Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: The hermeneutics of their existence 9781407304489, 9781407334820

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
Table of Contents
Conventions
List of Tables
List of Maps
List of Plates
Acknowledgments
1. Introduction
2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts
3. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Royal Scenes: Selected Reigns
4. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Daily Life in Ancient Egypt
5. Syro-Palestinian Deities and Egyptian Deities
6. Conclusion
Bibliography
Index
Plates

Citation preview

BAR S1965 2009 TAZAWA SYRO-PALESTINIAN DEITIES IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

B A R Tazawa 1965 cover.indd 1

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt The hermeneutics of their existence

Keiko Tazawa

BAR International Series 1965 2009

18/06/2009 10:37:35

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt The hermeneutics of their existence

Keiko Tazawa

BAR International Series 1965 2009

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 1965 Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt © K Tazawa and the Publisher 2009 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. ISBN 9781407304489 paperback ISBN 9781407334820 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407304489 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2009. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

BAR PUBLISHING BAR titles are available from:

E MAIL P HONE F AX

BAR Publishing 122 Banbury Rd, Oxford, OX2 7BP, UK [email protected] +44 (0)1865 310431 +44 (0)1865 316916 www.barpublishing.com

For my parents

Contents Contents

i

Conventions

iv

List of Tables

viii

List of Maps

viii

List of Plates

ix

Acknowledgements

xii

1. Introduction

1

1.1 The Nature of the Research Topic

1

1.2 History of Previous Research on this Topic

3

1.3 The Aim and Content

8

1.3.1 The Aim

8

1.3.2 The Sources

9

1.3.3 The Comparative Studies and Egyptology

9

1.3.4 The Translative Adaptation Theory

11

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts

13

2.1 The Material Evidence

13

2.1.1 Baal

13

2.1.2 Reshef

38

2.1.3 Hauron

60

2.1.4 Anat

72

2.1.5 Astarte

83

2.1.6 Qadesh

96

2.2 Iconography

114

2.2.1 Baal

114

2.2.2 Reshef

116

2.2.3 Hauron

118

2.2.4 Anat

119

2.2.5 Astarte

120

2.2.6 Qadesh

121

2.2.7 Egyptian Headdresses and Syro-Palestinian Deities

124

2.2.7.1 The Egyptian Crowns

124

2.2.7.2 Syro-Palestinian Deities with the Egyptian Crowns

124

2.2.7.3 The White Crown and Baal

126

2.2.7.4 The White Crown and Reshef

126

i

2.2.7.5 The Double Crown and the Nemes-cloth and Hauron

127

2.2.7.6 The Atef-crown and Anat and Astarte

128

2.2.7.7 Various Headdresses and Qadesh

129

2.2.7.8 Discussion

129

2.3 Texts: Epithets and Roles of Syro-Palestinian Deities in Ancient Egypt

129

2.3.1 Baal

129

2.3.2 Reshef

130

2.3.3 Hauron

131

2.3.4 Anat

132

2.3.5 Astarte

133

2.3.6 Qadesh

135

3. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Royal Scenes: Selected Reigns

137

3.1 Amenhotep II: Reshef and Astarte

137

3.2 Thutmose IV: Astarte and Hauron

139

3.3 Sety I: Baal, Hauron, Anat and Astarte

140

3.4 Rameses II: Baal, Hauron, Anat and Astarte

143

3.5 Rameses III: Baal, Reshef, Anat and Astarte

145

3.6 Discussion

148

4. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Daily Life in Ancient Egypt

149

4.1 Definition

149

4.2 Syro-Palestinian Deities in Daily Life during New Kingdom Egypt

151

4.3 Discussion

153

5. Syro-Palestinian Deities and Egyptian Deities

154

5.1 Seth-Baal Combination

154

5.1.1 The origin and meaning

154

5.1.2 Dynamics between Seth-Baal and Amun/Amun-Ra

156

5.2 The Relationship between Reshef and the Seth-Baal Combination

158

th

in the 19 Dynasty: General Investigation concerning the Interface between Royal Cult and Popular Religion 5.3 Hauron and Egyptian Deities: Two Dimensions Mediated by Horus

160

5.4 Convergence with Hathor: Anat, Astarte, Qadesh

163

5.5 Fertility Deities: The Relationship between Qadesh, Reshef and Min in the Triad Stele

165

5.6 Discussion

167

ii

6. Conclusion

169

Bibliography

171

Index

190

Plates I~XVII

iii

Conventions Dates and Names The chronological table and the name of Egyptian kings and deities are based on I. Shaw, ed., 2000, The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford. The place names are following to J. Baines & J. Malek, 2000 Cultural Atlas of Ancient Egypt (Revised ed.), Oxford.

Sigla [ ] restoration [/////] text broken or erosion [.....] texts continue < > complement by the author ........ omission

List of Abbreviations

AAA Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology ABD Anchor Bible Dictionary AEg Ancient Egypt Aegyptus Aegyptus. Rivista Italiana di Egittologia e di Papirologia AEL Lichtheim, M 1973-1980 Ancient Egyptian Literature I-III, Berkley & Los Angeles/London: University of California Press AfO Archiv für Orientforschung ÄIB Roeder, G 1924 Inschriften. Ägyptische Inschriften aus den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin I-II, Berlin: Hinrichs AJA American Journal of Archaeology AJSL American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literature Akkadia Akkadia ANEP Pritchard, J.B 19692 The Ancient Near East in Pictures. Relating to the Old Testament, Princeton: Princeton University Press ANET Pritchard, J.B (Ed.) 19693 Ancient Near Eastern Texts. Relating to the Old Testament, Princeton: Princeton University Press ARE Breasted, J. H 1906-1907 Ancient Records of Egypt. Historical Documents I-V, Chicago: University of Chicago Press ASAE Annales du service des antiquités de l’Egypte Aula Orientalis Aula Orientalis BA Biblical Archaeologist BAR Biblical Archaeology Review BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research BES Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar Bib. Biblica BIE Bulletin de l’Institut Égyptien BIFAO Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale BiOr Bibliotheca Orientalis von Bissing Denkmäler von Bissing F. W. 1914 Denkmäler ägyptischer Skulptur, Munich: F. Bruckmann BM Dic. of AE Shaw, I & Nicholson, P. 1995 The British Museum Dictionary of Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press BMMA Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Fine Arts BN Biblische Notizen BSFFT Bulletin de la Société de française des fouilles de Tanis BSGE Bulletin de la Société de Géographie d'Égypte CAH Edwards, I. E 1909 - The Cambridge Ancient History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press CAJ Cambridge Archaeological Journal CAT Dietrich, Manfred, Oswald, Loretz, Sanmartin, Joaquin 1995 The Cuneiform Alphabetic Texts from Ugarit, Ras Ibn and other places, Abhandlungen Zur Literatur

iv

Alt-Syrien-Palästinas und Mesopotamiens (Alasp), Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Chronique d’Égypte Champollion, J 1835-1845 Monuments de l'Egypte et de la Nubie, Notices Descriptives Conformes aux Manuscripts Autographs Rédigés, I-IV, Paris: Firmin Didot Champ., Not. descr. Champollion, J 1844-1889 Notices descriptives I-II, Paris CT Faulkner, R 2004 The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts. Spells 1-1185 & Indexes, Oxford: Aris & Phillips DDD van der Toorn, K et al 1995/19992 Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, Leiden & New York: Brill Descr. Ant. Comission d'Égypte 1809-22 Description de L'Egypte, ou Recueil des Observations et des Recherches Qui ont été Faites en Egypte Pendant l'expédition de l'armée Français I-V, Paris: L'Imprimerie Imp'eriale. EA (block letter) Number of the Amarna Letters EA (Italic letter) Egyptian Archaeology GM Göttinger Miszellen Görg & Lang Görg, M & Lang, B 1991-2001 Neues Bibel-Lexikon, vols.3 Horus and Seth Horus and Seth in AEL II, 214-223. IDB The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible IEJ Israel Exploration Journal Iraq Iraq JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt JBL Journal of Biblical Literature and Exegesis JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology JJS Journal of Jewish Studies JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies JNSL Journal of Northwest Semitic Language JSSEA Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities Karnak IV Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1986 Reliefs and Inscriptions at Karnak IV: The Battle of Reliefs of King Sety I, Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi, I-VI KÊMI KÊMI. Revue de Philologie et d’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Coptes KRI Kitchen, K. A 1968-1983 Ramesside Inscriptions I-VI, Oxford: Blackwell KTU Dietrich, M., Oswald, L. & Sanmartin, J. 1976 Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit, Einschliesslich der Keilalphabetischen Texte ausserhalb Ugarits, Alter Orient und Altes Testament Bd. 24, Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker. KUB Figulla, H. H 1921-1944 Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköi, I-XXXIV, Berlin: Vorderasiatische Abteilung der Staatlichen Museen Kush Kush. Journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service LÄ Lexikon der Ägyptologie LEM Gardiner, A. H 1937 Late-Egyptian Miscellanies, Bruxelles: Fondation Égyptologique Reine Élisabeth LES Gardiner, A. H 1932 Late-Egyptian Stories, Bruxelles: Fondation Égyptologique Reine Élisabeth LD Lepsius, K. R 1849-1859 Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien: nach den Zeichnungen der von seiner Majestät dem Könige von Preussen Friedrich Wilhelm IV. nach diesen Ländern gesendeten und in den Jahren 1842-1845 ausgeführten wissenschaftlichen Expedition auf Befehl seiner Majestät, Berlin: Nicolai LIMC Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae MDAIK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo (bis 1944): Mitteilungen des Deutschen Instituts für Ägyptische Altertumskunde in Kairo MH Nelson, H. H 1930 Medinet Habu I-II. Earlier Historical Records of Rameses III, Chicago: University of Chicago Press MIOF Mitteilungen des Instituts für Orientforschung MUSJ Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph NIN Nin: Journal of Gender Studies in Antiquities NSSEA Newsletter of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities OEAE Redford, D et al. 2001 The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt I-III, Oxford: Oxford CdE Champ., Mon.

v

ZA ZÄS ZAW ZDMG ZDPV

University Press Orientalistische Literatuezeitung Oudheidkundige Mededeelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden Oriens Antiquus Orientalia Orientalia: commentarii periodici Pontificii Instituti Biblici. Nova series Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement Porter, B & Moss,R. 1927-1939/19602- Topographical bibliography of ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic texts, reliefs, and paintings, Oxford: Griffith Institute Ashmolean Museum Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology Faulkner, R 1969 The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Oxford: University Press Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine Revue Archéologique Reallexikon der ägyptischen Religionsgeschichte Revue Biblique Revue d’Égyptologie Recueil de Travaux Rélatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes Revista de Estudios de Egiptologia Revue de l’Égypte ancienne Ras Ibn Hani tablets Kitchen, K. A 1993- Ramesside Inscriptions : Translated and Annotated, Oxford: Blackwell Reallexikon der Assyriologie Rivista di studi fenici Rivista degli Studi Orientali Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur Studi e Linguistici sul vicino Oriente Sitzungsberichte der Königlich preussichen Akademie der Wissenscheften. Phillologisch-historische Klasse. (1882-1921) Syria Tel Aviv Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments Botterweck, H et al 1970- Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer Ugarit-Forschungen: internationales Jahrbuch für die Altertumskunde Syrien-Palästinas Sethe, K 1909 Urkunden der 18. Dynastie IV, Leipzig: Hinrichs; Helck, W 1961 Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Übersetzung zu den Heften 17-22, Berlin: Akademie-Verlag Varia Aegyptiaca Erman, A & H. Grapow 1925-1955 Wörterbuch der aegyptischen Sprache, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumkunde Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift der deutshen morgenlädischen Gesellschaft Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästine-Vereins

ÄS: BM: CG: DN: IAA: IFAO: JE: KV: L. P. H.

Staatliche Sammlung Ägyptischer Kunst, München British Museum, London Catalogue Générale Divine Name Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale du Caire Journal d’Entrée King’s Valley ‘Life, Prosperity, Health’: Expression of wishes for life and health

OLZ OMRO OrAnt Or. OrNS PEFQS PM PSBA PT QDAP RAr RäR RB RdE Rec.Trav REE Rev. Eg. Anc. RIH RITA RlA RSF RSO SAK SEL Sitzungsb. Berlin Syria Tel Aviv TUAT TWAT UF Urk. IV Varia Aegyptiaca Wb.

vi

MHQ: MMA: Rockefeller: OIC: SK: SM: TT: UM: UC:

Ha’aretz Museum, Tel Aviv The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York Rockefeller Archaeological Museum, Jerusalem The Oriental Institute, Chicago Sonderkatalog, Biblisches Institut, Fribourg Staatliche Museen, Berlin Theban Toms University Museum, Philadelphia University College, London (Petrie Museum)

vii

List of Tables 1.

Categories of Evidence – Distribution of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Overview

2.

Categories of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Baal

3.

Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Baal

4.

Categories of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Reshef

5.

Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Reshef

6.

Categories of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Hauron

7.

Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Hauron

8.

Categories of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Anat

9.

Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Anat

10. Categories of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Astarte 11. Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Astarte 12. Categories of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Qadesh 13. Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Qadesh 14. Egyptian Headdresses and Syro-Palestinian Deities - Statistical Data: (Only the materials identified by inscription) 15. Egyptian Headdresses and Syro-Palestinian Deities - Statistical Data: (Including the materials not identified by inscription) 16. Diagram of the Relationship between Reshef and Seth-Baal combination 17. Diagram of three Syro-Palestinian Goddesses in Egypt 18. Hathor Circle 19. Mirror Image of Convergence with Hathor by Anat, Astarte and Qadesh 20. Expanded Mirror Image of Convergence with Hathor by Anat, Astarte and Qadesh including the Osirian circle

List of Maps 1.

Distribution of Evidence: Baal

2.

Distribution of Evidence: Reshef

3.

Distribution of Evidence: Hauron

4.

Distribution of Evidence: Anat

5.

Distribution of Evidence: Astarte

6.

Distribution of Evidence: Qadesh

viii

List of Plates *L = Location, P = Photo source Plate I

2.1.1 Doc. 1 Fragment of stele of Sety I (L: Aleppo 384, P: Cornelius 1994 BR 12 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.1 Doc. 2 400-year-stele (L: Cairo JE 60539, P: Bietak 1990) 2.1.1 Doc. 6 Stele of Usermarenakht (L: Cairo JE 88879, P: Cornelius 1994 BR 3 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis)

Plate II

2.1.1 Doc. 7 Anonymous stele (= 2.1.6 Doc. 2) (L: Cairo JE 45535, P: Courtesy of University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology) 2.1.1 Doc. 10 Stele of Thothnefer (L: Berlin 8440, P: © Keiko Tazawa) 2.1.1 Doc. 11

Stele of Mentutauinakht

(L: Ashmolean E. 714, P: Cornelius 1994 BR 13 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) Plate III

2.1.1 Doc. 12 Fragment of stele (L: Copenhagen AEIN 726, P: Cornelius 1994 BR 19 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.1 Doc. 15 Cylinder seal (impression) (L: Fribourg SK 191a, P: Cornelius 1994 BM 23a © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.1 Doc. 21 Scarab (L: ÄMP 33253, P: Cornelius 1994 BM 80 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.1 Doc. 27 Scarab (L: Cracow MAK/AS 2414, P: Cornelius 1994 BM 51 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.1 Doc. 30 Scarab (L: Institute of Archaeology, University of Jerusalem, P: Cornelius 1994 BM 19 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.1 Doc. 41 Scarab (L: Basel 707, P: Cornelius 1994 BM 39 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.1 Doc. 44 Scarab (L: BM L.604, P: Cornelius 1994 BM 43 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis)

Plate IV

2.1.2 Doc. 1 Stele of Betu (= 2.1.5 Doc.1) (L: TBO 760, P: Hoffmeier and Kitchen 2007, fig. 1b) 2.1.2 Doc. 2 Stele of Amenemopet (L: Cairo JE 70222, P: Cornelius 1994 RR 21 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.2 Doc. 4 Stele of Tjenerhir[///] (= 2.1.3 Doc.6) (L: Cairo JE 86123, P: Cornelius 1994 RR 32 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.2 Doc. 5 Anonymous stele (L: Hildesheim 1100, P: Cornelius 1994 RR 2 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis)

Plate V

2.1.2 Doc. 6 Stele of Ramose (= 2.1.6 Doc. 5) (L: Turin 50066, P: Cornelius 1994 RR 28 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.2 Doc. 8 Stele of Hay (L: Avignon A16, P: Cornelius 1994 RR 24 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis)

ix

2.1.2 Doc. 9 Stele of Huy (= 2.1.6 Doc. 7) (L: Louvre C86, P: Cornelius 1994 RR 29 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.2 Doc. 10 Stele of Qaha (= 2.1.4 Doc. 1; 2.1.6 Doc. 6) (L: BM EA191, P: Cornelius 1994 RR 30 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) Plate VI

2.1.2 Doc. 17 Stele of Iniahay (= 2.1.6 Doc. 8) (L: Moscow I. 1.a. 5613 (3177), P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.7 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.2 Doc. 22 Anonymous stele (= 2.1.6 Doc. 11) (L: Cairo JE26048, P: Cornelius 1994 BR 15 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.2 Doc. 28 Stele of Sul (L: OIC 10569, P: Cornelius 1994 RR 7 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.2 Doc. 35 Stele of unknown dedicator by crack (L: Philadelphia E.13620, P: Cornelius 1994 RR 33 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis)

Plate VII

2.1.2 Doc. 40 Seal (L: IAA 74-129, P: Cornelius 1994 RM 7 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.2 Doc. 44 Scarab (L: Rockefeller 32.2672, P: Cornelius 1994 RM 10 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.2 Doc. 46 Scarab (L: Ashmolean 1890.119a, P: Cornelius 1994 RM 11 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.2 Doc. 47 Scarab (L: Fribourg SK 74, P: Cornelius 1994 RM 19 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.2 Doc. 58 Vessel of Sennefer (= 2.1.4 Doc. 13; 2.1.5 Doc. 35; 2.1.6 Doc. 19) (L: Present location unknown, P: Redford 1973a pl. I)

Plate VIII

2.1.3 Doc. 1 Stele of Mes (L: Cairo JE72266, P: Hassan 1953 fig. 62) 2.1.3 Doc. 2 Stele of Amenemsetneb (L: Cairo JE72274, P: Hassan 1953 fig. 192) 2.1.3 Doc. 4 Stele of Tutuia (L: Cairo JE72264, P: Hassan 1953 fig. 197) 2.1.3 Doc. 7 Stele of Amenwahsu (L: Cairo JE 72262, P: Hassan 1953 pl. LXVI)

Plate IX

2.1.3 Doc. 8 Stele of Paraemheb (L: Preserved in the Stores of the Services of Antiquities at Giza, P: Hassan 1953 pl. LXV) 2.1.3 Doc. 10 Stele of Aanakhtkhonsu (L: Hannover, Kestner-Museum 1935. 200. 218, P: P. Cattelain, Cedarc) 2.1.3 Doc. 11

Stele of Djehutynakht (= 2.1.4 Doc. 35) (L: Cairo JE72275, P: Hassan 1953 fig. 201)

2.1.3 Doc. 15 Stele of Nebneny (L: Cairo JE 72290, P: Hassan 1953 fig. 190) Plate X

2.1.3 Doc. 21 Amulet (L: Present location unknown, P: Bruyère 1937 pt. 2, fig. 7:2-3) 2.1.3 Docs. 23-24 Foundation plaque (L: Brooklyn Museum: 36.619.3 & 36.619.4, P: Reproduced with permission of Dr. Edward Bleiberg (The Brooklyn Museum of Art); photos courtesy of William Barrette)

Plate XI

2.1.3 Docs. 26-27 Foundation plaque (L: Brooklyn Museum: 36.619.6 & 36.619.11, P: Reproduced with permission of

x

Dr. Edward Bleiberg (The Brooklyn Museum of Art); photos courtesy of William Barrette) 2.1.3 Docs. 25&28

Foundation plaque

(L: Brooklyn Museum: 36.619.5 & 36.619.12, P: Reproduced with permission of Dr. Edward Bleiberg (The Brooklyn Museum of Art); photos courtesy of William Barrette) 2.1.3 Doc. 30 Doorjamb of Sety I (L: Giza in situ, P: © IFAO) Plate XII

2.1.4 Doc. 2 Fragment of stele of Neferhotep (= 2.1.5 Doc. 11; 2.1.6 Doc. 14) (L: Present location unknown, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.16 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.4 Doc. 4 Statue of Rameses II and Anat (L: Louvre AF 2576, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 3.7 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.4 Doc. 5 Statue of seated Rameses II and Anat (L: Cairo JE 6336, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 2.1 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis)

Plate XIII

2.1.4 Doc. 31 Name: The first daughter of Rameses II (L: BM EA697, P: © The Trustees of the British Museum) 2.1.4 Doc. 33 Name: Anatemnakhet (Puppy of Rameses II) (L: Beit el-Wali in situ, P: Courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago)

Plate XIV

2.1.5 Doc. 5 Fragment of stele of Nefersekheru (L: Tell Zawyet Sultan in situ, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.1 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.5 Doc. 6 Rock stele (L: Wadi Abbad in situ, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.2 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.5 Doc. 8 Anonymous stele (L: Ashmolean E 3897, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.3 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.5 Doc. 9 Stele of Rameses II and Astarte (L: Louvre E26017, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 3.6 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis)

Plate XV

2.1.5 Doc. 10 Fragment of stele of Merenptah (L: UC 14392, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 1.8 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.5 Doc. 15 Cylinder seal (impression) (L: Rockefeller 35.4442, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 1:10 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.5 Doc. 19 Ostracon (L: Berlin 21826, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.5 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.5 Doc. 21 Ostracon (L: oDeM 2159 (no inv.3008), P: Rommelaere 1991 no. 117)

Plate XVI

2.1.5 Doc. 30 Axe (L: BM EA 36766, P: © The Trustees of the British Museum) 2.1.6 Doc. 1 Anonymous stele (L: Cairo JE 26049, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.15 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis)

Plate XVII

2.1.6 Doc. 3 Stele of illegible dedicator (L: Moscow I. 1.a. 5614 (4087), P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.14 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.6 Doc. 4 Fragment of stele (L: BM EA60308 (263), P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.26 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) 2.1.6 Doc. 9 Stele of Takeret (L: Berlin 21626, P: Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.17 © Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis)

xi

Acknowledgments This monograph is based upon a PhD thesis submitted to the University of Liverpool, UK in 2008.

