες βοηθούν στην κατανόηση του κοινωνικού περιβάλλοντος σε πραγματικό χρόνο σε μία πόλη και εξετάζει την περίπτωση της χρήσης της εργαλειοθήκης συμμετοχικού σχεδιασμού Her City των UN-Habitat και Global Utmaning στην πόλη των Χανίων στην Ελλάδα. Η ανάλυση διερευνά τις προσεγγίσεις που χρησιμοποιήθηκαν και τις εμπειρίες που αποκτήθηκαν κατά την εφαρμογή της εργαλειοθήκης σε δημόσιους χώρους των Χανίων. Επίσης, επιλέγει να αναδείξει τη διαδικασία της χαρτογράφησης σε έναν από αυτούς τους χώρους και στοχεύει να αποκαλύψει μια σειρά από δυνατότητες και προκλήσεις που φέρει το ψηφιακό αυτό εργαλείο στην ανάδειξη της υπό μελέτη τοπικής κοινότητας.

#recording_the_city. Bougada (Μπουγάδα): Ένας Εναλλακτικός Τρόπος Χαρτογράφησης της Πλατείας Βικτωρίας Θεοδώρα Μαλάμου

198

Η πλατεία Βικτωρίας και οι γειτονιές που την περιβάλλουν έχουν βιώσει πολλές αλλαγές μέσα στις τελευταίες δεκαετίες: από κέντρα της αστικής τάξης πέρασαν στο στάδιο της απαξίωσης, εγκαταλείφθηκαν από τους κατοίκους τους και πρωταγωνίστησαν στην προσφυγική κρίση. Οι συνεχείς προσθήκες πληθυσμού από διάφορα μέρη του κόσμου δημιούργησαν ένα πολυεπίπεδο παλίμψηστο – ιδανικό τόπο έρευνας για την κατανόηση της εξέλιξης της ζωής στην Αθήνα. Υπάρχουν πολλοί τρόποι για να προσεγγίσει κανείς ένα τέτοιο θέμα. Ένα στοιχείο λιγότερο προφανές αλλά πανταχού παρόν είναι τα απλωμένα ρούχα, οι μπουγάδες που κυριαρχούν

στις προσόψεις των κτιρίων, αγνοώντας κάθε κανονισμό και καταστατικό. Άλλωστε τα μπαλκόνια, αυτοί οι χώροι που ενώνουν το ιδιωτικό με το δημόσιο του αστικού βίου, ανέκαθεν διαδραμάτιζαν σημαντικό ρόλο στη ζωή της Αθήνας, ενώ στην περίοδο του εγκλεισμού λόγω της Covid-19, έγιναν σύμβολα επικοινωνίας. Άλλοτε προσεγμένα και άλλοτε γεμάτα με πράγματα, από καρέκλες και γλάστρες, μέχρι ντουλάπες, δορυφορικές κεραίες και φυσικά, σκοινιά με ρούχα και μανταλάκια, μοιάζουν με θεατρικό σκηνικό γεμάτο πληροφορίες για τους ενοίκους τους. Ιδίως οι μπουγάδες, που αποτελούν από τα πλέον συνηθισμένα θεάματα στις περιοχές νοτιοδυτικά της Πατησίων, μπορούν να αποκαλύψουν πολλά για την εθνικότητα, την οικονομική κατάσταση, την καθημερινή ζωή των ιδιοκτητών. Έτσι δημιουργήθηκε το πρότζεκτ Athenslaundry_bougada, ένας λογαριασμός στα social media που περιλάμβανε δύο σκέλη. Το πρώτο εστίαζε στην καταγραφή της καθημερινής ζωής στις γειτονιές γύρω από την πλατεία Βικτωρίας μέσα από τις φωτογραφίες απλωμένων ρούχων, χωρίς καμία διάθεση αισθητικοποίησης των παρηκμασμένων αυτών περιοχών. Στο δεύτερο σκέλος, εννέα έργα σύγχρονων καλλιτεχνών φωτογραφήθηκαν σε διάφορα μπαλκόνια και παράθυρα της περιοχής σαν άλλες μπουγάδες, ερχόμενα σε διάλογο με το περιβάλλον που τα πλαισίωνε. Το πρότζεκτ, που απέκτησε ιδιαίτερη δυναμική συμπίπτοντας με την πανδημία, πραγματοποιήθηκε με την καθοριστική συμβολή φίλων και γειτόνων που παραχώρησαν τα μπαλκόνια τους . Στόχος ήταν να προσφέρει μια διαφορετική όψη αυτής της δυσφημισμένης περιοχής και να καταρρίψει μερικά από τα στερεότυπα που της έχουν πιστωθεί. Μιας περιοχής που, με όλα τα προβλήματά της, παραμένει ένα από τα πιο ζωντανά και αληθινά μέρη μιας πόλης που τουριστικοποιείται με ταχείς ρυθμούς.

Negotiating and Realising

Change –

Taking Action

202

Participatory Processes in Integrated Territorial ­Development: A Case of Co-Managing Water Commons Eirini Iliopoulou and Vasilis Avdikos

[Framework] Civic Participation as an Emerging Trend in Planning in all Fields and on all Scales If we tried to agree upon a single definition of civic participation, it would have to capture a spectrum of practices ranging from voting in national/local elections and other types of formal participation to participatory decision-making, collective socio-political intervention, protest and direct action (Adler & Goggin, 2005; Ekman & Amnå, 2012; Warren et al., 2014; Arvanitidis, 2017). In a liberal democracy, citizens exercise control over national and local governments through elections, referenda, online and offline consultation, etc. However, direct forms of civic participation (e.g. participatory budgeting/planning/co-management of public goods) could cause an interesting scalar instability regarding where and by whom decisions are taken, leading to “a rescaling of the present structure of democratic participation, and a rescaling of how political member­ ship is defined” (Purcell, 2002). In territorial development and all areas and scales of planning, civic participation as a key policy and socially innovative aspect of “governance beyond the state” (Swyngedouw, 2005), is growing in significance. While traditional forms of participation are gradually losing favour (Franklin, 2004; Torcal & Montero, 2006; Sloam, 2014), the importance of direct and indirect civic participation in Inte­ grat­ed Territorial Development (ITD) and beyond is gaining notable recognition across the political spectrum (Arvanitidis, 2017). On one hand, civic participation chimes with left-wing voices calling for grassroots politics and increased representation in planning. On the other, the same vision is being embraced by a neoliberal policy agenda (Peck et al., 2009; Mayer et al., 2016) aimed at the central state disengaging from social policy. However, the initial quest for openness and inclusivity in ITD has been constantly challenged by the question: How participatory is participation? This question actually comments on aspects of participation such as its possible legitimising effect (Swyngedouw, 2005), the emergence of new social exclusions, the “tyranny of techniques” (Cleaver, 1999), the glorification of individual responsi­ bility in the form of active citizenship, and the risk of non-repre­sen­ ta­tion. The possibility (or hope) that democratic, transparent processes can be achieved is threatened by the consolidation of illegitimate, unrepresentative power relations. The involvement

204

of local communities poses a significant challenge for ITD, which prioritises participation as an instrument for creating social inclusion (Chatziefstathiou et al., 2019; Tasan-Kok & Vranken, 2011). That said, critical research on the participatory models used in the ITD approach has shown that although active citizenship reduces social exclusion, it also creates new types of social exclusion due to factors of class and ethnicity, local authorities’ negative attitude, nonrepresentative structures, the lack of opportunity for actual partici­ pation in decision-making and poor outreach tools (Barrett, 2012; Tasan-Kok & Vranken, 2011). Thus, in this chapter, civic participation is perceived as a key battlefield of conflicting perceptions and interests relating to the form of governance (Docherty et al., 2001; Raco, 2000), how to manage common goods and how to address true public concerns and local wellbeing. Taking the case of a Water Solidarity Economy (WSE) emerging around the Roman Hadrian’s Aqueduct in Chalandri, Athens, participation is explored as a potential common space for nonpotable water management, going beyond top-down ­governance. Participation in Integrated Territorial Development Looking into the various European Union Cohesion Policy (EUCP) programming periods from 1989 to 2020, we can trace the parallel evolution of “territorial cohesion” policies (Madeiros, 2019; Zaucha & Komornicki, 2019; Tsantekidis, 2018) that eventually led to the contemporary EU-funded territorial instruments related to the ITD approach. Participation as a process, a right and a demand has been officially included in the design and implementation of developmental programmes since the 1980s, with the gradual introduction of multilevel governance. In the late 1980s, new territorial policy tools were introduced, such as LEADER, ENVIREG or INTERREG. This period was marked by the notion of multi-level governance (Enderlein et al., 2010; Grisel & Van de Waart, 2011; Tasan-Kok & Vranken, 2011), introducing the participation of both vertical partners (EU, national, regional and local authorities) and horizontal stakeholders (business representatives, trade unions, NGOs, etc.) in the design and delivery of development programmes, following a shift from local government to local governance (Andrew & Goldsmith, 1998; Kotsakis, 2012). The new policy tools introduced the ideas of multi-stakeholder decision-making, integrated planning, shared best practices and multi-agent partnerships, signifying a key break with state-centred policymaking (Painter & Goodwin, 1995; Ward, 2000; Purcell, 2002). With regard to the 2014–2020 period, the post-2014 institutional and regulatory changes reflect the experience and evaluation outcomes resulting from the previous programming periods (see the Barca report of 2009) and the further incorporation of the “placebased” approach. Moreover, the urban dimension plays a core role in the promotion of territorial cohesion (see Urban Dimension of EUCP). In 2016, Integrated Territorial Investment (ITI) and CommunityLed Local Development (CLLD) were introduced as key territorial policy instruments to realise integrated, place-based, locally-led strategies and actions, promoting local development and multilevel governance along with cross-thematic and cross-sectoral approaches (Madeiros, 2017).

the early involvement and greater delegation of responsibilities to regional and local authorities and stakeholders, including civil society, in the territorial development strategy, leading from the bottom up, is key to the future ownership, participation and success of the integrated territorial strategy that will be implemented at the local and intersectorial levels (European Parliament resolution on ITI and CLLD, 10 May 2016). Regarding CLLD, the European Parliament encourages capacity-building, awareness-raising among social and economic partners, as well as civil society stakeholders, and the active participation of those parties […] insists, in this connection, that local actors should have real decision-making powers […] Believes that tools such as participatory budgeting should be included in the CLLD strategy, as it is a democratic exercise contributing significantly to increasing the involvement of social and economic partners in order to strengthen social cohesion at local level and increase the efficiency of public spending (European Parliament resolution on ITI and CLLD, 10 May 2016). Looking closer at civic participation in the design and delivery of ITI projects in the metropolitan area of Athens, two specific comments can be made that serve as a background to elaborate on the case study of the WSE around Hadrian’s Aqueduct. These comments are critically analysed outcomes of semi-structured one-to-one interviews conducted with urban experts, policymakers and city-makers involved in designing and/or implementing ITD strategies and actions (ITIs) in the metropolitan area of Athens: 1. Civic participation in ITD projects reproduces the distinction between experts and non-experts, and scale matters. The public consultation process followed by the ITIs in the Attica region invited citizens to discuss with and consult policymakers on individual planning matters, but the broader strategy was predefined. Experts who participated in the interviewing process argue that citizens are either not willing or not “ready” to co-produce strategic frameworks. Additionally, depending on the scale of planning, different actors (with their own interests and capacities) emerge who use their position of power to influence the process. For instance, citizens are mostly involved in socio-spatial issues concerning their neighbourhoods, in a small perimeter round their home, staying away from large-scale debates. At the same time, associations claim hegemony over political agendas. This up-scaling or down-scaling, in the words of Swyngedouw (2005), “is not socially neutral as new actors emerge and consolidate their position in the process, while others are excluded or become more marginal”. Moreover, scalar fragmentation leads to spatial alienation and a distorted understanding of the socio-spatial environment. This is both a personal/cognitive and a social/political problem for those who seek an adequate understanding of that environment. Civic participation could serve

205

Regarding ITI, the European Parliament stresses that

as a means of understanding all socio-spatial aspects and scales and taking action that goes beyond a call for (partial) reform, leading towards a radical (total) restructuring of urban life.

206

2. There is no institutional expression for grassroots practices and social movements. Practices such as protesting, active membership in an association, signing petitions, regular volunteering and boycotting have a great influence on civic engagement, especially among young people (Arvanitidis, 2017) in Greece. In the metropolitan context of Athens, informal counter-austerity narratives and practices became popular as a bottom-up response to crisis, through solidarity movements (Daskalaki & Kokkinidis, 2017; Vaiou & Kalandides, 2017; Arampatzi, 2018), the social and solidarity economy (Arampatzi, 2022; Rakopoulos, 2015), creative entrepreneurship (Lavanga et al., 2020) and participatory place-making (Karachalis, 2021). At the same time, public consultation has not yet been integrated and there is no established tradition of interaction among social partners and the authorities as part of a transparent, democratic procedure, as stated in the ITI Implementation Guide issued by the Managing Authority of the Attica Region Operational Programme (Region of Attica, 2017). Though public consultation has been a fundamental element of policymaking in the Municipalities since 2006, there is still a critical gap between grassroots agencies and institutional representation. [Case Study] “Cultural H.ID.RA.N.T.” – a UIA-Funded ITD Project in Chalandri: Co-Managing Water Commons In post-2008 Greece, the government debt crisis had a strong impact on the core of the urban socio-economic environment. This was spatialised in terms of not only the devastation and abandonment of public and private space, but also intense gentrification (Alexandri, 2018; 2015; Maloutas, 2007, August 22–25), urban regeneration (Balampanidis et al., 2021; Kafkalas et al., 2015) and touristification (Pettas et al., 2022) in the city of Athens and its broader metropolitan area. Interestingly, though, while this landscape experienced the consequences of urban bankruptcy, it was gaining a worldwide reputation as culturally vibrant; alternative voices speaking out against the crisis were flourishing along with radical political activity, solidarity initiatives, social venues, art spaces and street art (Pettas et al., 2022). In Chalandri, the biggest city in the North Athens Regional Unit of Attica (10.805 square kilometres; 74,192 inhabitants), the recovery policies focused on supporting the local market, creating a kind of leisure and catering “theme park” (e.g., 216 new food and beverage facilities within three years, over 5,000 visitors on a random Saturday evening), in connection with broader development plans (i.e. three existing shopping centres, a new casino, a new under­ ground railway station). This approach has been criticised by members of the current municipal authority for not succeeding in addressing citizens’ wellbeing or aiding the city’s resilient, endogenous development. Against this background, Chalandri has been attempting a paradigm shift by developing strong heritage branding in the periphery and proposing a new model of co-managing natural and man-made resources. In June 2020, Chalandri was

Establishing a Water Solidarity Economy: Towards a New Co-management Model for Water The WSE approach cannot be separated from the ongoing public debates about water as a public vs. private vs. common good and as a reason for resource-related conflicts (Gbandi, 2022; Baer, 2014; Hachfeld et al., 2013; Sacher & Windfuhr, 2008). On the contrary, it is part of current worldwide movements against the privatisation of water, as reflected in the vast majority of citizens (across Europe

207

selected among more than 200 candidate cities to implement a three-year development project, named Cultural H.ID.RA.N.T. period and funded by the EU initiative Urban Innovative Actions (UIA). The Regional Development Institute (RDI) at Athens’ Panteion University is a project partner in Cultural H.ID.RA.N.T. The authors of this contribution discuss data produced by the RDI as part of the project monitoring and evaluation process. The analysis is also based upon the examination of various project deliverables, participatory observation of public events, workshops, roundtables and one-to-one interviews with all project partners. Cultural H.ID.RA.N.T. aims at re-introducing the highly signifi­ cant subterranean Roman Hadrian’s Aqueduct into contemporary urban life in Chalandri. Hadrian’s Aqueduct is 23 kilometres long, connecting eight diverse municipalities, from the periphery to Athens city centre, and exclusively supplied Athens with water for nearly 1800 years, from 140 AD until the early 1930s. The monument is literally hidden in that it is underground, and metaphorically hidden in that it is unknown and forgotten by locals. Recent research (e.g. Deftereos & Mamasis, 2018) has shown its value as both a monument and a natural resource that still functions in absolute environmental harmony, capable of supplying the area with nonpotable water for irrigation. Alternative uses are also being explored, such as cleaning public spaces, washing cars, processing marble, etc. The recovery of the Aqueduct is hoped to launch a signifi­ cant debate on protecting, preserving and using urban commons (especially water) while exploring community-based participatory ways of co-managing natural resources within the framework of intermunicipal cooperation. Cultural H.ID.RA.N.T. reactivates a water resource, making it accessible to all while highlighting its value as a heritage asset and part of the infrastructure. The project goes beyond sight-seeing/consumerism, taking advantage of the action to raise awareness and promote behavioural change regarding the use of non-­potable water, the sustainable maintenance of sufficient high-quality groundwater, and the participatory management of relevant services. The first step taken by EYDAP (the Athens Water Supply and Sewerage Company) was to release a needs assessment survey on non-potable water in order to map citizens’ interest in joining the Hadrian water network. Based on the survey results (about 60 people expressed an interest in joining), EYDAP designed a four kilometre-long network of pipes that will enable most of these interested citizens to connect to the Aqueduct and use the Hadrian water for irrigation. For individuals or organisations who want to join but are far from the pipe network, two water tank trucks will serve their neighbourhoods by distributing water across Chalandri.

208

1 Looking into Hadrian's Aqueduct through its wells. Photo © Christos Giovanopoulos.

2 The 23 kilometre-long linear pathway of Hadrian’s Aqueduct. Indicatively marked by the authors.

209

and beyond) who vote against the privatisation of water in local referenda (Hachfeld et al., 2013). In Greece, social movements related to water have been mobilising people in several urban and rural areas for more than a decade. In 2014, for example, 98.2 % of citizens in Thessaloniki voted against the privatisation of water in a local referendum. Associations (SOSte to nero [save water], WaterWarriors, Kallisto and others) have run awareness-raising campaigns (e.g. 100 δράσεις για το Νερό – 100 Actions for Water). In Stagiates, on Mount Pelion, people are fighting against the commercialisation of water under the slogan “free water!”, attracting significant country-wide support. In Chalandri, the organisation SOS Rematia was founded in 1990; it aims to preserve the Penteli-­ Chalandri Stream as a natural common water resource, resisting any interventions. Against this background, the Hadrian non-potable water network will not be offered as a top-down municipal service, but is instead perceived as a network of people, neighbourhoods, needs and capacities, paving the way for a Water Solidarity Economy (WSE). Users will be able to connect either to the underground pipe-network itself, or to the district distribution network through municipal water tank trucks. This connection will not be limited to water use; it will also include other links to Hadrian’s Aqueduct. For instance, an online local archive, coordinated by the Mediterranean Institute for Nature and Anthropos as part of Cultural H.ID.RA.N.T., includes more than 350 items bearing witness to tangible and intangible past and contemporary local heritage capital, mostly related to water. The idea is that the local archive and its related repository will be constantly enriched and co-managed by people involved in the local oral history group, as part of the WSE. It is also hoped that a local Hadrian Festival will be firmly established as an annual event held during the city’s broader annual cultural festival. Additionally, the local educational community will speak out in favour of sustainable water use and high-quality public spaces irrigated by nonpotable Hadrian water, through related projects and learning material. In this context, the WSE becomes an open common space to initiate behavioural and governance changes on the individual, collective and administrative levels. Building on the above, the project consortium kicked off the process with a knowledge transfer event examining the Eau de Paris municipal water company and the Terrassa Water Observatory (Observatorio del Agua de Terrassa) in Catalonia. The major issues raised in both cases regarding the establishment of a participatory, democratic, inclusive governance model concerned the existing institutional/legal frameworks, the legal form of the developing entity, the stakeholders’ roles, tasks, rights and obligations and the decision-making framework. The WSE in Chalandri will be a tripartite body, consisting of the Municipality, EYDAP and a “water community” of local citizens (individual users, organisations, associations, etc.). EYDAP will take an administrative role, guaranteeing the quality and quantity of water and the construction, operation, maintenance and expansion of the pipe network; the Municipality of Chalandri will function as the “political guarantor” and overall facilitator, covering water distribution costs and reservoir disposition for those being served by

the water trucks; and users/“citizen scientists” will form a local “Water Watch” promoting the wise use of water, raising awareness and collecting and monitoring data on water sampling and consumption. In a nutshell, the water community’s tasks include: –– protecting and preserving the resource; –– making suggestions for the water network’s expansion; –– managing the district distribution network through municipal water tank trucks; –– monitoring sustainable water management by increasing public reflection and debate on water management issues (e.g. requesting footprint reports and annual consumption reports to monitor relevant KPIs); –– making suggestions for introducing new users/members into the WSE community (according to the preliminary consensus among stakeholders on 27 June 2022). On the other hand, while the big idea is to avoid the hierarchical relationship between the water company and customers, the WSE initiative is a challenging experiment requiring all stakeholders to explore their limitations and hopefully transcend them. No-one can yet say whether the traditional water supplier will go beyond an “appealing pricing” approach to solidarity economy practices, whether room for manoeuvre will be found within the Greek legisla­ tive framework, or whether people will rebuild their trust in the public administration. Cooperatives, social and solidarity economy and other community-led governance models (e.g. energy commu­ nities) can offer vital ideas and experience in collective management, countering the market-oriented vision that dominates the debate on how to solve urban problems. In other words, the WSE for the Hadrian water in Chalandri may prove much more than a project outcome – it may initiate a broader debate on the management of commons, on solidarity attitudes and practices, socio-ecological justice, participatory governance, community engagement, sharing and scalar instability. As Sahakian (2016) points out, 1

210

[t]he [social and solidarity economy] is well underway and expanding, in research and practice [...] bring[ing] to the fore a discussion around paradigms and associated values, including societal and environmental priorities which are not always aligned – raising questions around what values we wish to put forward in our economy, workplaces and society. [Up-Scaling] Developing an Intermunicipal and Thematic ITI for Hadrian’s Aqueduct Time and human interventions have caused collapses and therefore discontinuities in Hadrian Aqueduct’s route. However, it is still a well-functioning metropolitan infrastructure from the distant past that can play a significant role in present intermunicipal cooperation and networking. In the current programming period (2021–2027), the Region of Attica plans to kick off a new thematic ITI for all of Hadrian’s Aqueduct. This will be the first time that eight diverse municipalities have designed and delivered one common ITI project, extending

211 3 Snapshot from the performance “Under Self”, based on the technical documentation of Hadrian’s Aqueduct, by Ohi Pezoume NPO. Photo © Alekos and Christos Bourelias.

2

212

3

from large regeneration projects to soft actions related to intangible heritage, skills building, etc. Chalandri will transfer valuable knowledge and lessons learned relating to open, participatory and inclusive ITD, key policy recommendations and hands-on methods to expand and enhance civic engagement. It will also promote resil­ ient, endogenous development and adaptation to climate change, transcending public administration boundaries, public-private-civic cooperation, co-managing a common good and a new culture of territorial cooperation. In this context, the WSE in Chalandri will operate as a govern­ ance pilot for the whole water supply chain. One of the most important challenges is that Chalandri is creating space for bottom-­up practices in a top-down way. In contrast to other cases, the use of Hadrian water has never been a local demand. No communities or other local stakeholders have ever asked to appropriate this cultural and natural common good; they barely knew it existed. The WSE thus needs to be both loose and concrete, including different interests and points of view in its structure. At the same time, different scenarios for the WSE structure reflect different levels of institutional establishment, ranging from an informal network approach to a legal entity one. The former envisages a network comprising local authorities, EYDAP, users, local groups (including local archive admins and Hadrian Festival orga­ nisers), schools and water experts, while the latter foresees an official legal body with a specific structure (board/general assembly) and division of responsibilities. The key here is decision-making: as an officially recognised legal entity, the WSE will be able to decide on matters concerning the Hadrian Aqueduct and its non-potable water in Chalandri and the other seven “Hadrian” municipalities, paving the way for other community-driven, solidarity governance models for common goods and the institutional expression of grassroots practices. Moreover, the distinction between experts and non-­ experts will be significantly softened, since all the different stakeholders will be represented in the decision-making processes. The local WSE in Chalandri is in the making at this very moment. It may offer an opportunity to re-arrange the interplay between structural dynamics (local administration/public water company/ relevant ministries) and local agency, both by increasing civic participation in decision-making on water commons and in overseeing their general management.

