Taiwan's Tzu Chi as Engaged Buddhism: Origins, Organization, Appeal and Social Impact 9004231323, 9789004231320

Table of contents :
Taiwan’s Tzu Chi as Engaged Buddhism: Origins, Organization, Appeal and Social Impact
CONTENTS
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
LIST OF TABLES AND CHART PAGE
FOREWORD
PREFACE
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
NOTES ON STYLE
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION: THE SECOND GOLDEN AGE OF CHINESE BUDDHISM IN TAIWAN
The Aim of the Study
The Society, History and Ethnology of Taiwan
The Contemporary Taiwanese Religious Context: Limited Pluralism
A History of Chinese Buddhism in Taiwan
Traditional Religion in Taiwan
Daoism
Western Missions and Missionaries
Syncretism and Other New Religions in Taiwan
Yi-guan Dao (or I-kuan Tao)
Supreme Ching Hai
Zhenfo Zong
Japanese New Religions in Taiwan
The History of Lay Buddhism in Taiwan
CHAPTER TWO: RESEARCH APPROACH AND METHODS
Review of the Literature in English
The Study of Appeal and the Approach of my Research
The Challenge and Difficulties of Research in Taiwan
The Collection of Data
Review of Literature
Participant Observation
Interviews
Surveys
The Weaknesses and Strengths of the Methods
CHAPTER THREE: THE HISTORY OF TZU CHI: ORGANIZATION, LEADERSHIP AND PUBLIC RESPONSES
The History of Master Cheng Yen
Master Cheng Yen as a Charismatic Leader
The History of Tzu Chi
The Media Coverage of Tzu Chi
Conclusion and Discussion
CHAPTER FOUR: TEACHINGS AND PRACTICES: ALTRUISM AND MORALITY BECOME A WAY OF LIFE
The Teachings on Karma and Merit
The Teachings on Worldly Salvation
The Sacred and the Profane
The Tzu Chi Ethos – Altruism and Morality Become a Way of Life
Death Ritual, Tzu Chi Funeral Service and Ancestors
Tzu Chi as a New Religion
CHAPTER FIVE: THE ‘NEW MIDDLE CLASS’: THE SOCIAL COMPOSITION OF THE TZU CHI MEMBERSHIP
Gender, Age and Marital Status of Tzu Chi Members, and Some Problems
Domicile, Social life and Family Unit
Identity, Political Attitudes and Ethos
Education, Occupation and Views on Women and Men
Previous Religious Experiences and Present Religious Status
Conclusion and Discussion
CHAPTER SIX: BECOMING A DISCIPLE: THE RECRUITING STRATEGY OF TZU CHI
How the Members Came to Know about Tzu Chi
How the Members First Encountered Tzu Chi
Routes To Joining Tzu Chi
Some Problems with Joining Tzu Chi
Summary and Discussion
CHAPTER SEVEN: TZU CHI’S ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE AND THE PROCESS OF SOCIALIZATION
Impersonal Organizational Structure
The Abode and Headquarters
The Tzu Chi Branches and Liaison Offices
Tzu Chi Overseas Centres
The Leadership of Master Cheng Yen
The Process of Socialization
The New Converts
The Grouping, Bonds of Affection and Seniority
The Process of Indoctrination
The Initiation Ceremony
Discussion and Problems
CHAPTER EIGHT: THE APPEAL OF TZU CHI BUDDHISM
The Initial Appeal
The Appeal of Tzu Chi as a Charity
Tzu Chi’s Recruiting Strategy
The Quality of Tzu Chi’s Members
The Curiosity Factor
Reinforcement of the Appeal
The Appeal of Tzu Chi’s Way of Handling Donations
The Appeal of the Master Cheng Yen
The Appeal of Tzu Chi’s Religiosity
The Appeal of Tzu Chi as a Large Organization
The Appeal of the Sense of Community
The Appeal from the Effects of Participation
Conclusion
CHAPTER NINE: DOES TZU CHI MEET THE EXPECTATIONS OF CURRENT SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY?
AFTERWORD
Final Reflections on the Character of the Movement
APPENDIX
1. Religious Change in Taiwan
2. The Educational Background of Tzu Chi Members
3. The Educational Background of Tzu Chi Members – by Gender
4. The Educational Background of Tzu Chi Members – by Age
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX

Citation preview

Taiwan’s Tzu Chi as Engaged Buddhism

Taiwan’s Tzu Chi as Engaged Buddhism Origins, Organization, Appeal and Social Impact

By

Yu-Shuang Yao

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2012

Cover illustration: Master Cheng Yen, left, with female member to the right in prescribed dress and hair style. (Photograph courtesy of the author.) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Yao, Yushuang. Taiwan’s Tzu Chi as engaged Buddhism : origins, organization, appeal and social impact / by YuShuang Yao.—1st ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-21747-8—ISBN 90-04-21747-9 1. Fo jiao ci ji ci shan shi ye ji jin hui. 2. Buddhism—Taiwan—History. 3. Buddhism—Social aspects. I. Title. BQ649.T32Y36 2012 294.3’65—dc23 2012010071

ISBN 978 90 04 21747 8 (hardback) ISBN 978 90 04 23132 0 (e-book) Copyright 2012 by Dr.Yu-Shuang Yao. Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers and Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper.

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ................................................................................. ix List of Tables and Charts ....................................................................... xi Foreword ............................................................................................... xiii Preface .................................................................................................... xv Acknowledgements ............................................................................. xvii Notes on Style ....................................................................................... xix 1 Introduction: The Second Golden Age of Chinese Buddhism in Taiwan ........................................................... 1 The Aim of the Study ......................................................................... 2 The Society, History and Ethnology of Taiwan ............................... 3 The Contemporary Taiwanese Religious Context: Limited Pluralism ............................................................................... 6 A History of Chinese Buddhism in Taiwan ................................ 7 Traditional Religion in Taiwan ................................................... 11 Daoism ........................................................................................... 13 Western Missions and Missionaries ........................................... 15 Syncretism and Other New Religions in Taiwan .......................... 18 Yi-guan Dao (or I-kuan Tao) ...................................................... 19 Supreme Ching Hai .................................................................... 21 Zhenfo Zong ................................................................................. 21 Japanese New Religions in Taiwan ............................................. 23 The History of Lay Buddhism in Taiwan ....................................... 29 2 Research Approach and Methods

................................................... 37

Review of the Literature in English ................................................ 37 The Study of Appeal and the Approach of my Research ............. 40 The Challenge and Difficulties of Research in Taiwan ........... 41 The Collection of Data ..................................................................... 49 Review of Literature ..................................................................... 49 Participant Observation .............................................................. 50 Interviews ...................................................................................... 51 Surveys ........................................................................................... 53 The Weaknesses and Strengths of the Methods ............................ 55

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3 The History of Tzu Chi: Organization, Leadership and Public Responses .................................................. 59 The History of Master Cheng Yen .................................................. 60 Master Cheng Yen as a Charismatic Leader .................................. 67 The History of Tzu Chi .................................................................... 70 The Media Coverage of Tzu Chi ..................................................... 76 Conclusion and Discussion ............................................................. 78 4 Teachings and Practices: Altruism and Morality Become a Way of Life ...................................................... 80 The Teachings on Karma and Merit ............................................... 80 The Teachings on Worldly Salvation .............................................. 83 The Sacred and the Profane ............................................................. 86 The Tzu Chi Ethos: Altruism and Morality Become a Way of Life ......................................................................................... 89 Death Ritual, Tzu Chi Funeral Service and Ancestors ................ 94 Tzu Chi as a New Religion ............................................................... 98 5 The ‘New Middle Class’: The Social Composition of the Tzu Chi Membership ..................................................................... 105 Gender, Age and Marital Status of Tzu Chi Members, and Some Problems ....................................................................... 106 Domicile, Social Life and Family Unit ......................................... 110 Identity, Political Attitudes and Ethos .......................................... 113 Education, Occupation and Views on Women and Men .......... 114 Previous Religious Experiences and Present Religious Status ............................................................................... 120 Conclusion and Discussion ........................................................... 125 6 Becoming a Disciple: The Recruiting Strategy of Tzu Chi

........ 129

How the Members Came to Know about Tzu Chi ..................... 129 How the Members First Encountered Tzu Chi ........................... 137 Routes to Joining Tzu Chi .............................................................. 139 Some Problems with Joining Tzu Chi .......................................... 149 Summary and Discussion .............................................................. 151

contents

vii

7 Tzu Chi’s Organizational Structure and the Process of Socialization ................................................................. 153 Impersonal Organizational Structure .......................................... 153 The Abode and Headquarters ................................................... 153 The Tzu Chi Branches and Liaison offices .............................. 156 Tzu Chi Overseas Centres ......................................................... 160 The Leadership of Master Cheng Yen .......................................... 164 The Process of Socialization .......................................................... 168 The New Converts ...................................................................... 168 The Grouping, Bonds of Affection and Seniority .................. 172 The Process of Indoctrination .................................................. 173 The Initiation Ceremony ........................................................... 175 Discussion and Problems .............................................................. 179 8 The Appeal of Tzu Chi Buddhism

................................................ 181

The Initial Appeal ........................................................................... 182 The Appeal of Tzu Chi as a Charity ......................................... 182 Tzu Chi’s Recruiting Strategy .................................................... 183 The Quality of Tzu Chi’s Members ........................................... 184 The Curiosity Factor .................................................................. 186 Reinforcement of the Appeal ........................................................ 187 The Appeal of Tzu Chi’s Way of Handling Donations ........... 188 The Appeal of the Master Cheng Yen ...................................... 191 The Appeal of Tzu Chi’s Religiosity ......................................... 197 The Appeal of Tzu Chi as a Largew Organisation .................. 201 The Appeal of the Sense of Community .................................. 203 The Appeal from the Effects of Participation .............................. 206 Conclusion ....................................................................................... 212 9 Does Tzu Chi Meet the Expectations of Current Sociological Theory? ....................................................... 213 Afterword

............................................................................................. 227

Appendix .............................................................................................. 231 1 Religious Change in Taiwan ...................................................... 231 2 The Educational Background of Tzu Chi Members ............... 231

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3 The Educational Background of Tzu Chi Members – by Gender .................................................................................... 232 4 The Educational Background of Tzu Chi Members – by Age .......................................................................................... 232 Bibliography Index

......................................................................................... 233

..................................................................................................... 241

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1.1 A Chinese Buddhist sect known as Zhongtai Shan ordained more than one hundred university students, most of them female, into the order after two weeks of a summer retreat .......................................................................... 35 3.1 Tzu Chi youth members: college students 4.1

............................... 76

The Buddha as medicine king: the mosaic in the lobby of Tzu Chi’s hospital, Hualien ......................................................... 90

4.2 Master Cheng Yen as a medicine king; the Buddha has disappeared in this official picture, which combines Theravada and Mahayana styles of wearing monastic robes (september 2010) .............................................................. 91 4.3

Tzu Chi’s funeral service team

................................................... 97

5.1 Master Cheng Yen appears at Tzu Chi’s own university surrounded by youth members and her Sangha community ................................................................................. 105 7.1

Master Cheng making a speech at the headquarters of Tzu Chi ................................................................................... 154

7.2

An altar of Tzu Chi in a branch office. Note the simple style ................................................................................. 157

7.3

Tzu Chi’s female members with their prescribed uniform, hair-style and handbag ............................................................. 171

LIST OF TABLES AND CHART PAGE 1.1

Religious change in Taiwan

........................................................ 30

1.2

The religious group(s) to which Taiwanese donate money ............................................................................... 33

3.1

The historical development of Tzu Chi members

5.1

The gender composition of the Tzu Chi membership

5.2

Birth place of Tzu Chi members

.......... 106

.............................................. 110

5.3 Type of household among the Tzu Chi members 5.4

................... 73

The occupational background of Tzu Chi members

5.5 Employment difference among gender in Tzu Chi 5.6 Previous first religion of Tzu Chi members

................. 112 ............. 116 ............... 118

........................... 121

5.7

Monthly income of Tzu Chi members and the Taiwanese population .................................................................................. 126

5.8

Education of Tzu Chi members compared with the Taiwanese population ............................................................... 127

5.9

The occupation of Tzu Chi members compared to that of the Taiwanese population .................................................... 128

6.1

How the public came to know about Tzu Chi

6.2

Potential Tzu Chi recruits’ relationship to their informant ...................................................................... 132

....................... 129

6.3 Cross-referencing of gender and source of approach from Tzu Chi ........................................................................................ 136

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list of tables and chart page

6.4

First Tzu Chi activities attended

.............................................. 142

6.5

Breakdown by gender of Tzu Chi activity first chosen

6.6

Did the adults participate in Tzu Chi on their own initiative? ............................................................................ 146

7.1

The Tzu Chi branch attendance rate

......... 144

....................................... 160

FOREWORD Some of the most successful and influential New Religious Movements (NRMs) of modern times have arisen in Taiwan, and this book by Dr Yu-Shuang Yao is about one such movement known as Tzu Chi or Compassion and Truth Association. As Dr Yao shows in this well researched and very comprehensive account of this movement’s origins, appeal, organization and impact, what is particularly striking about this particular NRM is its strong commitment to engagement in the social and other aspects of life in Taiwan. It is actively engaged in the fields of education, healthcare, communications and environmental conservation, among others. Tzu Chi has constructed several ultramodern hospitals, a television and radio station, a nursing college and secondary schools, and has established recycling centres in the capital Taipei and throughout Taiwan. Tzu Chi is not only committed to improving the conditions of life and in creating a new, positive religious and spiritual understanding of life in Taiwan, but also in mainland China, Bangladesh, Indonesia and Sri Lanka. In all of these countries, and elsewhere, it has given assistance to people affected by recent tsunamis, earthquakes and droughts and has started and/or sponsored educational, housing, water and other projects. Tzu Chi, which has not as yet been in existence for fifty years, is already a global movement and one of the best examples of what has become widely known as engaged Buddhism. Although in certain respects more ‘sect-like’ than ‘church-like’ Tzu Chi, as Dr Yao points out in her book on the appeal of Tzu Chi, the founder and present leader of this new form of Buddhism, Dharma Master Cheng Yen, has not invented any new Buddhist doctrines but rather has followed the reformed version of Chinese Buddhist monasticism developed by, among others, Master Yin Shun, a renowned Taiwanese reformer. A follower of Master Yin Shun, Cheng Yen, like him, rejects the idea that a person can by simply reciting the names of the Buddha and by meditation attain ‘salvation’. This, Cheng Yen insists, can only be achieved through social engagement and attention to the needs of one’s fellow humans. In her book, thus, Dr Yao provides a fascinating account of the appeal of one of the most influential of those contemporary Buddhist

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foreword

movements that have made social engagement a precondition of spiritual development. As Dr Yao states, the principal doctrine of Tzu Chi is ‘to walk the path of the Bodhisattva’. This emphasis on compassion is undoubtedly one of the more important reasons for Tzu Chi’s appeal in  Taiwan. Numerous personal benefits, we are told by Dr Yao (see Chapter 4) – and this is in line with other research findings on engaged spirituality – flow from altruistic behaviour, including feelings of satisfaction, and an increase in self-confidence and social competence. There are several other important reasons for the success of Tzu Chi, as Dr Yao points out (see the Conclusion), and a number of these support Stark’s general model that attempts to account for the success and failure of religious movements (NRMs). For example, Stark maintained that for a religion to be successful it needed to observe a separate and distinctive life-style, to retain a moderate degree of tension with the surrounding society, to keep to a minimum the number of free-riders and to ensure that the leadership was legitimate. All of these, and other principles postulated by Stark, are taken up by Dr Yao and critically applied to Tzu Chi. The discussion of the foundation of the authority of the leader, Dharma Master Cheng Yen, mostly in Chapter 3, is one of the most interesting parts of Dr Yao’s book. This chapter traces in detail the process whereby members come to ‘deify’ and in this way give transcendental legitimacy to the authority and leadership of Tzu Chi’s founder and leader. This chapter also shows how commitment to the authority and leadership of master Cheng Yen is vitally important to the movement’s unity and cohesion. There is much else of interest in this thorough and excellent study of a remarkably successful Taiwanese initiative in Humanistic and Engaged Buddhism, with a global outreach, which space does not allow me to mention here. I fully recommend Dr Yao’s book to scholars and the interested general reader. It makes a very important and valuable contribution to the sociological study of religion and more precisely to the study of NRMs. Peter B. Clarke Professor Emeritus of the History and Sociology of Religion, King’s College, University of London, and currently Professorial member of the Faculty of Theology, University of Oxford

PREFACE Since its rapid expansion, mainly in the 1990s, Tzu Chi has emerged as the largest lay Buddhist organization in the contemporary Chinese religious world. Tzu Chi was founded in 1966 by a charismatic Buddhist nun, the Master Cheng Yen, who was raised in her uncle’s family of Taiwanese business people. Cheng Yen has transformed traditional Chinese monastic Buddhism and made it accessible and acceptable to a large majority of Taiwanese people from all religious backgrounds. This book mainly deals with the ‘appeal’ of Tzu Chi from a sociological perspective and discusses it as a New Religious Movement (NRM). The study aims to show that ‘appeal’ and ‘development’ go hand in hand for the Tzu Chi Movement and that they are a combination of complicated historical and social factors. The research is divided into eight chapters. Chapter 1 gives a review of the contemporary religious situation in Taiwan. The findings show that, in the post-martial law era, people have few options in respect of their religions and spiritual lives. Tzu Chi is demonstrably able to cater for many of the people’s needs in the limited religious pluralism of Taiwan. Chapter 2 outlines my methodology. The four research methods are discussed and my role as a ‘native’ researcher is aligned with my being an outsider who is nevertheless both empathic and objective.. Chapters 3 and 4 detail the history – both of the founder and of the Movement – and the teachings and practices of Tzu Chi. These chapters show how a girl in 1940s and 1950s Taiwan grew up with an actual awareness of the prevailing social norms and determined to change things for the better. She followed an unorthodox route to becoming a nun, setting out first to improve the health-care provision for poor people in East Taiwan. Chapters 5 and 8 focus on the social composition of the membership of Tzu Chi and the reasons people gave for their interest in the Movement and its appeal for them. The research shows that many members come from a similar social background to the Master Cheng Yen and demonstrates conclusively that their search for a religion which addresses their social needs and confirms their own values ends at Tzu Chi.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book is based on my doctoral thesis written at King’s College, London University and successfully submitted in 2001. I wish to thank my two examiners, Professor David Martin and Mrs W.M. Morgan, and to record my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Peter Clarke, who unfortunately passed away before the book was published. Ten years ago publishers considered that there was no market for a book on contemporary Chinese religion. After more rejections than I can remember, I lost heart and had given up hope of publication. Luckily, Mr Paul Norbury came to the rescue, agreeing that with the addition of an Afterword the book had not lost its value or relevance. I am grateful to him, and also to Professor Richard Gombrich, who has helped me make some minor revisions. Many people helped me with my thesis, and thereby also with this book. I am most grateful to Professor Xu Zheng-guang ᚆḿක, Professor Chu Hai-yuan ▖ᾇ″, Professor Lu Hui-Xing ៎ⷅ㤶, Professor Li Mie-rong ᯐ⨶ᐖ, Professor Zhang Xun ᘿ⌎ of Academia Sinica, Taiwan, and Master Chuan Dao പ㐠Ἢᖅof Miao Hsin Buddhist Temple, Taiana, Taiwan, for their support of my research and my scholarship applications. Without that support I would have been stranded. I also received research grants from CCK International Scholar Exchange, the Taipei Youth Council, and Miao Hsin Buddhist Temple, Taiana, Taiwan, and smaller grants were received from Zhonggou Fojiao Qiannian Hui, and Foguang Shan Taibei Daochang. I am grateful to them all. My mother, my late father and my late stepfather gave me indispensable help and encouragement. Here I can name only a few of the many friends who did likewise. I feel particularly indebted to Frances Weightman, who not only helped me academically but also kept me company far into the night; she gave me what I needed the most: strength and inspiration for all aspects of my life during my years of study. Another special person in my life was the late Tony Boyd. I also wish to express my profound appreciation to Miss Li Bi-yu ᯐ☈⋚and Mrs Lei Meizhi ㉀⨶ᬓof the Tzu Chi Buddhist movement for their assistance in fieldwork, to Jill Smith and Susanna Golding for their editorial work, to Jeffrey Somers, and to Alex, Catja, Daren, Doreen, Jane and Hiroko. I dedicate this book to the memory of my father.

NOTES ON STYLE Buddhist terms have been romanized according to the Sanskrit-Pali system and appear in Italics. Japanese terms have also been romanized according to the Hepburn system and appear in Italics. Chinese terms are according to the Pinyin system and these too appear in Italics. Additionally, there is also the Hanyin transcription system and the names of places, organizations and people that are not in Italics follow this conversion, e.g. the capital of Taiwan is Taipei and not Taibei. Some Buddhist terms, such as ‘salvation’, are written according to Christian terminology. This is done in order to follow the English translations of Tzu Chi’s own style.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION: THE SECOND GOLDEN AGE OF CHINESE BUDDHISM IN TAIWAN The Buddhist Compassion Merit Society (in Mandarin, by the Pinyin system of transcription: Fojiao Ciji Gongder Hui), known as the Tzu Chi Movement, was founded in 1966 in Taiwan. The Movement began in the remote coastal town of Hualien in eastern Taiwan as a charity led by a female Buddhist master, Master Cheng Yen (Zheng Yen in Pinyin). In Mandarin Chinese, the characters Tzu Chi literally mean Compassion and Relief, and are so translated by the movement itself; these are the salient characteristics of Guan Yin, the most important Bodhisattva in Chinese Buddhism. The aims of the Movement are to prevent suffering and to teach ethics to the wealthy. In three decades Tzu Chi has established itself, in Taiwan and worldwide, with a laity of more than twenty thousand full-time voluntary members, who have solicited four million donors to support its campaigns by making monthly cash donations. The Still Thoughts I, one of Master Cheng Yen’s writings, was a best seller in Taiwan for months, and the book has also been selected by hundreds of primary and secondary teachers as a textbook for teaching ethics. Tzu Chi is one of the very few religious movements that have gained considerable positive attention and support from the public, politicians and the media in the contemporary Chinese world. My first encounter with Tzu Chi was in 1994 when, after returning to my home in Taipei with a postgraduate degree from London University, I became fascinated by the public response to the Movement. The media had given Tzu Chi continuous positive support and its founder, Master Cheng Yen, had acquired a saint-like image. The headquarters of the Movement at Hualien had also become a must-visit place for foreign visitors being shown around Taiwan. The Tzu Chi Movement, it seemed, had penetrated the whole of society. I encountered it, for example, at night markets where I went for snacks with my family, and at the temples which I visited. It was there that I saw groups of members talking to lone disabled beggars or picking up plastic plates and other rubbish, which they took away and later divided into waste or recyclable material. The members were doing the

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sorts of things which ordinary citizens should perhaps be doing but lack the motivation to do. The members of Tzu Chi wore neat blue uniforms and always seemed cheerful and patient. Although this kind of behaviour was not new to Taiwanese society, it had never been so well organized and professionally trained. It was obviously the influence of Tzu Chi, and my initial interest in understanding this influence became the catalyst for this research. The Aim of the Study Tzu Chi has received more attention from academics than any other contemporary religious group in Taiwan. At the beginning of Chapter 2, I shall briefly review the four academic research projects (theses) which have been written in English about Tzu Chi. I shall then explain why I decided that, while I would by no means ignore micro-sociological aspects, I would provide my research with a frame composed from a different perspective, the macro-sociological; and I shall explain what this entails and how I have set about it. I decided to study Tzu Chi from a sociological perspective1 because this approach, in the words of John Saliba, provides: …first of all, a solid and reliable method for finding out and accurately recording their [the religions’] beliefs, rituals, and activities. Second, it places their [the religions’] emergence in a wider religious and cultural context, thus broadening understanding of the phenomenon. Third, it draws attention to some of their social functions, thus showing how entrance into a new religion may have positive consequences. Finally, sociology makes us aware of a much larger problem that increases in the varieties of religious options over the last few decades and, most of all, the changing face of religion at the end of the second millennium. (1995: 129)

A sociological perspective is believed to be one of the better ways to comprehend the true nature of Tzu Chi as a religious group. As Beckford pointed out: …the rise of new religious movements called for sustained social analysis. Their emergence put into question accepted ideas of historic continuity, 1 A sociological approach may have its weaknesses. For example there are no agreed definitions on terminology, as well as problems about objectivity and sampling. For more discussion on this subject see Thomas Robbins, Cults, Converts and Charisma (1988: 15-17) and Johannes Aagaard, ‘Conversion, religious change, and the challenge of new religious movements’, Cultic Studies Journal 8 (1991) pp. 91-103.

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of the relationship between culture and religion, provoking sometimes a certain bewilderment within some segments of society. At the same time, ‘new religious movements’ illustrated the profound social changes in ritual practices, economic production, the social organization of work as well as in family structures and relationships, community structures and the significance of life and death. Indeed the effects of those changes went beyond new religious movements to include the rise of a new religiosity within established religions. (1986: vii)

Tzu Chi can also be understood in the context of new religious movements (NRMs), the perspective employed by scholars for explaining the rise of various active religious groups in the contemporary world. Peter Clarke, for example, in his studies on Japanese NRMs suggests that: …firstly, because a belief or idea can be shown to have antecedents this does not strip it of the quality of newness or originality; new does not have to imply a fundamental or radical innovation or change in doctrine and ritual in an objective sense, although this may well be the perception of believers. And secondly, a religious movement does not have to be defined unequivocally as either new or old, but may be one or the other depending on the angle from which it is being observed. Looked at diachronically many new religions, Japanese and others, are most likely to appear to be highly derivative, drawing many of their beliefs and practices from long established religious traditions, while if studied synchronically, their new features appear much more obvious. (1999: 5)

The Society, History and Ethnology of Taiwan Taiwan is an island located in the northwest Pacific Ocean; Japan is north of her and China lies to the west of her. The modern history of Taiwan has indisputably been strongly influenced by these two great powers as well as by the search for opportunities for her own development. Today the dominant culture in Taiwan is still Chinese and the governing system follows the constitution founded by Dr Sun Yat-sen.2 The island is densely populated and three quarters of the people live in urban or peri-urban areas, nearly 50 per cent of the total population residing in the three major cities. The aborigines were the first ethnic group to settle in Taiwan; Chinese immigration began approximately four hundred years ago. The Chinese imperial courts claimed sovereignty over 2 The constitution was founded by Dr Sun Yat-sen, the revolutionary and the founder of the Chinese Nationalist Party (abbr. KMT).

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the island for centuries, but Taiwan was too far from the mainland to be easily reached by Chinese officials. The infrastructure and governance, which began to be established in the nineteenth century, were only partial. Moreover, Taiwan was considered to be something of a haven for Chinese fishermen and peasants from southeast China. They used the island for sheltering during sub-tropical typhoons, as well as for escaping famine; and Chinese rebel forces retreated to the island and used it as a base of operations. Europeans such as the Dutch and the Portuguese also made their way to Taiwan. The Portuguese gave Taiwan the name Formosa, and castles built by them are still to be found on the Island. In modern times, Taiwan has become increasingly politically significant. Taiwan was a Japanese colony for fifty years (1895 - 1945) after the Chinese Chin imperial court gave the island away when the Japanese defeated her navy. After the Second World War, Taiwan became the focus of tension between Chinese Communists and Chinese Nationalists. The war had a profound social and political impact on Taiwan. After the war, the Japanese left and the island had then to accommodate approximately 1.5 million Chinese soldiers and political refugees within a relatively short period of time, as a result of a civil war in China (1945-9).3 The corruption of officials and troop misbehaviour caused uprisings, and approximately six thousand members of the Taiwanese elite were killed.4 During this emergency, Taiwan entered a period of martial law that lasted until 1987. Under this regime, individual rights and freedom were considerably restricted, e.g. the right to publish, privacy of correspondence, the right to practise religion, free speech, free assembly, and the right to petition and to give academic lectures.5 Meanwhile the Communist Chinese claimed overall political control over the island, putting Taiwan under a continuing military threat and leading to its isolation from international diplomacy. 3 The civil war in China (1945-49) arose from the conflict between Chinese Nationalists and Chinese Communists in the middle of the Second World War. The Chinese Communists became empowered after they received military supplies from the former USSR while the Nationalists were fighting the Japanese. When the Japanese were defeated, mainland China was taken over by the Chinese Communists, and the Nationalists, led by Chiang Kai-shek, retreated to Taiwan. 4 See, for example, Lai Tse-han, Roman H. Mayers, and Wei Wu, A Tragic Beginning; the Taiwanese Uprising of February 28, 1947 (California: Stanford University Press, 1991) p. 160. 5 See Tien Hung-mao’s The Great Transition-Political and Social Change in The Republic of China (Taipei: SMC Publishing INC, 1993) p. 111.

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The inhabitants of Taiwan can be divided into three groups: Taiwanese (benshen-ren), Chinese or Mainlanders (waishen-ren) and aborigines (yuanzhu-min). The term Taiwanese applies to those whose ancestors migrated from the southeastern provinces of China within the last four hundred years. These early migrants came to Taiwan as a result of poverty and political trauma in China. Upon their arrival, they occupied most of the habitable parts of the west coast, where they turned to farming, fishing and retailing. The term Chinese refers to those who came from China after the civil war of 1945-9. The aborigines are the original inhabitants of Taiwan; they are non-Chinese and live mostly in the remote regions of Eastern Taiwan (Tien 1993: 36). Of the island’s twentytwo million inhabitants approximately 85 per cent are Taiwanese, the majority being Hokkiens with a few Hakkas; 13 per cent are Chinese and 2 per cent are aborigines (Huang Xuan-fan 1994: 21).6 So the Taiwanese and Chinese together make up the great majority of the population of Taiwan. There are, nevertheless, fundamental differences between them in the areas of language, self-identity and political perspective. The Taiwanese speak either Hokkien or Hakka whereas the Chinese speak Mandarin. These languages, which are mutually unintelligible, are a major hindrance to social integration. Another difference is that the Chinese in Taiwan are more likely to identify themselves as ‘Chinese’ and they consider Taiwan to be part of China. In contrast, the Taiwanese are more likely to refer to themselves as ‘Taiwanese’ with the political view that Taiwan should be independent from China (Tien 1993: 40).7 These differences have caused a barrier; as Appleton has observed, Taiwanese and Chinese have not normally socialized together.8 The Chinese of Taiwan are the so-called ‘old middle class’, as they used to occupy the higher socio-economic positions. Mandarin, the mother tongue of the Chinese, was the language of officialdom, on television and in schools, and it was widely spoken in urban areas and considered the formal language. A consequence of the dominance of Mandarin within official circles was that it became remarkably difficult for the Taiwanese 6 This research has unfortunately had to omit the 250.000 Taiwanese aborigines from the discussion due to the fact that so far as I could discover none of them joined Tzu Chi Buddhism during the period of my fieldwork. 7 Although some Chinese, particularly the second generation, have recently claimed that they prefer to regard themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese, this change in identity may derive from the fact that the Taiwanese consciousness has become stronger and influential in many ways since the 1980s. 8 Appleton Sheldon, ‘The Social Survey and Political Impact of Education in Taiwan’, Asian Survey 16, No. 8 (August) p. 709.

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to achieve any high-ranking positions (Tien 1993: 37-40). J. J. Chu in his study of the class system of Taiwan pointed that in post-1949 Taiwanese society, more Chinese than Taiwanese occupied the jobs with greater social prestige, security and a good salary package.9 However, a major societal and political transformation began in the 1980s, bringing with it industrialization and democratization. Economically Taiwan changed from a village-based agricultural economy to being a mature member of the global economy based upon capital and technology.10 That shift created new opportunities for wealth for the Taiwanese majority. This has led to the improved status of the Taiwanese, who, largely through the backing of their families, have built up small or medium-sized family-owned businesses, and have become intellectuals and professionals (Chu J. J. 1996: 210). Economic success has accompanied the gradual shift of power away from the Chinese minority toward the Taiwanese majority. By the spring of 1988 Taiwan society was in transition towards a representative democracy: the one-party authoritarian dictatorship gave way to the establishment of about a dozen new political parties (Tien 1993: 2). Eleven years after the relaxation of martial law, the DDP (Democratic Progress Party) founded by a Taiwanese, won victory in the Presidential election and ushered in the first Taiwanese-lead Democratic government in the Island’s history.11 The Contemporary Taiwanese Religious Context: Limited Pluralism The religious ‘market’ of Taiwan began changing considerably after the 1960s. Two decades after the Second World War, the religious evangelists in Taiwan were predominantly Western Christian missionaries. After the 1960s, these groups declined dramatically and Buddhism and Traditional Religion began to gain popularity among the masses (Chu Haiyuan 1982 a, b, c, 1983; Yao Li-xiang 1984). Today Buddhism is the most 9 See Chu J. J.’s ‘Taiwan - a fragmented ‘middle’ class in the making’, in R. Robsion R. & D. Goodman (eds.) The New Rich in Asia (New York & London: Routledge, 1996) pp. 208-209. 10 See, for example, Ronald Knapp’s ‘The Shaping of Taiwanese Landscapes’ in Murray A. Rubinstein (ed.) Taiwan - A New History (New York and London: Armonk, 1999) p. 22. 11 Chen Shui-bian, a Taiwanese politician, was first elected mayor of Taipei, the capital of Taiwan, and then in 2000 was elected President of Taiwan.

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popular religion in contemporary Taiwan. A nationwide survey conducted in 1994 indicated that 38.5 per cent of the population of Taiwan were Buddhists, followed by Traditional Religionists (31%), Atheists (13%), Daoists (9%), Christians 5% (including 1% of Roman Catholics) and 3 per cent of Yi-guan Dao, a syncretic new religion. Islam, as the implement of political purpose rather than a religion (Granet 1975: 155), had failed to secure any significant numbers of followers in Taiwan. At this point let me dispel a source of potential misunderstanding. Those whose idea of religion is modelled on Christianity tend to take it for granted that religious allegiance is exclusive. This is indeed a salient feature of the major monotheistic traditions: Judaism, Christianity and Islam. However, religions originating further east mostly lack this exclusivity. They tend to regard it as natural that different systems of religious belief and practice should cater for different needs in an individual’s life. Thus Buddhism has traditionally considered itself a pure soteriology dealing with ultimate concerns; worldly affairs it leaves to local gods and other spirits and their specialist practitioners.12 Thus while from the point of view of the sociology of religion in general Tzu Chi can be labelled a sect, this does not imply that its members can have no other religious allegiance. This can of course be an asymmetrical matter: someone can claim to adhere to two religions, of which one accepts the situation but the other does not; this could well be the case, for example, if a Christian joined Tzu Chi. Here, Taiwanese religious life will be introduced in a general way in order to show how Tzu Chi emerged and shares the religious traditions of Taiwan and brings a new dimension to them. A brief account of Buddhism in Taiwan will be followed by Traditional Religion, Daoism, Western Christianity and the new syncretistic religions. A History of Chinese Buddhism in Taiwan13 Buddhism was introduced into Taiwan over the centuries by Chinese migrants. But the religion that is spreading in Taiwan now is that 12 On this see Richard Gombrich, ‘A Buddhologist’s impression of Japanese Buddhism’, pp.15-24 in Peter Clarke and Jeffrey Somers (ed.), Japanese New Religions in the West (Japan Library/Curzon Press, Folkestone, 1994). 13 The material for this section is mainly derived from two sources: Wen Jin-ke’s ‘Taiwan Jushi Fojian de Zhangwang’ (The Prospects of Taiwanese Lay Buddhists) in Jiang Can-teng and Gong Peng-cheng (eds.) Taiwan Fojiao de Lishi yu Wenhua (Culture and History of Taiwanese Buddhism) (Taipei: Ling Jiu Shan International Buddhist Studies Centre 1994) pp. 131-63, and Lan Jifu’s Ershi Shijide Zhong Ri Fojiao (Chinese and Japanese Buddhism in the Twenty Century) (Taipei: Xingwengfeng, 1991) pp. 60-78.

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which was introduced from China after the Second World War. During the colonial era (1895-1945) Japanese Buddhism was predominant, although the masses actually practised a quasi-Buddhism called Zhaijiao (the ‘vegetarian religion’). However, as Chinese Buddhism superseded that, this summary of the history of Buddhism in Taiwan will focus on the period after the Second World War. After the Second World War, Chinese Buddhist Masters followed the KMT troops to Taiwan. Charles Jones, in his study of Buddhism in Taiwan, pointed out that the character of these masters depended on their pre-eminence in Buddhism. As he put it, ‘One of the most significant facts about these (Chinese) monks is that almost all of them came to Taiwan after distinguished careers in the areas of Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces and the city of Shanghai. These are the very areas in which Buddhism was the most active and vibrant, where the monasteries were kept in the best repair and had the largest monastic populations, where the clergy kept the precepts most scrupulously and were the most serious about their spiritual discipline, and where they enjoyed the greatest degree of respect and patronage from the laity’ (Jones 1996: 201). At this time, Taiwanese Buddhism, in the eyes of these Chinese Buddhist Masters, was seen as ‘childishness’ and lacking basic knowledge of Buddhism. The Venerable Dong Chu, a Chinese Buddhist master, asserted concerning most of the Taiwanese Buddhist temples: The residents’ monastic garb was idiosyncratic; the residents were just as likely to recite a Daoist scripture as a Buddhist sutra; most temples had images to Daoist and folk divinities alongside, and sometimes in positions superior to, images of Shakyamuni Buddha, Amitabha Buddha, or Guan Yin. Perhaps worst of all, temples cohabited by monks and nuns together appeared to be the rule rather than the exception. (Jones 1996: 204)

The intention of the Chinese Buddhist Masters was to restore the Chinese Buddhist tradition and to sweep away the previous colonial influence of Japanese Buddhism. One of their most important tasks was to re-establish the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (hereafter, BAROC) and take over the temple property left by the Japanese Buddhists. Because of this work, the BAROC reigned supreme in Taiwan until the lifting of martial law in 1987. During the period of martial law, the BAROC was officially recognized as the Buddhist organization that controlled the registration of all Buddhist temples and clergy in Taiwan. Membership of the BAROC was on a temple basis

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regardless of the different disciplines of the various Buddhist schools of thought. Most importantly, the BAROC held the sole authority to legitimize new monks and nuns, so one could only become a lawful monk or nun by joining one of the BAROC’s temples and being inaugurated by the BAROC’s ceremony. Most of the committee members of the BAROC were Chinese and the few Taiwanese in the organization upheld Chinese tradition in preference to Taiwanese. ‘Chineseness’ was hegemonic and Mandarin, the language spoken by the Chinese but unintelligible to the majority of Taiwanese, became the chief language in which Buddhism was conducted. Under the monopoly of the BAROC, Buddhism in Taiwan was to be ‘Sinicized’, and the services converted to the Chinese style. The original gushan chanting which accompanied the services, for example, was replaced by the Chinese haichao tune.14 For a Taiwanese to become a Buddhist monk or nun, he or she had to go to a BAROC temple and become a disciple of the Temple Chief. The novice would have to live in the temple at first and then go to study at one of the BAROC seminaries. After approximately two years, the novice would be ordained in a formal ceremony during which his/her head was shaved by the Tonsure Master, normally the leader, witnessed by all the members of the temple. This ordination would be reported to the BAROC, which held formal inaugurations annually to initiate the new monks and nuns and thus formally recognize them as Buddhist Masters (shifu). Membership of the BAROC, however, meant that the Taiwanese monk or nun would find it difficult to get permission to inherit any temple property or to found a new temple of their own.15 The hegemony of Chinese Buddhism may also be seen in the existing Buddhist literature from post-Second World War Taiwan. Two thirds of Buddhist magazines found in Taiwan in 1994 were published by Chinese rather than Taiwanese Buddhists (Yao Li-xiang 1994: 223). The ideology adhered to by these Chinese Buddhist Masters was to continue the reform that had been under way in China before the Communists seized power in 1949. The aim of this reform was to adapt Buddhism to meet the needs of modern secular life (renjian hua); this included the institutionalization of Buddhist organizations and the promotion of charitable activities. Two important guidelines were 14

Ibid. Lan Jifu 1991: 63. With gratitude to the Venerable Master Chuan Dao of Miao-hsin Buddhist Temple, Taiana, Taiwan, for his willingness to clarify this question. 15

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developed: ‘Buddhism for Human Life’ (rensheng fojiao) and ‘Buddhism in the Human Realm’ (renjian fojiao). The Venerable Yin Shun (1906-2005) is one of the eminent masters of this reform in recent times and strongly criticizes traditional Buddhist practices. As a Master of Pure Land Buddhism, Venerable Yin Shun pointed out the ignorance of Chinese Buddhists in searching for salvation. He argued that while reciting the names of the Buddha would not guarantee Buddhists entry into the highest realm of Buddhist heaven, focusing on the wellbeing of their fellow men might do so.16 Although Venerable Yin Shun’s claims did not have a strong impact on Chinese Buddhists, they were nevertheless adopted by Master Cheng Yen, a Taiwanese nun, who used them as the principles upon which she developed the theology of her Tzu Chi Movement. However, the Chinese Buddhist Masters retained the character of Traditional Buddhism in Taiwan, and this meant, most crucially, restricting the role of the laity. For instance, Charles Jones’ research shows that the BAROC explicitly excluded the laity from occupying more than one third of the leadership positions, and that the teachings placed laymen above laywomen, nuns above laity, and monks above everyone else (1996: 330-1). The Chinese Masters also showed a lack of concern for contemporary human affairs, according to Yao Li-xiang (1994). Li-xiang conducted a survey on the contents of Buddhist magazines published by the Chinese in Taiwan after the Second World War. Her survey showed that the major focus of those magazines was on re-interpreting Traditional Buddhist canons, and they barely mentioned practical issues such as missionary problems or clerical education. In addition, very few articles tackled the government on social policy or the welfare system.17 The recent popularity of Buddhism stems from the 1990s, when martial law ended. The BAROC lost its hegemony, and several distinct Buddhist sects emerged. Charles Jones claimed this was the pluralism of Chinese Buddhism (1996 chapter 6). With its distinctive knowledge 16 See Yan Hui-nan’s Dongdai Fojian Sixiang Zhanwang (A Survey of Modern Buddhist Thought) (Taipei: Dongda Tushu Gongsi, 1991) pp. 117-18. 17 See Yao Li-xiang, ‘taiwan guangfu hou fojiao chuban kanwu de neizueng fuenxi’ (An Analysis of the Contents of Buddhist Magazines in PostwarTaiwan), in Jiang Canteng and Gong Peng-cheng (eds.) Taiwan fojiao de lishi yu wenhua (Culture and History of Taiwanese Buddhism) (Taipei: Lingjiu Shan International Buddhist Studies Centre 1994) pp. 219-20.

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 11 and advanced evangelizing skills, Buddhism has since been recruiting laity to become core members and to fill key positions within the various organizations. Buddhism has become the most popular religion in contemporary Taiwan, and the prevalent features of Buddhism in Taiwan will be discussed in the following section. Traditional Religion in Taiwan18 Taiwanese Traditional Religion is the second most popular religion in contemporary Taiwan. Thirty-one per cent of the Taiwanese population claimed that they followed it (Chu Hai-yuan 1994). The religion is mainly the continuation of the religious tradition of the Fujian and Kuangtuang provinces of China, the areas from which the majority of Taiwanese originally migrated. Migrants brought ancestral tablets and figures of their regional cults to guard them on the journey and in their new life.19 The early settlements in Taiwan were generally organized according to their lineal and regional ties back in China, and soon after they settled they erected local temples where the cult of the local dominant families or regional heroes and heroines was enshrined. The significance of Taiwanese Traditional Religion has already been intensively studied by numerous Western anthropologists (e.g. Feuchtwang, 1974; Wolf, 1974). Expressly it is patrilineal and agricultural, and domestic worship is the central feature of the religion. One important purpose of this religion is to stress the endless line of a family (C. K. Yang 1970: 28; Paper 1994: 81), with elaborate ancestral rites performed in every household. Every home functions as a temple, with an altar in the main room of the house. To the left of the altar is the ancestral tablet on which is carved the surname of the family and details of their original ancestral 18 For the purpose of this study, instead of using the terms ‘peasant religion’ (Marcel Granet 1975), ‘folk religion’ (Paper 1994), and ‘popular religion’ (Stephan Feuchtwang 1992), the term ‘Traditional Religion’ will be used; this term has been employed by scholars of NRMs, as defined by Professor Peter Clarke: ‘The term “traditional” as used here.… is not meant to suggest that these religions are static and unchanging, but simply one way of distinguishing them from the major world religions which have spread themselves more widely across many different cultures and which tend to be, therefore, less confined to and by any one specific socio-cultural matrix’ (Clarke 1991: 63). 19 See, for example, Song Guang-yu, ‘Shilun sishi nianlai taiwan de zongjiao fazhang’ (An attempt to study the development of religion in Taiwan in the past forty years) in Song Guang-yu (ed.) Taiwan jingyan (2) -shehui wuhuapian (The Experiences of Taiwan - culture and society) (Taipei: Dong Da 1994) pp. 175-224, and ‘Introduction’ in Meir Shahar and Robert Weller (eds.) Unruly Gods - Divinity and Society in China (University of Hawaii Press 1996).

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home. Rituals are performed twice a day, including offerings of incense, water or flowers. Elaborate food is offered to the immediate ancestors on the anniversaries of their birth(s) and death(s) and the food is subsequently consumed by the family. Eating the same food symbolizes the link between dead ancestors and their living descendants. Such rituals show how the ancestors still play an important role in the lives of the living; as C. K. Yang pointed out, ‘…all suggested that the symbols of the dead continued to occupy a place in the family activities of the living, that the dead in the shadowy world continued to oversee the conduct of the existing members of the family and took part in an invisible way in their struggle for happiness and prosperity’.20 A significant characteristic of Taiwanese Traditional Religion is that it is ‘diffused’. Weller and Shahar suggested: ‘This popular [Traditional] religion has no canonical scriptures. Its heterogeneous beliefs, myths, and values have been transmitted, to a large extent, by popular lore (fiction, drama, and visual arts) and by symbol and ritual. Similarly, a popular [Traditional] religion by and large lacks religious institutions independent of secular organizations, such as the family, the clan, and the guild. Thus, it does not exist as an entity independent of Chinese society and culture, and for this very reason it has no name’ (1996: 1). The lack of formal religious institutions, training and organization means that there are no ‘priests’. Marriages and funerals do not take place in temples and the temples are mostly looked after voluntarily by retired local men. In this way, Traditional Religion in Taiwan may be said to play a minimal role in promoting the spirituality of individuals and in maintaining moral order.21 It has also been described by the media22 as the religion for a ‘culture of luck’, after it was manipulated by worshippers who had some marginal deities rapidly promoted after divining winning lottery numbers. Traditional temples function as social centres for those worshipping the same deity(ies). Whilst the family is the basic unit of worship, largescale communal rituals are performed annually, normally on the birthday of a deity, when no one in the community is excluded. Different 20 C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society (Berkeley, Los Angles and London: University of California Press, 1970) p. 29. The importance of ancestors in the Traditional Religion of Taiwan has been widely studied by numerous scholars, such as Emily Ahern in, The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village (California: Stanford University Press, 1973) and Jordan Paper’s ‘Religion’ in Wu Dingbo & Murphy Patrick (eds.) Handbook of Chinese Popular Culture (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1994) pp. 77-92. 21 Ibid., Paper 1994: 81-2. 22 China News Reviews; 1-15 July 1995.

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 13 villagers and townspeople are thus brought together through worship in the same cult. Lin Mei-jung called this phenomenon ‘belief spheres’,23 describing how such activities could create regional or clan togetherness as well as boundaries. This strong emphasis on ritual performance and regional unity is the reason why the Traditional Religion of Taiwan is not seen as a religion for modern urban life. Jordan Paper states that: ‘folk religion [or Traditional Religion] was about perpetuating a set of rites and beliefs necessary for communal harmony in ways typical of conservative rural society’ (1994: 81). The territorial and non-professional nature of Traditional Religion also means that it is inevitably limited in the range of its social work. Two studies have pointed out that the welfare services of Traditional Temples rarely extend beyond their regional boundaries, i.e. the services only attend to group members residing within their own parish. The range of work is also impersonal, apathetic and unsystematic because the temples are more likely to spend funds on disaster relief, renovation of local bridges or road works than on more personal matters.24 In many ways Taiwanese Traditional Religion is not to be thought of as a religion at all, because the beliefs and the practices have merged into the routine that is part of everyday life. Its recent revival is largely due to the actions of various interest groups. For instance, the Taiwanese media and local government have systematically promoted the activities of the Traditional temples. Communal activities that were not considered important in the past have been revitalized in recent years as they are seen to be a positive reflection of Traditional culture and values.25 Daoism Daoism is not so popular in Taiwan nowadays. Only 9 per cent of the Taiwanese are nominally Daoists and this figure may be higher than 23 See Lin Mei-jung’s ‘youji ciquan laiqan caotuen zhende defan cuzhi (The Religious Sphere Acts as a Form for Local Organization: a Case Study from Tsao-tun Township), Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, No. 62, Fall, 1986, pp. 53-114. 24 See Lin Shu-lien, Simiao Zhengche yu hoedueng yi liand mazu miao ueili (A Study of Temples’ Policy and Activities - two Mazhu Temples) MA dissertation, Dueng Wu University, Taiwan, 1990; and Wang Shun-min, Zongjiao chishan shiyi de lienlei tantao (An Alternative Analysis of a Religious Welfare Service), unpublished conference paper, 1996. 25 See Paul Katz, ‘Zhanhou wangye xinyang de yanbian-yi dongan donglonggong ji taibei sanwangfu weili’ (The development of the cult of wangyei in post-war Taiwan – case studies on Donglong temple and Sanwang temple) in Song Guang-yu (ed.) 1994, p. 65.

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the reality on the ground. As several scholars have pointed out (e.g. Katz 1994; Dean 1993), some people have claimed to be Daoists when in fact they are followers of Taiwanese Traditional Religion. The history of Daoism in Taiwan is similar to that of the Traditional Religion in that it was brought to the island by the early Chinese immigrants, but Daoism is spread only thinly.26 Daoism in Taiwan maintains its teachings and beliefs largely independently of the traditional Daoism in southeastern China. Because of its strict religious training and organization, Daoism in Taiwan has not developed as a religion for the masses. It belongs to a particular minority and is disseminated only among priests and their disciples. The Taiwanese Daoists are normally engaged in other professions, and they are seen mostly in funeral services acting as priests. There is not much literature available on the Daoists in Taiwan but Jordan and Overmyer provided a fairly comprehensive study. They have noted: The Daoist priesthood in Taiwan is a religious elite, a self-perpetuating group with its own liturgical traditions in classical Chinese, its own texts, initiation rites, and jealously guarded oral tradition. That the Daoist priests are involved in something religiously efficacious is demonstrated by the fact that they earn a living by performing liturgy. Yet for most men (and all women) the life of a Daoist priest is not a viable, available career. Being a Daoist priest requires connections and total commitment, and in too many quarters it brings more ridicule than prestige, despite its religious importance and the present shortage of priests.27

The development of Daoism in Taiwan in recent times is the result of the efforts of educated Daoists as well as promotion by the government. Through people such as the well known Li Fun-mao of the Institute of Philosophy, the Academia Sinica has launched a series of conferences and workshops for studying Daoist doctrine and its historical canon. Mr Li also plans to restore this religion in Taiwan by establishing co-operation with the Daoist priests and scholars of China.

26 See Liu Chi-wan, Zhongguo minjian xinyang lunji (Essays on Chinese Folk Belief and Folk Cults), Monographs of the Institute of Ethnology No. 22, Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan, p. 101–2; and Li Fu-ma’s ‘taiwan zhongbu ‘kejashi’ yu kejao yimin shehueyige zongjai, minsushi de kaocha’ (Hakka master and Hakka migrants in the centre of Taiwan - research on their religion and folk history), in ibid. Song Guang-yu (ed.) 1994, pp. 121-57. 27 Jordan and Overmyer; The Flying Phoenix: Aspects of Chinese Sectarianism in Taiwan 1986: 278.

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 15 Western Missions and Missionaries Western missions include all the various evangelical Christian sects as well as the Roman Catholics. In Taiwan, people nearly always make a distinction between the two: the former is referred to as Jidu Jiao (the teachings of Jesus); the latter is known as Tienzhu Jiao (the teachings of heavenly god). Roman Catholicism first arrived in southern Taiwan in 1627, brought over from Japan by the Dutch Georgius Candidius. He was followed a year later by Spanish monks, headed by Father Francisco Mola, who introduced the faith to the northern part of the island. Protestant Christianity was brought to the south in 1865 by Dr Maxwell, an English Presbyterian missionary. The northern inhabitants of Taiwan received their Presbyteranism from Dr Mackay of Canada in 1872.28 Various Christian denominations were brought over to the island by Japanese missionaries during the Japanese colonial era. These forms of religion prevailed largely among the Japanese settlers,29 though no small numbers of converts were found among the Taiwanese, and both of these groups disappeared from Taiwan after the Second World War: the Japanese returned to Japan and the locals reverted to their traditional ways. For more than two decades after the Second World War, the religious market of Taiwan was dominated by Western missionaries, but their work declined rapidly after the 1960s (Chu Hai-yuan 1981, 1982 a, b, c, 1983; Yao Li-xiang 1984). Currently, four per cent of the population of Taiwan are Christians and one per cent among those are Roman Catholics. Evangelical Christian Missions The Presbyterians make up half of the Christian population of Taiwan.30 By offering Western medical treatment and building hospitals in rural areas,31 the missionaries attracted many Taiwanese to their churches. This religious network continues to exert its influence today, having played a significant political role in the post-war movement to make Taiwan an independent nation (Lai, Ramon and Wei 1991: 15).

28 See Lai Tse-han, Roman H. Mayers, and Wei Wu, A Tragic Beginning; the Taiwanese Uprising of February 28, 1947 (California: Stanford University Press, 1991) p. 145. 29 See R. Hosui’s Progressive Formosa (The Government of Formosa 1926) p. 31. 30 Song, ibid. p.195. 31 Wang, ibid. fn.14.

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During the period of Japanese occupation, the work of the Presbyterians was halted; Western missionaries were forced to leave Taiwan and Taiwanese church members were forced to join the Japanese forces in the war in Southeast Asia. After the war, Christianity was restored in Taiwan with strong financial backing from the West and political support from the Nationalists. Christians founded churches in cities and continued the missionary work in the countryside.32 In post-war Taiwan, the Presbyterians regained their dominant position among Taiwanese Christians, but the Christian groups became diversified and their missionary work varied from one group to another. Christian churches in Taiwan can be divided into three types according to the origin of the priests and members: Chinese-founded ones; those founded by Taiwanese; and those founded by Western missionaries. The three types of churches and members did not normally associate with each other. By the 1960s, Christian evangelists were very active in Taiwan and they successfully recruited people into the churches, an unusual occurrence when one considers that Taiwan was in the grip of martial law. Song Guang-yu, a scholar of the religious history of Taiwan, gives the following explanations for this phenomenon. First, politically, Christianity enjoyed a more privileged position than Buddhism or the Taiwanese Traditional Religion because many government officials and politicians were Christians. Second, some Taiwanese converts were attracted by Christianity’s image as rational and progressive. Third, some were attracted by the material benefits and aid from the churches and/or considered conversion to be a stepping-stone to prospective migration to the USA.33 Enthusiasm for Christian evangelism reached its height in the mid-1960s as the result of the one hundredth anniversary of the Christian mission in Taiwan.34 Statistically, the Christian population has remained virtually unchanged since the 1960s (see Table 1.1). Professor Song Guangyu et al. have predicted that the number of Christians in Taiwan will not increase significantly. Song claims that one of the reasons for this is the political radicalism adopted by some Christian groups, particularly the Taiwanese Presbyterians. Beginning in 1971, the Taiwanese Presbyterian churches issued a series of statements that 32

Song, ibid. p. 197. Ibid. p.198. 34 Ibid. p. 199. 33

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 17 proclaimed Taiwan as an independent and new country.35 This was quite a provocative and revolutionary move at that time, and created very serious tension between the churches and the ruling KMT government. At the height of the tension, a Presbyterian priest, Gao Ming-jun, was imprisoned for sheltering one of the pro-independence activists. Roman Catholicism Roman Catholicism reached Taiwan as early as the seventeenth century but the most significant missionary work took place after the Second World War. The Catholic Church moved its Cardinal, Yu Pin (1901-78), to Taiwan when the Communists took over in China. His move was followed by a great number of Catholic priests and Chinese Catholic parishioners. As with the Christian evangelists, two decades after the war, Roman Catholicism expanded rapidly in Taiwan. Chu Hai-yuan’s research shows that the growth of Roman Catholicism in Taiwan can be attributed to several factors. For political reasons the ruling KMT government wanted to promote the faith. In addition, economic impoverishment meant that the people needed the material support that the churches could provide. The missionary work was also remarkable, particularly among the aborigines of Taiwan, many of whom subsequently became clergy (1981: 129). Although the Chinese Catholic mission in Taiwan was politically in compliance with the government, it also showed a degree of sympathy for the Taiwanese people and their culture. Eric Hanson, for instance, pointed out that: [The Catholic] missionary churches [in Taiwan] would be forced to choose between subordination to the state and heretical sectarianism. The Chinese Catholic clergy on Taiwan is basically Mainlander-oriented. Some elements, like the late Cardinal Yu Pin, cooperated closely with the Nationalist government. However, the missionary Taichung diocese has always promoted Taiwanese cultural adaptation and the liturgical use of the Taiwanese language. (1980: 3)

After 1969, the number of Roman Catholics began to decrease, and today only one per cent of the population of Taiwan belongs to this faith (see Table 1.1). Song Guang-yu regards the age factor among many of the Chinese members as the cause,36 but this is debatable. 35 36

Ibid. p. 202. Ibid. p. 203.

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The Vatican’s change of attitude towards Taiwan, after the 1970s, in the light of its policy in favour of re-establishing a mission in China is an important reason for this decline. Hanson, in his book The Catholic Politics in China and Korea, pointed out: ‘Since October 1971 the Vatican has placed the apostolic pre-nuncio to Taipei, Archbishop Edward Cassidy, on leave. Representing Rome have been three successive chargés d’affaires, Msgr. Francesco Colasuonno, Msgr. Thomas White, and Msgr. Paul Giglio (1978-)’ (1980: 125 fn. 9). The study of Western Missions and Missionaries in Taiwan shows that the number of practitioners is declining. Apart from Taiwanese Presbyterians, the number of Roman Catholics and other Christian denominations grew in Taiwan largely for political reasons and because of the economic poverty of the Taiwanese people. Political and economic factors have since changed and this has led to the decline in numbers. The Taiwanese Presbyterians, on the other hand, have demonstrated their ability to increase their numbers in spite of these two factors. However, the Presbyterians are seen as motivated more by political interests than by spiritual needs, and this has weakened their further development in Taiwan.