I also appreciate Miss. Pat. Winker (Department secretary), Ms. Susan Highfield (librarian of Archaeology Library) and Mrs. Jennifer Mirdamadi (Department computer technician) for their kind supports by which I could make constant progress on my work without any problem. I wish to thank all my friends and colleagues who supported me in the UK and overseas. Ms. Alison McLaughlin and Mr. Paul Chesters enormously helped me improve my English including occasionally checking my some drafts. Ms. Cordula Werschkun always helped me with German references and encouraged me with her warm friendship. Also I am indebted to Mr. Bart Miller and Mrs. Hisae Moisson for French references. Dr. Dominic Williams and Mrs. Kazuko Izura-Williams always supported me with their cordial hospitality. Ms. Chiori Kitagawa provided me with plenty of information about gazelle and other animals in the Near East. Everybody supported and encouraged me with their generosity and friendship: Dr. Emi Shirakawa, Dr. Keiko Fujiyoshi, Dr. Carolyn Routledge, Dr. Georgia Xekalaki, Mr. Tadashi Sakamoto, Mr. Hiroki Igeta, Ms. Kyoko Takano, Ms. Yoko Higuchi, Ms. Hiromi Ito. Mr. Paul Chesters, Dr. Garry Shaw and Ms. Claire Malleson carefully checked and corrected my English in this volume. If any errors and inconsistencies, they are wholly my own.

I am most grateful to my supervisor of the thesis, Dr. Ian M. E. Shaw, for his unflagging and enduring assistances and encouragement to me throughout my research. His consistent feedback on the contents and structure, and his patience on me have been invaluable. My thanks must go to Dr. Bruce Routledge, my thesis advisor. He helped me with many suggestions from the viewpoint of Near Eastern studies. His comments and advices have been very constructive and practical. I am indebted to Prof. Alan Millard. He has always kindly answered to my questions with scholarly comments about Ugaritic religion. My gratitude is due to Prof. Kenneth A. Kitchen. During our discussion on some particular objects dealt in this work, he provided me with many suggestions all the time. Prof. James Hoffmeier and Dr. Susanna Thomas generously provided me with the unpublished data at that time of particular items which they had discovered. Dr. Daphna Ben-Tor friendly and kindly helped me with further scholarly information and discussions on an object.

OBO (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis) kindly granted permission to reproduce images from their publications. Also I’m deeply grateful to all who helped me with their permission for reproduction of the images; Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Prof. D. Redford, Éditions du CÉDARC, Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale du Caire, British Museum, Oriental Institute, Édition Safran, Prof. C. Lilyquist and Dr. E. Bleiberg (Brooklyn Museum).

Many discussions with Dr. Akiko Sugi were very productive and inspirational for this work. She also encouraged me all the time from Japan. Some suggestions from Ms. Mika Okushima, Japanese anthropologist, were much practical to my methodology. Comments from Dr. Steven Snape and Dr. Kasia Szpakowska in examining the thesis were very valuable and helpful in revising it for publication. I would like to express my appreciation to many museums and institutions for their kindly help: The British Museum; The Ashmolean Museum of Art and Archaeology; Chester Beatty Library; EES library; UCL library; Staatliche Muzeen zu Berlin; Staatliches Museum Ägyptischer Kunst, München; Roemer- und PelizaeusMuseum Hildesheim; Musée du Louvre; Medelhavsmuseet Stockhokm; University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology; Sotheby’s Library

I dedicate this study to my parents, Mr. Satoru Tazawa and Mrs. Masako Tazawa. They endlessly offered me financial and moral supports throughout the time of my research. This work would never have been completed without their love and support. And also I present this work to the late Mrs. Kimiyo Tazawa who is my most respectable grandmother. Keiko Tazawa Nagano Spring 2009

xii

1. Introduction

1. Introduction present work will try to propose some hermeneutic interpretations about these ‘pagan deities’ among the Egyptians from the viewpoint of their functions and the way of acceptance of them in ancient Egyptian society.

1.1 The Nature of the Research Topic Egypt and Syria-Palestine already had a long history of contact and interaction with each other before the New Kingdom although the links at that time were somewhat weak and ad hoc compared with the period from the New Kingdom onwards. It is suggested that the Egyptians’ foreign policy in Syria-Palestine began with their commercial and sometimes military connections with the region.1 Meanwhile, at the level of the common people, a certain number of Asiatics flowed into Egypt, thus to some extent opening the door to the rule of the Hyksos. It was the Hyksos who inspired the Egyptians to open their eyes towards Syria-Palestine as an entity that they might wish to put under their control, and in later times New Kingdom Egypt established closer and tighter ties with Syria-Palestine. Egyptian kings sent many military campaigns into the Syro-Palestinian region and subdued this area, and accordingly Syria-Palestine became incorporated into the Egyptian political framework. 2 Many Asiatics were transported into Egypt from Syria-Palestine as battle booty, or as voluntary settlers in the form of craftsmen, merchants etc. In addition, the princes of Syro-Palestinian vassals were taken into the Egyptian court to be brought up in the Egyptian way of life and then sent back to their homeland in order to let them run each city-state based on the Egyptian way, and with a sense of affinity toward Egypt.3

It is clearly first necessary to specify the range of deities that will be investigated in this study. Among Syro-Palestinian deities worshipped by the Egyptians, Baal, Reshef, Hauron, Anat, Astarte and Qadesh stand out particularly.5 They are attested from much of the material evidence, and particularly intensively from the New Kingdom, including data derived from stelae, statues, reliefs, ostraca, amulets, architectures, and texts. In addition, it is obvious, from these data, that they were venerated by all classes, from the royal family to the ordinary people. Moreover, each social standing seems to have favoured particular deities,6 as discussed below. It therefore seems appropriate to deal with these six deities all together (as opposed to individual studies, as has previously tended to be the case) in order to investigate Syro-Palestinian religious elements in Egypt. It was this issue that was discussed by Linda Hulin in 1982.7 She confirms that Asiatic deities had been introduced formally into Egypt by the kings themselves in the New Kingdom, the purpose being primarily political, i.e. the gaining of endorsements from Syro-Palestinian deities in order to facilitate the subjection of this area, Syria-Palestine.8 By this the kings had connections with Syro-Palestinian deities personally from the first point of contact. Hulin also argues that Syro-Palestinian deities were popular among the ordinary people too, and that this was perhaps due to ‘royal patronage’ as well as the effect of the many Asiatic workers who by then lived within Egypt. However, Hulin questions the extent of influence that such Asiatics may have had over native Egyptians. After re-examination of some of the evidence, she concludes that “the seeming popularity of the Asiatic cults at Deir el-Medina does not imply widespread adherence in Egypt as a whole”9 because Deir el-Medina, the most frequent source of evidence for Syro-Palestinian deities in Egyptian popular religion, was quite a unique community

Under the circumstances, it seems valid to argue that in New Kingdom Egypt state management and operation were carried on through the interaction of domestic and foreign elements. This also happened in the religious scene as well as politics, economics, military and culture. Although discussions seem to continue endlessly concerning the precise chronology of their initial introduction, some Syro-Palestinian deities appear to have been brought into ancient Egypt at all levels of society, from the royal family to the lowest ranks. Some researchers, principally in the 20th century, have excavated certain sites where these Syro-Palestinian deities are particularly attested (i.e. Tanis, Qantir, Memphis, Deir el-Medina, and Medinet-Habu etc), and there were also two major studies of Syro-Palestinian deities published in the late 1960s and early 1970s.4 The

Harrassowitz. See section 1.2 for more details. 5 About other deities see Helck 1971b, 458-460, 466-470. 6 For example, on the one hand, data about Baal is mainly from the royal contexts, on the other hand, the evidences of Qadesh are entirely in the context of popular religion. 7 Hulin 1982. 8 Although there is a possibility to interpret that the conquerors would worship the deities of vanquished people as an appeasement policy to them, in the case of ancient Egypt, there seems to be data contrary to this theory. In Egypt, it can be said that the kings only needed provision from Syro-Palestinian deities for legitimacy about their subjection of this area, in addition that the kings venerated their indigenous war gods to invoke their victories or to be authorised. This might be based on the fundamental idea of the Egyptians proposed by Stadelmann (1967, 22-23), which is that certain deities possessed a particular outstanding power in the areas assigned to them. 9 Hulin, 1982, 276.

1

Cohen 2002, 50. Helck 1971b, 258ff. Helck suggested three provinces from north to south; Amurru, Upe and Kanaaan. 3 The first case was recorded in the Annals of Thutmose III (Urk .IV 690.2-5). The wall-painting from the tomb-chapel of Menkheperraseneb at Thebes (18th Dynasty) mirrors this textual evidence by a pictorial representation. See Quirke and Spencer 1992, fig. 151. 4 i.e. R.Stadelmann 1967 Syrisch-Palestinensische Gottheiten in Ägypten, Leiden: Brill and W.Helck 1971b Die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu Vorderasien im 3 und 2 Jahrtausend v. chr., Wiesbaden: 2

1

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence consisting of people from all social ranks, so that royal thoughts and fashions easily percolated through to the ordinary people in that society. While she admits the existence of evidence from outside Deir el-Medina for the popularity of Asiatic gods and goddesses among ordinary people, she proposes that it is not necessarily appropriate to suggest that Syro-Palestinian deities had influence over the whole of Egypt.

‘will or choice’ during a time when “Egypt eventually became a part of the trans-regional cultural systems”.12 In other words, to borrow Trigger’s classification,13 it could be said that Egypt was transformed from a ‘Territorial State’ into a component of the ‘International systems’. To answer these questions, I will apply some interdisciplinary theories of anthropology to the pure results of data analyses of these six Syro-Palestinian deities. Discussions from a purely Egyptological viewpoint, sometimes seem to be insufficient to consider ‘Egypt’ as an entity composed of real human beings and their activities, since it is all too easy to lapse into a form of particularism which is thought as one of the main reasons for the incompatibility between Egyptology and anthropology in the 20th century,14 both of which should in theory be good partners with each other in order to understand humanity and culture. Anthropology tries to “consider issues globally, to compare ideologies, social practice and many other topics from one culture to another in order to identify both general and recurrent patterns, and to enrich the understanding of their roles within each specific culture, each as a unique variation of the theme. Such a cross-cultural frame of reference and comparison, ......, would provide a wider range of possible interpretations for many aspects of ancient Egypt – religious thought and practice, political and social structure, and the specifics of practice and behavior”.15 Egypt, like other ancient cultures, is fundamentally an aggregate of human beings, so anthropological approaches ought to be one of better ways to consider its nature as a culture. This is my first challenge in this general investigation of aspects of the Egyptian religious system that fell under the influence of Syro – Palestinian deities, in order to avoid researching in an intellectual vacuum and consider Egyptian religion in more universal framework.

However, by taking account of the evidence that shows the dispersal of foreigners in Egypt, it is more reasonable and plausible to think that, probably, most of the parts of Egypt would have been affected by foreigners themselves and their way of life at some point.10 This means that ordinary people would have had opportunities to acquire knowledge about foreigners and foreign culture through their ‘neighbours’. At this stage, it would be safe to say that these Syro-Palestinian deities had some effect on the Egyptians from the royal family down to the ordinary people. As Hulin pointed out, indications of the popularity of Syro-Palestinian deities in Egyptian non-royal contexts do appear in several areas other than Deir el-Medina, but there is nevertheless not a great deal of such direct evidence. 11 The scarcity of evidence concerning the popularity of Syro-Palestinian deities among Egyptian ordinary people does not directly mean that the gods and goddesses were not worshipped by them to the same extent as they were by the royal family. It would obviously be difficult for common people to construct huge religious structures such as temples and colossal statues. But some religious objects were produced by ordinary people although made of clay and mud which often do not survive in the archaeological records, resulting in much less evidence. In Egypt, religion had a decisive influence on the mental activity of the Egyptians. It is no exaggeration to say that almost all surviving visual representations in Egypt can be said to be related to or based on their religious beliefs. Myth, religious symbols and ceremonies were really needed to maintain and stabilize political power for the secular kings, and to ensure the maintenance of everyday life in peace for ordinary people. In consequence, there are excellent grounds for investigating this cluster of Syro-Palestinian deities in order to understand the overall religious activities of the Egyptians. How did Syro-Palestinian deities come into existence in Egyptian society? What was the raison d'etre of Syro-Palestinian deities in Egyptian society? In reference to these questions, and particularly the syncretism between Egyptian divinities and Syro-Palestinian deities, this process of adoption of foreign cults should be regarded as a result of not a simple ‘blending’ or ‘mixing up’, but a more complicated psychological process of exerting

12

Kemp, 2006, 33. Trigger 1993, 8-14. According to Trigger, the City States systems “took the form of a network of adjacent city states whose elites tended to compete with one another, often militarily, to control territory, trade routes, and other resources, while at the same time sharing common status symbols and making alliances with each other, often through intermarriage among their ruling families”, and “these cities also supported craft production, which sought to satisfy the demands not only of the urban elite but of society as a whole”, and (Trigger 1997, 140) “even major cities were inhabited by numerous farmers”, consequently there were “created ready markets for craftsmen and thus encouraged specialized production and the exchange of such goods for farm produce at urban markets”: ancient Sumer (the third millennium BC), the Aztecs (15th – 16th AD), the Mayas (200-900 AD), and, the Yorubas and neighbouring Edo-speaking people of Benin (18th – 19th AD). On the other hand, the Territorial States possessed “a hierarchy of administrative centres at the local, provincial, and national levels” and “a clearly demarcated two-tiered economy”, and also they could control the food surplus and labour at will better than the City States: ancient Egypt, the Inka state (15th AD), and, the Shang (ca. 1750 – 1100 BC) and Western Chou (1100 – 771 BC). 14 Adams 1997, 28. Adams historically summed up the relationship between Egyptology and anthropology in the 19th and the 20th century. 15 O’Connor 1997, 18-19. 13

10 Kemp 2006, 31. Kemp mentioned the Wilbour Papyrus, the land-register for Middle Egypt under the reign of Rameses V. This listed many foreigners, mainly Libyans and Near Eastern, probably, foreign mercenaries and their descendants who settled down there. He also listed up some references about this issue in the footnote. 11 For example, Beth Shan (Anat), Memphis (Anat, Astarte, Reshef, Qadesh), Qantir (Reshef) and Zagazig (Reshef).

2

1. Introduction With this purpose in mind, this study will consist of; (1) Compilations of as much evidence as possible of each deity, which appears not to have been done in previous studies. As mentioned above, the evidence for Egyptian worship of Baal, Reshef, Hauron, Anat, Astarte and Qadesh have been attested all over Egypt from north to south, and there is a great variety of categories: stelae, statues, reliefs, ostraca, amulets, architectures, and texts. (2) Analyses of these evidences from iconographic and textual representations with the use of statistical procedure. (3) Discussions of the results of these analyses for every single deity from the viewpoints of history, theology, ideology and religious style and so on in the both royal and non-royal spheres. (4) Conclusions will be suggested through the discussions above with application of the anthropological theories: Tributary Relationship based on the comparative studies and Translative Adaptation theory.

of Egyptian kings. Indeed, the kings drew on the power and protection of these deities in the battlefield in Syria-Palestine. The second group of deities are more closely linked with welfare, love, fertility, and magic. Stadelmann argued that this idea of popular/private worship had been instigated by Asiatics living in Egypt and/or some Egyptians who experienced the power of Syro-Palestinian deities in Syria-Palestine itself. Although Stadelmann’s work is tremendously important and significant, it should be pointed out that the number of artefacts and monuments included in his discussion was limited and it seems that they were chosen in a somewhat arbitrary manner. For example, Stadelmann underestimates glyptics as Cornelius points out later (1994). This means that there is still a need for a more comprehensive examination of every Syro-Palestinian deity worshipped in Egypt, particularly taking into consideration further evidence omitted by Stadelmann. One of my aims therefore is to collect as many sources of evidence as possible relating to each deity – stelae, reliefs, ostraca, architecture, amulets, and texts, and then to analyse them statistically, spatially (i.e. by geographical distribution) and philologically, incorporating recent researches and analyses where possible. Also, Stadelmann did not make sufficient use of the Ugaritic material18 even though they seem to be crucial to the investigation of the six principal Syro-Palestinian deities that were introduced and venerated in Egypt. Since the Ugaritic texts provide us with a huge amount of information about the cults of these six deities in Ugarit even though they can only be used as a ‘sample’ of Canaanite religion,19 it is obvious that they are essential to an understanding of the cults both in Egypt and Syria-Palestine, therefore the present work will also try to investigate this issue. More Ugaritic materials need to be examined in order to compare these six Syro-Palestinian deities in both Egyptian and Ugaritic contexts.

1.2 History of Previous Research on this Topic It is no exaggeration to say that Rainer Stadelmann’s work, Syrisch-Palästinensische Gottheiten in Ägypten (1967), is an outstanding contribution to the subject of the six foreign deities in New Kingdom Egypt. By the 1960s some scholars had already discussed individual Syro-Palestinian deities based on the reports from excavations, but it was Stadelmann who compiled these into one book together with his own researches, thus producing a volume that is “a judicious interpretation and systematization of them”.16 Although, in the book, he also studied Syro-Palestinian deities in Egypt during the Old Kingdom and the Middle Kingdom, he devoted most space to these six deities in the New Kingdom, as well as mentioning the magical texts and Canaanite myths in Egypt. Stadelmann examined each of the ‘foreign’ deities; Baal, Reshef, Hauron, Anat, Astarte and Qadesh in the contexts of both Egypt and of Syria-Palestine, as well as discussing related issues.17 Moreover, he has already investigated these deities with regard to the concept of divinity in the final section of the book. He classifies Syro-Palestinian deities into two categories, ‘royal’ and ‘popular/private’. The deities in the first group, such as Reshef and Astarte in the 18th Dynasty, and, Baal and Anat in the 19th Dynasty, were gods and goddesses of war concerned with the victories

In the introduction, Stadelmann summarises the main question that he hopes to answer: “How and why were the Syro-Palestinian deities introduced into Egypt and what meaning did they attain there?”. 20 His principal conclusion after his investigation into this issue is that Syro-Palestinian deities were brought into Egypt by the élite because of the Egyptian kings’ belief that certain deities were particularly appropriate, efficient and influential in specific geographical regions, i.e., in this instance, Syria-Palestine. Egyptian kings therefore, in Stadelmann’s view, regarded Syro- Palestinian deities as absolutely necessary. Furthermore it is suggested that Egyptian kings thought that they could not archive victory over the Syro-Palestinian area without the help of SyroPalestinian deities.21 This is a rather different suggestion

16

Yamashita 1969, 222. As for Reshef in Syria-Palestine, Stadelmann set up particular sections and classified relevant materials into three types; the Reshef-type, the Baal-Hadad type, and the Tešup-type. Then, he also looked into the relation of Reshef and Mekal. Additionally, he dealt with rare cases of other deities from Asia Minor; Kotar/Qstrtj and Mtrjjw (?). According to him (1967, 123), they are attested only once from Egyptian context.

17

18 Yamashita, 1969. He expressed its paucity as ‘minimal and perfunctory’, and said that Stadelmann was more interested in Egyptian than in Syro-Palestinian materials. 19 Cornelius 1993, 28 20 Stadelmann 1967, viii. 21 idem., 21-27.