Adler, Richard P. & Goggin, Judy (2005). What do we mean by “civic engagement”? Journal of Transforma­ tive Education 3(3), 236–253. http://doi. org/10.1177/1541344605276792. Alexandri, Georgia (2015). Unravelling the yarn of gentrification trends in the contested inner city of Athens. In Lees, Loretta, Shin, Hyun Bang & López-Morales, Ernesto (Eds.), Global gentrifications: uneven development and displacement (pp. 19–35). Bristol: Policy Press. Alexandri, Georgia (2018). Planning gentrification and the ‘absent’ state in Athens. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 42, 36–50. Andrew, Caroline & Goldsmith, Michael (1998). From local government to local governance: And beyond? International Political Science Review / Revue Internationale de Science Politique 19(2), 101–117. Arampatzi, Athina (2018). Constructing solidarity as resistive and creative agency in austerity Greece. Comparative European Politics, 16, 50–66. https://doi.org/10.1057/ s41295-016-0071-9. Arampatzi, Athina (2022). Social solidarity economy and urban commoning in post-crisis contexts: Madrid and Athens in a comparative perspective. Journal of Urban Affairs. 44(10), 1375–1390. https://doi.org/10.1080/07 352166.2020.1814677. Arvanitidis, Paschalis (2017). The concept and determinants of civic engagement. Human Affairs 27(3), 252–272. https://doi. org/10.1515/humaff-2017-0022. Baer, Madeline (2014). Private water, public good: Water privatization and state capacity in Chile. St Comp Int Dev 49, 141–167. Balampanidis, Dimitris; Maloutas, Thomas; Papatzani, Eva & Pettas, Dimitris (2021). Informal urban regeneration as a way out of the crisis? Airbnb in Athens and its effects on space and society. Urban Research & Practice, 14(3), 223–242. https://doi.org/10.1 080/17535069.2019.1600009. Barca, Fabrizio (2009). An agenda for a reformed cohesion policy: a place-based approach to meeting European union challenges and expectations. Brussels: European Commission. Barrett, Martyn (2015). An integrative model of political and civic participation: Linking the macro, social and psychological levels of explanation. In Barrett, Martyn and Zani, Bruna (Eds.), Political and Civic Engagement: Multidisciplinary Perspectives (pp. 162–187). London: Routledge. Calvo, Sara; Morales, Andres & Zikidis, Yanni (2017). Social and solidarity economy. The world’s economy with a social face. New York, NY: Routledge. Chatziefstathiou Dikaia; Iliopoulou, Eirini & Magkou, Matina (2019). UrbanDig project: Sport practices and artistic interventions for co-creating urban space, Sport in Society 22(5), 871–884. http://doi.org/10.1080/17430 437.2018.1430485.

Cleaver, Frances (1999). Paradoxes of par­ tici­p ation questioning participatory approaches to development. Journal of International Development 11, 597–612. Daskalaki, Maria & Kokkinidis, George (2017). Organizing solidarity initiatives: A sociospatial conceptualization of resistance. Organization Studies 38(9), 1303–1325. https://doi.org/10.1177/0170840617709304. Defteraios, Panagiotis & Mamasis, Nikos (2018). Εργασίες διερεύνησης του Αδριάνειου Υδραγωγείου της Αθήνας & καταγραφή της υφιστάμενης κατάστασης σε συγκεκριμένα υπόγεια τμήματά του [Exploration of Hadrian aqueduct of Athens and recording of current state of specific underground parts]. Technical report. Contractor: National Technical University. https://www.itia.ntua.gr/en/ docinfo/1880/ [Accessed: 30 August, 2022]. Docherty, Iain; Goodlad, Robina & Paddison, Ronan (2001). Civic culture, community and citizen participation in contrasting neighbourhoods. Urban Studies 38(12), 2225–2250. https://doi. org/10.1080/00420980120087144. Ekman, Joakim & Amnå, Erik (2012). Political participation and civic engagement: Towards a new typology Human Affairs 22(3),  283–300. http://doi.org/10.2478/s13374-0120024-1. Enderlein, Henrik; Wälti, Sonja & Zürn, Michael (2010). Handbook on multi-level governance. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. Franklin, Mark (2004). Voter turnout and the dynamics of electoral competition in established democracies since 1945. Cambridge: Cambridge, MA: University Press. Gbandi, Tchapo (2022). This water is all ours: Water demand and civil conflicts. Research in Economics 76(2), 120–130. Grisel, Mart & Van de Waart, Frans (2011). Multilevel urban governance or the art of working together. Amsterdam: European Urban Knowledge Network. Hachfeld, David; Terhorst, Philipp; Hoedeman, Olivier & Efstathopoulos, Giannis (2013). ΝΕΡΟ | ΚΟΙΝΟ ΑΓΑΘΟ Η προστασία και η διαχείριση του νερού ως«κοινού αγαθού»: παραδείγματα ορθής διαχείρισης και ευρωπαϊκά δημοψηφίσματα διεκδίκησης του δημόσιου χαρακτήρα του [WATER | COMMON GOOD The protection and management of water as a “common good”: good management practices and European referenda reclaiming its public character.] Report. Institute Nikos Poulantzas. Athens: Nisos https://poulantzas.gr/wp-content/ uploads/2013/10/nero_tel_small2.pdf [Accessed: 30 August, 2022]. Kafkalas, Grigorios; Vitopoulou, Athina; Gemenetzi, Georgia; Giannakou, Athina & Tasopoulou, Anastasia (2015). Η αστική αναγέννηση και αναζωογόνηση ως απόκριση στην αστική αλλαγή [Urban regeneration as a response to urban change]. In Kafkalas, Grigorios, Vitopoulou, Athina, Gemenetzi, Georgia, Giannakou, Athina & Tasopoulou, Anastasia (Eds.), Βιώσιμες πόλεις (pp. 112– 182). Athens: HEAL Link. Karachalis, Nicholas (2021). Temporary use as a participatory placemaking tool to support cultural initiatives and its connection to city marketing strategies: The case of Athens. Sustainability 13(4), 1652. https://doi. org/10.3390/su13041652. Kotsakis, Dimitris (2012). 3 ΚΑΙ 1 ΚΕΙΜΕΝΑ [3 PLUS 1 TEXTS] Athens: Ekdoseis Synadelfon.

213

This research is co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European Social Fund – ESF) through the Operational Programme “Human Resources Development, Education and Lifelong Learning” in the context of the project “Reinforcement of Postdoctoral Researchers – 2nd Cycle” (MIS-5033021), implemented by the State Scholarships Foundation (IKY).

214

Lavanga, Mariangela; Loots, Ellen; Konomi, Adela; Avdikos, Vasilis & Iliopoulou, Eirini (2020). Creative entrepreneurship and urban space: Exploring the location preferences of creative professionals in Athens during the economic recession. The Greek Review of Social Research 153, 5–36. https://doi. org/10.12681/grsr.22340. Madeiros, Eduardo (2017). Uncovering the territorial dimension of European Union cohesion policy. New York, NY: Routledge. Madeiros, Eduardo (Ed.) (2019). Territorial cohesion. The urban dimension. Springer International Publishing. Maloutas, Thomas (2007, August 22–25). Gentrification in ungentrifiable cities? Urban renewal and changing social structures in the centre of Athens during the 1990s [Paper presentation]. RC21 ‘Urban Justice and Sustainability’ conference, Vancouver, Canada. Mayer, Margit; Thörn, Catharina & Thorn, Håkan (Eds.), (2016). Urban uprisings challenging neoliberal urbanism in Europe. UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Painter, Joe & Goodwin, Mark (1995). Local governance and concrete research: Investigating the uneven development of regulation. Economy and society, 24(3), 334–356. Peck, Jamie; Theodore, Nik & Brenner, Neil (2009). Neoliberal urbanism: Models, moments, mutations. SAIS Review, XXIX(1), 49–66. Pettas, Dimitris; Avdikos, Vasilis; Iliopoulou, Eirini & Karavasili, Ioanna (2022). “Insurrection is not a spectacle”: Experiencing and contesting touristification in Exarcheia, Athens. Urban Geography, 43(7), 984–1006. https://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2021.18 88521. Purcell, Marc (2002). Excavating Lefebvre: The right to the city and its urban politics of the inhabitant. Geojournal 58, 99–108. Raco, Mike & Imrie, Rob (2000). Governmentality and rights and responsibilities in urban policy. Environment and Planning 32(12), 2187–2204. http://doi.org/10.1068/a3365. Rakopoulos, Theodoros (2015). Solidarity economy in contemporary Greece: “Movementality,” economic democracy and social reproduction. In Hart, Keith (Ed.), Economy for and against democracy (pp. 161–182). New York, NY: Oxford. Region of Attica (2017). Integrated territorial investments application guide. In Attica operational programme 2014–2020. Sacher, Danuta & Windfuhr, Michael. (2008). The debate on “Water as a Human Right” and its implications for development assistance. In Scheumann, Waltina; Neubert, Susanne; Kipping, Martin (Eds.), Water Politics and Development Cooperation (pp. 146–176). Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-76707-7_7.

Sahakian, Marlyne. (2016). The social and solidarity economy: Why is it relevant to industrial ecology?. In Clift, Roland & Druckman, Angela. (Eds.), Taking stock of industrial ecology (pp. 205–227). Cham: Springer. https:// doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-20571-7_10. Sloam, James (2014). New voice, less equal: The civic and political engagement of young people in the United States and Europe. Comparative Political Studies, 47(5), 663–688. Swyngedouw, Erik (2005). Governance innovation and the citizen: The janus face of governance-beyond-the-state. Urban Studies 42(11), 1991–2006. Tasan-Kok, Tuna & Vranken, Jan (2011) Handbook for multilevel governance in Europe: Analysing Participatory instruments for an integrated urban development. The Hague: EUKN. Torcal, Mariano & Montero, José Ramón (2006). Political disaffection in contemporary democracies: Social capital, institutions and politics. London: Routledge. Tsantekidis, Michalis (2018). Η εδαφική διάσταση της πολιτικής συνοχής: γενικό πλαίσιο και εφαρμογές στην Ελλάδα με έμφαση στην πολιτική για τις πόλεις την περίοδο 2014–2020 [The territorial dimension of cohesion policy: general framework and applications in Greece with an emphasis on cities, for the period 2014–2020] MSc thesis, University of Thessaloniki https:// ikee.lib.auth.gr/record/297937 [Accessed: 30 August, 2022]. Vaiou, Dina & Kalandides, Aris (2017). Practices of solidarity in Athens: reconfigurations of public space and urban citizenship. Citizenship Studies 21(4), 440–454. https://doi.org/1 0.1080/13621025.2017.1307605. Ward, Kevin G. (2000). A critique in search of a corpus: re-visiting governance and re-interpreting urban politics, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 25, 169–185. Warren, Anne Marie; Sulaiman, Ainin & Jaafar, Noor (2014). Social media effects on fostering online civic engagement and building citizen trust and trust in institutions. Government Information Quarterly, 31(2), 291–301. Zaucha, Jacek & Komornicki, Tomasz (2019). Territorial Cohesion: The Economy and Welfare of Cities. In Madeiros, Eduardo (Ed.), Territorial Cohesion. The Urban Dimension. Springer International Publishing.

Athens’ Natural Capital: Aiming for 2030

Elissavet Bargianni and Grammatiki Papazoglou

As part of the strategy to meet the 2030 climate goals, the City of Athens identified the upgrading and enlargement of its network of green spaces as playing a critical role in the city’s restructuring. In view of the changes that need to be organised and implemented, the city administration is working on a multifaceted programme that will make the city of Athens fit for the coming decades. As part of this process, the Strategic Planning, Resilience, Innovation and Documentation Division; the Green Areas and Urban Fauna Division; the Roads, Sewage and Common Spaces Division; the Chief Heat Officer of the City of Athens and other administrative units and specialists have developed and refined a series of interconnected plans aimed at enhancing, enlarging and protecting Athens’ green network while also making it more accessible. In this paper we describe the benefits of such a network, the measures the city is taking to implement it, and the benefits that a landscape-led approach to physical city planning can offer for future sustainability and resilience. Athens, the capital of Greece, with a population of 637,798 (2021 Census) has been expanding since the 1950s, when a new road infrastructure and major residential development were introduced to accommodate an expanding workforce, reflecting the increasing economic prosperity of the country. As planning at that time did not prioritise safeguarding natural resources, assessing the benefits offered by ecosystem services or maintaining the value of the landscape, many green and open spaces were sacrificed in favour of grey infrastructure, buildings and asphalt. During that period, most streams and rivers were buried underneath highways and roads (some of which, such as Kifissos or Kallirrois, still bear the rivers’ names). It is estimated that today almost 80 % of surfaces in the city are sealed against water (City of Athens, 2017, p. 29), leaving the city vulnerable to extreme heat and flooding events, which are likely to cause disruption and have significant economic impacts while posing a real risk to safety and public health. The situation is already so severe that on 7 November 2022, a Heavy Rain Warning was sent as an emergency alert to all mobile phones in the metropolitan area. According to the current city’s climate projections, such events are expected to increase in intensity and duration. But is this irreversible? How is the city responding to such future challenges?

Setting New Agendas: Athens’ Resilience Strategy for 2030 Over the last decade, Athens has developed a series of far-reaching plans, strategies and policies to achieve its ambitious goals. It has established strategic partnerships with the 100 Resilient Cities Network (100 RC) and the C40 Cities network. In 2017, following an intensive phase of public consultation with stakeholders from the private and public sectors, civil society, city administration and academia, the City of Athens (2017) published its first resilience strategy, titled Athens Resilience Strategy for 2030: Redefining the City. The strategy is based on the understanding that a resilient city relies on “the capacity of individuals, institutions, businesses and systems within [it] to adapt, survive and thrive no matter what kind of chronic stresses and acute shocks they experience.” (City of Athens, 2017, p. 13). In the analytical part of the strategy, a series of key challenges are being identified for Athens and categorised as “acute shocks” or “chronic stresses”. The first category features events such as earthquakes, heatwaves, civil unrest and cybercrime. The second includes macroeconomic depressions, ageing infrastructure, migration and mistrust in public services (City of Athens, 2017, pp. 14–15). Since none of these complex issues can be addressed in isolation, the resilience strategy is conceived as a project that needs to integrate different processes and issues. Its vision for the resilient city of Athens in the year 2030 is summarised as follows: By 2030 Athens strives to be a responsive, embracing and inspirational city, that is proud, green and citizen-led. We nurture creativity and innovation, creating prototypes of belonging, bridging history and progress. Athens is a city that listens and speaks with the world. (City of Athens, 2017, p. 19) In this article, we concentrate on the challenges and initiatives that are closely related to environmental questions and the green infrastructures of the city.

216

How to Become a Green City? Becoming a green city is one of the four key goals that emerge from the above vision: “We need nature in Athens. The city of the future will meet our human need for proximity to nature and be able to withstand climate change and environmental challenges.” (City of Athens, 2017, p. 42) In order to achieve this goal, the city of Athens has adopted a series of interconnected plans, uses different financial instruments, draws on advisory resources provided through the 100 RC and C40 Cities networks, and pursues an integrative approach. These steps are tied to the resilience strategy and complement and strengthen each other. Natural Capital Financing Facility (NCFF) Athens is the first city in Europe to be funded through the Natural Capital Financing Facility (NCFF) mechanism, granted by the European Investment Bank (EIB) in cooperation with the European Commission. The aim of the programme is to improve the city’s natural resources in order to reduce temperatures and deal with the flood events that are worsening in the city due to climate change.

Urban Nature Declaration and Urban Nature Accelerator As part of its commitment to protecting communities from climate risk and meeting the goals of the Paris Agreement while improving overall health and wellbeing, Athens signed the C40 Urban Nature Declaration (C40 Cities, 2021; C40 Cities, July 13 2021). Together with 30 other major cities from around the world, which in Europe include Barcelona, Berlin, Copenhagen, Milan, London, Paris and Rome, the City of Athens will implement measures and projects that increase and enhance nature in the urban environment. It seeks to reduce climate risk and vulnerability, support wider ecosystem services, distribute green spaces more equitably, and make them more publicly accessible. In line with the commitments of the Urban Nature Accelerator declaration (C40 Cities, n.d.), the City of Athens is strengthening its public communication around resiliency goals and green restructuring programmes. It aims to enhance the procedures for incor­ porating vulnerable and marginalised communities in the design, implementation and monitoring of environmental targets, and support skill-building programmes for green jobs. It seeks to signifi­ cantly accelerate the process of addressing and overcoming gover­ nance barriers to delivering urban nature solutions and mobilise access to investments and other resources. This includes sharing knowledge about acceleration approaches and successful funding and governance mechanisms. During the next five years, Athens is planning to complete a baseline natural vegetation inventory and establish a procedure for natural capital accounting. In doing so, it intends to raise public awareness of environmental issues and the value of urban nature, thus providing incentives for the private sector while also establishing links across sectors within public services. The overall goal of the acceleration initiative is to achieve the ambitious 2030 targets (C40 Cities, n.d.). Climate Action Plan With the recent revision of the Climate Action Plan (City of Athens et al., 2022), the City of Athens has updated its climate adaptation goals, recognising the importance and value of increasing and improving the quantity of and access to green spaces. According to the Athens Climate Action Plan (City of Athens et al., 2022), the area covered by green spaces is about 15 % of the total area of the city, including the green leaf area of street trees. Without the leaf area provided by street trees, the figure is 11.61 %. Athens has a series of ecologically diverse and precious green spaces to offer, such as the National Garden (Tamvakis & Bargianni, 2016), or the urban forests of Filoppapou, Pnika and Lycabettus Hill. However, the existing parks, hills and larger urban forests are not large enough or distributed evenly enough to cover the needs of the residents of Athens. A spatial analysis conducted by the Office

217

The NCFF focuses on supporting and developing the natural envi­ ronment and biodiversity as essential solutions for adapting cities to withstand climate change. The EIB has provided the City of Athens with a technical support team to help prepare the project studies, managed and guided by the city council’s own dedicated interdepartmental project coordination unit.

of Resilience and Sustainability in collaboration with the National Observatory of Athens and Bloomberg Associates (City of Athens, 2017) showed that areas lacking substantial green spaces are most susceptible to heat and hold higher percentages of people with low incomes. With a view to the goals set out in the resilience strategy, climate action plan and urban nature declaration, Athens is planning to increase to 30 % the proportion of the city’s surface area given over to green spaces (e.g. street trees and urban forests, parks, or vegetation integrated into buildings) and/or permeable surfaces (e.g. pavements, infiltration trenches, swales, detention basins, regenerative urban agriculture). These land uses will help protect and restore biodiverse, climate-resilient ecosystems. In order to achieve the ambitious goal of 30 %, more spaces need to become green and many more need to become greener. In line with the integrative approach of the strategy, priority is given to projects that maximise accessibility and connectivity to green spaces for the most vulnerable.

218

EU Mission: Climate-Neutral and Smart Cities The goal of the EU Mission programme is to “deliver 100+ climateneutral and smart cities by 2030 and inspire all other cities to follow suit by 2050” (European Commission, Directorate-General for Research and Innovation, 2021). The EU Mission takes cities’ energy consumption and CO2 emissions as a starting point. Cities produce over 70 % of total global CO2 emissions and consume over 65 % of global energy. The EU Mission has identified a series of opportunities that can be part of achieving its goal: contributing to the European Green Deal, improving air quality and mobility, and assuming a leading role in climate and digital innovation. The EU Mission includes the provision of seed funding through the Horizon Europe programme, as well as the launch of a mission platform and network to offer assistance and facilitate knowledge exchange. The participating cities prepare and implement Climate City Contracts, which they have jointly produced with citizens and local stakeholders (European Commission, Directorate-General for Research and Innovation, 2021). For Athens, the EU Mission: Climate-Neutral and Smart Cities gives the city the opportunity to secure further funding and projects on its trajectory towards resiliency and to becoming climate neutral. It will help the city pursue an integrated approach to mitigation and adaptation and deliver nature-based solutions. Interdependencies: Distribution of Green Spaces, Accessibility and Mobility In view of the complex issues involved, any action taken will inevitably affect more than one aspect of the urban environmental system. An integrated approach will not merely seek to predict and avoid potential conflicts, but will also use synergies to more fully exploit the potential of change. Looking at the distribution of green spaces together with accessibility and mobility issues serves as an example of the connectedness and interdependencies of problems in the Athenian context.

1, 2

Tree avenues Street trees are highly valued in summertime, when many spaces would be unusable during the day without the green and shade they provide. Maintaining these street trees and planting more is an important goal as they make Athens feel like a greener, cooler city. The air temperature on tree-lined streets can be up to eight degrees cooler than on similar streets without shade trees, and surface temperatures can be 10 to 20 degrees cooler. As of 2018, there are about 94,000 trees recorded on avenues in the city. However, many of them are located on pavements and often obstruct pedestrian movement, having been planted before the enforcement of the current legislation regarding pavement accessibility. It is not unusual to walk on a 1.5 metre wide (or often narrower) pavement in Athens

219

Equitable distribution and accessibility of green spaces As part of ongoing restructuring, Athens is exploring ways to provide 70 % of the city population with access to a fit-for-purpose green or blue space within a 15-minute walk. Based on UN-Habitat public open spaces categorisation, this means walking a distance of some 1,200 metres. The World Health Organisation suggests that such locally accessible green spaces should have a minimum area of 0.5 to 1 hectares (five or ten stremmata). The current pattern of land use in Athens shows that green spaces are distributed unequally in the city. Some neighbourhoods, such as the Koukaki, Syntagma or Kolonaki areas, are more privileged than others, offering their residents more choice of space and therefore alternatives for daily walks. Others (e.g. Kypseli in the sixth municipal district) offer just one space. However, when evaluating the 1,200 metres walkability radius around each open space, the actual permeability of the urban fabric for pedestrian traffic should also be taken into account. The pedestrian-unfriendly network of roads and crossroads in most parts of Athens, the lack of cycle lanes and pedestrian-priority streets and the heavy road traffic in combination with narrow and very narrow pavements – often partially blocked with obstacles, including illegal and antisocial parking – can make the 15-minute walk a discouraging journey, especially for some of the potential users most in need of such spaces, such as the elderly and families with babies in push-chairs or small children. To help address this issue, the city is currently compiling an Urban Accessibility Plan (UAP) identifying measures and actions to ensure safe, comfortable pedestrian movement in the public realm as a whole. The results of a 2018 study identifying pavement obstacles will be combined with the new data to be collected and assessed when drawing up the recommendations of the UAP. For example, it is noted that almost 50 % of the city pavements are less than 1.5 metres wide, the minimum width for acceptable safe pavement access by Greek standards. Some work on improving accessibility has already begun, such as proposals to create vehicle-free/ pedestrian-priority zones in the commercial triangle in the historic centre of Athens, or pavement enlargement and traffic-calming measures. The most prominent has been the Great Walk project, as described further below, and improvements have already been conducted in as many as 410 streets.

B

D

C

A

220

1 Integration of green and blue infrastructure for the development and redesign of streets and squares in accordance with the plan: Athens Resilient City and Natural Capital (NCFF). Markings with letters of the Projects. Source: City of Athens ­[Presentation by Elissavet Bargianni, 10 December 2021].

A Revitalisation of Lycabettus Hill. Photo by Norbert Kling, 2023.

221 B Lamprini: Linking of Ergaton Polemiston 1912–13 Square to Kleonon Park.

C Exarcheia: Redesign of Tositsa Street and connection of the Archeological Museum and National Technical Unversity to Strefi Hill.

D Plato’s ­Academy: Connection of St. George's Square to the archaelogical site of Plato’s Academy.

222

2 Conversion of Tositsa Street into a low-traffic road. Existing situation and rendering of the project. Municipality of ­Athens with Suez Consulting. Project by ADK Consulting Engineers S.A. and Tsagkaraki Dareia Architect.

Active mobility The City of Athens and Lever S.A. (2021, p. 128) proposed a number of pedestrianisations, cycle paths and connectivity projects to enhance active mobility in the city. The historic centre is becoming a pedestrianised zone soon; pavements in 410 streets throughout the city are being restored and made an appropriate size for people to use, with cool materials to protect from heat stress. A plan to increase bicycle use in the City of Athens is also underway and, as many national-level policies need to adapt and include this provision in their requirements, the City of Athens is in talks with the national government on how this can be done efficiently and quickly. Since a large degree of open space in Athens consists of roads and car-based infrastructure, the question of how to make greener and healthier places is inevitably linked to the existing road network, public space and mobility issues. In this context, promoting forms of active mobility such as walking and cycling can free up spatial resources and lead to solutions that combine urban greening with mobility and have positive effects on the population. An integrated approach to mobility, accessibility and greening needs to be taken to address the conflicting goals and prevent trees from being lost in large numbers. Such a loss would have negative effects not only on walkability and cooling, but also on biodiversity. Generally, street tree planting and renewal plans need to play a role in increasing and maintaining the diversity of tree species to make the urban forest more resilient to stress resulting from climate change. Taking Action: New Projects in the City of Athens and Beyond Over the last decade, a significant number of large and small projects have been implemented throughout the city. They have brought about positive change to many neighbourhoods and are beginning to transform the city on a wider scale. Some of them have been completed, while others are ongoing projects due to the scale and extent of intervention. Creating new small-scale green spaces of neighbourhood importance and large-scale green spaces of metropolitan importance Pocket parks have blossomed rapidly in Athens, mostly due to private-sector funding through the Athens Partnership Adopt your City initiative. About 14 pocket parks have already been created since 2019 and any further available space either offered or expropriated will be incorporated in the programme. Currently, the city

223

that is disrupted by the tree pits around Seville orange (Citrus aurantium), pagoda (Sophora japonica) or mulberry (Morus sp.) trees. Tree avenues are increasingly threatened by new insects and diseases. Some of the city’s well-established species are affected and their familiar presence in the street landscape can no longer be taken for granted. For example, 21 % of the trees on avenues are of the Morus species, many of which have already been seriously affected by the insect Xylotrechus chinensis, creating an immediate need to replace seriously sick specimens and provide viable treatment and protection for the rest.

is systematically attempting to register available green land for expropriation and purchase so that it can be returned to the public or public use through the National Green Fund support scheme. At the same time, new large-scale green spaces are being created in the city, including a 100,000 square metres park area developed through the double regeneration project in Votanikos, an 18,000 square metres park area created through the same scheme in Ambelokipi and a 46,000 square metres park area in Elaionas. These green spaces will bring significant relief to areas that are most susceptible to heat. In the case of Votanikos and Elaionas, they will support the process of post-industrial regeneration and make the western part of the city an attractive destination. Creation of green and blue cultural routes In the city centre, the Great Walk project included the enlargement of pavements, water elements, cool materials, fountains and cycleand pedestrian-friendly routes with tree avenues and an increase in planting areas. On the level of the local neighbourhood, three projects established green corridors with funding from the NCFF. The measures connect public spaces, parks and hills, thus increasing active mobility and biodiversity, while minimising the risks of heat and flooding. The projects were located in the Exarcheia, Plato’s Academy and Lambrini areas. The footprint of the underground Roman Hadrian’s Aqueduct, which is still active, with a capacity of 1.5 million cubic metres of water a year coming into the city centre, will form a zone of new regeneration in the north-east of the city, promoting active mobility (walking, cycling) and also irrigating new and existing green city spaces, improving the city’s water table (City of Athens et al., 2022; Iliopoulou & Avdikos, chapter in this book). This project spans the metropolitan area and crosses municipal boundaries.