Syncretism and Other New Religions in Taiwan The study of a New Religious Movement (NRM) is inevitably largely a study of conversion; and to study conversion on a societal level one needs to know what is on offer. Therefore, to introduce the religious context in which Tzu Chi has emerged, the following pages are devoted to providing the religious context of that emergence; we can learn something of its appeal if we thus gain insights into how it appears to converts to be distinctive. Syncretistic new religions are the only religious groups apart from Buddhism to have shown a trend towards growth (see Table 1.1, in which Yi-guan Dao is an example). There are currently three categories of syncretistic new religions: those founded in China; those founded in Taiwan; and those introduced by foreigners. Here, Yi-guan Dao (though usually translated as the Unity Sect, it is not, strictly speaking a sect of anything but a syncretistic new religious movement), Zhenfo Zong (the Real Buddha Dharma), and the Japanese New Religious Movements (henceforth JNRMs) in Taiwan are selected as being representative of each category.

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 19 Yi-guan Dao (or I-kuan Tao) After the Second World War, there were several Chinese new religions introduced to Taiwan, such as Yi-guan Dao, Datong Jiao, Tiende Jiao and Zaili Jiao. Most of these began to decline after the 1970s and only Yi-guan Dao remains.37 When Yi-guan Dao was first introduced to Taiwan it was regarded as heterodox by the government and it only became a lawful religion in 1987.38 Yi-guan Dao is the largest of the syncretistic new religions in Taiwan as a whole. The membership of Yi-guan Dao comprises 3 per cent of the total population of Taiwan.39 Yi-guan Dao is a lay movement that arose in China in the late eighteenth century. It became an independent organization in 1928, when it was led by a man known as Chang Tien-jan (Jordan and Overmyer 1986: 216). As a syncretistic new religion, its literature largely borrows ideas from traditional Chinese classics and the Buddhist canon. The central theology of Yi-guan Dao is the principle of a ‘celestial way’ (tien dao) which is believed to have been transmitted since very early times and is only effective through legitimated authorities. Venerable Mother (wusheng laomu) is the highest central divinity of the universe, who has entrusted many buddhas, saints, and prophets with a mission to this world to rescue humans from illusion. It is currently the time of Maitreya Buddha. Yi-guan Dao adherents believe that salvation is reached through practising the ‘way’ (dao), which includes meditating, chanting, reading traditional texts, abstaining from meat, conducting charitable acts and attending group meetings.40 The emphasis on legitimate leaders, the use of esoteric vocabulary and communal ritual and the practice of vegetarianism have all made Yi-guan Dao the stereotypical religious group in modern Chinese religious history. Before it was introduced into Taiwan, Yi-guan Dao had already split into several factions as a result of disputes over succession to the leadership. Each faction diffused to Taiwan independently, and this factionalism has largely continued.41 Before the Communists completely took over in China, many Chinese Yi-guan Dao members had moved abroad and a few of their most important leaders relocated to Taiwan. The success of Yi-guan Dao in Taiwan is attributed to its well-structured 37

Ibid. p. 205. David Jordan and Daniel Overmyer 1986: 217 and Song, ibid. pp. 206-207. 39 Chu Hai-yuan 1994: 150. 40 David Jordan and Daniel Overmyer 1986: 213-14. 41 Ibid. pp. 218-22 for the disunity in Yi-guan Dao (or I-kuan Tao). 38

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organization and thoroughly grass-rooted evangelism. Another important factor is its rule which requires each believer to convert sixty-four people to Yi-guan Dao.42 Upon their arrival in Taiwan, Yi-guan Dao members were mainly active in the countryside, where they converted farmers, shop owners, manual workers and low-ranking schoolteachers. In the 1950s, the focus of Yi-guan Dao’s recruiting strategy was moved to the cities and the targets were young, lone Taiwanese students with rural origins. By offering inexpensive vegetarian food, accommodation and social networks, they attracted many factory workers and university students to join. This strategy was obviously successful, as new converts kept arriving and the restaurants and hostels seemed to be money-spinners for Yi-guan Dao. However, this success was seen as a threat to the military government at that time. Yi-guan Dao equipment was confiscated, meetings were broken up, and ultimately the movement was banned. In spite of all this, and being portrayed in the media of Taiwan as a ‘naughty cult’, members still wished to continue their activities. Determined to continue practising their religion, the members of Yi-guan Dao resorted to various tactics. For instance, in many universities the members changed many of their meetings into ‘Societies for the Study of Chinese Classics’ (Guoxue She).43 Gradually, as the movement expanded in spite of the restrictions, and many members became powerful figures in society, there was a growing confidence to press for legislation to remove the ban. In the eighties, Yi-guan Dao began to launch a series of campaigns with this aim, establishing a cross-factional association as well as supporting government policies such as the promotion of ethical education and democratic elections. In January 1987, Yi-guan Dao became a legal religion.44 In comparison to the other religions, such as Buddhism, Christianity, and the Taiwanese Traditional Religion, studies show that Yi-guan Dao faced more difficulties in its development in Taiwan. This may be attributable to the fact that during the time of its growth Taiwan was under martial law. However, this cannot have been the only reason for the persecution of Yi-guan Dao, because there were other new religious groups that were not attacked by the government at that time, such as Cihui Tan 42 Logically, this should mean that the Movement will eventually reach saturation point in Taiwan, so presumably everyone will be a member of two, three, even five NRMs concurrently, as they are in Japan. See p. 7. 43 China News Analysis No. 1538-9: 11-12. 44 Song, ibid. pp. 205-10.

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 21 (the Compassionate Society) and Xintein Gong (Temple of the Heavenly Way) in Taipei. These syncretistic NRMs survived by misleading the public over their connections with traditionalism; the former was mistakenly thought to be a sect of Taiwanese Traditional Religion, while the latter was widely regarded – again erroneously – as a Daoist group. The difficulties faced by Yi-guan Dao, therefore, may be attributed to its independent and un-Traditional lay character. The authorities and the public in Taiwan are generally opposed to new lay movements. This opposition continued throughout the 1980s and on into the 90s, as can be seen from the experiences of new, syncretistic, Taiwanese religions such as Zhenfo Zong (The Real Buddha Dharma) and the soi-disant Supreme Ching Hai. Supreme Ching Hai The Supreme Ching Hai movement is another NRM founded in Taiwan. It is a syncretistic new religion comprising elements of Buddhism and New Age ideas, founded by a Vietnamese lady known as ‘Ching Hai’ in the 1980s at Miaoli, central Taiwan. The history of Ching Hai, both as a person and as a movement remains largely unknown. From the very limited amount of information gleaned, she was once married to a British man and ordained as a Buddhist nun by Venerable Master Sheng Yen, a master of traditional Chan or Zen Buddhism, in Taiwan. Ching Hai’s followers believe that enlightenment is gained through practising famen (‘methods’) which include meditation and vegetarianism. The group runs many inexpensive vegetarian restaurants to attract people and holds retreats which are very popular. Ching Hai left Taiwan in the mid-1990s, when the Inland Revenue proposed to investigate the movement’s accounts. Around the same time, its main office in Miaoli was burnt down overnight and Mrs Ching Hai is believed to have left with a substantial amount of money. No one admits to knowing where Ching Hai is now, but members spread news of her through the Internet and in newsletters. A large element of Ching Hai’s success has been attributed to her linguistic abilities – she is fluent in Mandarin, English and French. Zhenfo Zong Another category of Taiwanese syncretic new religions is those founded in Taiwan and not imported, such as Zhenfo Zong (or the Real or the True Buddha Dharma). These groups began to grow after the termination of martial law in 1987. Zhenfo Zong and the aforementioned Supreme Chi Hai together have a few thousand adherents in Taiwan.

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Zhenfo Zong was founded by a lay countryman called Lu Shenyan (1954 - ). After several spiritual revelations Lu founded the group in Coutuen, Central Taiwan, in the early 1980s. Lu subsequently moved to the USA in 1982 and established the head office of Zhenfo Zong in Seattle; he began to recruit members world-wide. According to Lu, this migration rose out of his being threatened and harassed by the Taiwanese domestic security police. During the period of martial law Lu’s popularity inevitably brought him to their attention. His fleeing Taiwan nevertheless did not close the channels of communication between Lu and his Taiwanese followers; indeed many of them visited Lu in America and often the trip is regarded as a pilgrimage. The teaching and practice of Zhenfo Zong are synthesized from the Chinese sectarian beliefs of Yaoci Jienmu (another name for ‘Venerable Mother’ or ‘Golden Mother of the Jasper Pool’),45 Tantric Buddhism and Daoism. The central belief of Lu’s teaching is based on karma, which is the cause of the present condition of humanity. Lu taught that illness, poverty and internal personal conflicts would be solved by following his practice.46 A tragic consequence was that some people stopped taking their health problems to doctors, which sometimes had serious results. The membership of Zhenfo Zong is individualist; the members are mostly urban residents with few personal contacts or old friends in the cities. People first get to know about the group through Lu’s writings. Lu Shen-yan has published a great number of books in a simple parable-like style (Yao 1996). The group appealed to people initially by virtue of the secular purpose behind its religious practices and the sense of ‘belonging’ which these practices nevertheless engendered. The character of Zhenfo Zong’s membership is similar to that of Pailuan (phoenix worship), another Taiwanese syncretistic new religion.47 Pai-luan is attractive to those Taiwanese who are socially marginalized, who have difficulty in adopting modern ideas, or are dissatisfied with the ‘family-oriented’ quality of Taiwanese Traditional Religion. According to Jordan and Overmyer, ‘…members of Pai-luan often have only 45

See Jordan and Overmyer 1986: xvii. See Yao, Yu-shuang, ‘liangge zhuengguo fojaio tuanti zei lundun de ianjiou baogou – foguang si yu zenuei tang’ (A Study of two Chinese Buddhist movements in London – the Buddha Light Temple and the Real Buddha Temple) in Yijiou jiouliou nian foxueiluen ji (Essays on the Study of Buddhism 1996) (Taiwan: Foguang Shan, 1996). 47 See Jordan and Overmyer 1986: xi. 46

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 23 that membership in common, and the possibility of apostasy is a realistic alternative for the believer who becomes disillusioned. Pai-luan organizations must therefore concern themselves with the attraction and retention of members, as we have seen, and a significant concern in the revelations and activities of the group has to be satisfying the desires and expectations of present and prospective members in ways that retain their fragile loyalty’ (1986: 274-5). Zhenfo Zong operates in a strongly cultic milieu and because of this orthodox Buddhists in Taiwan reject it.48 The group consequently maintains a very low social profile. Japanese New Religions in Taiwan Another group of NRMs found in contemporary Taiwan is that of the foreign NRMs; such as Soka Gakkai from Japan, the Unification Church from Korea, Hare Krishna49 from India, and the Mormons from USA. My discussion will focus on Japanese NRMs.50 Taiwan and Japan are geographically close and share many cultural similarities, having both been deeply influenced by Confucianism. The connections were further extended by the Japanese colonization of Taiwan from 1895 to 1945. In contrast with the negative reaction to the colonial experience in other societies (in Korea, for example), many people in Taiwan still have a strong liking for things ‘Japanese’. This may partly explain the high numbers of Japanese NRMs – at least fifteen were found to have branches in Taipei. They are: Agon Shu, Honmon-Butsuryoshu, Jodo-Shinsho-Shinran-kai, MOA (Mokichi Okada Association), Nichiren Shoshu, Rissho Kosei-kai, Reiyu-kai, Sakei Kyusei-kyo, Sakei Mahikari Bunmei Kyodan, Seicho-no-Ie, Shinnyoen, Shinsei-Bukkyo-Kyodan, Sinji-Shumei-kai, Soka Gakkai 48 I have been strongly criticized by many orthodox Buddhists and religious scholars in Taiwan for categorizing Zhenfo Zong as a Buddhist group in a conference paper (Yao 1996). At the same time a critical letter was received from the head office of Zhenfo Zong specifying a perceived lack of understanding of the group. 49 Officially known as the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON). 50 The data here are drawn from my research, The Study of Japanese New Religious Movements (JNRMs) in Taiwan (Taipei), a part of the Japanese New Religions Project for the Centre of New Religions, led by Professor Peter Clarke of King’s College, University of London. The research was conducted in Taiwan during two periods: July-October 1995 and May-July 1996. The term Japanese New Religious Movements (JNRMs) is used for those Japanese religious movements founded outside the framework of the institutional religions. For more details about the definition of Japanese NRMs see for example Peter Clarke 1994, 1997 and 1999: 4.

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and Tenrikyo.51 Most of them have kept a rather low profile and are unknown to the public in general. Some of the Japanese NRMs in Taiwan have disguised their true missionary purpose; for example the movement Reiyu-kai was registered as a sister group of the Chinese Lay Buddhist Association (Fojiao Gushi Hui), probably to avoid trouble under martial law. Japanese NRMs have been introduced to Taiwan at different times. The earliest was Tenrikyo, which came to Taiwan in 1897;52 the next was Soka Gakkai, which began to preach in Taiwan in 1962.53 Membership of Japanese NRMs in Taiwan is relatively small; my own estimate was that there were no more than twenty thousand committed adherents across all the movements. Among them, Soka Gakkai was the largest group with approximately twelve thousand members, followed by Tenrikyo and Seicho-no-Ie. The former comprised some three thousand members;54 while the latter, I calculated, had approximately two thousand five hundred. Kofuku-no-Kagaku was the smallest group among them with fewer than one hundred members in Taiwan. Members of Japanese NRMs are both men and women, and are particularly those older members of the Taiwanese elite who were educated during the Japanese era and spoke Japanese as their native language. Very rarely do the Chinese mainlanders participate in the Japanese NRMs, probably as a result of their negative experiences of the Japanese during the Second World War. 51 Obtaining information on the JNRMs in Taiwan turned out to be very difficult, since they did not advertise in public and most of them were very cautious about releasing any information about their development. However, the main problems could be sorted out with the kind assistance of Dr Fuji Takeshi. Dr Fuji Takeshi was also conducting research on the JNRMs, and very kindly let me have his research material as well as facilitating contacts with the JNRMs in Taipei. 52 My data here on Tenrikyo, however, differ from Peter Clarke’s research (1999). Based on information from the Chief Tenrikyo Missions Abroad, Clarke dated the establishment of Tenrikyo’s mission in Taiwan at 1934 (1999: 258), while my research found that a Tenrikyo mission arrived in Taiwan in 1897 and the first Tenrikyo church in Taiwan was erected one year later in 1898. The Tenrikyo authorities may have omitted the history before 1934 because of the unsuccessful missionary work of that time. My data show that Tenrikyo’s early recruitment in Taiwan was relatively poor; for instance, the mission had not recruited a single new convert when the first church was built. It may be that the date given by the Tenrikyo authority is the date when Tenrikyo had attracted sufficient numbers of converts in Taiwan, rather than the date of the arrival of the first mission. 53 Soka Gakkai was known as Nichiren Shoshu at that time and only became known under its current name after 1991. For further information about the split see for example Bryan Wilson and Karel Dobbelaere, A Time to Chant (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994) 232-45. 54 The figure was estimated by Dr Fuji Takeshi in 1997 during conversation.

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 25 All of the above groups have branches in the capital Taipei and most major cities, and those that have been in Taiwan for a longer time also have offices in the towns or countryside. Once established, Japanese NRMs developed quickly in Taiwan in the 1990s. For instance, Tenrikyo, the oldest Japanese NRM in Taiwan, had five churches and fortytwo liaison offices in Taiwan by 1988.55 Eleven years later, according to Clarke’s data, Tenrikyo claimed to have fifteen Churches and sixty Stations (liaison offices) and 6,667 yoboku (home altars) in Taiwan (Clarke 1999: 256). My data were collected in 1996. The establishment of the various Japanese NRMs in Taiwan follows a similar pattern: the establishment of Japanese churches in Taiwan was an important part of the expansion into overseas missions, and Taiwan was the first stop in Asia outside Japan.56 Many Japanese NRMs, such as Agon Shu and Sakei Kyusei-kyo, had already been disseminated in Taiwan by Taiwanese people before their formal establishment. Agon Shu was first introduced to Taiwan by a Taiwanese lady, Li Xiang-lan, who had encountered the faith while travelling in India. Mrs Li was fascinated by what she had heard about Agon Shu and went to Japan to discover more. After returning to Taiwan she voluntarily used her home as a base for dissemination and drew followers to practise with her. When Agon Shu’s mission was formally established in Taiwan in the early 1990s, Li continued to travel to Japan to learn more about the beliefs and practices of Agon Shu. Although Agon Shu sent priests from Japan to found the formal mission in Taiwan, the establishment received a great deal of help from Mrs Li because the Japanese were not conversant with either the local or the official languages of Taiwan. Thus the history of Agon Shu shows a degree of interest and enthusiasm from the Taiwanese. Tenrikyo is the most successful JNRM, and is the only legally recognized Japanese religion in Taiwan. (‘Success’ here is measured in terms of the movement’s longevity, the number of converts/members and the 55 Figure supplied by the Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department, the Second Asian Section, November 1988. This, however, did not include 346 yoboku (a ‘home altar’ which can only be set up by qualified religious teachers, who normally use their homes for consultations with the needy) and the sixty-four churches and liaison offices which were founded by Taiwanese. These were not written into Tenrikyo’s official records. My source was an interview with the General Secretary of Tenrikyo Taipei Branch (Dalongtong), 1996. 56 Shinsei-Bukkyo-Kyodan, however, is different. The purpose of the group in Taiwan is worshipping the souls of Japanese soldiers who died in Taiwan during the Second World War.

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level of State approval and acceptance.) The history of Tenrikyo in Taiwan will be used as a point of reference in this section because there is more material available on the movement.57 The first priority of Tenrikyo’s mission on Taiwan during the colonial era was to focus on the Japanese nationals rather than the Taiwanese. However, a Japanese priest known as Kado Kim disobeyed the mission policy and determined to preach Tenrikyo to the Taiwanese; she subsequently moved away from the Japanese settlement to live among Taiwanese people. By the end of the Second World War, Tenrikyo had founded a few churches in Taiwan, but there was only one church for the Taiwanese, that founded by Kado Kim. After Japan’s defeat in the Second World War, the Tenrikyo mission was forced by the Chinese Nationalists to leave Taiwan and its church buildings were confiscated. However, the Taiwanese church remained, and the local caretaker decorated it to resemble a traditional Taiwanese temple with the altar disguised by figures of Chinese traditional deities and surrounded with incense. Tenrikyo thus continued in Taiwan with very limited contact with Japan. In 1967 Tenrikyo was formally welcomed by the Taiwanese Government to return to Taiwan,58 although this is seen as largely a political arrangement because it was granted the formal status of a ‘religion’ under military rule. None of the churches originally founded for the Japanese was to be reactivated and the programme of evangelization designed for the new mission was now aimed at the Taiwanese.59 The development of the Japanese NRMs in Taiwan, as can be seen in the case of Tenrikyo, has been determined both by their missionary policy and by the political conditions of the host society. More importantly, 57 Huang Zhi-hui, ‘Tianli jiaozai taiwan de chuanjiao guocheng’ (Evangelism and Acceptance of Tenrikyo in Taiwan) in Studies of World View 4:25-44, (Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department, 1991), ‘Luntian lijiaode [rende guannian]: shenyu renzhi jian’ in Huang Yin-guei (ed.) Renguan Yiyi yu Shehui (Notion, Meaning and Society), (Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 1993) pp. 363-87 and Kado Kim (Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department, 1996). 58 Tenrikyo is one of the eleven legal religions recognized by the Taiwanese Government and it is the only one among the Japanese New Religions in Taiwan to have such status. 59 These data on Tenrikyo are derived from Huang Zhi-hui, ‘Tianli jiaozai taiwan de chuanjiao guocheng’ (Evangelism and Acceptance of Tenrikyo in Taiwan), in Studies of World View 4:25-44, (Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department, 1991), ‘Luntian lijiaode [rende guannian]: shenyu renzhi jian’ in Huang Yin-guei (ed.),Renguan Yiyi yu Shehui (Notion, Meaning and Society), (Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 1993) 363-87, and Kado Kim (Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department, 1996).

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 27 the continuity of these new religions in Taiwan can be credited to the cooperative efforts of their priests and the Taiwanese converts. The majority of Taiwanese converts have been told about the Japanese NRMs by the Japanese in the Japanese language. It should be noted that Japanese is understood not only by older Taiwanese people but also by many younger people. Most of the universities in Taiwan have faculties of Japanese studies, while other people have learnt Japanese for trading and travelling purposes and Japan is one of most popular tourist destinations for the Taiwanese. However, not all Taiwanese have learnt about the Japanese NRMs in Taiwan, as I discovered in the case of Mr Gao, a follower of Rissho Kosei-kai. Gao’s encounter with Rissho Kosei-kai took place in Japan when he first travelled there to visit a childhood friend who was already a committed member of the group. One important feature common to Japanese NRMs is that they are all lay movements, and the religious teachings and practices are strongly embedded in a this-worldly orientation. This practical element is one of the strongest reasons for the Taiwanese to convert to Japanese NRMs. Apart from sentiments arising from the previous colonial order, most Taiwanese members admitted to me that their conversion was due to their belief in the healing effects of the ritual, e.g. those practised by the Mahikari. Moreover, Taiwanese are attracted to the practical aspects of principles which emphasize having a joyful time on earth, as taught in the Tenrikyo movement. Though the beliefs of the different Japanese NRMs vary, they can be generally divided into three traditions: Buddhism, Japanese Shintoism and Christianity. The Taiwanese people have shown broad interest in most of them. The Taiwanese members were found to have spent gradually more time on studying the theologies; some members have been to Japan for further religious training and many members have installed Japanese altars in their home, such as the Gohozon60 of Soka Gakkai. There was little resistance to JNRMs among the Taiwanese people. However, they hardly ever paid homage to the Japanese founders in statue form as this was culturally unfamiliar to the Taiwanese.

60 Gohozon is ‘a [miniature] scroll inscribed with many Chinese characters and two Sanskrit characters’. The scroll is only received by a devotee when a ‘real commitment’ to this form of Buddhism is made. It is then enshrined in their home. See Richard Causton, Nichiren Shoshu Buddhism (London, Sydney, Auckland, Johannesburg: Rider, 1988) 13fn., 82.

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Moreover, the Taiwanese members had a high rate of church attendance and ritual practice. For instance, one of the important practices in Tenrikyo is to make a pilgrimage to the headquarters in Japan, as Tenrikyo emphasizes the idea of jiba (= ‘the original place’), which means Tenri City in Japan. It was found that most Taiwanese members had made the trip more than once. In 1996, the leadership of Japanese NRMs in Taiwan remained in the hands of Japanese. They mainly preach in Japanese, and the liturgy is in Japanese. Most of these groups send Japanese officials or priests to their main branches in Taiwan, who then travel around the other offices to oversee the teachings and practices. There is normally a Taiwanese chairman or chairwoman in each group, whose role is largely in local administration or property maintenance and who does not have any decision-making powers. Priesthood is attainable by the Taiwanese but it is limited to regional level, and I have not seen any qualified Taiwanese seconded to the Japanese headquarters. The Taiwanese can become priests after passing a series of examinations or training lectures, but most of these take place in Japan and in Japanese. Those who are successful will be granted certificates and may begin to use their home in Taiwan as a base from which to preach. The Taiwanese priests are restricted in that they are only permitted to preach in Taiwan and not world-wide like their Japanese counterparts. However, there are normally disputes when the Taiwanese priests use Chinese in interpreting the doctrines. The Japanese authorities have shown little tolerance to local adaptation, a situation that I have personally observed in Sakei Kyusei-kyo and Tenrikyo. Finance for Japanese NRMs in Taiwan has mainly been provided by missionary enterprises, which have changed over time. When Tenrikyo was first introduced to Taiwan during the Japanese colonization at the end of the nineteenth century, the mission was part of a wood plantation. The Tenrikyo mission was thus able to obtain land freely along with the permission to construct churches. In recent times the newer Japanese NRMs have gained their income from membership fees and commerce. Groups such as Sinji Shumei-kai charged expensive membership fees, while others such as the Agon Shu sold sacred objects at lucrative prices. Japanese NRMs in Taiwan cater for many diverse requirements. First, they satisfy a general interest in the ‘foreign’ and a veneration for trends emanating from the former colonial master. A second and more important element in the attraction of Japanese NRMs for the

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 29 Taiwanese is the lay orientation and a good organizational structure within religious lines. However, the Japanese NRMs’ leaders in Taiwan have also shown a strong resistance to adaptation, particularly in their leadership and style of preaching, and this may be one reason for their limited development in Taiwan. A study of the membership profile of JNRM leaders in Taiwan has highlighted a desire among the Taiwanese people for a more refined, elegant, sophisticated and ‘new’ outlet for their religiosity, but a wish to  maintain lay lives. Most of these desires are being fulfilled by JNRMs, but by joining up, Taiwanese members have to accept certain disadvantages. However, the desire for ‘newness’ cannot be channelled into Taiwanese NRMs either. Taiwan is a place with limited religious pluralism and many un-traditional new religious groups have found development difficult, as evidenced by the problems experienced by Zhenfo Zong, for example, described earlier. (p. 22). There is a resistance among the Taiwanese people, since the ending of martial law, to dealing with an influx of foreign NRMs, and the government has recognized only eleven religions in Taiwan (see fn. 58 p. 26). So the restrictions on religious pluralism come from two directions. These limitations have obtained throughout the 1990s and have led some new movements to disband and others to move abroad. For instance, a group founded by a Taiwanese man called Song Qili was outlawed in the mid-1990s when he was put in prison following allegations of fraud, though he was finally acquitted. Many Taiwanese, therefore, have felt obliged to seek a traditional Taiwanese religious group, which nonetheless is ‘new’ and has a strong lay emphasis. . . . . .Enter Tzu Chi.

The History of Lay Buddhism in Taiwan I will now outline briefly the history of lay Buddhism in Taiwan, as this is important for an understanding of my main subject, the Tzu Chi Movement. The history of lay Buddhism in Taiwan is as long as that of Chinese settlement. However, we know very little about the sociology of lay Buddhism before the Second World War. Lay Buddhism was known as Vegetarianism (Zhaijiao). Zhaijiao appealed mostly to women because their engagement with it was not seen as a direct threat to traditional norms, the most

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important of which was the prior fulfilment of family duties. So, many women practised their chanting and vegetarianism at home. Some became further involved with lay Buddhist practice and even became nuns after their children were grown up and had married (Weller 1998: 356). However, zhaijiao appeared to be devotional and this restricted the participation of men. After the Second World War and particularly since the 1970s, Chinese Buddhism has been increasingly influential in Taiwan. Wellknown monks and nuns began to draw large crowds for lectures and many Buddhist Masters regularly preached on television (Weller 1998: 356). In the 1990s, Buddhism was the religion in Taiwan which saw the biggest increase in the number of participants, according to a nationwide survey conducted in 1994 (see Table 1.1). During the time in which my research was being conducted, Buddhist evangelism was very vibrant in Taiwan and the intention was to integrate the laity into its core organization. Through arranging public lectures, introducing master-disciple relationships and bestowing titles, Buddhism made stronger and more cohesive links with the laity. The following point was made by a middle-aged saleswoman: ‘When I began to search for a religion, I encountered only Buddhism. There were so many activities held by Buddhists, almost every day there was something to attend. There were also many Buddhist talks Table 1.1 Religious change in Taiwan (Chu Hai-Yuan 1994: 150-1)61 Past (%) Buddhism

1994 (%)

31

39

9

9

32

31

Yi-guan Dao

1

3

Catholicism

2

1

Christianity

4

4

Islam

0

0

20

13

1

1

100

101

Daoism Traditional Religion

Atheism Others Total 61

For current religious demography, see Appendix.

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 31 or lectures for the general public not only by Buddhist masters but also by lay Buddhists and academics. I became a disciple of more than ten Buddhist masters and I was involved with numerous temples and Buddhist colleges. I was a chief executive of one Buddhist movement, a chairwoman of a Buddhist college, and a member of a Buddhist temple committee. I felt so content and became extremely busy.’62 Another element in the growth of Buddhism has been the effect of a new style of preaching. Many Buddhist masters have recorded their lectures onto a series of cassettes or videos, and have often preached on television, thus providing almost unlimited learning opportunities for the laity. One of the best examples I heard of was of a single, working female aged thirty-one, who told me that she ‘… converted to Buddhism as did many of my friends and colleagues. In my previous company, half of them had converted to Buddhism (out of one thousand eight hundred employees). We were convinced to search for enlightenment. We spent most of our spare time attending Buddhist lectures, taking retreat courses or organizing Buddhist study groups. In addition, we listened to a series of Buddhist cassettes; there were so many of them made by different Buddhist masters. Listening to Buddhist cassettes became a very common thing to do during lunch break. All of us had a least one set of Buddhist talks on cassette, and we liked to exchange them with each other. Through this learning, I understood what the zhengxeng fojiao (orthodox Buddhism) was and the difference between Buddhism and Traditional Religion. I was fascinated by the Buddhist practices and by the Buddhist philosophy. I could say that Buddhism was the first religion for me, and it was the one I had looked for. Therefore I determined to find a master and devote myself to learning about the faith.’63 Buddhist doctrine has been another important factor in drawing the Taiwanese laity into the traditional Buddhism brought over from China after the Second World War. A vast majority of my informants indicated that Buddhist doctrines provided them with a more satisfying explanation for the problems in their lives. One example was given by a self-employed married woman aged fifty, who stated: I was devastated by my mother’s death (emotionally and culturally). My mother died when I was in hospital. The moment of her death was at 62 63

Selected interview No. 27. Selected interview No. 30.

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chapter one exactly the same time as I was having an operation. It was so hard for me to believe it because I had just talked to her on the telephone that morning. There is a saying that a mother’s mind is connected to her children’s but I only found out about her death after I had left hospital. The worst thing was that I did not even accompany her to the graveyard, the last thing a daughter should do for her mother in our culture. I felt guilty and I blamed myself for not observing filial piety. …A friend who was a Buddhist gave me a book about the beliefs in orthodox Buddhism [or the Chinese Buddhism mentioned earlier in the Chapter]. Reading it, my pain was relieved and my worries were resolved, and I then began to participate in Buddhist activities.64

The concept of karma (cause and effect) in Buddhist doctrine was given as another important reason for conversion. One fifty-six year old housewife told how the Buddhist teaching had helped her to understand her health problems: I used not to feel healthy at all; I was diagnosed with kidney trouble. I then had to take lots of medicine and a series of expensive treatments. I became skinny and looked ugly. One day I was told by a Buddhist that all sickness, misfortune and bad personal relations are the result of (bad) karma and the best way to avoid this is to follow Buddhism. In order to cure my illness, I became a Buddhist and followed the precepts, including taking a vegetarian vow, doing daily chanting and paying homage to the Buddha.65

Another attribute of Buddhist doctrine has been observed in independent public reports, such as the China News Analysis (English language journal), which stated that the present level of interest in Buddhism was due to the fact that the doctrines serve the need of the individual rather than the family as a whole.66 This was found to be the main reason for conversion for the Taiwanese majority whose first religion was the Taiwanese Traditional Religion (this point has been covered in the section ‘Taiwanese Traditional Religion’). Anthropologically, I found that overall, traditional Buddhism has been seen as providing explanatory and emotional functions for the individual rather than a sense of community.67 As a result, Buddhism, with its sophisticated package of doctrines and practices, has converted more lay Taiwanese than has any other 64

Selected interview No. 22. Selected interview No. 25. 66 China News Analysis No. 1538-39, p. 5. 67 For an anthropological analysis of religious functions see, for example, John Saliba, ‘The New Religious Movement in Sociological Perspective’ in Perspectives on New Religious Movements, (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1995) pp. 118-22. 65

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 33 religion in Taiwan. The reasons for conversion include the doctrines, evangelical techniques and practices including systems of chanting, dieting and praying. Buddhism has created a completely different religious experience for many people in Taiwan: it is individualistic and cognitive, and allows everyone to practise it on a daily basis, not just one person in the family as happens in Traditional Religion. Conversion to lay Buddhism not only changes people’s way of life but also their individual value systems. It is very probable that people learn the habit of making cash donations to improve bad karma or accumulate merit from Buddhism rather than from Traditional Religion. A large percentage of my sample stated that they began to make money donations through the influence of their Buddhist teachers. Chu Haiyuan’s national survey on social change (1994) found that Buddhist organizations received more donations than any other religious group in Taiwan. (See Table 1. 2.) Within traditional Chinese Buddhism a few sects have emerged independently because of their distinctive teachings or organizational structure, such as Wanfo Si (the City of Ten Thousand Buddhas) founded by a Chinese refugee Buddhist Master, Xuan Hua in the USA. This group’s mission was to introduce Buddhism to the West, so it founded a society to translate Buddhist texts into English.68 Another Table 1.2 The religious group(s) to which Taiwanese donate money (plural choice) Nos. Traditional Religion

Percentage

645

35

79

4

Buddhism

870

47

Daoism

300

16

Christianity

108

6

Catholicism

39

2

Others

23

1

Yi-guan Dao

Total sample

1862

Data derived from Chu Hai-yuan 1994: 177. 68 Wanfo Si is mainly preached in California but it has gradually expanded across the USA. The translation work was done in California by the Buddhist Text Translation Society, part of the Sino-American Buddhist Association. (Information dated 1992.)

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example of a new traditional Buddhist sect is a group combining Chinese Buddhism with Tibetan Buddhism founded by Master Lin Yu, a Taiwanese layman, who had followers both in the USA and Taiwan. Some other independent sects of Chinese Buddhism based in Taiwan that have expanded abroad are Foguang Shan (the Buddha’s Light Mountain) and Fagu Shan (the Dharma Drum Mountain). The former was founded by Master Xing Yun in Kaoshung, a county in southern Taiwan, in 1966. Due to his talent for management and hard work, Foguang Shan has become a well-established organization with a durable constitution. Fagu (Dharma Drum) is led by Master Sheng Yen, and with his great learning the group has developed modern forms of traditional Chinese Chan (or Zen) practices and converted hundreds of lay followers in Taiwan, mainly in the north, as well as in New York and in the UK. The main significance of these sects is the participation of lay Buddhists. Master Xin Yun of Foguang Shan has transformed the main temple complex into the most popular tourist attraction in the south of Taiwan, with a number of hotels and car parks. He has also made the traditionally lucrative Buddhist liturgy affordable for (probably) the first time in Taiwan, enabling thousands of lay people to participate in temple ceremonies regularly. Similarly, Master Sheng Yen has packaged complicated Chan meditation training into organized seven-day or weekend retreats, and his personal charm and knowledge of traditional Buddhism have made these activities very popular among urban white collar workers.69 However, the primary ideology of these Buddhist sects is monasticism and world renunciation. For followers to leave home and become a nun or a monk is the fundamental aim of the preaching in most of these sects. The Buddhist clergy are considered spiritually more advanced than the Buddhist laity. Due to the desire to expand, most of these Buddhist sects have used intensive methods to pressurize laity into becoming nuns or monks.70 Quite a few people have been persuaded to join the order not because of any religious calling but as the result of these programming techniques. A scandal eventually broke in 1996; a Chinese Buddhist sect known as Zhongtai Shan (Middle Platform Mountain) led by Master Wei Jue shaved the heads of (i.e. 69

In 1995 I participated in one of Master Sheng Yen’s retreats in Wales, UK. This tendency is found in most of the movements based in Taiwan, but financial restrictions meant that I was not able to travel to the USA to investigate the movements there. 70

the second golden age of chinese buddhism in taiwan 35 ordained) more than one hundred students after a two-week summer retreat. Almost all of them were female students at the University of Taiwan, the best university in the country. When the parents went to the temple to find their children, the organization refused to let the parents in and claimed the young people were there of their own free will. Allegedly, the students were convinced by the organization that becoming a member of the clergy was the best choice for their lives and

Fig. 1.1 A Chinese Buddhist sect known as Zhongtai Shan ordained more than one hundred university students, most of them female, into the order after two weeks of a summer retreat. This newspaper photograph shows the determination of one of those nuns in front of her mother in that temple. (Source LianherBao (the united daily) on 6 september 1996.) Ordaining people without parental consent is contrary to Buddhist rules and tradition and has been so since Shakyamuni Buddha acceded to his own father’s wishes over the matter of ordaining his own son, prince Rãhula. This image contrasts with the spirit and practice of Tzu Chi.

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the best way to observe filial piety.71 Some parents eventually managed to see their children but failed to change their minds. Another problem with Chinese Buddhism stems from the lack of concern for Taiwanese people reflected in the use of Mandarin and the Chinese style of chanting. Although both can be learned by the Taiwanese, and indeed are more accessible to the younger generation, who have on the one hand learnt Mandarin at school and on the other have no previous knowledge of Buddhism, this nevertheless shows a reluctance on the part of the Chinese to adapt to the needs of the local majority. This reluctance has been a weakness which some Taiwanese have found unbearable; it came to be used by the Master Cheng Yen as the basis for her Tzu Chi Movement.

71 See Fig. 1.1 for a newspaper photograph from this event. I am grateful to Mr Tsai Wuxuen for his help in this matter.

CHAPTER TWO

RESEARCH APPROACH AND METHODS In this chapter72 I will discuss the methods of my research and the contribution that my study can make to our understanding. The chapter is divided into five sections: a summary of the work of previous researchers (in English), the approach of the research, the challenge and difficulties of research in Taiwan, the collection of data, and the strength and weakness of the methods. Review of the Literature in English Work on Tzu Chi in English includes three doctoral theses and an MPhil. dissertation,73 and I shall now review them in chronological order. The first is a thesis entitled Understanding the Buddhist Tzu-Chi Association – A Cultural Approach by Chen Sheng-jen, completed in 1990. From the perspective of a cultural study, Chen researched the organizational knowledge of Tzu Chi Members. Chen’s account of the Movement relied for the most part on a single informant.74 He found two themes: the Movement as an extended family and the Movement as a group for self-cultivation. The former reflected the way the members socialize within the Movement and the latter looked at what motivated members to join. Chen gave a fairly general and simple account of the Movement, but it lacked an approach from a religious studies viewpoint. The second academic work about the Movement is the Aspect and Implication of a Taiwanese Charity Organization – Tzu Chi or the Buddhist Compassion Relief Association, completed by Ho Ming-jung in 1995. Miss Ho studied the motivation for altruistic behaviour among Tzu Chi members, stating that the Movement’s aims corresponded with 72 Though some of my trials may make entertaining reading, the reader who is eager to learn about Tzu Chi and not so interested in the hows and whys of my research is advised to move straight to Chapter 3, and maybe return to this chapter later. 73 Dr Chien-yu Julia Huang’s book on Tzu Chi (see Bibliography) came too late to be taken into consideration in this book; but in any case her approach is so different from mine that our work barely overlaps. The two books may be seen as complementary. 74 The informant was Chen’s elder sister.

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those of people who were initially interested in altruism and would like to make the world a better place. However, Ho suggested that the members’ behaviour was not entirely altruistic as they were partly motivated by the goal of self-improvement. Accordingly, she saw an inconsistency between the altruistic motivation and altruistic behaviour among the members and the teachings of the Tzu Chi. The members themselves retained a causal link between altruism and reciprocity. They should not expect anything back from their recipients, but they were aware of what they would gain, i.e. selfimprovement. In the light of Tzu Chi’s theory on altruism, Ho claimed that the teachings were conspiratorial, as there was a great overlap between individual interests and group interests. For instance, Ho asserted that Master Cheng Yen had to teach the female devotees to fulfil their domestic roles before they came to work for the Movement, and Ho saw this to be a sure sign that they were calculating which would bring them more merit. In the end, Ho switched her research to another angle, as she realized that certain social and moral imperatives were stronger and more effective than any rational calculation of selfinterest in performing altruistic acts. Thus the emphasis should be on the behaviour rather than on the motivation behind it. Ho’s main finding was inspiring but contributed very little to an understanding of the Tzu Chi Movement. This may be due to the lack of substantial first-hand data as well as a failure to examine the theology of the Movement carefully. The minimal first-hand data were collected only from interviews in London, using limited questionnaires.75 Most of Ho’s data came from official literature and secondary sources. The third academic work about the Movement is Buddhism in Taiwan: a Historical Survey, completed by Charles Jones in 1996. In his thesis there is a chapter on the Tzu Chi Movement that deals briefly with the life of the founder, the Movement as a lay organization, the religious and moral vision of the Movement and the Movement as a female phenomenon. Jones’ account of the Movement as a whole was the standard, well-known one, and he provided little new information on any aspect of it. Ting Jen-chieh contributed the fourth academic work on Tzu Chi. His thesis, Helping Behaviour in Social Contexts: A Case Study of the Tzu 75 Ho’s interview questions covered little of her main theme. The questions were about how people became aware of the Movement, their first impressions of the Movement and what made them decide to join.

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Chi Association in Taiwan, was completed in 1997. Ting’s research also focused on the altruistic behaviour of the members, although he took a socio-psychological approach. In his study Ting claimed that altruistic behaviour among Tzu Chi Members arose from the conventional cultural norm of social behaviour in Taiwan. Thus cultural collective values are more important than individual values and merit accumulation has always been a very important stimulant for altruistic acts. By showing statistically that most Tzu Chi members joined the Movement through private networks (blood-related ties), in conjunction with the belief that merit is shareable within the same family so that an individual meritorious act benefits other members of that family,76 Ting concluded that merit accumulation was an important motivation for the members’ altruistic behaviour. Ting’s research is analytical and comprehensive and has supplied much new information. However, his research has somewhat underplayed the influence of a religion on the behaviour of the believers. Ting did not examine the effect of the religious teachings on the Members, and he also failed to give sufficient credence to the charismatic authority of the founder, Master Cheng Yen. In addition, Ting’s research mainly focused on males and his survey was applied to a rather small group; the largest survey that he conducted was of seventy-six people. Therefore his study inevitably overlooked the female members who formed the foundations of Tzu Chi and are still the most significant part of the membership. From this review of the above literature it is clear that, apart from Jones’ work, the focus was micro-sociological. The above mentioned researchers held the view that the Tzu Chi phenomenon could be best understood in terms of the meanings which people place on their actions. In this way they concentrated on studying the individual member’s acts, motives and the knowledge that informed their actions, which in turn sustained and changed the religion. Here, however, a macro-sociological perspective is offered. The research focuses on members’ behaviour that gives clues to understanding the religion as a whole. These patterns, which are also structures, include the family, education, marriage and the political and economic orders, as well as the process of being involved with the Movement. 76

I, however, would strongly argue against Ting’s understanding of the so-called ‘sharing of merit’. In Cheng Yen’s theory the merit is completely individual, and the only opportunity for sharing is between a husband and wife. Indeed, Tzu Chi gives a couple the same membership number.

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The major interest is the relationships among the people of a religious group and how those relationships change. Moreover, I intend to offer quantitative research in order to supplement the weakness found in Chen (1990) and Ho (1995). I employed four methods of social science research for collecting data, namely reviewing the existing literature in both English and Chinese, participant observation, and the use of interviews and surveys. In order to validate the research the data have been compared with other relevant studies, including studies of NRMs and sociological research on Taiwan. The most important of these are Bryan Wilson and Karel Dobbelaere, A Time to Chant, the Soka Gakkai Buddhists in Britain (1994) and Chu Hai-yuan’s The Project of the Basic Survey on Social Change in Taiwan – the Report of the Fifth Survey (1994). This is based on the belief that different religious groups stem from different traditions and have provided different reasons for appeal, but that every religion shares common characteristics (Beckford 1986: ix).

The Study of Appeal and the Approach of my Research Appeal is an under-explored topic that is often approached from a functional perspective and dealt with in terms of essential understandings linked with positive feelings to a movement. It is commonly seen as an attribute of an organization or as being predetermined by social structure and the alterations in it. Thus what is ‘offered’ or ‘provided’ by a new religious movement (NRM) is often described as its appeal (Wilson 1992: 206). I will look at appeal and what can be learned from the perspective of the Tzu Chi members, taking their own claims about what they see as appealing about the Movement, claims that are derived from their own experience and practice. This is an important source for developing an understanding of the nature of appeal, and of the reasons why people feel that they should participate in the Tzu Chi Movement. This subjective practice-oriented approach will avoid privileging explanations based on academic perceptions of needs resulting from uncertainty stemming from social shifts (Heelas 1997: 135-52) and will help refine relative deprivation theory which explains the development of sectarianism (Stark and Bainbridge 1985: 307-308; Puttick 1997: 25-7). By emphasizing the expressed opinions of the individual members obtained through the interview process with questions highlighting the topic of appeal, I hope to indicate the wide variety of ways in which a

research approach and methods

41

NRM may be seen to have appeal. Reasons cited by members often seem to be as much to do with curiosity and peer pressure as with a perceived sense of uncertainty or need for self-redefinition and fulfilment (Heelas 1997: 2-3). The social background of members and the beneficial effect of their involvement with a socially responsible religious movement are also seen as important backing elements to support commitment to a religious group (Wilson & Dobbelaere 1994: 203-15). For instance, some religious movements make themselves very attractive to those in socially disadvantageous positions (Puttick 1997: 25-7). However I would suggest that in contrast to the above functional approach, religious appeal should be seen as a much more complex and historically situated phenomenon. In order to fully grasp the impact of Tzu Chi on Taiwanese society, I think that it is also important to examine the role of the leadership, the recruitment strategy, the teachings and practices, and the organizational structure; as well as examining the social background of the members and the dynamism of the society within which the religious group and the members are based. Moreover, I will study the literature produced by Tzu Chi. The study of the Movement’s literature is important, as Wilson pointed out: ‘The value of that literature is highly variable and dependent on the more specific purpose of the research. Much sect literature is directed at outsiders, at potential recruits: if the research is concerned with image, this type of literature, even if it is mass-produced, and little as it may tell of the dynamics of sect organization, strategies for coping with changes, or financial structure, will be an indispensable resource’ (Wilson 1990: 7). The Challenge and Difficulties of Research in Taiwan Access to the Field I began my data collection in the spring of 1995, and my fieldwork was conducted in three places: Taiwan island, London and New York. Taiwan is the place where the Tzu Chi Movement began and where the majority of the members reside, while the branches in England and New York provide case studies of missionary work and internationalization.77 This study has been undertaken from the ‘externalist’ perspective in that it is ‘based on the observation of the movement from 77

The trip to New York was made possible with the help of the Lady Robinson Travel Award, College Hall, University of London. It should be noted that the study of Tzu Chi’s missionary work is limited to the extent of controlling out the many different factors related to a cross-societal study.

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outside, approaching the activity involved primarily in terms of a positivistic method which applies some standardized measuring device to each instance’ (Wallis 1984: 132). The fieldwork took fifteen months altogether. I intended to spend the first three months in Taiwan in order to familiarize myself with the Movement, but my initial problem was that no one I knew was a member of the Movement. In Taiwan Chinese society it is a cultural practice that people need to have mediators in order to get to know people or involved with groups, and so through an introduction by my maternal aunt I met and got to know Mrs Lai Mei-zhi, a senior member and a cadre of Tzu Chi. I explained my research plan to Mrs Lai, who gave me a friendly welcome, perhaps because she has a degree in sociology, and became my Tzu Chi information source. She took me to the Taipei branch and told me how to arrange a stay at the headquarters of the Movement in Hualien, a town on the eastern coast of Taiwan. A few days later, I took a domestic flight to the Headquarters with the name of a resident disciple who was prepared to speak to me about the Movement. I lived there with other visiting members and joined in their activities for several days. I was introduced to people in the following terms: ‘She is doing religious studies in England. Since she is very impressed with Tzu Chi, she has come to study us.’ During that period, no one ever actually questioned me about my background; people treated me as one of them. This was perhaps due to my native status but also because many students or journalists had already stayed at the Headquarters and studied the people and the place. I was once introduced to the founder, the Master Cheng Yen, who seemed to be very used to researchers and showed no sign of surprise at my purpose for staying, and she asked me to enjoy myself at their Headquarters. Before leaving I was invited, as most of the guests were, to take my turn in giving my impression of Tzu Chi to those present. At that time I felt that I was being treated like a potential convert rather than just a research student, although I had, of course, worked hard to achieve this level of co-operation with the Movement. In order to achieve a comparative view and to define the aim of my research, I also contacted Taiwanese academics, visited other active Buddhist institutes across Taiwan, and investigated matters relevant to my research. I joined in Buddhist activities advertised in the media or which I heard about by word of mouth. I attended various Buddhist talks, pilgrimages and retreats and thus gained first-hand knowledge about the general situation of Buddhism and Buddhists in Taiwan.

research approach and methods

43

Emphasizing my academic credentials was one of the ways in which I created a sense of trust with the Movement,78 although I knew that most local academics in Taiwan had lost interest as they felt that the Movement had already been over-exploited by the media, politicians and academia.79 I decided to become a research student of the Institute of Ethnology at the Academia Sinica, the highest governmental research agency in Taiwan, and this affiliation played a very important part in my work.80 The affiliation of this studentship not only gave me a sense of belonging and of academic legitimacy; but also provided a direct channel for me to get to know academics in Taiwan. The institute has employed many Western-trained Taiwanese scholars, and most importantly it has a policy of encouraging research students conducting fieldwork in Taiwan by providing shared offices and access to its library, which has the best collection of dictionaries and works on social sciences in Taiwan. As time went on it became apparent that my position as a nonbeliever was presenting problems for my research. To allay the concerns of the leaders of the Movement I was advised by a Member to persuade one of my family to join the Movement, preferably my mother. In order not to compromise my objectivity I decided against this. My informant, Mrs Lai, suggested that I should formalize my research and that a letter outlining the purpose of my work should be sent by my college in London to the founder of the Movement, the Master Cheng Yen. So at the end of my first three months in Taiwan I returned to London to meet my supervisor in order to get the letters that were now vital for my research work. Two formal letters detailing the purpose of my research were duly sent to Taiwan: one to the Master Cheng Yen and another to the chairman of the Institute of Ethnology at the Academia Sinica. On returning to Taiwan about three weeks later, I was informed by Mrs Lai that the Master Cheng Yen had not yet received the letter from my Professor. As my research could not continue without the Master’s agreement, I had another copy of the letter sent to me and 78 This is how some scholars, such as Lin Ben-xuan (1996), have acted as an externalist in conducting research into the Tzu Chi Movement in Taiwan. 79 Although I am a native Taiwanese, I did not know many Taiwanese academics. Because I did not take my postgraduate course in Taiwan where a master-disciple relationship is established between postgraduate student and professor, I was like an orphan in Taiwanese academia. 80 In the view the nature of my research, I might have been better served by the Institute of Sociology rather than the Institute of Ethnology, but it did not take any research students at that time.

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this time I appended a translation of my proposal in Chinese. As the Master Cheng Yen would be too busy to look at my case, I was given another name to forward the letter on to, Miss Lin Bi-yu, one of the three vice-executives of the Movement. Two weeks later I contacted Miss Lin about the matter and her secretary informed me that they had not received my letter. I sent the whole thing again by registered post but the result was the same, the letter never arrived. I then tried facsimile, but that was no more successful. After many weeks had passed and my research remained at a standstill I decided to fly to the Tzu Chi Headquarters and meet Miss Lin in person. Miss Lin did not seem to be surprised by my visit, but she had a very busy schedule for the day ahead. After a brief conversation, I was told that I had failed to mention in my letter (Ah, The Chinese ways!) the methods that I would be using, and that I should supply this information next time. However, I was determined not to accept any delay and instead of leaving the Head Office I borrowed a computer from a member of staff, printed out my methods and asked the secretary to hand it to Miss Lin who was in the middle of another long meeting. After several hours of waiting, Miss Lin eventually came out from the meeting and quickly glanced at my paper. She then very efficiently addressed two brief notes in which my research was confirmed and accepted: one to the leader of the British branch and the other to the head of staff in the Taipei branch. Miss Lin also wrote a note requesting the staff to provide me with the Movement’s literature free of charge and to assist me with my interviews and survey, although, as I was later to discover, this did not guarantee their co-operation. After this, I was able to recommence my research on the Movement with confidence and authority, although there were two further setbacks ahead. The first occurred a few months after the research had begun when Miss Lin decided that my selected interviewees were not the most representative ones and I was given a list of names and telephone numbers of those whom she considered to be more suitable. The second setback took place when a journalist misquoted me in her book and put my relationship with the Movement at great risk. I met this journalist at the Movement’s Headquarters in Taiwan when she came to ask me about the missionary work in England. I told her that the members in the UK were doing their work extremely well but that they felt that a better command of English would enable them to carry out their work more efficiently. The journalist, however, misquoted my words and wrote that I had said that the members’ English was too bad

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to carry out their missionary work properly. The Tzu Chi members in both the UK and Taiwan, in particular my informant Mrs Lai, were very upset when they read the book and were not happy with my explanation of events. I have given a detailed account of my approach to the Tzu Chi Movement in order to illustrate the nature of my role both as an externalist and as a native. This status meant that my research work in Taiwan was not always easy, but as Roy Wallis pointed out, a study done from the perspective of an outsider may reach a better intellectual and objective understanding of a religious movement (Wallis 1984: 132-3). Related Ethical Issues Here, the discussion focuses on the ethical issues faced by a researcher during fieldwork. In the studying of NRMs the particular problem that needs to be addressed concerns the role played by the researcher while collecting data, and specifically, whether it is appropriate for a researcher to act as a believer of a religious movement.81 For instance, when John Loftland and his friends studying The Divine Principle accessed the group through participating in the course, in this way they pretended to be believers without revealing their research agenda.82 The problem I faced with Tzu Chi was not the issue of converting or pretending to convert, or pretending to act as a believer, because it was not possible for me to become a member of Tzu Chi. A female can become a member of Tzu Chi either through a cash donation or by being a voluntary worker (see Chapter, ‘Recruitment’), and neither of these two ways was possible for me. The first was denied me through a lack of funds, the latter due to the clash between the need for academic rigour and the constrained perspective of the organization accorded to a new voluntary member, who, like a brick at the base of an Egyptian pyramid, only has contact with those members adjacent to it in the structure, and therefore has no contact with, or ability to perceive the objectives of, those at the head of the organizational structure. (See Chapter 7, ‘Organizational Structure’, for a fuller evaluation of the organization.) Traditionally, the fieldworker in Taiwan has collected data through the anthropological method of studying an alien culture, e.g. Western researchers have studied Han Chinese 81

See Keith A. Robert, ‘Researching the New Religions’ in his Religion in Sociological Perspective (1995: 219). 82 See Neil J. Smelser’s Sociology – Fifth Edition (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1995) pp. 318 and 443.

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or Han Chinese (or Taiwanese) scholars have conducted research on the aborigines of Taiwan. I, however, could not adopt this perspective, as the object of my study had a similar ethnic and cultural heritage to myself. I presented myself to the people of Tzu Chi as an academic researcher and spent quite a long time socializing with them. The leaders of Tzu Chi were tolerant of me, possibly because I came from the same background as most of the members and was therefore not a complete outsider. Nevertheless, my position as a religious externalist did give cause for suspicion and thus provide an obstacle to my work. One way for a researcher to smooth relationships with informants is to provide gifts, as Gates, who collected data in Taiwan during the 1980s, and shows in his lengthy description: How to make an appropriate return for an informant’s time and trouble is a matter that often bedevils anthropologists. In Taiwan this matter was simplified by the fact that the Chinese follow an elaborate code that specifies what gifts to give and when to give them. To people I did not know well, I brought the kinds of presents given when one visits for the first time or asks a small favour – baskets of choice fruit and tins of cookies. For old friends with whom I was already linked by the gifts we exchanged on special occasions, the treats could be more closely matched to their tastes: the Zhangs like pig-ear shreds and sesame buns from a special shop; Miss Ong enjoys Tainan-style candied fruit. When I finished each interview, I brought a more substantial present: a dress length of fine mainland silk, well-made woolen sweaters, a small tape recorder, a bottle of unusual liquor. In a couple of cases I added gifts of money, properly concealed in the traditional red envelope, for a child or grandchild. I knew also that all these people would now feel free to ask favors of me: helping with a child’s English studies, or sending or receiving foreign currency, for example – knowing I would do my best to comply. As is customary among Chinese people, I always gave copies of snapshots to people I had photographed. Such exchanges are important in Chinese society, where friendship is expected to express itself tangibly as well as symbolically. Many Chinese people are, by Western standards, quite sentimental about friendships, and love to have photos, souvenirs, and objects around them that remind them of happy occasions. I was glad to know how to give appropriate gifts, and glad to give them. They helped knit me, a foreigner, into the fabric of a Chinese relationship by showing informants that I understood important Chinese cultural rules and standards, thus making me familiar and trustworthy despite my alien appearance and origin. Mutual usefulness framed by etiquette that demonstrates respect for each other’s dignity comes close to being a definition of Chinese friendship. (Gates 1987: 14-5)

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I could not adopt Gates’ approach entirely, because it was financially unfeasible for me to have a systematic way of giving gifts to my many informants similar to that described above. Paradoxically, some Tzu Chi members gave me gifts, most of which were their own domestic produce, business gifts or the Movement’s literature; or they insisted on paying for the drinks or meal, all of which made me feel guilty and uncomfortable. It was culturally impolite to refuse them or to return the gifts. I shared most of the gifts with people and I did try my best to bring them some small gifts in return. I discovered their generosity might derive from one of their principal recruiting methods called jieyan (to initiate a good relationship), and I was perhaps treated like a potential convert. It was also customary for the members to purchase books for the public to further show their devotion to the Movement. In the end, I decided to donate approximately £250 to the Movement,83 and personally purchased most of Tzu Chi’s literature from my own pocket. Nevertheless, many members had no idea about academic research, which they confused with commercial forms of research or journalism. For instance, I was frequently asked why I did not have assistants with me or where my photographer was. I tried to explain to them the value and purpose of academic research and the difference between it and journalism. My alternative solution was to wear a shirt or jumper displaying the King’s College London logo when I stayed in the Movement. The members also questioned why my study in England was so expensive and why the research then had to be written in English. My answer was to try to emphasize the nature of ‘bigger learning and larger readers’ of English in the academic world. An academic approach would a give a more objective perspective on the Movement; and when the research was successfully completed in English it would be collected by an internationally renowned library, thus extending the fame of the Movement across the world. Some leaders of Tzu Chi made it clear that they did not see any point in supporting academic research, for example they said that: ‘xuezhe zhihui piping’ (scholars know nothing but criticism). I had a feeling that some leaders and general members of the Tzu Chi Movement felt that they had no choice but to co-operate with my research. I think that, despite their misgivings, some of the resentment was also driven 83 This donation was made under the name of my late stepfather, as he was very ill at that time.