3

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence to the views put forward by Grdseloff22 and Meyer.23 In regard to this point, it is intended in this work that the existence of Syro-Palestinian deities in ancient Egypt should be seen as a component of Egyptian religious phenomena generally.

accounted for both processes, and this was the fact that the Egyptians may have needed new divinities to fit cultural phenomena that had hitherto been unfamiliar to them, i.e. chariots and horses. As no genuine Egyptian deities automatically correspond with these newly-imported entities, Syro-Palestinian deities may have been regarded as essential to import alongside them as part of their infrastructure.26 Helck may mean that this might have effectively been a ‘package deal’ of newly-introduced products and the guarantees from Syria-Palestine. However, Helck’s theories concerning the worship of Qadesh among ordinary people should certainly be reconsidered; he argues that Qadesh was worshipped by the populace because Hathor, a goddess of love, woman’s sexuality and maternity, had been fully absorbed into official cult scenes, thus leaving common people with the need for an equivalent goddess – namely Qadesh – in the ‘non-official’ religious sector.27 This idea currently seems unlikely, given that Hathor is now widely attested as a crucial element within popular religion.28 We therefore need to investigate again how Qadesh came into existence in ancient Egypt. Additionally, Helck questioned the precise date at which specific Syro-Palestinian deities infiltrated in Egypt. He argues that the combination of Reshef, as royal god, and Astarte appeared in the middle of the 18th Dynasty, and that the Baal and Anat pairing did not arrive as royal deities until the 19th Dynasty. However, he also suggested at the same time that Syro-Palestinian deities had existed mainly in the area of Peru-nefer,29 which was a significant harbour facing towards the Levant long before the New Kingdom period. As for the role of Reshef and Qadesh in private religion, Helck assumed that their worship became more widespread during 18th Dynasty. However, likewise, he suggested that there might be some kind of ‘preliminary’ version of Qadesh before that time because of a naked goddess motif appearing on some scarabs of the Second Intermediate period.30

Likewise, in his work, Die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu Vorderasien im 3 und 2 Jahrtausend v. chr. (1971, 2nd edition), Wolfgang Helck has made a significant contribution to this topic. Helck synthesised a large quantity of research undertaken by previous scholars, including himself. However, his compilation is primarily important for the studies of the relations between Egypt and Near East in general, since this is its main focus: not merely the question of Semitic deities in Egypt but also a whole range of major topics concerning Egypto – Asiatic relations - politics, social structure, trade, topology, religion, language, cultural and interpersonal exchanges from the Predynastic period to the New Kingdom. This volume is also useful as a reference book. In the section 32 (‘Semitische Gottheiten in Ägypten’) Helck investigated each Syro-Palestinian deity attested in Egypt. 24 As with Stadelmann’s work, Helck’s studies concerning six deities (Baal, Reshef, Hauron, Anat, Astarte and Qadesh) will be considered later in the course of the chapters dealing with each deity. In the same section of his monograph, Helck organised materials concerning each deity from the viewpoint of the connections with the king, private stelae, and the existence of shrines and temples for each of the six foreign deities in Egypt. 25 Earlier, Helck (1966) investigated how and why Syro-Palestinian deities were introduced into Egypt. First he suggested that there were two routes by which Syro-Palestinian deities were established in Egypt; through the action of the king and through the movements and actions of the Syro-Palestinian people who came voluntarily or were brought as prisoners of war. Secondly, he discusses possible reasons why some deities were transferred and incorporated into the dogma surrounding Egyptian kingship, and why others were taken up by ordinary people. According to Helck, one possibility might have

Izak Cornelius has published two monographs concerning the accomplishments of his research about these six Syro-Palestinian deities. In the first of these, The Iconography of the Canaanite Gods Reshef and Ba’al: Late Bronze and Iron Age I Periods (c 1500 – 1000 BCE) in 1994, he collated as much evidence as possible on Baal and Reshef from the viewpoint of their iconography on stelae, reliefs, scarabs, seals etc. (except for philological data, i.e. texts on papyri), in order to “present and discuss in full the iconographic data pertaining to Reshef and

22 Grdseloff (1942) argued that the sportsman-like gallant spirits were embodied in these deities. 23 Meyer (1877, 725ff) suggested that Egyptian’s sense of awe for military power was in them. 24 Along with Baal, Reshef, Hauron, Anat, Astarte and Qadesh, Helck discussed other minor Semitic deities confirmed in Egypt. 25 Helck incidentally suggested that we must regard all divinities and demons mentioned in the magical papyri as a separate group since they did not belong to popular religion but were only known to the scholars of ‘House of Life’, in sum, official scenes (Helck 1971b, 470). This proposal might raise two questions: 1) Does the magical events belong to only official contexts? 2) Is magic not a religious issue? As for 1), see section 4.1. With regard to 2), it seems that there has been some struggles to define ‘magic’ in ancient Egypt compared with some definitions in anthropology like Frazer (Frazer, J. G 1890 The Golden Bough) and Malinowski (Malinowski, B 1948 Magic, Science and Religion and Other Essays) who distinguished ‘magic’ from ‘religion’ (OEAE II, 321). In Egyptology, R. Ritner has defined ancient Egyptian magic as ‘any activity which seeks to obtain its goal by methods outside the simple laws of cause and effect’ (Ritner 1993, 69) and it has been adopted in following works (OEAE II, 321).

26

Helck 1971b, 472. ibid. 28 For example, Pinch (1993) showed that Hathor was venerated not only in the official cult but also among the ordinary people. 29 The place of Peru-nefer is still disputable. It will be discussed later. 30 Stock 1955 fig.37. In addition, there is a wooden statuette (Manchester 1790) of a probably naked woman holding serpents in her hands from 13th Dynasty. This was attested in the tomb beneath the Ramesseum at the West Bank of Thebes. It can be said that these objects show the possibility of existence of Qadesh before the New Kingdom. See section 2.2.6 for more discussion. 27

4

1. Introduction Ba’al”. 31 As he himself notes, 32 this work does not incorporate all the appropriate material. It should also be noted that it includes some misunderstanding of the identification of deities (emended in his later works33). However, his achievement in bringing together a massive amount of evidence relating to Baal and Reshef should not be underestimated. He classified all objects into certain categories. In the case of Reshef, he identifies four types of representation; the menacing god, the standing god, the riding/driving god, and the god on/with the gazelle/horned animal.34 As for Baal, in addition to these four types above, there are other categories with special reference to the Seth-Baal combination. The 1994 work can therefore be used as a database for these two deities, since for each monument relating to Baal or Reshef the book incorporates the resources under such headings as name of deity, provenance, size, current inventory number, and author’s technical interpretation along with ample bibliography and, photographs or drawings of the items in question. Cornelius also provides an extensive survey of previous studies on this topic.

Myth I-IV, VI’36 (KTU 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.6), ‘The Loves of Baal and Anat I-III’37 (KTU 1.10, 1.11, 1.96), ‘Myth and Ritual I, III, IV’38 (KTU 1.13, 1.23, 1.114), ‘Keret I, III’39 (KTU 1.14, 1.16), ‘Aqhat I-IV’ 40 (KTU 1.17-19, 22), ‘Incantation V’ 41 (KTU 1.108), and additionally, KTU 1.47, 1.86, 1.92, 1.101, 1.118, 4.96. These textual analyses help significantly in the process of considering the archaeological material in a wider context. Loretz rightly argues that such works particularly stimulate discussions and debate on this topic between philologists, and archaeologists and art historians. The argument by Lipiński42 that all the menacing goddesses on horseback discussed in this Cornelius’s work should be indentified as Anat, not Astarte, due to the Atef-crown and partially wings on the back, seems to need more deliberate examination. The revised edition of this 2004 work with additional bibliography and remarks was published in 2008. Both of Cornelius’s monographs also include plenty of information about previous works conducted before his own researches. They would be very useful for further research. In contrast to Stadelmann and Helck, who both took more integral approaches to these six Syro-Palestinian deities, interrelating their cults with the situation in Egypt at that time, Cornelius’s books might be described as catalogues incorporating as many elements as possible of the data.

The second monograph, The Many Faces of the Goddesses: The Iconography of the Syro-Palestinian Goddesses Anat, Astrte, Qedeshet, and Asherah c. 1500-1000 BCE in 2004, focused on goddesses originating in Syria-Palestine; Anat, Astarte, Qadesh and Asherah. Like his former study, this monograph is also based on iconographical research. In this work, five types were offered with subcategories: the armed goddess, the seated goddess, the standing goddess, the equestrian goddess and the naked woman holding objects (= Qedeshet/Qadesh). Then, after investigation of distribution, attributes, and titles, Cornelius concluded with identification of each goddess. The second half of the book acts as a kind of inventory of these goddesses, serving as a catalogue of Syro-Palestinian goddesses worshipped in both Syria-Palestine and Egypt. As Loretz points out,35 in this monograph Cornelius has quoted many Ugaritic sources along with the Egyptian materials in order to investigate relevant goddesses. This seems to be lacking in previous studies before Cornelius. Cornelius includes the following Ugaritic texts: ‘Baal

Besides these comprehensive studies, there is a long history of previous studies concerning each deity individually, some of which were the basis for Stadelmann’s and Helck’s works. Since it is, however, impossible to list here every single piece, I will mention only the main works, presenting either summaries or syntheses of their principal suggestions. Baal Baal is a very active god and should be regarded as one of the most important deities in the Syro-Palestinian pantheon. Baal is also widespread in western Asia through his identification with the weather god, Adad (Hadad). Surprisingly, however, until the end of last century, there were few detailed studies on this deity from the viewpoint of either iconography, philology, or both such as William Fulco (Reshef), Charles Bowman (Anat), Jeffery Lloyd (Anat), Neal Walls (Anat) and Jean Leclant (Astarte); see below for publication details.

31

Cornelius 1994, 12. idem., 3-4. 33 Lipiński (1996) criticised Cornelius’s interpretations about some objects and suggested alternative analysis. Cornelius (1998, 172-174) replied to these questions with both agreement and disagreement. Finally, BM70, BM71, BM72, and BM73 (scaraboid and scarabs which are assumed to be with figures of Baal) in 1994’s work (The Iconography of the Canaanite Gods Reshef and Ba’al: Late Bronze and Iron Age I Periods (c 1500 – 1000 BCE)) have been turned into the equestrian goddess in 2004’s study (The Many Faces of the Goddesses: The Iconography of the Syro-Palestinian Goddesses Anat, Astrte, Qedeshet, and Asherah c. 1500-1000 BCE). 34 As for the last category, Cornelius confessed to the present author through our personal communication on 18/10/2007 that he made the link too easy only because of the gazelle on Reshef's crown on the stelae, and that he is not so sure anymore if it is Reshef. 35 Loretz (2003, 796) made a list of Ugaritic texts which were referred to in Cornelius’s discussions in 2004. 32

In iconography, it is Cornelius (1994), mentioned above, who compiled and studied a huge amount of objects showing Baal all over stelae, reliefs, and glyptic. He points out that the reason that there are fewer detailed 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

5

This title is after de Moor 1987. ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. Lipiński 2005, 128.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence In the first half of the 20th century, Cook (1925) and Gressmann (1918 and 1927) undertook more interpretative and intensive study of many items relating to Reshef, including bronzes. In addition, Louis Vincent (1928) and Willem van Wijngaarden (1929) examined further sources together with glyptic, bronzes and non-Egyptian materials. Bernard Grdseloff (1942) discussed some aspects of Reshef through investigation of a selection of objects. Concurrently with this, Leibovitch started to publish a series of his researches on amulets, reliefs, stelae, bronzes, statuettes, and scarabs (Leibovitch 1937, 1938, 1939, 1940, 1942a, 1944b, 1948, 1953, 1961). William Simpson (1951-1952 and 1960) is another pioneer in the study of Reshef. Perla Fuscaldo’s two articles (1972 and 1976) focused on the foreign deities in Egypt, and both official cult and private cult at Deir el-Medina. William Fulco (1976) published the first monograph on Reshef in the form of a dissertation. Unfortunately, despite all his description, analysis and synthesis, his work is slightly sketchy, unintegrated, and lacking in balance. No typological analysis has been carried out and it has the air of a mass of unprocessed data, so that this work was criticised by Anthony Spalinger (1978), Alan Schulman (1979), Edward Lipiński (1979), Raphael Giveon (1980) and Paolo Xella (1981).

monographs on the iconography of Baal might be because there are many scholars who have been obsessed with the texts from Ras Shamra (Ugarit), but there are not enough iconographic studies. Before Cornelius, Hugo Gressmann (1918) compiled some evidence showing Baal in Egyptian contexts. Since Claude Schaffer accomplished a series of excavations at Ras Shamra, Ugarit, from 1929 onwards, many sources have been added, such as Galling’s work (1937/1977), and published in the journal Syria and the monographs Ugaritica. However, as a whole, most studies investigate particular objects such as stelae by James Pritchard (19692), Henry Thompson (1970) and André Caquot/Maurice Sznycer (1980), statues (the latter not mentioned in this work because they are not part of the Egyptian context), glyptic by Antonie Vanel (1965) for Asiatic cylinder seals, Othmar Keel/Menakhem Shuval/Christoph Uehlinger (1990) and Keel/Uehlinger (1990), bronzes by Caquot/Sznycer (1980). As Cornelius points (1994), ideally, all types of media should be included in studies of these deities – stelae, reliefs, bronzes, figurines and seals. Furthermore, this approach must be expanded to include philological examination, so as to investigate the whole of Baal from as many angles as possible. Philologically, after the magnificent excavations in Ras Shamra directed by Schaffer and his successors revealed a quantity of tablets recording myths, rituals, incantations etc., in which Baal appears together with other Syro-Palestinian deities, transliterations and translations have been published in succession. Manfred Dietrich/Loretz Oswald/Joaquin Sanmartin (1976; KTU) and CAT (English version of KTU) qualitatively and quantitatively provide us with excellent transliterations of the sources. The translations by Johannes de Moor (1987) outline the active performances of deities in each story of myths, rituals, incantations and legends. The appearances of Baal in Egyptian magical texts have been compiled and discussed by Adhémar Massart (1954). In the same year, Caminos produced an English translation of Gardiner’s massive collection of hieroglyphs compiled in 1937, including a letter reporting the existence of a cult of Baal in the Memphis area in the 19th Dynasty.

Schulman deserves to be regarded as an expert on Reshef, although his analyses took in only the Egyptian objects, and he did not summarise his diverse articles in a single monograph. From the late 1970s to the early 1990s he vigorously published six articles on Reshef (1977, 1979, 1981, 1984b, 1985, 1992) which are referenced in the present work. Keel’s contribution after the 1970s, concerning iconographic investigation of glyptic is also very important. Hauron As for Hauron, the work of Selim Hassan (1953) is prominent in this area. His report on his excavations at Giza provides us with an enormous amount of data about Hauron worship there, mainly comprising stelae, but also some buildings. In later years, Christiane Zivie (1976) reinvestigated these stelae in more detail. Before these excellent works, Pierre Montet (1935-1937a) already discovered at Tanis a famous huge statue of Rameses II, who is represented as a child protected by Hauron from behind. From Deir el-Medina, Bernard Bruyère reported some finds of Hauron in connection with Shed. Additionally, Anthony de Cosson (1935) published a description of a broken column of Rameses II from El-Gharbanyat, and the Brooklyn Museum bought six foundation plaques inscribed with the name of Hauron. These materials are discussed by William Albright (1941), Leibovitch (1944b), Georges Posener (1945), Keith Seele (1945), Jean Capart (1946), Serge Sauneron (1950), Helck (1977), Labib Habachi (1980), Jacobus van Dijk and Marianne Eaton-Krauss (1986), Stadelmann (1987) and Christine Lilyquist (1994) in connection with the cult of Hauron in Egypt.

The identification of Baal with Seth has been discussed by Stanley Cook (1925), Gressmann (1927), Joseph Leibovitch (1953), J. Zandee (1963), Hermann te Velde (1977), Schulman (1979 in the summary on Reshef), Cornelius (1996). Reshef Reshef is one of the most fully researched Canaanite deities, even though he seems prominent in a rather ritual and is not the main god in the pantheon. Already, in the second half of the 19th century, John Wilkinson (1878), Ridolfo Lanzone (1884), Wilhelm Müller (1893) and Wilhelm Spiegelberg (1898) collected and described stelae and seals on which Reshef appeared. 6

1. Introduction leaves room for further discussion.45

Albright (1936) and Alan Gardiner (1948) suggested the identification of Hauron with Horemakhet (Sphinx) and noted the phonetic similarity in the names between Hauron and Horus particularly with regard to the identification of Hauron and the Sphinx. On the other hand, Helck (1966) proposed that the identification of Hauron with the Sphinx should be considered in the context of Atum as a god of the dead. Van Dijk (1989), who has summarised the history of studies of Hauron up to the 1980s, did not approve of either of the above theories, arguing instead that the key of identification of Hauron with the Sphinx was simply the fact that the Sphinx is in the desert. To Asiatic immigrants who visited Giza, the Great Sphinx, buried half in the desert, would have been a reminder of one of their deities who was associated with the desert: when they resumed Hauron worship for that reason, it was no doubt also adopted by the Egyptians.

Umberto Cassuto (1971), publishing the original in Hebrew (1951) then translated into English, examines in particular two tablets called ‘Tablet V AB (Louvre AO 16.638 & 16.639)’ and ‘Tablet VI AB’ (Louvre AO 16.643) with parallel fragments on Anat. The picture making up the frontispiece of this publication has become a very famous example of iconographic representation of Anat, however it is not discussed in the present work because no guaranteed information are known, and there is a suspicion that it may have been a fake.46 Bowman (1978), in his PhD thesis, offers an analysis of the mythic character and function of Anat, mainly in Ugarit, but also with comparison with cults of Anat outside Ugarit. It could be argued, however, that Bowman places too much emphasis on her characteristics in connection with Baal, as Walls and Lloyd have already pointed out. 47 Neal Walls (1992) aims for an investigation of Anat “beyond a simple philological analysis of the texts to approach the mythical meanings embedded in the narratives, which give us the clues to reconstruct the character of Anat.”.48 Walls also adopted a multiple developed interpretation and analysis that “particular attention is given to the use of feminine sexuality and gender within an androcentric mythological system”, 49 employing a hermeneutic process “to determine what meanings exist in the text, and how they are communicated through the plot, structure, and symbols of the mythic medium”.50 Jeffery Lloyd’s PhD thesis (1994) examines the huge amount of evidence in which Anat appears archaeologically and philologically from both Egypt and Ugarit. Unfortunately, however, he does not supply any plates or figures for iconographic representations, and it is also a source of regret that no inventory numbers are supplied for each item. Also, as he already points out himself, he may well have been rather too cautious concerning objects on which the deity is not identified by the inscription.

After Stadelmann (1987) who looks in favour of the opinion of Albright and Gardiner, with regard to the introduction of Hauron into Egypt, Christiane Zivie-Coche (2002) claimed that it was state-initiated, and this view actually accords with the case of Hauron because of his identification with the Sphinx of Giza. It is however more difficult to accept her assertion that Syro-Palestinian deities, generally speaking, were brought from Syria-Palestine not by the ordinary people but by the state. It is now considered plausible that these Syro-Palestinian deities were distributed by both the populace and the state, which Helck (1966) has already suggested. Zivie-Coche also claims that the phonetic similarity between Horus (Hr) and Hauron (Hwrw) was an additional reason for Hauron’s falcon-image, loaned from Horemakhet. Anat It was Montet who discovered very informative monuments in Tanis from 1929 onwards. He published numerous reports on such items as statues, obelisks, stelae, and remains of architectural structures (1930, 1932, 1931-1933, 1933, 1935 (co-authored by Montet and Bucher), 1935-1937a, 1935-1937b, 1947-1960, 1952, 1966). The works by Charles Virolleaud (1938) were pioneering in the research of Anat, but they were gradually superseded by more up-to-date work.43 Alfred Eaton (1964), in his PhD thesis, investigates all the accessible information on Anat from Akkadian texts in Mari to that of Egyptian, Ugaritic and Hebrew until Aramaic texts in the first millennium BC. Although his considerable collections and arguments are of a high standard, it is nevertheless true that there is need for more discussions on the approach that he took.44 The study of Arbid Kapelrud (1969) provides us with comprehensive analysis and discussion of the character of Anat in the Ras Shamra texts, but, the translations still

Astarte Compared with Anat, with whom Astarte is connected very closely in both Egypt and Syria-Palestine, there are fewer comprehensive monographs dealing with Astarte alone. Except for encyclopaedic works and articles which collectively deal with all major Syro-Palestinian goddesses, Asherah, Anat, Astarte and Qadesh (e.g. Pritchard 1943, Winter 1983/19872, Cornelius 2004), and individual articles on particular objects including excavation reports, it could be suggested that Astarte may not be regarded as a sufficiently interesting topic for researchers. Samuel Mercer (1935) discusses Astarte in Syria and Egypt from the New Kingdom to the second 45 46 47 48

43 44

49

Lloyd 1994, 2. idem., 2-3.

50

7

idem., 3. Leclant 1975a, 257 n37 and Day 1999, 39. c.f. Cornelius 2004, 22. Walls 1992, 8 and Lloyd 1994, 3-4. Lloyd 1994, 5. Walls 1992, 9. idem., 10.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence half of the first millennium BC so that, roughly speaking, it is rather general information about Astarte, although he tried to cite as many attestations for his statement. Alice Perlman (1978) investigates Astarte in the context of the Old Testament and Ugaritic literatures and outlines the major evidence for Astarte in Egyptian contexts, together with small discussions of each type of material based on the previous studies on them and comparisons with those in Syro-Palestinian contexts. Corinne Bonnet (1996) examines the spread of the cult of Astarte across huge areas of Mesopotamia (Ur) to Spain via Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Cartage, Cyprus, Greece and Italy. She also asserts the historical evolution of Astarte from Istar to Aphrodite, over a period of almost two thousand years. Wolfram Herrmann (1999) discusses Astarte in a chapter of his monograph, Von Gott und den Göttern, defining a full picture of her, in which some materials in Egyptian contexts are consulted along with Ugaritic texts and the Old Testament etc from the second millennium BC to the Hellenistic period.

studies, the idea that Qadesh is not an individually independent goddess still persists (Edward Noort 1994 and Frevel 1995 and 2001). Cornelius, however, has argued strongly that Qadesh is an independent goddess (2004). Lahn’s work (2005), which would expectantly be the embryo of inclusive study in the future, totalised these examinations above.

1.3 The Aim and Content 1.3.1 The Aim Since almost forty years have passed since Stadelmann and Helck left their marks on this topic by the two major studies mentioned in previous section, 51 it seems necessary to reinvestigate those six Syro-Palestinian deities that were venerated in ancient Egypt, especially in the New Kingdom. Kitchen’s plea 52 for more archaeological data relevant to this has been to some extent answered by excavations at sites such as Tell el-Dab’a, Tell el-Maskhuta, Tell el-Hebua and Tell el-Borg in the Eastern Delta, thus accumulating new evidence and research concerning the six deities (and the physical/cultural contexts of their cults) during the last four decades. They should be integrated into the previous studies with revision and addition in order to understand Syro-Palestinian deities in Egypt in full measure, and therefore to augment and revise the conclusions of Helck and Stadelmann.