224

Revitalisation of Lycabettus Hill Lycabettus Hill, the forested area of the city, has been an important part of the landscape of Athens for centuries. The programme drawn up for Lycabettus was enhanced by consultation and constantly replenished through a participation process involving key stakeholders. Building on this rich content, the NCFF is developing and implementing a holistic approach that will improve biodiversity and the soil through sustainable water management and prevent soil erosion on the hill. The study that is being prepared will complement the pre-existing emergency flood protection work that recently began on part of the hill. Towards Integrated Landscape-Led Climate Adaptation Greening and restructuring a city to increase its resilience is a challenging task, especially when the space available to increase natural capital is limited and the city is as densely built and populated as Athens. A landscape-led approach to climate adaptation, understood as both a concept and an integrated implementation strategy, could help to address and choreograph the many different actions that need to be taken. Integrated plans, actions, regulatory frameworks, policies and funding instruments on different levels

Acknowledgements: The main author would like to thank the Mayor of Athens, Konstantinos Bakoyannis, and the City General Secretary Alexandros Tsiatsiamis for trusting her and introducing her to the project. Special gratitude is owed to Dimitris Kyriakakis, Director of the Green Areas and Urban Fauna Division and Director George Neofytou of the Roads, Sewage and Common Spaces Division, as well as to Lenio Myrivilli, former Chief Heat Officer of the City of Athens. Last but not least, the main author offers her respect and gratitude to her mentor Nikolaos Tamvakis, to whom she dedicates this piece of work.

225

seem to be well suited to provide orientation and help achieve goals. Moreover, to protect the milestones achieved step-by-step, adequate levels of management and maintenance need to be provided to ensure they function and succeed in the long term. Urban green spaces have to withstand high user frequencies, or cope with the impact of traffic. The city has already tripled its green spaces management budget for new planting, avenues, pruning or irrigation. Reintroducing nature into the city is one of the keys to making cities more liveable for residents, visitors and users. The restructuring will not happen without certain habits, assumptions and routines changing. There is much to gain, but there are also many efforts to be made. Hence it is important to jointly produce and share the vision of a green and resilient city with the whole urban population. A landscape-led climate adaptation strategy is based on the proposition that natural systems and their connectedness to social and economic processes should be acknowledged from the start in processes of urban transformation. This requires not just strong analytical tools and data-driven city plans, but also evalua­ tion and monitoring instruments at all scales. At the same time, a landscape-led approach needs to be conceptualised, nego­tiated and designed so that it is supported and maintained by the people for whom it is conceived. Due to its integrative capacity, the landscape-led strategy can offer a robust, efficient way to deliver envi­ ronmental, social and economic services in response to the challenging futures our cities face.

226

C40 Cities (n.d.). Urban Nature Accelerator. https://www.c40.org/accelerators/urban-nature/ [Accessed: 7 December, 2022]. C40 Cities (2021). C40 Urban Nature Declaration: Making our cities greener and more resilient. https://c40.org/wp-content/ uploads/2021/07/2889_EN-Urban_Nature_ Declaration.original.pdf [Accessed: 7 December, 2022]. C40 Cities (2021, July 13). 31 mayors introduce even more trees, parks and green space in cities to save lives and tackle the climate crisis [press release]. https://www.c40.org/ news/urban-nature-declaration/ [Accessed: 7 December, 2022]. City of Athens (2017). Athens Resilience Strategy for 2030: Redefining the city. Athens: City of Athens. https://resilientcitiesnetwork.org/downloadable_resources/ Network/Athens-Resilience-StrategyEnglish.pdf [Accessed: 7 December, 2022]. City of Athens; Bargianni, Elissavet; Myrivili, Eleni; Papazoglou, Grammatiki; Alexandri, Eleftheria; Tryfonidou, Vassiliki; Souflia, Ifigeneia; Tsamourtzi, Konstantina & Lambrou, Sofia (2022). Climate Action Plan for Athens [in Greek]. Athens: City of Athens. https://www.cityofathens.gr/wp-content/ uploads/2022/08/schedio-gia-tin-klimatikiallagi-9-6-2022.pdf [Accessed: 10 January, 2023]. City of Athens & Lever S.A. (2021). Σχέδιο Βιώσιμης Αστικής Κινητικότητας Δήμου Αθηναίων (ΣΒΑΚ) [Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan of the Municipality of Athens]. https://www.4troxoi.gr/wp-content/ uploads/2021/11/ATHENS-SBAK.pdf [Accessed: 13 December, 2022].

European Commission, Directorate-General for Research and Innovation (2021, September 29). EU missions: climate-neutral and smart cities: concrete solutions for our greatest challenges. Publications Office of the European Union. https://data.europa.eu/ doi/10.2777/970811. Myrivili, Eleni & Christou, Anthi (2018). Tackling climate change and urban resilience in the city of Athens. In Othengrafen, Frank; Serraos, Konstantinos (Eds.), Urban resilience, climate change and adaptation. Coping with heat islands in the dense urban area of Athens, Greece (pp. 85–98). Hannover : Leibniz Universität Hannover, Institut für Umweltplanung. https://doi. org/10.15488/5564. Tamvakis, Nikolaos & Bargianni, Elissavet (2016). Εθνικός Κήπος, ένας τόπος με μακρά κηποτεχνική ιστορία [The National Garden: A landscape with a long-lasting garden history]. Athens: Εταιρεία Φίλων Εθνικού Κήπου [The Friends of the National Garden].

Re-Thinking the Planning ­ Process in Athens: Actors, Governance, Public Space and Planning Culture

Dimitris Poulios

Since 2008, cities have been confronted with severe challenges and transformations at multiple levels. From the pandemic to economic instability and from climate change to intense social problems, cities need to adapt to new conditions and plan their future. This process also requires a change of trajectory in terms of how we design cities, what tools and methods we use. This is evident from cases all over the world, and particularly in Europe, that highlight the fact that traditional planning tools are unfit to manage processes of urban change. Athens is no exception: the economic crisis of the last decade has opened up debate around the urban trajectories of the city, with issues related to governance, planning and citizen inclusion. This contribution focuses on the case of Athens, arguing that the urban planning processes in the city are in a desperate need of renewal, both in terms of the methodology and the ideas that govern the future designs of the city. To do so it is necessary to achieve a better understanding of the governance and urban planning culture of the city as well as the factors and actors that influence – and continue to influence – decision-making in Athens. Based on this framework the paper consists of three main parts. The first part conducts an analysis of the urban planning culture, the governance regime and the role of local actors in Athens in order to better understand the existing institutional conditions as well as the political and the social contexts. It is followed by a review of the main planning milestones in Athens (the Athens Masterplan of 1985, the Olympics etc.). In the second part the focus is on the last decade, the main institutional and social changes, and the new challenges these changes create for the city (sustainable mobility, climate changes, social inequalities) and the planning process. Finally, a framework of new challenges and the responses of urban planning process is presented (inclusion, participation, etc.). Introduction – Approaching the Athenian Urban Planning Process Approaching the urban planning process in Athens requires a deep knowledge of the city’s history and evolution. The urban evolution and urban planning trajectories of the city of Athens is a subject well studied and researched in the previous decades (Allen et al., 2004; Leontidou, 1990; Πρεβελάκης, 2001; Ρωμανός, 2004; Σαρηγιάννης, 2000). New academic work from recent years adds to an extensive literature about the city focusing on issues of urban planning,

history, urban and social geography. Following this important corpus of research, this contribution aims to introduce the institutional and political dimension in the understanding of the urban planning process in Athens (Balampanidis et al., 2019; Chorianopoulos & Tselepi, 2017; Souliotis, 2013; Μαλούτας, 2018; Πούλιος, 2021). In our view, urban planning decision-making is a complex process that combines supranational influences and linkages, national and local governance traditions and local political agency. This approach is based on a theoretical framework that is best described by Kevin Ward (2010) as the “relational comparative approach”. A model influenced by Urban Regime Theory (Mossberger & Stoker, 2001), Urban Governance Theory (DiGaetano & Strom, 2003; Paul Kantor & Savitch, 2005) and the Political Economy of Scale (Brenner, 2004; Peck, 2002; Ward, 2010), which perceives cities as open, relational, codependent systems, where concepts such as the local and the supranational co-exist and simultaneously shape urban policies. In this context, Athens’ urban planning is perceived as a process that involves: –– Transnational political, economic arrangements and urban development trends and the ways these are transferred to Athens –– National and local institutional and governance traditions –– Local political actors and social movements

228

1

The article focuses particularly on the role of local political actors, governance institutions and the multiple ways they influence the planning process and generally the local urban planning culture. Actors, Institutions and the Urban Planning Regime of Athens Local political actors do not operate out of context, uninfluenced by wider local and international trends. On the contrary, their interventions are the result of local political arrangements, societal and political characteristics that change over time and are connected to international events and transformations. However, how these global trends are transferred and policies implemented is a more complex phenomenon. In the case of Athens, urban planning policy implementation and the transfer of wider trends is traditionally highly influenced by local governance culture and the pressure of local political actors. This, in our view, has resulted in a unique urban planning process embedded in the local institutional and political environment. In this perspective the element of scale and the question of who is responsible at what scale is important. Municipalities have their responsibilities limited to their administrative boundaries with competencies at the neighbourhood scale. The Region of Attica is responsible for funding major road arteries, waste management, etc. Several ministries in their respective fields are also involved in the process. The Ministry of Culture is a major actor for all decisions concerning the historic centre of Athens, the Ministry of Environment approves all planning decisions. Furthermore, several other Government or semi-Governmental entities also play an important role. So the concept of “locality” has a wider meaning and impor­ tance, with multiple actors involved in local decision-making.

Methodological-Analytical ­Frameworks

Political actors: Research on the role of political actors and how they ­influence urban policy

–– New urban activism–Social Movements Theory (Mayer, 2013b, 2013a; della Porta, 2015) –– Urban Governance approach ­(DiGaetano & Strom, 2003; Kantor & Savitch, 2005; Pierre 1999) –– Urban Regime Theory ( Kantor, et al., 1997; Mossberger, 2009; Stone, 2015) –– Growth Machine Theory (Logan & Molotch, 2007; MacLeod, 2011; Molotch, 2011)

Planning and Governance Culture: ­Research on the roles of the state, ­urban governance institutions, ­p lanning traditions etc.

–– Urban Governance Approach (DiGaetano & Strom, 2003; Kantor & Savitch, 2005; Pierre, 1999) –– Institutional and Neo-Institutional approaches (Lowndes, 2009; Peters, 1998, 2005)

Structural Context: Research on the role of supranational ­institutions, ­e conomic markets and their ­c onnection with urban policy

–– Financialization (Aalbers, 2009; Coq-Huelva, 2013; French et al., 2009; Gotham, 2009; Lapavitsas, 2013; Moreno, 2014; Rolnik, 2013; Savini & Aalbers, 2015) –– Actually existing neoliberalism (Brenner, Peck, and ­T heodore 2010b, 2010a; Brenner & ­T heodore 2002; Harvey, 2005; Peck, 2013; Peck, Theodore & Brenner, 2013) –– Relational Comparative Approach (Ward, 2010) –– Austerity Urbanism (­Chorianopoulos & Tselepi, 2017; Davies & Blanco, 2017; Donald et al., 2014; Medir et al., 2017; Peck, 2012, 2014; Poulios & Andritsos, 2016; Reese et al., 2014; Schönig & Schipper, 2016; Tabb, 2014)

1 Approaching the urban planning process in Athens – subject of research and methodologies.

229

Subject of the Research

230

Planning Culture and Governance Characteristics Planning culture and urban governance in Athens is connected to wider characteristics, related to Greek society, history and formation of statehood. We want to highlight the following elements: the centralised character of urban governance in Athens (Coccossis et al., 2003), the prominence of land ownership and the real estate sector in general, and, finally, certain elements of the planning culture linked to the above, like the “technical” dimension of urban planning (Παγώνης, 2005). The centralised and hierarchical character of urban governance in Athens. Major urban planning decisions regarding Athens (like the Athens Masterplan, Transport Policy, etc.) are the responsibility of the Greek Government through several ministries, government bodies and the Greek Parliament. Furthermore, even decisions at the local level regarding changes in land use, mobility and traffic also need the approval of state and regional authorities. This cen­ tralised model on the one hand creates an inflexible-bureaucratic mechanism in the urban development process, and on the other hand leaves limited space for citizen inclusion and participation, and diminishes the role of local authorities. The role of state as an enforcer of policies is of course something that is linked to the history of statehood in Greece, as well as other Southern European countries. The key point is the establishment in these societies of a central state which is at the same time both weak and centralised. This condition in combination with a job market that offers only a low safety net and the powerful role of family networks fostered the development of “client” relations both at the political and the economic level. According to Ferrera (1996), the reference to clientelism is linked to the creation of a “market” where a variety of state social benefits become products for exchange aimed at supporting a specific political agenda. The same processes that led to centralism have simultaneously brought about ineffectiveness. In a context where solidarity and reciprocity of family networks, and their relationship with the market and the political sphere were dominant, state interventionism met important obstacles. In this way, according to Santos (1991), the means of state interventionism began to be modified and abolished. The urban planning process in Athens is a characteristic case of a context where we have a significant gap between planning initiatives and their actual implementation. Furthermore, spatial production in Athens was based on small land ownership and on the establishment of social consensus and political control concerning the issue of housing and land provision, especially in the post-war period (Leontidou, 1990; Mantouvalou et al., 1995; Βαϊου, Μαντουβάλου & Μαυρίδου, 2000). Ever since the early 19th century, the promotion of the interests of small land owners was for the Greek State an integration and control mechanism in relation to all kinds of social groups. But, as Dimitris Oikonomou claims, the mechanisms created around this policy began to function autonomously after the 1950s (Οικονόμου, 2002). The Greek Military Junta (Regime of the Colonels), which lasted for seven years (1967–1974), followed the same model as the one implemented after the war (Leontidou, 1990). In practical terms, we are talking about a single model of urbanisation, whose characteristics

Local Political Actors and the Urban Planning-Policy Networks In this general context, a multitude of local networks and political actors operate on a variety of scales. Important decisions are taken at a range of different levels – from that of the neighbourhood and the municipality to that of the national government and the relevant ministries. Furthermore, the centralised character of governance is structured around certain positions of power and specific actors (ministers, general secretaries, mayors, etc.). Hence their role, as actors, is crucial in the urban planning decision-making process. So, what are the networks and how do they operate? We distinguish the following main categories: Supranational networks and actors. Particularly after the 1980s, EU integration had a significant impact in the urban planning process. The EU as an “institutional actor” played an important role between the 1980s and late 2000s in urban policy transfer particularly in the fields of spatial planning, environmental protection and design. In the 1990s, certain EU directives in the above fields were integrated into Greek legislation. However, the most important element and “pressure mechanism” was related to the allocation of EU funding schemes. Allocation of EU funds led to significant changes in urban and regional governance institutions, with reforms that

231

had become apparent even before the war, and which reached the peak of their development during the period of the Military Junta. Besides the effects it had on the urban form of Greece and especially Athens, it formed political dependencies and, generally speaking, a framework of local economy and authority which revolved around it. At the same time, though, it was a way to resolve the issue of housing for refugees and immigrants in a city whose population tripled during the first three decades after the war. The fragmentation of land ownership and its social spread, in combination with the characteristics of a political system based on clientelism, created a model characterised by urban sprawl. In general, the prominence of land ownership and the construction industry had a significant impact in the urban planning process. It manifested itself through self-housing and the mecha­ nism of Antiparochi until the 1980s, through local real estate devel­ opers in the 1990s and 2000s, and through international hedge funds and developers in the last five years. This resulted also in another issue, the proliferation of the engineering sector which has in consequence created a particular “technical dimension” in the urban planning process. According to Pagonis (2005), this phenomenon influenced how institutions operate. He argues that administrative bodies were embedded with that logic, linking planning issues with infrastructure and technical works, and giving little space for different interpretations. Hence the new urban planning process was limited in providing land uses, building coefficients and expanding the boundaries of the city plan. Notions like strategic planning, the social and economic dimension of urban planning, came late to the debate around the future of Athens in the early 1990s and 2000s. To a great extent the urban planning process remained weak, “institutional and passive” (Οικονόμου, 2004, p. 377).

232

contributed to the creation of the regional entities (Chorianopoulos 2008, 2012; Getimis & Giannakourou, 2014; Giannakourou, 2005, 2011). EU integration meant that efficiency in management and allocation of funds remains one of the main triggers of changes in terms of urban governance. Central-Local Government Networks. On the second level we have the networks of central government, linked with the relevant ministries, like the Ministry of Environment, Ministry of ­Transport, etc. In the history of urban planning in Athens, the ­Ministry of Environment has played a crucial role in this process. The whole system of decision-making was – and continues to be – highly hierarchical and centralised, strongly linked with the people that occupy important positions (ministers, general secretaries, etc.). Ministers and their team of consultants are responsible for strategic decisions and major reform proposals. This “political structure” is accompanied with an “executive and administrative structure” that forms the core of the ministries and their different departments but has a limited role and independence. The importance of the role of government ministers is so great that it led to significant changes in policy even from ministers that came from the same political party. This hierarchical system of governance is also formed by a relevantly weak and fragmented local administration and a complete lack of metropolitan governance. In Athens the metropolitan area consists of more than 30 municipal entities, with the Municipality of Athens covering only the historical core of the city. Moreover, the local administration functions like the central administration, with mayors playing a central role in the decision-making process for issues limited to the borders of their municipalities and with a very weak system of citizen participation, a fact that has frequently led to confrontation regarding urban planning decisions. The mayors of the biggest municipalities of Athens and Piraeus port could be considered figures with a slightly higher political influence, but with no significant institutional powers that could confront the central state decision-making process. Central-Local political actors and networks. Lastly, there is a multitude of diverse political actors that act both locally and nationally and consist of pressure groups, scientific entities, civil society organisations, business groups, etc. In different periods in the evolution of the city, these networks were either allied or opposed to local and central government institutions as well as political parties, a state of affairs that is subject to change according to economic and social conditions. Particularly in the Metapoliteusi (post-dictatorship era), the way in which these clientelist networks had access to central government institutions influenced the success of policy implementation. A Review of the Urban Planning Process of Athens (1974–2018) The contemporary history of the urban planning process in Athens, in particular the years that followed the transition to democracy after 1974, are to a great extent defined by the conflicts between different networks of actors as well as by their relations to the governance and planning traditions described earlier. Despite these unique conditions, the planning process and governance system

233

in Athens is straightforward and linked to access and influence over major urban planning decisions through central administration. The whole system was inflexible in its efforts to introduce planning innovations in relation to the management of urban land and the design of the city. The main reason behind this phenomenon was the increased power of local networks and the private sector. An extensive and powerful system of land developers and construction companies put pressure on local and central government to increase its benefits (higher densities, tax exemption, land fragmen­ tation, city plan expansion) and seems to have played an important role since the 1950s and 1960s. It created obstacles to every attempt to regulate space, resulting in the inability to put into practice any kind of urban planning or regulations. In central parts of the city, political pressures led to an increase in the building densities and heights allowed. Right up to the present period – although with a difference in scale – private interests continue to play a pivotal role in the Athenian urban planning process. These conditions put a great deal of pressure on public administration which had severe difficulties in the implementation of urban planning decisions. Of course, this does not mean that Athens followed a completely unique path in the urban development process. Athens is not a unique case in this context: the post-war era brought a period of rapid urbanisation and redevelopment. In the 1970s and 1980s de-industrialisation transformed the urban economy of the city, while EU integration and the period of globalisation in the 1990s and 2000s and, finally, the economic crisis of 2008–2018 also led to a new phase of restructuring. In the urban planning process of Athens, we distinguish the following period milestones: 1974–1985 (post dictatorship period). This period is characterised by efforts to regulate the Athenian urban space following a period of rapid and uncontrolled redevelopment after the 1950s and 1960s. The political climate of the time pressed for rapid changes and reforms (Πρεβελάκης, 2001; Ρωμανός, 2004). This was a very important period for the Athenian urban planning process as the first urban governance institutions were formed in the late 1970s, introducing new legislation that guided the urban planning process. The Regulatory Plan for Athens was approved in 1985 and there was also a general political consensus around the improvement of the urban conditions in the city (Triantis, 2017). Despite these legisla­ tive and governance initiatives the success was rather limited due to the severe reactions of local communities and property owners, who objected to the implementation of the new planning directives (Poulios, 2022). 1986–1996 (EU integration). In the next period, these trends intensified, while the Athenian urban space was under transition due to wider economic conditions, with the crisis of the industrial sector leading to rapid transformation in the economic base of the city. However, EU integration and new European funding schemes were the most important driver of change, as the new European context demanded a different governance system (formation of the governance level of Prefecture and then Region) (Chorianopoulos 2008; Giannakourou 2005; Γιαννακούρου & Καυκαλάς 2014; Οικονόμου et al., 2001). Athens was moving into a new era, with

234

2

the “kick off” of large-scale urban infrastructure projects (Athens Metro, El Venizelos Airport), the opening of the debate regarding the internationalisation of the city and the metropolitan roles. 1997–2007 (Olympic Games). The discourse around the city’s role in the new globalised environment led to the Olympic Games of 2004 (Beriatos & Gospodini, 2004). The preparation of the Games had a significant effect in the urban planning process of the city. The new sport venues and facilities resulted in modifications to the Regulatory Plan of 1985. A temporary urban governance system was established in order to achieve the demanding timeframe for project delivery, and major infrastructure projects were also completed. The Olympic Games brought a change in “scale” of the city, not only due to the extent of the projects but also due to the actors involved (larger real estate and development companies) (Delladetsima, 2006; Souliotis et al., 2014). The new development priorities, although implemented under general political consensus, also led to the rise of new urban movements and activist networks. However, we need to highlight the fact that the post-Olympic management of the city did not bring the expected results in comparison with other cases (Barcelona, London etc.) (Gospodini, 2009). 2008–2018 (Crisis-Recession). The crisis era is another impor­ tant milestone for the planning process of Athens, since the economic recession and the debt crisis of the Greek state brought yet another round of reforms. In terms of governance reforms, between 2008 and 2018 the institutions of the EU, the ECB and the IMF formed a new level in the governance system of the country (the “troika”) (Klabatsea, 2014; Poulios & Andritsos, 2016). This new level disrupted the existing hierarchies and affected the policies applied even at the local level (municipalities) (Souliotis, 2013). The role of the central government and the ministries remained powerful, but new institutions were formed, like the HRADF, which constituted a parallel system whose goal was to promote de-nationalisations (Hadjimichalis, 2017). The role of private initiative was enhanced due to overall policies at a political level aimed at attracting private investments, sponsorships, etc. The municipalities accquired a significant role as a mechanism whose role was to counter the consequences of the crisis, because of the change in the way European funding was allocated, a fact that allowed them a greater level of autonomy (Πούλιος, 2021). New planning tools were also introduced to fast-track and promote private investments. Furthermore, there were some significant efforts between 2009–2012 to re-think urban trajectories of the city with several architectural competitions and a proposal for revision of the Regu­ latory Plan (Καλτσά, 2015). However, the crisis changed priorities and provided limited resources, resulting in the cancellation or modifi­cation of these proposals. The Post-Pandemic City and the Limits of the Athenian Urban Planning Regime Since early 2018, Greece has been in a condition of recovery from the debt crisis. However the economy of the city is undergoing a boom period due to the rise of private small- and large-scale development projects triggered by high demand in the tourism and housing sector (Balampanidis et al., 2019). In terms of planning

Political Actors Role of local ­p olitical actors

Governance Culture Governance and planning culture, legal framework, urban policies

Structural ­C ontext

1974–85 The “Athens ­Problem” and the first efforts of regulation

–– New generation of scientists and politicians –– Importance of ­s ocial movements –– Rise of PASOK in the Greek political scene

–– Pro-democratisation climate, ­restoration of democratic ­institutions –– Efforts to regulate Athens urban space (Regulatory Plan for Athens 1985 etc.)