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by their frustration with working endless hours voluntarily for Tzu Chi.84 This was highlighted by a team leader whom I knew well, who once mentioned that she had considered charging me a fee for being interviewed. Sometimes they vented their frustration by belittling intellectualism. During my fieldwork, I often heard that a PhD meant little and that a really great scholar should behave humbly: like a mature rice stalk, which droops.85 However, their apparent antipathy towards intellectuals may be a reflection of the fact that most of the members had no opportunity to undertake further education.86 It is understandable that people are unwilling to co-operate with research no matter how hard the researcher tries, and is a situation that has been previously encountered in Taiwan, as noted by Gates: A few attempts failed. When the subject of an interview was broached, two or three acquaintances indirectly refused, saying that their lives were of no interest, that they were too busy, or simply giving the all purpose Chinese excuse that such interviews were ‘not convenient’. A few others gave me nothing but the barest chronology of their lives, and I found no questions that prompted them to become more expansive. One younger woman, a taxi driver, told me, ‘Most of life is very simple. We go through our days, getting by, and that’s that. What is there to tell?’ (Gates 1987: 12)

I realized that any help I received for my research was precious and I therefore did my best to accede to the requests of interviewees, meeting them whenever and wherever they desired. Research ethics centre on the value of human life and the privacy of the individual. I wanted to prevent the people with whom I conducted my research from the feeling of being merely providers or of being used. However, there is no rigid and concrete agreement on ethics among researchers themselves, and as a researcher I could only rely on my own moral instincts and my desire to be conscientious. As Jorgensen put it, ‘as with truth, there is no way of absolutely ensuring ethical research’ (Jorgensen 1989: 29). 84

Tzu Chi members have to work long hours for the Movement. Interview appointments with some of the members were made for 11 pm, when they had completed their duties. 85 This Chinese saying has been directly translated from the Mandarin. It implies that gaining knowledge can result in one of two outcomes: the PhD like the bamboo shoot goes strong and tall within the society, the adoption of the title of doctor adding to her/his social status and thereby elevating the individual above her/his peers. This is in contrast with the humble rice plant, which, when it has through study gained knowledge and thereby the potential for social elevation, instead bows its head humbly and refuses to stand, superior, above its peers. 86 For the educational background of Tzu Chi members, please see Chapter, ‘Social Composition’.

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The Collection of Data In the following sections I will discuss my application of the research methods to the study of the Tzu Chi movement and any adaptations I have made. The four research methods are a review of the literature, participant observation, and the use of interviews and surveys. Review of Literature The review of academic literature directly related to the Tzu Chi Movement87 as well as the secondary literature is important in many ways. For instance this method enabled me to avoid repeating work and threw up ideas about how my contribution could be made. The libraries of my university in London provided very little help in this respect as most of the academic work on the Tzu Chi Movement has been undertaken at American universities and could not be obtained in the United Kingdom, even though one work was completed several years ago. I finally collected all of the American dissertations with the help of friends and academics in the United States. Sometimes even work produced in Britain was difficult to obtain. A postgraduate dissertation held by the Bodleian library at Oxford University, for example, could only be read at the library and a photocopy could not be made without the written permission of the author, who was not in the country. It was essential, of course, to review the secondary literature, in order to be able to situate my thesis within the debates current among scholars. Those sociological studies on NRMs that were written in English were mostly focused in the West and mainly on Christian-related movements (Beckford 1988: 17),88 although the situation has improved recently, for example Peter Clarke on studying Japanese NRMs in the West.89 Moreover, the research in the West on Buddhism traditionally 87 The academic work about Tzu Chi which has been published in English has already been separately reviewed at the beginning of this chapter, where my account serves to show how I consider my own approach distinctive. 88 This problem is raised, for example, by James Beckford, collected in Thomas Robbins’ Cults, Converts and Charisma, 1988: 17. 89 There are other scholars who conducted research on Japanese NRMs, such as Helen Hardacre and Peter Clarke. For the issue of studying non-Christian religions see, for example, Peter Clarke and Jeffrey Sommers (eds.) Japanese New Religions in the West (Folkstone, Kent: Japan Library, 1994), and Peter Clarke (ed.) Bibliography of Japanese New Religions (Richmond, Surrey: Japan Library, Curzon Press, 1999).

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has concentrated on doctrinal interpretation and sectarian development through history. There have been growing attempts at studying newer dimensions of Buddhism such as the studies on the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order (FWBO), but I found little of the above secondary literature to be directly relevant to my topic. (However, there are a few noteworthy exceptions.90) My research, the study of a new Buddhist movement from Taiwan, is therefore initiatory in many respects, such as that of terminological adaptation. It was also difficult to relate to the work that is concerned with religions of Taiwan because the focus has been mostly on Traditional Religion with a traditional approach: religion was treated as an indispensable part of life (i.e. Maspero 1981; Martin 1988; Ahern 1981; Gates 1973; Topley 1975; Wolf 1974). Their emphases were on ritual, gender, local cult and symbolism, and Taiwanese religion is seen not as independent but as a continuing unbroken tradition from China (apart from Gates). Some Taiwanese scholars such as Chu Hai-yuan, Lin Ben-xuan, Zheng Zhi-ming and Song Guang-yu have studied NRMs in Taiwan. However, their work, which was completed in Chinese, sometimes fell into the ‘anti-anti-cult’ category as defined by Johannes Aagaard (1991).91 Participant Observation My participant observation took far longer than the officially stated research period, and I also continued it when I went home to Taiwan for holidays. The researchers in Taiwan who have studied the Tzu Chi Movement successfully have adopted one of two extremes: they have acted either

90 The research on Japanese NRMs is close to my study, such as Clarke P. B and Lande A., ‘Japan’s New Religions’, in S. R. Sutherland and P. Clarke (eds.) The Study of Religion: Traditional and New Religion (London: Routledge, 1991) pp.174-186; and Helen Hardacre’s Lay Buddhism In Contemporary Japan: ReiyuKai Kyodan (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1984); and ‘The Lotus Sutra in Modern Japan’, in George J. Tanabe and Willa J. Tanabe (eds.) The Lotus Sutra in Japanese Culture (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989) pp. 209-24. 91 According to Professor Aagaard scientific research on NRMs has a general tendency ‘to “set the truth question aside”, for taking a stand concerning the truthfulness and reliability of NRMs would impair the “objectivity” and “neutrality” of the scholarly projects. This scholarly detachment is sometimes taken to an extreme, so that even value statements must be forsaken. Thus, for some scholars there seems to be the same value in Catholicism as in Scientology, in the Quakers as in Ananda Marga’ (Aagaard 1991: 102).

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as ‘a complete participant’ or as ‘a complete observer’ (i.e. Lu 1994a,b; Lin 1996).92 Fortunately, I managed to maintain my role in the Movement between ‘observer-as-participant’ and ‘participant-as-observer’.93 This meant that I could be involved with the members and have access to the Movement directly, but that I did not have to undertake the responsibilities and duties required of the members. Although the principal field of the research was in the Taipei area where the main branch was located, I did not remain in Taipei when there was nothing going on. I also visited most of the other branches in Taiwan when other events were occurring. For example, I went to Kuoshung, the second biggest city of Taiwan, which is 300 kilometres south of Taipei, to collect the initiation data. Some researchers might make a list of ceremonies in which they intend to participate before they begin their fieldwork, but I attended as many occasions as possible. I heard of them from the members or from TV announcements (the Movement had its own television channel on satellite). After I had familiarized myself with the places and the procedures, and had learnt their manners and dress codes, I could behave like the Tzu Chi members and be part of the group. For instance I dressed in blue clothes, the predominant colour of Tzu Chi, and I no longer sat at the rear as a visitor but would move myself into the crowd and talk to the members using their terminology. I gained trust through patience and hard work: I joined in their public events wholeheartedly and I also went on pilgrimages and stayed at the main temple for several days, where I participated in Tzu Chi’s training lessons. Interviews My third research method was to conduct interviews with Tzu Chi members. Since the focus of my research is on the theme of its ‘appeal’, I needed to discover the members’ reasons for conversion to the Tzu Chi Movement. The interviews were thus intended to ascertain the 92 Jorgensen, for example, has classified the role of participant observer, in the light of involvement with the group of research, into four categories: complete observer, participant-as-observer (more observer than participant), observer-as-participant (more a participant than observer), or complete participant. See Danny L. Jorgensen’s Participant Observation – A Methodology for Human Studies (Newbury Park, London and New Delhi: Sage, 1989) p. 55. 93 I consider this to be largely attributable to my lower social profile, whereas Lu and Lin are relatively well established in Taiwan.

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interviewees’ original religious background, the meaning of religiosity to them, what had motivated them to join the Tzu Chi, and what conversion had meant to them. My interview questions were adapted from the questionnaires formulated by Wilson and Dobbelaere (1994). I customized the questionnaire to meet my needs and translated it into Chinese myself. Each interviewee was interviewed using the same questions, and every interview took approximately two hours and was recorded both in writing and on audiocassettes. If the questions were not finished in one session, second or third interviews were arranged. The languages used for interviews were Mandarin and Hokkien; they are my mother tongue and native language (see p. 56 below). Because my questionnaire emphasized the theme of appeal, I had to select interviewees with all kinds of membership background and social composition in order to acquire the information. It must be noted that I did not include any ex-members of Tzu Chi because their views would have clashed with my theme of ‘appeal’, and in fact it was fairly hard to find any of them.94 Thirty members of Tzu Chi were selected for collecting the data. The thirty interviewees consisted of both men and women, and they were all from different social backgrounds. The length of their participation in the Tzu Chi Movement varied from a few months to thirty years, including new converts, junior members, and senior members; the average length of participation being eight and a half years. I began interviewing on my own initiative: I interviewed those whom I had met during the participant observation, and additional interviewees were introduced by other members. The members were normally very open and willing to be interviewed. Some of them mentioned that they did not have any desire to remain anonymous. At one point my interview schedule was interrupted when a Tzu Chi leader intervened to try to determine whom I should interview. But the people who were regarded by the Movement as being the most suitable in fact presented difficulties: no matter how hard I tried, the people on the list seldom produced full or satisfactory interviews. For instance, there was one occasion where an interviewee requested that I fax my research proposal in advance and call back a few days later. Despite many phone calls to his secretary, I never managed to 94

During the fieldwork, I did not encounter any ex-members of Tzu Chi who actively complained against their treatment. The only two such cases of which I learned related to Tzu Chi’s policy on political elections: the Movement disqualifies members and employers who participate in any political campaign or election.

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speak to him myself and finally gave up in order not to waste more time. I succeeded in interviewing only a few people from the list, and I did not use most of the data gathered as those interviews were not indepth and the interviewees were not my selected types. The interviews took place at Tzu Chi branches and sometimes at interviewees’ work places or homes, although I preferred the latter because the interviewees normally felt more comfortable, and I was able to gain some insight into their family and private lives. Moreover, I discovered that the members were more likely to respond positively to further requests once I had visited their home or place of work. Surveys Max Weber shaped the theory that religious attitude tends to be associated with one’s place in society. According to Weber, different groups have somewhat different religious outlooks and it is their position in society that determines their religious orientation and its impact upon life-style and behaviour.95 Thus one of the most important tasks in sociological studies of NRMs is to ascertain which sectors of society join a new movement. By studying the social composition of the membership as well as life-style, including religious experiences, the scholars in this field can attain this knowledge. However, there are various criticisms of this method, for instance, that it is not able to give a clear identification of a specific type of person likely to join a movement. This problem largely comes from the usage of standard socio-demographic classifications, and the difficulty of separating one movement from another in term of theology and organization (Rose S. 1998: 6; Basil R. 1988: 28; Lewis J. 1992: 6). My survey was designed to collect a substantial amount of data in order to supply what was lacking in Ting’s research (1997). I intended to do it on a large scale and to include all types of Tzu Chi members. The original plan was to conduct a postal survey by sending the questionnaires to randomly selected Tzu Chi members, since I had received written agreement from the Movement authorizing the members to assist me by providing me with the information necessary for my work. However, I was told that for confidential reasons the leaders had 95

This part of Weber’s work can be seen, for instance, in Bendix R., Max Weber: an Intellectual Portrait (London, Melbourne and Toronto: Heinemann, 1960) chapter 2, or in Malcolm Hamilton, The Sociology of Religion – Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives (London and New York: Routledge, 1995) pp. 137-48.

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changed their minds, and although I managed to talk to some people who I thought might help me, I failed to get the decision reversed. I was forced to change my plans and the questionnaire had to be abandoned. Because the data to be obtained from the survey were very important for my research, I was determined to carry the survey out, but it had to be in a less formal manner. I decided to collect my data from the members while they were in their group meetings, but to do this the questionnaire needed to be straightforward. The four page long questionnaire was reduced to one page to allow the Members to have time to complete the questions during their two-hour meeting. The focus was on the collection of data on the members’ social background, the recruiting agents, and the frequency of attendance at the branches; the other more complicated questions concerning ethos, political outlook and life prospects were deleted from the survey and moved to the interviews.96 As I became more familiar with the organizational structure of Tzu Chi, I better understood the composition of the membership in each group. I knew where and when the meetings were carried out, and I was confident that some group leaders might assist me. I arrived at the events before the meetings started and had the questionnaire ready in my hand. After obtaining the permission of the group leader, twenty-one questions for individual Tzu Chi members were handed out at each meeting and collected at the end of the session. I also modified some questions according to the different types of membership; for example, I did not ask the Student Members about marital status97 as I knew already that they were all single and instead I asked them about parental influence. This strategy proved to be successful and the return rate was good. 1,214 questionnaires were handed out and 769 were returned, a rate of return of 66 per cent. The additional questions put to the thirty interviewees were conducted by mail between England and Taiwan.98 The data obtained from the survey, were analysed by the computer program SPSS (the Statistics Program for Social Science). There are some aspects of the survey that require further explanation and reference to the secondary literature. The answers given to the question regarding the members’ previous religious beliefs were confusing. The answers fell into two categories: definite and indefinite. The 96 For a copy of my survey questionnaire, both in the Chinese original and in translation, see my Ph.D. thesis, listed here in the Bibliography. 97 One type of membership in the Tzu Chi movement. See Chapter 6. 98 I am most grateful for the assistance of my friend Wu Yin-hui, who maintained contact with the interviewees while she was on holiday in Taiwan in 1998.

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former included answers of ‘Christian’, ‘Catholic’, or ‘Buddhist’ (zheng xin fo jiao tu), which were easily dealt with. The indefinite answers were various, such as ‘folk belief ’ (yiban mien jian xien iang), ‘multiplied-gods belief ’ (doushen jiao), ‘worshipping gods’ (bai shen), ‘folkDaoism’ (nien jian diao jiao), ‘Buddhist-Taoism’ (fodao huenhe), or ‘folk Buddhism’ (mienjian fojiao). Some of them said that they were Daoists (daojiao tu), folk-Daoists (mienjian daojiao tu), BuddhistDaoists (fodao tu), Traditional Religionists (chuantong zongjiao tu), folk-Buddhists (mienjian fojiao tu), or ancestor worshippers (bai zuxian). This confusion can be attributed to the structural inadequacy of the Taiwanese Traditional Religion. A crucial factor is that no systematic account of the theology has ever been written and most people do not categorize their belief in Traditional Religion.99 I decided that all the indefinite answers should be assigned to the category of Traditional Religion as they fit into Overmyer’s view of Chinese Traditional Religion in which people, cosmology, and history are regarded as the whole harmonious order (1986: 51-4). As Gates, an American anthropologist in Taiwan, pointed out: For me, the most difficult part of becoming more like a Chinese was setting aside my interest in politics. Americans, I realized for the first time in Taiwan, discuss politics a great deal, treating an election, a government scandal, or the latest war as a subject for small talk, like the weather or the fortunes of a favorite ball team. Most Americans speak as though they believe their government is their personal business, about which they have every right to have opinions. Such outspokenness on matters of state shocks Chinese people in Taiwan, where it is not only in bad taste but downright risky to criticize the government. An educated person is expected to know the government’s position on important matters and to repeat it when necessary. Uneducated persons (and women) are expected to refrain from commenting on ‘national affairs’ altogether. (Gates 1987: 23-4)

The Weaknesses and Strengths of the Methods I will now briefly discuss my methods with particular reference to my position as, on the one hand, a native Western-trained researcher and, 99 For the confusion of Taiwanese Traditional Religion, see, for example, Maurice Freedman’s ‘On the Sociological Study of Chinese Religion’, in A. Wolf (eds) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (California: Stanford University Press, 1974), p. 38 fn; for the problem of its unsystematic theology, see the discussion by S. Harrell, ‘When a Ghost Becomes a God’ in the same book, pp. 193-206.

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on the other, a native of the culture. This dual position is relevant to the Weberian ideal of Verstehen. Verstehen (German for ‘understanding’) implies objectivity and empathy, just as in English one can say both ‘I understand your logic’ and ‘I understand your feelings.’ According to Parkin: ‘Weber’s case for taking the individual’s subjective meaning as the starting point of social enquiry is spelled out in the course of his advocacy of the method called Verstehen. What is meant by this is the attempt to comprehend social action through a kind of empathetic liaison with the actor on the part of the observer’ (1982: 19).100 As Jorgensen has written, ‘Participant observation provides direct experiential and observational access to the insiders’ world of meaning’ (Jorgensen 1989: 15). Indeed, this method has been helpful not only for acquiring information, but because it has also enhanced my comprehension of the actual life experiences of the members, allowing me at times to experience similar feelings to those that the members were experiencing. In addition, the method is essential for establishing trusting relationships with the members and this, as I later discovered, had a positive effect when the interviews were conducted. One difficulty that I encountered was that people had higher expectations of a native researcher than they would have of a foreigner. During my fieldwork, I was often told by Tzu Chi members that I should speak to them in the Taiwanese dialect, Hokkien, as it is our muyu (mother tongue). I can speak Hokkien, as I was taught it by my mother, although Mandarin became my first language through education and the media, and people in my generation would not normally speak Hokkien in public unless they were politically motivated. Foreign researchers have not been faced with such expectations, and their efforts to learn the Taiwanese dialect are considered to be an unnecessary gesture in the eyes of Taiwanese (Gates 1987). Another problem that I encountered as a native research student was that people were not always prepared to reveal too much to me because I was regarded as part of their society. Conversely, things were sometimes not explained to me properly because I was assumed to know them already, although I was subsequently able to obtain such information from other sources.

100 Parkin has also written: ‘As a method of enquiry, Verstehen would seem to rest on the supposition that individuals are typically aware of their motives for action and of their subjective states in general. If the actor’s own meanings and perceptions of reality are an important ingredient in the explanation of conduct, these meanings and perceptions must be treated as social facts in their own right’ (1982: 26).

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Nevertheless, as a native researcher I was able to avoid the classic problem of ‘ethnocentrism’, but could, as Saliba put it: ‘…understand people’s behaviour from the perspective of the latter’s (the observed) own cultural and religious norms and values’ (1995: 111). In addition, my linguistic advantages enabled me to learn the metaphors of the Movement effectively. This was an advantage for my involvement ‘in an ideological group in which members learn a new interpretative framework and “vocabulary of motive” which pattern their accounts’ (Robbins 1988: 14-15). The third research method I employed was the interview and I found this to be a particularly successful technique for gathering data. The interview process gave me the opportunity for direct contact with my interviewees and I came to know them personally. Indeed some experiences were very emotional and a few of the interviewees cried during the interview. For the large part the interviews were mutually satisfying as the members seemed to enjoy answering my questions. Transcribing the interviews from Chinese to English was one of the most time consuming tasks in my research, taking more than eight months. I was helped sometimes by bilingual friends, to make the translation sound less Chinese. The weakness of surveying lies in the representativeness of random samples, superficiality of data from standardized questions, and low postal returning rate. To a certain extent, my technique in surveying was not ideal, as the sample was not randomly selected, the questionnaire was not collected through postal means, and the questions were modified according to the composition of the membership in different groups. But an ideal technique does not guarantee valid data, as a survey on this same Movement done by Lin Ben-xuan (1996) demonstrates. In his postal random survey of 500 Tzu Chi’s members in Taipei, only 31 per cent responded to the questionnaire and most of these were educated women.101 My survey is conducted in untraditional ways, but I stand by the validity and generalization of the data produced, and in many ways it overcomes the typical weakness of this method. Martyn Hammersley in his What’s Wrong With Ethnography, asserted: 101

Lin Ben-xuan, ‘Zuengjian Yuduang de Shehui Jichu-Fojiao Ciji Gongde Hui Wuili’ (The Social Composition of a Religious Movement – a Case Study of the Tzu Chi Buddhist Compassion Relief Foundation), paper delivered at the conference, ‘Buddhism in Taiwan’, Taiwan National University, 1996.

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chapter two We must not confuse probability methods with the goal of making claims about representativeness or typicality. After all, in practice such methods are rarely used in pure form even by researchers: stratified random sampling, for example, involves reliance on background knowledge about the most significant forms of heterogeneity to be found within the relevant population. Conversely, being unable to use probability methods does not rule out the possibility of making reasonable judgements about the representativeness of findings drawn from a particular setting in relation to some wider population. (Hammersley 1992: 88)

Given that the primary concern of my research was the Movement’s ‘Appeal’, the questionnaire applied only to those people who participated in Tzu Chi’s meetings; the responses were therefore wholly relevant and meaningful. A common problem with surveys is that they yield a low return-rate, as people do not normally respond to the questionnaires (i.e. Wallis 1977: 7). This problem has also happened among the Taiwanese and it has caused researchers to withdraw their work. For instance, in 1989 a survey on the income of temples across Taiwan was abandoned because only 28 out of 180 questionnaires were returned (Chu Hai-yuan 1989: 34). However, my return rate was good, and the large size of my sample further enhances the credibility of my data. Giddens’ discussion on the limitations of the ‘survey’ pointed out that, ‘The material gathered may be superficial; where a questionnaire is highly standardized, important differences between respondents’ viewpoints may be glossed over’ and ‘responses may be what people profess to believe rather than what they actually believe’ (1997: 548). My questions are not standardized in different groups, but the result may not be as superficial as this method used to be. In short, as Frank Parkin cited from Weber’s Economy and Society, ‘“One need not have been Caesar in order to understand Caesar.” We can readily make sense of Caesar’s actions by seeing them as the working out of an “understandable sequence of motivation”’ (1982: 20). However, research done by a native Western-trained researcher may provide a better understanding of the social reality. Now let us move on to the data themselves. The following chapter is the history of Tzu Chi, consisting of the history of the Movement and the history of the founder, Master Cheng Yen.

CHAPTER THREE

THE HISTORY OF TZU CHI: ORGANIZATION, LEADERSHIP AND PUBLIC RESPONSES Since Tzu Chi was founded in 1966, advocating the belief that worldly salvation is obtainable through altruistic acts, the Movement has developed from a small, isolated charity into the biggest lay voluntary organization in the history of Taiwan. Over more than three decades, Tzu Chi has developed from only a handful of female members to several thousand devotees of both sexes and approximately one hundred nuns. Under the leadership of Master Cheng Yen, the movement has successfully established itself as a religious organization with several secular institutes and regular, reliable money donors to sustain its activities.102 In addition, the Movement has achieved many new records in charity work: it claims to have helped many thousands of people, and it was the first Taiwanese charity to participate in international relief programmes: in China, Rwanda and Chechnya. As with most New Religious Movements, the history of the Tzu Chi movement cannot be separated from the history of its founder, Master Cheng Yen. Master Cheng Yen is the founder of the Movement, the president of the organization, the Abbess of the Abode, Jiengsi Jienshe, and the religious master to disciples as well as lay members. In this chapter, I will present the history of the founder of the Tzu Chi Movement as well as of the Tzu Chi Movement itself. I will look at the life history of Master Cheng Yen from two angles. First, using the existing historical material and data;103 and second, from the perspective of the members: what they said about her and came to believe about her. These two approaches are 102 By 1996 Tzu Chi was well known by the academics and the media of Taiwan to have recruited approximately 3.5 million people (known as huiuan in Mandarin) to make cash donations to it on a regular basis; see Charles Jones 1996: 282. 103 The life history of Master Cheng Yen is well known. The source material for this section is as follows: Jones C., Buddhism in Taiwan: A Historical Survey, 1996: 362-90; Chen Sheng-jen, Understand the Buddhist Tzu-Chi Association – A Cultural Approach, 1990: 61-74; Ho Ming-jung, Aspects and Implication of a Taiwanese Charity Organisation – Tzu Chi or the Buddhist Compassion Relief Association, 1995; Chen Huijian, (in Chinese) Master Cheng Yen and her Tzu Chi World, 1992: 4-47; Pen Shu-chun, ‘Reflecting Mountains When Facing Mountains, Reflecting Water When Facing Water: The Story of Dharma Master Cheng Yen’, in Kao Hsin-chiang (ed.), Still Thought By Dharma Master Cheng Yen, 1993: 210-36 and ‘Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Association’, in the same book, pp.196-9.

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important: the former is objective, giving an actual historical account of the Master, while the latter is more subjective. Personal experiences may sometimes be a more important influence on what people believe about a charismatic leader than historical facts. A brief history of the media coverage of Tzu Chi will be included in this chapter, as the Movement has attracted a great deal of media interest in Taiwan. It will provide another objective view of how the Movement has been received and portrayed.104 The History of Master Cheng Yen Master Cheng Yen was born in 1937 into a Wang family from a town called Qingshui in central Taiwan. She was named Jin-yun and when she was eleven months old, she was adopted by her paternal uncle.105 Jin-yun grew up during wartime in a traditional environment. As far as religion was concerned, the deities of Taoism and Buddhism were both enshrined in most temples, and the Bodhisattva Guan Yin [or Kuan Yin] was the most favoured goddess and was worshipped in almost every household.106 104 Some of the material on media response was derived from Jian Hui-mei and Kang Le, Xinyang yu Shehui (Belief and Society) 1995: 67-72. 105 According to my oral information and Tzu Chi’s approved literature, the adoption took place because Jin-yun’s natural family already had two elder daughters, and her paternal uncle and his wife did not have any children. After the adoption, Jin-yun’s adopted mother subsequently gave birth to four other children. See Qin Yun’s Qianshou Foxin (Thousand hands and Buddhist heart) (Taipei: Qi Er, 1995) 194-5. 106 A Bodhisattva is a spiritual assistant to the Buddha. Among the different levels of Bodhisattva, the most advanced stage is known as celestial Bodhisattva; among them Guan Yin (Kuan-yin, Kuan-shih-yin or Avalokitèshvara [in Sanskrit]) is one of the most famous ones. Avalokitèshvara was commonly worshipped in India by the fifth century and generally appeared in male form. In China the Bodhisattva who is known as Guan Yin is usually represented as a female. The Chinese name Guan Yin signifies looking out for and responding to the sounds of living beings. Guan Yin is usually represented iconographically with eleven heads, facing all directions in order to save living beings. As the eyewitness to suffering, Guan Yin immediately relieves the sorrows of all who call on her name. In the Lotus Sutra, Guan Yin is the saviour of the distressed world. Beginning in the seventh and early eighth centuries, Guan Yin is manifested as a delicately slender, white-clad female figure and this becomes the dominant portrait for both female and male Buddhists. She is referred to as a goddess of mercy, whiteclad, who usually carries a white lotus in her left hand, often with a water jug or a small child in her arms or near her feet. Guan Yin has become the patroness of women who want children and of sailors who wish to have her protection from calamities at sea. See Diana Paul, Women in Buddhism (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1985) chapters 5 and 7, and Chun-fang Yu, Kuan-yin, The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001).

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Jin-yun’s family was reported to be fairly well off and her father was a businessman who ran several theatres [of Taiwanese folk opera] in Qingshui. There is not much information about her educational background, but the standard understanding is that she received six years full-time formal education from the age of seven to thirteen. After finishing, Jin-yun devoted herself completely to the family. She helped her father to run his business, particularly with the book-keeping, and the business skills that she acquired at this time were later used to positive effect when she started to manage her own organization (Jones 1996: 375). She also performed most of the family’s domestic tasks and assumed responsibility for her siblings’ behaviour, gaining the title ‘xiaonu’ (filial or devoted daughter) from the neighbours for her dedication to the family. Jin-yun’s religious pursuits were influenced by two separate incidents. In 1952 her mother became very ill and Jin-yun prayed to the Bodhisattva Guan Yin to restore her health. She offered to exchange twelve years of her life and to become a vegetarian if her mother’s illness was cured.107 For three days she had a recurring dream in which she dreamt that her mother lay on a bamboo pallet inside a small Buddhist temple. Jin-yun was next to her and about to prepare some medicine when Bodhisattva Guan Yin came and gave her medicine, which she then gave to her mother. Jin-yun’s mother later recovered completely and Jin-yun kept her vow to become a Buddhist vegetarian.108 This story is very important for two reasons. First, for the effectiveness of Bodhisattva Guan Yin, who has become the central icon of the Tzu Chi. Second, the dream later guided Cheng Yen to found her destined temple, the Puming Si. About thirty metres away from the temple is the spiritual site of the Movement, the Pure Abode of Still Thoughts (Jiengsi Jienshe). In 1960, Jin-yun’s father had a stroke at the office. She called a car to take him home but he died on arrival and she was later told that he would have survived had she not moved him. Jin-yun was shocked, and wishing to find out where her father had gone she went to see a local spiritual medium. She was told that her father was in Wangsicheng, the place for those who had died untimely deaths. Jin-yun was obviously 107 From the sixth century, vegetarianism became a very important and distinctive creed of Chinese Buddhism. A quasi-Buddhism known as Zhajiao (the ‘Vegetarian religion’) was prevalent among Taiwanese lay Buddhists during the Japanese colonial period. 108 Op. cit. Jones 1996: 364.

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very upset by this explanation, and it was then that she picked up a Buddhist pamphlet in which she read the words: ‘whatever is subject to birth is also subject to annihilation’. There was also an account of the merit of performing the repentance rites and Jin-yun was inspired to hold the ritual for her father at the local Buddhist temple, Ciyun Si. Jin-yun became attracted to Buddhism and started to visit the Ciyun Si temple regularly, although she was not inspired by the traditionalist attitude among the Buddhist nuns that promoted domestic female roles. Jin-yun thought that family life should not be the only goal for women and that like men they should be given the opportunity to serve the needs of the wider population.109 Jin-yun secretly planned to leave home and become a Buddhist nun. In 1960, she first escaped to a small nunnery in Taipei called Jingxiu Yuan, but three days later she was found by her mother and taken back home. Jin-yun’s motive for becoming a Buddhist nun, however, was not mainly religious; she was seeking a role outside the traditional family system. Researchers in Taiwan during the 1970s noted the ‘irreligious’ motivation of many monastic personnel and that the traditional monastery served as a popular haven for refugees from the family system.110 Jin-yun returned home but continued visiting the Ciyun Si and became friendly with the nuns, especially with the Venerable Xiu Dao, who not only became a good friend and a companion, but also provided religious inspiration and stimulation. Xiu Dao had been trained in Japan by Japanese Buddhists and she disagreed with some of the practices in Taiwanese Buddhist temples, which relied for their upkeep on revenue from services rendered.111 Xiu Dao also claimed that there was a lack of discipline within temple communities, which she felt projected a poor image and led to a loss of dignity for the religion. She demanded that Taiwanese Buddhist temples 109 See Chen Hui-jian, Zhenian Fashi de Chji Shijien (Master Cheng Yen and her Compassionate and Salvation World) (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1992) pp. 5-9. 110 See Jordan 1994: 145-6 and Tsung Shiu-kuen, Moms, Nuns and Hookers: Extra familial Alternatives for Village Women in Taiwan. PhD dissertation, Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, 1978. 111 Buddhist temples in Taiwan have to generate their own income from the laity by either serving as mortuary centres performing funeral rites (ganjingchan), or by seeking donations (huayuan). This is unlike Buddhism in Japan, which receives funding from the government, or the Buddhist monasteries in China, which have traditionally derived income from renting out land. The issue of Buddhist temple funding in Taiwan has been addressed to some extent by Jordan D., ‘Changes in Postwar Taiwan and Their Impact on the Popular Practice of Religion’ in Harrell S. & Huang Chün-chieh (eds.) Cultural Change in Postwar Taiwan (Taipei: SMC Publishing INC., 1994) p. 160 fn. 12.

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restore the order of Pai-chuang Ching-kuei, the authentic Chinese Buddhist monastic order formed by Chinese Chan Buddhist Master Paichang Huai-hai (720-814). One of the most important disciplines of the order was yiri buzuo yiri buxiu (a day without work is a day without food).112 Venerable Xiu Dao’s ideas were absorbed by Jin-yun, who vowed that if she became a nun in the future, she would change the situation and raise the dignity of Buddhist priests.113 She also vowed that she would live without accepting support from the laity and would follow the discipline that a day without work is a day without food. In 1961, one year after her first escape attempt, Jin-yun secretly left home in the company of Venerable Xiu Dao.114 Without any previous warning or preparation the two women decided to leave. They went to the railway station and boarded the first train, wanting to travel as far away as they could. They first stopped at Taitung, a coastal town on the eastern side of Taiwan approximately 400 kilometres from Qingshui. However, when they thought that they had been spotted, they immediately moved on towards the mountains, finally arriving at a remote village called Luyeh where they found a tiny ruined shrine with no water or electricity supply. They lived there for two months and kept their vow to accept no alms, surviving on wild herbs, peanuts and sweet potatoes, causing Venerable Xiu Dao to develop a stomach problem. The importance of life in Luyeh for Jin-yun was, I think, to give up the romantic notion of devoting herself to a search for magic. This period of her life was brought to an end after their meeting with the ‘strange man’ (guairen). Xiu Dao and Jin-yun went to see a man who had been described as immortal and mysterious: he had the ability to walk through rocks and lived on a mountain which was full of exotic flowers and animals. They decided to follow him to the mountains and see the myth for themselves although it was a somewhat arduous journey. They 112 Master Pai-chang Hui-hai is a very important figure in the history of Chinese Buddhism, particularly for his introduction of an independent (Chinese) Ch’an monastic order. Master Pai-chang and his contemporaries had regulated all forms of monastic community and their relationship with society at large in terms of meditation, labour, regular community assemblies and private meetings between the abbot and individual monks. For relevant information see Collcutt M., ‘The Early Ch’an Monastic Rule: Ching kuei and the Shaping of Ch’an Community Life’, in Lai W. and Lancaster L., (eds.) Early Ch’an in China and Tibet (California: Asian Humanities Press 1993) 165-84. 113 Also see Huang Chien-yu Julia’s ‘The Compassionate-relief Diaspora’, p. 7, unpublished conference paper presented at the conference ‘The Globalization of Buddhism’, Boston University, Boston, USA, April 2000. 114 Ho’s research (1995) gave this interval as five years.

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first took a train, then walked for miles before wading across a river. Although they spent many hours making their way into the mountains they did not find anything special, apart from a very large banyan tree. They were very disappointed and exhausted, their clothes were ruined and they did not want to go back to their remote shrine at Luyeh. As the weather became colder, Jin-yun and Xiu Dao went down to the nearest town, where people were surprised by their odd appearance, and they managed to find a temple for temporary lodging. Jin-yun’s mother was quickly informed of her daughter’s whereabouts and she went immediately to ask her to return home. Jin-yun, determined to stay, gave all of her personal jewellery to her mother, meaning to terminate her relationship with the family. Realizing that she could not change Jin-yun’s mind, her mother returned home alone broken hearted. By the end of 1962, Jin-yun and Venerable Xiu Dao were wandering between temples in eastern Taiwan. Apart from the distress of not having a permanent place to live, Jin-yun had left home over a year before and had still not found the way to become a nun. Another agony was that Venerable Xiu Dao’s health was in decline, and her old temple was requesting her return. In Hualien, where the headquarters of Tzu Chi are now located, they came to know Mrs Xu and her son, Mr Xu Chuengmieng. Both were devout Buddhists and Mr Xu was a very successful businessman. At this point Jin-yun realized her talent for public relations by acknowledging Mr Xu as her ‘godfather’ (ganba).115 The material and emotional support of the Xus was very important in Jin-yun’s early religious life. At Mrs Xu’s home, Jin-yun shaved her head with Mrs Xu as witness.116 One day, Mrs Xu showed Jin-yun a temple that had just been completed and at which Mrs Xu herself was one of the committee members. It was the Puming Si (Universal Brightness Temple).117 When Jin-yun saw the temple she immediately felt a strong connection with it and believed it to be the one that had appeared in her dream during her mother’s illness. Jin-yun, who was then alone, as Venerable Xiu Dao had by this time returned to her old temple, asked to stay there, and Mrs Xu built a tiny lodge attached to the back of the Puming Si for her. The help that she received from the Xus was a significant landmark in Jin-yun’s religious life. However, as her ordination was considered 115

Selected interview No. 20. A new name of Xiucan was decided upon. It was made by using the first character of Xiu Dao as a mark of respect, but the name was later abandoned. 117 It is approximately 200 metres away from the head temple of Tzu Chi, the Pure Abode of Still Thoughts (Jiengsi Jienshe). 116

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to have been private and informal, she now had to seek formal recognition from the Buddhist authority, the BAROC (Buddhist Association of the Republic of China), to obtain formal clerical status.118 To validate her self-ordination she decided to try to seek formal clerical status by attending the 1963 BAROC annual inauguration that was to take place in Linji Chan Temple in Taipei. Jin-yun was initially refused registration because she did not have a tonsure master, but she happened to meet Master Yin Shun, a very respected Buddhist master and influential scholar in Taiwan,119 who agreed to be her tonsure master. Master Yin Shun also gave Jin-yun the new dharma-name, Cheng Yen, and urged: ‘At all times do everything for Buddhism, everything for sentient beings’ (shishi keke wei fojiao, wei zhongsheng).120 While in Taipei, Cheng Yen bought some Buddhist literature, apparently the first time that she had read the classical Chinese Buddhist texts. On her return she shut herself away completely and began to study the literature, particularly the material on the Lotus Sutra, in solitude and austerity. By this time, Cheng Yen had already attracted a number of female lay devotees who occasionally came to listen to her talks. Some of these devotees subsequently became her disciples and stayed at the lodge with her. Now Cheng Yen’s own monastic community was starting to take shape. Cheng Yen and her disciples provided income for themselves by making handicrafts, such as baby shoes, thus keeping the promise not to receive alms from the laity, the inspiration for which had come from Venerable Xiu Dao. Two incidents were said to have provided the impetus for Cheng Yen to found a Buddhist charity. In the mid-1960s, three Catholic nuns came to visit Cheng Yen with the intention to try to convert her to Catholicism.121 Although it seems that the Catholic nuns gave up trying to convert her, a debate ensued during which they told Cheng Yen that most Buddhist disciples only seek to prepare for life after death and do not perform actual deeds that deal with the problems of society. They claimed that they rarely saw Buddhists doing what benefits society as a whole and that there were no Buddhists who built schools and hospitals the way that Christians did. As a result of her debates with the Catholic nuns, Cheng 118

For an account of what this normally involved, see p. 9 above. For more details about Venerable Yin Shun, see Chapter 1. 120 See Jones C. B., op. cit. p. 371. 121 These three Catholic nuns came from the Order of Les Soeurs de St. Paul de Chartres, which founded a convent and a girls’ school, the Stella Maris Middle School in Hualien. Thanks to Professor Qian Zhi-chun, the bishop of Hualien, Taiwan, for this information. 119

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Yen began to reflect on Buddhist teaching with regard to charitable work. When she looked at Buddhist history she found mention of the Bodhisattva Guan Yin, whose thousand hands and thousand eyes enabled her to save common people from suffering, and she became convinced that Buddhists should perform charitable acts just like Catholics. Another reason that led Cheng Yen to found a charitable organization was the medical system in Taiwan at that time. In 1966 she went to visit one of her lay followers in hospital. As she was leaving she saw a pool of blood on the floor and was told that it was blood from a poor peasant woman who had miscarried. The pregnant woman’s family had carried her for about eight hours to reach the hospital, but she had been refused treatment because the family did not have the money to pay the deposit of eight thousand dollars (approximately two hundred pounds). This was before the introduction of a social welfare system, when the sick had to pay for their own medical treatment.122 It was common practice for hospitals to ask for a deposit before starting treatment, but this practice was particularly harsh for those living in the poorer eastern side of Taiwan, where Cheng Yen was based.123 While it was customary for a hospital to insist on a substantial fee before treating a patient, Cheng Yen held that medical care should not be withheld for lack of money, and that it was heartless to permit such a mistaken practice. At the same time, Cheng Yen began to think of leaving Hualien and accepting Master Yin Shun’s offer to study Buddhism with him. However, her devotees begged her to stay. Cheng Yen agreed to stay only on condition that they promised to carry out her plan: to raise money to help the poor to pay for their medical deposits. In 1967 Cheng Yen approached her mother and asked her to buy a piece of land, where with the aid of a mortgage loan she later built a temple called Jiengsi Jienshe (the Pure Abode of Still Thoughts). It should be not forgotten that the motivation for Cheng Yen to become a Buddhist nun came from social reasons rather than religious calling. This element is very important and it later became the main reason for her to develop a charity rather than a Buddhist academy. Her weak links with traditional Buddhism in Taiwan, together with the 122

A national health scheme was introduced in Taiwan in the late 1990s. Eastern Taiwan is isolated by a series of high mountains that block communication with the western side. Only a narrow strip along the coast is habitable and the natural environment of this area is difficult with high cliffs and poor soil. The infrastructure of the East was less developed than elsewhere in Taiwan and the people were generally poorer. 123

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influence of Xiu Dao, gave Cheng Yen sufficient freedom to develop her temple mission and ideology without intervention from the authorities, and gave her the scope to develop a new form of Buddhism. By concentrating on charitable work, she subsequently transformed the religion into a lay-oriented organization and Tzu Chi became the most lay Buddhist movement in Taiwan. Although Cheng Yen came from a well-to-do background she suffered a series of material hardships while becoming a Buddhist nun. This, plus the fact that she later gave up the opportunity to study Buddhism and stayed in Hualien to found a charity, is seen in the eyes of the Tzu Chi followers as signs of her sincerity. Bromley and Shupe maintained that, ‘One test of sincerity is whether a leader’s founding of a church fits in with a pattern of a devout, religious life or represents a sharp departure from it’ (1981: 149); and, ‘A second test of sincerity is the extent to which a leader has suffered persecution or made major personal sacrifices in the course of the church’s development’ (1981: 151). Master Cheng Yen as a Charismatic Leader In this section my aim is to discuss the elements that the members of Tzu Chi believe constitute the power of Master Cheng Yen, including the members’ subjective feelings about the Master, the historical facts, the myths, and the divine characters. The theory of this section is based on my analysis of Weber’s interpretation of charismatic authority, the classic theory for analysing the nature of first-generation leadership.124 According to the Weberian interpretation of natural-born leadership: The term ‘charisma’ will be applied to a certain quality of an individual personality by virtue of which he is considered extraordinary and treated 124 However, there exist numerous criticisms of Weber’s notion of charismatic authority, such as that of E. Puttick, who has pointed out: ‘Weber’s theory (on charisma) is useful in explaining the master-disciple relationship in terms of group dynamics and social structures, but fails to wholly account for the depth of devotion experienced by disciples and their claims of self-transformation. On the other hand, the presence of a powerful leader may be an important or the main element in attracting a potential member, but this is by no means always the case. Some members ‘fall in love’ gradually, or not at all, while others are ‘struck by lightning’ (which may parallel different styles of falling in love with a partner). Even where there is a powerful initial attraction, the evidence shows that this is not the result of brainwashing or hypnosis, although some people have strong psychic experiences around gurus’. See Puttick E., Women in New Religions: in Search of Community, Sexuality and Spiritual Power (London: Macmillan Press, 1997) p 23-4.

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chapter three as endowed with supernatural, or at least specifically exceptional powers or qualities. These are such as are not accessible to the ordinary person, but are regarded as of divine origin or as exemplary and on basis of them the individual concerned is treated as a ‘leader’. (Weber 1978: 241).

In Parkin’s simpler fashion, charismatic authority can be condensed to: ‘Obey me because I can transform your life’ (1982: 77). An examination of Cheng Yen’s childhood reveals the characteristics of charisma, although not in the sense of the sociology of religion but rather in the Chinese traditional sense. Cheng Yen was reported to have been very conscientious and possessed of an abiding Confucian filial piety since she was a young child. For instance her mother remembered how one day she had been upset and said some very unkind things to the children, including Cheng Yen, before going to bed for an afternoon nap. When she awoke, she was shocked to see that Cheng Yen had led the rest of the children to kneel by the bed to show their remorse.125 The significance of this story lies in Cheng Yen’s unconditional submissiveness to her mother, particularly as she was not Cheng Yen’s natural mother but her adopted mother. Within the traditional norm which regards blood as being thicker than water, Cheng Yen’s absolute submissiveness to her adopted mother and family was powerful enough to demonstrate that she had followed the principle of Confucian filial piety in which children were encouraged not to go against their parents when conflicts occurred.126 This story successfully portrays Cheng Yen as an ethically agreeable figure and subsequently enables her followers to forgive and to forget that she later abandoned her widowed mother and younger siblings in her search to become a nun. Cheng Yen’s first religious revelation occurred when she was fifteen years old, when she dreamt that Guan Yin came and gave her medicine to cure her mother’s illness.127 From this Cheng Yen is believed to have received a direct transformation and been endowed with healing powers by Guan Yin Bodhisattva. 125 An interview with the adopted mother of Master Cheng Yen on 13 October 1996 in Hualien. 126 It must be noted that Confucius did not urge children to obey parents foolishly. The duty of filial piety was constantly asserted by Confucius, but Confucius himself interpreted filial piety as a social duty and it has to be applied in accordance with the universal principle, called ‘the Way’. There is a potential conflict, of course, between the idea that one should obey one’s father and the idea that one should act according to the truth. Confucius said that one might remonstrate with one’s father, but gently. See for example H. G. Greel’s Confucius and the Chinese Way (New York: Harper & Row, 1960) p. 126. 127 Ibid., Cheng Hui-jian 1992: 5-6.

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There are a few stories associated with miracles that transformed Cheng Yen from an ordinary nun to an enlightened master. After Cheng Yen received a formal Buddhist ordination and became a Buddhist nun, she went back to her lodge and began to study Buddhism diligently. It is written in Tzu Chi’s literature that for several months she began to study at 1.00 am, ate only one meal a day and burnt her arms with incense sticks.128 Cheng Yen’s lodge was said to shine brightly at nights. The phenomenon was first reported by a neighbour, a housewife of the local police officer, who said that she had seen the roof of the lodge flashing in the middle of the night. Then people who lived further afield told the police that they could see the lodge shining vividly like a light with three bulbs, and that they suspected there was a demon living there. In the end, the local policeman went to visit Cheng Yen to reveal his concern. Cheng Yen herself had not been aware of the phenomenon until she went outside the lodge with the policeman.129 This unusual happening made Cheng Yen popular, but it also made her an object of jealousy. The police did not keep the news secret and as it spread, a lot of people came to the temple, the Puming Si, where Cheng Yen’s lodge was situated. People did not come to pay respect to the temple, rather they were interested in Cheng Yen. The temple committee claimed that Cheng Yen’s lodge was harming the fortune of the temple site and that the lodge should be removed and that Cheng Yen would have to leave. Several occurrences, however, meant that Cheng Yen was not only prevented from abandoning the lodge, but that it was also made into the ‘chosen one’. It was typhoon season and the fence of the lodge was blown down by strong winds. The fragile lodge was at risk from the next typhoon when suddenly another wind came and blew the fence back exactly into its original position. Nevertheless, Cheng Yen decided to leave the lodge and she went to stay in Hualien with Mrs Xu, one of her ever-supportive lay patrons. When Cheng Yen’s opponents knew she had gone they began to knock down her lodge, but as soon as they started, a strong wind began to blow and they were forced to stop. On the following day, one of the workers had a traffic accident and the plan to remove Cheng Yen’s lodge had to be abandoned. These happenings were believed to be supernatural occurrences, as the saying 128 To use incense sticks to burn one’s skin is common practice in Chinese Buddhism. The other form of this practice is called jieba, seen in BAROC’s inauguration ceremonies, during which the new monks and nuns are initiated by having a few burn marks made on their heads with incense sticks. 129 Ibid., Chen Hui-jian, 1992: 24.

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that circulated afterwards shows: tian du dong buliao ni, geng hekuang ren (if heaven cannot remove Cheng Yen, how can a human?). Cheng Yen returned to the lodge after several months.130 Master Cheng Yen is also endowed with other important qualities. She is a splendid-looking woman who is small, slim, with deep, dark eyes, and she has very elegant gestures and a soft voice. She seems to resemble the characters of traditional ‘afflicted’ beauty in Chinese classics, such as Lin Daiyu in Dream of the Red Chamber (Hong Lou Meng in Mandarin). Even though the Master is now in her early sixties and is reported to have heart problems, these have only served to reinforce her afflicted beauty. Apart from her personal attractiveness, Cheng Yen also owns a beautiful voice. This and her gift for public speaking mean that she is articulate and convincing when putting across her argument to an audience. This combination can be used to positive effect to attain charismatic authority, as Sasson’s research on the Shaker movement shows: Articulate and attractive, James Whittaker was considerable younger than William Lee..…it was his way with words, however, that gave him a leadership advantage……. A tall man, with a fair complexion and straight dark hair, he possessed ‘an inexpressible something which could not but impress the feelings of a stranger with confidence and respect’. Sometimes assuming a ‘mild, gentle and forbearing’ disposition, at other times Whittaker fiercely and vividly denounced sin and sinners. Believers recalled that … he had almost magical power over some followers. The energetic leader possessed vigour of mind and strength of personality to shape an emerging religious movement. (Sasson 1991: 14-15)

This brief study demonstrates that Master Cheng Yen as a powerful leader of Tzu Chi presents numerous characteristics of a charismatic leader, on the basis of both Chinese traditional Confucian ethics and Weberian norms of charismatic authority. The style of her leadership will be further examined in Chapter 7. Since Tzu Chi was founded, Master Cheng Yen has devoted herself completely to the Movement, giving guidance to the devotees and keeping everyone focused on the Movement’s activities, as will be shown in the following section. The History of Tzu Chi In this section I will be looking at how Tzi Chi developed from a small, all-female group in the remote east of the island into the biggest 130

Ibid., Chen Hui-jian 1992: 23-5.

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voluntary charitable organization in Taiwan and expanded abroad. The history of Tzu Chi is generally divided into three periods: the birth 1966 to 1978; the growth 1978 to 1985; and the institutionalization and expansion from 1986 onwards. On 24 March 1966,131 the Buddhist Compassion Merit Society (Ciji Gongder Hui) was formally founded by Master Cheng Yen with thirty lay devotees and a few female disciples in Hualien, a coastal town in eastern Taiwan. The aim was to help the poor and to show that Buddhists could do social work. The mission was to raise money to pay for medical treatment for those who could not afford it, with both disciples and lay members following the same principle. The disciples lived on the proceeds of their work making baby shoes and each disciple was required to make one extra pair of baby shoes a day. It was calculated that since there were six of them and each pair of shoes sold for NT$ 4.00, they could make an extra NT$ 24.00 each day and a total of NT$ 8,640 a year, which would enable the Movement to pay for one patient’s medical deposit. Most of the lay devotees were housewives and Cheng Yen gave each of them a bamboo jar and asked them to put NT five cents into it before they went out for their daily food shopping. The motto ‘5 cents could save people’s lives’ quickly spread in the markets of Hualien. When a devotee asked why it was not possible to make the donation once a month rather than to save such a small amount every day, Cheng Yen responded that the importance of the practice was that it was a constant reminder of the Buddha’s compassion.132 In addition, the laity had to take a vow to give voluntary help to the poor and the sick. The help was both spiritual and material and included cleaning the homes of the poor and taking them to the doctor. Master Cheng Yen referred to these lay devotees as ‘ueiuan’ (Commissioners), as they worked as voluntary missionaries of the Movement.133 The early history of Tzu Chi shows that Cheng Yen gave both lay devotees and disciples the same opportunities to perform charitable acts. This revolutionary concept subsequently developed to form the unique character of Tzu Chi and became the major reason why it has attracted the most lay participants of all the Buddhist groups in Taiwan. By 1978, Tzu Chi was still relatively small and existed only in the east of Taiwan; however, its work was becoming noticeable. The official Tzu 131

The date was in the Chinese lunar calendar. Ibid., Pen p. 220. 133 See Jones 1996: 337, and Tzu Chi’s Year Book 1996-92, p. 39. 132

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Chi monthly magazine, first issued in July 1967, gave details of income and expenditure including each donor’s name and the amount of the donation, and details of how the money had been spent on the needy.134 The fund-raising had reached over one million new Taiwan dollars and helped more than five hundred people.135 From 1978 to 1985, Tzu Chi entered a period of growth that would see the Movement spread throughout the region and eventually into Taipei and the prosperous western side of Taiwan. This growth was heralded with the announcement of a project to build a hospital in Hualien. The Tzu Chi Hospital project that started in 1978 has since been recognized as a major landmark in the history of Tzu Chi (Ho 1995; Chen 1990; Ting 1997). Several reasons for the project were given. First, there was no large hospital in Hualien, only several small ones which were run by Christian missions. A new hospital would, therefore, not only supply income for Tzu Chi but also prevent the loss of potential converts to Christianity, as patients in the Christian hospitals often became Christians themselves. In addition, it was seen as a more efficient way to help the needy by providing medical treatment directly instead of paying for somebody else to supply it (Jones 1996: 378). Because Master Cheng Yen regarded sickness as the primary cause of misery and poverty, constructing a hospital seemed to fit perfectly with her philosophy. The devotees were motivated by the project and became very enthusiastic in soliciting donations and spreading the mission of Tzu Chi. In this way they built up the legend of Master Cheng Yen, spreading the news: ‘Our Master is building a hospital in Hualien (women shifu yaozai hualian gai yiyuan).’ At the same time a new railway line which went round the whole island was completed, enabling Cheng Yen to travel frequently to preach in Taipei, and the Movement took root in the capital. This was a significant development, as most of its members and donations have since been recruited there, a fact which has caused the Master Cheng Yen to call the Taipei branch the ‘brain’ of the Movement (Chen 1990: 69-70). The upper echelons of the Taiwanese social hierarchy gave their attention to Tzu Chi’s hospital project with great interest and support. Eminent Buddhist clergy, prominent intellectuals, and high-ranking government officials visited Master Cheng Yen. Dr Lee Deng-hui, who later became the President of Taiwan, made a cash donation to the 134 135

Ibid., Cheng Hui-jian 1992: 34. See ibid., Jian Hui-mei and Kang Le 1995: 67.

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campaign, although he was a pious Presbyterian himself. This recognition by such influential people effectively sanctioned the Tzu Chi campaign, as can be clearly seen in the media coverage mentioned in the following section. In addition, the National Taiwanese University Medical School, the most prestigious school in Taiwan, was so impressed with the project that they agreed to supply trained staff and equipment for the hospital, with the Director of the school becoming the head of the hospital after his retirement. The medical standard of the hospital was thus guaranteed and a formal groundbreaking ceremony was held by Tzu Chi in February 1984. From 1986 onwards, Tzu Chi has been in a period of rapid expansion and institutionalization. The Movement has completed several other construction projects, membership has grown, fund-raising has increased, and it has expanded abroad. Figures cited by Song Gong-yu give an indication of the rapid growth of Tzu Chi during this period. In 1989 the income of Tzu Chi was eight million pounds, almost a quarter of the total income from 1966 to 1989 (Song 1994: 220). The membership has also grown almost twenty times since it was founded in 1966 (see Chart 3.1). This growth has enabled Tzu Chi to expand its mission from charity to include education, medicine and culture. The hospital project created much excitement and fund-raising kept increasing. When the hospital was completed in 1986, Master Cheng Yen was confident enough to ask for further donations to expand it. The Tzu Chi hospital thus became the biggest hospital in the east of Taiwan with a capacity of 900 beds. Cheng Yen believed that colleges with religious ethics would produce better doctors and nurses and so the Movement started to raise 4000

3,688

3500 3000

2,464

2500 2000

1,613

1500

870

1000 500 0 Nos.

1,952

190 19661986

1987

1988-9

1990

1991

1992-3

Chart 3.1 The historical development of Tzu Chi membership

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funds to build nursing and medical colleges. The Nursing College was completed in 1989 and the Medical College began to recruit students in 1994. Master’s Cheng Yen’s plan was to develop them into a university.136 The scope of Tzu Chi’s charity work has also expanded during this period, becoming more large scale and professional. The Movement has undertaken relief work abroad, including a controversial relief project to China in 1991, as well as forming joint co-operation projects with other international non-profit organizations. Tzu Chi’s Taipei branch is the centre for the cultural mission, which involves television and radio broadcasting and the print media. The Movement publishes books, videos and cassettes of Master Cheng Yen’s teachings as well as members’ testimonies and some other contemporary Buddhist literature. These products are for sale at very reasonable prices. The Tzu Chi monthly magazines are also printed at the Taipei branch; they are free and most of them are delivered to people’s homes by post or by the members themselves. Because of this, the magazines have probably reached more people and covered a wider area than any other religious magazine in Taiwan. By 1992 the Movement was printing 120,000 copies of the magazine each month.137 During this period, Master Cheng Yen also enlarged the Movement’s goals of salvation; the new task was to educate the rich (jiaofu). The Master made clear her awareness of the new social problems which had arisen in Taiwan since its economic growth. She claimed that society was sick and was losing its traditional values and morality, and that people’s minds had become polluted by materialism. In order for the Movement to help the rich spiritually as well as to save the poor physically, a new membership category was introduced: that of the Honorary Patrons (ruengyu duengshi). This membership is given to those whose donations to the Movement reach one million NT dollars (approximately £25,000). In 1987, as the numbers of the members increased, the Honorary Patrons formed their own association within Tzu Chi. Following the inclusion of the rich, Tzu Chi began to recruit from a wider range of people. The men’s association is called the Faith Corps (cicen duei) and was founded in May 1990. Until then, although there were quite a few men in Tzu Chi, it never thought to have a separate group for them. The Faith Corps came about as a result of the Third 136 137

Tzu Chi today has two hospitals and one comprehensive university. Ibid., Cheng Hui-jian 1992: 34.

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Anniversary of Tzu Chi Hospital, for which the Movement held a large-scale celebration. Much help was needed for this: to organize activities, decorate buildings and control traffic. Master Cheng Yen prompted her female devotees to ask their men to help. After the event was over, the men recognized that it was necessary to have a permanent male organization in Tzu Chi, as there were some things which females physically could not do. These men met at a member’s home and founded the group that later became the Faith Corps. Their plan was approved by Master Cheng Yen, who felt that because men have more influence in Taiwanese society, the establishment of the Faith Corps would strengthen the Movement. It was also expected that they would provide considerable support for their wives within Tzu Chi.138 Master Cheng Yen introduced the Ten Commandments especially for these men, with the intention of making them become perfect husbands and fathers. It is planned that in the future the Faith Corps will develop into a more professional team with the ability to provide practical help during civil emergencies. 139 Another example of the Movement’s recruitment from a wider range of people was the formation of the Membership for College Students (ciqing, see Fig. 3.1 and 4.1) in May 1992, for students of university or higher education. Master Cheng Yen felt that those students would form part of the future elite and be able to sow the seeds of Tzu Chi in every corner of society. To encourage College Student membership Master Cheng Yen has made the conditions of recruitment more generous than for other types of membership. In 1995, when my research was conducted, five thousand College Students had participated in Tzu Chi. Many, however, did not stay long,140 a point that will be expanded in Chapter 6. Since the establishment of the General Administrative Centre (zuenguan li zhongxing) in 1990, Tzu Chi has become increasingly institutionalized with a systematic form of normative regulation and an organized reward scheme. These include the criteria for joining the different Tzu Chi categories of membership; the methods of recruiting new members; the ways to ask for donations and to give receipts; the 138 See Master Cheng Yen’s Faith Corps Groups Behaving in Compassion and Wisdom (pamphlet in Chinese) (Taipei: Tzu Chi’s Cultural Center: 1990a) 139 Interview with the former Chief of the Faith Corps on 29 September 1995, in Taipei. 140 Interview with the chief executive of the College Students on 3 April 1995 at the Tzu Chi Taichung Branch, Taichung, Taiwan.