Pivotal work was undertaken by Schulman (1957) and Leclant (1960), which focused on the motif of the horse-riding Astarte. Even though it is still questionable to identify the winged figures on scarabs as Astarte, simply on the basis that they are on horseback, Leclant’s work contributed enormously to the iconographical investigation of Astarte. The relationship between Astarte and horses was studied by Catherine Rommelaere (1991), in her monograph dealing with horses in general. Qadesh Instead of comprehensive monographs, there are a number of works on particular topics or objects of Qadesh from both sides (i.e. Egyptology and Near Eastern studies) as seen in the bibliography of each item in later section. From the viewpoint of the Levant, some studies have been done in connection with Asherah, e.g. Walter Maier (1986), Saul Olyan (1988), and Steve Wiggins (1991). As far as the iconography of Qadesh is concerned, Charles Boreux (1939), Leibovitch (1937, 1942a, 1961), Pritchard (1943), Ora Negbi (1976), Urs Winter (1983/19872), Cornelius (1989, 1993) and Keel (1992a) have each investigated objects on which Qadesh or Qadesh-style figures are attested, and they have also partially extended their researches to include semantic approaches. Youri Volokhine (2000) focuses on the frontality of Qadesh comparing with other cases of frontal representation in ancient Egypt.

The availability of modern research in related disciplines also places on us the obligation to apply interdisciplinary examination to these Syro-Palestinian deities and to the phenomenon of syncretism itself. It is possible to radically reconsider this topic from the viewpoint of such disciplines, as the anthropology of religion and theology. Likewise, it seems constructive to compare Egyptian data with similar religious circumstances, i.e. the use of comparative studies.53 Furthermore, I will be applying the theory of Translative Adaptation54 to analyse relevant religious phenomena and the forms taken by Syro-Palestinian deities in Egypt. These multilateral approaches should enable us to investigate the nature of Syro-Palestinian deities existed in New Kingdom Egypt, what specific roles they played and what functions they carried out in the religious and mental life of the Egyptians. This is the purpose of the present research.

Textual examinations concerning Qadesh have also been carried out, and the possibility that Qadesh is a divine prostitute has been discounted (see Christian Frevel 1995 and Phylis Bird 1997). Albright (1954 and 19685a) suggested that Qadesh in the Ugaritic texts is an epithet of Asherah, and this theory was also supported by Hartmut Gese (1970), de Moor (1971) and others. On the other hand, Marvin Pope (1955) and Perlman (1978), among others, have argued that Qadesh is an epithet of the god El. Through these iconographical and textual

51

Stadelmann 1967 and Helck 1971b. Kitchen 1969. He appealed for considerably more evidence to be obtained concerning the interrelations between Egypt and Syria. 53 Bruce Trigger has contributed to this subject. Trigger 1993 and 2003. These details will be discussed in later section 1.3.3 below. 54 This is proposed by Dr. K Maegawa. The details will be covered in section 1.3.4 below. 52

8

1. Introduction 1.3.2 The Sources In the present work both iconographical representations and textual references are investigated with regard to each Syro-Palestinian deity. Some valuable research has been undertaken on each of these six deities, but if we are aiming for a holistic understanding of the gods and goddesses introduced from Syria-Palestine into Egypt, it is necessary to examine them from as many different angles as possible without undue emphasis on any specific area. Likewise we should not base our hypotheses on any randomly chosen body of evidence for the simple reason that they suit our theories. Therefore, in this work, an attempt will be made to explore as many types of evidence as possible that relate to these six deities even though it would be virtually impossible to claim that this study has comprehensively collected all materials on each deity without any omission.

I have also consulted material from Syria-Palestinian contexts for the sake of comparison. Since this area consisted of many competing city-states and attained no overall political unification, regional centres developed in the north and south, and in also the area of the future Phoenician coast, and the pantheons in each of these regions were partly different to one another. However, we have some knowledge of the pantheon of Ugarit through the mythological texts and archaeological finds from Ras Shamra and Minet el-Beida on the northern Syrian coast during the period corresponding to New Kingdom Egypt (Shaeffer 1929-1962, KTU), while the Palestine and Syrian inland regions provide us abundant artefacts compiled not only by Pritchard (ANEP) but also by Negbi (1976), Helga Seeden (1980) and Keel (1972-2001). 1.3.3 The Comparative Studies and Egyptology As Christopher Eyre has already pointed out in 1987,55 it would seem that Egyptologists might be fettered by the conviction that ancient Egypt was a special entity and unlike any other early civilization, and that it should therefore be investigated only within the Egyptian framework, without taking into account any data from other early civilizations as reference. Under the circumstances, it is difficult to understand Egypt properly and it is rather particularistic and unconvincing without the context of some kind of universal standard. 56 Egyptology and anthropology had strong academic links until about 1930, when functionalism appeared in the field of social sciences. Since then, both have unfortunately had experienced a period of rift. 57 The dearth of comparative studies in Egyptology, as mentioned by Eyre, no doubt derives from this rift more than anything else. Nevertheless, it appears that recently, a certain number of studies have been accomplished both in anthropology and Egyptology that have had the effect of creating bridges between the two disciplines. David O’Connor58 argues that Barry Kemp and Lana Troy have introduced anthropology into their Egyptological work, while William Adams, Bruce Trigger, Robert Wenke, Judith Lustig and B. Baker have introduced Egyptological data into anthropology. It is probably Trigger who has become the most prominent scholar to instil his works on Egypt with anthropological method, i.e. comparative studies. His comparative studies set out to pick up the similarities and differences among early civilizations, and then, to figure out universal processes of human activities which should be applied to Egypt.

Consequently, the iconography of six Syro-Palestinian deities will be discussed on the basis of stelae, reliefs, architectural structures, statues and statuettes, seals, amulets, scarabs, plaques, ostraca, weapons, and utilitarian artefacts. The textual evidence derives from many different genres: historical, magical, funerary, socio-economic, and ‘literary’, as well as personal letters and hymn. The textual media vary greatly, from stelae and reliefs to statues, statuettes, seals, scarabs, plaques, ostraca, vessels and papyrus. The primary bibliographical sources comprise: 1. Basic excavation reports from six particular sites: (1) Deir el-Medina (Bruyère 1926-1952) (2) Ras Shamra (Schaeffer 1929-1932) (3) Beth Shan (Rowe 1930 and 1940) (4) Medinet Habu (Nelson 1930) (5) Tanis (Montet 1933) (6) Giza (Hassan 1953) 2. Some individual studies on particular objects that have not been collectively published in a certain volume (e.g. Hoffmeier and Kitchen 2007, Thomas 2009). 3. Museum catalogues (e.g. Davies 1987, Hodjash/ Berlev 1982) 4. Secondary publications for supplement. In fact, the present work relies on the result of both the concluded excavation and the ongoing one. In addition the textual evidence examined here also relies on specific monographs for valuable texts written on papyri as well as excavation reports for inscriptions on archaeological finds. 1. pErmitage 1116A (Golénischeff 1913) 2. Harris Magical Papyrus (Lange 1927 and Leitz 1999) 3. LES (Gardiner 1932a) 4. pChester Beatty (Gardiner 1935) 5. LEM (Gardiner 1937) 6. pLeiden I 343 + I 345 (Massart 1954)

For this reason, the comparative studies, within this research, draw primarily upon the work of B. Trigger. In 1993, Trigger stressed the significance of comparative 55

Eyre 1987, 5. Adams, 1997, 25-31. As reasons of this friction, Adams (1997) listed up six causes: Humanism vs Social Science, Particularism vs Comparativism, Elitism vs Proletarianism, University vs Museum Basing, Historicism vs Functionalism, and Professionalization. 58 O’Connor, 1997, 19-20. 56 57

9

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence studies with such comments as “when it comes to according for human behaviour, explaining difference is theoretically as important as explaining similarities” 59 after summarising the history of anthropological and archaeological interpretation on human behaviour.60 In the early 20th century, historical particularism flourished, the core concept of which Franz Boas advocated such as that each culture or society was a product of its own unique historical experiences and development and that it therefore should be interpreted within only its beliefs and values. 61 This is the situation outlined by Eyre mentioned above. In the second half of 20th century, anthropological archaeology decided to ‘abandon’ historical particularism, and paid much attention to the ‘cross-cultural regularities in human behaviour’. Julian Stewart, who had already emphasized the importance of being ‘cross-culturally recurrent’ in the 1930s, 62 prioritised the study of ecology, trade and sociopolitical organization as opposed to art, religion and values which he described as ‘epiphenomenal and hence of little real interest’.63 This was, in effect, ‘processual’ archaeology. In 1980s, as a reaction, post-processual archaeology emerged, and in this context archaeologists recognised that art, religion, values and people’s perceptions of themselves and the world around them were crucial factors in understanding human manners. Some post-processual work subscribed to so-called neo-Boasian cultural determinism, which alleged, according to Trigger, that “beliefs transmitted in specific cultural traditions are the main factors influencing human behavior”.64 Trigger also says that this was encouraged by the conception that cultural traditions were “‘sense-making systems’ that shape people’s perceptions and values – hence fundamentally influencing their reactions to new experiences.”65 Based on the process above, in 1993 Trigger professed that his “ultimate goal” was “to learn more about the factors that constrain human behavior by examining the similarities and differences in the ways in which a significant number of civilizations that had evolved independently, or almost independently, in different parts of the world had been structured and how each of them had functioned”.66 He also pointed out that ancient Egyptian culture was characterized by both aspects, having unique elements that were only typical of Egypt, but also general elements that were common to other early civilizations.67 It therefore seems potentially beneficial to apply the comparative studies so as to reinvestigate and reconsider Syro-Palestinian deities in ancient Egypt. For reference's sake, it is should be noted that, although Trigger had researched economic foundation, and politics and culture 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67

along with religion, only his interpretations concerning the latter will be adduced in the current research. In his research in 1993, Trigger expressed some surprise that there was an essential regularity in religious beliefs shared by all seven civilizations that he investigated.68 With regard to symbolism, images depicting elevation to the dais or throne, and the act of being carried in a litter, are symbols of power in many parts of the world. 69 Likewise, in many cultures, kings are associated with the sun, raptors such as eagles and hawks, powerful felines such as lions and jaguars, and large, aggressive herbivores like bulls and rams.70 The ways in which each of the cultures conceived of their deities meant that it was possible for human beings to construct social networks with the supernatural, such that human beings receive protection and prosperity by propitiating the deities. Also it is thought in all seven cultures that deities with various powers and authorities controlled all aspects of natural and social life; societies, cities, families, crafts and individuals.71 Deities have quarrels with each other like human beings and they are conceived as being linked to each other in familial relationships such as couple, parent-child, and brother-sister.72 In many (but not all) early civilizations, political battles tended to be resolved in the religious expressions, e.g. Aztec and Egypt.73 In cosmology, all early civilizations thought that the cosmos was much smaller than modern societies now know it to be. The earth was usually conceptualized as a horizontal disk or square stretching across a few hundred or thousand kilometres, and sometimes surrounded by a sea. Its upper space was a sphere of sun, moon and stars, and the underground was a place through which the sun passed during the night. In addition they all subscribed to the concept that the cosmos was ephemeral or unstable.74 Each civilization believed that the current world, including human beings, was created and maintained by gods, and all regarded kings as intermediates between the supernatural and human realm in order to stabilise both spheres.75 Interestingly, he postulated that this vision of cosmos, in other words religion, was associated with the ‘tributary relationship’76 in the land of the living. It might be said that economic and sociopolitical conditions were generally reflected in religious beliefs, and that a materialist approach to religious forms is possible.77 Just 68

Trigger has chosen following seven early civilizations; ancient Sumer (the third millennium BC), the Aztecs (15th – 16th AD), the Mayas (200-900 AD), the Yorubas and neighbouring Edo-speaking people of Benin (18th – 19th AD), ancient Egypt (Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom), the Inka state (15th AD), and, the Shang (ca. 1750 – 1100 BC) and Western Chou (1100 – 771 BC). 69 Trigger 1993, 86. 70 ibid. 71 Trigger 1993, 87. 72 idem., 88. 73 ibid. 74 Trigger 1993, 90. 75 idem., 94,102. 76 idem., 103. 77 idem., 110-111 and Trigger 1997, 141.

Trigger 1993, 4. idem, 2-4. Harris 1968, 250-289. Harris is also a nomenclator of this theory. Trigger 1993, 3. ibid. Trigger 1993, 4. ibid. Trigger 1993, 15. idem., 1-26.

10

1. Introduction as peasants supported the upper classes with their surplus food and so on, in the religious sphere of these early civilizations human beings provided the supernatural powers with surplus energy in the form of sacrifices. It is additionally noted that there was a highly reciprocal relationship between human beings and the supernatural, i.e. gods, in order that they might both co-exist contentedly,78 namely administration and protection by the gods for human beings. Kings, then, were needed to circulate this energy cycle properly and responsibly in order to preserve the present world. 79 One of the arguments presented here is that the notion of an energy flow in tributary relationships between the supernatural and human realm, might be relevant to the worship and adoration of Syro-Palestinian deities by the Egyptians, since it may have been a means of ensuring benefits for Egypt in Syria-Palestine, rather than simply being either a means of appeasing the vanquished, Syro-Palestinian people, or a way of being acknowledged (and therefore legitimated in their rule) by these foreign deities.80 By respecting Syro-Palestinian deities, Egyptian kings ideologically receive the protection and successful stability in Syria-Palestine from the foreign deities on behalf of Egypt itself, not just the kings themselves.

encountered new religious phenomena in/from Syria-Palestine, they may have employed a conventional, traditional way of coping with such a situation. In other words, it is quite possible that the ‘tributary relationship’ theory, convincingly applied by Trigger to the Old and Middle Kingdoms, might also be used as a framework for the investigation of Syro-Palestinian deities in New Kingdom Egypt. I have therefore attempted to apply it, where possible, to the interpretation of Syro-Palestinian deities in this work. 1.3.4 The Translative Adaptation Theory The ‘translative adaptation’ theory was proposed by Keiji Maegawa, an economic anthropologist, in his PhD dissertation in 1994 (Maegawa, K, Australian Socio-Economic Influenced on Badu, Torress Strait – “Strategic Adaptation” of Middlemen and “Translative Adaptation” of the Community –). In this work, he examined changes within societies on Badu island in Torres Strait from an anthropological viewpoint; interpretation of western culture by native (here non-western) people (= how native people, from inside, look at and interpret the outside?). He concluded that the ritual of unveiling gravestones in Badu was the outcome of the adaptation of the native peoples’ domestic economic system to the customs of Christianity, and also the result of ‘translative adaptation’ of the traditional grants economics of Badu when confronted by the principles of market economy. This means that economic change in Badu after the arrival of western culture, was not, as we might expect, a process of a transformation from the traditional grants economics to a market economy, but instead from market economy to grants economics. This happened because of the translation (= interpretation) of the heterochthonous modern system (= market economy) into the native society of Badu (= the periphery). Maegawa argues in general terms that although when the periphery took part in the global world system (= market economy), it might look as if the periphery is absorbed into the dominant order and forced to abandon its traditional culture, in fact the periphery has the initiative of integration. 82 When the country transforms under the influence of foreign elements, the facilitator is not the foreign entity but the periphery or the country itself which undergoes foreign ‘invasion’. Ohno has summarised this situation as one in which “foreign ideas and systems are introduced not in the original form but with modifications to fit local needs”.83

Trigger has also published an almost complete survey of his comparative studies in 2003 in which he undertook much deeper research into these seven civilizations.81 In this lengthy monograph he investigated the same seven early civilizations in much greater detail on socio-political issues (kingship, class, gender, administration, law, military etc), economics (food production, land, trade and craft etc) and mental/cognitive activity (religion, value, cult etc) alongside the more segmentalised topics. With regard to religion, in addition to concepts of deity, cosmology, and kings as mediators between human beings and deities, he also examined priests, festivals, and the relationship between human beings and deities. These studies allowed him to reassert his theory of the ‘tributary relationship’. Although Trigger has not investigated how each of these seven early civilizations reacted and responded to foreign deities when these pagan divinities were introduced into each native society, the ‘tributary relationship’ theory seems to give us some hints that might allow us to examine Syro-Palestinian deities in Egypt. In fact the ‘tributary relationship’ theory may well be a fundamental system that can be attested in religious activity generally.

How can the ‘translative adaptation’ theory be used to investigate Syro-Palestinian deities in New Kingdom Egypt? Clearly there are significant differences between Maegawa’s case and Syro-Palestinian deities in New Kingdom Egypt: first, Maegawa’s discussion is about economic rather than religious process. Secondly, Maegawa’s case is situated temporally not in ancient

In both of these monographs Trigger specifically does not include New Kingdom Egyptian material, only occasionally mentioning it where relevant. However, it seems plausible to assume that when the Egyptians 78 79 80 81

Trigger 1997, 141. Trigger 1993, 103 and Trigger 1997, 140-141. See n. 7 in section 1.1. Trigger 2003.

82 83

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Ohno 2006, 5-6. idem., 6

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence times but in the pre-modern/modern period. Thirdly, and perhaps most importantly, in Maegawa’s case the periphery (or weak country) faced an experienced superior one, but subsequently managed to transform the foreign influence, whereas when Egypt encountered Syro-Palestinian deities, it was not a peripheral, weak or inferior entity at that time. In other words the main player’s position is the opposite to that of Badu. Nevertheless, this idea of ‘translative adaptation’ still seems to be potentially applicable to the religious phenomena considered in the present work. As for the first difference, Maegawa himself mentions that cosmology, religious doctrine, rituals, as well as the family system, the institution of exchange and socio-economic organization, all exhibits the property of adapting to external institutions and principles while allowing the existing cultural system to maintain its traditional form of structure. 84 With regard to the chronological difference between the Badu case-study and the situation of Egypt in the New Kingdom, it might be argued that the time period has little effect on the essential dichotomy of ‘native/domestic vs outside’. Finally, the roles of core and periphery are indeed reversed. In addition, Maegawa concluded, in his PhD dissertation mentioned above, that “behind outward transformation from traditional grants economics to market economy, there was the opposite direction i.e. from market economy to traditional grants economics, in which translative adaptation from native society (= traditional grants economics society) mediated” - this conclusion may look like a complicated and convoluted structure, in contrast to the more straightforward scenario of Syro-Palestinian deities in Egypt, in that they appeared with their names themselves or typical iconographic representations. It might therefore be suggested that it would be too simplistic to apply the ‘translation adaptation’ theory as in the Badu case-study. However, it is possible to contemplate a situation in which paradigms of this type might have operated at the time that Syro-Palestinian deities were introduced into Egypt and penetrated its culture. There must have been some exertion of thought or choice in order to allow newcomers - Syro-Palestinian deities - to adjust to Egyptian religious discipline and social order. Consequently, it is plausible that there was translation of Syro-Palestinian deities from the viewpoint of an Egyptian religious frame, and it was not just a matter of personal preferences and/or accidental happenings. The application of this viewpoint may be slightly dissimilar to Maegawa’s work, but it is nevertheless a justifiable feature of the current topic. Thus, it is not inappropriate to say that ‘translative adaptation’ is applicable to the investigation of Syro-Palestinian deities in New Kingdom Egypt. It also should be noted that this approach based on ‘translative adaptation’ theory is compatible with Trigger’s ‘tributary relationship’ theory discussed above. ‘Translative adaptation’ is a process, whereas the ‘tributary relationship’ is a phenomenon. 84

Maegawa 1998, 174-175.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts latest in the New Kingdom is attested from the 20th Dynasty, at least as late as the reign of Rameses VII (Table 3).

2.1 The Material Evidence This chapter presents the iconographical and textual materials showing six Syro-Palestinian deities in Egyptian context. They are attested in a wide-range shown in Table 1. The evidence for each deity is displayed below.

Doc. 1 Fragment of stele of Sety I (pl. I) Material: Black basalt Dimensions: 45 cm (H) x 70 cm (W) Provenance: Tell Nebi Mend (Qadesh) Date: Sety I (1294-1279 BC) Inventory No. : Aleppo 384 Bibliography: PM VII 392; Pézard 1922, 108, pl. XXII fig 6; Loukianoff 1924, 101-108 fig.1; Gressmann 1927, 32 pl. XL no. 91; Vincent 1928, 515; Montet 1931-1933, 201; Roeder 1956, 44; Stadelmann 1967, 42-43; KRI I 25; ANEP no. 317; Vandier 1969b, 188, no.2; Gese 1970, 133, n.244; Thompson 1970, 72; Helck 1971b, 449; Keel 1974, 70 fig. 33; te Velde 1977, 130; Müller-Karpe 1980, pl. 143E; Murnane 1985, 81; RITA I 20-21; Cornelius 1994 BR 12 Description: This is a commemorative stele for victory of Egypt conducted by Sety I at Qadesh, inland Syria. It is upper part of rounded top stele. Five figures can be seen. The right-hand one is king Sety I (identified from an inscription above the figure) with the feather-crown of Amun-Ra, looking to the left and facing towards the god Amun-Ra. Sety I is receiving a scimitar-sword from Amun-Ra. A figure standing behind Amun-Ra wears a conical crown, almost Egyptian White Crown, from the top of which a streamer is hanging. This indicates that this deity has Asiatic origins. He simply raises (= stretches forward) his right arm without any sceptre or weapon. It is difficult to confirm the identity of two deities behind this figure, due to destruction, but the inscription could indicate that one should be Montu who sometime co-appears together with Seth as warrior gods. The left-hand one should be Hathor, judging from its headdress (?).86 Identification: As the inscription above the Asiatic deity behind Amun-Ra is illegible, it might be argued that this deity could be Reshef (on the

2.1.1 Baal (bar) This section shows the evidence of Baal attested in Egyptian context. As in other sections below, they are listed chronologically and evidence mentioned in the present work is not totally comprehensive. However, it is possible through these examples to examine historically the feature of Baal worship in Egypt and to shed light on the degree to which Syro-Palestinian deities were accepted in ancient Egypt. The distribution of evidence is as below; 1. Categories of evidence The Egyptian sources for Baal can be grouped into ten categories: stelae (12), reliefs (2), seals (2), plaques (4), scarabs (38), amulets (1) for iconographic depiction, and texts including relief inscriptions (27), inscriptions on the stelae (1), statuettes (2) and papyrus (socio-economic documents 2; historical documents 4; personal letters 2; hymns 2; magical spells 2). The number of scarabs is the highest and iconographical representations of Baal are 50% more frequent than textual attestation. In the list below, the iconographical materials are discussed first, then, the written texts are listed later (Table 2). 2. Provenance In Egyptian context, Baal is attested over a huge area both inside and outside Egypt, from northern Syria (Ras Shamra) to Nubia (Buhen). Scarabs derive from three main places: northern Delta, southern Palestine, and Byblos, each of which is characterised by important harbours and overland routes for trade and movements of naval or military force between Egypt and the Levant. It thus may well be that scarabs have travelled across the borders along with merchants, traders and even soldiers (Map 1). 3. Date-range The objects are listed chronologically. Those for which a fairly specific date can be given (e.g. Rameses II, Rameses III etc) are listed first, while those with wider date-spans (e.g. 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty, New Kingdom etc) are discussed later in the list. The earliest known appearance of Baal in Egyptian context is during the reign of Thutmose III (Docs. 17, 18, 19),85 and the

object is not listed up in this chapter because it does not seem to be in the Egyptian context from the viewpoint of artistic style but a Syrian one influenced by Egyptian art (Porada). 86 There is a possibility of Theban triad, Amun-Mut-Khons such as some suggestions by Gressmann and Pézard. The left figure actually wears a sun disc with a crescent which reminds us of Khons, however, the second figure from the left wears the double-plumed crown with a sun disc which is never applied to Mut but Montu. c.f. Cornelius 1994, 153.