–– General economic and social ­c onditions –– Crisis of 1973, ­reconstruction of the industrial sector –– European Economic Community

1986–1996 Athenian space under transition

–– Intensification of the tendencies of the previous period –– Increasing roles of the private sector

–– Efforts to implement the Regulatory Plan of 1985 –– Debate around the Metropolitan Role of Athens and the internationalisation of the city

–– Crisis of the ­in­dustrial sector –– European ­f unding schemes

1997–2007 Efforts to “inter­ nationalise” Athens, Olympics and the post-Olympic City

–– Large scale private projects (infra­structure) –– New social urban movements

–– Olympic Games 2004 –– Change of scale with large infra projects

–– European Union –– Introduction of ­n eoliberal policies

2008–2018 City in crisis

–– Collapse of the party system, new political actors –– Political instability –– Economic ­Restructuring programme

–– Efforts to re-think the urban trajectory of the city (Architectural Competitions, New ­Regulatory Plan) – but difficulties due to economic crisis –– New governance mechanisms –– Austerity Measures

–– Economic and fiscal crisis –– Urban and ­S ocial deprivation, ­growing inequality

2019–today Post-crisis and ­Pandemic City

–– Primacy of the ­private sector in urban development –– Housing Crisis

–– Rise of new trends in urban development (climate change adaptation, participation, sustainable mobility –– Private-led urban development ­initiatives

–– COVID-19 Pandemic –– Economic Recovery with intense social problems

2 Evolution of urban politics in Athens (1974–2022).

235

Period

236

policy there is a continuity of the crisis-era policies with the aim of further boosting private investments. However, this slow recovery comes hand in hand with the rise of social problems and inequali­ ties, with the need to address great challenges like climate change, in a political environment of uncertainty triggered by the pandemic and the recent war in Ukraine. In this context, the urban planning regime in Athens will face severe challenges in the coming years as it needs to address a multitude of issues and challenges in an era of continuing crises. The most important element in this solutions-finding process is to understand that contemporary urban problems do not require just the proper “technical solutions” but a revision of the values and traditions governing the evolution of urban life and economies in the last decades. The problem of housing affordability, for exam­ ple, challenges a model of housing provision centred around private ownership and self-housing schemes – very characteristic of Athens as well as other Southern European cities – and opens the path towards more collective solutions (Czischke et al., 2020). The pandemic and attendant lockdowns changed our perception of public space and mobility in the city. Most importantly, climate change demands, as Mariana Mazzucato argues, a new social consensus around a less materialistic way of life that is closer to nature (Mazzucato, 2019, p. 208). This is extremely important since success in urban planning policy – and policymaking in general – is linked with consensus making and popular legitimacy, particularly in policies that will result in severe changes to the way of life, production and consumption. This revision of priorities and strategies also requires adequate and effective mechanisms of policy execution and implementation. In consequence, we are faced with a question: how far is the agency-centred and highly centralised governance system capable of addressing emerging problems? In our view, the governance system is highly ineffective and unable to address these problems. In climate change mitigation and adaptation policies, governance is a central issue (Araos et al., 2016; Mazzucato 2018, 2019). A system that does not favour collaboration, stakeholder and community involvement, lacks coherent vision and has a weak tradition in policy execution, is not adequate for our time. This leads to the next question: What are the new elements that need to be introduced in the urban planning process and the governance system in Athens? We highlight three main elements: Increase participation and citizen involvement. The introduction of participatory methods and mechanisms in the urban planning and decision-making process is not an abstract demand for more democracy. Regarding issues that require rapid changes in the habits of everyday life and cultural norms (climate change, sustainable mobility) of thousands of people in the urban areas of Athens, consensus building and trust are necessary for successful policy ­implementation. Hence creating mechanisms of participation, stakeholder engagement and community development in the urban planning process should be a central goal. This requires a reform in the urban planning and governance system in an anti-hierarchical and

237

decentralised direction, that will give greater competencies and executive powers to the lower tiers of government (municipalities and regions), building at the same time a network of participation with a diverse range of local political actors. There are some cases of processes that are built in a participatory manner, like the Resil­ ience Strategy of Athens and the Lycabettus Project prepared by the Municipality of Athens in 2017 and 2018 (Bargianni & Papazoglou, previous chapter). However, the examples are few or unique and not easily transferred to other cases, which are bound by the traditional institutional urban governance mechanisms. From the urban plan to the urban project, a “mission” oriented approach. The urban planning process needs to be more “project” based and “mission” oriented. The debate in Athens focuses traditionally around the Athens Masterplan (Regulatory Plan). This process, although it triggers discussions around strategic decisions, is high level, abstract, time-consuming, with limited implementation and, usually, by the time it is finally approved circumstances have changed. Although this process is necessary, a more targeted and “mission” oriented approach is essential to address pressing issues that demand immediate action and have measurable results. This also requires a new vision around what we today consider “urban projects” in Athens: small-scale interventions, with an impact usually limited to local administrative boundaries, that follow local political motivations rather than a wider perspective. Is there any other way? Examples like the UIA projects implemented in Athens and, more recently, in the Municipality of Chalandri in the northern part of the Athens metropolitan area, shows that another direction is possible. In the Chalandri case, as Eirini Iliopoulou and Vasilis Avdikos present in this book, we have an example of a holistic and integrated urban development process, that involved multiple stakeholders, had participatory processes, a project management team with clear structure and aims and, most importantly, secured funding provided by the EU-UIA initiative. These examples can work as benchmarks for project implementation, and a more effective logic in the project management of public works and urban projects more generally. A new administration and governance system. Finally, all the above points to the need for a more capable and efficient administrative and urban governance system that will successfully implement policies and be able to adapt to the rapid changes. The new urban challenges of our time demand a new governance ecosystem and additional administrative supporting mechanisms. The first step in this process is to understand that we need cross-sectoral approaches in urban governance and the planning process of Athens. There is a need for collaboration between different levels and departments of government (from local to central). Coordination could still remain in the hands of central entities. Furthermore, a new relationship is called for between the private and public sectors – one which will move beyond the outsourcing of services to a more integrated system. Finally, policies need to be guaranteed through funding schemes and have clear timetables of implemen­ tation, and a system that will support and manage this process.

238

Aalbers, Manuel B. (2009). Geographies of the financial crisis. Area, 41(1), 34–42. Allen, Judith; Barlow, James; Leal, Jesús; Maloutas, Thomas & Padovani, Liliana (2004). Housing and welfare in southern Europe. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Araos, Malcolm; Berrang-Ford, Lea; Ford, James D.; Austin, Stephanie E.; Biesbroek, Robbert & Lesnikowski, Alexandra (2016). Climate change adaptation planning in large cities: A systematic global assessment. Environmental Science & Policy, 66, 375–382. Balampanidis, Dimitris; Maloutas, Thomas; Papatzani, Evangelia, & Pettas, Dimitris (2019). Informal urban regeneration as a way out of the crisis? Airbnb in Athens and its effects on space and society. Urban Research & Practice, 14(3), 1–20. Beriatos, Elias & Gospodini, Aspa (2004). Glocalising urban landscapes: Athens and the 2004 Olympics. Cities, 21(3), 187–202. Brenner, Neil (2004). New State Spaces: Urban governance and the rescaling of statehood. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. Brenner, Neil; Peck, Jamie & Theodore, Nik (2010a). After neoliberalization? Globalizations, 7(3), 327–345. Brenner, Neil; Peck, Jamie & Theodore, Nik (2010b). Variegated neoliberalization: Geographies, modalities, pathways. Global Networks, 10(2), 182–222. Brenner, Neil & Theodore, Nik (2002). Cities and the geographies of ‘actually existing neoliberalism.’ Antipode, 34(3), 349–379. Chorianopoulos, Ioannis (2008). Institutional responses to EU challenges: Attempting to articulate a local regulatory scale in Greece. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 32(2), 324–343. Chorianopoulos, Ioannis (2012). State spatial restructuring in Greece: Forced rescaling, unresponsive localities. European Urban and Regional Studies, 19(4), 331–348. Chorianopoulos, Ioannis & Tselepi, Naya (2017). Austerity urbanism: Rescaling and collaborative governance policies in Athens. European Urban and Regional Studies, 26(1), 80–96. https://doi. org/10.1177/0969776417733309. Coccossis, Harry; Deffner, Alex & Economou, Dimitris (2003, August 27–30). Urban/regional co-operation in Greece: Athens, a capital city under the shadow of the state [paper presentation]. 43rd European Congress of the Regional Science Association (ERSA) University of Jyväskylä, 27–30 August 2003. Coq-Huelva, Daniel (2013). Urbanisation and financialisation in the context of a rescaling state: The case of Spain. Antipode, 45(5), 1213. Czischke, Darinka; Carriou, Claire & Lang, Richard (2020). Collaborative housing in Europe: Conceptualizing the field. Housing, Theory and Society, 37(1), 1–9. Davies, Jonathan S. & Blanco, Ismael (2017). Austerity urbanism: Patterns of neo-liberalisation and resistance in six cities of Spain and the UK. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space, 49(7), 1517–1536. Della Porta, Donatella (2015). Social movements in times of austerity: Bringing capitalism back into protest analysis. 1st edition. Malden, MA: Polity Press. Delladetsima, Pavlos M. (2006). The emerging property development pattern in Greece and its impact on spatial development. European Urban and Regional Studies, 13(3), 245–278.

DiGaetano, Alan & Strom, Elizabeth (2003). Comparative urban governance: An integrated approach. Urban Affairs Review, 38(3), 356–395. Donald, Betsy; Glasmeier, Amy; Gray, Mia, & Lobao, Linda (2014). Austerity in the city: Economic crisis and urban service decline? Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, 7(1), 3–15. French, Shaun; Leyshon, Andrew & Thrift, Nigel (2009). A very geographical crisis: The making and breaking of the 2007–2008 financial crisis. Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, 2(2), 287–302. Getimis, Panagiotis & Giannakourou, Georgia (2014). The evolution of spatial planning in Greece after the 1990s: Drivers, directions and agents of change. In Getimis, Panagiotis; Reimer, Mario & Blotevogel, Hans (Eds.), Spatial Planning Systems and Practices in Europe: A Comparative Perspective on Continuity and Changes (pp. 149–168). London: Routledge. Giannakourou, Georgia (2005). Transforming spatial planning policy in Mediterranean countries: Europeanization and domestic change. European Planning Studies, 13(2), 319–331. Giannakourou, Georgia (2011). Europeanization, actor constellations and spatial policy change in Greece. disP – The Planning Review, 47(186), 32–41. Gospodini, Aspa (2009). Post-industrial trajectories of Mediterranean European cities: The case of post-Olympics Athens. Urban Studies, 46(5–6), 1157–1186. Gotham, Kevin F. (2009). Creating liquidity out of spatial fixity: The secondary circuit of capital and the subprime mortgage crisis. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 33(2), 355–371. Hadjimichalis, Costis (2017). Crisis spaces: Structures, struggles and solidarity in southern Europe. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge. Harvey, David (2005). The new imperialism. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. Kantor, Paul; Savitch, Hank V. & Haddock, Serena V. (1997). The political economy of urban regimes: A comparative perspective. Urban Affairs Review, 32(3), 348–377. Kantor, Paul & Savitch, Hank V. (2005). How to study comparative urban development politics: A research note. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 29(1), 135–151. Klabatsea, Rena (2014). It is not so! (If we think so). Ten points in response to the spatial and urban policy reform. In Department of Regional and Urban Planning (Ed.), Land Uses: Regulating space for growth. Athens: NTUA, School of Architecture. Lapavitsas, Costas (2013). The financialization of capitalism: ‘Profiting without producing.’ City 17(6): 792–805. Leontidou, Lila (1990). The Mediterranean city in transition: Social change and urban development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Logan, John R. & Molotch, Harvey L. (2007). Urban fortunes: The political economy of place. 20th Anniversary edition. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Lowndes, Vivien (2009). New institutionalism and urban politics. In Davies, Jonathan S. & Imbroscio, David L. (Eds.), Theories of Urban Politics. Los Angeles, CA: Sage. MacLeod, Gordon (2011). Urban politics reconsidered growth machine to post-democratic city? Urban Studies, 48(12), 2629–2660.

Poulios, Dimitris & Andritsos, Thanos (2016). Urban politics towards a new paradigm? Reflections on the crisis-driven regulatory reforms in Greece. In Schönig, Barbara & Schipper, Sebastian (Eds.), Urban Austerity: Impacts of the Global Financial Crisis on Cities in Europe. Berlin: Theater Der Zeit. Reese, Laura A.; Sands, Gary & Skidmore, Mark (2014). Memo from Motown: Is austerity here to stay? Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, 7(1), 99–118. Rolnik, Raquel (2013). Late Neoliberalism: The financialization of homeownership and housing rights. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 37(3), 1058–1066. Savini, Federico & Aalbers, Manuel B. (2015). The de-contextualisation of land use planning through financialisation: Urban redevelopment in Milan. European Urban and Regional Studies, 23(4), 878–894. Schönig, Barbara & Schipper, Sebastian (Eds.). (2016). Urban austerity: Impacts of the global financial crisis on cities in Europe. Berlin: Theater Der Zeit. Souliotis, Nikos (2013). Athens and the politics of the sovereign debt crisis. In Fujita, Kuniko (Ed.) Cities and crisis: New critical urban theory. London: SAGE. Souliotis, Nikos; Sayas, John & Maloutas, Thomas (2014). Megaprojects, neoliberalization, and state capacities: Assessing the medium-term impact of the 2004 Olympic Games on Athenian urban policies. Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 32(4), 731–745. Stone, Clarence N. (2015). Reflections on regime politics: From governing coalition to urban political order. Urban Affairs Review, 51(1), 101–137. Tabb, William K. (2014). The wider context of austerity urbanism. City, 18(2), 87–100. Triantis, Loukas (2017). The spatial planning framework for Athens city centre. Aspects of strategic and normative planning. In Maloutas, Thomas & Spyrellis, Stavros N. (Eds.) Athens Social Atlas. Digital Compendium of Texts and Visual Material. https:// www.athenssocialatlas.gr/en/article/spatial-planning/ [Accessed: 8 October, 2022]. Ward, Kevin (2010). Towards a relational comparative approach to the study of cities. Progress in Human Geography, 34(4), 471–487. Βαϊου, Ντίνα; Μαντουβάλου, Μαρία & Μαυρίδου, Μαρία (2000). Η Μεταπολεμική Ελληνική Πόλη Μεταξύ Θεωρίας Και Συγκηρίας [The Postwar Greek City between theory and reality]. In Δέφνερ, Αλέξης; Λουκίσσας, Φίλιππος; Μαρμαράς, Μανώλης; Τσιλένης, Σάββας & Χαστάογλου, Βίλμα (Eds.), Η Πολεοδομία Στην Ελλάδα Από Το 1949 Έως Το 1974, Βόλος: Πανεπιστημιακές Εκδόσεις Θεσσαλίας, 25–38. Γιαννακούρου Γεωργία & Καυκαλάς Γιάννης (2014). Επανεξετάζοντας Τη Χωροταξία Σε Περίοδο Κρίσης: Αναγκαιότητα, Περιεχόμενο Και Προϋποθέσεις Της Μεταρρύθμισης [Rethinking Spatial Planning in a period of crisis: Necessities, content and prerequisites for a refoem]. In Μασουράκης, Μ. & Γκόρτσος, Χ. (Eds.), Ανταγωνιστικότητα Για Ανάπτυξη: Προτάσεις Πολιτικής. Αθήνα: Ελληνική Ένωση Τραπεζών, 511–522. Καλτσά, Μαρία (2015). Το Πρόγραμμα ‘Αθήνα-Αττική 2014 [The Athens-Attica 2014 Programme]. In Μαλούτας, Θωμάς & Σπυρέλλης, Σταύρος. Ν. (Eds.), Κοινωνικός Άτλαντας Της Αθήνας. Ηλεκτρονική Συλλογή Κειμένων Και Εποπτικού Υλικού. https://www.athenssocialatlas.gr/

239

Mantouvalou, Maria; Mavridou, Maria & Vaiou, Dina (1995). Processes of social integration and urban development in Greece: Southern challenges to European unification. European Planning Studies, 3(2), 189–204. Mayer, Margit (2013a). Against and beyond the crisis: The role of urban social movements. Γεωγραφίες [Geografies], 22, 67–72. Mayer, Margit (2013b). First world urban activism. City, 17(1), 5–19. Mazzucato, Mariana (2018). Mission-oriented innovation policies: Challenges and opportunities. Industrial and Corporate Change, 27(5), 803–815. Mazzucato, Mariana (2019). The value of everything: Making and taking in the global economy. 2nd edition. London: Penguin. Medir, Lluís; Pano, Esther; Viñas, Alba & Magre, Jaume (2017). Dealing with Austerity: A case of local resilience in southern Europe. Local Government Studies, 43(4), 621–644. Molotch, Harvey (2011). Objects and the city. In Bridge, Gary & Watson, Sophie (Eds.), The new Blackwell Companion to the City (pp. 66–78). Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/ doi/10.1002/9781444395105.ch7/summary [Accessed: 13 June, 2014]. Moreno, Louis (2014). The urban process under financialised capitalism. City, 18(3), 244–268. Mossberger, Karen (2009). Urban regime analysis. In Davies, Jonathan S. & Imbroscio, David L. (Eds.), Theories of urban politics (pp. 40–54). Los Angeles, CA: Sage. Mossberger, Karen & Stoker, Gerry (2001). The evolution of urban regime theory: The challenge of conceptualization. Urban Affairs Review, 36(6), 810–835. Peck, Jamie (2002). Political economies of scale: Fast policy, interscalar relations, and neoliberal workfare*. Economic Geography, 78(3), 331–360. Peck, Jamie (2012). Austerity urbanism. City 16(6), 626–655. Peck, Jamie (2013). Explaining (with) neoliberalism. Territory, Politics, Governance, 1(2), 132–157. Peck, Jamie (2014). Pushing austerity: State failure, municipal bankruptcy and the crises of fiscal federalism in the USA. Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, 7(1), 17–44. Peck, Jamie; Theodore, Nik & Brenner, Neil (2013). Neoliberal urbanism redux? International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 37(3), 1091–1099. Peters, B. Guy (1998). Political institutions, old and new – Oxford scholarship. In Goodin, Robert & Klingemann, Hans-Dieter (Eds.), A new handbook of political science (pp. 205–220). Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/ view/10.1093/0198294719.001.0001/ acprof-9780198294719-chapter-7 [Accessed: 26 September, 2017]. Peters, B. Guy (2005). Institutional theory in political science. 2nd edition. London: Bloomsbury Academic. Pierre, Jon (1999). Models of urban governance: The institutional dimension of urban politics. Urban Affairs Review, 34(3), 372–396. Poulios, Dimitris (2022). The Incomplete reform: Regulating space in metapolitefsi Athens 1978–1985. In Maloutas, Thomas & Spyrellis, Stavros N. (Eds.), Athens Social Atlas. Digital compendium of texts and visual material. https://www.athenssocialatlas.gr/en/article/the-incomplete-reformof-athens-in-metapolitefsi/ [Accessed: 8 October, 2022].

240

%CE%AC%CF%81%CE%B8%CF%81% CE%BF/%cf%84%ce%bf-%cf%80%cf %81%cf%8c%ce%b3%cf%81%ce%b1% ce%bc%ce%bc%ce%b1-%ce%b1%ce%b8 %ce%ae%ce%bd%ce%b1-%ce%b1%cf%84 %cf%84%ce%b9%ce%ba%ce%ae-2014/. Μαλούτας, Θωμάς (2018). Η Κοινωνική Γεωγραφία Της Αθήνας: Κοινωνικές Ομάδες Και Δομημένο Περιβάλλον Σε Μια Νοτιευρωπαϊκή Μητρόπολη [Social Geography of Athens: Social groups and built environment]. Αθήνα: Αλεξάνδρεια. Οικονόμου, Δημήτρης; Γετίμης, Παναγιώτης; Δεμαθάς, Ζαχαρίας; Πετράκος, Γιώργος & Πυργίωτης, Γιάννης (2001). Ο Διεθνής Ρόλος Της Αθήνας : Σημερινή Κατάσταση Και Στρατηγική Για Την Ανάπτυξη Του [The international role of Athens: Current conditions and development strategy]. Βόλος: Πανεπιστημιακές Εκδόσεις Θεσσαλίας. Οικονόμου, Δημήτρης (2002). Τα Δομικά Χαρακτηριστικά Του Μοντελου Χωρικής Πολιτικής Και Ανάπτυξης [Structural Characteristics of the spatial policy and development model]. In 10ο συνέδριο ΣΑΔΑΣ-ΠΕΑ: Η Αρχιτεκτονική και η Ελληνική Πόλη στον 21ο αιώνα. Αθήνα: ΣΑΔΑΣ-ΠΕΑ. Παγώνης, Αθανάσιος (2005). Ολυμπιακή Και Μέτα-Ολυμπιακή Αθηναϊκή Πολεοδομία. Η Μετατόπιση Της Συλλογιστικής Του Σχεδιασμού Του Χώρου Ως Συνέπεια Του Κατακερματισμού Των Δομών Αρμοδιότητας [Olympic and post-Olympic Athenian urban planning. Transition in design practices as a result of fragmentation of governance structures]. Σχολή Αρχιτεκτόνων Μηχανικών ΕΜΠ.

Πούλιος, Δημήτριος (2021). Πόλεις σε κρίση: πολιτικές, πολιτικά υποκείμενα, διακυβέρνηση και πολεοδομική πρακτική στην Αθήνα και τη Βαρκελώνη (2007–2019): μεθοδολογία και κριτήρια ανάλυσης Αστικών Πολιτικών [Cities in crisis: politics, political subjects, governance and urban planning practice in Athens and Barcelona (2007–2019): Methodology and criteria of urban political analysis]. Διδακτορική Διατριβή. Εθνικό Μετσόβιο Πολυτεχνείο (ΕΜΠ). Σχολή Αγρονόμων και Τοπογράφων Μηχανικών. Τομέας Γεωγραφίας και Περιφερειακού Σχεδιασμού. http://hdl.handle.net/10442/hedi/49917 [Accessed: 9 April, 2022]. Πρεβελάκης, Γιωργος (2001). Επιστροφή Στην Αθήνα: Πολεοδομία Και Γεωπολιτική Της Ελληνικής Πρωτεύουσας [Return to Athens: Urban planning and geopolitics of the Greek capital]. ΕΣΤΙΑ. Ρωμανός, Αριστείδης (2004). Αθήνα: Το Πολεοδομικό Ζήτημα Απο Τη Σκοπιά Του Πολίτη [Athens: The urban planning problems for the view point of the citizen]. Αθήνα: Ποταμός. Σαρηγιάννης, Γιώργος (2000). Αθήνα 1830– 2000: Εξέλιξη, Πολεοδομία, Μεταφορές [Athens 1830–2000: Development, urban planning and transport]. Αθήνα: Συμμετρία.

Futureproofing Greek Cities: Old Tools are not Enough

A conversation between Michalis Goudis and Norbert Kling, held on 13 July 2022 and 13 November 2022

Michalis Goudis is Director of the Heinrich Böll Foundation Office in Thessaloniki. Prior to this, he was Head of Communication of Housing Europe, the European Federation of Public Cooperative and Social Housing in Brussels. In the following conversation with Norbert Kling, he talks about the difficulties of adapting decision-making processes to changing needs, the growing significance of the local, shifts in urban and social relations as a result of the pandemic, housing policy and possible ways towards positive urban change. NK

You’ve been observing and reporting extensively about processes of policy-making on the EU level and in Greece, of which many are directly related to urban and social issues. How would you describe the current situation? What are the most pressing questions that have been debated during the last few years? MG

I think we are beginning to understand that we are facing a completely new reality. On the one hand, we have experienced a very long economic crisis that is actually not over because it was followed by the pandemic. The economic crisis triggered a very deep social crisis, not without effect on social dynamics. Some of the population groups who had formerly defined themselves as middle class feel they have lost this status. More than 400,000 people have left our local communities, especially in the rural areas, and especially young, well-educated people. At the same time, new population groups, in particular refugees with diverse backgrounds have entered local communities during the last couple of years. So, the last decade was very formative on a social level and gave rise to a number of open questions. How do you deal, for example, with access to affordable housing? How do you deal with integration of the population? And lately, how do you deal with issues like energy poverty and energy transition? How do you deal with that big urban-rural divide?

NK Obviously, such fundamental questions encompass many aspects of people’s everyday lives. How are they debated and how do they enter the arenas of policy-making?

MG

80 % of the Greek population are living in cities, with a very high concentration being observed in the capital, Athens, and in the second largest city, Thessaloniki. This is indicative of the centralisation that characterises the way financial means, political power and opportunities are distributed in Greece. Despite the reforms of the last decade, the competences of local authorities remain limited. At the same time, local administrations are still very dependent on central government when it comes to funding.

NK

How do these structural conditions translate into practice? MG

After more than a decade of financial and political crisis, more and more issues have arisen which call for responses from city administrations and local authorities. Many of the problems are essentially urban, or closely related to urban issues. At an international conference we held in June 2022, the major demographer here in Greece, Professor Emeritus Vyron Kotzamanis, said something that really struck me. More than 50 % of the Greek population lives on just 3 % of the Greek surface. This is incredible if you think about it. It has major repercussions when it comes to the economy, when it comes to the environment, when it comes to management of resources, when it comes to overall strategic planning for the development of the country, when it comes to demography. It’s a major and multifaceted challenge. Given the new reality I mentioned, how far are local authorities, despite the reforms over the last decade, really fit for purpose? They are still very dependent on the central government when it comes to their funding. And they are limited in their capacities and their resources. Sometimes on some issues, especially when it comes to integration of refugees, they have to act fast and they learn by doing.