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Fig. 3.1 Tzu Chi youth members: college students

rights and obligations of being a member and various regulations and precepts that the members must observe (Ting 1997: 374-7). Master Cheng Yen does not oversee everything: she has employed three vice executives to oversee the missions of education, medicine, and culture and reserves only the mission of charity for herself. The Media Coverage of Tzu Chi Tzu Chi first appeared in the media in August 1973, when it was referred to as a charity. Towards the end of the 1970s, the media of Taiwan at both national and regional levels began to give positive and individual accounts about Tzu Chi’s work. Regional newspapers, such as Geng Sheng, gave emphasis to the charitable projects of Tzu Chi. The national newspapers also began to report the extraordinary achievements of the Movement. One article reported that Tzu Chi had spent more money on charitable work than any other organization and the government was going to honour it.141 By October 1980 Tzu Chi’s activities were being covered in the Central Daily, a national and governmental newspaper. Through accounts such as these, the missions of Tzu Chi gradually became well known in Taiwan. 141

See for example the articles in Minzu Wanbao and Dahui Wanbao on 3 March 1978.

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Media coverage about Tzu Chi reached a peak with the news reports of the project to construct the hospital. The reports became intensified towards the end of the eighties when fund-raising events, visits from powerful politicians and the process of finding a site for the hospital were described in detail. One of the highlights was the reporting of a visit by the then President, Jiang Jin-guo.142 President Jiang was so impressed with Tzu Chi’s work that he requested his cabinet to be tolerant and helpful towards the Movement’s application for suitable land on which to build the hospital. These reports showed that the Movement had won support from outside its membership circle. In the late 1980s, the media switched their focus from the Movement to Master Cheng Yen, particularly after Gao Xin-jiang, an eminent person in the Taiwanese media, became a volunteer of the Movement. The Independent Evening (Zili Wanbao), for instance, serialized interviews with Master Cheng Yen. Soon afterwards, the Master began to be known as the ‘Mother Teresa of Taiwan’, and was projected as a great teacher of compassion and a model of learning, gaining a national profile as a person of love.143 The visit from Liu Bin-yan, a scholar from China, was treated as the first attempt at friendly dialogue across the Straits between Taiwan and China, and Master Cheng Yen was recognized to be the one who would bring peace to these two places. Reports commented in the following terms: ‘Shining with compassion, Liu fulfilled his wish of meeting the grand Master. To save the world, Master Cheng Yen likes to cross the Strait to save people.’144 Also, ‘We are very fortunate compared with people on the other side of the Strait: Cheng Yen intends to build a hospital in China. Tzu Chi brings new inspiration and Liu Bin-yan applauds it.’145 The following day, Liu Bin-yan wrote an article in the Chinese Daily (Zhongguo Shibao), advocating a positive social function for religion. In 1990 Cheng Yen continued to receive the support of the media after speaking out on the issue of Taiwanese patriotism. At that time 142

Such as in the Central Daily on 23 November 1982. See Zhonguo Shibao (the China Times) on 9 October 1989; and Jiangji Ribao (the Economics Daily) on 11 October 1989. 144 See Central Daily of 14 December 1989, translated from the Chinese text: ‘Ciguang Puzhao, Liu Bin-yan Zoufang Dashi Changs.uan, Jishi Huoren, Zhengyan Fashi Panneng Kuahai Pudu Zhongsheng’. 145 See People’s Daily (Minzhonh Ribao), 14 December 1989, translated from the Chinese text: ‘Gen Duian Biqilai Women Henyou Fuqi, Zhengyan Youxin zai Dalu gai Yiyua, Ciji Shijie ju Qishi Yiyi, Liu Bin-yan Guzhang Huangying’. 143

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people were beginning to leave Taiwan because of the unstable political situation and the military threat from China. A newspaper article reported: ‘Cheng Yen pledges in tears that emigration cannot solve the problem but is only a means of escape. One should not be selfish. Let’s calm down and restore the island of Taiwan into a peaceful land.’146 But the following year the first criticism of Tzu Chi in the media occurred when the Movement was accused of ‘giving comfort to the enemy (China)’ after it raised over US$15 million for flood relief in China in 1991.147 In short, an analysis of the media coverage of Tzu Chi shows conclusively that both the Movement and the Master are seen in a very positive light; this has been an important element in the continued success of Tzu Chi. (See Chapter 6.) Conclusion and Discussion There are several reasons for the successful development of Tzu Chi before the repeal of martial law. Charles Jones suggested that it could be ascribed to the fact that the Movement had never acted directly against the government and authority (1996: 389). I would argue, however, that the growth should also be attributed to the location of the Movement and to the gender composition of Tzu Chi when it started. As was mentioned in Chapter 1, Taiwan under martial law was a society with limited religious pluralism, and lay religious groups faced difficulties in developing.148 Buddhism, though, was one of the religions that was allowed to be practised during this period, and few Buddhist masters were kept under surveillance by the government. Despite this, the Tzu Chi lay members were able both to solicit donations from the public and to recruit members, going directly against the government’s martial law policy (Jiang Canteng 1995: 166). However, Tzu Chi was only registered as a charity in 1980.149 The location of the Movement gave excellent cover for its 146 See Central Daily, 25th February, 1990, translated from the Chinese text: ‘Zhengyen Liuzhe Yanlei: Yimin Bushi Banfa, shi Taobi! Yi Daai Quanshi, Gongtong Jinghui Renxin, shi Yuanxian de Baodao Gengcheng Letu’. 147 See also Charles B. Jones 1996: 381. 148 Soka Gakkai and Yi-guan Dao were two well-known groups that were unable to legitimize their religious activities during the martial law era. For instance, allegedly the leader of Soka Gakkai was interviewed by Taiwanese security police several times. 149 Indeed, Tzu Chi only registered to become a civic organization in 1980, see Jones 1996: 375 fn.

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activities, as it was based in the east of Taiwan, far from the eyes of the central government. In addition, the group was mostly comprised of housewives, who were traditionally seen as non-threatening and as having a low social profile. These two factors in particular allowed Tzu Chi to grow and to organize its activities without attracting the attention of the authorities.

CHAPTER FOUR

TEACHINGS AND PRACTICES: ALTRUISM AND MORALITY BECOME A WAY OF LIFE Master Cheng Yen alone formulates and interprets the religious teachings and practices of the Tzu Chi Movement. This chapter will discuss her version of Buddhist teachings and practices. The focus will be on comparing and contrasting Cheng Yen’s religious ideas with those of traditional Buddhism. The Master does not produce any systematic theological doctrine; her ideas and opinions are scattered among her speeches and writings like Hadith (Arabic: ‘tradition’) in Islam. Most of them are presented in the form of recorded sayings in a dialectical format of question and answer, and employ very simple language. The most important writings of the Master are The Still Thoughts I (abbr. TSTI) and The Still Thoughts II (abbr. TSTII). The Teachings on Karma and Merit The Buddhist concept of karma (ὁye: cause and effect) is the most fundamental teaching of Master Cheng Yen. According to the Master, one’s present condition, either good or bad, is the result of karma. Karma is accumulated over many lifetimes, building up propensities which largely shape one’s present character and circumstances. For example, Cheng Yen writes, ‘We often encounter two types of people, those who are kind and nice towards others, and those who are bossy and cruel towards others. People of the former group, however, sometimes have tougher lives than the latter. Why? Because of the karmic decisions made in their previous lives.’150 According to Cheng Yen, the effect of karma also accounts for people’s present wealth, health, and even interpersonal relationships; for instance, a husband’s extramarital affair is considered to be the result of the wife’s bad karma. In a conversation between Cheng Yen and a female disciple: ‘ .… Don’t call it an affair. You should view it as an opportunity. It is part of your karma. You should accept it bravely. You 150

TSTII, p. 233.

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should be thankful to your husband for giving you this opportunity [to experience the hardship of life].’151 Cheng Yen says that karma, although unavoidable, can be modified or changed. If, for example, one is destined to have an accident or to be killed or assaulted, according to Cheng Yen, one way to achieve this alteration is through moral progress. She says: ‘You must cultivate virtue in order to avert disaster … You can increase abundance of good fortune for yourself by showing a gentle and loving attitude towards others.’152 Cheng Yen also emphasizes the importance of collective karma (݅ὁgongye) She asserts, ‘Now that we are born into this world, we cannot be separated from collective karma and group affinity. We cannot leave the group to hide from the world in our practice. True liberation is sought and achieved both in our affinity with others and in the midst of affection.’153 According to Cheng Yen, society is therefore an indispensable part of an individual’s progress toward enlightenment. She continues: ‘… if we escape from reality and hide from people and events, we will have difficulty gaining wisdom.’154 After establishing the idea of karma in such a way, Cheng Yen suggests that altruistic behaviour is another solution to modify karma. Altruism is most prized by Cheng Yen: it is the gateway to Buddhism and to comprehending the Buddha’s teachings. According to Cheng Yen, the Buddha introduced his religion to the world for the sake of saving other living beings.155 Cheng Yen then asserts that altruism must be the first stage before one can become a Buddhist. The core teaching of Tzu Chi is: xianru shanmen zairu fomen (‫ܹܜ‬୘䭔‫ܹݡ‬ԯ䭔 Pass through the gateway of kindness first before entering the gateway of Buddhism). Altruism not only eliminates bad karma but also creates good karma, as we see from Cheng Yen’s reply to a member’s question on attaining salvation. She says: How can one be reborn into the Western World of Perfect Happiness156 (the Buddhist concept of the ultimately wonderful land which is taught to exist in a much higher realm above this world)? You need to have a 151

TSTII, p. 164-5. TSTII, p. 234-7. 153 TSTI, p. 80. 154 TSTI, p. 25. 155 TSTII, p. 206. 156 This is first mentioned in Sanskrit texts of about the third century AD under the name of Sukhavati, and in English is often called the Western Paradise. 152

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chapter four strong resolution to help others, cultivate kindness, and good fortune in order to reach that goal. You also need to put your good ideas into practice by taking action.… We cannot reach our destination without practising good deeds.157

Cheng Yen emphasizes that altruism takes effect only when put into action (‫ خ‬zuo). Her philosophy is that since it is important to do things that will benefit others in order to change karma, it will be useless to have good intentions and yet never put them into practice. According to Cheng Yen, ‘…You also need to put your good ideas into practice by taking action.… We cannot reach our destination without practising good deeds.’158 Fu (⽣ merit, fortune, or blessing) is another important teaching of Cheng Yen. Although fu is rather similar to karma, as both are inherited, fu is a more materialistic term. For instance, one can say that some people are rich whereas others are poor because the rich have fu and the poor ones do not. Master Cheng Yen, however, warns the rich not to enjoy their fu frivolously, otherwise their fortune will be gone. To elaborate her perception on fu, Cheng Yen urges people to zhifu (ⶹ⽣ realize fu), to xifu (ᚰ⽣ appreciate fu), and to zhaofu (䗴⽣ create fu). As a result, Cheng Yen’s teaching aims to encourage people to cultivate self-awareness and to realize that if one strives hard one will obtain abundant merit not only in the next life but also in the present one. That is the doctrine zhoufu (ỡ⽣ planting the seeds of good fortune) of Master Cheng Yen. ‘The poor have a will not to be poor, while the wealthy desire to be wealthier.’159 One way of zhifu is through maintaining the harmony of society. The following story has been constantly repeated by Cheng Yen. One multibillionaire lived only to his fifties. While he was alive, he was very stingy to himself as well as to others. He never married because he thought that a wife and children were too costly, and he once took his siblings to court over a minor property dispute. When he became sick, instead of seeing doctors in a hospital, he went to see a pharmacist. He died wearing only his underwear, as he did not have time to put any clothes on. Finally, his fortune went to his siblings, who then ceaselessly fought 157

TSTII, p. 258. TSTII, p. 258. This has a interesting relationship to the Buddhism of the earliest Canon. There the Buddha clearly states that karma is determined by intention – though of course it is better to carry out a good intention than to do nothing about it. On the other hand, the Vinaya, the monastic Rule, is concerned with acts, not states of mind. Here that principle is being applied to the laity more than has been traditional. 159 TSTI, p. 74. 158

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over the inheritance. Master Cheng Yen often comments on such people: this rich man was a miserable person as he did not use his gift of wealth (⽣಴ fuyin) to contribute to society when he was alive. Had he done so, he would have received abundant merit (ࡳᖋ gongde) when he died. Thus, the important teaching here implies that only you yourself can gain for yourself the merit that has to be created through altruism and moral deeds.160 The Teachings on Worldly Salvation Another important orientation implied in Cheng Yen’s version of Buddhism is this-worldly concern. Cheng Yen preaches that the Buddha’s teachings are not only about how to be liberated from birth and death, but also about how to tolerate others and avoid disputes.161 This can be seen from Cheng Yen’s reply to a medical student’s question asking how he could be reborn as a human being. Her answer is to be a good student and to study hard in order to save more patients in the future.162 Filial piety, the most fundamental virtue of Chinese society, is seen to be best realized through worldly concern. Cheng Yen says: ‘…Our bodies are given to us by our parents. The best way you can show your gratitude to them is by helping others.’163 Wisdom is to be obtained not only through a traditional approach, i.e. studying scriptures and doing meditation, but also through the experience of learning from interacting with people (Jones 1996: 393). Cheng Yen teaches, ‘Besides praying to the Buddha and other Buddhist deities, one should also perform good deeds, abide by human ethics, respect the old and love children in order to fulfil one’s vows (to reach salvation).’164 Cheng Yen says that one can never apprehend the Buddha’s philosophy just by reading [or chanting] the sutras.165 As a result, relationships with the living are treated as more important and valuable than those with the world of the dead. This is shown by Cheng Yen’s recommendation to a woman who was in deep sorrow 160 This is essential to very early Buddhism. The Pali Canon says that we are ‘heirs to our own deeds’. 161 TSTI, p. 118. 162 TSTII, p. 175. 163 TSTII, p. 175. 164 TSTII, p. 195. 165 TSTII, pp. 211-12.

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over the loss of her young son. Cheng Yen consoled the woman by saying that she should not be so attached to the dead child and ignore the needs of her aged parents and other children.166 Cheng Yen has also spent a great deal of effort on having a good relationship with others, because no one, however talented, can guarantee that their whole life will go smoothly.167 In order to be welcomed and loved by others, one has to pay attention to one’s tone of voice and behaviour. Proper facial expression, conduct, speech and deportment can be achieved through cultivation and patience.168 The teachings are also aimed to create a nobler demeanour. Cheng Yen has taught that one has to pay attention to one’s walking, standing, sitting and lying down,169 so that one xingrufeng (walks like the breeze), zouruzhong (sits like a clock) and shuirusong (sleeps like a pine tree).170 In addition, Cheng Yen sees each individual as the root of social reform: she teaches that ‘…We must educate and reform all living beings by first making ourselves correct and proper… There is only one way to reform and influence a person to be proper and sincere. Sincerity and propriety can overcome the obstinacy of lives.171 Furthermore, one must also adhere to the principles of integrity in one’s every action, and apply an attitude of tolerance and tenderness when interacting with others.’172 She teaches that those practices are said both to dignify oneself and to create loving relations with one’s family and others.173 As a result, people should be encouraged to look at the world from the perspective of unlimited magnanimity.174 By regarding people and events from this viewpoint, everything will become peaceful and light.175 Adverse situations are called ‘augmenting superior affinities’; people should feel grateful when confronted with adverse conditions, because they are opportunities to test and to improve one’s relationships with others.176 Difficulties are seen as a whetstone that sharpens 166

Master Cheng Yen, Qingjing de Zhihui, 1995, pp. 58-9. TSTI, p. 165. 168 TSTI, p. 36. 169 This echoes a cliché in the Pali Canon, where however it applies to monks (and by implication to nuns). 170 TSTI, p. 109. The breeze is very gentle, the clock and the pine tree are still. 171 TSTI, p. 83. 172 TSTI, p. 38. 173 TSTI, p. 81 and TSTII, p. 39. 174 ‘Unlimited magnaminity’ recalls the unbounded kindness (mettå) advocated by the Buddha in the Tevijja Sutta of the Digha Nikaya. 175 TSTI, p. 87. 176 TSTI, p. 42. 167

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one’s sword of wisdom, or seen as a rough stone on which a piece of jade can be polished.177 In matters of gender and domestic relations, Cheng Yen’s teachings tend to uphold the traditional roles of men and women (Ho 1995; Jones 1996: 396-8). Cheng Yen teaches, for example, that men are very important because they are wise and strong, just like the columns of a hall. Also men are taught to be more energetic and more powerful than women, whereas women are soft and gentle like water. This division by gender can be observed in the imposition of duties and services within the Movement: labouring work is usually imposed on men, whereas women are supposed to take less physical duties. In an interview a bank manager illustrated this: ‘I have to attend all the regular meetings, being the night security guard of my local branch. I also collect recyclable goods from the streets and perform funeral services. As a man, I have to participate in the funeral services, which usually take place at night, because men are supposed to be braver than women.’178 On the other hand, Cheng Yen teaches her female devotees to respect their husbands and to give priority to fulfilling their domestic duties before searching for their own salvation (Ho 1995; Jones 1996: 398). This doctrine has been criticized by Ho Ming-jung (1995), who claims that Cheng Yen has a convenient compromise to prevent domestic conflict over women’s activities in the Movement. Nevertheless, some scholars see that Cheng Yen has offered more and better opportunities for women to seek enlightenment (Lu 1994; Jones 1996: 396-8). In Confucian and most Chinese Buddhist teachings, women are regarded as inferior to men. In Cheng Yen’s teachings, she claims that women have the same potential as men,179 and she urges women to focus on the bigger projects of life (԰໻џ zuo dashi). Cheng Yen’s teachings also deal with domestic relationships. Most importantly she promotes marital harmony and good relationships between daughters-in-law and parents-in-law (Jones 1996 391-6; Lu 1994). In her Movement, Cheng Yen encourages female members to bring their husbands into the organization and to treat their parentsin-law as they would treat the Buddha. The Tzu Chi literature includes stories of a heartbroken wife who was told by Cheng Yen that she had to love her unfaithful husband and his notorious mistresses; and a 177

TSTI, p. 43. Selected interview No. 31. 179 The same is true in the Pali Canon, in which many women are said to have attained enlightenment. 178

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daughter-in-law who, although treated as a slave, had to carry out her womanly duties pleasantly. This woman, when she had finished cooking, should never just leave the food on the table and shout, ‘The meal is ready.’ Instead, she should humbly invite everyone at home to the meal. On the other hand, my research found that it would be misleading to think that the Master has imposed rigid roles upon men and women. Instead, Cheng Yen’s teachings can be better understood as an attempt to improve relationships between men and woman rather than create differences. The teachings are developed from the socio-cultural environment of today’s men and women in Taiwan. The Master thus not only requires females to solve domestic relationships, but also introduces the Tzu Chi Ten Commandments to her male followers, in order that those men become perfect husbands and fathers. Traditional Buddhist beliefs advocate detachment from worldly values, including human relationships. In contrast, Cheng Yen’s teachings lay great emphasis on worldly affairs, especially on improving relationships with others. Her teachings indicate a clear departure from traditional Buddhism and create a new, secular form of Buddhism. This trend is shown more obviously in Cheng Yen’s views on ancestral memorial rites and her concept of death; these will be shown in later sections of this chapter.

The Sacred and the Profane Perhaps influenced by the fact that most of Tzu Chi’s members were previously affiliated with Taiwanese Traditional Religion, besides advocating the Movement’s ideology, Cheng Yen’s teachings show strong dichotomous concepts of the sacred and the profane. On the subject of worship, Cheng Yen stresses the superiority of the Buddha over the various deities or gods of Taiwanese Traditional Religion, which are prayed to by the majority in Taiwan. Cheng Yen emphasizes that the Buddha is not a god but rather a ‘saint’, and teaches that the Traditional gods are more akin to ‘spirits’. For example, Heaven’s Emperor (໽݀ Tiangong), Cheng Yen teaches, is a product of an agricultural cultural heritage and is not a god. Cheng Yen also teaches against Traditional Religious practices, for instance, geomancy and spiritual healing, which she condemns as superstition. Instead, Cheng Yen supports modern sciences, such as Western medicine, and she

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stresses that physical sickness should be treated by doctors rather than gods. This too is in the spirit of the earliest Buddhism rather than later Buddhist tradition.180 Altruism, called zhiye in Tzu Chi’s terminology (ᖫὁ voluntary career), is contrasted to suye (֫ὁ secular career) work that has the primary purpose of obtaining money. In Cheng Yen’s beliefs such suye is not encouraged, because preoccupation with money will hinder enlightenment (џὁᰃὁ䱰 shiye she yezhang). The following story is a typical example used by Cheng Yen to enhance the teachings that the pursuit of money is no way to achieve ultimate happiness. There were two men living opposite each other, one was poor and the other rich. The poor man made a living by collecting waste from the streets, and had to go out to work in the early morning. The rich man earned money by renting out his land, and every day sending his people to the country to collect rent for him. He stayed at home counting his money. The rich man never felt happy at all. By contrast, the poor man looked very happy; he would come home in the evening and wash his feet in a bucket, and then begin to play music and sing in the moonlight. One day, the rich man asked his attendant, ‘Why cannot I be as happy as that poor man?’ The attendant replied, ‘I know how to make that poor man unhappy. You just need to give him some money.’ The rich man did not believe his attendant’s words, but he still passed him some money to give to the poor man. Indeed, after being given the money, the poor man stopped singing and playing music. The rich man went to visit him to find out why. The poor man explained, ‘After receiving your money I can neither sleep nor eat, because I became so busy making plans to use that money. I am also very worried about losing it.’ In the end, the poor man returned the money to the rich man and began to sing again.181

Cheng Yen’s teaching emphasizes that renouncing materialism is the gateway to a joyful life. She says, ‘The most ordinary person has the most blessings. He has a mind that knows satisfaction. He is very approachable, and thus finds real friendships. This kind of person finds the most blessings in life.’182 Facai (⊩䉵 spiritual wealth) is contrasted to shijiancai (Ϫ䭧䉵 secular wealth). Cheng Yen explains that money used for altruistic purposes is called spiritual wealth, and the more secular wealth one has 180

See for example the list of condemned practices in the sila (morality) section of the suttas in the first book of the Digha Nikaya. 181 Master Cheng Yen’s Ciji Xindeng, 1991, pp. 22-4. 182 TSTI, p. 59.

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spent, the more spiritual wealth one will gain. She says that it is just like when we draw water from a well, and the water table will never fall. To give unselfishly is equivalent to drawing water from the well; no matter how much water you draw, the water level remains the same. The more one contributes, the more one will gain.183 This is Cheng Yen’s theory of she (ᮑ giving up) and de (ᕫgaining). In short, give up secular wealth in order to gain spiritual wealth. Here Cheng Yen’s teaching is in contrast to her previous teaching, in which she says that secular wealth brings unhappiness; pursuing secular wealth is thus discouraged. The irony about Chen Yen’s teaching is that she could advise someone to give up the pursuit of individual wealth but to focus on the gain of collective wealth for the Movement. In her teachings, Cheng Yen also distinguishes between different causes of relationships. The traditional Buddhist concept of yuan (㎷ conviction, reliance, but in Buddhism it also means ‘a co-operating cause, the concurrent occasion of an event as distinguished from its proximate cause’184) is used by her elaborately to explain certain circumstances. For example, Cheng Yen interprets a miscarriage in terms of the dead child having a very short yuan with the parents. Cheng Yen introduces a new concept of fayuan (⊩㎷ sacred relation), which is bonded by a common religious affiliation, for instance the relationships between Tzu Chi members in the Movement. In contrast to fayuan is suyuan (֫㎷ worldly relation), used to address the cause of kinship as understood biologically, for example, the relationship of a child to his or her parents. Fayuan is held to be sacred whereas suyuan is profane, Cheng Yen teaches that fayuan is eternal and ceaseless, but suyuan is contingent and will terminate after death.185 Also, Cheng Yen uses the notion of qin (㽾 personally related; intimate; family) to imply new bonds of affection for relations within the Movement. Thus in contrast to faqin (affection within the religious community) is suqin (affection among secular relatives). Cheng Yen teaches that faqin is more valuable than suqin, because faqin is the affection for those who are on the same path seeking salvation, while with suqin, although people may descend from the same ancestors, they may have different views about their lives.186 183

TSTII, p. 103. Cit. A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, compiled by William E. Soothill and Lewis Hodous, revised by Rev. Shih Sheng-kang, Prof. Lii Wu-joing and Prof. Tseng Lai-ling (Foguang Shan: Kaoshung Taiwan, 1993) p. 440 185 Ibid., Master Cheng Yen 1991: 181-2. 186 See Master Cheng Yen, Ciji Dingning Yu, 1983, p. 135. 184

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By emphasizing these dichotomous concepts, sacred and profane, in the Traditional Religion of Taiwan and Buddhism; and contrasting different causes and conditions of human relationships, Cheng Yen’s teaching clearly attaches high value to Buddhism and aims to create a new form of human relationships within the Tzu Chi Movement. The Tzu Chi Ethos – Altruism and Morality Become a Way of Life Master Cheng Yen’s theory of reaching salvation is called xieng-jien (㸠㍧ acting according to Buddhist teachings). It exhorts her lay followers to accumulate merit and become Bodhisattvas.187 Guan Yin (or Kuan Yin) Bodhisattva is the figure from whom Master Cheng Yen draws her prestige and spiritual power. Guan Yin in Mahayana Buddhism is the embodiment of compassion (᜜ᚆ cibei). Cheng Yen teaches that Guan Yin is the goddess of mercy, who has an intimate relationship with the living world. In Buddhist legend, the Bodhisattva Guan Yin has cultivated a strong capacity for compassion, specializing in listening to the laments of living creatures and relieving them from their sufferings. Guan Yin’s generous un-celestial character is why Master Cheng Yen feels so inspired by her.188 Therefore Cheng Yen puts her faith in Guan Yin Bodhisattva and has vowed to transfer the compassionate spirit of Guan Yin to this world.189 The compassion ideology of Guan Yin forms the central doctrine of Master Cheng Yen: it is the Xing Pusa Dao (㸠㦽㭽䘧 walking on the path of a Bodhisattva). This means cultivating one’s compassionate nature and one’s ability to help the needy, by acting meritoriously. Cheng Yen regards bushe (Ꮧᮑ alms giving)190 as the most meritorious act. She says, ‘Money is not an intrinsic part of ourselves; so naturally there must be times when we gain and lose it. Thus there is no need to be proud of one’s wealth or to be mournful over one’s poverty.’191 Cheng Yen also stresses that at the time of death no one can take any wealth with them.192 How much alms should a Buddhist 187 Here the implication is that Tzu Chi members are to act as enlightened beings who remain in this world to assist fellow humans to attain liberation. 188 TSTII, p. 270-1. 189 Tzu Chi Monthly vol. 314, 1993, p. 80. 190 In Sanskrit and Pali this is called dana, and is one of the six great virtues in Indian Buddhism. 191 TSTI, p. 59. 192 This is at odds with the traditional Taiwanese concept that material wealth can be transferred even to the afterlife.

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Fig. 4.1 The Buddha as medicine king: the mosaic in the lobby of Tzu Chi’s hospital, Hualien

give, then? Cheng Yen says that it should be one fourth of one’s income. Accordingly, one’s income should be divided into four parts: a quarter each for parents, family, children’s education, and the public. Healing is another very meritorious act. Cheng Yen argues that illness is the major cause of poverty and that a hospital is the best place to witness the impermanence and misery of the human condition. Buddha is revered as the Great Medicine King (໻䝿⥟ Dayi Wang). A huge fresco on the main wall of the lobby of Tzu Chi Hospital, showing the Buddha at a patient’s bed healing a wounded man, is

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Fig. 4.2 Master Cheng Yen as a medicine king; the Buddha has disappeared in this official picture, which combines Theravada and Mahayana styles of wearing monastic robes (september 2010)

dedicated to this teaching. (See Fig. 4.1) Therefore, Cheng Yen urges her followers to work as volunteers in Tzu Chi’s hospital in order to observe this for themselves. Cheng Yen is shown as a Medicine King in Fig. 4.2. As mentioned in a previous section, moral progress is also considered as meritorious; Cheng Yen claims that one of the functions of her religion is to establish principles for human life. Observing and cultivating morality are an important part of Tzu Chi’s religiosity. Cheng Yen asserts, ‘Morality is considered to be a vow to perfect one’s behaviour. Morality is in the mind, a self-education, an inner structuring, and a rule for what is expressed externally to others.’193 Tzu Chi members are instructed and exhorted to rid themselves of the three human evils: greed, anger and ignorance,194 and to cultivate the virtues of caring, unselfishness, understanding and openness. 193

TSTI, p. 129. In early Buddhism these are metaphorically the three fires; when they go out one has attained nirvana. 194

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More importantly, the Tzu Chi Ten Commandments have been introduced as the basic precepts which Tzu Chi’s members have to observe. These rules forbid: (1) killing any sentient being; (2) stealing; (3) sexual misconduct; (4) false speech; (5) drinking alcohol; (6) smoking or chewing betel nut;195 (7) gambling, which also includes playing the lottery and involvement in the stock market; (8) acting against parents’ wishes or being ungrateful to them; (9) breaking the traffic laws; (10) attending or participating in political demonstrations or antigovernment activities. The first five Rules are the basic precepts of traditional Buddhist teachings. The Rule against sexual misconduct is to reduce the sexual promiscuity that the Founder considers rampant among modern Taiwanese men. The Rule against smoking addresses the problem of severe tobacco addiction in the society. Like Rule 6, 9 and 10 are introduced to serve the needs of modern Taiwanese society by making members more cultivated and politically detached. 195 Chewing betel is seen as unhealthy as well as uncivilized; this view is also held by the government of Taiwan. Cited from a government report: ‘The seed of the betel palm has long been used by Chinese doctors to treat parasitic infections and other intestinal disorders. Only when taken in excess does this pulpy nut have negative side effects. However, the betel nut chewed widely in Taiwan as a stimulant often contains unhealthy additives. Experts estimate that 96 percent of oral cancer patients and 88 percent of mucous membrane fibrosis patients in the Taiwan area are habitual betel nut chewers. Statistically, the likelihood of contracting oral cancer is 28 times higher for people who both chew betel nuts and smoke. And those who chew, smoke, and drink heavily are 123 times more likely to contract nasopharyngeal cancer than people who maintain none of these habits. Annual oral cancer deaths in the ROC (Taiwan) have increased from 1.25 per 100,000 people in 1976 to 2.25 in 1991. In 1995, there were an estimated 2.3 to 2.8 million betel chewers in the Taiwan area.Especially worrisome to health officials is the increasing popularity of betel nut chewing. In the past, most betel nut chewers were adult labourers concentrated in eastern and southern Taiwan. Today, young and educated urbanites and suburbanites are taking to the nut in unprecedented numbers. In response to this shift, the government is now targeting anti-betel nut campaigns at the younger generation. The hazards of betel nut chewing are being publicized in the form of TV ads, video programmes, and leaflets distributed among high school and college students.’ (The Republic of China Yearbook 1997: 258-9, Government Information Office, Taipei, Taiwan)

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Cheng Yen, after giving lessons on altruism, also re-oriented other Buddhist practices, such as vegetarianism, meditation and chanting sutras. Vegetarianism is one of the most fundamental practices in Chinese Buddhism; being a vegetarian can create good karma. Cheng Yen, however, places less emphasis on this aspect of practice. She teaches that vegetarianism is beneficial to the environment,196 and will also enhance one’s compassionate nature (ৗ㋴ᰃ䭋仞᜜ᚆᖗ chisu shi zhangyang cibei xin), but is less important than altruism. Consequently, many in Tzu Chi do not feel obliged to observe this practice and beliefs about vegetarianism do not figure greatly in Tzu Chi’s system of merit accumulation. A female member, for instance, who has been in the Movement for four years, confessed, ‘I have not become a vegetarian. I was taught that the aim of vegetarianism is to cultivate a compassionate heart, so I chose to be a kind person.’197 Neither chanting nor a daily liturgy is required of Tzu Chi members. In fact, Cheng Yen has a pragmatic approach to all traditional religious practices. When Cheng Yen was asked about individual daily religious practice, she replied, ‘The real function of morning prayer is to be watchful of one’s behaviour at the beginning of the day, and night prayer is for self-examination at the end of the day. As long as one does these two things each day, one does not necessarily need to practise other forms of religious prayer.’198 Since Cheng Yen teaches that traditional religious practices are not to be considered a direct way to reach salvation, but money donations, healing and moral deeds are, one can say that altruism and morality have become ways of life. On the other hand, Cheng Yen’s doctrines of altruism and accumulating merit provide vital support to those who feel trepidation and uncertainty about the future. Many Taiwanese people are anxious about increasing military threats from mainland China and fear losing the hard-earned wealth they have accumulated in the last fifty years. These fears are manifested in their views of the future: they have a vision of an apocalypse at the advent of the next millenium.199 Many Tzu Chi members believe that millenarianism not only assures them of rebirth in a higher realm, but also holds out the 196 Cheng Yen’s advice against eating pork stems from an ecological concern. According to her, pigs’ sewage causes pollution in rivers. 197 Selected interview No. 7. 198 Selected interview No. 28. 199 See Vermander B., ‘Religion in Taiwan: Between Mercantilism and Millenarianism’, Japanese Religions, Vol. 23, Nos. 1+2, January 1998.

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promise of a prosperous and peaceful future life on earth. However, there is no millenarianism in Cheng Yen’s writings and it forms no part of the Movement’s official ideology. Death Ritual, Tzu Chi Funeral Service and Ancestors Tzu Chi has developed a distinctive ritual for the deceased called zhunian (ࡽᗉ assistance chanting). It consists of a group of people reciting the name of Buddha, A-mi-tuo-fo (the Chinese version of Amitabha Buddha). When a direct kinsman of a member dies, other members will gather at the home of the deceased immediately to perform zhunian. Sometimes zhunian is also performed for a new recruit. It is said the function of zhunian is to help the dying soul to find the way to heaven. According to Cheng Yen, when death occurs the soul will have to leave the body and go to either hell or heaven in preparation for the next birth. The time between death and rebirth is taught to be between a few hours and forty-nine days, depending on the karma of the deceased: the better the karma, the sooner will the person be reborn. Cheng Yen says it is a period of transition for the deceased as well as for the surviving kin: the soul may be very confused after departing from the body and may not find the way to heaven, and the living kin may be highly emotional over the loss of the beloved one. The feelings of the living kin, however, can hinder the soul’s ability to detach itself from the body and may cause the soul to miss the opportunity for rebirth. Cheng Yen claims the purpose of zhunian is twofold: it directs the soul on its way to heaven, and it creates a peaceful and calm atmosphere for the survivors. Zhunian is also believed to have a more physical effect: I was told that after zhunian the corpse will become soft and its complexion will turn pinkish, and that will be seen as evidence that the deceased has had a good death.200 Zhunian begins as soon as death is announced and is continued for at least eight hours. This is the length of the time which the soul usually takes to depart from its physical body. Cheng Yen advises that zhunian is to be performed for seven days but not longer than forty-nine days, the maximum time span before rebirth. Meanwhile the family of the 200

Selected Interview No. 28.

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deceased is advised to follow a [Buddhist] vegetarian diet. Cheng Yen said that bad karma would be generated by the killing of an animal and what the mourners had eaten during this period would count against the deceased, and thus reduce the chances for a fortunate rebirth. Since the function of zhunian is merely to guide the departed soul but does not transfer any merit to it, this shows a transient concept of one’s relations to one’s dead ancestor; this point will be examined later. Also, Cheng Yen does not mention how to assist the souls which have missed the moment of rebirth or are held in hell. The true function of zhunian is best understood as improving life in this world; in fact, many Tzu Chi members claim that zhunian is highly therapeutic as it creates a caring atmosphere among people at a difficult time. Furthermore, the death rituals surrounding zhunian and the notion of reincarnation have brought positive healing effects. The ritual of zhunian assists many families in recovering from the loss of a loved one, as well as consoling some terminally ill patients. Most importantly, zhunian helps people to overcome the traditional negative attitude towards death. Death is traditionally seen as a kind of pollution and will bring bad luck and illness to the world of the living,201 so that traditionally only close kin are involved with funerals. For an outsider, it is considered to be extremely unlucky to encounter a funeral. However, traditional funeral rites have gradually faded away in urban environments, because physically the dwelling will be too small to perform such rites. Perhaps it is more frequent to meet funerals, since the urban population is highly condensed in Taiwan. Tzu Chi’s practice of death rituals offers the members a more reasonable solution to fit in with their urban modern lives. Not only the relatives of the dead but also Tzu Chi members participate in Tzu Chi funerals, and they are aware that this creates a new form of interpersonal relationship in the cities. For example, a female member informed me that after practising zhunian she gradually came to terms with the nature of death, and understood that it was an inevitable event.202

201 See, for example, James Watson, ‘Funeral Specialists’, in Rawski E. and Watson J. (ed.) Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 109-135, and his other article, ‘Of Flesh and Bones: The Management of Death Pollution in Cantonese Society’, in Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry (ed.) Death and the Regeneration of Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); also Emily Martin Ahern, The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1979) pp. 155-86. 202 Selected interview No. 12.

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The secular orientation of Cheng Yen’s version of Buddhist beliefs can be illustrated by Tzu Chi’s ideas of death and funerals. Cheng Yen sees death from the point of view of reincarnation and calls it the wangsheng (ᕔ⫳ rebirth). Since the soul will re-enter the circle of reincarnation,203 the relationship between the deceased and his/her living kin will soon be terminated. It is consequently impossible to maintain any bond between the deceased and his/her surviving relatives, and they no longer share a common collective karma after the forty-nine day period. Against the traditional belief, in Cheng Yen’s view dead ancestors will not have any influence on the living descendants beyond this period. Traditionally, funerals have to be held on particular days designated by geomancy. But according to the Movement, funerals can be on any day after zhunian (ࡽᗉ assistance chanting) has been properly conducted. The funeral, instead of taking place at home, is normally held at a binyiguan (Ↄ‫۔‬仼 funeral parlour). Cremation and preservation of the ashes in a Buddhist parlour are encouraged by Cheng Yen. Tzu Chi regards death as a rather cheerful event, an equivalent to a new beginning of the next life. The funeral is like a farewell party for the dead, so not only relatives but also people from the Movement are invited. In contrast, traditional funerals are occasions to readdress the relations between the deceased and their surviving kin. In those funerals the living relatives have to wear different ranks of funeral costumes according to their positions in the family, and the women in the family have to express their emotional mourning, while usually the nearest kin will mourn more earnestly.204 In traditional funerals, white is the main colour.205 Tzu Chi’s funerals, however, are very different: everybody wears the same black robes, and yellow is the major colour for decoration. Tzu Chi’s funeral service is carried out by faxinzu (ⱐᖗ㌘ the devout team), a group of people consisting of laymen and lay women. These people provide a comprehensive mortuary service, including 203

Ibid., Master Cheng Yen 1995: 40. See E. Johnson, ‘Grieving for the Dead, Grieving for the Living: Funeral Laments of Hakka Women’, in Rawski E. and Watson J. (ed.) Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1988) pp.135-64. 205 For a recent account of funeral rites in Taiwan, see Stuart Thompson’s detailed analysis, ‘Death, Food, and Fertility’, in Rawski E. and Watson J. (ed.) 1988: 71-109. 204

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decorations, booking the parlour, arranging the cremation and conducting the religious service for the deceased’s family. The funeral service is about an hour of chanting by the faxinzu. The faxinzu group is extremely presentable. All of them wear their formal Tzu Chi uniforms: men wear blue suits, white shirts and ties; women wear blue dresses, their long hair held neatly by a blue ribbon embroidered with the logo of Tzu Chi. The sutras this group chant are the very common Buddhist sutras: the Amitayus Sutra (䰓ᔠ䰔㍧ Amitojin), the Heart Sutra (ᖗ㍧ Xinjin), the Wangsheng Zhou (ᕔ⫳੦ Sutra for rebirth), and they finish the chanting by reciting the names of the Buddha. The chanting is accompanied by some simple Buddhist instruments, such as bells and drums. After the chanting, the faxinzu group will bow to the altar three times and prepare to deliver the coffin for cremation. The coffin is carried by the men and is led by the females with flowers; the procession is fairly solemn. (See Fig. 4.3) Apart from elaborate decorative uniforms and professionalism, another remarkable characteristic of Tzu Chi’s funeral service is the mobility. The group of faxinzu can arrive and organize a funeral in a very short period of time. Although Tzu Chi provides free funeral

Fig. 4.3 Tzu Chi’s funeral service team

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services, relatives of the deceased usually donate afterwards to the Movement’s funeral fund. Funeral services therefore become an important source of income for Tzu Chi. There is a great demand for faxinzu. It is normal for them to conduct several services in one day. After one service is finished, they often rush to another with their equipment. Cheng Yen asserts that the merit from the donation to the funeral fund cannot be credited to the deceased but accrues to the living donor; and that the only way for the dead to generate merit for him/herself is to donate their body for the public good, e.g. for medical research. The donated bodies usually go to the Movement’s hospital.206 In Tzu Chi’s teachings there is no mention of transferring merit to a dead ancestor or past relatives. The relationship with dead ancestors has been de-emphasized by Cheng Yen, not only in her notion of death but also by her view on performing ancestral rites. For example, in her reply to a devotee’s question about performing memorial rites for a dead ancestor, the Master says, ‘You should sincerely do something for the dead. Then both the doer and the dead will be blessed, and the doer will obtain a reward for the meritorious deed, while the deceased will contribute to the world by motivating you to become a Buddhist.’207 It may thus be seen that the emphasis is on the work of the living and not on the deceased ancestors. The teachings about the fleeting relationship between the living and the deceased also stress that the salvation of all concerned depends on the performance of unselfish acts for others. These are Buddhist concepts rather than Chinese traditional teachings. Tzu Chi views the relationship between children and parents as temporary. These ideas represent a significant departure by Tzu Chi from being a Buddhist lay movement towards secularization. Tzu Chi as a New Religion Strictly speaking, Master Cheng Yen and her Movement do not belong to any particular school of traditional Chinese Buddhism. As mentioned in Chapter 3, Cheng Yen did not become a Buddhist nun by the traditional method: she neither affiliated with a Buddhist monastery 206 Tzu Chi Medical School has, therefore, probably received the most corpses donated for medical research in Taiwan. 207 TSTI, p. 267-8.

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nor studied at a Buddhist seminary. Cheng Yen is not part of any Buddhist lineage of traditional Buddhism in Taiwan; she did not receive any form of professional Buddhist training under any senior monk or nun. As a result, Tzu Chi does not have any lineal temples to associate with, but can operate fully under the sole will of Master Cheng Yen. In a sense, Master Cheng Yen has been influenced greatly by the masters of modern Buddhist reform, especially by Master Yin Shun (ॄ ䷚⊩᏿ 1906-2005).208 The relationship between Cheng Yen and Master Yin Shun, however, is generally regarded as an informal one rather than the traditional kind of master-disciple relation. There is no record of Cheng Yen receiving any scholarly training from Master Yin Shun. Master Yin Shun never announced that he had transmitted his teachings to Master Cheng Yen. Master Yin Shun was in fact Cheng Yen’s tonsure master only (see Chapter 3). It is recorded in Tzu Chi literature that Cheng Yen visited Master Yin Shun once a month for consultation about her projects, and at the same time she visited other Buddhist masters and influential politicians for the same purpose as well. The Movement’s loyalty to the traditional Buddhist organization of Taiwan, the BAROC (The Buddhist Association of the Republic of China) has been seen as mainly a political one,209 since Tzu Chi holds different views from BAROC on how to develop Buddhism.210 As shown in Chapter 1, the Chinese Buddhist revival, which commenced at the beginning of the twentieth century, promotes the influence of Buddhism in society. The promotion of Buddhism is now continued by a few evangelical organizations, such as Foguang Shan (ԯ‫ܝ‬ቅ The Buddha’s Light) and Fagu Shan (⊩哧ቅ Dharma Drum). Their work is largely monastic; these movements have converted many people to become Buddhist monks and nuns, and have also built many Buddhist seminaries. It is an approach quite different from that of Cheng Yen, who advocates charitable work and puts more emphasis on the concerns of lay people.211 There is another difference between traditional Buddhism and Tzu Chi; Master Cheng Yen emphasizes the learning of Buddhism through practical work, and avoids the scholarly or intellectual approach. She instructs her followers to conduct charitable work 208

See Chapter1 for details of the Reform. For an account of BAROC, see Chapter 1. 210 See Li Ding-tzan, ‘Zongjio yu Zhimin’ (Religion and Colonial Discourse: The Historical Transformation of Buddhism in Taiwan, 1895-1995) in Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, No. 81, Spring, 1996, 19-52. 211 Ibid., Ling Ding-tzan 209

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rather than concern themselves with the meanings of the Dharma. This is one of her famous teachings, zou zhong xue (‫خ‬Ёᅌ learning while doing), because while doing quanmu (࣌ࢳ persuading people to donate), Tzu Chi members will understand her teaching on zhongsheng xiang (ⴒ⫳Ⳍ the various characters of human beings). Tzu Chi’s de-emphasizing of ancestral rites is another departure from traditional Chinese Buddhism. In traditional Chinese Buddhism, there is strong emphasis on filial piety, ancestral rites and the erection of pagodas in memory of deceased ancestors.212 Moreover, unlike other Buddhist groups in Taiwan, Cheng Yen only ordains women, whereas most other Buddhist organizations ordain both sexes. It is probably because of Cheng Yen’s conservatism, because there are strict rules in Buddhism about contact with the opposite sex, that Cheng Yen ordains only women. It is also probably because in the eyes of some Buddhists, females are inferior to males, so a female master cannot ordain male disciples. There are some other Buddhist temples in Taiwan that accept only women.213 Cheng Yen’s version of Buddhism seems to have been influenced by Japanese Buddhism. Tzu Chi’s own publication mentions that in Cheng Yen’s early religious life she was attracted to Japanese Buddhism under the influence of Venerable Xiu Dao (ׂ䘧⊩᏿).214 Also, Tzu Chi’s oral history records that Master Cheng Yen had taken a correspondence course through a Japanese Buddhist school.215 Tzu Chi’s lay concern has in fact led some people to regard Cheng Yen’s religious teachings as closer to Japanese Buddhism, especially to those Japanese Buddhist sects that employ the Lotus Sutra as their major doctrinal resource.216 However, I consider that Tzu Chi should be treated independently from Japanese Lotus Buddhist sects. Although the Lotus Sutra is used in the Movement, it does not hold a prominent position, and Cheng Yen disagrees with certain Japanese Buddhist beliefs. The Lotus Sutra is important in the Japanese Lotus School for its teaching on transferring merit: as bad karma of dead ancestors would pass to living descendants, it is important for living 212 See Kenneth Chèn, Buddhism in China – A Historical Survey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973) p. 486. 213 Also see Xing Fu-quan, Taiwan de Fojiao yu Fosi (Taiwanese Buddhism and Buddhist Temples) (Taipei: Shang Wu 1992) p.109. 214 See Chapter 3 for details about Venerable Xiu Dao. 215 Selected interview No. 20. 216 Ibid., Li Ding-tzan.

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descendants to transfer merit to their ancestors in order to reduce that bad karma (Hardacre 1984: 133). Cheng Yen, on the other hand, teaches that karma is only produced by one’s own behaviour and cannot be inherited from ancestors. Besides, as mentioned earlier, Cheng Yen insists that no relationship can be found between ancestors and their living descendants beyond forty-nine days after death, and thus it is not possible to transfer any merit to the dead from the living world.217 While the Japanese Lotus School believes that sutra recitation and repentance can destroy bad karma, so that chanting and showing repentance become a way of life (Hardacre 1984: 217), Cheng Yen rejects the idea that there are spiritual rewards for chanting, and asserts that altruism is the only way to gain merit. This point of hers is clearly shown in her writings: ‘There would be no cause and effect if we eliminated bad karma by chanting sutras. Being human, we will all die someday; you must get off the bus at the station that corresponds with the mileage you paid for when you bought your ticket. You should help others before it is too late.’218 Repentance plays a far less important role in Tzu Chi than it does in the Japanese Lotus Schools, and is rarely mentioned in Cheng Yen’s teaching.219 Repentance is, in Cheng Yen’s view, ‘A confession of the mind and spirit, and also a major cleansing of inner pollution.’220 However, Cheng Yen’s teachings are similar to Mahayana Buddhism and to the Chan Buddhist school. Her teachings which stress social or collective values show a close resemblance to the Mahayana Buddhist tradition, the Great Vehicle, which is the predominant form of Buddhism in China, Japan, and Korea. There is also some similarity with Chan Buddhism (or Zen in Japanese). For example the doctrine of xianru shanmen zairu fomen (‫ܹܜ‬୘䭔ˈ‫ܹݡ‬ԯ䭔 entering the gate of compassion prior to the gate of Buddhism) seems similar to the teaching of gradual enlightenment (┌ᙳ jianwu) in the Chan Buddhist school. In addition, Tzu Chi’s ethical precepts resemble closely those of Neo-confucianism, the philosophy developed by the Confucianists of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in China. This school emphasized the ethics of primary human relationships and obligations, 217

Ibid. Master Cheng Yen 1995: 40. TSTII, p. 240. 219 Repentance in the sense of regretting the past is also little found in early Buddhism; the point is just to resolve to do better in future. 220 TSTI, p. 69. 218

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and thought it was possible to reform human society through moral advancement.221 Although there are some similarities with other traditions, Tzu Chi, nevertheless, should be considered a new form of Taiwanese Buddhism. According to Professor Chu Hai-yuan (ⶓ⍋⑤), it is its untraditional way of approaching Buddhist practices that makes it a new form of Buddhist movement. Chu Hai-yuan defines Buddhism in terms of its relation to traditional practice. A Buddhist, in Chu’s view, has to be vegetarian, chant and attend liturgical services (Chu 1988: 241). My study has already shown that these practices are not compulsory for Tzu Chi members.222 Tzu Chi’s flexible attitude toward traditional Buddhist practices contrasts strongly with other contemporary active religious groups in Taiwan. In groups such as Zhenfo Zong chanting and meditation are indispensable daily practices; Foguang Shan expects lay members to practise a five-minute meditation twice a day; the Supreme Ching Hai movement (䴦⍋⛵Ϟ᏿) requires strict vegetarianism and two and a half hours of meditation per day; and Fagu Shan (⊩哧ቅ) encourages its members to meditate as much as possible. Tzu Chi’s religious teachings and practices make it best described as a ‘world affirming’ religious group as defined by Roy Wallis: ‘Their main source undoubtedly lies in the unequal distribution of various resources in society: power, status, self-confidence. Rather than transforming the world or creating an alternative to it, these movements offer recipes, techniques and knowledge to reduce the gap between aspiration and actuality: either to ensure their possessor an improvement in his access to these resources, or to enable him to restrict his desires the better to fit his circumstances’ (Wallis 1984: 51). Tzu Chi grows from the result of schisms within Buddhism in Taiwan, and the doctrine provides innovations that offer new concepts of salvation for the laity. Joining Tzu Chi is seen as an act of ‘conversion’ rather than of ‘religious change’. According to Aagaard, ‘The distinction between religious change and conversion has much significance as a model for understanding Europe and North America in the 1990s. While conversion in the biblical sense is concerned with a change in faith and one’s personal relationship with God, religious change is a 221

This insight was pointed out by William Theodore de Bary in his study of doctrinal evolution in three Buddhist countries; see de Bary (ed.) The Buddhist Tradition in India, China and Japan (New York: Vintage Books, 1972) p.243. 222 Selected interview No. 29.

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process that revolves about the ‘decoding’ of existence, that is, with cosmology. Cosmology in this sense is not a matter of science or knowledge as much as a question of explaining and interpreting the world (however, cosmology often professes to be a kind of science)’ (Aagaard 1991: 91-2). Tzu Chi is not entirely a lay movement but is a new secular Buddhist Movement, because it is led by a Buddhist master but the great majority of its members are lay people. The concept of a lay Buddhist movement is not a new phenomenon in the history of Chinese religions. A previous example is the White Lotus Society, a well-known religious movement in the history of China: In fact, White Lotus had a very distinguished beginning. It was allegedly the name of a lay Buddhist group organized in 402 by the eminent monk Hui-yuan to worship the Buddha Amitabha. Later, the Pure Land master Mao Tzu-yuan (1086-1166) also used this name to designate his pious vegetarian group. In any event, White Lotus had obviously metamorphosed into a millenarian sectarian movement under the leadership of Han Shan-t’ung (d. 1355) toward the end of the Yuan dynasty (12801368)… Han was the symbol of the religious movement that eventually brought an end to the Yuan regime. During the ensuing Ming dynasty (1368-1644)… the White Lotus tradition became even more systematized… had vowed to save all .…from certain demise………….that a ‘new beginning’ would arrive in time to replace the existing order, and that this ‘new beginning’ would sit in judgement over the entire past.223

Although a strong millenarian element was embedded in the White Lotus Society, the most important message, which is similar to that of the Tzu Chi Movement, is that religion is a means to reflect the sociocultural environment; this can be seen clearly from the social composition of the Tzu Chi membership. On the other hand, Master Cheng Yen’s religiosity may fall into the Weberian category of ‘exemplary’ prophet: she ‘is unlikely to announce the present or imminent total transformation of the world about us…., offers a discipline and a path by which individuals can transform themselves, escape the Karmic cycle and attain Nirvana, or Enlightenment, and in so doing acquire powers and abilities beyond what are available to those mortals who remain sunk in maya, in illusion’ (Wallis 1982: 3).

223 See Encyclopedia of Religion, Vol. 9, pp. 534; and Overmyer D., Folk Buddhist Religion, Dissenting Sects in Late Traditional China (Cambridge, Mass. 1976).

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While the teaching and practice of Cheng Yen have been largely dedicated to serving the needs of lay people, Tzu Chi cannot be considered an exclusively lay movement; rather it is a secularized Buddhist sect. Its practice of funeral rites illustrates its Buddhist character, but because it departs from the tradition of Taiwan, it is a new secular Buddhist movement. In other words, Tzu Chi displays secular features, but does so by stressing elements of Buddhist belief and practice marginal to traditional Buddhist teaching and practice in Taiwan.

CHAPTER FIVE

THE ‘NEW MIDDLE CLASS’: THE SOCIAL COMPOSITION OF THE TZU CHI MEMBERSHIP In this chapter, the discussion focuses on the social backgrounds of the Tzu Chi members. Past research has tended to concentrate on particular types of membership, e.g. Ting Jen-chieh’s (1997) on men, Lu Huixin’s (1996) on women and Lin Ben-xuan’s (1996) on adult members. My research attempts to provide a more complete picture. It includes all types of members, notably Ciqing (College Student Members) whom Tzu Chi has tried enthusiastically to recruit in recent years. The College Student Members in my sample were drawn from both sexes; they were single, full-time university students under the age of twentyfive.224 This group has not yet been studied by academics.

Fig. 5.1 Master Cheng Yen appears at Tzu Chi’s own university surrounded by youth members and her sangha community 224 Officially this type of member must be a student at a university, although a few of them had graduated already and still remained in the group.

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The data in this chapter are derived from two sources: the first is thirty-one selected interviewees, the second my survey of 1,214 Tzu Chi members. The chapter is divided thematically into five sections: 1. Gender, age and marital status of Tzu Chi members and some problems; 2. Domicile, social life and family unit; 3. Identity, political attitudes and ethos; 4. Education, occupation and views on women and men; 5. Previous religious experience and present religious status. Gender, Age and Marital Status of Tzu Chi Members, and Some Problems Lu Hui-xin (1996) claimed that in general the core members were females, mainly housewives with an average age of fifty and with elementary education. My research, however, indicates that men and women are equally represented within Tzu Chi (see Table 5.1). My findings also contrast with Lin Ben-xuan’s, whose postal survey (1996) showed that 88.5 per cent of Tzu Chi members were females. My data show four times more male participants than Lin’s, although Lin himself had doubts about the validity of his data, believing that Taiwanese men were more reluctant to respond to a mail survey than their female counterparts. Another explanation for the disparity in the findings on gender composition may be the different timing of the research projects: Lin’s research was conducted in 1991-2, the time at which the Movement was only just starting systematically to recruit male members.225 There are also conflicting results with regard to the age of the members. I found the average age to be forty, which is younger than other researchers, who found the majority to be in their fifties (Lin 1996, Lu 1996, and Ting 1997). My data, unlike those of Lin and Lu, included 23 per cent College Student Members, whose average age was twenty. Table 5.1 The gender composition of the Tzu Chi membership (Taipei) Nos.

Per cent

Female

368

49.8

50

Male

371

50.2

50

Total

739

100.0

100

225

Valid Per cent

Tzu Chi’s male group, the Faith Corps, was formed in 1990. See Chapter 3.