85 Cornelius (1996, 162 n.10) argues that the earliest representation of Seth-Baal in Egypt seems to appear on a cylinder seal from Avaris (Porada 1984 and Bietak 1996, 26-29, Fig.25, pl.12: C-D). However this

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence basis of the White Crown with a streamer from its top),87 if it were not for the fact that Reshef seems to have occurred in the royal contexts mainly in the 18th Dynasty, whereas in the 19th Dynasty this deity appeared more in popular religion (see below) as a healer or a fertility god. 88 On the other hand, Baal does not appear frequently on stelae in the context of ordinary people (although he does appear on seals and scarabs), but is attested predominantly in the royal stelae. It is therefore plausible that this Asiatic deity would be Baal. Doc. 2 400-year-stele (pl. I) Material: Red granite Dimensions: 220 cm (H) Provenance: Tanis Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Cairo JE 60539 Bibliography: PM IV 23; Mariette 1865, 169-185, pl. IV; Lanzone 1886, V/2 1144ff pl. CCCLXXXI; Griffith 1894, 87-88; ARE §§ 538-42; Roeder 1919, 63, fig. 27;3 Loukianoff 1924, 102, fig. 5; Cook 1925, 110-111; Gressmann 1927, 98-99, pl. CXL no. 344; Vincent 1928, 514f, pl. XXIV:9; Sethe 1930, 85-89; Montet 1931-1933, pl. XI-XV; Montet 1941, 67, pl. VI, Leibovitch 1942b, 439-440, fig. 86; Schaeffer 1949, 82, 101, fig. 36; von Beckerath 1951, 38ff; Montet 1952, 87-88, fig. 15; Leibovitch 1953, 103-106, fig. 3; Habachi 1954, 513ff; Gardiner 1961, 165; Leibovitch 1961, 62-63, fig. 8; Montet 1961, 62-63, fig. 8; Stadelmann 1965; Goedicke 1966; van Seters 1966, 174; Stadelmann 1967, 41; ANET 252-253, ANEP no. 555; Vandier 1969b, 188, no.3; Gese 1970, 132-133; Pope 1970, 185, fig. 9; Thompson 1970, 71; Helck 1971b, 449; Collon 1972, 131; LÄ I 591; Fuscaldo 1976, 134; Habachi 1977, 41-44; te Velde 1977, 124-126, fig. 15, pl. X; KRI II 287-288; Schulman 1979, 70, 81 n.10; Seeden 1980, pl. 136:5; Bietak 1990; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 89, 91, fig. 058; Cornelius 1994 BR 5; Murnane 1995, 192-196; RITA II 116-118 Description: Rounded-top stele divided into at least two registers. Upper register: Three figures can be seen. The central one is the king Rameses II, with the Blue Crown on his head, striding to the left along the base line and wearing standard Egyptian costume. In front of the king an Asiatic deity stands looking to the right, and the king offers him wine in two nw-jars. The 87

For arguments about this issue, see Cornelius 1994 153 n.6. This would be the result of replacement of Reshef by Baal as the royal god. 88

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deity holds a wAs-sceptre in his left hand and the anx-symbol in his right hand, and wears a conical crown in the style of Egyptian White Crown with a streamer from its top to his ankle. Disc and horns are attached to the crown. A broad necklace is around the neck, and upper arms and wrists are all decorated with bangles. This deity has an Egyptian beard and is dressed in a knee length skirt underneath a long transparent outer covering. This short, tasselled skirt, the design of which is Asiatic rather than Egyptian, is fixed to the body by two crossing bands over the chest. Behind the king another figure can be seen only partially, due to damage. Between the deity and king, and between the king and the third figure are several inscriptions. Lower register: More than 12 lines of inscription Identification: Inscription in the lunette of the upper register: ‘Seth of Rameses -Meryamun, given all his life. King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Usermaatra Setepenra, son of Ra, Rameses-Meryamun giving wine to (his) father who made him, given life for the ka of the lord Seth, son of Nut.’ The left-hand deity is regarded as Seth because of the inscription above. But its appearance is obviously that of an Asiatic deity combining both Egyptian (wAs-sceptre, anx-symbol, beard) and Asiatic elements (design of skirt, tassel, chest bands, streamer). Therefore, this deity is not Seth himself but Baal or rather a hybrid of Seth-Baal. Doc. 3 Rhetorical stele of Rameses II (‘Tanis V’) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 195 cm (H) x 140 cm (W) x 48 cm (D) Provenance: Tanis Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: PM IV 21 (242/243); Yoyotte 1950, 54ff, pl. VII; Stadelmann 1967, 43 n.3; Vandier 1969b, 189, no.6; KRI II 294; Cornelius 1994 BR6; RITA II 124-126 Description: Rounded-top stele divided into two parts. Upper register: Four figures form two groups facing each other, and above them a winged sun-disc with uraei appears. The left group consists of the king Rameses II and the deity, and the right group the king Rameses II and another deity. The deity in the left group is mentioned as Seth in the inscription. He strides to the right, and wears an Egyptian-style beard, as well as an almost Egyptian White Crown with streamer from the top. His right hand holds a wAs-sceptre and his left an anx-symbol. He is dressed in a

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts knee-length kilt, with a broad necklace around his neck. Another deity in the right-hand group is Geb, judging from the accompanying inscription. Lower register: Seven lines of hieroglyphic texts.

Description: The head and arm are lost and only winged body can be seen. The figure looking leftwards wears an Egyptian Sndyt-kilt. Two Asiatic long tassels on the front side of this kilt, however, indicate that this figure is not purely Egyptian. This figure is spearing downwards to slay a serpent. There is no inscription. Identification: Without any inscription, it might be hard to positively identify this figure as Baal. However it is reasonable to think that it may portray the syncretic Seth-Baal. The posture of this figure reminds us of Seth slaying Apophis in the sacred sun bark. 91 This becomes much clearer when we check Doc. 12 below. One of traditional ways of representing Seth is as a winged figure. 92 Hence this figure must be Seth although its face is not clearly identifiable, and the tassels attached to the kilt indicate Asiatic elements of this figure. Therefore this figure surely is Seth-Baal rather than Baal himself.

Identification: Inscription above the deity in the upper register:89 ‘Seth, great in power, lord of the sky, given his life.’ As with Doc. 2, this figure is not Seth himself but Baal, or rather the hybrid of Seth-Baal, because the latter incorporates both Egyptian and Asiatic elements in his appearance. Doc. 4 Stele of Rameses II Material: Red granite Dimensions: 278 cm (H) x 106 cm (w) x 80 cm (D) Provenance: Gebel Murr Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Ismailia 2758 Bibliography: PM IV, 53; Clédat 1919, 207-208; Montet 1933, 71; Goyon 1938, 119-121, pls. XXI-XXIII; Montet 1961, 70; Stadelmann 1967, 43-44, 93-94; Vandier 1969b, 189; KRI II 303-304; Schumacher 1988, 87ff; Cornelius 1994 BR 8; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.9; RITA II 137-140 Description: This stele has two sides. Here it is called ‘Face A’ by Kitchen. 90 The other side is ‘Face B’ (see 2.1.4 Doc. 9). The ‘Face A’ is divided into at least two registers and only the right-hand part is visible. Upper register: The figure stands and wears a conical crown looking like an Egyptian White Crown with a short streamer from its top. Lower register: There are more than eight lines of inscriptions. Identification: Inscription above the figure in the upper register: ‘Seth, great in power, (given) all life and sovereignty.’

Doc. 6 Stele of Usermarenakht (pl. I) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: 90 cm (H) x 40 cm (W) x 13cm (T) Provenance: Qantir Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : Cairo JE 88879 Bibliography: Habachi 1954, 507-514, pl. XXIX; te Velde 1977, 134, pl. XI; Vandier 1969b, 189; Schulman 1988, 22-23, 58, fig. 8; Cornelius 1994 BR3; Habachi 2001 Kat. 133 Description: Round-topped stele, the upper two-thirds of which are curved and divided into two registers. Upper register: It shows the king Rameses III (identified by two cartouches in front of the figure) smiting two enemies. He brandishes a scimitar-sword in his left hand and his right hand grasps two enemies who adopt a posture of warding off or calling help. This is the very common smiting motif of Egyptian king. He wears ‘Blue Crown’,93 above him is a winged sun-disc with uraei. On the left-hand side, the deity strides to the right, facing towards the king. The deity holds a wAs-sceptre in his left hand, while his right hand carries another scimitar-sword presenting it towards the king as a guarantee of the victory over the enemies. This scene is common in New Kingdom Egypt. The divine figure is bare-footed and wears a possible Egyptian-style conical crown (= White Crown) with a streamer descending from its

This deity is called Seth, however, it must be Baal or rather Seth-Baal because of same reasons as previous two documents. Doc. 5 Fragment of stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 15 cm (H) Provenance: Matmar (Temple of Rameses II) Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Brunton 1948, 61, pl. XLIX:13; Leibovitch 1953, 108, fig 16; Vandier 1969b, 191; Keel/Schuval/Uehlinger 1990, 314-315, fig. 90; Cornelius 1994 BR17

91

As for the origin of Seth as a serpent slayer, see te Velde 1977, 99. Winged Seth already appears in the PT 1742. This Blue Crown has two streamers attached from the bottom of the crown. 92

89 90

93

For whole the translation of this stele, see RITA II 124-126. KRI II 303.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence top down to his ankle. He is dressed in Asiatic short kilt with tassels between the legs and on the side. The space in which the name of god must have been inscribed is destroyed. Lower register: There are six lines of texts.94 Identification: Due to damage of the space for the god’s name, it might have been difficult to properly identify this deity. However, judging from the Asiatic kilt, tassels and streamers from the headdress, it is possible to reduce the number of the candidates of this figure into Baal and Reshef. In this case, it is more reasonable to consider this figure as Baal because of the fact that Baal was regarded as a royal god of the Ramesside period and also because Rameses III frequently mentions Baal in many his inscriptions (see below). The identification of this god as Seth by Habachi should be expanded to that this god is Seth in the guise of his identical Asiatic god, Baal.

500 years) might be too great to allow us to make any real comparison. A more plausible association can be made with a stele from Ugarit 95 on which Baal wears a strange headdress in the shape of a palm leaf with a curling projection at its base. To the present author it seems more likely that the headdress in question (Cairo JE 45535) takes over this palm leaf headdress from the Ugarit example. In such a case, it might be reasonable to consider that the worshipper and/or craftsman of this stele might have been a native Asiatic who perhaps lived in an Asiatic district of the Memphis population, such as Peru-nefer in which Asiatic shipbuilders worked96 and was following his traditional way of art. Whatever the case, the figure on the left would probably be Baal. This is therefore one of the few examples of Baal in a non-royal context and also a rare type of the triad stele, which is normally comprised of Qadesh, Min and Reshef as below. From such a viewpoint, this stele would be intriguing. It seems unacceptable that Schulman97 interprets this right figure as Reshef which comprises the triad stele together with Qadesh and Baal.

Doc. 7 Anonymous stele (pl. II) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 17.5 cm (H) x 13 cm (W) Provenance: Memphis Date: 18th -19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JE 45535 Bibliography: PM III2 858; Schulman 1982, 81-91, pl. 1; Cornelius 1994 BR 14; Lipiński 1996; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.10 Description: (See 2.1.6 Doc. 2) Round-topped stele on which three deities are portrayed without any identifying inscriptions. The nude female deity in the centre stands on a base line with both feet pointing to the right; she wears a Hathor-like headdress with a possible naos-style sistrum, and adopts a typical Qadesh-style posture (see below) so that there can be little doubt that this figure represents the goddess Qadesh. The figure on the right, who is bald and wearing an Asiatic-style beard, strides towards the centre (posed on a pedestal) and holds no sceptre, symbol, or weapon in his hands. A second male figure on the left also strides towards the centre; in this case he is wearing a Sndyt-kilt and a non-Egyptian high flat-topped cylindrical headdress, with relatively long hair reaching his shoulders. Identification: Schulman identifies the figure on the left as Baal-Zaphon based on the similarity of his flat-topped cylindrical headdress to that worn by the figure of Baal on stele Cairo JE 25147 from the Persian period. However, the difference in date between two (more than

Doc. 8 Stele of Mami Material: Red sandstone Dimensions: 29 cm (H) Provenance: Ras Shamra (Temple of Baal) Date: Beginning of the 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Louvre AO 13176 Bibliography: PM VII, 393-394; Schaeffer 1929, 294; Schaeffer 1931, 10-12, pl. VI; Schaeffer 1932, 24-27, fig. 16; Montet 1931-1933, 203; Friedrich 1933, 7-8, pl. 1 fig. 1; Dussaud 1937, 28, fig. 8; Montet 1938, 181-183, Leibovitch 1939, 145; Schaeffer 1939, 39-41, fig. 30; Leibovitch 1942b, 440, fig. 88; Leibovitch 1953, 106, fig. 5; Roeder 1956, 44; Jacob 1960, 19, pl. IV; Zandee 1963, 148; Gray 1964, 229, pl. 22; Giveon 1965, 199; Hillmann 1965, 78, fig. 6; Helck 1966, 2; van Seters 1966, 174-175; Stadelmann 1967, 37-39; Eissfeldt 1968, 55 pl. I; ANEP no. 485 ANET 249; Vandier 1969b, 190; Gese 1970, 124-125, fig. 6; Thompson 1970, 72-73; Helck 1971b, 449-450; Norin 1977, 48-49; Galling 1937/1977; Schulman 1979, 70; Caquot/Sznycer 1980, 24 pl. XII; Müller-Karpe 1980, pl. 148:4; Kinet 1981, 14; Schulman 1984a, 80; Cornelius 1994 BR11 Description: Round-topped stele consisting of several 95 RS 2.[037] = Louvre AO 13174. For details, see Schaeffer 1949, 85-99, pl. XXII centre and Yon 1991a 288, figs. 6 & 9a. 96 Helck 1971b, 456. 97 Schulman 1992, 91.

94

See the translation by Habachi (1954, 508-509). The first half is a titulary of the king and the second states that Usermarenakht is a shield-bearer who is rewarded by the king with 16 arouras of land.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts fragments. Although this stele was found in the Baal temple in Ras Shamra (Ugarit), the motif, style, and inscriptions are all Egyptian. It is dedicated by an Egyptian official Mami. The stele is divided into two registers. Upper register: It shows two figures facing each other. The right-hand figure is Mami (identified by the inscription over him) dedicator of this stele; he has Egyptian hairstyle and costume, and in portrayed in a posture of adoration. The left-hand figure, clearly a deity, is depicted striding to the right, along the base-line; although his body is now destroyed from shoulder to ankle, nevertheless, it can be seen to wear an Egyptian beard and a conical crown with a streamer hanging from its top down to the ankle. He also has crossed bands over his chest, probably fixing a kilt to his body. Both crown and crossed bands are not Egyptian but Asiatic. In the left hand of the figure on the left is a wAs-sceptre, but the contents of his right hand are no longer visible. One lotus flower and a water jar are placed between the two figures, and above them are inscribed five lines of hieroglyphic text. Lower register: There are seven lines of texts. Identification: Upper register: Above the deity: ‘To Baal-Zaphon’ Above the dedicator: ‘The royal scribe, overseer of the treasury, Mami justiced.’ From this inscription, it is clear that this Asiatic figure must be the god Baal-Zaphon. This is the only case of stele that contains the name of Baal itself, even though it is a component of Baal-Zaphon. (c.f. Doc. 94) Doc. 9 Fragment of stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Nabesha Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Petrie/Griffith/Murray 1888, 112, pl. XI: 16d; Griffith 1894, 87; Leibovitch 1953, 106; Cornelius 1994 BR 7 Description: Rectangular stele divided into at least two registers. Upper register: Two figures appear; it is obvious that the right-hand one is a goddess since has an appearance similar to Neith. The inscription, however, identify her as Wadjet. She strides to the left, holding in her left hand a sceptre at the top of which is lotus flower shape and in her right hand an anx-symbol. It is difficult to identify the figure on the left due to the fragmentary nature of the stele. However, some tassels are visible between the legs and on the side, and in its left hand holds a wAs-sceptre. The nature of the kilt

suggests that this figure is an Asiatic god, as we have seen above. Identification: The stele incorporates no surviving inscription for the figure on the left in upper register, but Cornelius identified the left figure as Baal on the basis of the same argument as in Doc. 6 above. Doc. 10 Stele of Thothnefer (pl. II) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 44 cm (H) Provenance: Thebes Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Berlin 8440 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2 797; AIB II 199; Cook 1925, 111, pl. XXV: 1; Gressmann 1927, 88, pl. CXXIV no. 305; Vincent 1928, 515, pl. XXIV:10; Montet 1931-1933, 201; Erman 1934, 149, fig. 59; RäR 705, fig. 170; Leibovitch 1953, 106, fig. 4; Vandier 1969b, 190, no.3; Schulman 1979, 70, 81 n.10; Cornelius 1994 BR9 Description: Round-topped stele divided into two registers. An inscription is located at the bottom of the stele, beyond the frame line. Both registers show four figures. Upper register: The group comprise, on the right-hand side, a worshipper striding to the left, and on the left-hand side three right-facing deities. Amun-Ra is seated on a throne in the centre of the stele holding a wAs-sceptre in his left hand and an anx-symbol in his right hand. The worshipper standing in front of Amun-Ra is in a posture of adoration. Behind Amun-Ra stands his Theban consort Mut holding a sceptre in her left hand and raising her right hand. On the far left stands a smaller figure of Amun-Ra. Lower register: Four standing deities are portrayed looking to the right. From the right to left, they are the god Ptah, a miniature form of Sobek, Amun with an ovine head98 and an Asiatic god. The latter god strides to the right holding in his right hand an anx-symbol, and in his left hand a sceptre at the top of which is lotus shape. Identification: An inscription above the Asiatic god identifies him as Seth (‘Seth, lord of strength’). However, judging from an Egyptian conical crown (= White Crown) with horns and a streamer hanging from its top, as well as the tassels on the side of the short kilt and waist, it is obvious that this figure is not Egyptian but Asiatic. Therefore, this deity is likely to be Seth-Baal rather than Seth or Baal himself. 98 It seems unacceptable to identify this figure as Khnum suggested by Cornelius 1994, 150. The text accompanied to it should be read ‘[/////] Amun who proceeds to the land of the great god’.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence survived. A winged figure with human body and animal head stands at the prow of a boat spearing downwards to the right. The face looks like that of a feline, and its snout is not square or round, but sharper and bird-like.100 It wears an Egyptian Nemes-cloth with bull horns, 101 but kilt and tassels (between the legs and on the side) are of Asiatic design. This is the motif of Seth slaying Apophis on the solar bark. Identification: Inscription above the figure: ‘Seth, the bull of Ombos’

Doc. 11 Stele of Mentutauinakht (pl. II) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 38 cm (H) x 26 cm (W) Provenance: Serabit el-Khadim Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Ashmolean E. 714 Bibliography: PM VII 365; Petrie 1906, 127, fig. 134; Vincent 1928, 516, pl. XXIV:13; Leibovitch 1939, 145; Leibovitch 1942b, 439, fig. 85; Gardiner & Peet & Černý 1952, I, pl. LXXIX; Gardiner & Peet & Černý 1955, II 196 no. 308; Stadelmann 1967, 42; Vandier 1969b, 189; Thompson 1970, 70; Helck 1971b, 449; Schulman 1979, 70, 81 n.10; Cornelius 1994 BR 13 Description: Rounded-top stele. Two figures are shown in the upper part of stele, above two lines of inscription. The human on the right-hand side is offering a bouquet of flowers (= lotus?) to the figure in front of him. This dedicatee strides to the dedicator holding a wAs-sceptre in his left hand and perhaps grasping an anx-symbol in his right. This deity wears a conical crown, similar to Egyptian White Crown, with bull horns and a streamer hanging from its top to his ankles. The figure is dressed in a knee-length kilt. Between two figures is a brief Htp-di-nsw text. Identification:99 Between the two figures: ‘An offering that the king gives to Seth, (great) in power.’ At the bottom: ‘Made by the royal messenger to all lands, the deputy of the commander of the army (?), Mentutauinakht.’

According to the inscription, this figure is surely Seth with Asiatic elements (design of kilt and tassels). Seth is slaying Apophis from the sacred solar bark. Therefore, as with Doc. 5, this figure is probably Seth-Baal rather than Baal himself.