NK

So, you are suggesting that there is a growing awareness on the side of the people, the inhabitants of cities, which is linked to their everyday experience, for example with the heatwaves and other problems we’re currently experiencing, while the local authorities have started to develop first responses – you mentioned the case of migration and how they tried to respond to these challenges. You describe it as a process of learning by doing, of implementing the changes while the situations continue to change – not without criticism, since you say that the challenges ahead are very urgent and the responses may not be enough. Despite the difficulties, it seems a good starting point if people develop an idea of the issues involved. I can imagine that the next step could be to bring this awareness into more active forms of civil engagement, or more practical moves supported by the knowledge and powers that are currently being developed.

242

MG

I don’t want to sound too pessimistic. There is progress and all of these things that we’re discussing now would have seemed unimaginable ten years ago. The thing is, when you look around, you see examples like Barcelona. The city has

NK

Which specific fields do you have in mind? MG For example, participatory budgeting is one of the tools, I would say, that could give an active role to citizens in decisionmaking processes. Some municipalities in Greece are already implementing this. They set aside part of their budget and invite citizens to propose what to do with this budget to design and/ or co-design, let’s say the projects that the municipality should fund that have the potential to change the everyday quality of lives of the citizens. So, these tools are indeed the first steps in bringing the two sides together. In some of the smaller cities, you may have institutions like citizen assemblies to support such processes. In the big cities there may not be so much or such direct communication between the local authorities and the citizens. But the citizens find new ways, for example with the assistance of NGOs or other organisations, to actually develop their own projects. In Thessaloniki, for example, the local organisation Mamagea initiated a sort of crowdsourcing project in collaboration with the citizens to identify empty tree plots. Groups and people went around the city to map all empty tree plots, the places where trees were supposed to be planted, or growing, but remained empty. And the number was crazy. It was more than 2000 around the city. Thessaloniki has less than three square meters of green space per capita, which is one of the lowest rates in Europe. Just imagine a city that could have a thousand additional trees, what a major difference this could make to the average temperature of particular parts of the city, especially in the summer. This is indicative of the movements currently developing. We see citizens identifying problems or potentials, putting them on the table, and demanding the city administration act.

NK

This is an interesting example of linking the two sides, citizens and administrative processes, with each other at the local level. Obviously, the administration cannot remain silent and needs to become active when it is confronted with this kind of information. You mentioned that in bigger cities people may find it difficult to establish formations that can act collectively. At the same time, the local is regaining significance. Do you think that changes in the way we communicate things, including the way we use social media and digital platforms, could help to establish a sense of neighbourhood as the basis for collective action in metropolitan areas? MG

To be honest, I am a bit torn on that, especially after the experience of the lockdowns during the pandemic. Let me

243

developed new ways of working towards greener, liveable and more just urban environments in a fairly short period of time. Indeed, things are also shifting in the Greek context, if only gradually. We, as a foundation, are trying to support the small steps. Generally, the seeds seem to grow and bring about first changes – for example what you said about the involvement of citizens.

4

2

5

1 “We design our neighbourhood” workshop. Garden of Music, Nea Paralia, Thessaloniki, 30 June 2022. 2 Participants engage in group-work and discussion 3 Neighbourhood maps and proposals on display at the workshop venue. 4 From the left: hosts Agapi Tsambazi from the Heinrich Böll Foundation, Thessaloniki Office, and Periclis Hatzinakos, Naya Tselepi and Dominiki Vayati from the environmental organisation Mamagea. Photos 1–4 by Fotomada for the Heinrich Böll Stiftung Office Thessaloniki. 5 Poster of “We design our neighbourhood” workshop, Thessaloniki 30 June 2022. Graphic design by Point Blank collective. Source: Heinrich Böll Stiftung Office Thessaloniki. https://gr.boell.org/en/10-yearsheinrich-boll-stiftung-thessaloniki-anniversary-events-29-30-june-2022.

3 1

give you a local example that can probably make clear what I mean. Alexandrou Svolou is one of the major streets in the city centre of Thessaloniki. For almost a decade now, they have the tradition of inviting everyone living on the street to join a collective dinner and meet each other. They involve the shops on the street, the citizens cook or do kitchen work and meet each other on a personal level. Eventually, the event went beyond the borders of the street. The wider neighbourhood and people from all over the city joined in. Because there is a nice mix of young and old people living in the city centre of Thessaloniki, a street festival like this, and the street as such, comes alive. During the pandemic, you had people going from door to door placing stickers on main entrances, suggesting what they could offer to people in need. “I can shop for you.” “I can access public services for you.” I can, I don’t know, make phone calls for you or I can help you make a video call with your grandchildren abroad, all kinds of things and different people, you know, saying, “I’m Maria, this is my phone number. I don’t know you, but you can call me anytime.” In Greece, especially in the city centres, you have many of elderly people who live alone. There’s no tradition of living in homes for the elderly or moving out of one’s own place. People live until a very late age at home. And sometimes there is no institutional support. If there’s no social care and the children are not living nearby, then this is a big issue. So, during the pandemic, you again had this social movement. This is one example in one neighbourhood. I think this is increasingly happening everywhere. It also reflects the fact that people still choose traditional ways to show their solidarity. NK

Indeed, this immediate form of solidarity or the formation of mutual aid groups is something which could also be observed in Germany during the pandemic, or the UK.

246

MG

And in Brussels, where I was during the first wave of the pandemic. Especially in supermarkets, there were people offering help. For example assisting with language problems, or again, assisting the elderly. Another case is Trikala, a city in Thessaly, which is quite well-known because of its innovative approaches. They have driverless busses, they have a very good bike-sharing scheme, the Mayor is well-known as the head of the Central Union of Municipalities. In Trikala, they developed their own municipal scheme for supporting the elderly and the vulnerable during the pandemic. But we’re talking about a much smaller city, a much more manageable situation, where indeed you can go from door to door. In the big cities, with limited capacities and resources, it becomes more difficult, also because of the absence of tradition, and of expectation. You don’t have people who expect to receive help from their municipality. And this is very problematic because we have a number of new issues that need to be addressed. In the past, they were dealt with individually. Now, because of the long crisis and social transformations, this is not enough.

Bottom-up initiatives for positive change showed their great potentials and effectiveness in moments of crisis. However, in the UK, a critical discussion evolved around the observation that mutual aid groups stepped in where previously the welfare state had provided services. MG

Another challenge to what you’re saying is the sustainability of these initiatives. I mean, for how long are they going to remain active? Because we’re still in the pandemic in one way or another and they are not equally mobilised. But again, the Med is a special case when it comes to the welfare state. The welfare state here was not as broad or structured as it was in Western Europe. It did not cover a number of areas, including housing, whereas the family used to play a very complementary role to the social state or the welfare state. However, we see cases where a broad range of people mobilise themselves to oppose evictions which result from home foreclosures. People go onto the street to block the authorities. There were two recent cases in Thessaloniki and one in Athens, similar to what happened in Barcelona. This would not have been the case a few years ago. It’s a kind of social reflex. People are unsure who’s respon­ sible, who’s accountable. They don’t know, for example, when it comes to housing, which is the ministry responsible, what is the role of the municipality? They harbour anger towards the banks and the government in general. They feel it’s unfair. And it really pushes at the limits of social acceptance, because the home is like a sacred thing in Greece. And people could not imagine that, for example, a vulnerable household can lose their home because they cannot repay the mortgage.

NK

It sounds like there is a growing awareness. There are groups who actively draw public attention because otherwise, as you say, there is no debate, or change, happening. You also mentioned that we are looking at systems that are fairly centralised. Do you see potential in this when it comes to generating rapid change? So far, our conversation has mainly focused on the local. If the small incremental, step-by-step changes are not enough, could the centralised system that we see in Greece be another positive starting point for implementing the transitions needed? MG

Yes, this is what’s going to happen in one way or another, because there’s no way to do it quickly, properly, locally. We have a long tradition of delivering change in a very top-down way to local communities, be it digitalisation, the energy transition, or now at a national level, the initiative in housing. All of these things will indeed come from the central level, but this won’t be enough in the long term, because, as we said at the start of the conversation, there is the new reality of the local level becoming much more important than it was in the past. If you don’t create the structures for a long-term strategy that integrates the local, then you will sooner or later be confronted with the same problems. Solutions from the central level, let’s say, the central government, cannot guarantee continuity in view of the shift that we have experienced, because in Greece,

247

NK

like in many other countries, you don’t have the guarantee of coherent policy-making when governments change. Usually, the first thing that ministers or prime ministers do, is scrap what the previous ones did and start from scratch. The problem is that we go back to square one and don’t really get reforms, deep reforms. So, for me in these things, we start from the central level. NK

Do you think that in this respect the growing number and dimensions of programmes co-funded by the EU could make a difference? How could they support the kind of practical and administrative changes you mentioned? The goals outlined in the European Green Deal, or the recovery and resilience programme following the pandemic, for example, require, and perhaps generate, stable structures and commitments that need to last for longer periods of time. Beyond the necessary reform of Greek local authority competences, the increasing role of the EU in the urban agenda and the financing tools that are available more than ever before constitute an opportunity that Greek cities cannot afford to miss, if they wish to futureproof themselves while actively engaging their communities. Take, for instance, the so called “Plans for Sustainable Urban Development” (SVAA in Greek) that are compiled by Greek city administrations that aim to attract EU funding for interventions within their territory from the regional authorities. So, the EU level sort of triggers proce­dures while putting financial resources on the table. The question that arises is how this is managed by local authorities. How and to what extent do they involve citizens. How do they approach sustainability so that it does not just remain a buzzword. From a recent survey published by the Heinrich Böll Stiftung Office Thessaloniki, based on examination of SVAA in the region of Central and Eastern Macedonia, it is evident that planning sustainable urban strategies does not yet happen in participa­ tory ways. On the other hand, the EU level is definitely a golden opportunity for Greek cities when it comes to knowledge exchange. There are many examples of cities, including through their permanent staff members, that are involved in thematic networks of URBACT or that are part of other European orga­ nisations like Eurocities. Furthermore, I think one can still see the fruit of the seeds that were planted during the operation of the Urban Agenda for the EU partnerships. This was a period of structured and intense exchange that allowed the cities involved to develop strategic partnerships with their counterparts from across the continent. Making proper use of the pools of knowledge and funding is indeed a skill that most Greek city administrations, ­whether the elected officials or the permanent staff, should further develop.

248

MG

NK So, the EU initiatives you mentioned not only helped to establish new multi-level partnerships in the endeavour to make cities more liveable, socially inclusive, economically and environmentally

MG

Housing has become a political issue in Greece. Every party is now talking about housing. In early Autumn 2022, the government put forward a series of measures that are supposed to provide a basis for housing policy. Both major oppo­ sition parties, Syriza and Pasok have also included provision of affordable housing among their priorities. So, the majority of the political system has finally started to realise that there are certain areas where the state, in this case on the national level, should take the initiative and assume a role they didn’t have in the past. But if you leave the local level with its current tasks and competences, such as collecting garbage, planting green areas, or taking care of roads, it really won’t be enough. The social questions that are open at the moment and the social challenges are too pressing. At the end of the day, the local authorities are confronted with the consequences. It is sympto­ matic of the situation that if somebody has a problem in Thessaloniki, nobody will go to Athens to demonstrate outside the ministry. They will go to the Mayor. It’s the Mayor or the Vice Mayor or whoever is responsible at the very local, neighbourhood level, similar to the arrondissement in Paris. But if the local level doesn’t have a response, they will have a big problem. This is why we also need to develop proper tools locally.

NK

You are suggesting that the local level has to be reformed, because it is too weak to provide the answers to the accumulating problems that we see in our times. You also mentioned housing, in the sense of public housing. This is fairly new in the case of Greece. There were short periods in the history of Greece during which some public housing was provided. But these were rather exceptional situations and housing was more the domain of private initiatives and the markets. MG

Exactly. State provision was a minor part of the overall stock, and it mainly targeted ownership. So very briefly, it was like a fund where the employees gave a very small percentage of their monthly salary to this fund. And then they were entitled to get loans and good terms to have access to the homes that were built by the state. Nevertheless, the private initiatives or the private sector also involved the state in one way or another, even through accepting illegal construction, which covered

249

sustainable, but they also established frameworks that guarantee a degree of continuity. This seems to be of particular relevance for tackling the more complex problems and projects that require larger investment, like the integration of green and blue infrastructures, the implementation of new mobility concepts, or housing, which has been one of the twelve priority themes of the Urban Agenda for the EU, and is a key element in the UN’s Sustainable Development goals. As Head of Communication of Housing Europe, the European Federation of Public Cooperative and Social Housing based in Brussels, you have been involved with knowledge exchange, housing policies, surveying and best-practice throughout Europe. Looking at Greece, do you observe changes in the expectations people associate with the national and municipal levels?

major shortfalls in provision, especially around Athens. If you go to Athens, you see homes built in crazy places. The state not only accepted this, but it also connected them to the grid, to the sanitation system and things like that. If you legalise all this, then of course you’re not thereby providing public housing. Instead, the private initiative becomes part of the public solution. Similarly, Antiparochi was also a measure that supported what you describe as private initiative. The state consciously encouraged all kinds of private solutions to the housing question. While this has worked for many decades, it no longer does today. There is no safety net and there is no readiness, or realisation, of who is responsible for delivering any kind of change. However, in many cases you don’t actually need to construct new buildings. In Thessaloniki, for example, there are thousands and thousands of empty apartments. The question is how you mobilise the stock to cover needs of the most vulnerable or of the so-called newly vulnerable, and to help them have better quality housing solutions, more space and so on and so forth. Because of my background, I have a personal interest in housing, but I also think it’s a very good indicator of the current shift and an emerging key issue. People are beginning to realise that what we did is not working anymore or not enough. How can we change the way we deal with this major, very central question, and who should act? They have begun to demonstrate against evictions. They have started complaining about housing costs in the media and on social media. Currently, rising energy costs are contributing to this trend. Greece is number one when it comes to the housing costs’ overburden rate, according to Eurostat. People spend more than 40 % of their monthly disposable income on housing costs, rents and charges. This is a clear signal that things have to change because reality has changed. This is why I keep referring to housing, because all levels from the government to the local authorities to the citizens are confronted with this new situation and they have problems finding their new roles.

250

NK

If you look at other cities in Europe, people are also starting to realise that certain problems are not going to go away on their own. If the construction or mobilisation of housing is part of the response, the question arises as to which kind of housing should be provided? In many places, including Munich, it’s affordable housing that is lacking. If we come back to the relationship between private initiatives and state intervention, could a new model form the basis of powerful processes through which we could address the new challenges that we are facing today? I am thinking of empowering local communities and collective initiatives on the community or neighbourhood levels, because they know fairly well what they actually need locally and in their everyday lives. On the other hand, we have the enabling local authorities and national levels that provide the framework for it to happen. The participatory budgeting you mentioned could be one of the intermediate instruments where these different levels and groups come together to make decisions.

And there are other models, for example energy communities. This entails citizens playing an active role in the energy transition. Entities such as energy communities have a positive social impact at the local level and become local stakeholders, because they invest the profits back into the local communities. The same goes for social and solidarity economy initiatives. They are concerned with certain needs, but also with questions of implementation. They are directly linked to the needs on the ground and are in direct contact with local communities. We need to understand that transformative public policies should include these new kinds of stakeholders when it comes to decision-making. They should go beyond mere consultation and realise true processes of participation. We should start by mapping the new landscape. What is the impact of these new ecosystems? Because, indeed a few years ago, especially in the Greek case, I mean, because in other parts, in other places, you have a longer tradition in the ways civil society has expressed itself. So now in Greece it’s important to acknowledge that all these new bodies are playing a positive role. It’s also important for them to be able to prove it. We are currently working on the development of a tool that measures the social impact of energy communities so that the positive effects can be better communicated. This is happening in other places all over Europe. In the UK, for instance, they have very good, long-standing tools for measuring the social impact of social housing associations. When we talk about economy in Greece, we tend to think in very traditional terms and use indicators like the gross domestic product. Those things are important, but in some cases, and especially at the local level, this doesn’t mean much. Okay, creating new jobs is a very good indicator. But there are other areas that until now people couldn’t see in a tangible or measurable way. Confronting them with impacts can bring them to the decision-making table.

NK

I think it’s very important to legitimise changes, including changes in the way we approach problems, and measure and debate their social impacts. I can imagine that in practice it can be quite challenging because people have to understand, value and use the information, and become familiar with looking at things in new ways. MG

And it takes time for both sides. We need time for implementation. But I also acknowledge the fact that we don’t have much time. As part of the EU Mission: Climate-Neutral and Smart Cities, one hundred cities will receive the European Commission’s support in achieving the goal of Climate-Neutral and Smart Cities by 2030. Among them, one finds six Greek cities, including Thessaloniki. The underlying equation is difficult because it does not suffice to replace buses with electric buses. Only a mix of measures can bring you closer to this kind of goal. Building stock is an important part of this equation because of the CO2 emissions of buildings, and so are the industries for waste management, and the implementation of a circular economy. There are so many issues to be considered

251

MG

that no local authority in the world, not just in Greece, can handle the implementations by itself. It should be a collective effort and it should convince everyone that a chosen strategy can benefit everyone. NK

Obviously, there’s no blueprint for how to achieve this ambitious goal. Every city or metropolitan region is different. It has to be debated in each individual case what the best possible means of getting there should be. Yes, and this is a good starting point for making people realise that, as you suggested before, they have to come together. Defining a particular goal or a particular milestone that needs to be achieved in less than ten years, even if it is nearly impossible, can help to concentrate capacities and mark the beginning of joint work in the right direction. This means not just claiming to be one of a hundred green cities in Europe, but also acting as one.

252

MG

The Ecological Semiotics of Air Pollution and Heat in Athens

Jon Goodbun

“You decide that that you want to get rid of the by-products of human life and that Lake Erie will be a good place to put them. You forget that the eco-mental system called Lake Erie is a part of your wider eco-mental system – and that if Lake Erie is driven insane, its insanity is incorporated in the larger system of your thought and experience.” Gregory Bateson, Pathologies of Epistemology (1969) Introduction In this paper I will weave together a number of different stories, all of which circulate around and through the semio-ecological entity known as Αθηνα. Some of these stories concern the changing climate and environment of the city of Athens, its bioregion and geopolitical context. Other stories concern the changing lives of people who live there. As we shall see, these interacting changes present ever more significant – and potentially existential – challenges to the city and its inhabitants. One central story for us concerns the setting out of a specific environmental architecture design research project. Conceptually organised around The Ecological Semio­t­ics of Air Pollution and Heat in Athens, and practically organised around A New Tower of Winds, this is an action-research-based design process which explores the potential for a network of urban passive-energy, evaporative-cooling structures to reduce the extremes of heat and pollution that the airs of Αθηνα will increasingly be forced to express. I welcome some recent initiatives, statements and documents produced by Athens’ former Chief Heat Officer (CHO) and Chief Resilience Officer (CRO) Eleni Myrivili and Athens’ current CHO and CRO Elissavet Bargianni, and in particular, I offer this paper, and the associated design research projects outlined within, as a contribution to the dialogue initiated by the Athens Resilience Strategy for 2030 (City of Athens, 2017), and recent initiatives such as #coolathens. Ecological Semiotics What does it mean to talk about a city as a semio-ecological entity? At stake in this claim is a much bigger claim: that there exist all kinds of non-human and more-than-human ecological intelligences or eco-mental systems. These eco-mental systems not only include

254

other animals and plants, but they also exist as extended complex assemblages or holobionts, such as rivers, mountains, forests, lakes and cities. These ecological systems regulate themselves and interact using language-like responses to differences (i.e. signs) in their environments, and thus can be termed “semio-ecological”. Some of these eco-mental systems, such as us humans and most animals (as we all surely agree by now) have conscious minds, even if we are not all self-conscious in the same ways. Although many other eco-mental systems are unlikely to be conscious at all, and certainly do not produce the same kinds of self-consciousness that the human-brain-in-a-body-in-a-social environment-in-a-widerweb-of-life may produce, they still embody cognitive and semiotic processes. Therefore, we might legitimately ask how forests or cities “think”, even if we don’t believe that they are conscious. Significantly, these ecological intelligences are not always only “others” to us. One of the claims made by “extended mind” theo­ rists of various kinds is that we (and other minds) are constantly extending ourselves into and co-incorporating each other’s minds, bodies and environments/worlds (Goodbun, 2011). Freudian analysis recognised that our conscious selves emerge from a much bigger unconscious mind which includes all of the non-conscious or notalways-conscious processes of our own brain-in-body system. But it seems to me, as the ecological anthropologist Gregory Bateson argued, that we also need to turn Freudian thinking inside-out. Many of our unconscious processes are not only outside of the brain, but they are even outside of the body, extending through both our semiotic and metabolic relations with each other and a wider webof-life and material-energetic relations. Thus Bateson argued that we should think of cities as ecological beings which we are both a part of, and which are also a part of us, suggesting various paradigms for observing, working with and thinking about such extended eco-mental assemblages. Perhaps most well known, albeit indirectly via Felix Guattari (1989), is the Three Ecologies model. I have shown elsewhere (Goodbun, 2022a) how Guattari, in his “ecosophy” project, played with and developed Bateson’s aesthetico-epistemological framing of three interacting ecological systems: the cognitive organism, that organism’s relationship to its collective social ecology, and both of those systems’ relations to each other and to the wider web-of-life. But here I want to start with another framework for thinking about ecological systems that we can also uncover in Bateson’s work, which I call “the two ecologies”. There are two distinct kinds of ecological entity which come into view depending upon whether we take a bio-energetic approach to ecology or an informational-semiotic approach. The bio-energetic approach tends to measure quantities of matter and energy moving through a system, and measures those quantities at the boundaries of the organisations (organisms) that it observes: it sees an ecology of discrete, autopoietic bounded organisms in metabolic relationships with their environment. There is another ecological view of the very same interacting systems which focuses on the relationships running transversally through and across organised assemblages of various kinds. We see the same underlying flows, but this time perceive their patterns of relation such that the autopoietic bounda­ries

Ecology currently has two faces to it: the face which is called bioenergetics – the economics of energy and materials within a coral reef, a redwood forest, or a city – and second, an economics of information, of entropy, negentropy, etc. These two do not fit together well precisely because the units are differentially bounded in the two sorts of ecology. In bioenergetics it is natural and appropriate to think of units bounded at the cell membrane or the skin; or of units of conspecific individuals. These boundaries are then the frontiers at which measurements can be made to determine the additive/subtractive budget of energy for the given unit. In contrast, informational and entropic ecology deals with the budgeting of pathways and of probability. The resulting budgets are fractionating (not subtractive). The boundaries must enclose, not cut, the relevant pathways. Ecological thinking has been “overemphasising energy exchange and attending insufficiently to information exchange”, Bateson (2005, pp. 207–208) argued in 1968. Today it is surely clearer than ever that when we engage with complex ecological systems such as Αθηνα, we need to be attentive to responses and signs that might be emerging at entirely different scales and in very different locations and registers to those that we think we are acting within. When we design interventions into complex systems, we must also try to include processes of self-observation: how do our interventions change their environments and themselves (and us)? We must be attentive to the multiple lines of communication, behaviour and feedback that the various entities and actors that are co-immanent within those systems might occupy and perform. Therefore, in the ongoing research projects set out below, I will develop both the three ecologies and the two ecologies models, within the context of more recent ecosophical, multi-perspectival (Kohn, 2013) and pluriversal (Escobar, 2018) developments, as well as biosemiotic (Hoffmeyer, 2008) and world-systems-ecology (Moore, 2015) approaches to thinking and living within socioecological systems. Typically, future scenario planning and speculative worldbuilding models necessarily have quantitative bioenergetic dimensions, in both their initial processes of design, and if realised, in their feedback evaluations though real-time observations. However, extrapolating from Bateson, I wonder: are the most critical budgets of geopoietic worldings (see Goodbun, 2022b) the fractionating pathways of ecological semiotics? Can we learn to sense and articu­ late what probabilistic future scenarios we are opening up and closing down through our actions? The ecological wisdom required to understand our relations with eco-mental systems such as Αθηνα asks that we engage with both metabolic and semiotic understanding, remembering that if Αθηνα is driven insane through heat and pollution, its insanity will also be incorporated into the larger system of our thought and experience.