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If the student members were excluded the average age of the adult Tzu Chi members would be forty-five, with the men slightly younger (forty-four years) than the women (forty-seven years). Even without the Student Members, it would appear from my data that the Movement has successfully recruited more young members as well as more male members in the 1990s. My findings reveal that most of the members are married. The overall figures show that 68 per cent were married and 31 per cent were single, but when the College Student Members are excluded, the percentage of married members increases to 86 per cent. My research also shows that fewer than 1 per cent of the Tzu Chi members were divorced or widowed. The majority of them were married before they reached the age of thirty: on average the female members married at the age of twentyfour, while the male members married at twenty-seven. The high percentage of married members, together with the low divorce rate, would suggest that Tzu Chi members were bound by traditional values. In a socio-cultural context, the wedding ceremony could be seen as a rite of passage leading Taiwanese boys and girls into adulthood. I found from my research that arranged marriages were common practice, the size of the dowry playing a crucial part in the decision. Some of my interviewees were opposed to such marriages and one informed me that she felt that had been ‘sold’ to her husband.226 Young people did not have much freedom to choose their own spouses. A married woman aged forty-nine, for example, told me that her marriage to her father’s pupil was arranged in order to maintain the success of her family’s business.227 There were concerns other than financial ones. Social compatibility of the two families was an important consideration in an arranged marriage. A well-educated woman from a wealthy background gave an elaborate account of her marriage. She said: Because I was half Japanese, it was arranged that I married a man who was half Japanese. In order to ensure the longevity of my married life, my family gave me a lot of gifts for my wedding, including two properties: one was decorated beautifully for us to live in [in Taipei] and the other was for me to rent out. Additionally, my family offered my husband a job in my family’s factory.228

226

Selected interview No. 1. Selected interview No. 19. 228 Selected interview No. 13. 227

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Another housewife, sixty years of age, related that she had married the son of her father’s colleague because the families had known each other for decades.229 It appears, however, that arranged marriages could not guarantee happiness and many women told me that they suffered either as a result of not knowing their future husband before marriage or from not being informed about married life.230 One woman who claimed to have been well looked after by her maternal family asserted: My husband did not appreciate me at all and I found out that he was a male chauvinist after the wedding. He did not do any housework at all. I was not allowed to make any mistakes and he was never prepared to compromise. He would throw things over the balcony when he found that they were not in their proper places. I was full of hatred and I always dreamt that my husband would die. I wished that I had enough courage to destroy my marriage.231

Another woman, married at seventeen, told me a similar story about her early married life and the problems with her husband: I was very protected by my family. I did not learn any domestic skills before I married. I used to read a lot of romances, and I projected my future marriage and husband from what I read: I dreamt about marrying a nobleman and living in a cottage with a little garden. I discovered the reality soon after my wedding. I felt that I was cheated by my husband over many things. I also found that he had a lot of bad habits, such as being unforgiving and swearing. I didn’t like the man at all; nevertheless, I did not have any other choice.232

The above cases show that although there was a lack of communication between the new spouses, the men had no need to care about their wives’ feelings because they were seen as being the property of their husbands. This was the case for another interviewee, a fifty-year-old 229

Selected interview No. 25. Margery Wolf in her study on the marriage of Taiwanese women wrote: ‘Every women (declared)…, often with bitterness, that their mothers had told them nothing to prepare them for their first sexual experience. One woman told me that if she had known, she would never have submitted to marriage. That in itself may be the reason mothers do not tell their daughters what is expected of them in their husband’s bed. More likely it is the same attitude that keeps mothers from teaching their about-to-be married daughters some of the domestic skills that would keep them out of trouble with their mothers-in-law. They wish to spare them any knowledge of what is at least by custom an unpleasant act.’ In M. Wolf, Woman and the Family in Rural Taiwan (California: Stanford University Press, 1972) p. 139. 231 Selected interview No. 13. 232 Selected interview No. 22. 230

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housewife and a mother of two, who declared: ‘My husband was very traditional in his views of women. I did not have much freedom to do my own thing. I had to stay at home whenever he was around. Also he was very bossy and demanding, and always shouted and scolded people loudly whenever he found mistakes.’233 Nevertheless, divorce was always the last resort. The involvement of vested interests in the marriage settlements often prevented the new couples from revealing their problems and stopped them from withdrawing from the marriage.234 A very unhappily married woman told me: ‘I thought about divorce, but I resisted it. That would give my family a bad reputation… [I tried to think that] my husband was not so bad. Instead, I always said to myself that as soon as my children had grown up I would leave him.’235 Divorce was not only inappropriate for married women, but also for married men. For instance, a married self-employed man told me that he would never go for a divorce. His marriage had once almost broken up, but he had just ignored the problems.236 To have children was an essential part of marriage. People were expected to start a family soon after the wedding and being unable to have children was regarded as a tragic destiny. One woman told me that her inability to produce a child had made her believe that she was ill-fated.237 Male children were generally preferred to female children and some of my female informants told me that they grew up with feelings of neglect. According to a single woman of thirty: In my family the daughter was less cared for than the sons…..This made me think that I was not at all important to my parents. When I was 233

Selected interview No. 19. The following provides an excellent insight into the difficulty of obtaining a divorce and why it was discouraged in a society like Taiwan: ‘There are both structural and normative consequences of this. Since a marriage is an arrangement for and between kin-groups (or interest groups) there are very many vested interests in its continuance and therefore many potential structural pressures on the individuals involved. In a patrilineal society, for example, where the children of a marriage belong to their father’s group, it would be most unlikely that a groom’s group would be happy to see a bride for whom they have paid a substantial bride-price wishing to leave her husband, at least if her child-producing days were not yet done. In any case, her own group would hardly be too pleased to be in danger of having claims made on them for the return of bride-wealth already consumed.’ Tony Bilton, Kevin Bonnett, Philip Jones, Michelle Stanworth, Ken Sheard and Andrew Webster, Introductory Sociology, 2nd Edition, substantially revised and updated (London: Macmillan Education Ltd., 1988) 295-6. 235 Selected interview No. 13. 236 Selected interview No. 3. 237 Selected interview No. 1. 234

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chapter five sixteen years old I left home to study and since then I have hardly been back to see my family. I do not feel any responsibility for my parents: they are still young now, and my two brothers are supposed to look after them in their old age, so I can do whatever I like.238

In some cases girls felt that parents did not consider it was worth investing in them. A married woman aged thirty-three recalled that she had only been allowed to study until she was twelve, then she had started to work at a factory to earn money for the family, whereas her brother had been allowed to take his education much further.239 To sum up, the sexes were equally represented in my survey of Tzu Chi members and the average age was in the middle forties. There was a very high proportion of married members. Arranged marriage was the normal practice, but it did not necessarily produce happy couples. The majority of married couples had two or three children; and male children still had a greater social value than their female counterparts. Domicile, Social life and Family Unit Almost all of my surveyees were living in urban areas . However more than half of them, 68 per cent, were born in rural areas and had migrated to the city (see Table 5.2). Generally speaking, the migrants believed that the city would provide a more advanced and civilized existence. A married man in his fifties recalled: ‘I envied the people from the city, their skin was so pale and they wore nice, clean white socks. In comparison, I was bare-footed and exposed to the sun; my skin was so dark and rough.’240 Migration Table 5.2 Birth Place of Tzu Chi members Nos.

Per cent

Taipei (urban)

175

32%

Others (rural)

369

68%

Total

544

100%

This survey did not include College Student Members because most of them had not yet decided to settle down in the place where they were living. 238

Selected interview No. 32. Selected interview No. 1. 240 Selected interview No. 3. 239

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to the city was strongly motivated by the desire to improve one’s economic, educational or occupational situation. Such was the case of a twenty-three-year-old full-time student who reported that he had first gone to live in the city at twenty years of age after he had failed the national university entrance examination. There were many ‘cramming schools’ in Taipei helping students to retake the examination, and after attending one for a year he was eventually accepted by a university.241 Another woman of rural origin, in her early thirties, told me that after her marriage she and her husband had moved to the city because neither of them had any professional skills and the city was supposed to have more job opportunities, and they were willing to learn anything.242 The route by which rural migrants moved to a particular city was mostly determined by their kinship ties back in the rural areas. Kinship ties were believed to provide the most reliable social networks, but they did not necessarily help rural migrants to extend their social ties once in the city. A young man told me that he had stayed with a relative on his arrival in the city, but that he had felt very lonely and did not have many friends.243 Another rural migrant couple told me that they had first found jobs at their relative’s workshop. Before long they had acquired their own store and were able to take out a mortgage. They worked day and night, and although their financial position eventually improved it was at the expense of their spiritual wellbeing. They did not belong to any social circles within the city and had to drive for hours to visit their family for the major festivals.244 The pressure to improve their material status forced the rural migrants to forego social activities in order to devote more time and energy to work. A man in his early forties recalled: ‘[In order to earn more money] I worked from midday until midnight, seven days a week, and only had a few days off during the Chinese new year. I did not have much time to myself, all of my time was spent at work.’245 A similar story was related by a sixty-yearold married man who told me: ‘I did not join any social activities, either communal or religious, because I thought that I should be practical.’246 Overall, then, I found that the lives of the rural migrants were dominated by their ambition to improve their lot through hard work and 241

Selected interview No. 2. Selected interview No. 1. 243 Selected interview No. 2. 244 Selected interview No. 1. 245 Selected interview No. 24. 246 Selected interview No. 28. 242

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education. This did not leave much time for socializing, so their emotional roots remained primarily attached to their home villages. The longer the migrants had been settled in the city, however, the weaker the link with the rural areas became. My data show that the average length of time that the migrants had been in the city was twenty years and many of them told me that their attachment to their home villages had faded. As a man in his forties, a teacher, disclosed: ‘I used to go home to be with my mother during the festivals. However, I stopped doing that because I did not have time and became bored with it.’247 The family was the basic dwelling and financial unit among Tzu Chi members and 83 per cent claimed to be living with their families. In addition, 93 per cent of the College Student Members stated that they depended on their families for tuition fees and living expenses. However, the family structure has gradually become less traditional: 48 per cent lived in nuclear families and only 35 per cent lived in extended families (see Table 5.3). The size of each family has also become smaller: 90 per cent of my selected interviewees had two or three children. Neither type of family unit was without problems. Those living in nuclear families often had difficulties in finding childminders, like the father of two who told me that he rarely had the opportunity to go out with his wife: ‘We cannot leave our children at home alone, at least one of us has to stay with them. So my wife and I have to take turns separately.’248 On the other hand, living in an extended family often led to tensions between daughter-in-law and parents-in-law (usually the mother-in-law), 35 per cent of the Tzu Chi members citing such difTable 5.3 Type of household among Tzu Chi members [Taipei] Valid

Nos.

Nuclear family*

350

48

Extended family

253

35

Living alone

126

17

Total

729

100

No return Total

Percentage

9 738

*Nuclear family means a family comprising only parents and unmarried children. 247 248

Selected interview No. 24. Selected interview No. 31.

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ficulties. A married woman aged sixty confessed: ‘I couldn’t get along with my parents-in-law. After living together for years, we had created so many problems.’249 Another married woman also declared: ‘I could not get along well with my mother-in-law. I think she thought of me as inferior. Our different educational background was a practical problem, because she had been educated at one of the best girls’ schools in Taiwan, whereas I only went to an ordinary high school.’250 Identity, Political Attitudes and Ethos Most of the Tzu Chi members identified themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese. My data show that 94 per cent claimed that their ethnic origin was Taiwanese, whereas only a small minority (6 per cent) said their origins were in China. Lu’s research claimed that Tzu Chi appealed to those people who proudly declared themselves to be Taiwanese (1994: 19-20). But it is my belief that some members may also have been influenced by Tzu Chi policy, which has strongly advocated Taiwanese consciousness. The Taiwanese dialect Hokkien, for example, is the chief language of religious ceremonies and speeches in Tzu Chi. In addition, the members generally showed great pride in their present financial success. A factory owner in his late forties stressed that Taiwan used to receive material aid from the Americans. He was very pleased that he now had the economic power to help others.251 Also, most of the interviewees expressed their determination to remain in Taiwan, although many of them have had proposals of emigration. For example, a sixty-year-old housewife with a son living in the United States told me: ‘My son suggested that I move to the USA for a better quality of life as the pollution and crime have been getting worse in Taiwan. I did not accept his invitation because my home is here in Taiwan.’252 Political attitudes were largely negative and the members tended to take a dim view of politicians. One industrialist with a secondary education told me: ‘All politicians pursue personal profit and fame, so do their sup-

249

Selected interview No. 25. Selected interview No. 29. 251 Selected interview No. 16. 252 Selected interview No. 13. 250

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porters. Anyone who gets involved in politics is not really a nice man.’253 Such negative attitudes may have been influenced by those of Master Cheng Yen, whose hostility toward politics led her to issue an order that any member of Tzu Chi becoming involved with political elections must withdraw their membership from the Movement. Moreover, a rule in Tzu Chi’s Ten Commandments, which contain the most fundamental rules for Tzu Chi members, clearly forbids members to participate in any political protest (bucan yu zhengzhi huodong).254 The members also revealed a concern about the current materialist culture in Taiwan and the impact of this on international affairs. For instance, a twenty-three year old primary school teacher asserted: ‘Now in Taiwan the value system is heavily secular, people are greedy and want to make more and more money.’255 This worry goes beyond the domestic scene; a married businessman was concerned that the Taiwanese are viewed by the international community as selfish and narrow-minded. He declared: ‘When Taiwanese businessmen are abroad they often behave very proudly and are arrogant to those who are economically poorer than themselves.’ He told me that he wished to change this perception of the Taiwanese.256 Education, Occupation and Views on Women and Men The data show that 55 per cent of Tzu Chi members were educated to secondary level or below. When the College Student Members are excluded, the level of the Tzu Chi members’ education was basic, most of them were below secondary school level (69 per cent).257 In respect of gender, there was little difference and men and women had attained similar levels of education.258 Many of the members I interviewed stated that their formal education had failed to give them sufficient practical skills by which to live. A fifty-five-year-old man told me that when he left school at the age of fourteen he did not have any vocational skills. His family found him an apprenticeship so that he could acquire the knowledge to become

253

Selected interview No. 6. See Chapter 4, Teachings and Practices. 255 Selected interview No. 5. 256 Selected interview No. 16. 257 See Table A1 in Appendix. 258 See Table A2 in Appendix . 254

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a metal smith.259 The system of apprenticeships was not restricted to inter-family agreements. Another male interviewee in his fifties stated that after finishing his schooling, he went to live in an electrician’s home, where he became a pupil. During the day he followed his master to work, and in the evenings he bought professional books and studied by himself. Then he sat the state examinations to obtain formal qualifications.260 In contrast to the older generation of members, who did not have the opportunity for higher education, the younger College Student Members had all been studying at university.261 However, a large proportion of them expressed no interest in what they were studying. A twenty-three-year-old student of education said that she did not want to be a teacher and that the reason for choosing this subject was mainly financial security. She wanted to give up her present job when other opportunities came along.262 Another single member, a man aged thirty-three, claimed that he wanted to become a designer but that he had to obey his parents’ wish that he obtain a degree in engineering.263 The data on the Tzu Chi members’ occupational backgrounds revealed that 42 per cent were not in work: these included full-time students, housewives and retired men. A total of 57 per cent of the members were in work: 36 per cent were industrial and service workers, 17 per cent were administrative and office staff, 2 per cent each were in the caring professions and public relations, and 1 per cent were in graphic art (see Table 5.4). The occupational profile of my sample shows that none of the Tzu Chi participants were engaged in agriculture-related occupations. In addition, among those who were working, 56 per cent were employed, whereas 44 per cent were self-employed. My findings show that a high percentage of Tzu Chi members were self-employed, similar to the findings of Wilson and Dobbelaere among UK SGI members (1994). This suggests that Tzu Chi too may appeal to people ‘who were not bound into the structured system of work within modern society’. According to Wilson and Dobbelaere:

259

Selected interview No. 1. Selected interview No. 3. 261 See Table A3 in Appendix. 262 Selected interview No. 5. 263 Selected interview No. 4. 260

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chapter five Table 5.4 The occupational background of Tzu Chi members Females (Percentage within females)

Caring professions Administration

Males (Percentage within males)

Total (Percentage within total population)

9 (3%)

9 (2%)

18 (2%)

38 (10%)

77 (21%)

115 (16%)

Performing art

0 (0)

0 (0)

Public relations

6 (2%)

7 (2%)

13 (2%)

Graphic arts

2 (1%)

6 (2%)

8 (1%)

71 (19%)

196 (53%)

267 (36%)

236 (65%)

71 (19%)

307 (42%)

4 (1%)

6 (2%)

10 (1%)

366 (101%)

371 (101%)

737 (100%)

Industrial and service workers None: housewives, full-time students and retired people No return Total

0 (0)

What is then apparent is that SGI members represented an unusual high proportion of what might be termed independent people – people who were engaged in full-time education, or people who had, as they themselves would like to put it, taken responsibility for their own lives, in this instance by embarking on a self-employed career. Nichiren Buddhism apparently exercised significant appeal for people who were not bound into the structured system of work within modern society, for people who had launched themselves on the basis of their skills and enterprise, some of whom may also have been employers of others. This emphasis in the teaching that ‘practice’ – the regular chanting of the daimoku and gongyo – inspires self-confidence, teaches the individual to face up to reality, and encourages him to take charge of himself and his own affairs, is a philosophy that may readily be seen as accommodating self-employed people, or encouraging people to take the challenge of self-employment. (1994: 116)

My data also show that more women than men did not have jobs, with 65 per cent of females stating that they were unemployed against 17 per cent of males. During my field research I found that the women felt that they were not encouraged to be ambitious about their careers. A forty-five year old married woman, for instance, who had trained to be a fashion designer,

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said: ‘After completing my studies I did not have serious jobs because my family was only keen on my getting married.’264 Even if a woman did take a good job, some had to leave after marriage as they found very little help with their domestic duties. A former teacher explained her experience: ‘I went to the best schools and became a teacher in one of the top schools in Taipei. After my marriage, I continued working, and shortly I had children. I felt tired all the time. I spent my own money to employ a domestic helper, but my husband wasn’t happy about it. No one would give me a hand in my family and in the end I left my job.’265 A former bank clerk commented: ‘I had to leave my job to stay at home as my children had been badly spoiled by my in-laws.’266 The major difficulty facing the Tzu Chi female members such as those mentioned was that they were given no incentive to pursue their careers. These women had attained more or less the same qualifications as their male counterparts but were valued by society mainly for their nurturing qualities, that is producing children and undertaking domestic duties. A married woman would only continue her career in case of financial necessity, otherwise the best option for women was to stay at home. However, modern urban life has transformed women’s lives. Smaller family units and domestic machinery have meant that the traditional domestic role is more easily fulfilled. Also, a woman’s responsibility to her children lessened with the introduction of full-time compulsory education. Some of those women who dedicated their lives to their home and families lost the meaning of their lives as the result of these changes. A typical example was a married women in her forties: ‘I became very bored with my life. Most of the time I was out with friends shopping and wasting both time and money.’267 A similar claim from another housewife: ‘I wanted to become very fashionable. I won a reputation for being extravagant and I only wore designer clothes. But I was never satisfied, I always felt that I needed to buy more and more clothes to go with what I already had.’268 The Tzu Chi male members were almost equally divided between those who were employed and those who were self-employed. In contrast, more females were employed (60 per cent) than self-employed (40 per cent). (See Table 5.5). 264

Selected interview No. 29 Selected interview No. 13. 266 Selected interview No. 19. 267 Selected interview No. 29. 268 Selected interview No. 29. 265

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chapter five Table 5.5 Employment difference among gender in Tzu Chi Female Nos.

Male Nos. (%)

Total Nos.

Employed

77 (60%)

41 (51%)

118 (56%)

Self-employed

52 (40%)

40 (49%)

92 (44%)

Total

129 (100%)

81 (101%)

210 (100%)

Self-employment requires more responsibility, and in Taiwan selfemployment is often financially more advantageous than employment. That more men than women were self-employed suggests that Tzu Chi men were supposed to bring in the major income for their families.269 This statement from a sixty-year-old man, a former civil servant, supports this fact: ‘After marriage, life was very hard [moneywise] and the situation worsened when our three children were born. My earnings never met the family’s outgoings. When the children got sick I had to borrow money from friends in order to take them to hospital. Therefore I became self-employed in order to earn more money.’270 Increasing a family’s income was important because Taiwan lacked a general social welfare system. Despite the financial benefits of self-employment there was also a high level of risk and long hours of working. A married man in his sixties involved in the textile processing industry gave an indication of the situation: In my profession it was easy to make money but also very easy to lose money. For instance, I spent NT$150 per yard on this fabric, but my buyer thought it was too thin, so I had to put it in storage. Until I could sell it, the value was depreciating. I have lost a lot of money. Also, with increasing labour costs in Taiwan in recent years I had to spend a lot of time travelling between Taiwan and other southeastern Asian countries

269 Another possible reason why more men than women become self-employed might be the way in which the capital funding was acquired, since most of the capital of small businesses came from family savings rather than being borrowed from institutions. In Taiwanese patriarchal culture, men would be more likely to acquire capital than women. For information about the accumulation of capital, see Chen Chiehyin’s ‘Taiwan zongxiao qiyie cijien uanzuo de teice jiqi sheihuie xieng xiengdou tiaojian’ (Capital Management in Small-medium Enterprises in Taiwan: the Social Conditions for Their Formation) in Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, Vol. 75, Spring, 1993, pp.47-68. 270 Selected interview No. 28.

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to look for cheaper manufacturers. People of my age have already retired, I was a poor man who still had to work like a donkey.271

Another self-made man, involved in construction and property development, told me: ‘I built about twenty skyscraper modern office buildings in Taipei. I suffered the recession during the 1980s, I could not sell them. Then I did not have money to pay the builders or my suppliers. I had to change and try other kinds of opportunities.’272 Like many self-employed men, the following interviewee had difficulty in finding a trustworthy associate: ‘Before I settled down to my present job, I had tried several things with friends, none of which worked well. In the end, my own brother became my partner, then the business began to work.’273 Another man who had similar problems confided: ‘I was cheated by a partner who took our funds and ran away. I was so upset that I attempted to commit suicide.’274 The self-employed members also spent an enormous amount of time and energy on developing dependable relationships, as the following interviewee illustrates: ‘… in order get work done we had to drink with people from time to time. If I wanted the goods to be processed quicker in the factory, I had to invite the manager and staff members for a drink to soften them up otherwise I would not be able to catch the deadline for export… …’275 Social networking was also an important means of acquiring business information and some people spent large amounts of money in this way, as did the following informant: ‘Being sociable was essential for our business so I joined the International Lions Club. The Club was for businessmen; people joined it mainly for making business relations. Members of the club always went to the night-clubs together. I spent about NT$18,000,000 (approximately £350,000) per year on social activities.’276 The Movement’s members had often overcome their disadvantageous socio-economic backgrounds, but some members had difficulty in adjusting to their new found wealth in the city. A fifty-five year old married man explained: Eventually I became very rich. I made a lot of profit from my business and I felt money could buy everything. I bought many luxuries like diamond 271

Selected interview No. 28. Selected interview No. 26 273 Selected interview No. 28. 274 Selected interview No. 3. 275 Selected interview No. 28. 276 Selected interview No. 3. 272

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chapter five rings and cars. I drove three different cars to work every day. Then I had problems with alcoholism and women. I started to drink with friends from 6 p.m. to 2 a.m. and drank eight bottles of OX Henessy brandy generally each day. Every night I went to clubs and spent lots of money on jewellery for geisha girls; I had many affairs with them. My wife became very upset and she threatened to divorce me…… she gave me a signed divorce petition which I left in my drawer. On the other hand, I thought that there were plenty of beautiful young girls who would be happy to marry me.277

This ostentatious way of life was also described by another man who claimed to be a multi-millionaire: ‘Our guys liked to go out together and boast about how we spent our money; for instance on women, jewellery, cars, and restaurants.’278 The pressure to make money left many men with little time to devote to family life and some became alienated from their offspring. One man confessed: ‘I had to be very authoritarian because I did not have sufficient time to spend with my sons. Then my sons became scared of me, we hardly talked to each other at home.’279 This sentiment was echoed by another married man, ‘I scarcely spent time with my children because I did not have it. Then, my children kept away from me.’280 Previous Religious Experiences and Present Religious Status In the section of the survey concerning previous religious affiliations,281 the result shows that 79 per cent belonged to the Chinese traditional religion. Eighteen per cent claimed that they did not have any religious belief at all, and 1 per cent each had been involved with westernoriented religions and Taiwanese NRMs (see Table 5.6). The vast majority of Tzu Chi members surveyed had once been involved in traditional religion. Most of the remainder claimed that they had no religious beliefs, and some of these declared themselves to be atheists. The findings suggest that they should be regarded as believers of the traditional religion and that their statements should be treated as a kind of antagonistic reaction. Since the practice of traditional religion in Taiwan 277

Selected interview No. 3. Selected interview No. 26. 279 Selected interview No. 15. 280 Selected interview No. 14. 281 The data was collected through an open question in which the people were encouraged to report as many experiences as they were having. 278

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Table 5.6 Previous first religion of Tzu Chi members Nos.

Percentage

Traditional Religion

582

79%

No belief

129

18%

No response

11

2%

Christianity

9

1%

Taiwan NRMs

6

1%

737

101%

Total Unvalued answers Total

2 739

was mainly dominated by domestic worship, one reason for some to say they were atheists might have been that they were not informed properly within their family. An interviewee who had lost both of his parents in childhood told me: ‘I did not have any belief. In fact, I did not know what religion was about. No one told me what my religion was, and I didn’t want to be religious, either.’282 Another woman told me that she did not want to be religious, as she considered it to be so unfashionable and eccentric.283 There were other reasons for claiming to be an atheist and several unmarried females said that they were excluded from performing domestic rituals. A thirty-one year old female recalled: ‘I did not have the opportunity to practise my home religion even though I was very interested in it. Only men were supposed to perform the ritual at my home. I felt that I did not have any religious belonging.’284 Also a woman was not usually encouraged to continue practising a different religion from that of her husband’s family. One married woman in her forties described the reason that she declared herself atheist: ‘My family practised Chinese traditional religion, but my husband was a Christian. I had to become a Christian. I had to say grace at each meal. I only practised my maiden religion when I went to my parents’ home.’285 Another woman who was a nominal Christian alleged her disaffection from traditional religion: ‘When I married, my husband’s family 282

Selected interview No. 32. Selected interview No. 29. 284 Selected interview No. 30. 285 Selected interview No. 31. 283

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believed in folk Buddhism [Chinese traditional religion], a religion in which Guan Yin and the Earth God were worshipped. I had to perform the rituals as one of the domestic duties of a daughter-in-law. I did not know anything about their religion before we married. Nevertheless, right after the wedding, on the next day my in-laws started telling me how and what I was supposed to do. I did not believe in this religion, so I was displeased and insincere when I performed the ritual. I felt that I did not have any religious [spiritual] belief ’.286 Among the 1 per cent who claimed that they were previously Christians (see Table 5.6), I found that Christianity did not have a strong impact on them. This was indicated by a woman with two children who declared: ‘I was a Christian when I lived with my grandfather, who had studied in the States and was himself a Christian. I was baptized and went to Sunday school, but I gradually dropped out [when I did not live with him]. I stopped going to church completely when I was in high school and university.’287 Furthermore, another married woman in her forties said: ‘I attended a Christian church during my childhood which was run by a friend’s father. I went there every Sunday. I enjoyed the choir and the music. I left the Christian church because the pastor moved to another place.’288 This highlights the problem of the loss of community among those churches as a result of the mobility of the Taiwanese population. The majority (78 per cent) indicated they were affiliated with the traditional religion of Taiwan. Jordan and Overmyer described the traditional religious behaviour as ‘love to worship’ (1986: 275) because it is mostly concerned with domestic ritual and lacking in formal institutions and organization. As a married woman, sixty years old, pointed out: ‘All I had to do was to prepare various kinds of food to offer different gods on different occasions. I did not have any professional person to consult with regarding this aspect of knowledge and I usually made my enquires to my mother at home.’289 A man in his sixties told me that his family worshipped his ancestors and Ma-zu (a goddess worshipped by fishermen) while they were living in a fishing village. When he moved to the city he became familiar with the gods that were associated with city life, such as Cheng Huang (City God) or Guandi Jun (God of Justice). When he changed his job to one 286

Selected interview No. 7. Selected interview No. 7. 288 Selected interview No. 21. 289 Selected interview No. 13. 287

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in sales and began to the worship with his merchant neighbour, they would pray to the Tudi Gong (the Earth God) and Haoxueng Di (the Wondering Ghosts) twice in every lunar month, a practice which was believed to bring success in commerce.290 This emphasis on ritual has meant that the traditional religion may be regarded as falling more into the anthropological category of spiritualism. In addition, the majority of the interviewees declared that they were not always able to understand the traditional religious practices. One married woman, for instance, admitted: ‘I prepared offerings but I did not know the reasons for doing it.’291 A woman in her forties told me that different gods had different requirements for ritual offerings and even speech. She said that she never dared to question the cause of the rite but that she just wrote down or followed whatever she was told to do.292 Others stated that they had lost interest in this religion since they were not involved in the performance. One woman who had married into a family that ran its own business declared: ‘In my family I did not have to perform rituals. My mother-in-law was in charge of worshipping, I was just to be concerned with earning money. After my in-law died, I did not continue the practice.’293 People thus expressed some dissatisfaction with traditional religion. A woman aged forty-five with two children explained: ‘I used to stay away from [traditional] religion because I did not find sufficient explanations. I used to have many evil intentions and psychological complexes, but I never found anyone [in traditional religion] who could help me.’294 Traditional religion is considered to be superstitious and passive. A fifty-five-year-old businessman with a secondary degree recalled: I used to be very superstitious. In order to avoid misfortune I hardly attended a funeral, and I did not go to hospital after three o’clock in the afternoon. I believed in geomancy and every day I would check the lucky directions before I left home. Furthermore, on the first and the fifteenth of every month of the Chinese lunar calendar I never failed to go to the local temple. I prayed for more material rewards, even for a win from gambling. However, my requests rarely worked and I sometimes felt cheated. This kind of behaviour continued for about ten years. I was very confused about these beliefs.295 290

Selected interview No. 28. Selected interview No. 19. 292 Selected interview No. 7. 293 Selected interview No. 20. 294 Selected interview No. 29. 295 Selected interview No. 3. 291

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Another member, a fifty-five-year-old housewife, declared that the religion encouraged laziness. Her son was too lazy to study by himself and instead he prayed to gods for help in passing his exams.296 The ancestor worship associated with the traditional religion has meant that families producing only female descendants have depended upon uxorilocal marriages to ensure that their ancestors are not forgotten. The observation of this practice has caused much unhappiness, as the following statement from a married man in his sixties reveals: My father was a married-in husband. Due to the practice of my village, the first child (preferably a boy) had to take the mother’s surname and worship those ancestors.297 So I was the only one of my siblings who did not have my father’s surname. Unfortunately, my mother died when I was six years old. My father later went back to his own home with my other brothers and sisters but I had to stay with my maternal grandfather. I did not have a chance to meet my siblings until my grandfather died, when I left the home to work in the city .298

Another complicated but not unusual case was reported by a selfemployed woman in her fifties. She had been adopted by a childless couple who wanted to have a descendant to worship both them and their ancestors. She had to find a man who was willing to accept this299 so she married an immigrant from Mainland China whom she did not know very well.300 Unfortunately, she was not at all happy with her husband and wanted to end the marriage.301 When I asked the members if they had encountered any other religion apart from the one that they had been born into, 41 per cent said they had converted to Buddhism before encountering Tzu Chi. In addition, 15 per cent of the Tzu Chi participants claimed that they had been affiliated with other new religions in Taiwan, with the Yi-guan Dao

296

Selected interview No. 19. The practice differed between fishing villages and agricultural villages. The former normally required only the first male child to carry on the responsibility of uxorilocal marriage, whilst the latter required that all the children from the marriage should do so. 298 Selected interview No. 28. 299 An explicitly anthropological account of this situation has been given by Margery Wolf in her book: Women and the Family in Rural Taiwan (Stanford University Press, 1972) 171-190. 300 Her husband was an immigrant from mainland China after the the Second World War; obviously there was a certain degree of cultural and linguistic difference between them. 301 Selected interview No. 27. 297

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(the United Sect) being prominent.302 A woman in her thirties recalled: ‘I joined a few new religions in my teens, including Yi-guan Dao, the Zhenfo Zong,303 and the Mormons.… but I gradually lost contact with them as I moved home.’304 The respondents who had acknowledged that they had become Buddhists before encountering the Movement seem to have found the religious practices to be somewhat incompatible with their life-style. One woman told me how the Buddhist practices had created problems for her: After I converted to Buddhism I had to read Buddhist literature and attend services everyday. Also, I had to worship Buddha at home and follow a Buddhist diet. I did domestic service twice a day, once after I woke up and once before I went to bed. I could not eat any meat or drink alcohol; also I was not allowed to take stimulant herbs, such as onion, ginger and garlic. I began to eat separately from my family and to live a different schedule. However, my husband was upset with this and thought that I was obsessed and had become a person with two faces. We had arguments all the time and I did not know what to do.305

In the section of the survey dealing with the members’ current religious affiliations, almost everyone (99.4 per cent) claimed to be a member of Tzu Chi. However, over half of those surveyed were still practising more than one religion. This suggests that Tzu Chi seems to be tolerant towards members’ multi-religious practices; nevetheless, the true reality may not be fully reflected by the survey. The research found that the more the members were involved with Tzu Chi the more religiously exclusivist thay would become. The survey conducted on all types of Tzu Chi participants showed that in their second religious affiliations Traditional Religion was practised by more than 50 per cent of those with more than one religion, whilst another 30 per cent kept an affiliation with other Buddhist movements, and 15 per cent participated in other NRMs in Taiwan. Conclusion and Discussion Overall, the research shows that the Tzu Chi membership is comprised of both men and women, almost all of whom are of Taiwanese origin. 302 Also called the Unity Sect, a new Chinese syncretic religious movement spreading among merchants, see ibid., Jordan, David and D. Overmyer, 1986: 213-57. 303 For the details of Zhenfo Zong, see Chapter 1, Introduction. 304 Selected interview No. 5. 305 Selected interview No. 25.

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They are predominantly middle-aged, urban dwelling, married, family oriented and with secondary education. Most of them were brought up in the Taiwanese traditional religion; they hold rather conservative political views and have traditional attitudes towards gender issues. Many of them are rather well off, having overcome humble beginnings through hard work and business acumen. Past research has shown conflicting findings regarding the social composition of the Movement. Lin Ben-xuan found Tzu Chi to be an upper-middle class movement (1996),306 whilst Lu Hui-xin (1996) considered that the members were from more humble beginnings. However, it is very hard to identify the social classes of the Tzu Chi members since Taiwan is a migrant society with fairly fragmented and fluid social classes.307 My data show that the majority of Tzu Chi members had incomes above the average. According to the Taiwanese Cultural Value Survey (1994),308 71 per cent of Taiwanese workers earned less than £1,000 [approximately] per month, whereas only 22 per cent of Tzu Chi members fell into this category (see Table 5.7). Table 5.7 Monthly income of Tzu Chi members and the Taiwanese population Tzu Chi

Taiwan

Income

(Nos.) Percentage

Percentage

Less £1000

(98) 22%

71%

£1000-1500

(160)35%

17%

£1500-2000

(96) 21%

4%

£2000-

(100) 22%

5%

Missing

0

2%

Total

(454) 100%

99%

306 Lin, Benxuan, ‘Zuengjian Yuduang de Shehui Jichu-Fojiao Ciji Gongde Hui Wuili’ (The Social Composition of a Religious Movement – a case study of the Tzu Chi Buddhist Compassion Relief Foundation), paper delivered at the conference on Buddhism in Taiwan, Taiwan National University, 1996. 307 See Chu J. J., ‘Taiwan – A fragmented ‘middle’ class in the making’ in Robsion R. and Goodman D., (eds.) The New Rich in Asia (New York & London: Routledge, 1996) pp. 206-24. 308 See Chu Hai-uan, Taiwan Diqu Shehui Bianqian Jiben Diaocha Jihua (The Project of Basic Survey of Social Change in Taiwan Area) (Taiwan: Academia Sinica, 1994) Vol. 2, December, p. 140. The salary figures were originally given in New Taiwanese Dollars.

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Tzu Chi members had higher levels of education than the Taiwanese population as a whole. Whereas 43 per cent of the population of theTaiwan as a whole had been educated at secondary school level or below, the same level of educational background had been attained by 55 per cent of Tzu Chi members (See Table 5.8).309 Tzu Chi also had ten times more full-time students than the average: 27 per cent in contrast to 2 per cent (see Table 5.9). This may suggest that Tzu Chi’s families promote higher education, but it could also indicate that these families also had above average resources and were in a better position to afford higher education. Moreover, in comparison to the rest of the population, Tzu Chi had significantly more people in managerial employment and fewer labourers (See Table 5.9). In Weberian terms, there is an elective affinity between the ideology and the social background patterns of a sizeable section of the membership. The idea that one might confirm one’s destiny through religious affiliation, in effect eliminate bad luck and control the untoward, is a reassuring proposition for people who have struck out on their own. Given that the Tzu Chi membership is also disproportionately middle aged, it would suggest that this sort of confirmation is perhaps most appropriate for those who are still forging their own destiny.

Table 5.8 Education of Tzu Chi members compared with Taiwanese population Tzu Chi

Taiwanese population

Elementary school

17%

27%

Secondary school

38%

16%

Graduate

42%

49%

Higher education

2%

2%

No response/others

2%

7%

101%

101%

Total

309 The data on the educational background of the population of Taiwan are derived from Chu Hai-yuan 1994: 149.

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Table 5.9 The occupation of Tzu Chi members compared to that of the population of Taiwan310 Tzu Chi Per cent Professional and technical

Taiwan Per cent

6%

9%

15%

2%

8%

13%

13%

12%

Service

6%

7%

Farmers, lumber men, fishermen, mining, and quarrying

0%

8%

Labouring

10%

23%

Student

26%

2%

Housewife

13%

19%

Not classifiable

0

5%

Retired

3%

0

Managers and officials Clerical and related Sales

Total

310

Ibid., Chu 1994: 148.

100%

100%

CHAPTER SIX

BECOMING A DISCIPLE: THE RECRUITING STRATEGY OF TZU CHI This chapter discusses the recruitment strategies of the Tzu Chi Movement and the different routes by which the members became involved in the Movement. The chapter has four main themes: 1. How the members came to know about Tzu Chi; 2. How the members first encountered Tzu Chi; 3. The routes to join Tzu Chi; 4. Some problems with joining more Tzu Chi. How the Members Came to Know about Tzu Chi Sociological research has shown that ‘person-to-person’ contact is one of the most important methods by which people get to know about NRMs (Wilson and Dobbelaere 1994: 59, 1987: 186; Barker E. 1898: 27). My research on Tzu Chi revealed a similar tendency. Initially most people became aware of the Movement through word of mouth, 15 per cent through the public media, and 9 per cent from Tzu Chi publications (see Table 6.1). The majority of Tzu Chi members, then, learnt about the Movement through person to person contact. This suggests that Tzu Chi is a ‘communitarian group’ in the terms of Wilson and Dobbelaere. According to Wilson and Dobbelaere, one of the characteristics of such groups is that they put more emphasis on personal introductions and one to one contacts than on ‘large-scale rallies and collective occasions’ (Wilson and Dobbelaere 1994: 50). Table 6.1 How the public came to know about Tzu Chi Nos.

Percentage of Survey

345

75%

Public media

72

15%

Tzu Chi publications

42

9%

459

99%

Word of mouth

Total

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Some interviewees stated that they had heard of Tzu Chi from other Buddhist Masters. Tzu Chi, though a New Religious Movement, received affirmative support, ab initio, from central and local government and was approved by nearly all the traditional religious bodies of Taiwan. Other sects and NRMs did not fare so well, being faced with overt antagonism and being attacked by the orthodox. Such was the case with the Unification Church (Moonies) in the West (Barker 1984: 6) and the case of Zhenfo Zong in Taiwan.311 But my findings show that Tzu Chi, in the eyes of traditional Buddhists, was seen as a legitimate sect, or so at least Tzu Chi members claimed. One married man, for example, who had converted to Mahayana Buddhism before joining Tzu Chi, explained, ‘I was told by my (then) Buddhist Master about the Movement. He recommended Tzu Chi because it was very ‘truthful’ (zhende zai zuoshe: they do real work)’.312 Another reason given for some Buddhists to support Tzu Chi was because of its religious exclusivism. A housewife in her mid-fifties said that she only supported other Buddhist organizations [not non-Buddhist religions] after she had become a Buddhist.313 The fact that 15 per cent of the survey group came to know about Tzu Chi through the media corresponds with my emphasis in Chapter 3, in that Tzu Chi has consistently received positive support from the official government press and public media of Taiwan. Some NRMs in Taiwan and other countries did not and do not enjoy this level of tolerance.314 This point was made by a self-employed married male graduate who recalled that he had first been made aware of Tzu Chi in Zhongyang Ribao (the Central Daily, a state-owned newspaper), which reported that a fair was held by a Buddhist Master to launch a campaign to build a hospital and that the Master had been leading a group of followers with a compassionate vow to help the poor and other people with difficulties.315 This report gave that man a very favourable impression of Tzu Chi.316 311

See p.34 fn.48. Selected interview No. 3. 313 Selected interview No. 25. 314 Such was the case with Yi-guan Dao in Taiwan during the martial law period: the movement was reported to be an indecent group, gathering members together for nude worship. Another example was the Moonies, who were reported to have broken up families and brainwashed new converts. See E. Barker: The Making of A Moonie (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984) pp. 1-12. 315 The Central Daily was one of the dominant newspapers in Taiwan before the ending of martial law in 1987, and it is well known that the present director of the Tzu Chi Cultural Mission, Wang Duan-zheng, a brother of Master Cheng Yen, was once the chief editor of the newspaper. 316 Selected interview No. 16. 312

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It must be noted that Tzu Chi Members and particularly the Master Cheng Yen are aware of just how to present themselves to the public and the importance of a good media image, individually and collectively.317 On one occasion, for example, Cheng Yen was heard to relate how one of her attendants had handed her a robe which had shrunk. The Master said that she had declined to wear it as it would have damaged her public image. Journalists are still strongly discouraged from taking and using their own photographs of the Master and instead are issued with approved pictures of her for publication. Tzu Chi makes great use of the media and employs celebrities to publicize its campaigns.318 For instance a short film, titled ‘Searching for the Designated You’ (xunzhau shengmeng zhong zhuding deni), was made to promote the Movement’s ‘bone marrow’ campaign. The film starred Jacky Chan, one of the most popular Chinese film actors, who gave his services for free, and it was widely advertised on all major public television channels during peak viewing hours. Among the 9 per cent who came to know Tzu Chi through the Movement’s own publications was a forty-year-old married man with two children, who explained how he became involved with the Movement. He said, ‘My child went to an elementary school whose head teacher was a Tzu Chi Commissioner. The teacher used the Master’s book, Still Thoughts, to teach lessons in ethics. In order to help with my son’s homework, I started to read the book and other publications by the Movement.’319 The fact that only 9 per cent of the respondents got to know Tzu Chi by this means suggest that Tzu Chi literary propaganda has not been that successful, even though most of it is still for sale at very reasonable prices and no less often is obtainable for free. (See Chapter 3.)

317

Tzu Chi has attracted numerous established and influential media personnel to it, such as Gao Xin-jiang, one of the most renowned characters in the Taiwanese media. He widely promoted Master Cheng Yen in the press and also helped to edit her first book, compiled from her speeches. This was Still Thoughts, which has become one of the most important writings of the Master, sold in many book stores; it became a best seller for many months during 1989-90. 318 In connection with the increasing trend of charities to employ celebrities to lead campaigns, Oliver Bennett, a British journalist, observes, ‘This is the age of causes célèbres – and there are more causes, more celebrities and more media outlets through which to publicize them than ever’, see Voyage – British Airways’ in-flight magazine, May 1999, pp. 40-3. 319 Selected interview No. 31.

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In short, most of the members encountered Tzu Chi through oral propaganda, some 15 per cent through the media and fewer than 10 per cent through Tzu Chi’s own literature. Among those who encountered Tzu Chi through word of mouth, 99 per cent reported that the contact came through Tzu Chi Commissioners. Further in depth inquiries were needed to discover just how many and what percentage of eventual members of Tzu Chi knew each other before they joined the Movement. Many studies on NRMs have shown a high rate of pre-existing relationship among participants before joining a movement. Bryan Wilson and Karel Dobbelaere reported that 80 per cent of UK Soka Gakkai members had such a relationship (1994: 50 ft 2); David Snow and Cynthia Phillips’ research gave a figure of 82 per cent (Snow and Phillips, in Social Problems, April 1980: 440); and Ting Jen-chieh’s research, also on Tzu Chi but in the smaller city of Taichung, obtained an even higher percentage of 86.8 (Ting Jenchieh 1997: 416 Table 5.1). However, data acquired for this book show a notably lower rate of pre-existing relationships among Tzu Chi members. Only 67 per cent (almost equally divided between relatives and friends) of the members had been informed about Tzu Chi by people they already knew. In other words, 33 per cent got to know of Tzu Chi from strangers, through verbal propaganda. (See Table 6.2 below.) This relatively low figure of pre-existing relationships among Tzu Chi members is attributable mainly to Tzu Chi’s fundamental policy whereby the lay members have to solicit voluntary money donations to fund its projects (see Chapter 3). This policy requires every Tzu Chi member, particularly the Commissioners, to recruit at least thirty huiyuan (Donors) to make monthly donations to the Movement. In the beginning many Commissioners, most of them housewives, preferring for various reasons not to ask relatives or friends for money, Table 6.2 Potential Tzu Chi recruits’ relationship to their informant Nos.

Percentage

Strangers

121

0.33

Relatives

121

0.33

Friends

127

0.34

No return Total

3 371

0.1 1.01

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have had to approach strangers. A female senior Commissioner, for example, said that she found it embarrassing and stressful to beg money from people she knew. She told me that her mother was very shocked on learning that she solicited donations from their relatives. The mother lost her temper and sternly told her, ‘If you want to give money to Tzu Chi, it is your own business, but you must never ask our relatives or friends for money. It is inappropriate, and they will not speak to us in the future. So if you are short of money to fulfil a requirement of the Movement, I have no problem at all in giving it to you.’ As a result, this woman changed to seeking donations from her friends’ friends.320 Some people might, however, succeed in soliciting donations from relatives and family friends without their family’s knowledge. However, as it involved money, the secret normally would not be kept for too long. One housewife who collected donations from her husband’s business friends behind his back said, ‘They (her husband’s friends) promised that they would not tell my husband about the request for money. However, one day they broke their promise, after demanding to know where their donations had gone, and they told my husband everything….When my husband heard he was extremely angry..…’.321 The sensitive nature of soliciting money form relatives and friends, combined with Master Cheng Yen’s demand that each Tzu Chi Commissioner had to recruit at least thirty donors, caused great pressure and forced the members to speak to strangers about Tzu Chi in order to gain donations. This explains why almost one third of my respondents claimed that they had come to know about the Movement through Tzu Chi Commissioners who were comparative strangers (bushi zenshi tai shen de ren). The Commissioner would be a neighbour’s sister, a friend of a friend, or a colleague’s wife; somebody they knew of but with whom they were unlikely to associate or to establish close contact in the ordinary course of life. A lady in her sixties who has participated in Tzu Chi for more than fifteen years gave her case as an example: ‘I was scared to let my family know that I had to find thirty people and collect donations from them for Tzu Chi. So I asked my sister, who was living in another city, for help. I went to my sister’s house and she introduced me to her friends and neighbours. I told them about Master Cheng Yen and her work and I began to collect their donations. Afterwards, I kept 320 321

Selected interview No. 13. Selected interview No. 19.

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them informed by making long distance telephone calls to them from time to time.’322 However, the transactions did not always need to be discreet, as after the 1980s Tzu Chi became very well known in Taiwan. Tzu Chi members still had to collect donations from thirty other people, but there was no longer any need for it to remain a secret. A female Commissioner who joined Tzu Chi in 1991 made the point: ‘My family were so excited when they heard I was applying to join Tzu Chi and learnt the requirement for entry. My mother-in-law, my sister and her husband voluntarily helped me to solicit donations. They collected money for me from friends and colleagues with whom I was not even acquainted.’323 Of the one third of members who came to know Tzu Chi through kinship relationships, 39 per cent of these were informed by a parent, 30 per cent by a spouse, 17 per cent by a sibling, usually a sister, and 12 per cent by some other relative. In one case it was through a child. Clearly, therefore, close relatives have been more influential than distant ones in attracting people to Tzu Chi.324 Those introduced to Tzu Chi by their parents often regard their involvement as advantageous from both a spiritual and a practical viewpoint. For example, a single man aged thirty said to me: My mother is a senior and devout member of Tzu Chi. She deliberately asked me for all kinds of help for Tzu Chi. She thought it was nice for me to be a Buddhist and that it would be beneficial for me to know more people from Tzu Chi, as they were considered to be better men than the average Taiwanese. I accompanied her to the Abode on a number of occasions and I therefore attended quite a few of Tzu Chi’s activities.325

In fact, there were high numbers of parents who paid membership fees in the names of their children, hoping to induce an interest in Tzu Chi. This case was related by at least one unmarried female. Now aged twenty-eight, she said that when she was a student, her father used her name to make donations to Tzu Chi, so she was entitled to receive the

322

Selected interview No. 20. Selected interview No. 7. 324 This is partly due to Tzu Chi’s teaching which encourages female members to involve their husbands in the Movement. Parents are also encouraged to involve their children. However, the policy does not appear to extend to other relatives. 325 Selected interview No. 23. 323

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Movement’s magazine and invitations. Later she was able to donate money herself after she began working.326 Spouses were the second most effective agents of recruitment in the category of relatives. Men were more likely to become involved through their wives than vice versa.327 This trend is unsurprising, because in the early days of Tzu Chi, the membership was almost exclusively made up of housewives. Ting’s (1997) research indicated that 72 per cent of the men were told about Tzu Chi by their wives whereas only 28 per cent of women were by their husbands.328 The data show an even higher rate of wives’ influence; 95 per cent of the men were told about Tzu Chi by their wives. Further corroborative data came from separate interviews with a couple who both were Tzu Chi members. The husband, aged sixty, recalled his experience. ‘My wife used indirect ways to let me know about Tzu Chi. She would insist that I take her and pick her up when she attended the Movement’s activities. She often brought her Tzu Chi friends back to our home and she demanded that I be present and talk to them.’329 This self-employed man went on to say: …My wife organized a holiday for the two of us but almost everybody else on the tour was a Tzu Chi member. She also said to me that I should do more exercise, as I was a bit overweight, so I began to join her and her friends on climbing hills on Sundays. Again I was the only one who did not belong to Tzu Chi. I felt odd among them as, for instance, I was the only one who drank beer during breaks, when the rest of them had soft drinks or water. They often told me that drinking was no good for me……Then those people became my friends, and I was invited to their activities more and more often. I felt uncomfortable that I was the only one who did not formally belong to the Movement. So I made a large donation in order to become an Honorary Patron [see later section for details about membership categories].330

On a separate occasion, the wife confessed to me that she had surreptitiously brought her husband to Tzu Chi, saying, ‘I arranged opportunities for my husband to hear about Tzu Chi and Master Cheng Yen’s projects. For instance, my husband liked to read before he went to bed, 326

Selected interview No. 33. This trend also seems to be a result of Tzu Chi’s policy. Recognizing the powerful position of men in society, Master Cheng Yen specifically sought to bring them into the Movement. 328 Ting has given an emotional account of this phenomenon, see Ting Jen-chieh, 1997 chapter 5. 329 Selected interview No. 28. 330 Selected interview No. 28. 327

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so I put the Master’s books near our bed. Slowly he begin to read them and became interested in Tzu Chi for himself.’331 As shown in Table 6.2, another third of the members came to know about Tzu Chi through friends. ‘Friends’ in this context includes colleagues, neighbours, teachers, bosses, and senior [mostly female] schoolmates. For example, a twenty-three-year-old single female explained that she came to know of Tzu Chi through the man she was working for during her summer holiday.332 Also a forty-eight-year-old married woman who had been in the Movement for nine years said, ‘A colleague of mine was selling food produced by Tzu Chi members for fund-raising at our office. So I started to make donations to Tzu Chi.’333 Among those who came to know Tzu Chi through relatives and friends, the data show a considerable degree of gender differentiation. Men were more likely to accept the initial approach from a relative and women were more likely to have been approached by a friend (see Table 6.3). Differences of marital status and age group are insignificant here. To summarize, the research shows that 75 per cent of Tzu Chi members came to know about it through person to person verbal proselytizing, and of these 99 per cent were informed by a Movement Commissioner. However, the research shows a comparatively lower rate of pre-existing social relationships. Only 67 per cent knew the Commissioner socially before they were informed about the Movement; and of these 33 per cent were relatives and 34 per cent were friends. This last group claimed that they came to know about Tzu Chi through Commissioners who were relative strangers to them. This fact is largely attributable to the pressure to fulfil Tzu Chi’s policy of requiring a Commissioner to persuade at least thirty people to make regular donations. Table 6.3 Cross-referencing of gender and source of approach from Tzu Chi Females %

Males %

Total no.

Friend

81 (64%)

46 (36%)

127

Relative

46 (38%)

75 (62%)

121

Unknown Tzu Chi Commissioner

50 (41%)

71 (59%)

121

177 (48%)

192 (52%)

369

Total 331

Selected interview No. 12. Selected interview No. 5. 333 Selected interview No. 21. 332

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In the ‘Relative’ group, it was ‘Parents’ who were the largest proportion, with ‘(female) Spouses’ the next largest. Among the 34 per cent who heard about the Movement from a ‘Friend’, the data show that it  was women who were more likely to hear from friends than were men – 64 per cent / 36 per cent. After hearing about Tzu Chi, there is no guarantee that everyone will be interested enough to join. Many other push factors must consequently be provided and organized by the Movement itself. These will be examined in the following section. How the Members First Encountered Tzu Chi Having examined how people came to know about Tzu Chi and who the informants were, it will now be considered where, when and how the potential members first encountered the Movement. Wilson and Dobbelaere have pointed out that there is no usual pattern or way in which people encounter a new religious movement and that the process varies from one movement to another. It depends on each group’s understanding of the prevailing social conditions and how it therefore designs a recruiting strategy based on its ideology (1994: 49). The findings show that the places where people were most likely to meet a Tzu Chi member – or even, on occasion, Master Cheng Yen herself – were within the home of their own family or that of a friend; this is with the proviso that the home is both large enough and suitable to accommodate an audience for Cheng Yen. A married female civil servant recalled, ‘I was invited to a friend’s home [this friend is known to be rather well-off ], where I first met Master Cheng Yen. The Master preached to us about her work and the vows she made. Then I began to donate to the Movement through my friend.’334 Similarly, a male bank manager said, ‘I was rather surprised when I returned home from a holiday and I saw people gathering at my home and paying their respects to Master Cheng Yen. My mother had offered my home to accommodate them all.’335 However, some people first met members of Tzu Chi at their places of work. A married female teacher recalled, ‘In my school, a student’s mother came to tell us about the Movement and began to collect donations.’336 As mentioned earlier, Buddhist temples were another rich 334

Selected interview No. 11. Selected interview No. 15. 336 Selected interview No. 7. 335

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recruiting ground. One housewife, who had belonged to another Buddhist group (BAROC) before she joined Tzu Chi, stated, ‘At my previous Buddhist temple, a Tzu Chi Commissioner came to one of our lectures and told us about the Movement. Then I began to make my donations to her and later she took me to meet Cheng Yen.’337 Still others came across Tzu Chi on university campuses. The data show that more than half of the youth members, known as College Student Members, encountered Tzu Chi on or near their university campuses. A branch of Tzu Chi called Ciqing She (the Society of Compassionate Youth) was founded as a club in most of the colleges and universities across Taiwan. Through establishing these clubs near the places where the young people were studying, easy and close access to Tzu Chi was provided for the students after they finished their classes. A male engineering student, for example, told me that he was invited to attend a meeting of Ciqing She at a Member’s home close to his university. He went to it because he had nothing else to do when he was free.338 Founding a club or society on university campuses to attract lonely young students free of parental control is not a new recruiting strategy in Taiwan: Yi-Guan Dao, a syncretistic new religious movement in Taiwan, employed the same method in the 1950s.339 In sum, most people first met Tzu Chi in their homes, at work, in the temples or at university. These places are considered to be both proper and normal, which is in stark contrast to Wilson and Dobbelaere’s observations on Soka Gakkai in the United Kingdom; their research showed that first encounters occurred in ‘casual….and …. unexpected circumstances’, such as night clubs (1994: 53). The places where people first encountered Tzu Chi indicate the markedly un-traditional character of the proselytizing methods. On the other hand, since these places are normally considered to be safe areas, people would be more susceptible to Tzu Chi members’ preaching and more ready to believe what they were told. Since there has never been a case reported to the local authorities criticizing Tzu Chi’s evangelism, one can only assume that society, up to the early 1990s, had very little knowledge about the true nature of Tzu Chi’s proselytizing activities. There is another untraditional side to Tzu Chi’s proselytizing method. Seeing Master Cheng Yen at private households is against the 337

Selected interview No. 25. Selected interview No. 2. 339 See Chapter 1. 338

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tradition of Buddhism. Buddhist codes do not allow ordained members to stay at lay households; when they travel, they may stay only at Buddhist temples.340 The Tzu Chi members often explained the Master’s behaviour by reference to her financial position: in the beginning Master Cheng Yen was too poor to have a temple of her own so she had to stay at private households. It was also untraditional in Taiwanese society for Commissioners go to people’s homes to elicit donations. A senior Commissioner stated, ‘I was quite scared when I first visited people’s homes. I had learnt how to please people, so I took presents with me, and I tried to smile and praise them. Then I told people news about Tzu Chi.’341 Thus the first encounter with Tzu Chi occurred in proper places: home, places of work, temples or universities; nevertheless, in the light of traditional Buddhist codes and social norms this manner was untraditional. Routes To Joining Tzu Chi This section will discuss the route by which members were recruited to the Tzu Chi movement and promoted within it. There were five basic kinds of membership in the Movement: Donor (Huiyuan), Honorary Patron (Rongyu Dongshi), College Student Member (Ciqing), Commissioner (Weivan), and the Faith Corps (Cicheng Dui). The first three were routes into the Movement. The statuses of Donor342 and Honorary Patron were obtained through money donations. The former agreed to make regular monthly donations to the Movement, usually of a relatively small amount; the latter had to pay one million NT dollars [approximately £22,000].343 College Student Membership was easy to gain as it was open to all current university students; they had only to complete an application form to become a member in this category. These three kinds of members could then attain promotion to two higher categories, though Faith Corps Membership was reserved 340 With gratitude to Venerable Chuan Dao for his comment. Nevertheless, the code of living apart from lay households is not fully observed by the traditional Buddhist masters themselves in Taiwan. This may be because city temples in Taiwan are generally small, with very limited capacity for accommodating visitors. 341 Selected interview No. 13. 342 Some members do not make donations personally but vicariously through their parents or children. See,Ting 1997: 129. 343 This is normally paid in a lump sum but sometimes instalments are allowed.