It is clear that this figure is Seth, however, like as in the other cases above, this figure also has some Asiatic features suggesting that it is probably Seth-Baal rather than Seth himself. Doc. 12 Fragment of stele (pl. III) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 22 cm (H) x 19 cm (W) Provenance: Purchased in Egypt in 1894 Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Copenhagen AEIN 726 Bibliography: Schmidt 1908, 215; Mongensen 1930, 96 pl. CIII no. A706; Leibovitch 1944a, 104-105, fig. 12; Koefoed-Petersen 1948, 35 no. 43; Leibovitch 1953, 107-108, fig. 15; Roeder 1956, 45; Vandier 1969b, 191; Thompson 1970, 133; Culican 1976, 474ff, fig. 1; te Velde 1977, 20, 99ff, 126 n.2, pl. VIII:1; Schulman 1979, 70, 81 nn.11-12; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 314-315, fig. 94; Cornelius 1994 BR 19 Description: (c. f. Doc. 5) This stele was originally roundtopped, but only the upper right corner has 99

Gardiner 1955, 196.

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Doc. 13 Relief of Merenptah Material: Black granite Dimensions: 98cm (H) Provenance: Unknown (Alexandria/Tanis ?) Date: Merenptah (1213-1203 BC)102 Inventory No. : Berlin 7265 Bibliography: AIB I 141-143, II 19-22; Haas 1925, fig. 54; te Velde 1977, pl. XII:1;103 Sourouzian 1989, pl. 7:b; Cornelius 1994 BR 10 Description: Re-used fragment of the throne of a seated statue of Senusret I. On the back of the seat is a depiction of Merenptah as a young prince104 facing to the right. The king makes offerings (an incense cone in his right hand, and a water jar in his left hand) to a figure striding towards him. The striding figure wears an Egyptian beard and a short kilt, as well as an Egyptian White Crown with bull horns and a streamer hanging from its top nearly down to the figure’s ankles. This deity holds a wAs-sceptre in his right hand and an anx-symbol in his left. Between the prince and the god stands an offering table on which a water jar is placed. Identification: Inscription above the figure on the right: ‘Seth, the great god, lord of the sky.’ From this inscription, it is clear that the dedicatee is Seth. However, as well as cases discussed above, it also shows Asiatic elements which allow us to interpret this figure as Seth-Baal. 100

McDonald 2002, 49, figs. 2.2 & 2.3. These horns are said to be Cretan (Leibovitch 1953, 107-108). 102 Originally this is the statue of Senusret I in the Middle Kingdom. Merenptah reused it. The upper part of this statue is in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo (CG 384). 103 te Velde wrongly cites this relief as Berlin 8440, but this object is Berlin 7265. 104 The figure of Merenptah has a braid as a symbol of youth. 101

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts short kilt and a horned headdress with a streamer from its top. Two uraei flank this figure facing away from it. Identification: Although the face is different, this figure reminds us of Docs. 5 and 12. The deity is the combination of winged Seth and Baal which is notionally identified with Seth. This figure can be Seth-Baal.

Doc. 14 Relief: A disc from the trappings of the royal horses Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: MH I 24 and 25A; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Giveon 1978, 93; Cornelius 1994 BR 4 Description: A disc among the trapping of the royal horse represented in a relief shows Rameses III, accompanied by soldiers and officials, returning from his first Libyan campaign. The king is dressed in Egyptian costume consisting of a projecting short kilt and transparent robe. He stands on the right holding the HqA-sceptre in his left hand and stretches his right arm towards the figure in front of him. The figure facing the king must be Asiatic due to his short kilt with tassels between the legs and on the side, and the crossed bands over his chest. Unfortunately, the god’s head and face are lost due to damage sustained by the relief. It is clear, however, that this figure holds a sceptre in the left hand, while his right hand stretches towards the king in order to give him, probably, the scimitar-sword. Both these two figures stand on the Hb-sign (‘feast’) of the hieroglyph. Behind the king, between two figures, and behind the figure on the left are three lines of inscription that are only partially legible. Identification: Behind the king: ‘Life [/////]’ Between the two figures: ‘Receive [/////] ruler.’ Behind the Asiatic figure: ‘I have given you all valour [/////].’

Doc. 16 Stamp seal Material: Opaque glass Dimensions: 1.55 cm (H) x 1.25 cm (D) Provenance: Tell Qasile Date: 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : MHQ 725 Bibliography: Mazar, B 1967, 64-67, pls. 4-5; Hestrin 1970, nos. 27-29; Keel 1977b, 98-99, fig. 71; Mazar, A 1977, 235f; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 123, no. 1; Dąbrowski 1992, 34-35, fig. 1d; Cornelius 1994 BM31; Cornelius 1998 Description: Pyramid-formed stamp seal, the upper part of which is perforated. A human-head figure raising wings and wearing a horned headdress with a short streamer strides to the right. Two uraei flank, facing away from the figure. Identification: This is probably winged Seth-Baal for the same reasons as previous document, Doc. 15. Doc. 17 Plaque of Thutmose III Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.8 cm (L) x 1.25 cm (W) x 0.65 cm (H) Provenance: Saqqara or Dahshur Date: Thutmose III (1479-1425 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Ward 1902, 107, pl. XIII no. 39: obv; Leibovitch 1943, 68; Cornelius 1994 BM1a Description: Rectangular shaped plaque, four edges of which are engraved like a frame. Two figures are depicted facing each other standing on a nbw-sign. The left-hand figure wears a short kilt with a ribbon from the waist, and strides to the right brandishing his right arm and holding a sceptre (wAs-sceptre?)105 in his left hand. The headdress is difficult to identify. The figure on the right, wearing a Nemes-cloth and an Egyptian projecting kilt, is likely to be Thutmose III, given that the prenomen of Thutmose III (Menkheperra) is inscribed above these two figures. Identification: This deity could possibly be interpreted as Reshef, when this god adopts a smiting pose, he always grasps a shield in the opposite hand (sometimes holding a spear together with the shield; see Reshef 2.1.2 Docs. 5, 23, 26, 28, 29). Since no shield is attested here, it is plausible to regard the figure on the left as Baal.

There are two possibilities about this Asiatic deity: Baal and Reshef. From the fact that Reshef did not appear in royal contexts during the Ramesside period except for only case (2.1.2 Doc. 57) in the reign of Rameses III and that Baal was much favoured by Rameses III (see below), it is plausible to think that this Asiatic deity is Baal. (c.f. Doc. 6: Seth-Baal presents a scimitar-sword to this king.) Doc. 15 Cylinder seal (pl. III) Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.65 cm (H) x 0.8 cm (D) Provenance: Unknown Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Fribourg SK 191a Bibliography: Keel/Uehlinger 1990, 42-43, fig. 45; Cornelius 1994 BM23a Description: A human-head figure with an Asiatic beard strides to the left raising wings. He wears a

105

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Cornelius (1994) suggested the possibility of a plant-like sceptre.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence 29-31, fig. 2; Leibovitch 1953, 107-108, fig. 17; Roeder 1956, 45; Vandier 1969b, 191, 196; Culican 1976, 65; Schulman 1979, 69, 74; Seeden 1980, pl. 138:20; Nibbi 1983, 55-57, fig. 4: Gubel 1986a, 111, 113, 115, fig. 3; Gubel 1986b, 259 no. 316; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 312-313, fig. 87; Dąbrowski 1992, 36-38, fig. 2c; Cornelius 1994 BM82 Description: This looks like a square plaque, but might be slightly rounded at the top. A bearded human-head figure strides to the right, wearing a Sndyt-kilt and a conical headdress made of reeds tied together with a streamer from its top. This deity is winged and slays a snake, thus evoking the image of Seth slaying Apophis on the sacred bark of Ra. The motif is the same as in Docs. 5 and 12. There is a short inscription to the upper right and left of the figure. Identification: The deity is obviously Seth-Baal as portrayed on Docs. 5 and 12.

Doc. 18 Plaque of Thutmose III Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.8 cm (L) x 1.25 cm (W) x 0.65 cm (H) Provenance: Unknown Date: Thutmose III (1479-1425 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Leibovitch 1943, 67-69, fig. 20:1; Jaeger 1982, 355, n941; Cornelius 1994 BM15 Description: Rectangular plaque of very similar to Doc.17, four edges of which are engraved like a frame. Two figures are facing each other standing on the nbw-sign. The left-hand figure wears a short kilt with a ribbon suspended from the waist, and strides to the right brandishing his right arm and holding a plant-like sceptre in his left hand. As with Doc. 17, the headdress is difficult to identify. The figure with Nemes-cloth to the right, wearing a short kilt and striding to the left, may well be Thutmose III, whose prenomen (Menkheperra) is inscribed above these two figures. Identification: The left-hand figure could be Baal on the same basis as Doc. 17. The plant-like sceptre evokes the one grasped by Baal on a stele from Ugarit (Louvre AO 15775). This object and the previous one seem to show the archetype of Baal as depicted in his place of origin.

Doc. 21 Scarab (pl. III) Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.8 cm (L) x 1.3 cm (W) x 0.95 cm (H) Provenance: Unknown Date: 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : ÄMP 33253107 Bibliography: Leibovitch 1953, 107, fig. 12; Cornelius 1990, 29, 41, fig. 12; Cornelius 1994 BM80 Description: A winged figure strides to the right on a double base line. He wears a conical headdress with two protruding horns, and a long streamer stretching from the top of the headdress down to his ankles. The figure, dressed in a knee-length kilt with three tassels between the legs, holds a spear to slay a serpent. Above the figure there is a solar symbol of some type. The carvings in the upper right, and left below the figure, are possibly hieroglyphs but not standard type. Identification: This is the winged Seth-Baal as a serpent slayer, known from other examples (Docs. 5, 12, 15).

Doc. 19 Plaque of Thutmose III Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.4 cm (L) Provenance: Presented by Meyrick in 1879 Date: Thutmose III (1479-1425 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA16771 Bibliography: Hall 1913, 113 no. 1145; Jaeger 1982, 84:6; Cornelius 1994 BM36 Description: Rounded plaque, both sides of which are decorated. The obverse shows a bearded figure (wearing a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer) striding to the right and raising his wings. Two uraei flank the figure, both facing away from him. The reverse side is simply inscribed with the prenomen of Thutmose III (Menkheperra). Identification: See Doc. 15.

Doc. 22 Scarab Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.8 cm (H) x 1.3 cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : ÄMP 33254108 Bibliography: Leibovitch 1953, 107, fig. 13; Cornelius 1994 BM81 Description: A winged figure strides to the right on a

Doc. 20 Plaque of Seth-Baal Material: Faience Dimensions: 6.8 cm (L) x 5.5 cm (W) x 0.97 cm (H) Provenance: Purchased by MacGregor in Zagazig in 1889 Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC)106 Inventory No. : Brussels E. 6190 Bibliography: Griffith 1894, 88-89; Cook 1925, 116; Vincent 1928, 517; Towers 1931 75-76; Leibovitch 1944a, 106 fig. 15; Capart 1946,

107

In Cornelius 1994 this scarab is given SM 857/73 as inventory number. However the current one is ÄMP 33253. I am much grateful to Ms. Claudia Saczecki in Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. 108 This used to be called SM 858/73. I would like to express my gratitude for Ms. Claudia Saczecki again.

106 Gubel (1986a) dates this object in the time of Sheshonq III (825-773).

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts double base line; he wears a conical headdress with two protruding horns and a long streamer from the top to the figure’s ankles. The figure is dressed in a short kilt with two tassels on the sides of the bottom of kilt. The figure seems to have both arms as well as wings. The left hand looks as if it is grasping a serpent. Identification: This is the winged Seth-Baal as a serpent slayer. See Doc. 21.

Hathor holding a sceptre. Between the figures and . are inscribed a hieroglyph Identification: This is the winged Seth-Baal as a serpent slayer. See Doc. 21. Doc. 25 Scarab Material: White steatite Dimensions: 2.27 cm (L) x 1.56 cm (W) x 0.95 cm (H) Provenance: Tell el-Far‛ah Date: Beginning of the 18th Dynasty – Mid of the 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Institute Archaeology E. VI 24/29 (London) Bibliography: Cook 1925, 116 n.3; Petrie 1930, 7, pls. XII: 171, XXXVII: 902; Galling 1937, 26; Leibovitch 1953, 107, fig. 11; Cassirer 1959, 6-7; Galling 1977, 11a, 111; Matouk 1977, 268; Schulman 1979, 69; Müller-Karpe 1980, pl. 113:9; Keel 1986b, 3, 5, figs. 1-2; Cornelius 1990, 29, 40, fig. 10; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 310-311, fig. 85; Dąbrowski 1992, 36-38, fig. 2a; Cornelius 1994 BM76 Description: A bearded winged figure strides to the right; he wears an Egyptian conical crown comprising a bunch of reeds with an uraeus. A long streamer is attached to the crown at its top. The figure is dressed in a short kilt with three tassels between the legs; he holds a spear with intent to slay the serpent on which he is standing. Above the figure there is a sun disc. Identification: This is the winged Seth-Baal as a serpent slayer. See Doc. 21.

Doc. 23 Scarab Material: Steatite with dark green glaze Dimensions: 2.5 cm (H) Provenance: Purchased in London in 1958 Date: 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : Private Collection Bibliography: Cassirer 1959, 6-7, pl. bottom; Fuscaldo 1972, 119; Fulco 1976, 7 (E. 14); Galling 1977, 11a; Schulman 1979, 69, 74; Keel 1980a, 268; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 201-202, 312-314, fig. 86; Cornelius 1994 BM78 Description: A winged figure strides to the right. The figure wears a conical headdress, in the style of possible Egyptian White Crown, with the head of Seth animal in the place where uraei or protruding horns would usually be attached, and a long streamer hanging from its top down to the back. The figure is dressed in a short kilt with two tassels between the legs. It has a long spear to slay a serpent on which the figure stands. Above the figure is engraved a sun disc. Identification: This is the winged Seth-Baal as a serpent slayer. See Doc. 21. Doc. 24 Scarab Material: Carnelian Dimensions: 1.9 cm (L) x 1.45 cm (W) x 0.95 cm (H) Provenance: Purchased Date: 18th-19th Dynasty Inventory No. : CAA 2.182 (Kestner-Museum, Hannover) Bibliography: Petrie 1930, pl.XII, 171, 187; Starkey and Harding 1932, pl.LXXIII, 20; Stadelmann 1967, 52ff, 113ff; Beste 1979, 182; Giveon 1983, 34; Cornelius 1990, 29, 40, fig. 11; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 313-314, fig. 88; Dąbrowski 1992, 36-38, fig. 2b; Cornelius 1994 BM79 Description: A figure with an Asiatic beard strides to the right. It wears a conical crown, probably an Egyptian White Crown, with two horns and a long streamer hanging down to near the ankle. The figure is dressed in a short kilt with two tassels between the legs. Its right hand holds a spear slaying a serpent which the left hand grasps and upon which the left leg of the figure steps. Whether it is winged or not is undetermined. In front of this figure stands 21

Doc. 26 Scarab Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.55 cm (L) x 0.64 cm (H) Provenance: Unknown Date: Mid of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : St. Florian 23.F54b (Austria) Bibliography: Haslauer/Satzinger 1988, 23 (b) nos. 19, 21; Cornelius 1994 BM22 Description: Two figures face and stride towards each other. The head of the left-hand figure looks like that of Seth animal; he wears a long item of clothing, both arms are hanging down alongside the body. The figure on the right has a beard and wears a conical crown with horns and a short streamer from its top; as with the other figure, both arms are hanging down alongside the body. Identification: Intriguingly these figures seem to be Seth (left) and Baal (right) on the basis of their iconography. Doc. 27 Scarab (pl. III) Material: Glazed steatite Dimensions: 1.3 cm (L) x 1 cm (W) x 0.62 cm (H)

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Provenance: Unknown Date: End of the 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cracow MAK/AS 2414 (Poland) Bibliography: Śilwa 1985, 59, pl. XV no. 88; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 306-307, fig. 78; Dąbrowski 1991, 22, fig. 1a; 1992, 38-39, fig. 2g; Cornelius 1994 BM51 Description: A figure with wings and a pointed beard stands on the back of an animal and faces to the right. This figure wears a conical crown with two horns and a short streamer. Identification: This figure can be identified as winged Seth-Baal based on its iconographic features described above.

Provenance: Deir el-Balah Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem Bibliography: Dothan 1979, 85, fig. 210; Cornelius 1994 BM19 Description: Striding to the right is a figure wearing a conical headdress with a horn and a streamer, dressed in a short projecting kilt. In his left hand he holds a stave looking like a wAs-sceptre, while his right hand is hanging down. Identification: The posture of the figure is reminiscent of Baal standing in front of the king or dedicators holding a wAs-sceptre (Docs. 2, 8, 13).

Doc. 28 Scarab Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.4 cm (L) x 1.0 cm (W) x 0.7 cm (H) Provenance: Tell el-Fukhkhar (Acco) Date: End of the 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : IAA 73-170 Bibliography: Giveon/Kertesz 1986, 38-39 no. 142; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 307-308, fig.81; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, no. 26; Cornelius 1994 BM69; Lipiński 1996, 262; Cornelius 1998, 173 Description: A winged figure stands on the back of a quadruped (perhaps a horse) facing to the right; he wears a conical headdress with a uraeus in the front.109 Behind the figure is an udjat-eye.110 Identification: See Doc. 27.

Doc. 31 Scarab Material: Glass? Dimensions: 1.4 cm (W) x 0.9 cm (H) Provenance: Tell el-Far‛ah Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Institute of Archaeology E. VI 7 (London) Bibliography: Starky/Harding 1932, 30, pl. LXXIII: 20; Cornelius 1994 BM21 Description: Only the upper part of scarab shows two figures facing each other. The left-hand one wears a conical crown with possible bull horns, which are at least not a gazelle head. Identification: It should not be a problem to consider that the left-hand figure is Baal. Although Cornelius 111 suggests two possibilities whether Baal or Reshef, judging from the headdress of left-hand figure, this should not be Reshef who is given a gazelle head on the headdress.

Doc. 29 Scarab Material: Blue-green glaze Dimensions: 1.52 cm (L) x 1.06 cm (W) x 0.6 cm (H) Provenance: Unknown Date: End of the 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : Private Collection Bibliography: Cornelius 1994 BM83 Description: Striding to the right is a winged figure dressed in a short kilt with two tassels between the legs, and wearing a conical crown with two horns and a long streamer from its top. Although no spear is visible, the figure is clearly in the act of slaying the serpent on which it stands. Identification: This is the winged Seth-Baal as a serpent slayer. See Doc. 21.

Doc. 32 Scarab Material: Turquoise blue opaque glass Dimensions: 2.5 cm (L) Provenance: Unknown (probably Tanis?) Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : BM EA 42480 Bibliography: Hall 1913, 258, no. 2579; Cornelius 1994 BM23 Description: Striding to the right is a figure wearing a conical headdress with two rather large horns and a long streamer from its top down to near ankle. His left hand is slightly stretched forward 112 and the right hand is hanging down. Identification: See Docs. 30 and 56.

Doc. 30 Scarab (pl. III) Material: Carnelian Dimensions: 1.5 cm (L) x 1.15 cm (W) x 0.85 cm (H)

Doc. 33 Scarab Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.3 cm (L) x 0.95 cm (W)

109

Cornelius follows Giveon’s view that this headdress would be the Egyptian Double Crown together with Keel 1990 fig. 81 (in Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990). There is no trace of the Red Crown. The projection on the headdress does not look like that of the Red Crown but an uraeus. 110 This is not an anx-symbol as Shuval (in Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, no.26) suggests.

111

Cornelius 1994, 184. Cornelius suggests (1994) that the figure may hold the wAs-sceptre as is conventionally done.

112

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Provenance: Saft el-Hinna (= Goshen) Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Basel 707113 Bibliography: Petrie 1906, 45, pl. XXXVII: 20 (329); Hornung/Staehelin 1976, 707; Giveon 1980, 149; Dąbrowski 1992, 34-35, fig. 1b; Cornelius 1994 BM25 Description: A winged figure with human-head strides to the right; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from the top of the headdress. On both sides of the figure are signs which may be recognised as the uraei portrayed on other conventional scarabs. Identification: See Doc. 15.

right on a nbw-sign; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from its top. Two uraei (their tails forming the above-mentioned nbw-sign) flank this figure while facing away from each other. Identification: See Doc. 15. Doc. 37 Scarab Material: White enamelled paste Dimensions: 1.5 cm (L) Provenance: Byblos Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Byblos 7656 Bibliography: Dunand 1950, pl. CCI: 7656; Dunand 1954, 132-133; Cornelius 1994 BM29 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the right; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from the top of the headdress. Two uraei flank this figure facing away from each other. Some unidentifiable signs are depicted above and to the right of the figure. Identification: See Doc. 15.

Doc. 34 Scarab Material: Glazed steatite Dimensions: 6 cm (L) Provenance: Buhen Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Randall-Maciver/Woolley 1911, pl. 57 10067; Cornelius 1994 BM26 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the right; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from the top of the headdress. Two uraei flank the figure, facing away from each other. Identification: See Doc. 15.

Doc. 38 Scarab Material: Turquoise blue opaque glass Dimensions: 1.1 cm (L) Provenance: Byblos Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Byblos 6903 Bibliography: Dunand 1950, pl. CXCIX: 6903; Dunand 1954, 22; Cornelius 1994 BM30 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the right; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from the top of the headdress. Two uraei flank this figure facing away from each other. Above the figure is carved a sun disc. Identification: See Doc. 15.

Doc. 35 Scarab Material: Steatite with gold Dimensions: 1.3 cm (L) Provenance: Byblos Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Byblos 7128 Bibliography: Dunand 1950, pl. CXCIXI: 7128; Dunand 1954, 69; Cornelius 1994 BM27 Description: A winged figure with human head strides to the right; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from the top of the headdress. Two uraei flank this figure, facing away from each other. Identification: See Doc. 15.