255

recede from view, and instead we foreground sympoietic networks of biosemiotic communication. In the 1970 lecture Form, Substance and Difference, Bateson (2000, p. 466) thus noted:

Environmental Justice and Αθηνα Today Athens today is a city with a human population approaching 1 million, within a wider metropolitan region of 3.5 million. Located at the southern Mediterranean edge of the Balkan peninsular, at 38 degrees latitude and receiving up to 1000 W/square metres of solar radiation (Koudouris et al., 2017), Athens is situated in a basin surrounded on three sides by mountains. As an urban field characterised by dense concrete development with huge volumes of unshaded thermal mass, and with the lowest per-capita green space in Europe, the city is especially susceptible to both the accumulation of thermal energy in the building mass, known as the urban heat island effect (Founda & Santamouris, 2012), and urban pollution island effects, as well as their mutually reinforcing interactions (Ulpiani, 2020). Now further amplified by climate change, both extreme heatwaves (Founda et al., 2022a, 2022b) and pollution have the potential to present existential challenges to the viability of Athens, perhaps within the space of a decade. As the current Mayor of Athens, Kostas Bakoyannis (cited in Harvey, 2021) has correctly noted, “Climate change for our city means more frequent and dangerous extreme high temperatures for residents and for tourists who are critical for our economy.” Eleni Myrivili in the Athens Resil­ ience Strategy for 2030 sets out the severity of the situation further:

256

Climate change scenarios indicate that extreme heat events are expected to typify the city’s future. Between 2021 and 2050, average summer temperatures in Athens are projected to increase by 2°C; between 2071 and 2100 the projected increase goes up to 4°C. We are already observing a gradual increase in the length and level of high temperatures as well as the frequency and intensity of heat waves and other related phenomena such as flash floods and bad air quality. The Athenian Urban Heat Island, intensified by the rising heat, exhibits severe temperature differences reaching 6°C, 7°C even 10°C between the city center and its suburbs. The density, anarchy and bad quality of our built urban fabric, as well as the lack of green open spaces are the main culprits. (City of Athens, 2017, p. 14) Of course, the impacts of extremes of heat and pollution have profound environmental justice dimensions, and always play out through existing socio-economic inequalities, intersecting through class, gender, race and legal contexts. Wealthy Athenians can afford air-conditioning in the summer, and heating in the winter. They work in similarly heated, cooled and unpolluted work environments, and drive around inside air-conditioned cars. They can always travel abroad to somewhere cooler or warmer if need be. As we know – globally as well as in Greece – the wealthy, precisely through these high energy- and material-consuming lifestyles, contribute disproportionately to climate change and environmental degradation to a significant extent, even whilst they isolate themselves from the impacts thereof. Indeed, as Oxfam have recently shown (Gore et al., 2020), the richest 10 % are responsible for over half of all emissions globally, and the richest 1 % are responsible for more climate changing and other emissions than the poorest 50 % of the global population.

1

257

Living and working in polluted, unhealthy environments over which they have little control characterises the lives of the majority of humans around the planet, who are differentially disadvantaged and disempowered by class, gender, race and legal inequalities. These patterns of uneven development and environmental “slow violence” characterise relations at all scales globally (Nixon, 2013). Thus Greece and southern Europe are increasingly being turned into environmental frontiers and sacrifice zones for northern European border management and for economic and extractivist processes of all kinds (whether mining, industrial agriculture, wind farms etc.), just as these same uneven relations are reproduced at the scale of the region, the city and neighbourhood (whether in Berlin or Athens). In Athens, high levels of inequality and poverty – no less than a quarter of Athenians are in energy poverty (City of Athens, 2017, p. 12) – mean that the impacts of environmental change will be especially severe (Kaidatzis et al., 2020). In addition to the lack of warm space in winter and cool space in summer, we find environmental justice questions playing out significantly through pollution. But the air pollution situation is complex, and is itself a part of a wider “ecology of pollution” that includes acoustic pollution, light pollution, sewer issues and flash flooding, micro-chemicals and plastics, not to mention chronic litter and recycling issues, and human faeces in every park due to the total lack of public toilet facilities. According to the European research project Aphekom, Athens is the third worst-affected city in Europe in terms of air pollution (Katsouyanni & Analitis, 2012). All of these combine in complex ways that brutalise the city, its human and non-human inhabitants and buildings, but also connect them with wider cycles of pollution as well as environmental events and disputes in their extended region and indeed across neighbouring countries and continents. The airs of Αθηνα, beyond the 78 % nitrogen and 21 % oxygen which make up 99 % of the molecular composition of the groundlevel atmosphere globally (leaving aside the vast quantities of water in the Earth’s atmosphere), contain sulphur dioxide, various nitrogen oxides, carbon monoxide, lead, benzene and various volatile organic compounds alongside aerosols and particulate matter. These atmospheric components all have stories to tell, and in addition to a quantitative “bio-energetic” measurement of these pollutants, in this project I am interested in understanding the stories of these particles, and asking what pollution means – what the environmental semiotics of the extended body of Αθηνα are, in the widest sense. The atmosphere of the city is polluted by relatively conventional sources such as local industry and power generation, and especially by fossil-fuel-powered motor vehicle traffic, which in particular is responsible for the high levels of nitrogen dioxide in the city, and results in serious damage to human health. In February 2022 it was reported that “Greece will appear before the European Court of Justice this year for failing to reduce these emissions in the capital, which for a decade now have exceeded permissible limits” (Sipsas, 2022). There are also some very unique and specific local conditions. For example, the large port of Piraeus is a problematic source of pollution from shipping (Tzannatos, 2010). Significantly, energy

1 From The World Air Quality Index website (aqicn.org), showing pollution levels after heavy rains have cleaned the air from normal high readings in the previous days (shown in insert). 6 November 2022, 4pm. The mountains which situate Athens in their basin are indicated, as is the Port of Piraeus, and a southern section of the island of Evia on the right of the map.

258

2 EU satellite images of fires over Northern Evia with smoke passing over Athens, on 8 August, 2021.

2

Towards a Radical Green New Deal for Greece In 2021, the fires that were left to burn across Northern Evia not only significantly reduced one of the major natural air-cleaning lungs of Athens, but also spread significant smoke-related pollution over the city. The Greek government decided to forcibly evacuate the villages, and ordered firefighters to let Evia burn rather than helping the village networks fight and put out the fires. This was a political decision, based on the fact that the governing party at the time (New Democracy) had accumulated significant political capital over the previous administration (Syriza) following the deaths caused by another forest fire in the heatwave of 2018, when 104 people died in the fires that spread through the forests and villages around Penteli – most notably in the village of Mati, just north of Athens. However, let us be clear: the emissions spread over Athens by the fires of 2021 surely killed more through pollutionrelated deaths in the summer of 2021 alone than died in the Mati fires of 2018. The lessons seem clear for the communities and landscapes in and around Athens, in Evia and indeed in Greece more widely. Post-war land-use changes and agricultural labour changes across

259

poverty in the Athenian population means that during the winter, waste wood and other materials are burnt for heating, producing a wide range of damaging particulate and gaseous emissions (Agkyridou, 2014). The impacts of these pollutants on human health extend well beyond respiratory and physical illnesses, and the claimed eco-mental impact is by no means just metaphorical: the evidence that the pollutants characteristic of the airs of Athens have effects upon human mental health is significant (Buoli et al., 2018). Climate change is itself impacting air pollution in Athens through both local and global vectors. Dust blown over the Mediterranean from the growing desertification of the Sahara and the Sahel regions of Africa is a significant and growing source of PM10, PM2.5 and PM1 particulate matter, while the toxicity of the dust is further amplified by increasing levels of military and industrial activities in those regions (Trianti et al., 2017). (And we can ask: What is the potential to form new international ecological solidarities, for example between environmental activists in Athens and the Great Green Wall project across the Sahel region of Northern Africa?) More locally, changes in rainfall and increasing frequencies of extreme heat events mean that the forests around Athens have in recent years repeatedly registered record low levels of moisture (Founda & Giannakopoulos, 2007) which, when combined with the demographic, labour and land-use changes of recent decades, mean that forest fires (always a natural condition of this region) will increase in frequency and severity. In a further amplifying feedback loop, the destruction of the forests themselves results in a further loss of moisture from the landscape, the loss of rainfall that forests generate (all forests are rainforests in a certain sense), and the loss of the air cleaning that the local forest ecosystems around Athens provide. Furthermore, when heavy rains do fall on the burnt forest landscapes, the land is unable to hold the water, and we see flash floods combined with major soil erosion. Then, even the ­possibility of the forests is gone, for generations, perhaps for ever (Smith, 2021).

260

the Greek landscape have meant fewer people living on and managing the land and forests. Now amplified by both climate-changed heatwaves and austerity-damaged national, local and utility infrastructures, the Greek landscape faces ever-increasing risks of fires, together with an ever more damaged ability to respond to such events. However, a policy of forced evacuation when confronted with forest fires cannot be the way forwards – it will destroy the remaining forests and pollute the cities in an ever more vicious spiral of self-amplifying feedback loops. Although beyond the scope of this paper, it seems clear that if these risks are to be better managed, the most promising future scenarios would emerge from significant investments into existing local village networks, land-based communities and infrastructures (from digital services to local water management etc.). Rather than supporting the monocultural agricultural and forestry practices of the kind facilitated by recent decades of EU agricultural funding, Greece could be nurturing a radical and unique diversity of locally owned and locally managed agroforestry, permaculture, bio-organic food, renewable energy and autonomous, circular and communal economy initiatives. The Greek landscape is already full of promising experiments along these lines, which could be multiplied and networked to evolve into diverse and robust fire-resisting and moisture-retaining forest and landscape ecologies and economies, facilitating a generational re-engagement with the landscape. Unfortunately, from Greece’s mainstream political parties we see little exploration of the kind of dialogue required to develop a “Green New Deal for Greece” that could facilitate a just transition for the Greek landscape, cities and islands (Goodbun, 2022c). Indeed, the new “post-fire” masterplan for Northern Evia appears to be a move in the opposite direction, and is likely to result in increasing socio-economic inequalities, pushing the local villages and villagers out of the landscape and opening the island up to a mixture of unsustainable luxury developments (no doubt branded as “eco-developments”!) and giving corporations privatised extraction rights to the Greek land, water and airscapes. Both outcomes will further pollute Athens as well. (For a further discussion of the North Evia fires and the emerging masterplan, see the two-part film documentary The Plan, directed and produced by Psarrou & Lazarou (2022), as well as ongoing research and analysis produced by my colleagues and students on the RCA MA programme in Environmental Architecture, based in London (Geros & del Giudice, 2022)). However, within the political space of Athens there have been some promising initiatives at least. The Athens Resilience Strategy for 2030 (City of Athens, 2017) does set out a strategic plan to start to engage with both the heat island effect and air pollution. In particular, the proposal to form networks of cool public space – and we would add clean/low-pollution space – throughout the city would without doubt improve the health of the city and its inhabitants. In periods of extreme heatwaves, such an infrastructure of cooled public space will be a key emergency resource. The strategy’s call for both more bio-diverse green spaces and more “blue” corridors (urban open water ponds, fountains, rivers etc.) in Athens is a key part of that, and this paper strongly supports that call. Furthermore, the following design research proposal aims to make a specific

261 3 From original Tower of Winds competition entry from 2003 by WAG (original competition team: Jon Goodbun, Cordula Weisser with Aran Chadwick and Brian Ford). Left: a section through an evaporative cooling tower showing the movement of warm clean air drawn down through evaporative cooling to below the pollution canopy. Right: a tower in place outside The Zappeion, top: three tall towers within the Athenian urban landscape.

262

3

contribution to work on that strategy: a tactically deployed architecture of temporary fabric evaporative cooling towers capable of cooling and drawing down to street level air from above the worst pollution in the air column. When combined with a network of pollution sensors supporting real-time models and dialogues with the polluted airs of Αθηνα, this technology would have the potential to contribute to the variety of responses needed to reduce extremes of heat and air pollution in Athens. Towards a New Tower of Winds This proposal – Towards a New Tower of Winds – has two components. There is a first-phase proposal for an action-research citizen-science platform project – Listening to Αθηνα – which would build awareness of and dialogue with the airs of Athens by constructing and distributing a network of both commercial sensors (for example Plume Labs, 2022) and DIY devices produced through workshops in schools, public performances and community collaborations, thereby engaging with pollution on the streets and residential balconies of Athens. A platform of autonomous, realtime pollution data could provide crucial information for community organising, and aligns with the Open City principles set out in the Athens Resilience Strategy for 2030. The worst pollution in Athens is known to be heavy particles close to street level, often held in place by the air canopy that can sit over the Athenian basin due to the geomorphology of the landscape. The three mountain ranges of Hymettus, Parnitha and Penteli encircle Athens and facilitate the emergence of a temperature inversion phenomenon that involves polluted warm air being trapped in the bowl, held in place by a canopy layer of cool air, then another layer of warm air (Kassomenos et al., 2014). However, exactly how the air distributes and moves at and around street and dwelling-balcony levels in Athens is still not well understood, and this project could make a significant contribution to that. Of course, this research platform would also provide ­essential baseline data to assess the performance of the main component of this research project: the construction and testing of some prototype urban evaporative cooling and pollution-dispersal towers. The design proposal outlined below uses adiabatic processes of evaporation to cool air inside the tower, which starts a downdraft cycle drawing down clean air from above the polluted air canopy. Pollutants would be dispersed, and part of the heat cycle broken. Once dispersed, the pollutants can be safely broken down by natural processes in the environment. (The towers in the original scheme were 60 metres above street level, but in the later CFD tests described below were based on towers just 25 metres high). The scheme can be understood as the introduction of a negative (moderating) feedback loop into the Athenian ecology, interrupting the positive (amplifying) feedback of urban heat island and urban pollution island effects, and perhaps allowing the city to start to self-regulate and maintain itself as a healthier ecosystem. This proposal started in 2003 as a competition design at WAG, a small practice I co-directed with Cordula Weisser and Filip Visnjic, working together on this project with Aran Chadwick of structural

4

263

engineers Atelier One and pioneering environmental engineer Professor Brian Ford. The Tower of Winds took its name from the 1st century BCE structure located next to the Roman Agora in the Plaka area of Athens, which contained a water clock, sundial, weather vane and compass. Our design was a specific innovation based upon the static evaporative cooling towers and other experiments that Brian Ford and others were constructing at that time (notably work at the Seville Expo), and proposed a temporarily deployable piece of environmental architecture which could be both erected and demounted within a few hours, and could be transported in the back of a van. The proposed structure itself was a fabric sock, which would be held afloat by an inflated helium-filled torus at the top of the fabric tower. The form of the tower would be a minimal surface (similar to those generated by engineer Frei Otto, by spinning an oil film). These forms have been demonstrated to generate the greatest airflow. The stabilising cables which would be attached to the base of the tower would also carry water irrigation pipes feeding into tubes sewn into the fabric of the tower, carrying water in a spiral up around the tower. These water tubes would have small nozzles pointing into the inside of the tower and allowing small amounts of water to weep or be misted onto the inside of the fabric. This water would evaporate, and because of the effect of the latent heat of evaporation, energy would be taken out of the air inside the tower (enthalpy) and it would cool and fall. The original modelling calculations suggested that the effects of evaporative cooling in the tower would be sufficient to generate a flow of cooled clean air, with a temperature drop of around 11° C during the day. At night the process would reverse and warm air generated from the heated urban fabric would be funnelled away up the tower through a stack effect. We speculated that if multiple towers were used throughout the Athenian summer, there would be a significant amelioration of the heat island effect, a significant dispersal of street pollution, and a corresponding increase in public health. Although unsuccessful in the competition associated with the 2004 Olympics, the original project was published a few times, notably in Stephenson (2004) and Hardy (2008), and it has often been presented in various talks and seminars. In more recent years I developed an iteration of the proposal for installation in the Black Rock Desert for Burning Man, and developed further iterations which would not need helium (given the increasing scarcity of helium), instead proposing deployable unfolding structures to erect the tower. More recent and ongoing dialogues with structural engineer Aran Chadwick (Atelier One) are returning to look again at the potential of an inflatable load-carrying torus, this time based upon more recent developments using multi-chamber hydrogen/ helium/air inflatables. I had a useful brief conversation with Bill Dunster regarding ZED’s testing of water-to-air delivery through various nozzles for some evaporative cooling systems, and many conversations with various researchers and colleagues from the RCA’s fashion, textiles and knitting programmes, brainstorming potential fabrics and production processes from extremely high-tech,

4 From original Tower of Winds competition entry from 2003 by WAG (original competition team: Jon Goodbun, Cordula Weisser with Aran Chadwick and Brian Ford). Two evaporative cooling towers suspended above the Acropolis. Because of the high levels of UV light, many of the pollutants acts as a corrosive catalyst which damages the fabric of historic buildings, and there have been suggestions that the Acropolis should be covered in a glass box, to protect the buildings from corrosion during the most polluted periods. In this image, there is no need for such permanent constructions. Instead, on the worst pollution days, a pair of wind towers can be erected over the Acropolis, protecting it with an envelope of clean air rather than glass.

264

5 , 6 Top: A plan of air movement over Syntagma Square one metre from ground level, with one evaporative cooling tower located at the site colourd in red (which shows maximum air movement). The lower image is a section through the same test site. Image produced using CFD software, in Vlazaki (2019). NB. In these representations, red indicates high-speed air movement, through yellow, white and light blue to no air movement, shown in dark blue (which then also indicates urban building mass).

265 7 A plan of air movement over Syntagma Square ten metres from ground level. Image produced using CFD software, in Vlazaki (2019).

8 A section through Syntagma, showing significant air movement over a considerable area and height. Image produced using CFD software, in Vlazaki (2019).

5, 6

7, 8

9, 10

266

11

sensor-laden, thermo-chromatic and pollution-reactive fabrics to community collective hand-knitted structures. Recently, a small team have worked on some research funding bids – still in progress – for both the facilitation of an action research citizen science sensor data platform (and associated art and AI projects exploring ecological semiotics) and the construction of a prototype tower. This paper contributes to both projects. Most importantly, the proposal was taken on and developed by Alexandra Vlazaki in 2019 as her thesis research project on the MSc Architecture and Environmental Design programme at the University of Westminster, tutored by Juan Vallejo and Rosa Schiano-­Phan (who, together with the original project’s environmental engineer Brian Ford, co-authored the leading textbook in the field (Ford et al., 2020)). Vlazaki tested the geometry of the tower in relation to cooling and airflow predictions and made some amendments to the geometry (widening the upper radius improved airflow further). Most importantly, she rigorously tested in computational fluid dynamics (CFD) simulations the claims that were made regarding the potential of the tower to ameliorate street-level air pollution. Vlazaki (2019) identified Syntagma Square and the junction at Ambelokipi as her two pollution case study sites, using drones with sensors to take pollution readings at various heights above street level and establishing a pollution gradient. Vlazaki’s studies confirmed that in the case of a tower with a height of 25 metres an upper ring diameter of 11 metres and a narrowest diameter of 6 metres would produce an air flow at the base of between 1.5 and 3.5 metres per second, which is significant. Taking an average velocity of 2.5 metres per second, predictions were made regarding volumetric air displacement, and the results surprised us all. In summary, each tower can provide fresh air sufficient for thousands of people per hour, and when two or more towers are positioned in proximity, they help to amplify each other. According to our software CPD models, they would provide a significant circulation of cleaner air for several kilometres. Having modelled the effects of two towers, Vlazaki (2019, p. 63) concludes that: According to CFD simulation, the distributed air, now that two tower devices are activated, reaches the range of more than 1.2km to 1.5km, which is a really successful result. The air velo­ city will be up to 0.2–0.4m/s at 1 meter from the ground, in a range of 50 to 100 meters, around to each tower. The sections of the image on [here figure 8] illustrate the air distribution on the vertical axe. The fresh air reaches the height of 100m from the ground level. On human’s level (up to 2 meters) the air velocity achieves the amount of 0.5–0.7m/s. So, according to these results, the two tower devices react to each other, causing incredible results. Also, both activated tower devices can now produce fresh air for at least 2014 persons per hour, on the worst performance of the production of fresh air. Vlazaki concludes with a simulation of a network of four towers connecting Syntagma Square with Ambelokopi junction along Leof. Vasilissis Sofias. The model suggests that this could produce a

267 , 10 Sections through Syntagma and Ambelokopi, showing significant air movement over 9 a considerable area and height. Image produced using CFD software, in Vlazaki (2019).

11 A plan showing air distribution from four towers situation along Leof. Vasilissis Sofias (one of the busiest roads in central Athens) from Syntagma Square at lower left, to Ambelokipi at upper right. Image produced using CFD software, in Vlazaki (2019).a

268

significant change to the air along this pollution highway and adjacent neighbourhoods. Prototyping and testing a four-tower network of this kind is now the goal of one of the funding proposals currently under development. Conclusions, Hypotheses and New Questions The physics of the evaporative cooling towers are well established regarding their potential for adiabatic air cooling during critical heat periods of the year in Athens. Evaporative cooling of various kinds has been used by cultures in hot climates around the world for millennia, and there is no doubt that a network of these towers would make a significant contribution to the Athens’ Resilience Strategy goals of establishing cool corridors through the city. Still, many interesting questions remain to be properly explored, such as who would own and manage such an infrastructure, if adopted. Less well understood are the effects that such towers could have upon the chronic urban pollution island effects in Athens. Vlazaki’s CFD models certainly give results significant enough to support further research, but in order to progress this we need to gain a better understanding of the movement of pollutants in real time, which requires both a platform of local sensors (which would contribute to the Athens Resilience Report goals of an Open City), and ideally working with machine learning models that can explore and extrapolate from that data. London has been one of the global cities leading the way on developing usable, real-time and high-resolution models of pollution in the city. The Environmental Research Group at Imperial College (formerly at King’s College) pioneered the CMAQ-urban approach (see Beevers et al., 2012), and the current “digital twin” of the city offers an extraordinary 20 metres resolution of real-time air pollution. It achieves this not through direct sensor measurement (the resolution of pollution monitoring stations in the city is far too low), but rather by using machine learning to teach models in a “digital twin” of the city, which draws upon a variety of other data sources, notably detailed traffic information provided by the network of cameras which manage congestion zone charging for Transport for London (see Damoulas, 2020). The actual pollution monitoring stations are used to provide feedback and calibrate the learning model of the digital twin. While there is as yet no digital twin of Athens on the same scale, work using machine learning models to fill in missing pollution data is well underway (Tzanis et al., 2021), and it is clear that AI applications will continue to contribute to the kinds of quantitative bioener­ge­tic ecological models that the digital twin paradigm so impres­sively and necessarily provides us with. However, returning again to the “two ecologies” set out at the beginning of this paper, I wonder – as eco-cybernetic artist-writers such as James Bridle (2022) and K Allado-McDowell (2020) also suggest – whether we might also use these platforms to facilitate far stranger, more poetic and perhaps even more necessary ecological dialogues with the extended bodies, minds and many-worlds of eco-mental systems such as Αθηνα.

Goodbun, Jon (2022b), Geopoiesis. https:// www.academia.edu/84215666/Goodbun_ GEOPOIESIS [Accessed: 2 November 2022]. Goodbun, Jon (2022c). There isn’t just one Green New Deal. In Bader, Markus; Kafka, George; Schneider, Tatjana & Talevi, Rosario (Eds.), Making Futures (pp. 75–79). Leipzig: Spector. Gore, Tim; Alestig, Mira & Ratcliff, Anna (2020, September 21). Confronting Carbon Inequality: Putting climate justice at the heart of the COVID-19 recovery. Oxfam Media Briefing. https://oxfamilibrary.openrepository.com/ bitstream/handle/10546/621052/mbconfronting-carbon-inequality-210920 -en.pdf Guattari, Felix (1989). Trois Écologies. Paris: éditions Galilée. Hardy, Steve (Ed.). (2008). Environmental Tectonics: Forming Climatic Change.  London: AA Publications. Harvey, Fiona (2021). Athens appoints chief heat officer to combat climate crisis. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/ environment/2021/jul/23/athens-appointschief-heat-officer-combat-climate-crisis. Hoffmeyer, Jesper (2008). Biosemiotics: An Examination into the signs of life and the life of signs. Scranton, PA: University of Scranton Press. Kaidatzis, Erotokritos; Iliopoulou, Zoe; Gareiou, Zoe; Drimili, Efi ; Matsouki, Niki; HerreroMartin, Ruth & Zervas, Efthimios (2020). Determination of Public Opinion on energy poverty, application in Athens Greece. Proceedings of 1st International Conference on Environmental Design (ICED2020). https://www.researchgate.net/publication/348480749_DETERMINATION_OF_ PUBLIC_OPINION_ON_ENERGY_POVERTY_ APPLICATION_IN_ATHENS_GREECE. Kassomenos, Pavlos; Paschalidou, Anastasia; Lykoudis, Spyridon & Koletsis, Ioannis (2014). Temperature inversion characteristics in relation to synoptic circulation above Athens, Greece. Environmental Monitoring and Assessment, 186, 3495–3502. Katsouyanni, Klea & Analitis, Antonis (2012). Aphekom: Local city report Athens. http:// aphekom.org/web/aphekom.org/publications Kohn, Eduardo (2013). How forests think: Toward an anthropology beyond the human. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Koudouris, Giannis; Dimitriadis, Panayiotis; Iliopoulou, Theano; Mamassis, Nikos & Koutsoyiannis, Demetris (2017), Investigation on the stochastic nature of the solar radiation process. Energy Procedia, 125, 398–404. Moore, Jason W. (2015). Capitalism in the web of life: Ecology and the accumulation of capital. London: Verso Nixon, Rob (2013). Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Plume Labs (2022, December 20). https://plumelabs.com/en/flow/ [Accessed: 20 December, 2022]. Psarrou, Nelli & Lazarou, Ioannis (2022). The Plan (film, parts 1 and 2). https://tosxedio. com. Sipsas, Evangelop (2022). Greece continues to exceed EU air quality levels in Athens. https://newseu.cgtn.com/news/2022-0224/Greece-continues-to-exceed-EU-airquality-levels-in-Athens-17TE3GtRZzG/ index.html [Accessed: 2 November, 2022]. Smith, Helena (2021, October 14). Fire-ravaged Greek island of Evia hit by floods and mudslides. The Guardian. https://www. theguardian.com/world/2021/oct/14/

269

Agkyridou, Nefeli (2014, January 6). Smog shrouds Athens as Greeks choke on fuel bills. https://www.cnbc.com/2014/01/06/ smog-shrouds-athens-as-greeks-chokeon-fuel-bills.html [Accessed: 2 November 2022]. Allado-McDowell, K (2020). Pharmako-AI. London: Ignota. Bateson, Gregory (2000, 1972). Pathologies of epistemology. In Bateson, Gregory (Ed.), Steps to an ecology of mind (pp. 486–495). London: University of Chicago Press. Bateson, Gregory & Bateson, Mary C. (2005). Angels Fear: Towards an epistemology of the sacred. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press. Beevers, Sean D.; Kitwiroon, Nutthida; Williams, Martin L. & Carslaw, David C. (2012). One way coupling of CMAQ and a road source dispersion model for fine scale air pollution predictions. Atmospheric Environment, 59, 47–58. Bridle, James (2022). Ways of Being: Beyond Human Intelligence. London: Allen Lane. Buoli, Massimiliano; Grassi, Silvia; Caldiroli, Alice; Carnevali, Greta Silvia; Mucci, Francesco; Iodice, Simona; Cantone, Laura; Pergoli, Laura & Bollati, Valentina (2018) Is there a link between air pollution and mental disorders?, Environment International, 118, 154–168. City of Athens (2017). Athens Resilience Strategy for 2030: Redefining the city. Athens: City of Athens/Resilient Athens. Damoulas, Theo (2020). Machine Learning Foundations of Digital Twins. https://www. turing.ac.uk/research/research-projects/ london-air-quality [Accessed: December 20, 2022]. Escobar, Arturo (2018). Designs for the Pluriverse: Radical interdependence, autonomy, and the making of worlds. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Ford, Brian; Schiano-Phan, Rosa & Vallejo, Juan (2020). The Architecture of Natural Cooling (2nd edition). London: Routledge. Founda, Dimitra & Santamouris, Mattheos (2012). Synergies between Urban Heat Island and Heat Waves in Athens (Greece), during an extremely hot summer. Nature Scientific Reports, 7, 10973. Founda, Dimitra; Katavoutas, George; Pierros, Frangiskos & Mihalopoulos, Nikolaos (2022a). Centennial changes in heat waves characteristics in Athens (Greece) from multiple definitions based on climatic and bioclimatic indices. Global and Planetary Change, 212, 103807. Founda, Dimitra; Katavoutas, George; Pierros, Frangiskos & Mihalopoulos, Nikolaos (2022b), The Extreme Heat Wave of Summer 2021 in Athens (Greece): Cumulative Heat and Exposure to Heat Stress. Sustainability, 14(13), 7766. Geros, Christina & del Giudice, Antonio (2022). RS4 – Anemoi. https://www.rca.ac.uk/ study/programme-finder/environmentalarchitecture-ma/rs4-anemoi/. Goodbun, Jon (2011). The Architecture of the Extended Mind: towards a critical urban ecology (PhD) London: University of Westminster. https://westminsterresearch. westminster.ac.uk/item/8zy32/thearchitecture-of-the-extended-mindtowards-a-critical-urban-ecology. Goodbun, Jon (2022a). How Many Ecologies? From Bateson to Guattari and back again. Proceedings of Relating Systems Thinking and Design (RSD11) Symposium. https://rsdsymposium.org/how-manyecologies-80/. 