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for men. Both levels were only attained after completing two years of training and fulfilling other requirements: a Commissioner had to have recruited at least thirty Donors, whereas to become a member of the Faith Corps one had to observe the Movement’s Ten Commandments and attend most of the Movement’s activities. The survey shows that a majority of females chose to join the Movement as potential Commissioners and that most men became members of the Faith Corps. Since training takes a fair amount of time and energy, this was given as the main reason why some men became Honorary Patrons rather than joining the Faith Corps. 77 per cent of young people of both sexes joined the Movement by becoming Ciqing (College Student Members). Ting (1997: 128) did not consider Donors and College Student Members to be full members. For him, Honorary Patrons, Commissioners and the Faith Corps were the full members, because they required deeper commitment, especially the latter two, who were generally considered to be more advanced members because they worked voluntarily full-time for the Movement. Members were encouraged to obtain a higher grade of membership as a means of demonstrating their devotion to the Movement; for instance, a woman might start as a Commissioner through being a volunteer; she would then become an Honorary Patron by making a large donation; finally she would be properly upgraded to a higher level after showing her diligence to the Movement. There are other, higher levels of membership, such as yide mama (virtuous women), yide baba (virtuous man), and guwen (adviser), which are normally only conferred by Cheng Yen. The Yi De Mothers Association was founded by her in order to look after the youth members and the students attending the Movement’s own university, colleges and schools. There were about 130 Commissioners appointed by Cheng Yen. A mother looks after nine students for all matters both physical and psychological. Most members had begun to join Tzu Chi through making cash donations. Ninety-two per cent of the interviewees indicated that they first became involved with the Movement by being a Donor and making monthly donations before they became formally involved with Tzu Chi. Apart from ordinary monthly donations, there are many other opportunities provided by Tzu Chi for making cash donations. One man, a company director in his seventies, said, ‘It was suggested that I make a donation as the way to show my gratitude to the Master for

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her inspired teaching. I went to the Abode (the Tzu Chi High Temple in Hualien) to see the Master and told her that I would like to make a donation……The Master told me to go to the Tzu Chi Hospital, where there was a list of items for which money could be donated. Therefore I donated two million New Taiwanese Dollars [approx. £45,000] for installing a chanting room in the Hospital, because my late mother liked to chant.’344 People were motivated to make such donations by the appeal of the Movement’s charitable work, particularly to support Master Cheng Yen’s project for building and equipping the hospital in Eastern Taiwan. People felt that this was what society needed and they were grateful for it. Other donors were motivated by the notion of accumulating merit: by making money donations to charities they expected the quid pro quo of receiving merit in return.345 After making donations, most people did not feel it necessary to continue to be involved with the Movement. For example, according to a fifty-year-old housewife, ‘After making a donation, I thought the matter was over.’346 However, there was a Tzu Chi strategy in place to prevent this cessation of involvement. As one Commissioner pointed out, ‘.…I kept in frequent touch with the Donors, and I would invite them to visit the Headquarters [and activities] in order to make them understand the Movement. Then gradually I would encourage them to obtain membership.’347 Tzu Chi has organized various ostensibly social activities to attract people. These activities are used as a vehicle for furthering the relationship between the donors – who are already seen as potential converts. When people were asked which Tzu Chi activity they first agreed to attend, the replies revealed a wide range of different activities. (See Table 6.4.) 1. Ciji Jingsi Ying are the retreats, which consist of meditation sessions, talks on Buddhist discipline and dietary advice. One stays several days at the Tzu Chi Abode or at one of many regional branches. 2. Yaoshi Fahui or Shangren Kaishi is the Buddhist workshop held at the Abode. The liturgy, composed by Master Cheng Yen, is used only 344

Selected interview No. 13. Further discussion of this ‘merit’ will be given below. 346 Selected interview No. 29. 347 Impromptu interview with a high-placed member on 13 October 1996, Tzu Chi Taipei Branch. 345

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Activity

Nos.

Percentage %

1. Retreats

43

8

2. Buddhist workshops

10

2

120

21

4. Religious meetings

32

6

5. Pilgrimages to the Abode

92

16

6. Parties

84

15

7. Ecological activities

19

3

8. Fairs

94

17

9. Voluntary work

55

10

10. Funerals

4

1

11. Lectures

7

1

12. Classes

11

2

Total

571

100

Not returning

167

Total

738

3. Youth societies

at the Headquarters on the twenty-fourth day of each lunar month. The Healing Sutra (Yaoshi Fojieng) was specially chosen by Cheng Yen because she believes that healing is the most meritorious act that one can perform. Indeed, healing was the very basis of her entire mission. 3. Dazhuan Ciqing She are the Youth Associations for Students Members. Most colleges and universities in Taiwan have a branch of the association. 4. Gongxiu are religious meetings held in the branches. They are mostly for men and take place every two weeks. 5. Ingshe xungen or Hualian xungen is a trip to the Headquarters. Normally it is a one-day trip on a special train called Ciji Lieche. 6. Chahui or lianyihui comprise various kinds of casual or social meetings at neighbouring members’ houses or at hotels. 7. Ziuan huishou are groups organized to collect litter for recycling from the streets, or to clean beaches.

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8. Yimai are large-scale charitable fund-raising campaigns in public places or in university parks. 9. Zhegong are voluntary work. This may involve chatting with patients in the hospital run by the Movement; visiting poor families; making street collections; or helping with the security at the Tzu Chi ceremonies. 10. Gaobieshi is the Movement’s chanting service for the dead at funerals. (Cremation is encouraged by Tzu Chi for ecological reasons.) 11. Xingfu Rensh Yanjiang (Lectures for a Happy Life). In this instance it referred to the lecture given in Banqiao, Taipei on 6 June 1992. It was organized by the Home Office of Taiwan and Master Cheng Yen was the chief guest speaker. 12. Classes such as shouyu she: the Movement organizes free classes in the Branches, e.g. sign language, foreign languages, choir practice. As can be seen, the activities cover all kinds of interests: religious, social, educational, environmental, leisure and spiritual. The main underlying purpose of all these activities is to show outsiders that the Movement is a genuine one and not cultish or secretive. For example, a pilgrimages were organized as daytrips by train to the Abode in Hualien, Eastern Taiwan. Apart from paying their respects to the Abode, the participants would be guided to visit the hospital, the two colleges (later both attained the full status of University), and the small lodge which the Master used as her study. Another purpose of the trip was to demonstrate that the Movement did not use donations on private schemes. Pilgrims were shown that Tzu Chi members living in the Abode community made handicrafts to sell in order to achieve a level of self-sufficiency. Posters showing recent relief work and details of the expenses were displayed in the yard of the Abode for all to see. While they were in the hospital, visitors would be told that every brick laid and every column erected was paid for by their donations. Some big donors could find their names carved on a wall in the Movement’s memorial hall. The trips were highly organized, and the participants only needed to pay their own train fare. Tzu Chi took care of everything: the Movement would provide train tickets, meals, tourist guides and insurance. Tzu Chi carefully grouped people of a similar social background together and held separate retreats for teachers,348 industrialists349 and students.350 The arrangement greatly 348

Known as Jiaoshi Shenghuo Ying. Known as Qiyejia Jensi Ying. 350 Known as Dazhuan Qingnian Xiajil Shenhue Ying. 349

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encouraged these people to attend, as it held out the incentive that they could be sure of having something in common with each other. Some activities were organized as fun fairs, held at city centres and in public parks, such as the Fair known as ‘Keeping a Clean Earth’ (Yuyue Renjian Jintu) which took place in 1991 at Taiwan University, the most prestigious university in the country, in the centre of Taipei. Such is the renown of Tzu Chi, for the University of Taiwan had never been known to loan its grounds for such an occasion. The event also received support from celebrities and film stars. It was widely reported across the media that tens of thousands of people had attended. Overall, the survey shows that the Youth Society activities were the ones which were most likely to be attended first (21 per cent). For adult members the ‘religious meeting’ was the event which people chose to attend first (27 per cent), closely followed by ‘fairs’ (24 per cent). It also shows that the first event of preference for women was most likely to be a ‘Buddhist workshop’, and for men an ‘ecological activity’. This result suggests that people were attracted to activities according to traditional gender roles, females choosing to go for more spiritual and quieter activities whereas males went for more physical and outdoor ones. (See Table 6.5).

Table 6.5 Breakdown by gender of Tzu Chi activity first chosen Activity

Females %

Males %

Retreats

42

58

Buddhist workshop

86

14

Youth Societies

65

36

Religious meetings

32

8

Pilgrimage

57

43

Parties

56

44

Ecological activities

12

89

Fairs

45

55

Voluntary work

53

47

Funerals

40

60

Lectures

51

49

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Potential recruits regarded most, if not all, of these ‘activities’ as forms of entertainment, particularly as most of them were free. A married man in his late thirties saw things in this way. He reported, ‘One day I was invited to take the ciji lieche (pilgrimage train). I thought it was not a bad idea since I had never been to the east of Taiwan [where the Headquarters are located], or taken a train on that route. So I went for it, as a break.’351 A married female teacher stated, ‘I agreed to participate in the train excursion to visit the Headquarters with other teachers from my school. I accepted the invitation because we teachers usually went out together at weekends.’352 However, many people asserted that they had felt obliged to accept such invitations. A woman who used to be a core figure in the Foguang Shan (the Buddha’s Light Temple), a modern evangelical form of traditional Chinese Buddhism in Taiwan, who then converted to Tzu Chi, described how she was ‘…..persistently invited to attend the Movement’s activities by a neighbouring Commissioner who had been so patient and nice that I felt I could not refuse her any more. I went to the activities and was taken to meet Master Cheng Yen afterwards.’353 A married man, aged fifty-five, said that after seeing many of his friends donating money (to become Honorary Patrons) and being constantly urged himself, he eventually began making his own donations.354 In addition to individual persistent approaches, another reason for people to accept the invitations was fear of losing face socially if they refused an invitation made by a group of Tzu Chi members. This point was made by a male senior member, who stated quite candidly, ‘We often made up a group of approximately five or six people to visit neighbours at their homes and spread our message.’355 In fact, the survey shows that less than half (41 per cent) of all adult Tzu Chi Members began to participate in the Movement on their own initiative rather than as the result of external pressure. The figure for females is lower than that for males, 38 per cent as opposed to 45 per cent. Though the difference is small, it may be that men, as the traditional breadwinners, have less time to spare, and are consequently more decisive than women. (See Table 6.6.) 351

Selected interview No. 18. Selected interview No. 7. 353 Selected interview No. 27. 354 Selected interview No. 25. 355 Selected interview No. 25. 352

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Table 6.6 Did the adults participate in Tzu Chi on their own initiative? Total Yes

Nos. Percentage

No

Nos. percentage

Total

144 41% 203 59% 347

Female

Male

63

81

38%

45%

103 62% 166

100 55% 181

Master Cheng Yen and most of the Senior Members would play the main roles in persuading potential candidates into the Movement. One lady, not a member at the time, recalled how she had had three meetings with Cheng Yen. Every time the Master urged her to join the Movement. After their first meeting, a Commissioner came back and told her that the Master had said, ‘You thought you had done enough good deeds for the public and Buddhism, but you have only finished thirty per cent of what you are supposed to do. Yet you have decided you want to stop.’ The second time the woman met the Master, she was again asked to be a Commissioner. ‘I made the excuse that I was too old to be a Commissioner. The Master then asked me, “Do you know how old the oldest Commissioner is? My oldest Commissioner is ninety years old! You are not even half her age!” After the third meeting, I told the Master, “My health is not good.” The Master replied, “What you have done before is in the past” [meaning the merit she had accumulated was used up]. After that, I began seriously to consider joining Tzu Chi.’356 Most of the members did not have any major difficulty in accepting Tzu Chi teachings and practices, or in satisfying membership requirements. For example, men found that it was not difficult to observe Tzu Chi’s Ten Commandments (see Chapter 4). A married bank clerk asserted, ‘I never drink, smoke or have affairs outside my marriage, because these habits are considered to be improper, socio-culturally.’357 Another married, self-employed, fifty-year-old man said, ‘I was willing to give up playing Mah Jong,358 smoking, and drinking. That would 356

Selected interview No. 27. Selected interview No. 32. 358 A Chinese game which normally involves gambling. 357

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save me a lot of troubles in life.’359 A man in his late forties, who began to smoke at the age of eighteen and by this time was smoking eighty cigarettes per day, told how Tzu Chi’s Ten Commandments gave him the motivation to quit this unhealthy habit.360 Some people found it difficult to donate a quarter of their income to the Movement and for others it was problematic to spare the time to carry out voluntary work for Tzu Chi because of other life commitments. However, these concerns would soon become unimportant when these people became socialized within Tzu Chi (see Chapter 7). By imposing full membership status on some people, Tzu Chi could be seen as obliging or even forcing them to join the Movement; by others this was considered an added incentive. Some people said they were persuaded to agree to a formal membership before the two-year official training was completed.361 The survey shows that 30 per cent of females claimed they had received their Commissioner’s certificate after one year. One of these cases was a married woman in her forties, who recalled her experiences: ‘… My Commissioner persuaded me to start collecting donations [the way to be an apprentice Commissioner]…… The Commissioner was very eager for me to do so and even helped me fill in the application form. I received my Commissioner’s certificate at the end of the same year, even though I did not fulfil the requirements.’362 Another married woman of eighteen years membership stated: ‘In those (early) days, as long as one sent the collected shankuan (donations) to Headquarters, one would be given a Commissioner certificate without having to be trained, as is the case nowadays.’363 The survey indicates that 73 per cent of the College Student Members had parents who were themselves members of Tzu Chi.364 It is thus very probable that many College Student Members were simply following their parents into the Movement without much personal commitment. It was easy to become a College Student Member. A twenty-threeyear-old male, a full time university student, related that he became a 359

Selected interview No. 15. Selected interview No. 16. 361 The Tzu Chi training programme takes two years. For the contents of the Tzu Chi training programme for full members, refer to Chapter 7. 362 Selected interview No. 7. 363 Selected interview No. 13. 364 Parental influence on Taiwanese youth is pervasive, particularly in choosing which political party to support. (Source: a conference reported in the Central Daily newspaper, 13 December 1998, International edition). 360

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member of this kind simply by filling in an application form which was given to him by a university friend. After a couple of weeks, he received an invitation to attend a meeting of the College Students Association at a branch near his university. After this one meeting, he immediately became a Member, receiving the uniform of a blue shirt and white trousers there and then. He was also put on the mailing list and automatically entitled to attend all Tzu Chi activities.365 However, even this was not viewed by the students as a serious commitment, because 59 per cent of them were still involved with other social groups and societies in their universities at the same time. The survey shows that the average length of time between first contact with Tzu Chi and gaining a full membership is four years. A single female member described how, ‘It took me a few years before I formally joined the Movement. But in those years, I had already spent most of my spare time as a part-time volunteer for the Movement and had visited most of the branches.’366 This suggests that conversion to Tzu Chi was not sudden but gradual, with people becoming increasingly involved with the Movement over a period of time. By being given spurious titles and duties in the Movement, people became further committed to Tzu Chi. Ninety-eight per cent of College Student Members had tasks to perform and more than half of them was given responsibilities as soon as they joined. One male student stated that after he was given the title and position of Social Secretary within the Movement he became more and more involved with it. He was put in charge of organizing all the social activities for his group, all of which had to be done in accordance with the teachings of Master Cheng Yen. On one occasion, he organized a fund-raising dinner and the main course was a soup called ‘three colours soup’ (sanse tang). He explained that the three different kinds of vegetables represented three of the teachings of Master Cheng Yen: self-discipline, determination and wisdom. He read most of the literature of the Movement, and through his organizing social events, he got to make many more friends in Tzu Chi. He became very familiar with all aspects of Tzu Chi, and he also learnt how to disseminate its teachings.367 Such titles and the associated duties bred loyalty even amongst those who were not self-motivated to join Tzu Chi. One man in his fifties, a father of two, 365

Selected interview No. 2. Selected interview No. 30. 367 Selected interview No. 2. 366

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who was a Team Leader368 in the Movement stated, ‘.… It was difficult for me to get away from it. Every day I had phone calls from the staff of the Movement or my team members. As a result, I convinced myself to undertake the duties and believed that was my work.’369 Some Problems with Joining Tzu Chi Tzu Chi has never overtly created the conditions whereby people are prevented from joining the organization, and claims that no applicant has ever failed to join. Nevertheless, there are some members who took a longer time or who were never approached. One was a thirty-eightyear-old housewife with a secondary education; according to her, ‘I had been making donations to the Movement for some time and had attended a few activities. After that I wanted to join the Movement wholeheartedly. I went to see my Commissioner, telling her of my wish … I had done twice as much as was required in the hope of shortening the time for me to become a Commissioner. However, I did not succeed.’370 There was a man, whom I knew, who could not participate in Tzu Chi initially: ‘I had been donating to the Movement for a numbers of years, and I had a desire to join the Movement. I went to the Headquarters three times alone, and I tried to become a volunteer in the Hospital. I was refused.’371 It is hard to believe that their enthusiasm did not help them to join the Movement quickly, since in the previous section 30 per cent of female Commissioners stated that they were pushed to receive their formal membership within one year. Ting’s research on Tzu Chi pointed out that it would be more likely for someone to join the Movement when the person had more private ties (meaning relatives) within the Movement (1997: 249). My research shows here that Ting’s conclusion may not always be the answer, as some people had many relatives who were members of Tzu Chi and yet were not invited or persuaded to join. One fifty-eight-year-old married 368

A middle-ranking position within Tzu Chi. See Chapter 3. Selected interview No. 15. 370 According to Cheng Yen’s teaching, the relationship between a Commissioner and his/her apprentice Commissioners is like a hen and her chicks. This means that the former acts as a mother figure for the latter. A Commissioner takes the whole educational responsibility for his/her apprentices and at the end decides the right time for them to terminate training and obtain formal membership. Therefore it is very difficult to believe that a Commissioner would be so discouraging to her/his apprentice Commissioners. 371 Selected interview No. 18. 369

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women, for example, told how she ‘had become a donor of Tzu Chi for years, but no one from the Movement had ever come to contact me, even though my sisters were senior Commissioners.’372 A married man, a junior manager of a bank, who had known Master Cheng Yen since the early 1970s (a few years after Tzu Chi was founded in 1966), said that both his mother and his wife were core members of Tzu Chi. He had made numerous donations to the Movement but had never been invited to join. He only joined Tzu Chi when the status of Honorary Patron was introduced. He said, ‘I was told that I could obtain an Honorary Patron membership if my donations had reached NT$ 1 million. In 1989, I tried my best to reach the requested amount, and I received my certificate immediately.’373 The above cases suggest that some people are only allowed to join Tzu Chi when there is a suitable organizational group for them, even though they have been donating to the Movement over a long period of time. So can anyone join Tzu Chi? It would appear that Tzu Chi likes to recruit those who can offer to give financial support from their own income. Tzu Chi did not establish a membership for new-born babies or little children, although some of them might become Donors or Honorary Patrons if their parents made donations on their behalf. Some Tzu Chi activities looked as if they were organized for children (e.g. Ertong Jingsi Ying; Studying lessons for Tzu Chi’s Children). However, this did not mean that children were recruited by the Movement, because all of the children were the sons or daughters of members. Therefore, these activities should perhaps be seen as a service which facilitated a closer relationship among members’ families. People with specialist training in areas useful to the Movement could join more easily than others. A single female, a graphic designer, who had joined the Movement recently without undergoing formal training, stated, ‘..… One and a half years ago (1996) I met Master Cheng Yen. She came and told to me, “Tzu Chi needs you!” So I came to work for the Movement as an employee.’374 A man in his thirties, also a graphic designer, had a similar experience. He recalled, ‘I used to be just a Donor (huiyuan)…one day I went to a Tzu Chi branch near to where I lived. In the branch people were busy decorating the place, and I was asked to draw posters for them. Then I was invited to obtain full membership 372

Selected interview No. 25. Selected interview No. 15. 374 Selected interview No. 30. 373

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[subsequently he obtained two full membership certificates within a relatively short period of time].’375 The same conditions were part of the story of those with a medical or accounting background. One’s socio-economic or educational background was also relevant in joining Tzu Chi easily. A man with vast wealth mentioned that after making a big cash donation he was soon approached by the Master herself with an invitation to join the Movement.376 People with higher education were in demand by Tzu Chi and this was indicated by the special treatment given to the College Student Members. Their form of membership was different from the others; they enjoyed the prestige of membership but they did not need to collect donation money to the Movement or to perform voluntary work. Their meetings and activities were given the best support; those only took place at the weekends, and they had priority to use space at the branches. In addition, the College Students were provided with hospitality at Tzu Chi branches and at the Headquarters, where they were offered food, lodging and clothing free of charge. The Students were also allowed to attend prestigious activities that were not always open to everyone.377 Each Student was allotted a ‘guardian’ Member, known as yide mama (mother with good virtue) for females and yide baba (father with good virtue) for males, specially selected by Master Cheng Yen. These ‘guardians’ acted in loco parentis to the Students in all sorts of matters, and parental terms and practices were employed and encouraged between College Student Members and their ‘guardian’ members.378 Summary and Discussion In short, the findings show that most Tzu Chi adult members came to join the Movement through making financial donations, and more than half of them (59%) joined as a result of pressure, while less than half joined on their own initiative. Major push factors for people to join the Movement were organized activities and offers of accelerated membership. Furthermore, titles in the Movement encouraged people to stay on. Even though it was rare that anyone failed to join Tzu Chi, 375

Selected interview No. 4. Selected interview No. 14. 377 Selected interview No. 1. 378 For instance, the guardian members will visit the Students in their colleges on a regular basis and they would celebrate birthdays mutually. See Chapter 8. 376

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there were some people who joined the Movement more easily than others; they were those whose abilities and social conditions met the Movement’s needs directly. On the other hand, young people came to join Tzu Chi through the Movement’s Society (Ciqing She) on the university campus, especially when it was their parents’ wish that they did so. Tzu Chi made a great effort to retain these young people, but it was not very successful because they treated their participation in Tzu Chi as a casual commitment. Ting claimed that men played a marginal role in Tzu Chi because they were pushed to join Tzu Chi by their wives but this force was not strong enough to lead them to a complete commitment (Ting 1997: 178). It is argued here that some men could not hold central positions in the Movement for economic reasons. Men were supposed to be the main financial resource for their families and that took up most of their time and energy, so naturally it was difficult for them to hold high office in the Movement. Furthermore, Tzu Chi did not have a policy of recruiting men until the 1990s, when the men’s group, the Faith Corps, was founded. After that, more opportunities became available for men to progress through the ranks. Finally, there are many other reasons for which people have been drawn to Tzu Chi that have further engendered their commitment to the Movement. This interest can be attributed not only to Tzu Chi’s early public image, the secular colour of its religious teachings and practices, and the recruiting skills of the Movement, but also to the process of re-socialization and the rituals of breaking with the past and creating a new identity. These elements will be discussed in the following chapter.

CHAPTER SEVEN

TZU CHI’S ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE AND THE PROCESS OF SOCIALIZATION This chapter focuses on how an individual is initiated into Tzu Chi, how a person becomes part of the group, how the group is structured, and the role and nature of leadership. Moreover, it also includes an examination of the process of socialization and the events that convey important spiritual and religious messages. The chapter has three main themes: 1.Tzu Chi’s organizational structure, including the Abode, the Branches and the Tzu Chi overseas offices; 2. The leadership of Master Cheng Yen; 3. The process of socialization: new converts, grouping, indoctrination and the initiation ceremony. Impersonal Organizational Structure The Abode and Headquarters The Abode of the Tzu Chi Movement, known as Jiengsi Jienshe, is located in Hualien, a beautiful pristine rural area in eastern Taiwan. The Abode serves as a pilgrimage site for all Tzu Chi members. It is a grey, elegant compound379 consisting of a sanctuary, dormitory and canteen: the main sanctuary is rather small but the dormitory and canteen facilities are relatively large. In the city of Hualien, the Movement has also erected a hospital, two colleges and a memorial hall. These, together with the Abode, are considered the headquarters of the Tzu Chi Movement. Master Cheng Yen is the Abbess of the Abode. She, with a small group of Tzu Chi advisers, exercises the power of decision making for the entire Movement. There are also about a hundred female disciples living in the Abode; they and the Master are permanent residents of the Abode. Apart from them, the Abode is always occupied by visiting members engaging in activities. These disciples, all of whom are 379 Tzu Chi has employed a Japanese garden designer to refine the whole image of the Abode.

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Fig. 7.1 Master Cheng making a speech at the headquarters of Tzu Chi

celibate, are either already ordained or are preparing to be ordained. The latter are known as jinzhunv (䖥ԣཇ girls living in), and it will normally take a couple years for them to be ordained. These disciples continue to carry out their secular duties: they may teach at the Movement’s colleges, work as employees of the Movement, or serve the needs of the visiting members. Unlike most Buddhist monasteries, which draw a clear distinction between the laity and ordained members, the demarcation between these two is very unclear in the Abode community (Lu 1994a: 7). The Abode does not conduct any ceremonies for traditional Buddhist holidays. For example, the Buddha’s birthday is not marked by a ceremony, and this is symptomatic of a relative lack of emphasis on liturgy and ritual. The Abode only holds the morning service and a chanting once a month, when the Healing Sutra is recited; this is normally performed by the ordained disciples only. Compared with other Buddhist monasteries and temples in Taiwan, the religious services held in the Abode are relatively rare and unimportant to religious life. However, the Abode does hold celebrations for Tzu Chi’s anniversaries and Chinese cultural festivals, such as the Mid-Autumn festival

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and Chinese New Year. The most elaborate and large-scale events that have been celebrated by Tzu Chi were the Ceremony for the GroundBreaking of the Hospital in 1984 and the 30th Anniversary in 1996. Not a single Buddhist rite was performed at these ceremonies, the main feature being the presence of influential politicians and supportive Buddhist masters. The 30th Anniversary, for example, the biggest ceremony held in recent years, was dominated by the testimonies from its global members and from ministers of the Taiwanese government.380 Zaokè (ᮽ䂆 the morning service) is one of the few fixed liturgical services in the Abode. The morning service follows a standard form held by most of the other temples in Taiwan. What is significant here is that it will be conducted by Master Cheng Yen; in some temples the head will not normally preside over this kind of activity. The morning service begins at four o’clock and finishes at six o’clock; the most unanticipated character of the service is that the chanting and talks are not conducted in Mandarin, the official language of Taiwan, but in Hokkien, the dialect spoken by the majority of Taiwanese.381 Ordained members in the Abode take the leading role at the beginning of the service. It starts with the chanting of the Lotus Sutra for one hour. The congregation sit cross-legged on the floor; sometimes they have to stand up or kneel down, according to the instructions on the monitors above their heads. After chanting, there is a twenty-minute session of meditation. People are asked to close their eyes; meanwhile all the lights and sounds are switched off, turning the place into complete quietness and darkness.382 Towards the end of the meditation a diffuse single bright light is lit at the front and a moving object approaches from the rear. It is Master Cheng Yen, who prostrates herself towards the altar. After finishing, the Master turns to face the audience and sits on a meditation cushion. Then she will wake up the congregation with her beautiful crisp voice amplified through a microphone. Under

380

The other important event was the ceremony of the Ground Breaking of the Hospital. As described by Jones, ‘After the Association [Tzu Chi] had raised enough money to begin work and settled on a site, they held the formal ground breaking on 2 February 1984, with Venerable Zhenhua ⳳ㧃 as master of ceremonies and several [high ranking] government officials [and politicians]’ (Jones 1996: 379). 381 See Chapter 1, for the issue of languages spoken by different groups in Taiwan. 382 Meditation is one the methods to reach enlightenment in traditional Buddhist practice, particularly in the Chan (or Zen) School. Many meditation techniques have been developed. One method, for example, is sitting for two hours followed by five minutes of stretching exercises. Instructors are often present to prevent people from dozing. This is what I have found to be practised in the Dharma Drum, a traditional Buddhist school in Taiwan. However, these techniques are rarely found in Tzu Chi.

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hazy lighting, Cheng Yen begins her morning lecture of thirty minutes. (See Fig. 7.1) The lecture of Master Cheng Yen generally consists of an emotional appeal to the audience, in which she uses images of suffering victims (Ho 1995). It normally starts with general subjects such as the weather and leads on to an account of disasters that may have occurred recently elsewhere and other current affairs. Cheng Yen will use these events to stress the aims and purpose of the Movement and her mission, urging her followers ‘that the present moment is the opportunity for one to accumulate merit for the future, .… What you will achieve in the future is based on the endeavours you make at this very moment…’383 The victims of these disasters are shown great sympathy by the Master, and often she becomes emotional and her voice trembles. This seems to have an impact on the audiences, many of whom subsequently share the Master’s feelings and begin to weep. The talk will conclude with the Master’s acknowledgment of the participants (ᛳᘽ ganen) in the morning service: ‘Without your being so merciful and supportive, it is impossible to have the Movement today …… Let’s be positive as another new day is just beginning!’ Her conduct of the morning service illustrates Master Cheng Yen’s unfailing theatrical sense. It is possible that she has been influenced by her adopted father. Before becoming a nun, Cheng Yen helped him to run a folk theatre (see Chapter 3). Her showmanship appears not to be self-conscious, but must surely enhance her power to impress her audiences. The Tzu Chi Branches and Liaison Offices Apart from the Abode and other institutes in Hualien, Tzu Chi has established numerous branches and liaisons (incipient branches) across Taiwan; they are considered sub-organizations of Tzu Chi. The formation of these branches is solely to serve the convenience of administration. Fig. 7.2 shows an altar in a branch office. When there is a strong desire for a permanent place, a liaison is founded. A lianluochu (㙃㌵㰩 liaison) is a normally a group of members numbering anything from a couple of hundred to a handful of about ten. It is founded whenever a member can offer a stable place for the Movement. Normally it will be in the home of a group leader. 383

TSTII, p. 179.

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Fig. 7.2 An altar of Tzu Chi in a branch office. Note the simple style

A fenhui (ߚ᳗ branch) is formed when two conditions are met: that there are sufficient numbers, and there is a permanent place for the sole use of the Movement. Then it is permitted to hold a founding ceremony, and a flag is given to the branch, which gives it formal recognition as a constituent unit of Tzu Chi. The branch is territorial and regional groups come under it. A site is usually donated or purchased at a relatively low price. Today, Tzu Chi has four branches and seven liaisons in Taiwan, although the number is increasing; they are located mostly in the west of Taiwan. The Taipei branch is the largest branch of Tzu Chi. Its architecture resembles a modern building more than a traditional temple. It contains two offices, meeting rooms, and other secular facilities, displaying an almost secular character (Lu 1994a: 8-9). The Taipei branch is a nine-storey building with three storeys below the ground and six above. Two of the floors below ground have been converted into a lecture theatre that is also a sanctuary room. It is a simple large room with a polished wooden floor and a small lecture platform on which is enshrined a carved wooden statue of Guan Yin Bodhisattva. The statue is offered flowers or fruits, but no incense or paper money is burnt; these practices are banned in Tzu Chi as they may cause damage to the

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building. This room is used for congregational ceremonies, lectures, group meetings and training lessons. The third basement floor is a large canteen where every group takes its turn to cook. Food is normally free. The ground floor is the reception and bookshop, selling the Movement’s publications and grain powder and candles that are produced by the ordained members at the head temple. The second and third floors are the offices for accounting for the donations, publishing and broadcasting, which employs vast numbers of employees. The fourth floor contains a few conference rooms and it is also the place where all membership records are kept. The fifth floor is the library, and the sixth floor is the dormitory.384 The branch does not have any religious authority overseeing its activities. The branch is run by the employees and its lay members: there is no head at any branch. It does, however, maintain frequent and direct contact with the Abode and Master Cheng Yen in Hualien. Advanced telecommunication technology has allowed those who administer the branch to talk to people in the head temple on an internal line. Members in Taipei frequently visit Master Cheng Yen in the Abode, and Master Cheng Yen will visit the branch once a month. The employees of the Taipei branch, most of whom are young women, must be present when there are meetings at the branch, and since these are often scheduled in the evenings, they have to stay late. As a result, some of those who lived far away have moved to live in the branch. As there is a voluntary element to their work, employees accept less than they would get for similar work outside Tzu Chi and do not have annual holidays. The demands of the job make it very difficult for employees to maintain contact with people outside the Movement. This is particularly true of those who live on the premises: their workload and duties have isolated them from their old school friends and prevented them from attending more conventional leisure activities.385 Consequently they socialize within the Movement itself. Some eventually become nuns of the Movement. It seems that there is a high degree of separation from families and friends. A single female, aged thirty-one, says that she hardly has any spare time to see her old friends and family. Because of the workload,

384

See also Lu Hui-xin 1994a. Evidence such as what they wear and their topics of conversation suggests that those employees are becoming an isolated minority. 385

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she has to work from Monday to Saturday, and very often she also works on Sundays. She does not remember when she last visited her family.386 Apart from accommodating the monthly visits of Master Cheng Yen, the branch acts as a regional centre for the Movement’s missions and regional membership administration. At first, the division of labour among a branch is rather impersonal; it is initially divided by gender, age and social background. Yet, as there is a strong desire for socializing and the need to promote missionary work, this distribution tends to break down when members are sub-divided for particular functions. The regional groups may use the branch for meetings. These local groups have little autonomy. The Tzu Chi headquarters provides a theme for each of the meetings. The lay members themselves, without the presence of a priest, lead the meetings, each meeting lasting approximately two hours. Generally speaking, the procedure is as follows: chanting of the Lotus Sutra for half an hour; meditation for five minutes; news reports; discussion of the theme; ending with communal petitions for the success of the Movement and the well-being of Master Cheng Yen. Given the impersonal nature of an individual’s relationship with their local Tzu Chi branch, the Members nevertheless show a very high rate of attendance at branch meetings and activities, more than 40 per cent of them coming at least four times a month and another one-fifth attending their branch twice a week. (See Table 7.1.) For individual Tzu Chi members it is most important to come to the branch to hand in the funds which they have diligently raised for the Movement. The most spectacular features in the Tzu Chi Taipei branch are the vast number of computers and the number of employees employed in keeping accurate records of each member’s accumulated donations. In turn, every full member of Tzu Chi, in particular the Commissioner, has an office record book to log the donations they have raised for the Movement and to give receipts to the donors. There is a clear ritual symbolism in the Tzu Chi members keeping records for the work. According to Bromley and Shupe’s observation, ‘For both the Moonies and Krishnas, fund-raising has been elevated to a religious ritual. Money collected is not regarded as being for the movement, but as being “restored” or returned to God (or Krishna) through His stewards or servants on earth’ (1981: 168).

386

Selected interview No. 30.

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chapter seven Table 7.1 Tzu Chi branch attendance rate

Attendance / per month

No.

Percentage

1

1

4%

2

45

13 %

3

10

3%

4

139

41 %

5

10

3%

6

1

0%

7

1

0%

8

68

20 %

9

1

0%

10

11

3%

12

22

7%

15

1

0%

16

4

1%

18

1

0%

20

8

2%

24

5

2%

28

1

0%

More

1

0%

Total

341

99 %

Tzu Chi Overseas Centres387 The aim of studying the overseas centres is to understand how a religion is carried abroad and how it is developed in the host society. The data of this section are derived from research conducted in London and New York and from interviews with members of the South Africa centre. The Tzu Chi overseas centres began in the 1990s, founded by migrant members but not by organized missionary workers. Migrant members 387 The division of the overseas centres falls into the same categories as the Taiwanese branches, sub-branches, and liaison offices. Here, in order to avoid complexity, they are all designated ‘centres’.

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go abroad for various reasons and when they arrive they found a new centre in their own households. The reason for establishing these centres is to observe Master Cheng Yen’s teaching that one should never forget to act as a Tzu Chi person whenever and wherever one is. The dissemination of Buddhism is also motivated by the fundamental practice of gaining merit. Preaching the Dharma is regarded as a very important and meritorious act. According to ancient tradition, the Buddha himself sent out the first group of disciples to spread the new faith: ‘Go, monks, preach the noble Doctrine…let not two of you go in the same direction!’ This canonical saying illustrates both the missionary ideals that have inspired Buddhism from the earliest times and the way in which it was to be carried out, not by any large-scale planned missionary movement, but rather by individual efforts. The overseas centre follows the same organizational structure as in Taiwan. For instance the New York centre looks like an office rather than a traditional temple: it is located in a portion of a modern building. While the Chinese have traditionally settled in the centre of New York, the Tzu Chi centre is located on the outskirts of the city in the Queen’s district, which is said to be the area favoured by new migrants. The Movement has operated this base in New York for just over a decade; the leadership has changed twice; now it is in the hands of people who were recruited locally. Tzu Chi’s overseas centres have shown minimal signs of being part of an organized missionary endeavour. The overseas centres have to be financially self-sufficient. Economic support is derived from local donations, but they have developed small missionary enterprises to sustain their activities. For example, the Tzu Chi UK centre is running a Chinese language school in London. In order to incorporate themselves into the existing polities of the host country they have attempted to establish ties with the local elites; Tzu Chi overseas members have showed a growing trend to be active in good works. For example, the Movement has sponsored a research project at the University of London via the London centre. In addition, the overseas branch retains strong links with Taiwanese diplomats abroad, along with students and businessmen. This has somewhat helped the branch to survive in foreign countries, exchanging information and promoting its campaigns.388

388 An example of this outcome is that a Tzu Chi member found a job for her child in the Taiwanese representative office in London.

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Ho Ming-jung’s study on the overseas branches of Tzu Chi argues that each overseas branch performs different types of services depending on the needs of the host community (Ho 1995). In contrast, my findings suggest that Tzu Chi overseas centres perform the same missions as have been laid down by Master Cheng Yen in Taiwan. Nevertheless, this can only be achieved when the local resources are sufficient. For example, the Tzu Chi American-Canada centre, the oldest and biggest of the Movement, conducts missions in education, culture, charity and medicine, much the same as is done in Taiwan. However, the London centre conducts only a mission in education; it has established a Chinese language school for children.389 Since there is no urgent need for a Chinese learning facility in London, the reason to found an educational institute cannot be understood in terms of Ho’s claim. In London, membership is low (approximately ten) and resources are meagre. Establishing a Chinese language school was one of the only ways in which the Tzu Chi UK members could fulfil the task set by the Master. However, Tzu Chi has a vague policy to prevent its teaching and practice from becoming confused in a diverse host culture. Members abroad found it difficult to secure the opportunity or a place to conduct the same charitable work as they had done in Taiwan. For instance, in the United Kingdom, due to the advanced social welfare system, members found it difficult initially to engage in their accustomed charitable activities. The sick and elderly are cared for by the government, and hospitals and charities in England will not normally accept volunteers from outside the normal channels without appropriate arrangements.390 Moreover, the overseas members received very little guidance about operating in foreign cultures and how flexible they should be.391 Master Cheng Yen herself has never visited any of the overseas centres 389 The school, as available resources are small, only opens on Saturdays and does not employ full-time permanent staff, although it charges tuition fees from the pupils. From time to time fund-raising activities are organized to sustain the school. 390 For instance, Tzu Chi members in London once told me that they wished to cook for the homeless, regarded by Tzu Chi as one of the most blessed charitable works, but they gave up, as this task is already attended to by the British government and the charities. 391 This may be because Master Cheng Yen herself has never been abroad, so she is not aware what the possibilities might be. I have only once learned from one of Tzu Chi’s overseas members about Master Cheng Yen’s guidelines on overseas missions; they merely asked the members to be aware of the importance of popular media.

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to promote recruitment.392 So the recruitment in overseas centres is growing slowly and most of the new converts are mainly ethnically Taiwanese, apart from some Malaysians.393 On the other hand, the headquarters of Tzu Chi shows a more tolerant policy, to prevent the overseas branches losing new converts. For instance, the new overseas converts are not asked to follow the dress code which requires that a female keep her hair long. Nor are they expected to fulfil the basic requirement which Tzu Chi members in Taiwan have to obey, to recruit at least thirty donors. The establishment of the overseas centres is primarily to maintain contact between overseas members and Taiwan, and their existence serves propaganda purposes. The overseas members have to write frequent reports to the Master about their development in the host society, and they send their children to live in the Abode during summer holidays. At the same time, the overseas centres provide lodging for visiting members or friends. As a result, in organizational structure, finance, teaching. practice and recruitment the overseas centres are still at an awkward starting point. This, however, does not suggest that they will bring about negative developments in the future. Overall, my study of Tzu Chi’s Abode, branches and overseas centres shows that the Movement has deliberately minimized its religious significance in favour of missionary operations within its internal organization. In addition, the formality of the Tzu Chi organization appears rather ‘impersonal’ in the light of one’s relation to one’s local Tzu Chi branch, since it is established on a geographical basis rather than on collective devotion. Each Tzu Chi member is related to Tzu Chi Headquarters merely as a fund-raiser and a volunteer. These characteristics of Tzu Chi create the perspective of a downward organization, thus showing a close relation to Beckford’s (1975)394 definition of what constitutes a ‘mass’ organization. Nevertheless, the research found that in the Tzu Chi Movement there is another tactic that aims at creating the sense of personal belonging. This will be shown in the following section. 392 It is well known in the Tzu Chi Movement that Master Cheng Yen does not travel by plane. 393 Tzu Chi has recruited quite a few new converts among Malaysian Chinese; this trend is also found in the movement of Foguang Shan, which has attracted many Malaysian Chinese into the order. 394 See James Beckford’s article, ‘Two Contrasting Types of Sectarian Organisation’, in  Roy Wallis (ed.), Sectarianism – Analyses of Religious and Non-religious Sects (London: Peter Owen 1975) 87-116.

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chapter seven The Leadership of Master Cheng Yen

Here the discussion will be focused on how Master Cheng Yen exercises her authority as a leader, and her style as a female founder and leader. In contrast to the position-orientated leadership in bureaucratic organizations, leadership of the Movement is more person-orientated. Master Cheng Yen is called shanren (‘the superior man’) by Tzu Chi members. This term of address for a Buddhist master is, however, a new fashion in present-day Taiwan. Cheng Yen is similar to the head of a family and members see themselves as her children (Chen 1990: 156); in members’ minds Cheng Yen acts as a strict father and a kind mother (Lu 1994: 11). Master Cheng Yen is the only one in the Tzu Chi Movement from whom members derive their energy. She is the president of the Movement, the tonsure master of the ordained disciples and the Abbess of the Abode. She is an icon for all Tzu Chi people. A picture of Master Cheng Yen is to be seen in every member’s home. Some keep one in their wallets, many place her photo on the family altar. They talk or pray to the icon about their difficulties. They feel connected with her through listening to her records or reading her books, if they cannot observe her in person. Tzu Chi members treat Master Cheng Yen as their saviour. Many songs are dedicated to her in honour of her leadership, such as the song Zhiqian nide shou (‘To hold only your [Master Cheng Yen’s] hand’). Ursula King’s study of the worship of the goddess in Hindusim suggests that through the worship of the Great Indian Goddess some contemporary Hindu women gurus and disciples gain powerful inspiration and spiritual stimulation, leading these women to acknowledge their femininity and to regain a sense of women’s religious authority.395 As mentioned in Chapter 4, ‘Teaching and Practice’, Guan Yin (or Kuan Yin) is the Bodhisattva from whom Master Cheng Yen draws her inspiration. Tzu Chi members’ devotion to the Master means that they take her as the embodiment of Guan Yin Bodhisattva. As stated by one member: ‘When the Master’s hand moves, a thousand hands will also move, quickly relieving suffering and difficulties when cries for help 395

See Ursula King, ‘The Great Indian Goddess, A source of empowerment for women?’ in Elizabeth Puttick and Peter B. Clarke (eds) Women As Teachers and Disciples in Traditional and New Religions (Lewiston/Queenston/Lampeter: The Edwin Mellon Press, 1993) pp. 25-38.

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are heard.’396 Also they promise not fail to obey the Master’s commands and to adore her with wholehearted unquestioning loyalty. In other words, ‘Let the Master’s vows be our vows.’397 Guan Yin (or Kuan Yin) Bodhisattva in traditional Buddhism is both male and female.398 The image portrayed by Cheng Yen is completely feminine, a fragile, pliable and weak person with a soft, thin and slow voice. In fact, Cheng Yen is well known to have poor health and a heart problem, which is why she has refused to travel by plane or boat. Susan Sered’s study of female religious leaders claimed that there is a positive effect of the idea of illness on the leader’s image. Sered asserted, ‘The importance of a history of illness for a religious leader is not the illness per se (except insofar as it makes her more understanding of her clients’ illness and suffering), but rather her triumph over illness. Female religious leaders with a history of illness dramatize and personify the existential claim that suffering is not inherent to the human condition’ (Sered 1994: 225). In this way, Cheng Yen is seen to reform the female gender role in the Buddhism of Taiwan. In Chinese and Buddhist cultures, women are subordinate to men, and this situation has changed little in present-day Taiwan. Taiwanese nuns, for example, are usually compelled to undergo a kind of gender transformation in which they get rid of their feminine appearance and demeanour in order to behave more like men.399 Cheng Yen is the only person who has brought money from the outside world into the Abode community in order to finance the Movement. Cheng Yen is the owner of the land and used it as security to apply for bank loans to finance the construction of the Abode.400 In addition, Master Cheng Yen is the only one in the Abode who has raised funds from the public for the development of Tzu Chi. Cheng Yen has displayed great PR skills in founding her temple community and starting to carry out charitable work. Anecdotal evidence shows Cheng Yen’s considerable talent in persuading benefactors to finance her plans. For example, ‘When she first arrived at Hualien, she lodged at a temple, Dongjing Si, where she got to know Mr Xu Chueng-mieng, 396

TSTI, p. 198. TSTI, p. 98. 398 Not at the same time: any given Bodhisattva is either male or female. 399 See Ho 1995. 400 See Qin Yun’s Qianshou Foxin (‘Thousand hands and Buddhist heart’) (Taipei, Qi Er, 1995) pp. 92-4. 397

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a wealthy local businessman. Mr Xu was a learned Buddhist and Cheng Yen acknowledged him as her ‘godfather’ (ganba). After that, Mr Xu arranged another place for her to stay, as it was time she had her own home. Another example comes from an elderly lady with thirty years membership who said, ‘I met Cheng Yen in 1965. Her life was very poor. She lived in a very small room with three other disciples. She always came to me when she had problems, and I would help her, particularly when she did not have enough money.’401 Cheng Yen also shows another important characteristic – that of ‘receptivity’ – in her style of leadership. According to E. Puttick’s findings, ‘Receptivity is the most-cited quality to epitomize both femininity and spirituality, particularly in movements based on discipleship or mediumship.… In spiritualism and channelling, receptivity is the primary qualification, which probably explains the predominance of women. Other qualities that women leaders have frequently defined as positively feminine and beneficial for leadership are practicality, intuition, tenderness, holism, social engagement and social mysticism’ (Puttick 1997: 194). These are all qualities found in Cheng Yen. Before making decisions on new projects or campaigns, Cheng Yen often solicits opinions, from her Advisers or Patrons, on modern social trends. Thus the Tzu Chi South Africa Relief Project (1995-6) was initially proposed by an immigrant member in South Africa. After listening to the report, the Master consulted her Patrons about the plan and nominated some Members to study it. Then a relief programme was produced; the Master discussed the issues with the relevant people and made a request for sponsorship. Finally, she appointed a team of Members to carry out the work. When the South Africa Relief Project began, people reported to Cheng Yen every day by fax or telephone. Her handling of this matter demonstrates her practicality, breadth of vision and social engagement. In her religious role, Cheng Yen is a mediator; it is she who enables an altruistic act by a lay person to be turned into merit. A senior female participant recalled how she … used to cook and pay the cost of food when there were retreats held in the Abode. The ordained staff would come to me and say, ‘Sister, we have run out of rice, shall we go and get some?’ Once I catered for three hundred and produced a different dish for each meal!

401

Selected interview No. 20.

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I had a nap during a retreat. I dreamt that a bunch of beggars came to ask me for food. After feeding them, I said to them that I would bring them some fruit from the kitchen. When I came out, I saw those beggars flying in the sky. I told this dream to the Master and commented, ‘Master, I have a banquet for you today.’ The Master replied, ‘It is not my banquet, it is yours, because you are the one who paid for it. I just help you to invite the guests. See how fortunate your are, even arhats402 are your guests.’ I did not completely believe in what the Master said, so I brought the same dream to her again on a different occasion. I was given the same answer, so then I started to tell people that arhats were once my guests.403

The story illustrates that Master Cheng Yen intended to inspire that member about her contribution to Tzu Chi. However, it also provides an example to examine the role of Cheng Yen in transforming lay people’s altruistic acts into merit. The statement given by Cheng Yen suggests that she may consider herself as playing the role of a mediator, to create the opportunity for a lay woman to have the chance to perform an altruistic act. The important question here is, how significant is Cheng Yen’s role when comparing it to traditional Buddhism? Can lay people turn their altruistic acts into merit without the assistance of Cheng Yen? The essential Buddhist teaching on faith, particularly in the Pure Land school, lies in the doctrine of parinamana (transfer of merit), which stresses the important role of a Buddha or a Bodhisattva for lay people’s salvation.404 As sentient beings are too weak to attain their own salvation, they need a Buddha or a bodhisattva to transfer their merit in order to reach this aim.405 That Cheng Yen has never posed this question can be ascertained from the views of the members. The significance of Cheng Yen’s role can be seen from people’s confessions of anxiety about their altruistic behaviour. For example, my field observations showed that the donations that members made were mostly made for Master Cheng Yen rather than the Tzu Chi Movement, and that members wanted to give money to the Master directly. Members have brought their newborn children or handicapped people and wanted Master Cheng Yen to 402 Arhat: the sixteen, eighteen, or 500 famous disciples appointed to witness to Buddha-truth and save the world; they are the saints, worthy and worshipful men. Alternative spellings in English are arhant and arhan. 403 Selected interview No. 20. 404 The doctrine of transfer of merit is quite different in early Buddhism; there it requires no intermediary. 405 See Kenneth Chèn 1973: 340.

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touch their heads in order to gain blessings. Cheng Yen is obviously the only one in Tzu Chi who plays such a spiritual role. However, Cheng Yen has clearly reduced the role of the priest in lay people’s salvation. This can be found through the practice of zhunian (chanting to assist the dead), one of the most meritorious acts according to Tzu Chi, which is practised solely by the laity without the presence of a priest. The Process of Socialization The New Converts In discussing the motive for people’s commitment to a NRM, Helen Hardacre suggests that testimonial (or collective) events are seen to offer the motivation for newcomers to become leaders in Reiyukai, a new Japanese Buddhist movement (Hardacre 1984: 155-160). Ting’s research on Tzu Chi (1997) suggested a different view. According to him, ‘……[Tzu Chi] participants’ private interaction with other members or senior participants usually turn out to be much more important [than public collective events] in providing their commitment to the Movement’ (1997: 263). My study found that Tzu Chi presents a combination of these two findings. In Tzu Chi, the process of socialization is planned from individual level to group level. New converts wishing to become involved with the Movement begin by receiving home visits from a team of converters who come to acquaint themselves with the aspirants’ life-style. The converters are often those who have had some previous relationship with the new convert. This is confirmed by many senior members. For example, a male clerk in his thirties stated, ‘A school friend of my wife one day rang our door bell after losing contact for many years. The friend came (as a Commissioner) with Tzu Chi publications .…… and offered to collect my donations …… After that, she started to visit us on a regular basis.’406 The aim is to build a sense of understanding and closeness between the two parties. The new convert will be invited to attend as many Tzu Chi activities as possible, as shown in the previous chapter. At the same time, the new convert will also be invited to the local informal group gathering called chahui (tea party) held every fortnight at the 406

Selected interview No. 32.

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converter’s home or a neighbouring household. The number of people in each tea party varies, and depends on the number of new converts in the area. The aim of this kind of meeting is to introduce the teachings of Master Cheng Yen and the Movement, along with a process of socialization, so that local people get to know each other and bonds can form. Gradually, the new convert will be advised to undertake some services for the Movement in accordance with her/his personal talents and interests. The research found that this kind of local meeting is important for developing a sense of trust with other Tzu Chi members within a neighbourhood. The meeting is normally led by the testimony of the senior members and the positive effects experienced after their conversion: the resolving of personal problems and weaknesses. Within this confessional atmosphere, the isolated new convert would be encouraged to disarm their self-protection and guardedness. In contrast to traditional religions, where devotees meet at official venues, NRMs in Taiwan, e.g. Soka Gakkai, tend to use private households for small group meetings. This not only saves money, but also serves to take religion to small localities. The atmosphere at such meetings is rather relaxed and people feel welcomed by the hosts. This practice is encouraged by Tzu Chi too; for example, a man in his sixties related how he was encouraged to offer his home for meetings and Master Cheng Yen came to visit the place in person and urged him to continue.407 After new converts have become sufficiently interested they will be invited to undertake a two-year training programme, and the contents of the programme are explained by a training officer accordingly: The candidate must be over twenty years old and it is better to have finished military service (if a man). The first three months are called jianxi (㽟㖦 observing and participating). People are not given any duties during this period but are introduced to other people from the group and informed of the regulations and discipline. After this period, people can apply for a further twelve weeks training consisting of a one-hour lesson per week. The Movement issues a formal training certificate for those who complete these lessons. In the last eighteen months, the trainee will begin to be given duties. At the end of two years, the trainee’s performance is reviewed by his training officer and by the leader of his group.

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Selected interview No. 15.

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chapter seven To be successful, the candidate has to carry out his/her duties enthusiastically and show at least eighty per cent attendance.408

Since the assessment is based on the rate of attendance and the degree of commitment, not on understanding of Tzu Chi doctrine, one can detect the strong emphasis on socialization implied in the training programme and possibly the Movement as a whole. During training, the new convert is required to perform duties on a voluntary basis for the Movement and to observe Tzu Chi’s Ten Commandments. There is no precise rule about how many duties one must do for the Movement: the idea is that the more you do, the more you gain. People try, therefore, to do their best. Some of the commoner duties are soliciting donations, security duties, driving, cooking and cleaning the buildings. Since Tzu Chi discourages differences between members, stressing that all should strive to behave as one and uphold the same values and aims, every member is expected to proselytize on the behalf of the Movement. The new converts, therefore, have to learn to follow the collective image of the Movement, particularly in conduct and dress codes. They are instructed not to speak loudly or lose self-control, to be careful of their appearance, and mindful of their behaviour. Observance of dress codes is considered very important. Cheng Yen has laid down rules for formal members on uniform, hair-style, handbag, coat, shoes, colour of socks and accessories (see Fig. 7.3). At the outset, the new convert wears a kind of semi-formal uniform that is similar to the formal uniform but of a slightly simpler style. All females begin growing their hair long while males give up smoking and drinking and keep their hair neat and short. By the time they finish their training, they will look like anyone else in the Movement. A new convert is qualified by a guarantee system. When completing the two-year training period, the trainee’s performance will be reviewed by the converter and the training officer. After their approval, they will report the case to the group committee, and the application will be reviewed again by the group leader and other senior members, then the application will finally be brought to Master Cheng Yen for her consent. After this period of assessment leading to final approval, the trainee is regarded as a formal member. They will be invited to attend an initiation ceremony and receive formal certificates and identification as a member of the Tzu Chi Movement.409 408 409

Selected interview No. 18. Selected interview No. 18.

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Fig. 7.3 Tzu Chi’s female members with their prescribed uniform, hair-style and handbag

The intensive nature of this process aims to create a homogeneous view, encouraging people to leave their old social circumstances behind them. The survey shows that 93 per cent of the Tzu Chi members said that they had made new friends in Tzu Chi. Some 45 per cent of them said that they no longer contact their old friends. Sometimes the Movement has even replaced the need for the familial home, as in the case of

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a male engineering student who stated that instead of going home he goes to stay at the Abode during holidays.410 The Grouping, Bonds of Affection and Seniority Tzu Chi groups are formed and grow mainly by proselytism via personal relationships based on loyalty and trust. The basic relationship is that between the convert and the converter. This link is strengthened by the use of terms implying familial relationships, in that the latter is referred to as muji (↡䲲 mother hen), the former as xiaoji (ᇣ䲲 baby chick), and they claim to belong to the Tzu Chi ‘family’. Chen Shengjen has argued that this familial metaphor effectively governs the members to such an extent that they hardly distinguish between their ties to the Movement and their own family bonds. Consequently, they give the same effort and commitment to the Movement’s business as they do to their own family’s affairs (1990: 104-105). Depending on individual effort as a proselytizer, some ‘hens’ may have only a few ‘baby chicks’, whereas others may have several. I know one member who has had over two hundred chicks. There is a vertical authority relation between the hen and her chicks: these chicks will join the group that their mother hen belongs to. There is the possibility of changing groups but this rarely happens. Within the same group, regardless of the ties between convert and converter, members are divided into different functional teams, with approximately ten people making up a team for a particular duty or responsibility. A team tends to meet at a private household; this forms a basic horizontal relation among members. A group is comprised of a number of mother hens with their chicks and is led by a group leader. A group leader, usually the ‘grandmother hen’ of these hens, works to give guidelines or to be the middleman between the group and the Movement or between members and Master Cheng Yen. The group leader has power to dictate the orientation of the group. For example, one group leader has a great interest in culture; thus this group carries out most of the Movement’s cultural missions. When the number of people involved in a group reaches more than 150 or so, the group will be split, because it is considered that this would overload the capacity of the leader. The new group is normally made up by the mother hen who has the most baby chicks 410

Selected interview No. 2.

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in the old group. Sometimes the old group leader will give away some chicks in order to provide the new group with a sufficient number of members. One becomes a group leader, therefore, as a result of one’s proselytism, after a period of participation and when one has exerted enough influence on the members. As a result of this system, the leadership of a group leader can be perpetual and group members are not necessarily from the same geographical area. However, the way one becomes a group leader has been changed in recent years, as membership numbers have increased dramatically. Master Cheng Yen has begun to appoint group leaders as a form of reward. In other cases, particularly in male groups, some leaders are produced through democratic elections within a group. Due to the voluntary nature of membership, a group leader influences the group members by being their role model. For instance, the team leader ought to be the first in the whole group to make a donation to support the Movement’s fund-raising campaign, in order to persuade others to do so. The Process of Indoctrination The laity make pilgrimages to the Abode and take part in the religious life there. The Abode and the hospital are used together for purposes of indoctrination. While staying at the Abode, laity and members participate in the morning service and perform voluntary work in the hospital. There is a fixed intensive schedule for the participants, the life is communal, and a spirit of egalitarianism is highly emphasized. They are woken at about three thirty in the morning by sounds of banging wooden boards. They have to prepare to attend the morning service. A quarter of an hour later, the same sound is repeated as the second morning call. About five minutes later, a fast low drumming urges people to gather for the service. Six o’clock is the time for breakfast. The meals are always vegetarian and taken together in the canteen.411 The quality of the food is excellent and it is carefully cooked and presented by the kitchen staff.412 Apart 411

However, dairy products, such as milk and eggs, are accepted by Tzu Chi, though not by traditional Chinese Buddhists. 412 In the Abode every ordained member has her own duty and functional role to fulfil.