Doc. 39 Scarab Material: Buff steatite Dimensions: 2.4 cm (L) x 1.8 cm (W) x 1cm (H) Provenance: Unknown Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : UC 38105 Bibliography: Petrie 1925, 2, 28, pl. XV: 1079; Matouk 1977, 76; Cornelius 1994 BM37 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the right along the base line; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a long streamer from the top of the headdress. Tassels can be seen on both sides of the cloth and between his legs. One uraeus is on the right, but there is no balancing uraeus on the left, as in the other scarabs with this type of design. The symbol to the upper right of the figure looks like the nb-sign. Behind the figure are several signs carved, but none of these are clearly

Doc. 36 Scarab Material: White paste Dimensions: 1.2 cm (L) Provenance: Byblos Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Byblos 1290 Bibliography: Dunand 1937, pl. CXXIX: 1290; Dunand 1939, 48; Cornelius 1994 BM28 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the 113

Hornung and Staehelin (1976, no.707) mixed up this item with another but very similar scarab which is listed as Doc. 41 later. Although Petrie 1906, 45, pl. XXXVII: 20 (329) is cited in the bibliography for Basel 707 in the work by Hornung and Staehelin it is not correct.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence legible. Identification: See Doc. 15.

Identification: See Doc. 15. Doc. 43 Scarab Material: Steatite Dimensions: c 1.42 cm (L) x 1.08 cm (W) x 0.81 cm (H) Provenance: Purchased in Jerusalem Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Fribourg SK 72 Bibliography: Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 305-306 fig. 72, pl. XVII:2; Cornelius 1994 BM35 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the right; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from the top of the headdress. Two uraei flank this figure facing away from each other. In front of the face is carved an oval symbol.118 Identification: See Doc. 15.

Doc. 40 Scarab Material: Glaze Dimensions: 1.3 cm (L) x 0.9 cm(W) Provenance: Unknown Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Zagreb 247 Bibliography: Monnet 1970, no. 247; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 306; Cornelius 1994 BM38 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the right; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from the top of the headdress. Two uraei flank this figure facing away from each other.114 Identification: See Doc. 15. Doc. 41 Scarab (pl. III) Material: Turquoise blue opaque glass Dimensions: 1.4 cm (L) x 1 cm (W) x 0.65 cm (H) Provenance: Unknown Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Basel 707115 Bibliography: Horning/Staehelin 1976, 93, 331, pl. 79 no. 707; Giveon 1980, 149; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 305-306, fig. 74; Dąbrowski 1992, 34-35, fig. 1a; Cornelius 1994 BM39 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the right; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from the top of the headdress. Two uraei flank this figure facing away from each other. Identification: See Doc. 15. It does not seem that this figure could be Reshef which has been suggested by Hornung and Staehelin.116 Doc. 42 Scarab Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.3 cm (L) x 0.95 cm (W) x 0.6 cm (H) Provenance: Purchased in Jerusalem Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Fribourg SK 71 Bibliography: Keel 1976, 42 fig, 9b; Keel 1977b, 98-99, fig. 72, pl. IIa; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 305-306, fig. 71, pl. XVII:1; Dąbrowski 1992, 35-35, fig. 1e; Cornelius 1994 BM34 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the right; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from the top of the headdress. Two uraei flank this figure facing away from each other. In front of the face is carved an oval symbol.117 114

Monnet (1970) suggests two plumes. See n.111 above. 116 Hornung/Staehelin 1976, 331. 117 Cornelius follows Keel’s interpretation (1990) that this oval sign is a sun disc. 115

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Doc. 44 Scarab (pl. III) Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.5 cm (L) x 1.1 cm (W) x 0.7 cm Provenance: Tell el-Far‛ah Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – End of the 20th Dynasty119 Inventory No. : BM L.604 Bibliography: Starky/Harding 1932, 25, pl. LV:299; Giveon 1978, 83, fig. 40; McCllelan 1979, 66; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 134, no. 22; Giveon 1985a, 46-47, no.73; Cornelius 1994 BM43 Description: A human-headed winged figure with a pointed beard strides to the left; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from its top. He wears a knee-length kilt striped horizontally with three tassels between the legs, on the hem of the kilt, and around its waist. Above the figure is carved a hippopotamus facing to the left, and a falcon with a flail in lower right. Identification: See Doc. 15. The hippopotamus is one of animals which are closely linked with Seth.120 Thus, it is possible to consider that both Horus (the falcon with the flail in lower right) and Seth are represented in this scarab. Doc. 45 Scarab Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.5 cm (L) x 1.1 cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – End of the 20th Dynasty121 118

See previous footnote. McCllelan (1979,66) dates after Rameses IV. 120 In royal contexts, hippo-hunting by the king has ritual meaning, which is the religious reconstruction of revenge of Horus against Seth. Some stelae from the New Kingdom show Seth represented as a hippopotamus. c.f. Bruyère 1934 70, fig. 50; Lanzone 1881-1886, III, pl. CCCLXXX. 121 Cassirer (1959, 6-7) dated the mid-18th Dynasty which Fulco follows. 119

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Leibovitch 1942b, 440, fig. 90; Cassirer 1959, 6-7, pl.16:1c; Fulco 1976, 7 (E 14); Cornelius 1994 BM52 Description: A winged figure with a pointed-beard stands on the back of an animal facing to the right. This figure wears a conical crown with two horns and a short streamer. Identification: Cassirer and Fulco recognised this figure as Reshef. As for identification as Baal, see Doc. 27.

Doc. 49 Scarab Material: Yellow steatite Dimensions: 1.13 cm (L) x 0.9 cm (W) x 0.5 cm (H) Provenance: Tell el-Far‛ah Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – End of the 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Rockefeller I. 4318 Bibliography: Petrie 1930, pl. XXII: 186; Rowe 1936, 171, pl. XVIII no. 715; Leibovitch 1953, 107, fig. 10; Matouk 1977, 76; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 133 no. 21; Eggler 1992, 161-162, 360, no. 78; Cornelius 1994 BM32 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the right; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from its top. Two uraei flank this figure facing away from each other. Identification: See Doc. 15.

Doc. 46 Scarab Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.6 cm (L) x 1.1 cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – End of the 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : ÄMP 33224122 Bibliography: Leclant 1960, 63-64, fig. 33a; Matouk 1977, 76; Cornelius 1994 BM53 Description: A pointed-bearded and winged figure stands on the back of an animal facing to the right. This figure wears a conical crown with two horns and a short streamer. Identification: See Doc. 27.

Doc. 50 Scarab Material: Yellow steatite Dimensions: c 1.4 cm (L) x 1 cm (W) x 0.6 cm (H) Provenance: Tell el-Far‛ah Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – End of the 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Rockefeller J. 1067 Bibliography: Petrie 1930, pl. XXI: 308; Rowe 1936, 192, pl. XX no. 811; Matouk 1977, 76, 337:267; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 305-306, fig. 73; Dąbrowski 1992, 34-35, fig. 1f; Eggler 1992, 161-162, 350-351, no. 71; Cornelius 1994 BM33 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the right; he wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from the top of the headdress. Two uraei flank this figure facing away from each other. Identification: See Doc. 15.

Doc. 47 Scarab Material: Glazed stone Dimensions: 2 cm (L) x 1.5 cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – End of the 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Berlin 15136 Bibliography: Gressmann 1927, 82-83, pl. CXVI: 275; Vincent 1928, pl. XXV:9a; Keel 1980a, 268; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 201; Cornelius 1994 BM54 Description: A pointed-bearded and winged figure stands on the back of an animal facing to the right. This figure wears a conical crown with two horns and a short streamer. Identification: See Doc. 27.

Doc. 51 Scarab123 Material: Glazed steatite Dimensions: 1.73cm (L) x 1.33 cm (W) x 0.76 cm (H) Provenance: Unknown Date: Mid 19th Dynasty – End of the 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : ÄS 2412 Bibliography: Keel & Schval & Uehlinger 1990, 306-308, fig. 79, pl. XVII: 3; Cornelius 1994 BM50 Description: A pointed-bearded and winged figure stands on the back of an animal facing to the right. This figure wears a conical crown with two horns and a short streamer. Identification: See Doc. 27.

Doc. 48 Scarab Material: Buff glaze Dimensions: 1.3 cm (L) x 1 cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: End of the 18th Dynasty – End of the 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : UC 38106 Bibliography: Petrie 1925, 12, 28, pl. XV: 1080; Matouk 1977, 76, 337:266; Cornelius 1994 BM55 Description: A pointed-bearded and winged figure stands on the back of an animal facing to the right. This figure wears a conical crown with two horns and a short streamer. Identification: See Doc. 27.

Doc. 52 Scarab Material: Brown glaze Dimensions: c 1.5 cm (L) x 1 cm (W) Provenance: Tell el-Yahudiya Date: Mid 19th Dynasty – End of the 20th Dynasty

122 The old inventory number is SM 828/73. I would like to express my gratitude for Ms. Claudia Saczecki again.

123

I am much grateful to Dr. Sylvia Schoske in Staatliches Museum Ägyptischer Kunst, München for her kindly help.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Inventory No. : UC 38070 Bibliography: Petrie 1906, 15, pl. XI: 209; Petrie 1925, pl. XIX: 1565; Cornelius 1994 BM45 Description: A pointed-bearded and winged figure stands on the back of an animal facing to the right. This figure wears a conical crown with two horns and a short streamer. Identification: See Doc.27.

animal and they both face to the left. The figure on the animal wears a horned headdress with a short streamer. It is also dressed in knee-length kilt with a tassel between the legs. Behind the figure is carved an oval sign.124 Identification: See Doc. 27. Doc. 56 Scarab Material: Carnelian Dimensions: 1.7 cm (H) x 1.2 cm (W) Provenance: Beirut? Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Byblos 1170 Bibliography: Dunand 1937, 37-38, pl. CXXVIII: 1170; Dunand 1939, 37-38; Cornelius 1994 BM18 Description: Striding to the right is a figure wearing a headdress with a horn and a streamer. The left hand holds a stave looking like a wAs-sceptre. The right hand is hanging down. Identification: See Docs. 30 and 32.

Doc. 53 Scarab Material: Green glazed steatite Dimensions: c 1.1 cm (L) x 0.8 cm (W) Provenance: El-Badari Date: Mid 19th Dynasty – End of the 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Brunton 1930, 24, 36, pl. XLIII: 54; Cornelius 1994 BM46 Description: A pointed-bearded and winged figure stands on the back of an animal facing to the right. This figure wears a conical crown with two horns and a short streamer. Identification: See Doc. 27.

Doc. 57 Scarab Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.8 cm (L) Provenance: Tell Basta125 Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: El-Sawi 1979, 37, figs. 52-54: no. 1664; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 305-306, fig. 75; Cornelius 1994 BM24 Description: A human-headed winged figure strides to the right; it wears a conical headdress with two horns and a short streamer from its top. Two uraei flank this figure facing away from each other. Identification: See Doc. 15.

Doc. 54 Scarab Material: Frit Dimensions: 3 cm (L) x 1.95 cm (W) x 1.1 cm (H) Provenance: Tell el-Far‛ah Date: 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Rockefeller I. 4315 Bibliography: Petrie 1930, 7, pl. XXII: 187; Rowe 1936, 171, pl. XVIII 716; Leibovitch 1953, 107, fig. 9; Müller-Karpe 1980, pl. 110:J4; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 133 no. 20; Eggler 1992, 163, 361 no. 79; Cornelius 1994 BM20 Description: A figure stands striding to the right on a single line. It wears a short kilt. The headdress consists of a conical crown with two horns and a short streamer from its top to the shoulder. Both arms are hanging down alongside its body. Identification: This figure can be both Baal and Reshef. However judging from a headdress with two horns and a streamer, it should not be a problem to identify this figure as Baal.

Doc. 58 Scarab Material: White paste Dimensions: 1.5 cm (H) x 1.1 cm (W) Provenance: Beirut? Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Byblos 3223 Bibliography: Dunand 1937, pl. CXXVIII: 3223, Dunand 1939, 217; Cornelius 1994 BM47 Description: A pointed-bearded and winged figure stands on the back of an animal facing to the right. This figure wears a conical crown with two horns and a short streamer. Identification: See Doc. 27.

Doc. 55 Scarab Material: Light yellow steatite Dimensions: 1.5 cm (L) x 1.1 cm (W) x 0.71 cm (H) Provenance: Tell el-Sultan (Jerico) Date: c End of the 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Rockefeller 32.1580 Bibliography: Garstang 1933, 36-37, fig. 11, pl. 11; Rowe 1936, 173, pl. XVIII no. 722; Leibovitch 1942b, 440-441, fig. 91; Fulco 1976, 7; H Weippert/M Weippert 1976, 133 note.80; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 135, no. 25, and 297; Eggler 1992, 161-162, 188, 190, 378-379, fig. 92; Cornelius 1994 BM49 Description: A winged figure stands on the back of an

Doc. 59 Amulet Material: Glazed steatite Dimensions: 2.1 cm (L) Provenance: Bought near Jaffa 124

Cornelius (1994, 199) suggests an uraeus, but it is not clear to the present author. 125 This scarab was found in a pit grave next to a skeleton.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Date: End of the 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : Ashmolean 1889.284 Bibliography: Chester 1886, 43, 48, no. 4; Buchanan/Moorey 1988, 20, pl. IV no. 113; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 411; Cornelius 1994 BM56 Description: A winged figure stands on the back of an animal on a base line facing to the right. This figure wears a conical crown with two horns and a short streamer. Identification: See Doc. 27.

of Egypt to the limits of heaven on every side. (As for) the hil[ls of the] rebels, none could [get pas]t them, because of the fallen ones of Shasu who had attacked [him?]. His Majesty cap[tured th]em totally, so that none escaped.’ Doc. 61 Relief inscription (Campaign against the Hittites) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Karnak Date: Sety I (1294-1279 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II 22-23; Rosellini 1832, lvii; Champ., Not. descr. ccc; Champ., Mon., II 102-103; Brugsch 1862, xlv b, c; Wilkinson 1878, I 43, pl. iv facing; Guieysse 1889, 70-71; Maspero 1895-99, II 371; LD III 130a; Meyer 1913, no. 221-224, 326; von Bissing Denkmäler 1914, pl. 86; Gressmann 1918; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 45-46; Sander-Hansen 1933, 10; Stadelmann 1967, 39; KRI I 17,14; Karnak IV pl. 34; RITA 14; Leitz 2002 Bar [6] Description: Sety I is portrayed in the battle against the Hittites. On the left-hand side of the scene, the king stands in a chariot pulled by two horses, their reins tied around his waist. Although the face of the king is destroyed, it can be seen that he wears a lappet wig with a uraeus in front, and that he is dressed in only a plain loincloth. The king shoots a volley of arrows into the midst of the fleeing Hittite soldiers, some of whom have fallen under his chariot of the king. The king’s quiver seems to be full. Behind him is the Swt-fan with ribbon(s) evidently held by an anthropomorphic anx-figure, although this part of the relief is largely destroyed. Above the king is a sun disc flanked by two uraei and symbols of anx and wAs. Horus on the right and Nekhbet on the left each hold the Sn-symbol and hover to protect the king from above. Above this scene there are inscriptions in which Seth and Baal appear side by side. Identification: Main text:128 ‘[Titular of Sety I] The good god, strong in power, a hero valiant like Montu; Powerful one, powerful like him who begot him, illuminating the Two Lands like Him of the Horizon. Mighty in strength like the son of Nut, the strength of the Two Lords is in his actions; who stalks the battlefield like him on Ombos , great of terror like Baal against the foreign lands. Uniter of the Two Lands, (even) while he was in the nest, his power has protected Egypt.

Doc. 60 Relief inscription (Campaign against ShasuBedouin) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Karnak Date: Sety I (1294-1279 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II 19-21 (54) – (58); Rosellini 1832, xlix 2; Champ., Not. descr., 90-91; Brugsch 1862, xlviii c; Maspero 1887, pl. 34, (= 1907, pl. 35); Guieysse 1889, pl. 34; LD III 127a; LD Text III 19; Meyer 1913, no. 195, 199, 200; Wilkinson & von Bunsen 1915; Gressmann 1918; Gardiner 1920, pl. xii [I-M]; Tarchi 1922, pl. 39; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 40, 42; Sander-Hansen, 1933, 4; Stadelmann 1967, 39; Giveon 1971, 44-45, 50-52, pl. V B; KRI I 6,15; Karnak IV pl. 5; RITA I 6; Leitz 2002 Bar [5] Description: The scene portrays Sety I defeating ShasuBedouin on the road to Gaza (regnal year 1). On the right of the scene, the king stands in his chariot and shoots arrows into the mass of Shasu. He wears only a loincloth and a lappet wig with a uraeus in front. Above him is a sun disc with anx-symbol and wAs-sceptres, as well as two uraei wearing the Atef-crowns and Sn-symbol on their looped tails. To the right of this scene, the goddess Nekhbet stretches out her wings to protect the king. Behind the king is the Swt-fan which should be held by an anthropomorphic anx-figure.126 On the left, many Shasu are seen injured or killed by the king’s arrows. Some forts and wells are also seen to the lower left. Above the horses and the king there are sixteen inscriptions, and others are inscribed among forts and wells and adjacent to Nekhbet. Identification: Above the horses and king:127 ‘The good god, sun of Egypt, moon of all lands, Montu in the foreign lands, who is not repulsed, bold-hearted like Baal, there is none who can retreat from him, on the day of marshalling for the battle. He has extended the boundaries 126

It is a popular motif in Egypt that the anthropomorphic anx-symbol holds a fan. 127 RITA I 6.

128

27

RITA I 17.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence [............].’ Doc. 62 Relief inscription (Campaign against Libya) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Karnak Date: Sety I (1294-1279 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II 22; Descr. Ant. III 38 [32]; Hamilton 1809, pl. viii, 3; Rosellini 1832, liv 1; Champ., Mon. II 98; Champ., Not. descr. ccxcvii 1; Guieysse 1889, 68; Meyer 1913, no. 229; von Bissing Denkmäler 1914, pl. 86; Gressmann 1918; Tarchi 1922, pl. 41; Stadelmann 1967, 40; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 50 50a; Sander-Hansen 1933, 9; KRI I 21,3-4; Karnak IV pl. 28; RITA 17; Leitz 2002 Bar [7] Description: Sety I is portrayed in a battlefield with the Libyans. To the left, Sety I stands on his chariot pulled by two galloping horses whose reins are tied around the waist of the king. The king wears only a pleated loincloth and the Egyptian Blue Crown with a uraeus in front. He brandishes a scimitar-sword in his right hand and holds a bow in his left hand, with which he seizes a Libyan chief around the neck. The quiver on his back is empty. Above him is the sun disc flanked by two uraei from one of which is suspended an anx-symbol. Behind the king is the Swt-fan bearing two ribbons, held by an anthropomorphic anx-figure. To the upper right of the king is a protective figure of Nekhbet holding a Sn-symbol and a xw-fan. In front of the king and horses are there many Libyans who have been defeated by the king. Above the Libyans, behind the king and above the horses there are 14 lines of inscription. Identification: Above the Libyans:129 ‘[The good god, /////] [the strong arm]ed, Lo[rd of po]wer, va[liant li]ke Montu, who fights and captures in every foreign land; a hero without equal, who achieves with his strong arm, so that the Two Lands know, and so that the entire land shall see (it). He is like Baal (as) he treads the mountains. Dread of him has crushed the foreign lands, his name is victorious, and his power is strong; there is none who can withstand him.’

163-164; Roeder 1938, pl. 15-21a, 22-24; Ricke et. al 1967, pl. 12; KRI II 196,7; RITA II 59; Leitz 2002 Bar [4] Description: Rameses II is depicted storming a Syrian stronghold. The king is smiting Syrian chief at the top of the fortress. Beneath the king’s feet, the prince is breaking the wall of the fortress with an axe. Other Syrians beg clemency on the wall. Some inscriptions are inscribed behind the king, between and above the king and the fortress. Identification: Between the king and the fortress (speech of Syrian chief):130 ‘Says the despicable chief, in magnifying the Lord of Two Lands: “(I) believed (that) there was none like Baal, (but) the ruler (is) his true son forever.”’. Doc. 64

Relief inscription (‘Poem’ of Battle of Qadesh) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Karnak, Luxor Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II2 58 (171-2, 174-5), PM II2 304-305 (13, 14), PM II2 306-312; AEL II 57-72; KRI II 29; RITA II 5131; Leitz 2002 Bar [8] Description: In this relief the battle of Qadesh has just started. The division of Ra, one of Egyptian troops of Rameses II, is attacked by the Hittites to the south of Qadesh. They have not been aware of the enemy approaching and therefore are not prepared for it, the division Ra collapsed. This emergent news is delivered to Rameses II. Identification:132 ‘Now His Majesty was established to the north of the town of Qadesh, on the west of the Orontes. Then one came to report it to His Majesty. Then His Majesty appeared (gloriously) like his father Montu, he took his panoply of war, and girded himself in his coat of mail; - he was like Baal in his hour. The great (chariot)-span which bore His Majesty was (named) ‘Victory-in-Thebes’, of the great stable of Usermaatra Setepenra, beloved of Amun, of the Residences.’ Doc. 65

Relief inscription (‘Poem’ of Battle of Qadesh) Material: Limestone and sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Abydos, Karnak, Luxor Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II2 58 (171-2, 174-5), PM II2 304-305 (13, 14), PM II2 306-312, PM VI 39/41

Doc. 63 Relief inscription (Undated Syrian war) Material: Sandstone (carved into a hillside) Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Beit el-Wali (Temple of Rameses II) Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM VII 23-24; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 129

130

RITA II 59. RITA II (Notes and Comments) pp. 3-5 provides us with a huge bibliography for the Battle of Qadesh in year 5. 132 RITA II 5. 131

RITA I 17.