270

fire-ravaged-greek-island-of-evia-hitby-floods-and-mudslides [Accessed: November 2, 2022] Stephenson, Rachael (Ed.). (2004). Bartlettworks. London: UCL. Trianti, Stavroula-Myrto; Samoli, Evangelia; Rodopoulou, Sophia; Katsouyanni, Klea; Papiris, Spyros A. & Karakatsani, Anna (2017). Desert dust outbreaks and respiratory morbidity in Athens, Greece. Environmental Health, 16(72). Tzanis, Chris; Alimissis, Anastasios & Koutsogiannis, Ioannis (2021) Addressing Missing Environmental Data via a Machine Learning Scheme. Atmosphere, 12(4), 499. Tzannatos, Ernesto (2010). Ship emissions and their externalities for the port of Piraeus – Greece. Atmospheric Environment, 44(3), 400–407. Ulpiani, Giulia (2020). On the linkage between urban heat island and urban pollution island: Three-decade literature review towards a conceptual framework. Science of the Total Environment. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/ pmc/articles/PMC7434321/pdf/main.pdf [Accessed: November 2, 2022]. Vlazaki, Alexandra (2019). Clean air through evaporation in Athens, Greece (thesis submission for MSc Architecture and Environmental Design). London: University of Westminster (author’s copy).

Josep Bohigas and Ioanna Spanou: Winning, Losing and Regaining ­Barcelona’s Urban Spaces

Edited by Norbert Kling

Barcelona is at the forefront of a process of urban regeneration that is challenging many European and non-European cities today and will continue to do so in the future. Throughout its history, the city has seen phases of innovation, prosperity and deep crisis, which have contributed to the diversity and complexity that we see and experience today. Over the last decade, new strategies and models of change have been conceived in an attempt to respond to the downsides of the city’s success stories and emerging problems. Throughout this process, the city was able to rely on its transformative capacity and the engaged involvement of its citizens. It is in this context that a series of courageous visions and ambitious projects have been developed against all odds and resistances, and placed on the political agenda. Whether implemented or still in the conceptual stage, they have attracted international interest in acknowledgement of their high aspirations, and they serve as best practice examples. However, the uniqueness of the situation does not lend itself to easy replication. What are the fundamentals of Barcelona’s recent success stories in urban transformation? Who needs to contribute and in which ways to ensure the success of a project? Where are the projects? What is the design of the overall process – how do we arrive at powerful, shared visions, how are we moving towards the goals? And finally, what can we learn from processes of urban transformation in Barcelona? Josep Bohigas, General Manager of the Urban Development Agency, Barcelona Regional, and of the Urban Ecology Agency of Barcelona, together with Ioanna Spanou, director of the Urban Analysis Department at the Urban Development Agency, Barcelona Regional, discussed these questions during their joint visit to Athens from 6–7 May 2022. As part of this visit, Josep gave an evening lecture at the Kaftantzoglou Hall of the National Technical University of Athens, titled “Barcelona’s Urban Strategies: Winning, Losing and Trying to Reconquer”, which was followed by a conversation between him and Mark Michaeli (see also Michaeli, chapter in this book). Ioanna Spanou and Josep Bohigas accompanied the edi­ tors on a walk through Exarchia, Omonoia, Psyrri and Monasti­raki, exploring recent transformations, drawing comparisons between Barcelona and Athens, and discussing the challenges and opportunities of future transformations in Athens. Josep Bohigas also gave an interview to Giorgos Lialios of the Kathimerini newspaper.

This article features elements from the presentation, the walk and conversations. The following edited text gives an abbreviated account of the lecture by Josep Bohigas.

272

2

Looking back over the past four decades of urban development in Barcelona, we could say that it is composed of three main phases that could be described as winning, losing and reconquering or regaining. The story starts with around 50 little public space projects that were inaugurated in the city after the fall of the dictatorship at the beginning of the eighties. Until this moment, the street had not been a public space. It had been forbidden to hold gatherings of more than four to five people in the open. The projects contributed to the transformation of the city, because they also helped us to connect to and rediscover our city centre as well as the more famous open spaces that nobody had really used in a meaningful way. Some of the projects were quite risky, because they introduced public spaces or small parks where none had existed before, for example in quarries. And all these different strategies, as well as legal processes that accompanied them, became bigger with the preparations for the 1992 Olympic Games and were integrated into a new, larger strategy, that included the opening up of the city towards the sea. The city officials always said that the main goal of the Olympic Games was to put the city on the map and to become one of the best cities in Europe. We loved this idea because we thought this was impossible. But then we started this process of transformation – the city that said hola – hello to the world on the opening day the Olympic Games. We became recognised as a global city and at the same time we started selling our city to the world. We continued building and transforming the city, but after the games, the city was economically depressed. Up to this point the projects were realised through public investment and public leadership, so we had to find a new way and sought to share the development with private investment. As a result, we continued to achieve amazing transformations, but there was a price. The city had become a shop and had to sell itself. We started to recognise that this way of becoming a global city had its downside. We realised that we were losing important parts of the city to “urbanalisation” [a term coined by Francesc Muñoz], gentrification, and shopping malls and buildings that do not relate to the city. We said hello to the world at the beginning of the transformation process and now were saying goodbye – to Las Ramblas, Park Güell, or Barceloneta. “The city that we wanted to recover in the eighties, that we wanted to open up to the citizenry, became the victim of its own success. Because of the enormous pressure through investment, people were being driven out. The city centre ceased to be a place for people to live. It turned into a place to invest in. So, what we initially won in terms of urban quality had been lost again. And now we are trying to recover it by doing something very simple, which is putting the people back again in the centre.”

1 Josep Bohigas and Mark Michaeli discuss problems and opportunities of urban ­t ransformation during the event at Kaftantzoglou Hall at the National Technical University of Athens on 6 May 2022. Photos by Norbert Kling, 2022.

FILL THE STREETS WITH LIFE

METROPOLITAN SCALE THINKING

RECOVER NEIGHBOURHOODS

REORIENT MAJOR TRANSFORMATIONS

ECOLOGICAL TRANSITION

274

2 Diagram representing citizens’ urban rights and strategic action lines. © Barcelona Regional.

3 Public debate. Poble Nou Superblock pilot test. September 2016. © Barcelona Regional.

275 4 Superblock Poble Nou. New square at the crossing of Carrer de Sancho de Àvila and Carrer de Roc Boronat. © Barcelona Regional.

5 Superblock Poble Nou. Carrer dels Almogàvers. © Barcelona Regional.

6 New square at the crossing of Carrer del Parlament and Carrer del Comte Borrell. © Barcelona Regional.

7 Barcelona green corridors. © Barcelona Regional from data by Barcelona City Council.

276

8 Green axes and squares system. Example district. Superblock Program, Horizon 2030. © Barcelona City Council.

277

The first thing is to create a healthier environment, which includes improving the quality of air, since Barcelona, because of the mountains, port and car traffic, has the worst air quality in Europe. The second measure is the provision of affordable public housing, despite there currently not being a great tradition of public housing in Spain. We have 12 %, while in France it’s 25 %. Further schemes need to address what we called the right to the neighbourhood, the right to the city, and the right to become a global city, but in exactly this order and not the other way round. We need to create strategies that fill the streets with life, that recover neighbourhoods, and that of course also work towards ecological transition. We need to reorient major transformations. We need to think about the entire metropolitan area and not just about investment in the city centre. In order to achieve the goals, we need to work on multiple projects that are distributed across the metropolitan area at the same time. Among them is the superblock strategy, which addresses the question of how to deal with the dense and consolidated existing city. It’s about recycling what we have. The other project is the Ring Road Territory strategy, which is a move away from investing in major car-based infrastructures and instead improving public transportation, rethinking the relations between city, mountains and sea, the city’s two river zones with its industrial uses, airport and one of the country’s most deprived neighbourhoods, and connecting things with each other. So, the strategies address social, economic and environmental issues. We are trying to establish green-blue corridors that cross the whole city and connect the two ecologies of the mountains and the sea. We want to establish links that bring the qualities of the sea and the seafront into adjacent neighbourhoods. At the same time, we want to develop an answer to the problem of our artificial beaches being taken away each winter. We have to come up with a new strategy of resilience and work with nature rather than against it. One of the great opportunities we have to connect the river and the seafront is the site of a former power plant to the east of the centre. The team directed by Ioanna Spanou here at Barcelona Regional is dealing with these and other landscape projects and we are currently thinking about possible programmes for this area. This project will also address the problem of storms and rising sea levels. The other kind of project I mentioned, the superblock project, is currently being realised. We are very excited about it because it’s a simple but radical project of transforming and recycling the urban area enclosed by the ring road, which is based on the urban layout of Cerdà. The idea is to transform the grid of car traffic by putting another grid on top. Basic roads that will admit cars into the area while the remaining roads will be car free. These areas will become the parks and plazas that we don’t have because of the density of city. It’s an easy way of recovering spaces without demolishing any buildings. At the present moment, 250,000 cars per day are using the local network just for transit. We need to keep the

278

superblocks accessible to cars for local purposes, but we don’t need to let cars use the local network for transit, because there are other ways of doing this. Once cleared of car traffic, you can change the topography, work with its permeability, admit water to the area and introduce green features that can help reduce air pollution and noise. We are promoting this project because we want to improve the quality of public space and the city’s habitability. We want to reduce the social injustice and inequality related to the car, since less than 50 % of the people in Barcelona have a car, while 85 % of the public space is currently dedicated to car related uses. It’s urgent that we deal with the problem, as we have 3,500 premature deaths in the city that are related to polluted air, as well as mental health conditions caused by traffic noise and stress. And of course, we can radically reduce the heat island effect in the city and increase biodiversity by establishing connections between existing green spaces. Furthermore, through this approach we can create 150 new squares with around 2,000 square metres each on the former junctions, which are well known thanks to their diagonally cut corners. So, we are looking at a 6 million square metre recycling project that works without demolishing any buildings and on the sole basis of not allowing cars through all the spaces. Instead of just walking and crossing the streets, we want people to stay in the street. The first thing we had to do to work towards this goal was to create a new network of public surface transportation, which we did five years ago. We changed the routes of the bus lines so that they operate along the basic streets vertically and horizontally, like in Manhattan. The second thing was to test it. For this purpose, five Schools of Architecture from Barcelona cooperated and first set-up a pilot superblock for the period of a weekend. This event coincided with a neighbourhood festival. We went there with paint and covered the traffic lights with plastic bags. During the subsequent twelve months, we continued with further projects and explored how we could transform and appropriate superblocks. We conceived this as a tactical project. More than 400 students participated and we did not have to spend any money. It was very interesting to see how the neighbourhood began to join in and claim the spaces. And of course, others from the neighbourhood complained, because not allowing cars to drive through this area is a very radical idea. On one of the squares we created a parliament. Where previously cars used to travel at 60 kilometres an hour, we drew the outline of the parliament of Catalonia on the ground and held a gathering with the inventor of the superblock idea, politicians, people from the neighbourhood, technicians and students. The discussions went on until late in the night. The press and media coverage made the idea of the superblock widely known and people continued discussing the issues in taxicabs, bars, newspapers and on television. The superblock started to become a reality. In keeping with our tactical approach, we wanted the project to visibly improve the situation for people, and we wanted to use it to communicate the idea.

279 9 Green axes Barcelona. Superblock Program. Horizon 2030. © Barcelona City Council.

10 Barcelona bus network. © Barcelona Regional from data by Barcelona City Council.

11 Ioanna Spanou and Josep Bohigas during the walk with Tasos Roidis (pictured), Mark Michaeli and Norbert Kling through Exarchia, Omonoia, Psyrri and Monastiraki, reflecting on current urban issues and drawing comparisons between Barcelona and Athens. Photos by Norbert Kling 2022.

We’ve been discussing and modifying the project for one year, which included developing ideas for possible future uses of the reclaimed spaces. The process was supported by an active citizenry. We saw that the number of users of the spaces increased significantly, because people were using the chance to project their own ideas into the space. The pilot superblock informed the process of setting up two further superblocks, which were designed and constructed with more permanent features and materials, for long-term use. Considering the longterm effects of the project, we need to consider the impact the restructuring has on rents. To slow down further gentrification, we have been talking about rent caps like in Berlin, and the provision of affordable public housing within the superblocks. When the pandemic stopped the gatherings, street-life and regular traffic, we continued with our tactical approach and introduced provisional enlargements of sidewalks, 200 kilometres of new bike lanes and safer zones in front of schools, as well as extended outdoor areas for bars and cafés. We received criticism about the design quality, including from architects and professionals, who lamented that this would not fit with the character of Barcelona. But we don’t think it’s ugly – it’s tactical and we were taking advantage of the moment. In the next step, we changed the initial concept of creating islands in response to the criticism of the citizens who were not happy with the idea that people who are not part of an island may be disadvantaged or excluded. We are now rolling out the strategy of linear axes and some plazas, for which we held an open competition. Four streets and four plazas are currently being transformed and completed by the end of 2023. This brings us back to the overall strategy of bringing people back to the centre of considerations. Instead of having cars at the centre and on the streets, we’re putting people at the centre and are creating this new transformation around them.

282

The visit and event were kindly supported by the Schwarz ­Foundation.

Συμμετοχικές Διαδικασίες στην ­Ολοκληρωμένη ­Χωρική Ανάπτυξη: Μια Περίπτωση Συνδιαχείρισης Κοινών Υδάτινων Πόρων Ειρήνη Ηλιοπούλου και Βασίλης Αυδίκος Το παρόν κεφάλαιο συζητά τις δυνατότητες και τους περιορισμούς της συμμετοχής των πολιτών στα προγράμματα Ολοκληρωμένης Χωρικής Ανάπτυξης (ΟΧΑ), μέσα από ένα «πείραμα» στην πόλη του Χαλανδρίου, για τη συνδιαχείριση της πολιτιστικής κληρονομιάς και του νερού, ως κοινά αγαθά. Εδώ, η συμμετοχή γίνεται αντιληπτή ως δικαίωμα, αίτημα και πεδίο σύγκρουσης αντιλήψεων και συμφερόντων για τις μορφές διακυβέρνησης, τη διαχείριση των κοινών, την αντιμετώπιση πραγματικών κοινωνικών αγωνιών. Το κεφάλαιο θα διανύσει τη διαδρομή της συμμετοχής, από τη δεκαετία του 1980 και την εισαγωγή της πολυεπίπεδης διακυβέρνησης, μέχρι τα σύγχρονα πολιτικά και χρηματοδοτικά εργαλεία. Θα σχολιάσει την έρευνα για τη συμμετοχή των πολιτών στην ΟΧΑ, υπογραμμίζοντας τη διάκριση ειδικών – μη ειδικών στον σχεδιασμό, τη σημασία της κλίμακας για τη συμμετοχή, το κενό στη θεσμική έκφραση των πρακτικών «από τα κάτω» και των κοινωνικών κινημάτων. Τέλος, παρουσιάζοντας το έργο αστικής καινοτομίας στον Δήμο Χαλανδρίου, θα επικεντρωθεί στη δημιουργία της Αλληλέγγυας Οικονομίας Νερού ως ένα νέο μοντέλο συνδιαχείρισης του μη πόσιμου νερού, αλλά και ως μια ευκαιρία ενίσχυσης της συμμετοχής των πολιτών στη λήψη αποφάσεων σε τοπικό και δια-δημοτικό επίπεδο.

283

ΔΙΑΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΕΥΟΝΤΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΥΛΟΠΟΙΩΝΤΑΣ ΤΗΝ ΑΛΛΑΓΗ – ΑΝΑΛΑΜΒΑΝΟΝΤΑΣ ΔΡΑΣΗ

Το Φυσικό ­Κεφάλαιο της Αθήνας: Στοχεύοντας για το 2030 Ελισάβετ Μπαργιάννη και Γραμματική Παπάζογλου Ως μέρος της στρατηγικής για την επίτευξη των κλιματικών στόχων του 2030, η πόλη της Αθήνας προσδιόρισε την αναβάθμιση και τη διεύρυνση του δικτύου χώρων πρασίνου ως κρίσιμο ρόλο στην αναδιάρθρωση της πόλης. Εν όψει των αλλαγών που οργανώνονται και θα εφαρμοστούν, η πόλη επεξεργάζεται ένα πολύπλευρο πρόγραμμα που θα προετοιμάσει την πόλη της Αθήνας για τις επόμενες δεκαετίες. Ως μέρος αυτής της διαδικασίας, η Διεύθυνση Στρατηγικού Σχεδιασμού, Ανθεκτικότητας, Καινοτομίας και Τεκμηρίωσης, η Διεύθυνση Πρασίνου και Αστικής Πανίδας, η Διεύθυνση Οδοποιίας, Αποχέτευσης και Κοινοχρήστων Χώρων, η Επικεφαλής για την Αστική Υπερθέρμανση του Δήμου Αθηναίων και άλλες διοικητικές μονάδες και ειδικοί, έχουν αναπτύξει μια σειρά διασυνδεδεμένων σχεδίων που στοχεύουν στην ενίσχυση, τη διεύρυνση και την προστασία του πράσινου δικτύου της Αθήνας, ενώ παράλληλα το κάνουν πιο προσιτό. Αυτό το κείμενο περιγράφει τα οφέλη ενός τέτοιου δικτύου, τα μέτρα που λαμβάνει η πόλη για την υλοποίησή του και τα οφέλη που μπορεί να προσφέρει μια τοπιο-κεντρική προσέγγιση στον φυσικό σχεδιασμό της πόλης για μελλοντική βιωσιμότητα και ανθεκτικότητα. Η Αθήνα, η πρωτεύουσα της Ελλάδας, με πληθυσμό 637.798 κατοίκους (Απογραφή 2021) επεκτείνεται από τη δεκαετία του 1950. Έκτοτε, εισήχθησαν μια νέα οδική υποδομή και μια σημαντική οικιστική ανάπτυξη για να φιλοξενήσει ένα διευρυνόμενο εργατικό δυναμικό, αντανακλώντας την αυξανόμενη οικονομική ευημερία της χώρας. Καθώς ο σχεδιασμός

εκείνη την εποχή δεν έδινε προτεραιότητα στη διαφύλαξη των φυσικών πόρων, στην αξιολόγηση των οφελών των οικοσυστημικών υπηρεσιών ή στη διατήρηση της αξίας του τοπίου, πολλοί πράσινοι και ανοιχτοί χώροι θυσιάστηκαν υπέρ των γκρίζων υποδομών, των κτιρίων και της ασφάλτου. Την περίοδο εκείνη, τα περισσότερα ρυάκια και ποτάμια θάφτηκαν κάτω από αυτοκινητόδρομους και δρόμους (μερικοί από τους οποίους, όπως ο Κηφισός ή η Καλλιρρόης, φέρουν ακόμη τα ονόματα των ποταμών). Υπολογίζεται ότι σήμερα, σχεδόν το 80% των επιφανειών της πόλης είναι σφραγισμένες έναντι του νερού, αφήνοντας την πόλη ευάλωτη σε ακραία ζέστη και πλημμύρες. Φαινόμενα σαν και αυτά, είναι πιθανό να προκαλέσουν αναστάτωση και να έχουν σημαντικό οικονομικό αντίκτυπο, ενώ αποτελούν πραγματικό κίνδυνο για την ασφάλεια και τη δημόσια υγεία. Σύμφωνα με τις κλιματικές προβλέψεις, τέτοιες εκδηλώσεις αναμένεται να αυξηθούν σε ένταση και διάρκεια. Είναι όμως αυτό μη αναστρέψιμο; Πώς ανταποκρίνεται η πόλη σε τέτοιες μελλοντικές προκλήσεις;

Επανεξετάζοντας τη Διαδικασία Σχεδιασμού στην Αθήνα: Δημόσιος Χώρος και Κουλτούρα Σχεδιασμού

διάλογο γύρω από τις κατευθύνσεις που ακολουθεί η πόλη, με θέματα που σχετίζονται με την αστική διακυβέρνηση, τον πολεοδομικό σχεδιασμό και την εμπλοκή των πολιτών. Η συγκεκριμένη συμβολή επικεντρώνεται στην περίπτωση της Αθήνας. Υποστηρίζει ότι υπάρχει αναγκαιότητα για ανανέωση της πολεοδομικής πρακτικής, τόσο σε επίπεδο μεθοδολογίας, όσο και σε επίπεδο ιδεών πάνω στις οποίες στηρίζονται τα μελλοντικά σχέδια ανάπτυξης της πόλης. Υπό αυτό το πρίσμα, είναι αναγκαίο να κατανοήσουμε σε βάθος την κουλτούρα διακυβέρνησης και πολεοδομίας της πόλης, όπως επίσης και τους παράγοντες και υποκείμενα που καθορίζουν τις διαδικασίες λήψης αποφάσεων στην Αθήνα. Με βάση τα παραπάνω, το κείμενο διακρίνεται σε τρία τμήματα. Στο πρώτο τμήμα γίνεται ανάλυση των παραδόσεων σε επίπεδο πολεοδομίας, διακυβέρνησης, αλλά και του τρόπου με τον οποίο δρούνε πολιτικά υποκείμενα σε τοπικό επίπεδο. Θα ακολουθήσει μια παρουσίαση των βασικών πολεοδομικών ορόσημων της Αθήνας. Το δεύτερο τμήμα εστιάζει στην τελευταία δεκαετία, τις βασικές θεσμικές και κοινωνικές αλλαγές, τις νέες προκλήσεις για την πόλη (βιωσιμότητα, κλιματική αλλαγή, κοινωνικές ανισότητες) και την πολεοδομική πρακτική. Τέλος, παρουσιάζεται ένα πλαίσιο προτάσεων και θεσμικών αλλαγών.