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from the evening meal, Master Cheng Yen eats with everyone else. In other Buddhist temples I have visited, the head of a temple normally does not eat with the laity. Cheng Yen is exceptional in this case. Cheng Yen does not have her food prepared especially, but she has her cutlery washed and steamed separately to ensure hygiene. People sit quietly around the tables and wait for the Master, who will arrive with an entourage of close subordinates. The eating immediately begins when the Master starts. Everyone eats quietly and noiselessly. However, as soon as the Master leaves, people relax and start to converse. From seven to eight o’clock, a one-hour long seminar is held by the Master in the courtyard. This seminar is mainly for reassuring teachings and testimony. There is much audience participation, and members of the congregation are encouraged to come forward and speak openly to the Master; this is known as ‘confession’, though it need not have just that character. People are encouraged to talk about their experiences while working in the hospital, witnessing the suffering of the patients. In this way, they realize the teachings of Master Cheng Yen. They often express their profound appreciation to the Master for giving them such moving experiences, as this helps them realize how fortunate they are. The Master listens carefully and makes notes, and then she will give commands and advise everyone to be duo yungxin (໮⫼ ᖗ more mindful) about their work in the hospital. At eight o’clock, all volunteers take a coach to the Tzu Chi hospital. In the hospital, the participants are divided into small teams. Two to three people make up a team and are assigned a particular set of responsibilities. Normally men and women work separately. Their work is generally service-oriented: delivering documents, or taking care of the patients. The experiences in the hospital are exhausting and uninteresting. Chan Sheng-jen’s (1990) study on Tzu Chi’s organization skills commented that the Movement lacked modern administrative capacity: the meetings held in the headquarters were plain and uncomfortable and people seemed bored. After three hours serving in the morning, the participants have lunch in the hospital canteen. The food is vegetarian and free of charge. Then they all have a nap together on the floor of one of the spare rooms for thirty minutes. In the afternoon there is another lecture organized for the participants to attend; it covers various subjects aimed at improving their ability to do service for the Movement, such as news updates of the hospital, the latest developments in medicine, counselling skills or the progress of the national social welfare scheme. Sometimes they

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are taken out to visit former patients.413 Before leaving the hospital at five thirty, all volunteer workers have to write a daily report. For many of them this is a rather difficult task, as they are not accustomed to expressing things in writing. Afterwards they all take the same coach back to the Abode for the evening meal at six o’clock. Evening meals are buffet style because the Movement encourages discipline in àhàra (亳 food; eating) that prohibits eating after noon. With a buffet, people can choose to eat or not.414 After dinner, people can do personal things. However, the volunteers normally will meet for an hour to prepare a ‘confession’ (see above) for the Master the next morning. Bedtime is 9.30 p.m. The Abode has two dormitory buildings, one for each gender. Each building contains several large rooms and each of them can take about twenty-five people. The volunteers sleep close together on the hard wooden floor. Everyone lives to the same standard regardless of differences in social background. Since there is no assessment or reward for the participants’ work in the Hospital and the Abode, the aim of their lives here can be considered as a process of religious indoctrination. As Chan Sheng-jen (1990) has asserted, the participants interpreted this awkward situation (given by and experienced within the Headquarters) as the opportunity for their self-cultivation. The Initiation Ceremony Religious ritual, in the eyes of Durkheim, conveys important spiritual significance. According to N. Smelser’s interpretation, Durkheim’s view: ‘…not only reflects society but also reinforces it by focusing people’s attention and hopes on shared beliefs and objects of worship. This unifying function is especially evident in the practice of rituals. Rituals make a clear distinction between the sacred (having to do with the holy or supernatural) and the profane (having to do with ordinary, material life on earth). (1995: 320)

413 As this kind of visiting is considered to be very educational and privileged, new converts are given priority. 414 The prohibition on taking food ‘at the wrong time’ is practised voluntarily by many members of the Taiwanese Buddhist Sangha. The ‘wrong time’ means between noon and the next sunrise. In the Theravada tradition this rule (which represent a ‘middle way’ between indulgence and ascetic fasting) is obligatory for all members of the Sangha and for laity on days of heightened religious observance, but in the Mahayana tradition it is widely ignored.

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In my view, the Tzu Chi initiation ceremony carries the implied message of a new departure in the convert’s spirituality. It is the formal occasion when a new convert becomes an official full member. The ceremony is called shouzheng chuan xindeng (ᥜ䀐ᖗ➜ to award a full membership certificate and to transmit the light of Buddhism into one’s heart), and it is held twice a year at every major branch. The process takes two hours and it is performed by Master Cheng Yen. In the main sanctuary, the eligible members wear formal uniform and sit on the floor in rows while holding unlit lotus-shaped candles in their hands. Master Cheng Yen stands on a lecture platform facing the initiates. After a brief introduction, everyone stands up and proceeds in line to the platform, where the Master pins an identity card on each person’s chest, lights the candle, and presents a gift. After that, the initiates return to their places and kneel down, still holding their candles, and await Master Cheng Yen’s address, which is the high point of the ceremony. The main message of the address is to promote the importance of the Movement to society. I present a rough abbreviated translation: Time passes by so fast, …but the only thing adhering to life is karma. The actions that bring good to others are called shanye (୘ὁ good karma), whereas the actions that bring harm to others are called erye (ᚵὁ bad karma). Every day people should cultivate their wisdom and accumulate merit through bringing happiness and help to the needy. … No one [in the world] knows where Taiwan is; people merely hear from news reports about the Taiwanese people eating tiger meat or consuming rhino horns. No one ever says that the Taiwanese are the most compassionate people. However, our [the Movement’s] international relief can alter the situation. For instance, … our [the Movement’s] work in Ethiopia saves more people’s lives than do other aid groups… Our volunteers [who are sent by the Movement to administer that relief] accept risks to their lives and also appreciate having an equal opportunity to help the world as the West tries to do… The aim of Tzu Chi is to purify society and enhance a harmonious order. This is an extremely difficult task, but it has been carried out by the Movement for years and attracts more and more adherents to participate.… Lives are being lost day by day, and people should immediately make vows to save others. I appreciate your contributions.… the work of Tzu Chi cannot be completed without you.… Let us to hold our hands together and try to create a better world.415 415 Translated from Master Cheng Yen’s speech on 26 January 1996, in Tzu Chi Kaohsiung branch. Taiwan.

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Cheng Yen also re-emphasizes three guidelines to the new members. First, they must fulfil their duties to the Movement; second, they must spread the teachings of Buddhism; and third, they must maintain a caring attitude and an immaculate appearance.416 One of the most important aspects of the initiation ceremony is the objects which new members are given. They are an identity card, a candle, a rosary, and a fuhui hongbao (⽣᜻㋙ࣙ the parcel of merit or fortune and wisdom), and each of them serves as a symbol of totemism in the Durkheimian sense of the concept. The identity card gives the new members a formal status in the Movement. Printed upon it are four digits and one or more lotus flowers. Each lotus denotes one type of membership with potential progression up to a maximum of three lotuses. The four digits comprise one’s membership number and they are ordered chronologically to show when each person joined and their consequent place in the hierarchy.417 The identity card is very important and has to be worn all the time. If a person decides to leave the Movement, the identity card has to be handed back to the Master. Master Cheng Yen usually warns her members that she will take back the identity card if the holder does not carry out their duties properly. The lotus-shaped candles imply a spiritual message. They are said to be made by the ordained members of the Abode through many days and nights of vigil, so that when the candles are lit, their devout spirit will be transmitted to the new converts. Moreover, the gift which is given by the Master includes a chanting rosary and a fuhui hongbao. The rosary is for the purpose of practising zhunian, which is the most elaborate practice of the Movement. The fuhui hongbao is a small red package containing three coins of Ten Taiwanese Dollars. The three coins represent three classical Buddhist teachings: jie (៦ precept), ding (ᅮ determination), hui (᜻ wisdom). These three teachings are aimed at regulating lives as well as helping the individual to reach salvation. However, most importantly, the money is said to come from the Master’s own pocket, the income from her publications. This signifies two fundamental principles. First, Master Cheng Yen and the Movement are capable of being self-sufficient and sharing their wealth with others; second, materialism is an indispensable part of the process of merit accumulation. According to Master 416

TSTII, p. 125. Due to the Tzu Chi policy of trying to improve relationships between husband and wife, couples are given joint membership. 417

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Cheng Yen’s teaching, you shijiancai cai nengzuo gongdeshi (᳝Ϫ䭧䉵 ᠡ㛑‫ࡳخ‬ᖋџ merit is created only when one has worldly wealth). Therefore, the new converts must be able to support themselves and to share their wealth with others before being allowed to participate fully in the Movement. During the ceremony, new members are often heard weeping. They are overcome with emotion at the thought that they have fulfilled the basic requirement of Master Cheng Yen, Xianru Shanmen; Zairu Fomen (‫ܹܜ‬୘䭔ˈ‫ܹݡ‬ԯ䭔 enter the gate of compassion prior to the gate of Buddhism). They have entered the gate of compassion and now they are entering the gate of Buddhism. Their fahao (⊩㰳 Buddhist names) will be given after a period of time. The significance of their guiyi (ⱜձ taking refuge) lies in their vows. Their vows are PuSsa Dao (㦽㭽䘧 to walk on the path of Bodhisattvas), and yi foxin wei jixin; yishizhi wei jihi (ҹԯᖗ⚎Ꮕᖗ˗ҹ᏿ᖫ⚎Ꮕ ᖫ to take the Buddha’s mind as their own mind and to take the Master’s vows as their vows). They are now committing themselves to pursue zhiyi (ᖫὁ spiritual career) by undertaking missionary work and by being loyal devotees of Master Cheng Yen. The gravity of the initiation ceremony, therefore, lies in the fact that it enables members to turn their altruistic acts into merit. After initiation, new members are independent in their spiritual careers, and no longer need the agency of their original converter.418 They are expected to collect donations and do charitable work voluntarily as representatives of the Movement. However, all such efforts, known as a spiritual career, are recorded under their names in the Movement’s recording system. Three important characteristics of the Tzu Chi initiation ceremony are ‘voluntary’, ‘financial’ and ‘devotional’, which agrees with James Beckford’s categorization of an organization needing a successful ‘enrolment economy’. According to Beckford, two vital parts which contribute to the survival of an organization are dependent on ‘(a) the continuing voluntary participation of members, (b) their unceasing readiness to contribute financially, and (c) their willingness to abide by organizational rules and conventions’ (1975: 74).419 418 It must be noted that before becoming a formal member of Tzu Chi, a trainee’s performance is recorded under the name of his/her trainer. 419 It may seem unusual to refer to obedience as ‘devotional’, a term which commonly rather suggests adoration, but in the context of Chinese religion and the paramount importance of filial piety, which implies implicit obedience, I find it makes good sense.

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Discussion and Problems From the perspective of its organizational development, Tzu Chi may be considered as a cult as observed by Robbins, ‘In short, cults are particularly controversial in part because they tend to constitute highly diversified and multi functional enclaves lying outside of the web of governmental supervision which increasingly enmeshes “secular” organizations and enterprises’ (Robbins 1988: 166). However, though Tzu Chi has established numerous secular businesses, such as a publishing house, hospitals and educational institutes, none of them has yet developed into an exclusively money making operation, and for this reason the Movement cannot be regarded as a cult by Robbins’ definition. In respect of the problem of seniority within the Tzu Chi Movement, my research shows that length of service is not always the way to heighten one’s status in Tzu Chi’s hierarchical organization; one’s material contribution to the Movement and one’s socio-economic background sometimes are more important for promotion. This inconsistent rewarding system is seen to have caused a degree of doubt and dissatisfaction among committed members. The authority and leadership of Master Cheng Yen to a certain extent show the characteristics of an exclusivist, and in some areas they can be seen as abusive. Cheng Yen is the only tonsure master in Tzu Chi. Religiously, she is the only one who is eligible to hold this position. Cheng Yen has not shown any sign of encouraging her nuns to study Buddhism or arranged for them to study in other Buddhist seminaries. Since Cheng Yen chooses only to ordain females, what will happen to males if they request ordination? A case was found during my fieldwork. A young male member went to Cheng Yen and asked for ordination. Cheng Yen rejected his request, as she only takes nuns. Then he was told that if he persisted in his plan, he would have to become a monk at another Buddhist temple. Therefore he would have to leave the Movement and would not able to work for the Movement any longer. So in the end he gave up his proposal. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that Tzu Chi has successfully established itself as an institutional organization; membership is constantly increasing, many projects have been achieved and there are many others still being carried out. James Beckford, in his study on religious organization, has attempted to classify and contrast two types of organizational structure in the light of strategies employed to overcome the

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common problem of losing members: one is to adopt mass-movement strategies; the other is to foster an intense form of community (Beckford 1975: 83). Tzu Chi appears, however, to use both. On a macro level, the impersonal relationship between an individual Tzu Chi member and their local Tzu Chi branch suggests that Tzu Chi is a ‘mass-movement’: every Tzu Chi member is only meaningful to the Movement as a fundraiser and serves this function to achieve the Movement’s goal. On a micro level, on the other hand, Tzu Chi has sub-divided into many communal groups which provide important functions for indoctrination and social control, as seen from its intensive communal activities, with both horizontal and vertical ties among members.

CHAPTER EIGHT

THE APPEAL OF TZU CHI BUDDHISM The research for this chapter systematically studied the reasons why people joined Tzu Chi. The data are derived from interviews with thirty representative members. In analysing the interview data, every interview text has been carefully examined and has been coded for each single item which the interviewee felt applied to them. The study aims to analyse the non-structural appeal, i.e. the impact of the religion on the Members, and to analyse their perceptions, feelings, and reaction to the Movement. The study aims to demonstrate the initial appeal of Tzu Chi, and also that that appeal can be reinforced or altered through practice. Thus one’s foremost perceived reasons for joining a movement may be quite different from the reasons for which a movement appeals to someone who has participated in it over a period of time. The analysis will draw on Wilson’s and Dobbelaere’s (1994: 49-78) understanding that appeal changes with time, experience, and circumstance, and will first discuss the initial perceived appeal of the Tzu Chi Movement for my thirty interviewees. Then the discussion will focus on the perceived reasons for its continuing appeal which are provided by people to explain their long-term commitment to Tzu Chi. Finally, the study will look at the kind of appeal perceived to arise due to the presumed effects on individual participants of their participation in the Movement. These presumed effects revolve largely around ideas of self-fulfilment, which Heelas (1997: 2-3) has highlighted as an important aspect of the appeal of NRMs, and which are important as a case which demonstrates how experience can alter perceived appeal. The appeal due to a sense of self-fulfilment and the appeal due to a sense that an already perceived ongoing process of self-fulfilment is developing further are after all not quite the same. Thus this provides another example of how a change in situation changes the sense of appeal. This chapter contains a great number of direct quotations from interviews with the members. The aim is to retain the original ideas of the members, although they have perforce been translated from Chinese into English.

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The Members claim that the reasons for the initial appeal which Tzu Chi held for them can be broadly divided into five categories: Tzu Chi’s role as a charity, the recruiting strategy, the notion of accumulated merit, the quality of its members and curiosity. The Appeal of Tzu Chi as a Charity Eighty per cent of the members asserted that the initial appeal of Tzu Chi lay in its charitable work. A forty-three-year-old female kindergarten teacher said, ‘I was taken to visit the Headquarters in Hualien and was shown around the Movement’s projects. I felt the Movement was doing the right thing.’420 A sixty-year-old housewife made a similar point: according to her, ‘The Master took me to see how she did charitable work in the countryside. I observed many people who were in desperate need. After that, I began to save money myself and solicit donations for the Movement.’421 A forty-five-year-old wealthy housewife also claimed, ‘After seeing Tzu Chi’s work I found that I was able to help others [by means of money].’422 Consequently, this appeal has made many people immediately become cash donors to the Movement. Indeed, many people were not thinking of joining a religion when they first encountered Tzu Chi; instead they wished to support a group which worked for the overall social good. As a statement made by a female fifty-five-year-old former teacher recalled, ‘My intention was to join a group which helped people. I was not interested in the religion .’423 Some people indicated that Tzu Chi’s projects catered to their sense of pride, as they were excited that Buddhism, an eastern religion, could do the same work as the Christians. For instance, one married man with a postgraduate degree pointed out: Christians were very aware about the situation of their society. In contrast, eastern religions did very little to help society, because they were only concerned about life after death. I was very glad to hear Tzu Chi was aware of the needs of our society and that one of our Buddhist nuns could do the same things as Christians. I supported this ideal because human life is so long that our focus should be on life, not on death. The Movement was aware of a religion’s responsibility to society, so its 420

Selected interview No. 7. Selected interview No. 13. 422 Selected interview No. 29. 423 Selected interview No. 13. 421

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salvation placed more stress on the social dimension and charitable projects.424

This appeal suggests that the Movement won its support by its thisworldly orientation. One male cramming school teacher in his late forties said, ‘I learned that a Buddhist nun [the Master Cheng Yen] had campaigned to build a hospital. I felt that I had to support her, because her aim was to save society as a whole.’425 Tzu Chi’s Recruiting Strategy Thirty-seven per cent of the samples further indicated that the Tzu Chi’s recruiting strategy attracted them. With the motto, ‘Five cents can save a person’s life’ (wu jiao keyi jiu yi tiao renming), the small size of the donations asked for by the Movement was also a big attraction. A female civil servant in her late fifties, for instance, stated, ‘I was very surprised on hearing that motto because the amount was so small. I immediately made my donation to the Movement.’426 Another thirtyyear-old housewife noted, ‘I used to donate six thousand new Taiwan dollars [approximately £120] per month to the local council for helping poor children. I was very surprised to know that five hundred New Taiwan Dollars [£10] per month was good enough for making a donation [or doing a good deed].’427 Therefore she swapped her donations to the Movement. The small amount of the donation is probably the reason why some people could offer to pay membership subscriptions for their whole family. One twenty-seven-year-old single woman said that her father merely spent one thousand new Taiwan dollars [approximately twenty pounds] per month, and this covered all of her family as Donors (huiyuan) of the Movement.428 Some people made donations to charities in order to accumulate merit (jiguengde); by doing so they wished to eliminate bad karma, to cure illness, to reduce bad luck and improve their relationships. Twentythree per cent claimed that this was their original reason for making donations to the Movement. One of these cases figured in a statement by a forty-three-year-old man, assistant manager of a domestic bank, who said, ‘When my first child was born, a friend gave me a book about 424

Selected interview No. 13. Selected interview No. 24. 426 Selected interview No. 11. 427 Selected interview No. 1. 428 Selected interview No. 33. 425

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doing good deeds and being able to change bad karma. So I started to donate to charities, of which the Movement was one.’429 A male entrepreneur in his fifties told me that he was advised to accumulate merit after facing a great financial failure: ‘I was told by a Buddhist monk to improve my bad fortune, so I began to donate money to all the charities that I could find in the newspapers.’ 430 Many members feel the Buddhist teachings of karma are reasonable and comprehensive. A married woman who used to be a Christian: ‘Buddhist teachings are more logical. I was not convinced by the Christian idea of the Last Judgement and the philosophy that believing in God would ensure one an eternal life. On the other hand, folk Buddhism merely required ritual performance but not a cognitive understanding.’431 A traditional Chinese medical doctor also found a more satisfactory explanation for life in Buddhism, he said: The teaching of karma appeals to me greatly, As a doctor, I have seen many people suffer from strange diseases. For example, one man’s body was constantly shaking for years. Then there are chronic diseases which not only cost a fortune but also make people fed up with life. Apart from giving them medical treatment or visiting them during my free time, I could not help any further. However, now I can give an explanation to those people about the cause of their diseases, which are the effects of karma. I have found this teaching very positive. I will tell my patients to accept their karma, but at the same time to eliminate bad karma and acquire merit as soon as they hear this teaching.432

The Quality of Tzu Chi’s Members Fifty per cent of interviewees mentioned first being attracted to Tzu Chi by the quality of its members. This quality is initially perceived to be exhibited through such traits as unusual kindness and warmth. A thirty-three-year-old housewife described to me her touching experience when she received unusual and generous help from a Commissioner: ‘Approximately ten years ago, I was in great financial difficulty, I went to the people to whom I owed money and negotiated to postpone the times of payment. My proposals were rejected by most of them, except one. There was a lady who was very kind to me. Later I found out 429

Selected interview No. 31. Selected interview No. 4. 431 Selected interview No. 4. 432 Selected interview No. 6. 430

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she was a member of Tzu Chi.’433 Furthermore, this appeal is reinforced by the ethos of the Movement, which is associated with the members’ following its discipline and its emphasis on a dress code. This point was made, for instance, by one female kindergarten teacher. She recalled: I remember very well, I was particularly attracted by the men of Tzu Chi who were in attendance at the train station upon our arrival at the headquarters in Hualien. Since in the Movement the male members have to observe its Ten Commandments, which include abstention from alcohol and tobacco, the result was obviously more civilized and pleasant behaviour. As this restriction could be the right medicine for the general male population of Taiwan, it appealed to me. I wished my husband could be like them, because he drank a lot and stayed out very late.434

Another man aged fifty-two, of rural origin, who found it difficult to deal with the lavish social style in the business world, found a similar appeal. He said: In the beginning, I was attracted by the members, whose behaviour and ethics very much differed from my daily social conduct. Their navy blue uniforms made me feel that they were serious about their work for Tzu Chi. While they went to visit the poor or the sick, their attitude was very humble toward them. Everyone tried to find something to do; no one was hanging around. They seemed to appreciate that those ones (the needy) provided them with chances to do charity. When I was first brought to a fund-raising meeting, I went five minutes earlier. I thought I would have enough time to have a reality check. However, I was very surprised that the members had already gathered there. They remained quiet and no one was noisy or smoking.435

It is a sense of community associated with the wearing of a uniform and the emphasis on warmly welcoming newcomers that appeals to people. A man in his late thirties with a relatively marginal social status stated, ‘I was so encouraged by the team spirit of the male members. [They have the nature that I was looking for.] I saw them performing services as a group, the way they assisted the elderly and the young, as well as serving water to all comers. I wished I had their opportunity to do the same work.’436 A married, self-employed man aged fifty-eight recalled, ‘While I was waiting for my wife [already a member], I saw a

433

Selected interview No. 1. Selected interview No. 7. 435 Selected interview No. 3. 436 Selected interview No. 18. 434

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group of men co-operating in doing tidying up work. And they were calling to me: ‘Why don’t you join us?’ I asked myself why I resisted.’437 This kindness seems to appeal especially to those who, though encountering the Movement for the first time, had heard of it before. The warmth from the Tzu Chi senior members attracted a full-time student, whose mother, already a member, stated that he had reported, ‘When I first attended a meeting, I met some Commissioners and received a very friendly welcome from them. They told me about the Movement and invited me for a meal. I immediately liked them and I formed a good opinion about the Movement.’438 A thirty-eight-yearold salesman felt the same appeal: ‘When I was invited to visit the headquarters, there was a birthday celebration programme in which people who were born in that month received presents. I remember that I received a pair of candles from the Master; it was so touching.’439 People in Taiwan normally do not celebrate birthdays, except for those of their ageing parents, nor do families usually take a holiday together. Tzu Chi’s way of caring for the newcomer individually has enhanced a positive feeling towards the Movement. In addition, this warmth is combined with material things such as free meals and gifts, which together create an excellent basis for long-term proselytizing. The Curiosity Factor Curiosity appears to have been another reason which people recognized as having initially drawn them to Tzu Chi. Nine interviewees (30%) mentioned that their first attraction to the Movement was generated by close kin who had changed a lot after becoming Members. A forty-three-year-old male doctor of traditional Chinese medicine, for example, said to me, ‘I was surprised by how my wife had changed. She became a completely different person: caring, humble and understanding.’440 This kind of appeal has been further explained by a single male full-time student, who recalled: My mother began to spend all of her spare time on doing services for Tzu Chi. She ran a vegetable store in the market where [she] had only two free days a month. The rest of the days my mother had to wake up at three thirty in the morning and then worked very hard until two or three 437

Selected interview No. 28. Selected interview No. 2. 439 Selected interview No. 18. 440 Selected interview No. 6. 438

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o’clock in the afternoon. However, she did not take a break even then. After work she went out to carry out ‘duties’: either collecting monthly donations from her huiuan (donors) members or picking up recyclable goods from the streets. I wondered why my mother did these kinds of things. It was not possible for her to make any profit from them. Therefore I decided to find out the reason.441

Another example of this appeal was recalled by a married man in his early fifties who told me that he was motivated by trying to find out why his wife begin to ask him for much more money after joining Tzu Chi. So he took an opportunity to visit the Movement.442 Thus the Tzu Chi members were initially attracted for various reasons ranging from a wish to contribute to the overall social good to the impression gained from the quality of existing Members, the recruiting strategy and the acquiring of merit, to satisfying their curiosity. In addition, the initial attraction to Tzu Chi also shows a degree of selffulfilment, as some Members realized that they had the ability to help others. Other minor factors not discussed above also contributed to the initial attraction which some people described. They were attracted by the tone of the Master’s voice and the fame of the Movement in Taiwanese society. It is quite clear that all those other kinds of appeal can be summarized as ‘initial appeal’. It is Tzu Chi which contains the kind of ideology that people long for, being a Chinese Buddhist movement which conducts a Christian kind of charity. However, it must be pointed out that at this initial stage most of the Members took the Movement to be a charitable group rather than a religious movement. Reinforcement of the Appeal In the following I discuss the reasons given by the Members for the continuing appeal of Tzu Chi, reasons which had led them to stay on and even increase their commitment to the Movement. The nature of the appeal leading to and supporting continuous commitment is sometimes different from the initial appeal. This analysis will show that the initial reasons why Tzu Chi appealed were often those which, reinforced by experience, constituted the reasons for staying in the Movement.

441 442

Selected interview No. 2. Selected interview No. 26.

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Sixty-three per cent of the Tzu Chi members indicated that the way the Movement handled their donations gave them important reassurance and thus maintained a continuing appeal. This reason in particular appealed to some men, as they were the main breadwinners in their families. One husband, father of two, aged thirty-eight: ‘I intended to find out how the Movement spent my donations. [When I visited the Abode] in contrast to the other temples I had been to, which tended to be grand, the Abode building was very pale and the ornamentation was so simple; for instance, the statue of the Buddha was not glazed in gold.’443 Another middle-aged man who had had many jobs considered the appeal of the Abode thus: ‘The simplicity of the Abode gave me such a tranquil feeling, I felt I was at home.’444 Although the plain character of Tzu Chi’s buildings and the simple style of the Buddhist statues may not actually mean that they are not expensive, the important thing here is to examine the reasons why these features provided ‘honest’ evidence for the donors and gave them confidence that their money was not being wasted on maintaining the Abode community. My findings suggest that this appeal may result from a new kind of aesthetic stimulation. Another married man emphasized his reassurance about Tzu Chi after experiencing a confidence-inspiring statement by the Master. He said: [I felt that] the Movement was sincere after listening to a talk by the Master Cheng Yen. The Master said that she would not use our donations to enlarge her temple, but entirely for charity, to construct hospitals and care for patients. The Movement used the donations exactly in accordance with the wishes of the donors. The Master Cheng Yen said that if one wished one’s donation to be spent on buying flowers then she would not use it for purchasing incense. And I was impressed that the Master promised that she would not accept public offerings for herself or use donations for the Abode’s living expenses.445

There is a feeling of being respected as a donor and having some control over one’s donations. One unique feature of Tzu Chi is that it provides categories for the donors to choose from when making their donations. Generally people can choose between poverty relief (jipin), disaster 443

Selected interview No. 18. Selected interview No. 18. 445 Selected interview No. 6. 444

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relief (zhenzai) and development projects (jianshe). The Movement also issues receipts for each donation, and all donations are recorded on computers. Some members said that having receipts for their donations made them feel that Tzu Chi is trustworthy.446 Some members gained their trust from the self-sufficient style of the Abode community. One housewife in her sixties offered her interpretation: ‘People in the Abode were still working for their living, and I did not find any donation box there.’447 In the Abode, the ordained members cultivate vegetables, make candles or teach at the colleges of the Movement. The vegetables are for the use of the Abode; sometimes they produce kinds of vegetables which are rarely seen in the city. Also, the Abode has an old-fashioned mill, which processes natural grain powder. The making of grain powder and candles was said to provide the living resources of the Abode staff, since they were sold to visitors.448 No donation box in the Abode (kan bu dao juan kuan xiang) was another way in which the Movement demonstrated its ‘unselfish’ character. This character was emphasized enormously by the ordained members while showing the Abode to visitors. No donation box meant that the Abode did not take any un-named donations for maintenance; this made obvious the self-sufficient character of the Abode community. The completion of construction projects is another important reason for this appeal. One male married bank manager of forty stated this as the reason for his continuing commitment to Tzu Chi: ‘I once stopped my donations when I read an article in the newspaper which said that some charities were not genuine. So I stopped donating to Tzu Chi until I learned from a newspaper that the Movement was constructing the Hospital.’449 A married man aged seventy-five claimed it took him several years to make his second donation to the Movement. He said: The Master fulfilled her pledges, she did complete construction of the hospital and the colleges. I was very amazed. The Master’s plans were so well organized and the scale was so large. … And her projects were what 446 The receipts can be used for tax deduction, as Taiwanese tax regulation allows 20 per cent of personal annual income tax for making donations to lawful charities. 447 Selected interview No. 21. 448 Although it is very doubtful that the Abode community can survive solely by its own income, the Abode has approximately one hundred living-in ordained nuns and several hundreds of visitors every day. To the latter the Abode offers free meals, some transport, accommodation and sometimes gifts. Tzu Chi was one of the few groups in Taiwan to publicize the details of its accounts; this, however, had been stopped in the mid-1990s. 449 Selected interview No. 31.

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chapter eight our society needed. I understood that the Master needed to have strong financial support to complete her plans, and I wanted to help her.450

Since then, he has had no hesitation in supporting Tzu Chi’s fundraising campaign with a great number of cash donations. It is not unusual news that sometimes people’s charitable donations are wasted because of mismanagement. For example, Bromley and Shupe’s investigation (1981) of fund-raising for polio research cited that ‘Journalist Katz estimates that only about 6 per cent of the half billion dollars raised through public solicitation (or a total of about $33 million) actually went for polio research. The rest was eaten up by overheads (i.e. public relations, office costs, miscellaneous expenses, and sheer waste)’ (1981: 162). Therefore, some people claimed they had further confidence in Tzu Chi because of its administrative style. For example, a forty-three-yearold married male bank manager said, ‘I used to be very suspicious that Tzu Chi would not be truthful with my donations. Nevertheless, my doubt was dispelled completely, because in the relief operation every item was delivered by our members to the refugees without any extra administrative cost. Even though I am a donor, I have to pay for my own transportation and food whenever I attend activities.451 Many members believed that only Tzu Chi could make the best use of their donations. One thirty-nine-year-old married man, for instance, said, ‘The Master’s work is not superficial; she asks all of her members to investigate the causes of poverty, for example, and to perform services in person. Moreover, the Movement has members all over the world and once one sees anything [untoward] happening they report it to the Master, who can assign the nearest Members to give immediate help.’452 Another man who used to do charitable work by himself and make regular donations to a few charities had a similar understanding: After getting to know Tzu Chi I realized that my work could only contribute very little to the needy, and it was not professional either. So, I was happy to shift all of my donations to the Movement. It is also because the Movement missions cover a wide range of projects, some of which are international. As the effect would be greater, so my donations were worthwhile.453

450

Selected interview No. 14. Selected interview No. 31. 452 Selected interview No. 32. 453 Selected interview No. 6. 451

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People are sympathetic to the needy and wish to give the best help. Another thirty-nine-year-old male printer made this claim: ‘There are many beggars in the streets, some of them are even handicapped. I felt it is no use to just give money to them, because they probably use our money to buy drink. Many of them are often controlled by gangsters, but the Movement will investigate each case seriously and actually improve people’s lives.’454 Tzu Chi is financially one of the biggest Buddhist institutions in Taiwan. It has constructed perhaps the largest Buddhist organization, which has not only put up religious buildings but also created colleges and hospitals. My findings show that numerous subtle factors contribute to its appeal: the way the Movement handles donations, such as giving receipts for every donation, and various options to choose for making donations; the self-sufficiency of the Abode community; a non-bureaucratic administration and a ‘personal’ approach to relief work; and the completing of plans and projects. These have provided vital reliable reasons for the donors to believe their money was not wasted. In addition, Tzu Chi is well organized, altogether with an efficient and effective institutional outlet for altruism and social concern, reinforcing the continuing appeal. The Appeal of the Master Cheng Yen Charles Jones’s study on the history of Buddhism in Taiwan pointed out that the success of Tzu Chi was attributable to the credibility of Cheng Yen. The members’ personal trust in her was a key element (1996: 3856). Indeed, 63 per cent of my sample attributed their increasing attraction to Master Cheng Yen’s personal charm. This appeal was not stated by the Tzu Chi members as what attracted them first, but her appeal is seen gradually to become stronger and becomes a vital factor in maintaining members’ commitment to Tzu Chi. Some members saw parallels between Cheng Yen and the Buddha Śākyamuni on the path to enlightenment, in that both came from a wealthy background; this similarity was mentioned as appealing. A fifty-year-old self-employed man, for example, stated, ‘I have changed my impression of Buddhist nuns. I used to think that mostly women became nuns because they were poor or old. Yet Master Cheng Yen came from a rich family.’455 454 455

Selected interview No. 32. This statement was from two interviewees; No. 31 and No. 3.

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In addition, Master Cheng Yen was credited with prophetic properties; some remarkable experiences resulted in Members believing that she was the ‘Chosen One’. A man in his seventies, owner of an international shipping company, gave me his experience: In 1982, one of my biggest ships became stranded near New Zealand. The insurance company sent some other ships to drag it out, but this did not work. I was very worried. So I was advised to see the Master for her guidance. Then Master Cheng Yen told me not to panic, as long as my heart remained composed then the ship would be firm too.… Nine hours later, I received a telegram telling me that the ship had been rescued.456

Many Tzu Chi members were convinced that Master Cheng Yen is an embodied divinity. Cheng Yen was said to respond to members’ distant prayers. For example a man told me: I was conducting relief work in China.… The weather was very bad and it was snowing very heavily. I worried that the sufferers would find no way to travel to my base to collect the goods. That night I prayed to the picture of the Master, ‘Could you stop the snow tomorrow.’ It was amazing that the next day was a sunny day! It was a warm and clear day. More people came than expected. I succeeded in completing that relief and made a good name for the Movement. Then, when I rang Master Cheng Yen to report this news, surprisingly the Master said to me, ‘I did not let you down, did I?’457

These legends have later been combined with Cheng Yen’s goal of salvation. Cheng Yen is literally portrayed as a godly figure. One married woman who used to be a devout member of another Buddhist temple said, ‘Master Cheng Yen has saved so many people’s lives, she is like a living Bodhisattva.’458 One forty-year-old male bank manager attributed his commitment to the Movement to this: ‘I consider myself a lifelong apostle of Master Cheng Yen. The Master is a Bodhisattva who has vowed to return to the living world. So the Master’s vow becomes my vow, and I shall do my best to help her.’459 A married craftsman aged forty also said, ‘I was attracted by the great vow of the Master, who has devoted herself entirely to helping the Taiwanese people; she wants to help people until they become independent.’460 Master Cheng Yen hence is seen as a messiah. A married self-employed man said, ‘If the 456

Selected interview No. 14. Selected interview No. 3. 458 Selected interview No. 25. 459 Selected interview No. 15. 460 Selected interview No. 32. 457

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Master did not exist, Taiwan would become really awful.’461 Also mentioned by a housewife with two children: ‘I believe that the Master’s compassion will be able to save our people.’462 One unmarried woman in her early twenties who had joined a few religions before declared, ‘… I feel that only the Master can lead us in the right direction in this greedy mercantilist society.’463 One middle-aged man who has been participating in the Movement for four years told me, ‘I feel that I am destined for a relationship with the Master.’464 Because of their faith in Master Cheng Yen, Tzu Chi members feel important and are proud of their new Buddhist names. ‘I obtained my Buddhist name from the Master, I used it in the Movement. I believed the name was made over a long period of careful consideration.’465 Another married woman, who initially did not want to join the Movement and had complained that she did not have freedom to choose a religion by herself, said, ‘The Master gave me a Buddhist name called lujie [ᝂ┨ consideration and purity]. The Master knew exactly about me: I was prone to excessive concern, and this was the Master’s way of telling me not to worry.’466 Apart from the above supernatural claims, Tzu Chi members indicate a significant degree of appreciation of the Master’s natural qualities, including her appearance and talent in public speaking. One married housewife said to me, ‘I empathized with the Master as soon as I met her.’467 Another middle-aged woman expressed the same: ‘I had a different feeling about Master Cheng Yen after I first met her. The Master looked so zhuangian (㥞ಈ solemn) and she seemed to be my longlost relative.’468 Many Tzu Chi members are attracted to Cheng Yen’s gift for speaking. A married industrialist who has a record of being cheated about money stated, ‘When the Master with her weak and soft voice said, “You guys have everything but I have nothing,” I asked myself why I hesitated. I was a strong man, so why did I not give a hand to a fragile woman?’469 As a result, he immediately signed a cheque for Tzu Chi.

461

Selected interview No. 14. Selected interview No. 25. 463 Selected interview No. 5. 464 Selected interview No. 18. 465 Selected interview No. 32 466 Selected interview No. 7. 467 Selected interview No. 20. 468 Selected interview No. 25. 469 Selected interview No. 3. 462

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Ting’s (1997) study on the speeches of the Master Cheng Yen pointed out that the contents revealed four classic motivational frames: severity, urgency, efficiency and propriety. In addition, Ting asserted that Cheng Yen clearly understood the power of immediate relevance, employing an articulate rhetoric which made people feel that only by joining the Movement could they and society as a whole have meaningful lives.470 Taking her as a living role model is seen as a powerful way for Tzu Chi’s members to surrender themselves to Master Cheng Yen. One university graduate, a single man aged thirty-three, said, ‘The Master set herself up as a learning model for us; she behaves extremely ethically and she does not hide any secrets.’471 Members learn to trust their leaders through experience, and their trust will gradually fade if a religious leader does not keep his/her word. A married man who was working in the industrial sector said, ‘I disapprove of some other [religious] masters, who act differently from what they have taught. They could not be my role models. However, Master Cheng Yen is one of the very few Buddhist Masters who does exactly what she says.’472 A female graduate student gave another reason for this kind of appeal: ‘The Master never says anything bad about other Buddhist groups, which makes me respect her.’473 To the extent that Cheng Yen is treated as a living perfect role model, this appeal suggests that Tzu Chi members demand a strong leader (Wilson 1975: 82). Master Cheng Yen’s determination to pursue her goal and her practical organizational skills are also seen as appealing. One married man in his seventies stated: The Master’s willpower is remarkable. Once, when she was ill and had a high temperature, people suggested that she cancel the rest of a programme in which she had to deliver speeches. The Master refused to do so; instead she extended her talk to three hours. Her voice became louder and louder, [until] she totally forgot her sickness. I was utterly amazed, and convinced that the Master is no ordinary master.474

A self-employed married man said, ‘I was so astonished by the Master’s sense of strategy: her plans were so well organized and the scale was so large… Besides, her projects were what our society needed, and I understood that the Master needed to have strong financial support to 470

Ibid,,Ting Jen-chieh 1997 pp.215-23. Selected interview No. 4. 472 Selected interview No. 16. 473 Selected interview No. 2. 474 Selected interview No. 14. 471

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complete her plans, and I wanted to help her.’475 A married entrepreneur aged fifty-four said, ‘I was attracted to the Master’s wisdom. For example, the Master could set her target on recruiting the rich, who tend to have lots of free time but are arrogant. Most of the rich, particularly the rich wives, only thought of shopping, restaurants and jewellery. [I was impressed] that the Master could discover those people’s hidden kindness and turn it into effective power.’476 Moreover, the appeal of Master Cheng Yen also contributes to the religious role which she maintains. Cheng Yen is the only sacred figure of the Movement; she is the only one who has legitimate nun status, and the only one to wear a robe and chant the rosary. There is a Master seat made for her in the headquarters and in every branch. To her lay followers’ salvation, Cheng Yen acts as a ‘medium’.477 Robbins and Anthony have called this quality ‘gifts of the Spirit’. In their study on the appeal of the American Pentecostal TV evangelists, Reverend Swaggert and Reverend Bakker, Robbins and Anthony concluded, ‘… more importantly, the legitimating mystique of charismatic ministries tends to stress that God or the Holy spirit is working through the ministry and is responsible for its successes (the humble preacher is merely a medium for the work of the divine agent). This rationale can be easily be distorted in an antinomian direction in which divine agency can be seen as endorsing the seeming transgressions of the minister’ (1993: 19). Master Cheng Yen’s archetypal parental style of leadership (Jones 1996: 384; Lu 1994b: 19-20) was constructed through what Weber calls the ‘pure type of charisma’. A man told me that when the Movement had just been founded, and there were not many visitors or projects, the Master was not too busy, and often sat with everybody and watched the news on television.478 While Tzu Chi was not so large, it was possible for Cheng Yen to have an intimate relationship with members. Another woman told me that she used to just pick up the phone and cry to the Master for all sorts of domestic problems.479 Many senior members stated that Cheng Yen was able to know most of their lives by heart. One housewife felt touched that Cheng Yen even cared about her son; she said, ‘Master Cheng Yen said to my son, “After finishing your education [medical study], you can come to work at the Hospital 475

Selected interview No. 14. Selected interview No. 26. 477 See Chapter 7, ‘Organization’, for the details of Master Cheng Yen’s religious role. 478 Selected interview No. 28. 479 Selected interview No. 15. 476

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(of the Movement),” when they first met. I found this very appealing, as I used to think that Buddhist nuns would not know about concrete human problems.’480 Furthermore, many Tzu Chi members claimed that Cheng Yen is the real teacher in their lives, it was she who made them religious. A housewife in her sixties said: The Master often gave Buddhist lessons in which she not only introduced sutras to us but also showed the practice [how to chant and pray]. Thus the Master chanted once, and we repeated. I don’t speak Mandarin, so the Master recorded her chanting in Hokkien (mienan hua) for me to listen to at home. I also learned about Buddhist courtesy and diet.481

Another married middle-aged housewife said, ‘The Master was very strict with us. The Master had given us all sorts of ethical principles to regulate our behaviour. Also she made sure that we understood what was right and what was wrong.’482 Moreover, Cheng Yen showed unusual social skills. She was found to be very sociable: she attends weddings and funerals, and visits the members’ companies and households. In contrast to traditional Buddhist masters, who have to renounce worldly activities, Cheng Yen has shown a great interest in getting involved with members’ social lives. Cheng Yen also enjoyed her lay relations; she visited her secular family from time to time, and in return her family members came to stay at the Abode. In addition, the routinization of charisma proclaimed by Weber can be observed in Tzu Chi. Cheng Yen retains her charismatic authority as the Master of ceremonies, while still maintaining personal and direct contact with the members, but has adopted systematic routines. She visits every branch once a month and gives addresses. In order to service people with different working timetables, the same address is scheduled for different times, so that everyone can attend the talk. The address will be recorded in writing, on cassette, or on video for those who cannot attend. After the address, Master Cheng Yen makes herself available to hear members’ concerns and to receive their promises of loyalty and support. To a certain extent, the appeal of Master Cheng Yen reflects the particular religious milieu of Taiwanese Traditional Religion. It shows 480

Selected interview No. 19. Selected interview No. 20. 482 Selected interview No. 13. 481

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that many of the members do not have any religious education and lack religious professionals to console or guide them. Buddhist masters thus have become the best choice: they are legitimated and the code of celibacy has made them more spiritual. However, as Buddhism in Taiwan is dominated by Chinese masters, the Taiwanese ethnic background of the Master is much appreciated. The Master is a native Hokkien speaker, and in fact she is one of the very few Buddhist masters in Taiwan who use Hokkien to conduct Buddhist teachings. This provides an easier opportunity for the majority population of Taiwan, the Hokkien speakers, to understand Buddhism. In addition, this appeal suggests that Master Cheng Yen has constructed a very accessible and open communication channel with her followers. In addition, the research findings show that gender is an important variable in assessing the personal appeal of Master Cheng Yen. The men attribute most of her appeal to the Master’s supernatural qualities whereas women are attracted to her mundane and affectionate character. This finding agrees with what was observed by Jacobs, who claimed: For female devotees, the significance of love and its association with devotion in particular is important, as the women are denied access to spiritual fulfilment, other than through allegiance to the male leadership. Male devotees, on the other hand, have access to positions of power and leadership which provide an alternative means for bonding and sustaining group affiliation. Thus, it appears that the men in these groups are more inclined to assess their spirituality on the dimensions of both affection and power, while women are focused more exclusively on love and emotional involvement. (1987: 158)483

The Appeal of Tzu Chi’s Religiosity Sixty per cent of my sample exhibited strong support for the methods that Tzu Chi employs to approach Buddhism. The core doctrine of Tzu Chi Buddhism is Xing Pusa Dao: actually to perform good deeds which will benefit others. Instead of chanting or doing meditation, members are asked to observe the Buddha’s teaching by going out to conduct charitable work. Some people felt this way to be closer to reality and more practical. For example, a housewife said: 483 See Jacobs J., ‘The economy of love in religious commitment: the deconversion of women from non-traditional religious movements’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, (JSSR) 23 (2), 155-71, 1987.

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chapter eight I have been given many concrete opportunities to experience and to realize what the Buddhist teachings are in the Movement. For instance, I met a girl while I was working as a volunteer for the Movement. At that time, I was in charge of distributing monthly relief goods at my Branch; she walked with a stick as she had broken her leg at work. Then I was told that she worked as a cleaner to support her mother and brother. Her mother had diabetes and was almost blind, and her brother was a mental patient. After telling us her story, she began to cry. In comparing myself with her, I realized that I had to appreciate my life.484

The teachings which have this worldly orientation appeal to Tzu Chi members. For example, a married man with two children says, ‘The teaching is very secular. The Master does not encourage us to escape the problems of life and study sutras in mountains. In contrast, she wants us to experience hardship in life and care for others with love. Only then can we appreciate our own lives.’485 Compared with traditional interpretations of Buddhism, many Tzu Chi members felt Tzu Chi’s practicality had helped more people. A full time university student said: I disagree with my older brother’s way of approaching Buddhism. He merely studies Buddhist canons at home by himself. In contrast, I prefer Tzu Chi’s approach. In Tzu Chi, I carry out charitable work, e.g. visiting and delivering goods to the poor and the sick, or collecting goods for recycling from the streets. During holidays, I work in the hospital as a volunteer. Immediately, there are some who receive benefit from my work.486

Some said they were attracted to the intellectual level of the Master Cheng Yen. For instance, one forty-three-year-old bank manager gave this as his reason: ‘I feel the other Buddhist masters, for example Master Sheng Yen,487 give teachings which are rather too academic for me.’488 Cheng Yen’s teachings are considered to be closer to real life. A female member of forty-three claimed that she could depend on the teachings to overcome many misfortunes, then manage to restart her career. It was because the Master’s teachings were down to earth and rational that she was able to gain a sense of direction, power and encouragement in 484

Selected interview No. 19. Selected interview No. 26. 486 See TSTI, p. 25. 487 Master Sheng Yen is an academic as well as a Buddhist Master of the traditional Chinese Chan school; his movement is known as the Dharma Drum (Fagu Shan), with headquarters in Taiwan and firm followers in New York and England. 488 Selected interview No. 31. 485

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everyday life.489 A male university student mentioned the same appeal: ‘In my university, I have a reputation for being wise because I could always find teachings in the Master’s books, e.g. The Still Thoughts, to solve friends’ everyday arguments.’490 Since many members claimed that their previous religion, mostly Taiwanese Traditional Religion, was superstitious and un-educative, they found that Tzu Chi fulfilled an intellectual function. To cite the previous man again: ‘I could listen to the Master’s cassettes or read her books.’491 A single female aged thirty-one who had declared that she had had no chance to get involved in her family religion found a different experience in the Movement: ‘In Tzu Chi, I am invited to participate in every kind of religious activity. Also, the details of the teachings which I was asked to follow would be explained, an experience I had never had before.’492 The members also appreciate that Tzu Chi’s doctrines do not clash with existing values, such as material life and other religions. A rich housewife in her mid-forties stated: My friends used to joke to me that I was such a fashionable person, how could I become deeply religious? They said to me, ‘Are you sure that you want to be religious?’ Their words made me afraid that I would be asked to follow a very rigid religious practice if I joined the Movement. So when I had just joined the Movement, I thought that I should give up my material desires, and there was a period when I tried to ignore my appearance. One day the Master lectured that Buddhists should still enjoy life, dress properly and eat properly; that drove me back to this worldly life. I began to find out what I really need and like to have in my everyday life.493

A minority of people stated that the Movement’s openness to other religions appealed to them. For example, a forty-year-old married man told me, ‘Master Cheng Yen is never against other religions. I feel perfectly comfortable about my Christian background in the Movement.’494 In addition, a congregation without any religious significance appeals to people. Meetings in the Movement are held in the form of a tea party (chahui), which lacks any religious significance. A fifty-five-year-old self-employed saleswoman said to me, ‘I don’t like a religion being too secretive or mysterious. In chahui people simply meet together at 489

Selected interview No. 7. Selected interview No. 2. 491 Selected interview No. 2. 492 Selected interview No. 5. 493 Selected interview No. 29. 494 Selected interview No. 31. 490

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someone’s home to exchange their experiences of the Movement.’495 The members demonstrate a dislike for religious meetings that contain strong mystical or irrational elements. For example, one married female teacher with two children told me, ‘I did not feel comfortable in the meetings of Yi-guan Dao,496 where the purpose was learning its esoteric teachings, such as fu (auspicious omen), and the practice had to refer to qianren (the predecessors). I also felt uneasy in the Christian church because I could not pray emotionally like the rest of the people who acted so dramatically and seemed to have direct contact with God.’497 The appeal to Tzu Chi’s irreligiosity evokes the secularization thesis, indicating that the society of Taiwan has been through a process of modernization. Berger (1982 :14), cited by Robbins and Anthony, claimed that: As a society becomes more modernized it inevitably becomes less religious……the fundamental process of modernization [appears] to be increasingly pushing religion, or at least theistic and supernaturalistic religion, into an increasingly isolated and marginal position in the advanced culture and society… (Robbins and Anthony 1993: 7)

Furthermore, Tzu Chi celebrates Chinese cultural festivals but not Buddhist ones. Some members find a sentimental appeal in this. A thirtyeight-year-old salesman recalled, ‘For instance, in this mid-autumn festival, I was doing voluntary work in the hospital during the day, and that evening the Abode held a big barbecue party in the garden. We chatted and ate, just like what happens in childhood.’498 Vital reasons for the appeal of Tzu Chi are that it advocates conventional culture and acknowledges the lives members have led before joining the movement. Bryan Wilson has stressed the importance of indigenousness, that is seen as essential for the growth of a new religion. Accordingly to Wilson: The new religions, and particularly those that develop from within a continuing indigenous tradition, appear to combine the possibility of preserving elements that are familiar and well-understood from the past, together with a style of presentation and a mode of organization which effectively makes that cultural inheritance a living thing in the present.

495

Selected interview No. 27. One of the new syncretistic religions in Taiwan. See Chapter 1, ‘Introduction’. 497 Selected interview No. 7. 498 Sleeted interview No. 18. 496

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The old find familiar ideas, and the young find concerns that are comprehensible in the modern world. (Wilson 1992: 136)

The Appeal of Tzu Chi as a Large Organization Some people (23% of my informants) felt attracted to Tzu Chi as it is a large organization; several reasons were given for this. For instance, one reason given by a male married entrepreneur aged fifty-four was, ‘I was attracted to Tzu Chi as it could mobilize a large number of people and enough material to undertake many substantial projects; this has been so extraordinary!’499 Belonging to a large organization has practical benefits in a society like Taiwan, where personal networks are important for many things such as finding a job. A married housewife told me that ‘it was very useful for young people to join the Movement, because our senior members are all very successful in every field. Those young members would have no problems in finding jobs in the future.’500 Tzu Chi is a large and professional organization, which generally allows it to achieve things easily and quickly in Taiwan. A forty-eightyear-old self-employed nanny stated: … I used to conduct charitable work by myself but I found it was extremely difficult. For instance, the local authorities were not sympathetic, and they were so bureaucratic, e.g. they refused to help a sick old man because they knew that the man had a son somewhere [but they refused to believe that the son did not want to support his father]. However, those authorities had a different attitude towards the applications from Tzu Chi. They would try their best to honour its applications.501

In addition, some people felt better cared for in a large organization, as a larger organization would have more capacity and material accessible to help members. For instance, some members expressed their gratitude to the Movement for regularly organizing many free educational programmes which are not easy to come by elsewhere. Another member of Tzu Chi, who has a relatively humble socio-economic background, said, ‘I was appointed as one of the team members to carry out our international relief work in China and South Africa. Those were my very first experiences abroad, and they were great! For instance, in 499

Selected interview No. 26. Selected Interview No. 1. 501 Selected interview No. 20. 500

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the airports of China the customs just let our whole team pass through without the necessary checking of travel documents.’502 This appeal, perceived from the point of view of members’ deprived backgrounds, is similar to what Mickler’s research found about the Unification Church. ‘Adherents with limited backgrounds in public relations, law, lobbying and the like, in addition to implementing the movement’s charismatic agenda, have helped ward off threats and gain the UC [Unification Church] recognition as a bona fide religion with the privileges, including tax exemption and access to missionary visas, other faiths enjoy’ (Mickler 1991: 188). Members saw peer pressure as a positive force which could lead to self-cultivation. This was mentioned by one female member: ‘Belonging to such a big Movement, I had to be self-disciplined, as people would point me out when I didn’t behave properly.’503 A married female clerk of fifty-five referred to the attraction that there were many role models to learn from.504 Peer pressure would become a force for further commitment. One married female civil servant made this plain when she said, ‘I sometimes needed to take a few days off work in order to participate in the Movement’s training courses, because everyone in the Movement had to attend and I should not act differently.’505 Peer pressure is an important factor impelling members to fulfil their duties. According to a housewife, ‘It is very hard to collect monthly donations from my members. I have to make a lot of effort to dissolve their doubts about the Movement. I cannot escape this duty, because other members have all completed tasks, so I must too.’506 The large scale of communal activities gave some people a greater sense of fulfilment. A twenty-three-year-old male student pointed out, ‘I joined the College Students’ Society [of Tzu Chi] in my university and at the same time I also belonged to another club, but I gradually left the latter one. The Movement organizes activities so often and throughout the whole country. I have been to most of the universities in the country and have met a lot of students and famous people. I spend most of my spare time on the Movement, and every weekend I have activities to attend.’507 Tzu Chi provides him with excitement, while he finds that his 502

Selected interview No. 32. Selected interview No. 11. 504 Selected interview No. 11. 505 Selected interview No. 19. 506 Selected interview No. 15. 507 Selected interview No. 2. 503

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circle in student life was rather narrow. In fact, instead of going home during the holidays many College Student members go to stay at the Abode, where a few large-scale activities will be held for them. The appeal of Tzu Chi as a big organization suggests that many people want to belong to a community and subscribe to mainstream values. The Appeal of the Sense of Community Grouping or socialization is one of the main reasons for members to stay in NRMs. This appeal was cited by 50 per cent of the sample as a reason for making a lasting commitment to Tzu Chi. Many members feel they have found their best friends in the Movement: ‘We are closer than real sisters, and we support each other.’508 The appeal of what is seen to be a community with homogeneous values enforces long-term commitment to Tzu Chi. A single female graphic designer, for example, at the age of thirty recalled that she felt much easier in the Movement, because people here were more thoughtful and agreeable than her own family. She referred to those in the Movement as faqing (⊩㽾 sacred relatives); because she and they had the same beliefs and values, so faqing were closer than normal relatives were. She felt a sense of belonging and being cared for more by people in the Movement, particularly the men; in her words, ‘They cared for me as if I was their sister.’ Also her graphic talents were received with great appreciation in the Movement. One of her designs was even used as the centrepiece for promotions. She thus decided to leave her job and work for the Movement. Although the salary provided by the Movement was much lower than what she used to have, she did not see this as a problem. She said, ‘Earning money for me is pursuing materialism, and I used to spend money on useless things.’509 Substituting relations with members of the Movement for previous relationships was not merely temporary, as a few cases showed. The girl just mentioned was calling a man from the Movement her papa (which means ‘father’ in Mandarin). So far their relationship had developed into exchanging birthday presents and other gifts. Another case was that of a female Commissioner and her College Student Member. As the Movement imposes a parental relationship between two such parties, she said, 508 509

Selected interview No. 20. Selected interview No. 30.

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‘I look after him like his mother, and he tells me more things than he would tell his own mother.’510 In comparison with other religious groups in Taiwan, Tzu Chi’s men and women retain a more conventional form of relationship, so that for instance single people did not feel they should stop going out with others.511 A single female teacher said, ‘I am going out with a man from the Movement. I split up with my ex-boyfriend because he belonged to another Buddhist movement in which he was encouraged to pursue celibacy. He told me that the love between a man and a woman was too narrow and too limited in comparison with the love for people at large.’512 The sense of community could be attributed to the way Tzu Chi is organized: the Abode, the Master and the members. A married fortythree-year-old female teacher told me, ‘I have found a sense of belonging. I always tell people that I am going home when I go to the Abode, because I feel the Pure Abode of Still Thought to be just like my spiritual home in which the Master Cheng Yen is our wise head.’513 What people find important is that the group is led by a strong, wise leader and contains a large number of people with the same values. One married man said, ‘After joining Tzu Chi I have gained a wise master to guide my life and many trustworthy brothers and sisters.’514 One single female aged thirty-one had the feeling of being neglected by her family, and stated, ‘Members were very nice to me and willing to spend time for me.’515 Another man with a relatively low socio-economic background said, ‘I find that in the Movement people are very unselfish and no one thinks of money. They try their best to help others.’516 In addition, the way in which the members observe ethics also has an important appeal. One housewife in her forties, for instance, explaining what attracted her, said, ‘I find Commissioners rarely get involved in each other’s money matters; they try to cope with their difficulties by themselves. I used to be invited by good friends to participate in investments, but they later ran away with my money, or they asked to borrow 510 Interview with a female member on 2 April 1995, at the annual meeting of the College Student Members at Tzu Chi Taichung Branch, Taichung, Taiwan. 511 For instance, in the Supreme Ching Hai Movement some wives complained to me of the loss of marital intimacy with their husbands after they joined the group. 512 Selected interview No. 5, 513 Selected interview No. 7. 514 Selected interview No. 3. 515 Selected interview No. 30. 516 Selected interview No. 18.