284

Δημήτρης Πούλιος Από το 2008 οι πόλεις έρχονται αντιμέτωπες με μια σειρά προκλήσεων και μετασχηματισμών σε πολλαπλά επίπεδα. Από την πανδημία (και) την οικονομική αστάθεια, μέχρι την κλιματική αλλαγή και τα έντονα κοινωνικά προβλήματα, οι πόλεις πρέπει να προσαρμοστούν στις νέες συνθήκες και να σχεδιάσουν το μέλλον τους. Αυτή η διαδικασία απαιτεί μια αλλαγή πορείας σε σχέση με το πώς σχεδιάζουμε τις πόλεις, ποιες μεθόδους και εργαλεία χρησιμοποιούμε. Αυτό γίνεται εμφανές από παραδείγματα στις πόλεις της Ευρώπης, που αναδεικνύουν το γεγονός ότι τα παραδοσιακά πολεοδομικά εργαλεία πλέον δεν μπορούν να κατευθύνουν τους αστικούς μετασχηματισμούς. Η Αθήνα δεν αποτελεί εξαίρεση. Η οικονομική κρίση της τελευταίας δεκαετίας άνοιξε τον

Η Μελλοντική Προστασία των Ελληνικών Πόλεων: Τα Παλιά Εργαλεία Δεν Είναι Αρκετά Μια συζήτηση μεταξύ του Μιχάλη Γούδη και του Norbert Kling, που πραγματοποιήθηκε στις 13 Ιουλίου 2022 και στις 13 Νοεμβρίου 2022 Ο Μιχάλης Γούδης είναι διευθυντής του Γραφείου του Ιδρύματος Heinrich Böll στη Θεσσαλονίκη. Πριν από αυτό, ήταν επικεφαλής επικοινωνίας της Housing Europe, της Ευρωπαϊκής Ομοσπονδίας Δημόσιων Συνεταιρισμών και Κοινωνικής Στέγασης στις Βρυξέλλες. Στη συνομιλία του με

Η συζήτηση ρίχνει φως στις πρόσφατες αλλαγές που έχουν αναπτυχθεί στην Ελλάδα και σε άλλες ευρωπαϊκές χώρες, ως απάντηση σε αυτά τα πιεστικά ερωτήματα. Αλλαγές όπως ο συμμετοχικός προϋπολογισμός, οι ενεργειακές κοινότητες, οι στεγαστικοί συνεταιρισμοί και άλλες έννοιες που δίνουν στους πολίτες πιο ενεργό ρόλο στις διαδικασίες λήψης αποφάσεων. Συζητούν επίσης για τις ευκαιρίες και τα όρια της ψηφιοποίησης και των νέων μορφών επικοινωνίας για τη διαμόρφωση συλλογικής δράσης σε επίπεδο γειτονιάς, και όχι μόνο. Εν όψει των νέων προκλήσεων, συζητούν κατά πόσο τα καθιερωμένα μέσα και οι τοπικές αρχές, παρά τις μεταρρυθμίσεις της τελευταίας δεκαετίας, είναι κατάλληλα για τον σκοπό τους. Επισημαίνουν τον αυξανόμενο ρόλο της ΕΕ στην αστική ατζέντα, τον ρόλο των δικτύων στη μεταφορά γνώσης, καθώς και τη συνέχεια και την ικανότητα που παρέχουν οι μηχανισμοί και τα πλαίσια της ΕΕ για τη μελλοντική θωράκιση των ελληνικών πόλεων και την εφαρμογή προγραμμάτων αστικής αναδιάρθρωσης. Όσον αφορά τους φιλόδοξους στόχους να γίνουν οι πόλεις ουδέτερες από CO2, πράσινες, υγιέστερες και πιο βιώσιμες, καταλήγουν στο συμπέρασμα ότι δεν υπάρχει σχέδιο για το πώς θα επιτευχθεί αυτό, λόγω των διαφορών και των ιδιαιτεροτήτων. Ωστόσο, η αναπόφευκτη συζήτηση και διαπραγμάτευση σχετικά με τους καλύτερους δρόμους θεωρείται ως μια ευκαιρία για τους ανθρώπους να έρθουν κοντά και να δραστηριοποιηθούν, και ας διαφωνούν. Συμφωνούν ότι δεν αρκεί μια πόλη να ισχυρίζεται ότι είναι μία από τις εκατό πράσινες πόλεις της Ευρώπης. Πρέπει επίσης να ενεργεί ως τέτοια.

Η Οικολογική Σημειολογία της Ατμοσφαιρικής Ρύπανσης και Θέρμανσης στην Αθήνα Jon Goodbun Σε αυτό το κεφάλαιο, ο Jon Goodbun συνθέτει διάφορες ιστορίες που κυκλοφορούν γύρω και μέσα από την Αθήνα, η οποία για τον σκοπό αυτό νοηματοδοτείται ως σημειο-οικολογική οντότητα και συνδέεται με εκτεταμένα οικολογικά σύνολα. Ένα επαναλαμβανόμενο θέμα είναι το μεταβαλλόμενο κλίμα και περιβάλλον της πόλης της Αθήνας, η βιοπεριφέρεια και οι γεωπολιτικές σχέσεις της. Η πόλη και οι κάτοικοι (άνθρωποι και μη) και τα κτίριά της είναι σοβαρά εκτεθειμένα στο φαινόμενο της αστικής θερμικής νησίδας και σε διάφορες μορφές αστικής ρύπανσης. Τα περιβαλλοντικά προβλήματα και οι κοινωνικο-χωρικές ανισότητες συνδυάζονται με πολύπλοκους τρόπους και καθιστούν την πόλη μια ζώνη του επείγοντος. Ο Goodbun δείχνει πώς ο κίνδυνος περιβαλλοντικής καταστροφής από πυρκαγιά ενισχύεται από τις κατεστραμμένες από τη λιτότητα εθνικές, τοπικές και κοινωφελείς υποδομές και πώς το ελληνικό τοπίο αντιμετωπίζει συνεχώς αυξανόμενους κινδύνους πυρκαγιών. Ο συγγραφέας υποστηρίζει ότι, αν πρόκειται να γίνει καλύτερη διαχείριση των περιβαλλοντικών κινδύνων σε ευρύτερη κλίμακα, τα πιο ελπιδοφόρα, μελλοντικά σενάρια θα προκύψουν από σημαντικές επενδύσεις στα υφιστάμενα τοπικά δίκτυα, στις κοινότητες και στις υποδομές της γης (από τις ψηφιακές υπηρεσίες έως την τοπική διαχείριση των υδάτων κ.λπ.). Επιπλέον, υποστηρίζει ότι, επί του παρόντος, βλέπουμε μικρή διερεύνηση του είδους του διαλόγου που απαιτείται για την ανάπτυξη ενός «Green New Deal για την Ελλάδα» που θα μπορούσε να διευκολύνει μια δικαιότερη μετάβαση για το ελληνικό τοπίο, τις πόλεις και τα νησιά. Το κεφάλαιο ολοκληρώνεται με το περίγραμμα μιας διαδικασίας σχεδιασμού βασισμένης σε έρευνα δράσης, η οποία οργανώνεται πρακτικά γύρω από έναν Νέο Πύργο Ανέμων. Το έργο

285

τον Norbert Kling, υποστηρίζει ότι βρισκόμαστε μπροστά σε μια εντελώς νέα πραγματικότητα και επισημαίνει μια σειρά από ερωτήματα που προέκυψαν μετά την οικονομική κρίση και την πανδημία. Πώς θα εξασφαλίσουμε την πρόσβαση σε οικονομικά προσιτή στέγαση και πώς θα ανταποκριθούμε στην ενεργειακή φτώχεια και στα προβλήματα της ενεργειακής μετάβασης; Πώς θα αντιμετωπιστεί η κοινωνική ένταξη, η ενσωμάτωση των νέων αστικών πληθυσμών και η συρρίκνωση των αγροτικών κοινοτήτων;

αυτό διερευνά τις δυνατότητες ενός δικτύου αστικών κατασκευών εξατμισο-ψύξης παθητικής ενέργειας για τη μείωση των ακραίων φαινομένων θερμότητας και ρύπανσης στην Αθήνα. Αυτό το εμβληματικό και καινοτόμο έργο προορίζεται ως συμβολή στον διάλογο που ξεκίνησε με τη Στρατηγική Ανθεκτικότητας της Αθήνας για το 2030 (Δήμος Αθηναίων, 2017) και πρόσφατες πρωτοβουλίες όπως το #coolathens.

Josep Bohigas και Ιωάννα Σπανού: Κερδίζοντας, Χάνοντας και Επανακτώντας τους Αστικούς Χώρους της Βαρκελώνης Norbert Kling Η Βαρκελώνη είναι πρωτοπόρος σε μια διαδικασία αστικής αναδιάρθρωσης, η οποία σήμερα αποτελεί πρόκληση για πολλές ευρωπαϊκές και μη πόλεις και θα συνεχίσει να το κάνει και στο μέλλον.

286

Κατά την τελευταία δεκαετία, νέες στρατηγικές και μοντέλα αλλαγής έχουν σχεδιαστεί, σε μια προσπάθεια να αντιμετωπιστούν οι προκλήσεις που δημιουργούνται από την κλιματική αλλαγή, αλλά και τα μειονεκτήματα της επιτυχημένης πορείας της πόλης, όπως η χαμηλής ποιότητας και αμιγώς επενδυτική ανάπτυξη, ο εξευγενισμός και η ρύπανση. Καθ’ όλη τη διάρκεια αυτής της διαδικασίας, η πόλη μπόρεσε να στηριχθεί στη μετασχηματιστική της ικανότητα και στη δεσμευτική συμμετοχή των πολιτών της. Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο, αναπτύχθηκε μια σειρά από τολμηρά οράματα και φιλόδοξα σχέδια, τα οποία βασίζονται στην ατζέντα της επαναφοράς των αναγκών των κατοίκων και των χρηστών στο επίκεντρο της λήψης αποφάσεων στον αστικό σχεδιασμό. Περιλαμβάνουν τη μελλοντική προστασία του παραλιακού μετώπου, την ενίσχυση των οικολογικών και χωρικών συνδέσεων μεταξύ των βουνών και της θάλασσας και την εφαρμογή του συστήματος superblock ή superilla, το οποίο απαιτεί τη ριζική αναθεώρηση του δημόσιου χώρου και της κινητικότητας. Εκτός αυτού, έχουν

προσελκύσει το διεθνές ενδιαφέρον σε αναγνώριση των υψηλών επιδιώξεών τους και χρησιμεύουν ως παραδείγματα βέλτιστης πρακτικής. Ο Josep Bohigas, γενικός διευθυντής του Οργανισμού Αστικής Ανάπτυξης της Περιφέρειας της Βαρκελώνης και του Οργανισμού Αστικής Οικολογίας της Βαρκελώνης, μαζί με την Ιωάννα Σπανού, διευθύντρια του Τμήματος Αρχιτεκτονικής Τοπίου του Οργανισμού Αστικής Ανάπτυξης της Περιφέρειας της Βαρκελώνης, συζήτησαν αυτά τα ζητήματα κατά τη διάρκεια της κοινής τους επίσκεψης στην Αθήνα από τις 6 έως τις 7 Μαΐου 2022. Στο πλαίσιο αυτής της επίσκεψης, ο Josep Bohigas έδωσε μια διάλεξη στην αίθουσα Καυταντζόγλου του Εθνικού Μετσόβιου Πολυτεχνείου, με τίτλο «Οι αστικές στρατηγικές της Βαρκελώνης: Winning, Losing and Trying to Reconquer», την οποία ακολούθησε συζήτηση μεταξύ του ιδίου και του Mark Michaeli. Η Ιωάννα Σπανού και ο Josep Bohigas συνόδευσαν τους συντάκτες σε έναν περίπατο στα Εξάρχεια, την Ομόνοια, το Ψυρρή και το Μοναστηράκι, εξερευνώντας τους πρόσφατους μετασχηματισμούς, κάνοντας συγκρίσεις μεταξύ Βαρκελώνης και Αθήνας και συζητώντας τις προκλήσεις και τις ευκαιρίες των μελλοντικών μετασχηματισμών στην Αθήνα. Ο Josep Bohigas έδωσε επίσης συνέντευξη στον Γιώργο Λιάλιο της εφημερίδας Καθημερινή. Το άρθρο περιλαμβάνει στοιχεία από την παρουσίαση, τον περίπατο και τις συζητήσεις. Το επιμελημένο κείμενο δίνει μια συνοπτική περιγραφή της διάλεξης.

Debating Athens' Futures Round Table, Workshop and Exchange

1

2

3

4

1–4 Taking Action – Research workhop of the authors at NTUA, 5 May 2022. Following pages 5 , 6 Project wall at the Chair of Sustainable Urbanism

7 Round Table, 10 December 2021, “Transformation of Inner-urban Landscapes: Rethinking Public Space and Publicness in Athens”. Participants included: Elissavet Bargianni, Ifigeneia Dimitrakou, Panos Dragonas, Konstantina ­G eorgiadou, Vasiliki Geropanta, Jon Goodbun, Michalis Goudis, Eirini Iliopoulou, Eirini Kasioumi, Nikos Katsikis, Norbert Kling, Theodora Malamou, Stavros Martinos, Mark Michaeli, Tasos Roidis, Panayotis Tournikiotis and Richard Woditsch. 8 Preparing the Round Table sessions. 1. Publicness & Liveable Neighbourhood; 2. Landscapes & Resources as Common Good; 3. Transformation & Productive City. By Eirini Kasioumi, Norbert Kling and Tasos Roidis.

295

Biographies

Vasilis Avdikos (PhD, MA, MSc, BA) is Assistant Professor of Creative Economy and Regional Development in the Department of Economic and Regional Development at Panteion University in Athens. He completed his doctoral studies at the University of Sheffield. Over the past few years he has researched the evolution of col­laborative workspaces in small and large cities, their effects on labour and their potential for fostering local socioeconomic development. Elissavet Bargianni is the newly appointed Chief Resilience and Chief Heat Officer of the City of Athens. She is Head of the Resilience & Sustainability Department in the Strategic Planning, Resilience, Innovation and Documentation Division of the City of Athens and the Climate Adaptation Plan Coordinator. She is trained as a landscape architect (MLA). Josep Bohigas Arnau has been the General Manager of the Barcelona Regional Urban Development Agency since January 2016. He is Adjunct Professor at the ETSAB, co-director of the master’s degree in Lighting Design at the UPC Foundation and a guest lecturer at various universities around the world. He was co-director of the BOPBAA Architecture studio from 1991 to 2015, winning various architectural competitions and building several projects including the extension to the Thyssen Museum in Madrid, a housing block in the Forum area in Barcelona and the El Molino theatre in Barcelona. Panos Dragonas is Professor in the Department of Architecture at the University of Patras and Director of the award-winning practice, dragonas architecture studio in Athens. He has been co-curating numerous exhibitions, including Made in Athens, the Greek participation at the 13th International Architecture Exhibition – La Biennale di Venezia (2012), Re-think Athens (2013), and Tomorrows. Urban Fictions for Possible Futures (2019),

among others. His current research and design activities focus on the transformations of Greek cities under conditions of crisis and the connections between cinema, architecture and the modern city. Konstantina Georgiadou is an architect and an Honorary Research Associate at the University of Liverpool’s, School of Architecture. Over the last decade, she has worked on numerous architectural documentation and heritage management projects in Arabia and the Maghreb, as a member of the ArCHIAM research centre. She holds a PhD in Architecture from the University of Liverpool – her thesis examined the management of Ottoman urban heritage in northern Greece in the early 20th century. Her research explores issues of space and identity, focusing on contested architecture heritage and cultural cleansing. Vasiliki (Valina) Geropanta is Assistant Professor of Urban Planning with New Technologies at the Technical University of Crete’s Faculty of Architecture. She holds a PhD in the field of the Smart City from the Università degli studi di Roma (Sapienza, Italy), an MA in Housing & Urbanism from the Architectural Association School of Architecture (London, UK), and a Master’s Degree in Architecture and Engineering from the University of Patras. Her current research explores the potentials of ICT in making human settlements more inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable. Jon Goodbun lives in London and Athens. He trained as an architect, and contributes to the MA Environmental Architecture programme at the Royal College of Art in London. He also runs Rheomode, a small research practice working at the intersection of architecture, technology, art and ecological pedagogy. His recent work and publications have focused on the need for a dialogical re-conception of design, planning and strategy in relation to the emerging demands for global

and local Green New Deals, while his co-authored 2014 book The Design of Scarcity has recently been translated into German (2018) and Greek (2020). He is currently working on a book The Ecological Calculus: towards an architecture of the extended mind, which extends his PhD research, and has a series of environmental architecture field projects underway in Greece. Michalis Goudis is Director of the Heinrich Böll Foundation Office in Thessaloniki. Combining an academic background in journalism with Human Geography and Spatial Planning, he has lived for many years in Brussels, where he was Head of Communication of Housing Europe, the European Federation of Public Cooperative and Social Housing. https://about.me/ michalis.goudis Eirini Iliopoulou is an architect and urbanist and holds a PhD awarded by the Technical University of Berlin. She is a co-founder of “SYMBOLO GP” Development & Cultural Planning Services, a postdoctoral researcher at Panteion University and a regular member of Ohi Pezoume NPO. Her interests include civic participation in integrated territorial development, community engagement, socio-spatial conflicts and the cultural/creative industries.

296

Mark Kammerbauer (Dr.-Ing., M.Sc.) is an urbanist writer and researcher. His expertise is in cultures of planning and design of the built environment. His research and publications cover architecture theory and history, urban planning and design, environmental risk and crisis. He has held teaching and research positions at the University of Queensland School of Geography, Planning and Environmental Management; Lund University Centre for Sustainability Studies; Tulane University Center for Bioenvironmental Research; and the Technical University of Munich. Norbert Kling is a researcher at the Chair of Sustainable Urbanism at the Technical University of Munich (TUM) and partner at zectorarchitects, with offices in London and Munich. He trained as an architect and urban designer and holds a doctorate (Dr.-Ing.) from the Department of Architecture at TUM. His research interests include conditions of asymmetric

urban change and alternative spatial practices, as well as questions of concept formation, method, and process in the spatial and design disciplines. Christos-Georgios Kritikos is an architect and a PhD candidate based in Athens. He holds an MA in Architectural History from the Bartlett School of Architecture, UCL, an M.Sc. in Methodology of Research in Architecture and a Diploma in Architecture, both from the National Technical University of Athens, where he is currently working as a research associate and a teaching assistant in the History and Theory of Architecture Laboratory. His PhD (NTUA), funded by HFRI and the State Scholarships Foundation, undertakes a critical historical examination of urban conservation policies in Athens and their repercussions on the city’s social geography. Theodora Malamou is a visual artist and curator of independent art projects. She has participated in group shows in museums, project spaces, fashion events, fanzines and public space projects in Greece and abroad. She has also worked as editor-in-chief for magazines and in the communi­ cation and coordination field for art events, galleries and festivals. Mark Michaeli is Professor for Sustainable Urbanism at the School of Engineering and Design at TUM. Since graduating from ETH Zurich with a degree in Architecture, he has focused on research and teaching on sustainable urbanisation and transformation strategies, as well as on designs for metropolitan peripheries, periurban zones, and rural areas. He has contributed to and been involved with the foundation of numerous research networks and programmes, including SEC Future Cities Lab Singapore, EIT Climate-KIC, horizon2020 and the DFG-sponsored Urban Green Infrastructure Doctoral programme, as well as the Urban Age and Open City research projects. Grammatiki Papazoglou is the Director of the Strategic Planning, Resilience, Innovation and Documentation Division of the City of Athens. She holds a PhD in Social and Political Sciences. The main fields of her research work are cultural management, local government and City Resilience.

Tasos (Anastasios) Roidis is an architect and landscape architect who graduated from ETH Zurich. He is a research and teaching associate at the Chair of Sustainable Urbanism at TUM, and previously worked at ETH Zurich’s Urban Think-Tank. He explores strategies for more sustainable and liveable futures in urban and peri-urban areas using the urban landscape of Athens and its many generic patterns as a case study. He has completed a wide spectrum of projects, from urban scale masterplans to public buildings and exhibition designs. Kris Scheerlinck is an architect and urban designer and holds a PhD in Architecture and Urban Projects. He is Associated Professor at KU Leuven (Brussels/Ghent, Belgium) and runs research and design practices in Ghent, Brussels, Barcelona, London and New York while lecturing at various institutions and universities. He directs a research project on collective spaces, called “Streetscape Territories” and promotes related PhD projects. Gitte Schreurs is a Belgian architect and postdoctoral researcher at KU Leuven. She worked as an architect in practice for several years and holds a PhD in Architecture. Her doctoral research focused on the transforma­ tion of New York City’s waterfront. She teaches Master's students at KU Leuven, Faculty of Architecture. Ioanna Spanou holds a PhD and is trained as an architect and landscape architect. She is Adjunct Professor in the Department of Urbanism and Regional Planning, School of Archi­ tecture of Barcelona, UPC, and Coordinator of the Department of Urban Analysis at the Barcelona Regional Urban Development Agency. Panayotis Tournikiotis is Professor Emeritus of Architectural Theory and, until recently, has been Director of the History and Theory Laboratory at the National Technical University

of Athens, School of Architecture. He is interested in critical history and theory, and the way understanding the past may contribute to the inter­ disci­plinary setting of design strategies in architecture and town planning. He has published Adolf Loos, The Historiography of Modern Architecture, Architecture in Modern Times, and The Diago­nal of Le Corbusier. His recent work explores the legacy of Le Corbusier in Greece and the re-invention of the city centre in metropolitan Athens. Richard Woditsch (Prof., Dr.) lives in Berlin and has held the professorship of “Theory of Architecture and Design” at the Nuremberg Institute of Technology since 2011. His research interests encompass contemporary and appropriate ways of dealing with our historic built heritage and changing typological interrelations between society and city. Since 2006, he has been researching modern Athens and its polykatoikia in particular.

297

Dimitris Poulios is an urban designer and urban planner based in Athens with a PhD in Urban Planning and Govern­ance (NTUA). He is also Adjunct Lecturer in the University of Thessaly (Department of Architecture). His work focuses on the Athenian urban planning process and governance in the postOlympics era.

Acknowledgements

This publication was made possible by the generous support of the Schwarz Foundation, which over a period of three years funded a range of research, teaching and networking activities focused on issues of sustainability and green urban transformation. This funding helped to establish and maintain an intensive dialogue about current and future challenges in Athens, its metropolitan region and the broader context. We would particularly like to thank Chiona Xanthopoulou-Schwarz, co-founder and executive director/CEO of the Schwarz Foundation, for her enabling role throughout the project, and for introducing us to institutions and people who are committed to making cities better places to live in. We would also like to thank the staff at the Foundation’s offices in Munich and Athens – Alexandros Stanas, Sergio Zalmas, Theresa Premauer and Adelheid Michel – for supporting our work in various ways. At the National Technical University of Athens, Panayotis Tournikiotis acted as lead partner in the project. He helped us to set up the joint research and teaching activities and was directly involved in all events that took place in Athens and Munich. This project would not have been possible without his invaluable expertise and academic and organisational support. We are also grateful to Maria Georgopoulou, Director of the Gennadius Library of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, for acting as an affiliate to the project and for providing institutional support.

298

Special thanks go to Christos-Georgios Kritikos, for his involvement in all the events at NTUA and in Athens, and to Eirini Kasioumi, for helping to design and moderate the 2021 Round Table. We are grateful to the following individuals for the time and knowledge they generously shared with us during the interviews, discussions, or joint project work: Tilemachos

Andrianopoulos, Elissavet Bargianni, Josep Bohigas, Ifigeneia Dimitrakou, Panos Dragonas, Andreas Giacumacatos, Giorgos Giannios, Panita Karamanea, Nikos Katsikis, Penny Koutrolikou, Thomas Maloutas, Stavros Martinos, Ivy Nanopoulou, Alkmini Paka, Katrin Schulze, Kostas Serraos, Ioanna Spanou and Athina Vitopoulou. We would like to thank the students who participated in the various joint teaching programmes and whose analyses and design work informed the broader discussions of the project. Travel grants from the Promos and Erasmus+ programmes greatly helped to make this possible. Thanks also to Torsten Köchlin and Joana Katte for the graphic design and assembling of the book; the team at JOVIS for taking us through the publishing process; Karl Detering, Simon Beesley, Anne Ellen Koth and Anna Argyropoulou for their copy-editing and translations; Antonius Viehmann for assisting us with the graphic mate­ rial; and to all those not mentioned by name who have supported us during the project. This publication is the outcome of a collaborative research effort and exchange. We are grateful to the authors who have dedicated their time and work to this book.

The photographs featured in the image sequence that appears at the beginning and end of the book, as well as in the chapters' title pages, were provided by Tasos Roidis (pp. 6–7, 21–24, 32, 300–301), Mark Michaeli (pp. 8–9), Spyros Koulouris (pp. 308–309) and Norbert Kling (all other images). All other photography and graphic material were provided by the respective authors, except where otherwise stated. Information on the sources and image rights is provided in the annotations to each image. Pains have been taken to ensure the accuracy of all the elements provided in this book. Should any oversights or errata have occurred in this regard, please contact the editors.

299

Photography and Graphic Material

Imprint

© 2023 by ȷovis Verlag GmbH Texts by kind permission of the ­authors. Pictures by kind permission of the photographers/holders of the picture rights. All rights reserved.

Translations English texts into Greek: Anna Argyropolou (chapter by Norbert Kling, Tasos Roidis and Mark Michaeli) and Tasos Roidis (preface and summaries of all non-Greek speaking authors). German text into English: Karl Detering (chapter by Mark Michaeli). Copy editing Simon Beesley and Anne Ellen Koth for English texts. Anna Argyropoulou for Greek texts. Cover design Torsten Köchlin, Leipzig and Joana Katte, Hamburg Cover image by Norbert Kling Design and setting Torsten Köchlin, Leipzig and Joana Katte, Hamburg Lithography Bild1Druck, Berlin Printed in the European Union

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche ­Nationalbibliografie; detailed ­b ibliographic data are available on the internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de ȷovis Verlag GmbH Lützowstraße 33 10785 Berlin www.jovis.de ȷovis books are available worldwide in select bookstores. Please contact your nearest bookseller or visit www.jovis.de for information con­c erning your local distribution.

ISBN 978-3-86859-870-4 (Softcover) ISBN 978-3-98612-013-9 (E-Book)