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money for an emergency but never returned it.’517 A fifty-six-year-old industrial investor who had encountered financial betrayal a few times and attempted suicide provided a similar thought: ‘I feel very safe with the people in Tzu Chi. There is no one who plans to make a profit from me or intends to cheat me.’518 Borrowing money from friends and relatives is a very common practice in Taiwan, but it often causes trouble. It happens because in Taiwan there are very few official financial institutions providing help to the individual, and the banking system is rather primitive and conservative; for instance, banks do not normally lend money to small businessmen, nor is the mortgage system organized for anyone to apply before they have sufficient savings. Many people felt there was a quality of egalitarianism in Tzu Chi members, with an emphasis on love and propriety. For example, one male university student from a rural district said, ‘In Tzu Chi everyone is the same, because we all wear the uniforms. It is impossible to tell someone’s social background from their appearance. No one knows who is rich and who is poor.’519 This equality perhaps makes them feel that their friends in Tzu Chi are better than elsewhere. To quote the same student again: ‘I feel friends in my university differed from those I meet in Tzu Chi. People in the Movement are more sincere and kind. Most of my close friends are from the Movement. In the Movement, we have many similarities: we all keep a picture of the Master in our wallets, and we wear the same clothes when we go to Branches or attend activities.’520 Wilson and Dobbelaere’s research on Soka Gakkai pointed out that socialization and promotion were the crucial points which made people stay in a movement (1994: 168). In the Tzu Chi Movement, the reinforcements for one’s commitment include not only socialization but also the joining of one’s spouse. In fact, the effect on one’s life perceived to have arisen from getting one’s spouse to join the Movement is seen as quite significant: 50 per cent of the sample mentioned this appeal. A woman who used to worry that her husband would have an affair said, ‘I am very happy because he spends more time with me now [because they need to be in the Movement].’521 Many women restore 517

Selected interview No. 6. Selected interview No. 3. 519 Selected interview No. 2. 520 Selected interview No. 2. 521 Selected interview No. 7. 518

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their relations with their husbands. One married wife said, ‘My husband eventually joined the Movement. Therefore he has learned the doctrines, and our relationship has improved at lot.’522 Another woman, who used to suffer from her arranged marriage, said, ‘After he joined the Movement he changed so much. [Now] both of us think about things in the same way. I have an easier life now.’523 Finally there is the perceived effect of ‘habit creation’. This comes into play when (older) Members disagree with the Master or no longer believe in all the doctrines and practices but feel that the habit of being a long-term member of Tzu Chi still holds enough appeal for them to continue their participation. A woman who had been participating more than thirty years stated: In recent years, some of my Commissioners started to complain that the Master was no longer close to us old Commissioners. She liked to go out with richer people in the city. Furthermore, old Commissioners were said to be too old to be members of the Virtuous Mothers but rather were grandmothers! However, I still did my duty, I still spend ten days every month in the headquarters cooking food and preparing the distribution of goods for relief work. The rest of the time, I had to collect donations, look after my Commissioners, find new members, and visit poor families. Furthermore, I still visit my zhaogufu (✻主᠊ the impoverished families whom Tzu Chi is looking after), who are no longer poor, because visiting them has become a habit amongst my old Commissioners and me. It is partly because I appreciate the Master, who once favoured me, and partly because we have been in the Movement so long.524

The Appeal from the Effects of Participation Derrett (1984: 295) has highlighted the importance of recognizing the effects on members of participation in a NRM. In this section, taking cues from her understanding, I will look at how members in Tzu Chi feel themselves to have been affected by participation after a certain period of time in Tzu Chi. The positive effects of participation are often cited by members as important reasons to continue in the Movement (see below). So it – the Movement’s appeal – leads them to achieve even more self-fulfilment and development. In other words,

522

Selected interview No. 7. Selected interview No. 19. 524 Selected interview No. 20. 523

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attractive aspects of Tzu Chi are self-reinforcing and tend to be so perceived. Seventy-seven per cent of my sample spoke of the lasting attraction of Tzu Chi as an effect of their participation. The Movement assigns duties to people soon after they have converted, with the teaching ‘The more you contribute, the more you gain’,525 so that the members will try their best to fulfil their duties. Many Tzu Chi members claim that after taking on the duties they have obtained greater prospects in life. A few cases have been selected to support this assertion, beginning with a self-employed nanny aged forty-eight, who said, ‘My life is becoming more meaningful and it [participation] also extends my whole life. I used to feel aimless and confined to the house, now I go to my members’ homes, universities, seminars and meetings. I feel that I have left my kitchen and embraced society.’526 Another forty-eight-year-old, a housewife, gave a similar comment: In the Movement I have so many responsibilities to fulfil, including visiting poor families, investigating new cases, soliciting donations and taking turns at being a receptionist in the branch. Also, I am the deputy team-leader and a treasurer of my team; I thus have a lot of meetings to attend and accounting work to complete. Furthermore, I have to be a volunteer in the hospital and to look after students of the Tzu Chi Nursing College. I am very contented.527

This perceived enlargement of responsibilities and one’s social sphere is accompanied by a perception of change in oneself. A forty-fiveyear-old housewife showed how she had changed: ‘I became capable (nengan), aware of what was happening in society, and outspoken in my views.’528 Another female, a married kindergarten teacher with two children, also considered this aspect: ‘I became brave; I used to be very shy, but now I can talk into a microphone on a street corner to raise funds. I used to spend Sundays just tidying up the house or going to the countryside and that seemed to be rather meaningless. After joining the Movement, I have received the teaching that true life lies in working for the general social good. My life thus becomes purposeful.’529 The feeling of being occupied, to an extent that has taken them away from their ordinary duties and commitment, constitutes an appeal not 525

TSTII, p. 103. Selected interview No. 21. 527 Selected interview No. 19. 528 Selected interview No. 19. 529 Selected interview No. 20. 526

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only for the jobless such as housewives but also for full-time employees. For instance, one married male teacher in his late forties who used to spend most of his time working to make money told me how he had changed: ‘I am responsible for promoting the bone-marrow campaign and organizing the teachers’ association. I have met more people now, and feel that I have extended my life circle.’530 Meeting more people and travelling widely have been indicated to be critical elements in the effect of participation. A domestic bank manager in his late thirties told me, ‘In the Movement, I have met more people and I have more opportunities to know about other people’s lives in my society.’ 531 This appeal is also accompanied by a perception of change in themselves. As a forty-three-year-old housewife said, ‘After undertaking various services and seeing many poor people, I have changed. I try not to waste money or things and I have curbed my temper.’532 Some members claimed that the involvement has helped them to resolve their own problems. A housewife of forty-five said to me: I am a member of the yide mama [Virtuous Mothers Association; a subgroup within Tzu Chi], because of which I have to look after a few students from Tzu Chi’s College. It took more effort to love those who were not borne by me, but I learnt to love them, and I gained great satisfaction from that. On the other hand, I also became more understanding to my children. I used to feel that my children did not appreciate my love because they did not show enough response to it. After being a yide mama [Virtuous Mother], I learned how to be a mother from the course provided by the Movement. I realized that even children have their own sorrows and worries like adults, and it was unfair to expect them to love me the way I wanted.533

The beneficial effects gained from their participation in the Movement have also prevented some members from defecting when disappointed over what they saw as a failure of the Master. An instance of this sentiment was admitted to by one man, a father of two, who said, ‘I used to feel very doubtful about the Master’s teaching on altruism and compassion. This feeling, however, is no longer important, as I was pleased at being able to contribute my skills and felt delighted that I could be useful.’534 530

Selected interview No. 24. Selected interview No. 31. 532 Selected interview No. 19. 533 Ibid. 534 Selected interview No. 31. 531

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Another man, aged forty-seven, said: In the beginning, I found it very difficult to donate money to the Movement. I had to try to convince myself that my mother had been in the Movement for such a long time, and my wife supported it too. Also I told myself that I had known the Master for such a long time and she was reasonable. I was upset that my donations did not create merit for me. Now, I still do not feel easy about the teaching that a donation should be made without any expectation. Sometimes I feel the teachings are contradictory, but I would not let that influence me. I would try to find my own understanding; I have convinced myself that my intention in joining the Movement is for helping others, not for gaining rewards.535

It has helped people to raise their sense of confidence and selfsatisfaction. One man with limited formal education, who often changes jobs, expressed the appeal of being a training officer of his local team. He appreciates this appointment and he is going to make time for it.536 A married man of thirty-six who had a history of violence was appointed to be a deputy leader.537 These testimonies indicate perceptions that one is changing which seem more or less to fall in line with Derrett’s findings relating to selfimprovement. They suggest that participation may produce four kinds of change: (a) A change in physical, material or social conditions; (b) Improvement of one’s moral nature; (c) New assurance of one’s present potential and that of mankind; d) Enhancement of one’s educational condition (Derrett 1984: 296). However, while there may indeed be a high degree of self-satisfaction from perceived self-improvement, my data also indicate that there are other perceived effects which the members attribute to their participation in the Movement and find appealing. Many of Tzu Chi’s members declared that Tzu Chi’s religious practice has helped them to overcome the fears that used to disturb their lives. One of the most significant changes is the change in attitude towards the dead, the result of the practice of zhunian (chanting for the dead). A married woman aged fifty-three, a civil servant, reported her experience: The Master said that if one has good will, that cannot lead to misfortune; but if one is motivated by selfishness, one may well cause misfortune. I therefore began to cultivate a compassionate heart and forget my fear. I am gradually coming to feel confident when I face death. On 535

Selected interview No. 15. Selected interview No. 18. 537 Selected interview No. 32. 536

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chapter eight the other hand, I have realized that death is a necessary phenomenon in life. Also, in Buddhist teachings sleeping means dying, so I die every day when I go to sleep. I have changed. Now, if I see the dead, I will chant the names of the Buddha, and I believe the chanting will bring the Dharma guards to the dead, and this will help to reduce their bad karma and prevent their being born as an animal. As I have the good intention to accompany people when they are coming to the end of their path in life, there should be no reason why the dead will make trouble for me.538

The pains of life are also seen by some to have been healed. A childless woman in her thirties has been appointed as a member of the Virtuous Mothers (Yi De Mama).539 As a part of this duty she has to look after at least nine students. In fact she has ten students. This lady is very delighted about the post, for, as she put it: I suddenly had ten children! I have to come to the college once a week, on Fridays. In the morning I have to attend an educational course for two hours. In the afternoon, I will spend two hours of official time with my ‘daughters’ along with other members. These ‘daughters’ call me mother and my husband father; they are like my real children! They call me or write to me from time to time. In return, I organize birthday parties for all of them. On my birthday, my ‘daughters’ bought me a birthday cake and candles, it was so touching! They even do that on my husband’s birthday: these ten girls not only sent him a letter but also took turns to speak to him on the phone. It is very rewarding.540

A married man with a relatively low income says, ‘I have changed so that I now enjoy my life and accept difficulties. I am no longer violent; I used to hit my wife when we had arguments.’541 Thus the perceived effects of participation in the Tzu Chi Movement on individual members have resulted in important claims about its continuing long-term appeal. The statements of a substantial number of interviewees show a wish to continue developing a sense of self-fulfilment which they have gained from participation in the Movement. This is an important incentive for them to remain in the Movement. Also other perceived effects such as rising socially, being healed or blessed, or simply developing a good habit provided encouragement to continue participation in the Movement. 538

Selected interview No. 11. Yi De Mothers’ Association was founded by Master Cheng Yen in order to look after the youth members, including the Movement’s university students. There are about 130 Commissioners who have been appointed by the Master Cheng Yen to be the guardians of the students in Tzu Chi Colleges. 540 Selected interview No. 1. 541 Selected interview No. 18. 539

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One man, owner of a firm, has adopted the Master’s teachings into his work and developed a system of working ethics: ‘I thought that what the Master taught would be good for my business..…I thus have developed my working ethics. I have become to be understanding, tolerant, satisfied and appreciative..… I tried to be equal to every one of my employees and gave reasonable profits to my clients. My principles were to be fair, reasonable and reciprocal.’542 A fifty-three-year-old industrialist explained: My business improved in the sense of never being cheated. When I made deals, I always added NT$1,000,000 on top of the bill. Then I would suggest to my clients to donate this money to the Movement and become Honorary Patrons. If people refused to do so, I would withdraw the contracts. Often my clients were very happy about this arrangement. They consequently joined the Movement and became my friends, and would not want to do any harm to me.543

The feeling of being more blessed A married housewife in her sixties said: Many miracles happened to me before I followed Master Cheng Yen and began praying to the Buddha. Once my father-in-law and husband walked through a channel without knowing there was a flood ahead of them. Fortunately, both of them survived. My mother-in-law drew the conclusion that the result was due to my prayers to the Buddha. Another event concerned a fire in my town – actually it was the biggest fire in our history. Because all of our [town’s] buildings were mainly made of wood, once it started to burn, it would be difficult to stop. On seeing that the fire was approaching my home, many people came to help us to remove our possessions. I found my rosary, and since I did not have anywhere to put it, I put it around my neck and started to recite ‘jiuku jiunan Guanshiyin pusa’ [Save me from suffering, save me from obstacles, Bodhisattva!’]. I continued chanting. One friend ran to tell the Master about what was happening and the Master began to worry for me. Suddenly the wind changed and blew in another direction. The fire stopped just next to my home. I thought that it must be the blessing of the Buddha, and I went to pray at the Master’s temple early the next morning as soon as I woke up.’544

A married self-employed men in his late fifties told me, ‘I considered that I had gained more fortune after praying to the Buddha. I was the only surviving one from the four who co-operated in founding this 542

Selected interview No. 26. Selected interview No. 3. 544 Selected interview No. 20. 543

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company. They all died unexpectedly. [This could only be explained] because none of them was a Buddhist except me.’545 Conclusion In this chapter I have looked at the statements from members of Tzu Chi about what aspects of the Movement appeal to them. Using this approach can help us to understand the success of this NRM, reveal more of its social structure, and illustrate the practices of the members. This perspective has highlighted the great variety of reasons given by members for their attraction to Tzu Chi. It has also shown how the experience of participating in a movement can alter one’s view of what is appealing about it. As the Members see themselves change and grow they develop a greater appreciation of Tzu Chi’s principles and activities. I end this chapter by summarizing those aspects which members find most appealing. First of all, members repeatedly highlighted the importance of the sense of community they associate with the Movement. They stressed the superiority of its ethics to those of Taiwanese society at large, and connected this to their frequently mentioned perception of Master Cheng Yen as extraordinary or even divine. They also emphasized the healing nature of the Movement, participation in which has been claimed to resolve family problems and to strengthen and improve individuals. Finally, they have emphasized how the religious teachings of the Movement concentrate on benefiting society as a whole, as well as educating members by explaining reasons for their beliefs. This last aspect is seen as bringing the practice of Eastern religion in line with that of Western Christianity, and thus as more suitable, and appealing, in a ‘modern’ era where ‘folk superstitions’ based on an unreasoning conformism are felt to be backward.

545

Selected interview No. 3.

CHAPTER NINE

DOES TZU CHI MEET THE EXPECTATIONS OF CURRENT SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY? The short answer to the question in the title above is ‘Broadly, yes.’ By tackling this question systematically, I intend, as promised on p. 2, to provide an accessible overview of Tzu Chi from the macro-sociological perspective. At the same time this will summarize the main reasons for Tzu Chi’s appeal and discuss what I believe to be the main reasons for its success. I will begin by accounting for its success. By ‘success’ I mean the Movement’s rapid expansion and widespread appeal. Within one generation, Tzu Chi has become a complex, international organization, with many branches, an imposing array of educational and medical institutions, a vast budget and a large dedicated membership. In 1996 it was generally agreed that there were 3.5 millions Members or huiuai (see Chapter 3, ‘History’; p. 59 fn.102). My findings on why Tzu Chi has appealed so widely will be considered in relation to Rodney Stark’s Ten Propositions,546 which relate to the success of new religious movements. According to Stark’s first proposition, the conditions for the success of new religious groups are that ‘they retain cultural continuity with the conventional faith(s) of the societies in which they seek converts’. Tzu Chi has shown a degree of continuity with the predominately Mahayana Buddhist religious culture of Taiwan – although only two-fifths of Tzu Chi members were actually Buddhists before joining the Movement (see Chapter 5). As shown in the chapters on ‘History’ and on ‘Teachings and Practice’ Tzu Chi is a new form of Buddhism, firmly rooted in the traditional Mahayanist faith (pp. 98-104), although a substantial amount of doctrine and orientation have been ‘re-emphasized’ or ‘improved’ to meet the needs of the laity. Cheng Yen and her elite council of advisers do not deliberately ‘invent’ any new doctrines that would cause tension between Tzu Chi and the orthodox Buddhists in Taiwan. More precisely, the Tzu Chi stance vis-à-vis Taiwanese Buddhism is seen as a continuing development of what is 546 Stark R.,’ Why Religious Movements Succeed or Fail: A Revised General Model’, in Journal of Contemporary Religion, Vol. 11, No. 2, 1966, pp. 133-46.

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itself a reformed version of Chinese Buddhist Monasticism, developed by, among others, Master Yin Shun (1906-2005), one of the most renowned figures of twentieth century Taiwanese Reform. Cheng Yen, herself a follower of Venerable Yin Shun, also holds a practical thisworldly approach to Buddhism: she follows her Master in dismissing the notion that reciting the names of the Buddha and meditating would lead the practitioners to salvation, whereas focusing on social welfare activities and on the well-being of their fellow humans would, by virtue of the transcendent component she believes is present. From the point of view of the circumspection displayed in regard to possibly causing tension with traditional Buddhists in Taiwan, Tzu Chi may be considered a ‘church movement’, according to Benton Johnson’s definition,547 and in no sense can it be regarded as subculturally deviant. However, since the Movement’s adherents show a different social emphasis from most other Buddhists in Taiwan today, Tzu Chi is probably better regarded as a ‘sect movement’ rather than a ‘church movement’. As indicated in Chapter 1, the primary ideology and concern of traditional Chinese Buddhist Masters in Taiwan are ‘monasticism’ and ‘Chinese-ness’, and the Masters showed very little willingness to adapt these two criteria to the needs and culture of the majority of Taiwanese. This weakness was of great concern to Cheng Yen and was the reason why the Movement instigated the use of Hokkien, the language spoken by most Taiwanese people, as the main language for its ceremonies and speeches. Moreover, most of the Tzu Chi teachings and practices demonstrate the principle of grass-roots accessibility, which was laid down by Cheng Yen right at the outset, specifically in order to meet the needs of the laity. This is seen quite clearly in the matter of funeral rites (see Chapter 4). Tzu Chi beliefs and customs, then, include a significant number of secular values, e.g. showing one’s very ‘scrutable’ emotions, family harmony, love and social ethics. The Master also urged troubled daughters-in-law to find a new focus in life and she instructed errant husbands that they must display more love for their families. Members’ problems in the family were gradually resolved when they were 547 Johnson set out a single, straightforward distinction between church and sect based on the degree to which a religious group is in a state of tension with its surrounding sociocultural environment: ‘A church is a religious group that accepts the social environment in which it exists. A sect is a religious group that rejects the social environment in which it exists.’ (in Stark and Bainbridge: The Future of Religion – Secularization, Revival and Cult Formation. London, Los Angeles and Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985: 23). Also see their A Theory of Religion (New York: Peter Lang, 1987).

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compared with events in Master Cheng Yen’s own life and the problems she faces almost daily that confirm her vow to love everyone equally across all boundaries. Each Tzu Chi member interviewed reaffirmed their own life priorities and was determined to assuage any doubts or insecurities in their family relationships. This emphasis on the community’s pastoral needs is rarely found among traditional Buddhists, even in modern-day Taiwan, and this is one important reason why Tzu Chi is classified as a new kind Buddhism in the Taiwanese context (see pp. 98-104). In partial agreement with Stark’s second proposition, some measure of Tzu Chi’s success as a new religious movement can also be attributed to its non-empirical doctrines. Although Master Cheng Yen’s idea was that Tzu Chi at its inception, like many movements in the modern world, should be a charitable organization (see p. 1) rather than a religious one, the key doctrine of Tzu Chi is that of Xing Pusa Dao (㸠㦽㭽䘧 ‘to walk on the Bodhisattva’s path’). A Bodhisattva, a saviour of the distressed world, is a supremely compassionate hero/ heroine in Mahayana Buddhism. This doctrine means that one should live like a Bodhisattva at all times. Although this precept may seem to be empirical, one expects to accumulate merit, eliminate bad karma and gain other transcendent rewards through altruistic acts. Another feature of this doctrine is that it has replaced the belief in and need for magic, and has moved away from empirical testing as it fulfils most, if not all, of the members’ pastoral needs. However, the teaching does not promise eternal life, nor could the members expect to gain magic powers thereby. The research shows how a member’s background (social, educational and economic) is a key element in their desire to join Tzu Chi. People undertake voluntary work and accept titles in the Movement partly because a large number of them do not have a job. (42 % of Tzu Chi members are unemployed and 44 % are self-employed; see, for example, Table 5.5, p. 118.) Joining Tzu Chi often markedly increases feelings of self-confidence and social competence. A sense of achievement and feeling valued are parts of a powerful healing process for those who lack a sense of direction and belonging. The many intangible benefits promised by Master Cheng Yen are difficult to evaluate systematically. As shown in Chapter 8, Tzu Chi members habitually report beneficial effects after following the doctrine of Xing Pusa Dao, often coupled with a highly personal sense of new insight. By making them altruistic and opening their hearts

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to the public at large, this doctrine bears fruit because the members, instead of blaming others, begin to take responsibility for their own shortcomings and start to better themselves. People who are willing to help others improve their lives are likely to find that their own lives are soon enriched – not necessarily that they will recover from an illness or become wealthier, but in more subtle ways. Many who join Tzu Chi and participate in charitable activities find their life expectations have changed; they learn that there are many people who are more miserable than they are and thus they become more satisfied with their own lot and begin to appreciate what they have. On the other hand, as was discussed in Chapter 4, the Tzu Chi doctrine of Xing Pusa Dao is used to keep up members’ hopes and deflect their disappointment when promises fail (Chapter 8). The precept of Xing Pusa Dao shows that a Bodhisattva – an immensely compassionate person – can, in order to comfort and teach all beings, then decide to postpone his or her enlightenment and future destiny to become a Buddha. Since the implementation of Xing Pusa Dao implies that altruistic works are a ladder for one to upgrade his/her standing within the spiritual hierarchy, there are likely to be some people who may not be able to reap the rewards in this life because they are destined to become a Buddha rather than a Bodhisattva. Therefore, neither long-term Tzu Chi members nor new converts should expect any specific benefits in this lifetime, or a better future for themselves. This is specifically the teaching on ‘she and de’ or ‘Giving up Secular Wealth in order to Gain Spiritual Wealth’ (Chapter 4). Stark proposed that new religious movements are more likely to succeed if they maintain a ‘medium’ level of tension with the secular society of which they are still part – certainly if they are what Roy Wallis classifies as a ‘world-affirming group’ (Wallis 1984: 51). Tzu Chi practises this, Stark’s third proposition, in applying its moral standards with a medium level of strictness. According to Stark’s (1996) interpretation of Iannaccone’s observations (Iannaccone 1994: 1190) on the notion of ‘strictness’: Strictness refers to the degree that a religious group maintains ‘a separate and distinctive life-style or morality in personal and family life, in such areas as dress, diet, drinking, entertainment, use of time, sex, child rearing and the like’, and a group is not strict to the degree that it affirms ‘the current mainline life-style in these respects’. (Stark 1996: 137)

Tzu Chi has developed distinctive ethics that set it apart from the general culture of Taiwan, examples of which are the Movement’s Ten

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Commandments (see p. 92), dress codes (see p. 170) and moral standards (see pp. 89-94). Its level of strictness regarding its moral code makes Tzu Chi a reformist movement promising a transformation of society by introducing such concepts as pursuing a spiritual career and the dual concepts of sacred and profane. Desire for the material and secular worlds becomes distinctly unattractive, as in Tzu Chi everyone is well fed, everyone is imbued with a sense of personal responsibility, and everyone has an awareness of being needed and loved. It has been shown that Tzu Chi members are mostly born in rural areas, have little education, and form the new, aspiring middle-class of Taiwan. These characteristics of a typical Tzu Chi member’s background are a large part of the reason why Tzu Chi’s relatively strict moral standards are accepted more easily by members than they might be by others. Above all, the desire to improve one’s social standing is a major motivating force for the disadvantaged to join Tzu Chi. Furthermore, as Bryan Wilson puts it: Social mobility [of the individual] also affects the growth of a movement. The pattern is familiar. Relatively poor, underprivileged groups have often formed the constituency of sects. Sectarians, by religiously prescribed asceticism, a work ethic, industry, sobriety, discipline, methodical application, and the avoidance of luxury and extravagance, accumulate wealth and so rise in the social scale. (Wilson 1990: 123)

However, the particular strictness of Tzu Chi’s moral standards has caused some tension with the outside world, often to the extent that members choose to live full time in the Movement and associate exclusively with other members. This is consistent with Wilson’s observations: When an individual joins a minority religious movement, he is likely to find the beliefs and the moral norms of his relatives no longer acceptable. He may then choose to live in closer association with his fellow religionists than with his kinsfolk, feeling religiously committed to a new lifestyle which replaces the habits and practices of his former life. (Wilson 1990: 64)

In terms of upholding traditional religious practices, Tzu Chi cedes a measure of control to the members in order that they maintain a secular life-style. The study shows that Tzu Chi members are not restricted to a vegetarian diet and often are absolved from performing the daily religious rituals; these traditional Buddhist practices are only insisted upon while Members are staying at the Abode or the Branches. Most of

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the Tzu Chi converts were from Taiwanese traditional religious backgrounds, though some of them had converted to Buddhism before joining Tzu Chi. Tzu Chi’s funeral rites and doctrines on ancestor worship show a clear departure from the traditional religious norms. On the other hand, Tzu Chi shows a degree of flexibility in the adaptation of modern social and technological trends, gradually integrating cultural innovations before the pressure for them to do so becomes so great as to threaten group cohesiveness. Tzu Chi affirms Western modern medical science and computer technology, and television and radio are fully used for promulgating Cheng Yen’s teachings. Stark’s fourth proposition stipulates that NRMs need ‘…legitimate leaders with adequate authority to be effective’ and that a successful movement ‘…requires clear doctrinal justification for an effective and legitimate leadership. Authority is regarded as more legitimate and gains in effectiveness to the degree that members perceive themselves as participants in the system of authority.’ Master Cheng Yen’s authority is not only derived from doctrinal justification but also from charisma. (This is charisma in its original sense of being the gifts of healing and glossolalia etc. given to the Disciples of Jesus and to the early Christian Church leaders; i.e. not produced by a leader but attributed to him by the followers.) In the chapters on ‘History’ and ‘Appeal’, it has been shown that Cheng Yen is credited with supernatural qualities and that Members are inspired by her divinity. Tzu Chi Members have written and performed songs and dances in gratitude to the Master for showing them a path to salvation. Faith becomes deeper when the devotees become more committed, and the Tzu Chi members see themselves as following the most enlightened Master and as living in accordance with the perfect Buddhist way of life. Each Senior Member is seen as a deputy of Cheng Yen and they lead their fellow members in strict accordance with the wishes of the Master. Fidelity to Master Cheng Yen is a potent, cohesive force among all Tzu Chi members. From the above asseveration of the authority of Cheng Yen, it is clear that she fits into the ‘charismatic leader’ category for the members, as ‘….much of their claims rests on faith rather than well-attested record.’ (Wilson 1992: 110). Master Cheng Yen’s legitimacy also rests on her being the one and only religious authority within the Movement. Stark claimed: ‘Control of access to divine inspiration can also be a major factor in determining the authority of leaders’ (1996: 139). Master Cheng Yen is not only the founder of Tzu Chi but also is the authority on religious teachings,

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performing ceremonies and lecturing on Buddhism. Most importantly, the Master is the only person in Tzu Chi who is a legitimate Buddhist Master and an ordained Buddhist nun. Religious leaders can only succeed when they have unusual social skills (Stark and Bainbridge 1984: 356-7). The study of Master Cheng Yen’s style of leadership indicates that she is possessed of many special qualities and talents useful for gaining recruits and thus enlarging the Movement; for example her business acumen and her undoubted skills in the area of interpersonal relationships. Having such social skills would accord with Stark and Bainbridge’s definition of a charismatic leader. The effectiveness of The Master Cheng Yen’s authority relies also on the basis that ‘rank-and-file’ members enjoy ‘high levels of…enfranchisement’ (Stark 1996: 140). Although Cheng Yen retains sole executive and ‘strongly centralized’ authority in Tzu Chi, she has nevertheless disseminated some power among a small group of Tzu Chi elite. Patrons and Senior Members are now authorized to appoint new group leaders and Commissioners, which Cheng Yen endorses without question. The length of service for a Tzu Chi group leader is lifelong. Tzu Chi lay members now have the authority, for example, to perform funeral rites, and group leaders are allowed to decide the orientation of their group according to their own personal interests. To date, Master Cheng Yen has not addressed the issue of succession. Should Cheng Yen no longer be able or willing to continue as Leader, it is likely that Tzu Chi as a Movement will be institutionalized and an administrative leadership elected. Jacobs’ observations on de-conversion from authoritarian movements can be applied here: there are strong devotional and emotional ties directly linking the Master to the members, and such a bond between leader and followers is crucial for sustaining continued commitment to a movement.548 However, once these ties are broken – e.g. by a follower finding a more spiritually satisfying leader to follow – fragmentation of the group occurs. Members leave and others have emotionally charged disagreements with the leader. ‘Religious movements will grow to the extent that they can generate a highly motivated, volunteer, religious labour force, including many willing to proselytize’ is Stark’s fifth proposition. This element in the rapid growth of Tzu Chi relies on a thriving ‘enrolment economy’ 548

Cited by Thomas Robbins, Cults, Converts & Charisma (London: Sage, 1988) p. 92.

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(Beckford 1975: 83). Tzu Chi’s organizational structure has successfully processed and controlled a seemingly uninterrupted supply of human and material resources, whereby every member is expected to be an unpaid, full-time missionary for the Movement. They must be prepared to proselytize and raise funds for the Movement with ‘abundant energy and dedication’, as Stark asserts: ‘…..the more missionaries there are seeking converts, and the harder these missionaries work, the faster a religious movement will grow’ (1996: 140). Stark’s sixth proposition is that ‘….they must maintain a level of fertility to at least offset member mortality’. Tzu Chi, however, shows a different approach to maintaining its numbers: the increase in membership numbers is largely attributable to new converts rather than to procreation. The growth of Tzu Chi in Taiwan was based, to a great extent, on its early appeal to housewives who saw the novel techniques of self-improvement as especially attractive and were thus motivated to join. Subsequently, the recruiting focus moved to members’ husbands, friends and relatives, and young people. The husbands liked the nonaggressive approach; friends and relatives were attracted to Tzu Chi by the emphasis on the general social good; whereas many young people were attracted by the warmth of the Senior Members or joined at the behest of their parents. Cheng Yen, in the early days at least, did not encourage celibacy within membership circles, and nowadays young Tzu Chi members are free to mix and socialize with the opposite sex, although this is not usual among other Buddhist groups. Since there is a heavy burden of responsibility on all Members – both actual and potential – to maintain an edge over the competition in the recruitment stakes,549 the Tzu Chi leaders have shown little tolerance towards supporting ‘free-loaders’ or unproductive members and therefore prefer not to enrol children and old people. However, Tzu Chi’s recent policy shift on recruitment has puts it at odds with Stark on this proposition and has threatened the cohesion of the whole Movement. Tzu Chi’s latest practice of targeting young people and those who are deemed to be wealthy, as well as a new emphasis on overseas projects, have caused internal dissension among the older Members. In spite of this, the recruitment 549 In order to maintain a high enrolment of students in its own colleges, Tzu Chi offered each student free accommodation, zero tuition fees AND gave each one of them NT 3000 (approx. £ 70) a month pocket money.

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and – more critically – retention of younger members are meeting with less success in recent years. Some of the older Members have shown little incentive to transmit their ‘religion’ to the next generation and there is a high defection rate among College Students (approaching 80% in 1995). Stark550 stressed the importance of constantly producing a new generation in order for a Movement to grow: ‘…there must be adequate socialization of persons born into the faith. “Lacking this, a movement will develop powerful internal pressure toward Secularization (Stark 1987: 24).”’ (A. Robbins 1988: 110). Stark’s seventh proposition is that, ‘…..they [NRMs] compete against weak, local conventional religious organizations within a relatively unregulated religious economy’. Tzu Chi exhibits all the signs of having a ‘favourable ecology’ as Stark puts it, in that it converted people whose previous religious life was inactive or for whom any religiosity had become irrelevant to their lives. As shown in Chapter 5, almost all Tzu Chi members who were previously affiliated to the Traditional Religions of Taiwan had become religiously stagnant, and these people stressed the many negative aspects of that life and the incompatibility with modern social norms of that tradition. In The Future of Religion, Stark and Bainbridge stipulated two conditions for the rise of a New Religious Movement: the inadequacy of provision by dominant traditional religions, giving opportunities for new conventional secular faiths to grow and to attract the socially marginalized; and a rise in the number of incidents when society is in crisis and new religions would even appeal to people who are socially wellintegrated (1985: 360). My research shows that Tzu Chi characteristically presents a good mixture of these two conditions. According to the findings in ‘Social Composition’, Tzu Chi members were largely rural migrants who used to be believers in traditional religions; family oriented people who were hard working and socially conservative, they had a marked lack of ties with the urban-dwelling population. People lacking such connections feel inhibited about joining any group, but they soon discovered that the opportunities for close social ties among Tzu Chi members facilitated their joining the Movement. Moreover, both previous experience and a rigorous selec550 Rodney Stark, ‘How new religions succeed: a theoretical model’, in D. Bromley and P. Hammond (eds), The Future of New Religious Movements (Macon, GA: Mercer University, 1987) pp. 11-29.

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tion process amplify a tendency to recruit social isolates. In a mobile society like Taiwan there are many unintegrated people, and Tzu Chi senior members learnt long ago that such people are easily recruited – so much so that they shaped their recruiting techniques accordingly and even adjusted teachings and practices to maximize Tzu Chi’s appeal to the socially disaffected. Tzu Chi members in Taipei organized a wide range of activities to attract outsiders who had expressed a minimal interest in the Movement, and Master Cheng Yen and her Senior Members concentrated their efforts on pursuing these people, bestowing titles on them. Thus the newcomers would be filled with intense enthusiasm for Tzu Chi (see ‘Recruitment’). The second of these conditions that one has to bear in mind is that Taiwan is virgin territory for New Religious Movements, in that religious freedom was introduced to the people only in 1987. Before this, people did not have much experience of switching to a more satisfying religion at the crossroads in their lives. The issue of conversion did not often arise because, as cited by Robbins (1988) on Richardson (1986), ‘the pressure to remain in the group may derive in part from the simple fact of not having anything of value to take with one, or anywhere to go that seems better’ (1986: 104) (see Robbins 1988: 91). Stark’s eighth proposition is: ‘New Religious Movements will succeed to the extent that they sustain strong internal attachments, while remaining an open social network, able to maintain and form ties to outsiders’ (1996: 142-3). Tzu Chi has a strong internal network, as evidenced by the claim of two-thirds of the members that they were persuaded to convert to Tzu Chi through pre-existing social relationships (see Table 6.3, p. 136). Soon after joining formally, in any of the various ways described earlier, the new members also align ‘their religious behaviour with that of their friends ‘ (Stark 1996: 142). The formation of new and strong attachments within the Movement is significantly reinforced by the concept of faqin (spiritual relatives) to which the new converts are introduced. Furthermore, the study of Tzu Chi’s ‘Organizational structure’ shows it is a ‘mass’ movement and has a strong emphasis on ‘communal activities’ (Beckford 1975: 74). The internal bonds are intensified by a process of socialization, vertical and horizontal interpersonal relationship ties and the loyalty engendered by proselytizing; all of these work to prevent members from falling away. Some members eventually realized that not only did they join as contributors but that they remained net contributors. (So said a senior

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member who did not wish to identified.) This has led to some noticeable disaffection, and when combined with the strong outward focus of Cheng Yen herself, has resulted in a number of members becoming emotionally disengaged. As a general rule, in many different kinds of organizations and tribes female exogamy has resulted in the dissipation of group numbers, but Tzu Chi’s females are bucking this trend by being the greatest converters, persuading their husbands to join the Movement. The research found that the success of Tzu Chi also has to be attributed in part to its relations with Taiwanese society as a whole. Tzu Chi has successfully overcome two challenges: first, the attainment of public visibility, and second, acquiring public legitimacy as a famous and important charity. Members do not see this public face of Tzu Chi as a masquerade because their membership of a religious group is seen as a natural progression from working for a highly respected charity. Tzu Chi’s elite clearly understood that attaining public visibility was an important requirement for its survival; the early members of Tzu Chi worked very hard to be noticed. For instance, the Movement conducted many of its campaigns and activities at a national level and tirelessly pursued high-level contacts with civic leaders and industrialists. It has also been willing to spend money and to labour vigilantly in order to present itself as a sophisticated charitable organization. In addition, Tzu Chi is greatly advantaged in its ability to cast a world-wide net. For instance, in its international charitable projects, Tzu Chi is not tied to any single geopolitical or national political setting. The Movement’s success as an international nonprofit-making organization is widely seen as countering the Taiwanese government’s losses in the world of diplomacy. Viewed almost as public property, if not a public commodity, Tzu Chi has enabled many ordinary Taiwanese to channel their political aspirations in other directions worldwide. Tzu Chi’s attainment of visibility is an asset in term of public legitimacy. The gradual acceptance of Tzu Chi as a bona fide religious group and the Movement’s well-defined corporate identity have helped it to extend recruitment and counter accusations levelled against it for its work on flood relief in China in 1991. Due in large measure to its cultivation of politicians and other elite groups, Tzu Chi has collected a large amount of donated money and other resources and gained a growing number of sympathetic allies. The effectiveness of this strategy was seen quite clearly at the first hint of criticism over its relief

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work in China, when the media did not pursue the matter. (The event is recorded by C. Jones as ‘give comfort to the enemy (China)’; see Chapter 3 above.) Stark’s ninth proposition is that ‘…..they maintain sufficient tension with their environment – remain sufficiently strict’ and ‘…..growth not only depends upon bringing people in, but in letting go of those who don’t fit in’ (1996: 143). Tzu Chi as a Movement has never encountered anyone who has failed to join it once they have been targeted by the recruiters. The result of the careful screening of applicants is the certainty that all new members will accept the rules. Tzu Chi has stayed strict. The Movement did not invite everyone to join, only those who were able to give financial support, or were deemed suitable in other ways. In addition, the research also discovered that a person’s social background played an important part in their chances of being recruited by Tzu Chi. The Movement has shown a marked preference for people in technical professions, economically better off and with a higher education. On the other hand, an unattributable claim has been made that Tzu Chi has recruited maladjusted individuals over the years, but this may have been just propaganda. Thus far, Tzu Chi has never been accused of ‘dumping’ incapacitated or unproductive members. However, it must be allowed that there are a few Members who have left Tzu Chi and have given indoctrination trauma as the reason. Stark’s tenth proposition: ‘[To succeed,] Religious movements must socialize the young sufficiently well as to minimize both defection and the appeal of reduced strictness.’ Whilst Tzu Chi Members make every reasonable effort to accommodate the youngsters socially, it is assumed that College Students, as the children of existing members, will naturally proceed to becoming full adult Members themselves. However, the Movement’s effort has not yet shown any significant degree of success in this area. The study shows that those second-generation young people were, on average, to remain for a relatively short time with a low level of commitment: they dropped in and they dropped out (see Chapter 3). Most of them came to be in Tzu Chi because of parental pressure, and many of them would leave after completing their free education. Few cases are known where ex-students have renewed or revived their involvement with the Movement when parental control ceased to be quite so effective and the young adults came back to Tzu Chi as members in their own right.

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However, as Bryan Wilson pointed out, there is danger for any organization if it recruits too many young people, ‘who [necessarily] have no experience of permanent commitment’.551 It is in the nature of things that the younger generation will wish to water down some of the rules and restrictions imposed by any sort of group, movement, club or other organization. Overall, then, my study has shown that most of Stark’s ten propositions, or hypotheses, as well as many observations by other scholars of NRMs, such as Bryan Wilson, fit the case of Tzu Chi extremely well.

551

Robbins 1988: 110.

AFTERWORD Many years later I revisited the Movement, specifically to spend a few days at the headquarters, the Pure Abode of Still Thoughts. I had discussions about my observations and feel confident that I can reconfirm my findings, viz. that the Tzu Chi has become an independent new religion. Although the Abode remains as tranquil as ever, a visit is not designed to be enjoyable but to be rigorous and exhausting. The visitor will immediately gain an overall sense of diligence and determination. For example, its tiny kitchen, manned by only a handful of workers, has the capacity to provide five hundred meals per day. Self-discipline is evident in that the morning service still takes place at 3.30 a.m., as has been the custom for the last forty years. On most occasions Master Cheng Yen will be in charge of the ceremonies. Master Cheng Yen is in her mid-seventies, an age considered to be relatively young in Chinese tradition. The disciples of Tzu Chi do not appear to worry about the Master’s health or about the question of future succession to the leadership. This confidence may come from the knowledge that the master is well looked after by a strong medical team. The movement owns several hospitals in Taiwan and ‘medical salvation’ is one of the movement’s most important missions. The Master’s charisma for her followers means that she has now been given the further title of ‘Yuzhou da jueazhe’ (The enlightened one of the Universe). In the Abode a glassworks studio has been established to produce a sculpture of the Master which portrays her looking at the Earth from Space. It seems to me that the Movement has gradually moved the Master’s statue onto the altar to replace that of the Buddha. For the majority of Buddhists, after death their final vows must lead to rebirth in the Western Paradise. But in Tzu Chi I was told that all disciples wish to be reborn in the world of Master Cheng Yen and to follow her in future reincarnations. During the past forty years the Tzu Chi movement has become well established in Taiwan but its continued international appeal seems doubtful. My recent visit showed that the old liaison offices have become new centres as the older centres have moved to better areas of the cities. Larger, modern buildings have been erected. People might

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come to feel that the movement’s charitable sources and hospitals are so well managed that it is now self-sufficient and does not need donations. Tzu Chi has demonstrated its wealth and influence to society and the public is very gradually becoming aware of this. Tzu Chi’s Commissioners have aged. While some may have left, many have stayed contentedly. I noted that there were some younger disciples in the Movement who were advised and directed by experienced elders. The Tzu Chi Movement initially seemed to be primarily a female organization with a high majority of female participants. Though women still seem by and large to be the more active members, the ratio of women to men has become roughly equal. Apart from participation in religious groups Taiwanese women have few opportunities to fulfil their aspirations. Present and past governments have done little to solve this problem. I suggest that this is too limited an option. Final Reflections on the Character of the Movement In Chapter 1, I have referred to the fact that Tzu Chi is a specifically Taiwanese movement – see especially p. 36. In a final summary this point should again be highlighted. After the end of the Second World War religious freedom in Taiwan was severely restricted by law. When the main religious restriction was lifted in 1978, Taiwanese were faced with a fairly wide range of religions to choose from, but all of them could reasonably be said to be of foreign origin.552 (See p. 11 above for an explanation of why Traditional Religion too could be seen as coming from the Chinese mainland.) Though one can argue about whether nationalism is exclusively a modern phenomenon, that argument is not relevant to this context: traditional religion in the Buddhist world, taking that term in the broadest sense to include most of Asia, was not concerned with such issues as the national origin of religious founders. It may sound almost paradoxical, but the form of parochialism which stresses a religion’s relation to a political nation is in East Asia a feature of modernism; indeed, in many societies it is less than a century old. Taiwan has excellent connections to modern communications of every kind and is deeply affected by global trends. It would be strange indeed if nationalism were not among those trends. 552 Tzu Chi had already been founded, in 1966, but was still a very small and obscure medical charity, too small to draw the government’s attention.

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Therefore, just as in the last generation Taiwanese politics have been dominated by the struggle between the party founded soon after the Second World War by the mainlanders and its (originally banned) local counterpart, it is only natural that, once given the choice, many Taiwanese have preferred not a form of Buddhism with deep and obvious roots in the history of mainland China but a new religious movement which can claim the cultural prestige of association with that Buddhist tradition, but at the same time offers a variety with a distinctively local flavour, a religion founded by a living Taiwanese and primarily formulated as a vehicle for Taiwanese to help other Taiwanese.553 Despite its international ambitions, Tzu Chi began as a local medical charity – the first thing it did was to build a hospital – and that is still its central character. This leads us back to asking: Is it really Buddhist in more than name? The absence or at least unimportance of many traditional Buddhist teachings and practices has made the Tzu Chi movement one of the most secular religions in the Chinese Buddhist world, perhaps indeed in the Buddhist world anywhere. By ‘secular’ I here mean that its aims concern this world rather than the next, and furthermore that the means it prescribes for attaining those ends are of the kind generally accepted as rational. This secular character may be the most significant reason for its success. On the other hand, it is still worth considering how it relates to mainstream Buddhism. Despite its bewildering variety, Mahayana Buddhism sticks to the doctrine that an ideal person cultivates wisdom and compassion, and that these two qualities go hand in hand. Indeed a Buddha or a future Buddha (Bodhisattva) attains perfection in both, and is depicted iconographically as holding the two in balance. On the other hand, early Buddhism was based on the idea that it was the monks and nuns alone who were the true Buddhists, whose raison d’être was to attain nirvana, even though it was in principle allowed that a few exceptional individuals among the laity could do likewise. From this historical point of view, Tzu Chi seems to fit to perfection this view of the relative roles of Sangha and laity. The founder and leader of the Movement is a nun, albeit of a slightly unorthodox kind, while the members are laity, and what they practise and preach is compassion. The wisdom, which traditionally is defined by Buddhist 553 This relates closely to Bryan Wilson’s remarks about ‘indigenousness’; see p. 200 above.

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doctrine and is to be attained first and foremost by meditation, has taken a subsidiary role and is not accorded much importance in the Movement’s writings. To put it slightly differently: it used to be generally held that only the Sangha would practise meditation and thus make substantial progress towards enlightenment. Many members of Tzu Chi do not meditate and thus do not regard their religion as an other-worldly soteriology. What is strange from a traditional Buddhist angle is not this fact, but that they nevertheless wish to be regarded as Buddhists and substantiate that claim by drawing on the Buddhist tradition in such ways as citing Buddhist scriptures and formulating their own beliefs and rules in Buddhist terms.

APPENDIX Table A1 Religious change in Taiwan (source Taiwan social change survey) 䘢এ(%) Buddhism

1994(%)

1999(%)

2004(%)

2006(%)

31

39

26

24

23

9

9

13

15

16

32

31

34

31

32

Yi-Guan Dao

1

3

2

2

2

Roman Catholicism

2

1

2

1

1

Christianity

4

4

5

3

4

Islam

0

0

0

0

0

20

13

14

21

22

1

1

4

3

1

100

101

100

100

101

Daoism Traditional Belief

Atheism Total

Table A2 The educational background of Tzu Chi members Educational background

Nos.

Elementary

123

17

Secondary

277

38

Degree

313

43

Higher

13

2

726

100

Total Missing Total

13 739

Percentage

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appendix

Table A3 The educational background of Tzu Chi members – by gender Educational background

Females

Males

Total

Elementary

53 (15%)

70 (19)

123 (17%)

Secondary

148 (41%)

129 (35%)

277 (38%)

Degree

155 (43%)

158 (43%)

313 (43%)

Higher

5 (1%)

8 (2%)

13 (2%)

361 (100%)

365 (100%)

Total

726 (100%)

Table A4 The educational background of Tzu Chi members – by age Educational College background/ Student age groups Members 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66 and over Total Elementary

2

2

31

52

30

5

122

Secondary

5

36

112

85

34

5

277

Degree

162

32

64

41

10

3

312

Higher

6

1

5

1

0

0

13

169

76

208

183

75

13

724

Total

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Some selected publications of Tzu Chi Cheng Yen, Ciji Dingning Yu (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1983). -Suishi Xingji (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1984) -Faith Corps Groups Behaving in compassion and Wisdom (pamphlet in Chinese) (Taipei: Tzu Chi’s Cultural Centre, 1990a) -Huigui Xinling de Guxiang -Ciji Xindeng (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1991) -Tzu Chi Monthly Vol. 314, 1993b -Hueiguei Xienlien de Guxiang -Ciji Dingning Yu 12 -Qingjing de Zhihui (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1995) -Still Thoughts 1, Kao Hsin-chiang (ed.) (Taipei: Tzu Chi Culture Publication, 1993). -Still Thoughts II (translated by Lin Chia-hui from Chinese to English, edited by Douglas Shaw) (Taipei: Still Thoughts Cultural Mission Co., Foreign Language Publications Dept. 2nd Edition, 1996) -Cheng, Hui-jian, zhengyan faoshi han tade ciji shijie (Master Cheng Yen and her Tzu Chi World) (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1990 and 1992). -Pen, Shu-chun, ‘Reflecting Mountains When Facing Mountains, Reflecting Water When Facing Water: The Story of Dharma Master Cheng Yen’, in Kao, Hsin-chiang (ed.), Still Thoughts I (Taipei: Tzu Chi Culture Publication, 1993a) 210-36 and ‘Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Association’, in the same book, 1993b, pp. 196-9.

INDEX Aagarrd, Johannes 50, 102, 103 Aborigines, of Taiwan 3, 5, 17, 46 Agon Shu 23, 25, 28 Ahern, Emil, Martin 50 Altruism 38, 80–104, 191, 208 Amitaba Buddha 8, 94, 103 Ancestral rites 11, 86, 98, 100 Appeal 18, 40–1, 51, 52, 58, 181-212, 213, 218 Arhats 167 Atheists 7, 120, 121 Avalokitesvara 60n106 Bainbridge, W. S. 219, 221 Barker, Eliean 129, 130 Beckford, James 2, 49n88, 163, 178, 179 Bendix R. 53n95 Bromley, David 67, 159, 190 Buddha, Sakyamuni Buddha 191 Buddhism Chinese 1, 7–11, 30, 32, 34, 36, 93, 98, 100 for human life 10 in the human realm 10 orthodox 23, 31, 32, 213 reformist 217 Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BAROC) 8, 9, 10, 65, 99, 138 Candidius, Georgius 15 Charisma, routinization 196 Chen, Chieh-yin 118n269 Chen, Hui-jian 59n103, 62n109, 69n129 Chen, Kenneth 100n212, 167n405 Chen, Sheng-jen 37, 172 Chen, Shui-bian 6n11 Christian 6, 7, 15, 16, 17, 18, 55, 72, 121, 122, 182, 184, 187, 199 Chu, Hai-yuan 6, 17, 33, 40, 102 Chu, J. J. 6 Clarke, Peter 3, 49 Collcutt, M. 63n112 College Student Member(s), of Tzu Chi 75, 76, 105, 106, 107, 110, 112, 114, 115, 138, 139, 140, 147, 148, 151, 202, 203, 221, 224, 231

Commandments, ten, of Tzu Chi 75, 86, 92, 114, 140, 146, 147, 170, 185, 216-17 Commissioner 72, 131, 132ff., 159, 168, 184, 186, 203, 204, 206, 219, 227 Compassion 1, 72, 77, 89, 101, 178, 208, 228 Buddhist Compassion Merit Society 1, 71 Daoism 7, 13-14, 22, 30, 33, 55 Dean, Kenneth 14 Death ritual 94–8 Democratic Progress Party (DDP) 6 Derrett, E. M. 206, 209 Dick, Anthony 195 Dobbelaere, Karel 40, 52, 115, 129, 132, 137, 138, 181, 205 Donation(s) 1, 33, 45, 72ff., 79, 93, 98, 132ff., 158, 159, 161, 167, 168, 170, 173, 178, 182, 183, 187, 188-91, 202, 206, 207, 209, 227 Enlightenment 21, 31, 69, 81, 85, 87, 101, 103, 191, 216, 218, 229 Ethics, as Tzu Chi’s 1, 74, 131, 185, 204, 212, 214, 216 Fagu Shan, Dharma Drum 34, 99, 102 Faith Corps 75, 139, 140, 152 Faqing 203 Feuchtwang, Stephan 11 Filial piety 83 Foguang Shan 34, 99, 102, 145 Freedman, Maurice 55n99 Fu 82, 200 Funeral rites 62n111, 94-8, 104, 214, 218, 219 Gao, Ming-jun 17 Gao, Xin-jiang 77, 131n317 Gate of Buddhism 101, 178 Gate of compassion 101, 178 Gates, Hill 46, 47, 48, 50, 55 Granet, M. 7, 11n18

242

index

Guan Yin, (or Kuan Yin) 1, 8, 60n106, 61, 66, 69, 89, 122, 164, 165 Hakkas 5 Hamilton, M. 53n95 Hammersley, Martyn 57–8 Hardacre, Helen 49n89, 50n90, 101, 168 Headquarters, of Tzu Chi 1, 42, 44, 64, 141, 142, 145, 147, 149, 151, 153–6, 159, 163, 174, 175, 182, 185, 186, 195, 206 Pure Abode of Still Thoughts 61, 67, 204, 226 Healing Sutra 142, 154 Heelas, P. 40, 41, 181 Ho, Ming-jung 37, 38, 40, 85, 156, 162 Hokkien 5, 52, 56, 113, 155, 196, 197, 214 Honorary Patron 75, 135, 139, 140, 145, 150, 211 Hospital 15, 66, 72, 118, 162 Hosui, R. 15n29 Hualien 1, 42, 64, 67, 70, 71, 72, 73, 90, 141, 143, 153, 156, 158, 165, 182, 185 Huang, Chien-yu 63n113 Huang, Zhi-hui 26n57 Iconography Avalokitesvara 60n106 replacing of Bodhisattva 228 Initiation ceremony 153, 170, 175-8 Islam 7, 30, 80 Jacobs, J. 197, 219 Jiang, Can-teng 7n13, 10n17, 79 Jin-yun, (lay name of Cheng Yen, Venerable) 60–5 Johnson, E. 96n204, 214, 547 Jones, Charles 8, 10, 38, 39, 61, 78, 83, 155n380, 224 Jordan, David 14, 19, 22, 122 Jorgensen, Danny, L. 48, 51n92, 56 Kado, Kim 26 Karma 22, 32, 33, 80-3, 93, 94, 95, 96, 100, 101, 176, 183, 184, 210, 215 Katz, Paul 13n25, 14, 190 King, Ursula 164n395 Knapp, Ronald 6n10 Krishna 23, 159

Lai, Tse-han 4n4, 15 Laity 1, 8, 10, 11, 30, 31, 34, 63, 65, 72, 102, 154, 168, 173, 174, 213, 214, 228 Lan, Jifu n13, 9n14 Lande, A. 50n90 Li, Ding-tzan 99n210 Li, Fu-ma 14n26 Lin, Ben-xuan 43n78, 50, 57, 105, 106, 126 Lin, Mei-jung 13 Lin, Shu-lien 13n24 Liu, Bin-yan 77, 78 Liu, Chi-wan 14n26 Lotus Sutra 60n106, 65, 100, 155, 159 Lu, Hui-xin 105, 106, 126 Mackay, Dr 15 Mainlanders 5, 17, 24, 228 Maitreya 19 Mandarin 1, 5, 9, 11, 36, 52, 56, 155, 196, 203 Mao, Tzu-yuan 103 Maxwell, Dr 15 Mayers, Roman, H. 4n4, 15n28 Merit 33, 38, 39, 62, 80–3, 89, 93, 95, 98, 100, 101, 141, 146, 156, 161, 166, 167, 176, 177, 178, 182, 183, 184, 187, 209, 215 Mickler, M. 202 Mola, Francisco 15 Moonies 130, 159 Morning service 154, 155, 156, 173, 226 Nationalism 227 Neo-confucianism 101 NRMs (New Religious Movements) 3, 18, 21, 23-9, 40, 41, 49, 50, 53, 120, 121, 125, 129, 130, 132, 168, 169, 181, 203, 206, 212, 218, 221, 225 Overmyer, Daniel, 14, 19, 22, 55, 122 Parinamana (transfer of merit), 167 Paul, Diana, 60n106 Phillips, Cynthia, 132 Puttick, E., 40, 41, 68n124, 166 Qian, Zhi-chun, 66n121 Relief 1 Relief work 13, 59, 74, 78, 143, 176, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 201, 206, 223–4

243

index Renunciation 34 Robbins, Thomas 57, 179, 195, 200, 222 Robert, Keith 45n81 Roman Catholics 7, 15, 17-18 Saliba, John 2, 32n67, 57 Salvation 10, 19, 59, 75, 81, 83-6, 88, 89, 93, 98, 102, 167, 168, 177, 192, 214, 218 Sasson, D 70–1 Sered, Susan 165 Shahar, Meir 11n19, 12 Sheng Yen, Venerable 21, 34, 198 Shupe, Anson 67, 159, 190 Sinji Shumei-kai 23, 28 Snow, David 132 Soka Gakkai 23, 24, 27, 132, 138, 169, 205 Song, Guang-yu 11n19, 16, 17, 50 Song, Qili 29 South Africa Relief Project 166 Stark, R. 40, 213, 215, 216, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 224, 225 Still Thoughts 1, 61, 80, 131, 199 Supreme Ching Hai movement 21, 102 Syncreticism 18–29 Taiwanese 5, 6, 9, 11, 13, 15ff., 22, 25ff., 32, 33, 36, 58, 113, 114, 134, 163, 176, 214, 223, 227, 228 Tenrikyo 24, 25-7, 28 Theodore, William 102n221 Thompson, Stuart 96n205 Ting, Jen-chieh 38, 105, 132 Traditional Religion (Chinese) 33, 34, 55, 71, 98, 100, 120, 121, 122, 145, 214 Tsung, Shiu-kuen 62n110 Tzu Chi hospital(s) 72, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 90, 91, 98, 130, 141, 143, 149, 153, 155, 173, 174, 175, 179, 183, 188, 189, 191, 195, 198, 200, 207, 226, 227, 228

Uniform, of Tzu Chi members 148, 170, 171, 176, 185, 205 dress code 51, 163, 170, 185, 217

2, 97,

Vegetarian Religion 8, 29, 30, 61n107 Vermander, B. 93n199 Volunteer(s) 77, 91, 140, 148, 149, 163, 174, 175, 176, 198, 207, 219 Wallis, R. 42, 45, 58, 102 Wang, Shun-min 13n24 Watson, James 95n201 Weber, Max 53, 68, 195, 196 Wei, Wu 4n4, 15 Weller, Robert 11n19, 12, 30 Wen, Jin-ke 7n13 Wilson, Bryan 24n53, 40, 41, 115, 129, 132, 137, 138, 200, 205, 217, 225 Wolf, Arthur 11, 50, 55n99 Wolf, Margery 108n230, 124n299 Xing, Fu-guan 100n213 Xing Pusa Dao, practice of Tzu Chi 89, 197, 215, 216 Xiu Dao, Venerable 62-4, 65, 67, 100 Xu, Chuengmieng 64, 165 Yan, Hui-nan 10n16 Yang, C., K. 11, 12 Yao, Li-xiang 6, 9, 10, 15, 22 Yi-guan Dao 7, 18, 19-21, 33, 124, 125, 138, 200 Yin Shun, Venerable 10, 65, 67, 99, 214 Yu Pin, Cardinal 17 Zhenfo Zong 18, 21-3, 29, 102, 125, 130 Zhunian, of Tzu Chi’s funeral rites 94, 95, 96, 168, 177, 209