28

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts (74-88); LD III 161; Gressmann 1918; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI II 53,1-5; RITA II 8; Leitz 2002 Bar [9] Description: The scene of the confrontation between Rameses II and the Hittite ruler, Muwatalli II. Identification:133 ‘Now, the despicable ruler of Hittites was standing amidst his infantry and chariotry, watching the attack by His Majesty, alone, on his own, having with him neither his infantry and chariotry; so he [the Hittite] just stood, turning back, cringing, fearful. Then he sent forth many chiefs, each of them with his chariot-spans, equipped with their weapons of war: - the ruler of Arzawa and the one of Masa; - the ruler of Arwanna, the one of Lukku, the one of Dardanaya; - the ruler of Carchemish, the ruler of Qarqisha, and the one of Aleppo; - the brothers of Him of Hatti, all assembled as one. They united as one thousand chariot-spans, and came straight on forward – into the fire! I launched myself against them, being like Montu; I gave them a taste of my fist (‘hand’) in the space of a moment. I worked mayhem among them, slain on the spot, one cried out to another amongst them, (saying): “he is no mere man, he that is among us! – (it’s) Seth great of power, (very) Baal in person!” Not the acts of a mere man are the things that he does, they belong to one utterly unique! [.........................].’ Doc. 66

Relief inscription (‘Poem’ of Battle of Qadesh) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Karnak, Luxor, Ramesseum Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II2 58 (171-2, 174-5) PM II2 304-305 (13, 14), PM II2 306-312, PM II2 435; Gressmann 1918, 202; KRI II 71,1-3; RITA II 10; Leitz 2002 Bar [10] Description: This relief shows the Egyptian troops surrounded by Hittites. The king invigorates to his troops. Identification:134 ‘Then said His Majesty to his shieldbearer: “Be firm, be bold-hearted, my shield-bearer! I shall go into them like the pounce of a falcon, killing, slaughtering, felling to the ground. What are these effeminate weaklings to you, for millions of whom, I care nothing?” Then His Majesty set off quickly, and he went off at a gallop, into the midst of the foe, for the 6th time of attacking them. “I was like Baal in the moment of his power, I killed among them, I

did not let up”.’ Doc. 67

Relief inscription (‘Poem’ of Battle of Qadesh) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Luxor Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II2 304-305 (13, 14), PM II2 306-312; KRI II 90,8-10; RITA II 12; Leitz 2002 Bar [9] Description: A message from the king of Hittites who was defeated by the Egyptian king. Identification:135 ‘Thereupon the despicable, defeated ruler of Hittites sent (a message), honouring my name like (that of Ra), saying: “You are (very) Seth, Baal in person, dread of you is like a torch-brand in the land of Hatti”.’ Doc. 68

Relief inscription (‘Bulletin’ of Battle of Qadesh) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Abu Simbel, Luxor, Ramesseum Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II2 304-305 (13, 14), PM II2 433 (3-4), PM II2 306-312, PM VII 103-104 (41-42); LD III 153, 187 c-d; KRI II 120,2-5; RITA II 17; Leitz 2002 Bar [8] Description: According to two spies from the Hittites, the Egyptian army loses one division of four and has its retreat cut off by the Hittite army and its allies. Rameses II then decides to stand up against the Hittites by himself. Identification:136 ‘(After Hittites and their allies crossed the ford south of Qadesh, then entered in amongst His Majesty’s troops as they marched unawares) Then His Majesty’s troops and chariotry quailed before them, on their way north, to where His Majesty was. Then the foes from the Fallen One of Hatti surrounded His Majesty’s subordinates who were by his side. Then His Majesty caught sight of them, so he arouse quickly. (Then) he raged against them, like his father Montu. He took up his panoply of war, he girded himself with his coat of mail, he was like Seth (= Baal)137 in his moment of power. Then he mounted ‘Victory-in-Thebes’, his chariot-span , he setting off 135 136 137

RITA II 12. RITA II 17 On the Pylon, Northern Face, and in the Court of Rameses II, East

Wall in Luxor is inscribed only the Seth animal ( 133 134

), however, in

Ramesseum and Abu Simbel, and are attested. This means that Seth in Luxor could be identified with Baal.

RITA II 8. RITA II 10.

29

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence quickly, being all alone. [.........................].’

Murray 1888, pl. II 75-77; Yoyotte 1952, 81-84, pl. VI; KRI II 296; RITA II 128-129, Leitz 2002 Bar [12] Description: Fragment of the lower right corner. It is impossible to determine whether this stele shows any iconography of deities. Identification:140 ‘[/////] Powerful in strength, whose strong arm is boasted of; who plunders [/////] [Bull of Seth?, a Montu son of] Montu, who acts with his strong arm, powerful warrior. Bull of Baal [/////] king of the Two Lands, Usermaatra Setepenra, son of Ra, [Rameses II].’

Doc. 69 Relief inscription (Battle of Qadesh) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Ramesseum Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II2 433 (3-4); KRI II 139, 10-11; RITA II 22; Leitz 2002 Bar [9] Description: Texts of the episode during the battle of Qadesh. Identification:138 ‘The despicable, fallen ruler of Hatti, standing in the midst of his troops and chariotry, his face averted, shrinking away, his heart fainting. He could not come out to fight, through fear of His Majesty, when he saw His Majesty conquering the (force)s of Hatti, along with the chief of every foreign land who accompanied him; - His Majesty overthrowing them on his own account in a single hour, His Majesty as a divine falcon. He rendered praise to the good god, saying: “He is like Seth, great in strength, in his hour, (even) Baal (very) person!”.’

Doc. 72 Relief inscription (First Libyan war) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: MH I 17,13; Rosellini 1832, pl. CXXIV; Champ., Mon. III, pl.CCXVII; Brugsch 1862, pl. LV 1; Wreszinski 1923-42, II pl. 127-128; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 13 Description: The relief portrays Rameses III standing in his chariot, launching his campaign against the Libyans. He is accompanied both by Egyptians and by foreign troops (the latter represented to the lower left). The chariot before the king is bearing the standard of Amun. Texts are both behind and in front of the king; they are also inscribed in front of the standard of Amun, over the army in the left centre, and over the army in the bottom. Identification: Before the king:141 ‘The good god, mighty king, rich in strength like Montu, one beloved like Min, strong of arm like the son of Nut, great of terror, possessed of awe, whose battle cry has encompassed the countries; a lion raging when he sees his assailant. His arrow does not miss in a million. A mighty warrior in his own form, he looks upon hundred-thousands as one. He appears upon the battlefield like Baal, and the heat of him has burned up the Nine Bows.’

Doc. 70 Relief inscription (Undated war) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Karnak Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II 24 (73); KRI II 159, 8; Gaballa 1969, fig. 5, pl. 19; RITA II 34-35; Leitz 2002 Bar [11] Description: The king, in a chariot pulled by galloping horses, is attacking a Levantine fort which is unfortunately not named. Identification: Rhetorical text over the horses:139 ‘(Long) live the good god, powerful in strength, a hero valiant like Montu, [potent] power like him who begot him; the strength of the Two Lords is in his actions; one who treads the battlefield like him who is in Nubt; dread of him is like (that of) Baal in the foreign lands; valiant without equal, (with) his hand outstretched – Usermaatra Setepenra, Rameses II Meryamun.’ Doc. 71 Rhetorical stele of Rameses II (‘Tanis VII’) Material: Granite Dimensions: Approximately 135cm (H) x 210cm (W) in original Provenance: Tanis Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: PM IV, 21 (190); Petrie & Griffith &

Doc. 73 Relief inscription (First Libyan war) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: MH I 28, 58; Rosellini 1832, pls.CXXXIX -CXLI; Burton 1825-1829, pls. XLIII-XLV; Duemichen 1869, pl. XLVIa; de Rougé 1877, pls. CXXXIX-CXLVII; Brugsch 1891,

138

140

139

RITA II 22. RITA II 34-35.

141

30

Based on RITA II 129. Edgerton/Wilson 1936.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts 1197-1207; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; KRI V 25; Leitz 2002 Bar [1] Description: This section of wall is inscribed with 75 lines of texts (MH I 27 and 28 cover these long inscriptions). 142 Baal appears in the description of the Northern War (ll. 51-59), traditionally dated to year 8. Identification: ll. 54-59 (the capitulation and captivity of the Northerners)143: ‘They [cried out], saying: “There is a charging lion, wild, mighty, seizing with his claw: the sole lord who has come into being in Egypt, without [his equal], a warrior straight of arrow, who never misses; [/////] the ends of the ocean.” They tremble with one accord (saying): “Where shall we (go)?” They beg peace, coming humbly for fear of him, knowing that their strength is not and that their bodies are weak, for the awe of His Majesty is before them every day. He is like a bull standing on the field of battle, his eye on his horns, prepared and ready to attack his assailant with his head; a mighty warrior [/////] battle cry, the runner, lord of strength, plundering every land, so that they come in (humble) salutation for terror of him; a young child, valiant like Baal [in his time]; the king who carries plans to completion, the lord of counsels. What he has done does not fail but happen immediately; King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Usermaatra-Meryamun; son of Ra: Rameses III. [.........................].’

glad; the officials rejoice; the guardsmen exult to the sky, for [their] lord is mighty like Montu, and his [i.e. the king’s] battle cry and his fame are like (those of) Baal.146 .................’ Doc. 75 Relief inscription (Campaign against the Sea People) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: MH I 37,2; Descr. Ant. II, pl. 10; Rosellini 1832, pls. CXXX-CXXXI; Champ., Mon. III, pls. CCXXII-CCXXIII; Mariette 1893, pl. 55; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 115-117; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 32 Description: Five ships of the Sea People are shown being defeated by four Egyptian ships. On the coast, Rameses III, wearing the Blue Crown, and his archer send volleys the arrows against the enemy. The chariot of the king is behind him, while above him is the goddess Nekhbet extending the protection. A follower holds a Swt-fan for the king. Below these scenes two registers are shown comprising a line of captives. Before and in front of the king are inscribed the texts; other inscriptions are placed in front of the horses. In the lower two registers prisoners are depicted making processions to the left. Identification: Inscriptions before the king:147 ‘The good god, Montu in Egypt, great of strength like Baal in the foreign countries, strong arms, undaunted of heart, haughty, skilled in his strength, a great wall for sheltering Egypt, so that there may come no land to injure it; King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands: Usermaatra-Meryamun, Rameses III.’

Doc. 74 Relief inscription (Rameses III hunts lions) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: MH I 35,14; Rosellini 1832, pl. CXXIX; Champ., Mon. III, pl. CCXXI; Mariette 1893, pl. 54; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 114a, b; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 41; KRI V 31 Description: Rameses III, wearing a lappet wig with uraeus, is portrayed standing in his chariot hunting lions. Soldiers march along the bottom register. 144 And a lion has fallen under the king’s chariot. The scene behind the king is damaged. Texts are inscribed in front of the horses, and between horses and the king. Identification: Inscriptions above and before the chariot:145 ‘........................ The soldiers are

Doc. 76 Relief inscription (Campaign against the Sea People) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: MH I 43,23; Rosellini 1832, pl. CXXXIV; Champ., Mon. III, pl. CCXXVI; Brugsch 1862, pl. LV 3-4; Duemichen 1869, pl/ XLVIIa; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 118/9; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 34 Description: This scene shows Rameses III dedicating

142

For full contents of this great inscription, see Edgerton/Wilson 1936. c.f. Edgerton/Wilson 1936. 144 From the link between scenes before and after, this marching probably indicates from the land battle to the naval battle. (Edgerton/Wilson 1936). 145 Edgerton/Wilson 1936. 143

146 147

31

Only is inscribed for Baal. Edgerton/Wilson 1936

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence captive Libyans and the Sea People to the Theban triad. The king stands on the right, with the captives behind him. In front of the king are the Theban triad under the canopy. Amun is seated holding a wAs-sceptre, and Mut and Khons stand behind Amun. 148 Below this scene are the topographical lists. Texts are inscribed above Amun, Mut and Khons, in front of the king, and above the Sea People and the Libyans. In addition to the horizontal line below the scene is carved with hieroglyphic text, and the scene-divider on the right also bears a text. Identification: Inscription above the Sea People:149 ‘Words spoken by the great fallen ones of Thekker, ...................... “Great in your (the king) strength, O mighty king, great sun of Egypt! Greater is your sword than a mountain of metal, while the awe of you is like (that of) Baal.150 Give to us the breath, that we may breathe it, the life, that is in your grasp forever”.’

sword than a mountain of metal, while the awe of you is like (that of) Baal. Give to us the breath, that we may breathe it, and life, that is in your hands!”.’ Doc. 78 Relief inscription (Campaign against the Sea People) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II 180 (19); MH I 46,5; Greene 1855, pls. 1-3; LD Text III 175; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 38; Leitz 2002 Bar [1] Description: Only texts are carved on this section of relief, which is concerned with the Northern War of Rameses III152 in year 8 of his reign. Identification: The date and general praise of the king:153 ‘.................. They (the rebels) speak of (his = the king’s) appearance; they say to their people: “His form and his body are exactly equal to (those of) Baal.” [......................]’.

Doc. 77 Relief inscription (Campaign against the Sea People) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: MH I 44, 20; Rosellini 1832, pl. CXLIV; Champ., Mon., IV pl. CCCXXXII; de Rougé 1877, pl. CXXIX; LD III 211; LD Text III 174; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 120; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 36 Description: This scene shows Rameses III presenting three lines of the Sea People as captives to Amun and Mut. The king wears the Atef-crown mounted with ram horns and a sun disc, from which uraei are hanging, and above him is a protective image of the goddess Nekhbet. Amun stands holding a wAs-sceptre and presenting a scimitar-sword to the king. Below this scene are two inscriptions, and there are also texts above Amun and Mut, between the two deities and the king, and above each of the three registers of captives. Identification: Inscription above the top register of captives151: ‘Words spoken by the leaders of every country who are in the grasp of His Majesty: “Great is your strength, O mighty king, great sun of Egypt! Greater is [your]

Doc. 79 Relief inscription (Second Libyan war) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: MH II 62,3; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 134135; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 49 Description: This scene shows Rameses III in his chariot launching his second campaign against the Libyans. He is accompanied by a combined army of Egyptians and foreign troops. In front of and behind the king are Swt-fans held for him. The sun disc flanked by two uraei is above the king. There are texts above the horses, on the scene divider on the right, and also at the bottom of the scene. Identification: Inscription above the horses:154 ‘The king, beautiful at horsemanship like Montu, whenever he appears like Ra for Egypt; the strong one, possessor of a strong arm, repulsing the Nine Bows, for awe, dread, and fear are united in his body. When he is seen storming like unto Baal, the lands burn up in their land for terror of him. [............................].’

148

It is only Amun who is depicted first, then Mut and Khons seems to be added later. See Edgerton/Wilson 1936. 149 c.f. Edgerton/Wilson 1936 150 151

152

For details of sections Edgerton/Wilson 1936. Edgerton/Wilson 1936. 154 ibid. 153

Only is inscribed for Baal. c.f. Edgerton/Wilson 1936.

32

according

to

the

contents,

see

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Bibliography: Gressman 1918, 198-199; MH I 79,22; Duemichen 1869, pls.XVIII-XIX; de Rougé 1877, pls. CXIV-CXVII; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 136; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 41; KRI V 58 Description: See previous document. Identification: ‘His battle cry is like (that of) Baal in the sky.’

Doc. 80 Relief inscription (Second Libyan war) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Gressmann 1918, 201; MH II 68,3; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 140; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 44 Description: This relief shows the king dismounting from his chariot and tying up two Libyan captives. He wears a lappet wig and a loincloth. The vulture-goddess Nekhbet flies above the king, holding a Sn-symbol and a xw-fan in her talons, and extending her protection over the king. Under this scene, Egyptian infantry are on the march and in the front of them are four archers firing volleys of arrows into the fleeing enemy. Texts are inscribed in front of the king, above the Libyans, the charioteers and the chariot, and behind Nekhbet. Identification: Inscription before the king:155 ‘The good god, [great of] victory, lord of strength, carrying off every land, encircling all the lands of Meshwesh to seek the transgressor of his frontier, entering into a throng and slaying hundred-thousands. There is none who can stand before him, for he is like Baal at the time of his raging, like a falcon among little birds and small fowl; powerful at horsemanship, taking captives on his two feet; he has laid hold upon the chiefs with his two hands; King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Usermaatra-Meryamun; son of Ra: Rameses III.’

Doc. 83 Relief inscription (Second Libyan war) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Duemichen 1869, pl.XX-XXV; de Rougé 1877, II, pls.CXI-CXIII; Gressmann 1918, 199; MH II 83,55;156 Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 66 Description: (c.f 2.1.4 Doc. 14 and 2.1.5 Doc. 40) This inscription narrates the second campaign of Rameses III against the Libyans.157 Identification: ‘The capitulation of the Meshwesh;158 His Majesty (Rameses III) is like the Baal upon the mountain tops, a sovereign great of kingship like Atum.’ Doc. 84 Relief inscription (Second Libyan war) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: LD III 209 d; Duemichen 1869, pls.XIIIXV; de Rougé 1877, pls. CXXI-CXXVI; Gressmann 1918, 199; MH II 86,25; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 70 Description: It comprises a pictorial image and the main text. Above the main text stands Amun holding out a scimitar-sword to the king who binds two types of Libyans in the right hand and takes brandishing posture by his left hand. The king wears the Egyptian Swty crown over the ram horns flanked by two uraei. Below this scene are inscribed the topographical lists. The main texts are below these registers, as well as some inscriptions before Amun and the king. Identification: Main text:159 ‘...................... The heart of His Majesty stormed like Baal in the heavens. [................................].’

Doc. 81 Relief inscription (Second Libyan war) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: MH II 79,7-8; Duemichen 1869, pls.XVIII -XIX; de Rougé 1877, pls. CXIV-CXVII; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 136; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 41; KRI V 57 Description: This relief comprises only inscriptions introducing of the Libyan war in year 11 of Rameses III’s reign. Identification: ‘ the strong young bull in the fray like Baal when he storms.’ Doc. 82 Relief inscription (Second Libyan war) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ

156 157 158

155

159

ibid.

33

For details, see Edgerton/Wilson 1936. For details of each section, see Edgerton/Wilson 1936. Edgerton/Wilson 1936. Edgerton/Wilson 1936.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Date: Late 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : None163 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.2, 717; LD Text I 16; Gressmann 1918, 198; Grdseloff 1942, 39-43; Stadelmann 1967, 34-36; Leitz 2002 Bar [22] Description: (See 2.1.5 Doc. 36) This is a snake-shaped statuette, the top of which is inscribed with two lines of hieroglyphic text. The name of a priest of Baal and Astarte can be attested on this statuette: Sarabijahina. He left his title and name on many other objects in his tomb in Saqqara, 164 from which it appears that Sarabijahina was not only a priest of Baal and Astarte but also the first priest of Amun in Peru-nefer. Identification: ‘The priest of Baal Sarabijahina’165

Doc. 85 Relief inscription (Attack two Hittite towns: Arzawa and Tunip) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Gressmann 1918, 198-199; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 145; MH II 87, 2-3; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 79 Description: It seems that this scene is one of so-called ‘genre’ scenes160 copied from the walls of the Ramesseum, in which Egyptians are depicted to be in the battlefield against the Hittites, the Syrian and the Nubians. The king in his chariot, followed by Egyptian infantry, attacks two Hittite towns. He released arrows to annihilate the Hittites. A Hittite shows his intention to submit. Identification: Before the king:161 ‘The good god, rich in awe, strong, raging in the fray, great of victory in all foreign countries; his battle cry is like (that of) Baal in the skys. A thousand men cannot stand fast before him; hundred-thousands quail at the sight of him, for he is like Montu when he has taken the bow. [............................].’

Doc. 88 Statuette inscription Material: Limestone Dimensions: 28 cm (H) Provenance: Saqqara Date: 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Berlin 8169 Bibliography: Brugsch 1883, 811-813; Gressmann 1918, 198; AIB II 232-233; Stadelmann 1967, 37; Leitz 2002 Bar [13] Description: This is a statue of the god Ptah,166 on the back of which a long text is inscribed. Identification: ‘Memphis, the priest Natahuthep (?), the priest Kema [/////] of the temple of Baal in Memphis, his son the priest [/////] Ptah ...................., the priest Pahemnetjer justified [/////] the temple of Baal Memphis his son ................., the priest Hri (?) [/////] temple of Baal in Memphis [......................].’

Doc. 86 Relief inscription (Storming a fortress in Amurru) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Gressmann 1918, 198-199; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 146-147; MH II 94,7; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 82 Description: The king dismounts from his chariot and stands in the centre attacking a fortress with a volley of arrows. The king wears a long outfit and the Egyptian Blue Crown. Above him flies the vulture-goddess Nekhbet as protection. The texts are seen in the upper part of this scene. Identification: Inscription above the king:162 ‘.............. His battle cry is like (that of) Baal upon the mountain tops; [.....................].’

Doc. 89 Record of the Baal cult in Memphis area (pErmitage 1116A) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 17.7 cm (H) Provenance: Memphis167 Date: During the co-regency of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II168 Inventory No. : Pap. Ermitage 1116A Bibliography: Golénischeff 1913; Helck 1966, 2; Stadelmann 1967, 32-33 Description: This is a record of the distribution of rations or tributes/offering to each person or 163

According to my personal communication with Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, this object has no inventory no.. I am grateful to Ms. Claudia Saczecki for her assistance. 164 Concerning this name of the priest, see Stadelmann 1967, 34-36; Burchardt 1909-1910, II 86, and Posener 1937, 189. 165 Concerning this priest, see Stadelmann 1967, 34-36; Burchardt 1909-1910, II 86, and Posener 1937, 189. 166 Some scholars have called this object a “stele”, however, in fact, this is not a stele but a statue/figure with an inscription on the back. I am grateful to Ms. Claudia Saczecki for her help for me again. 167 Posener 1944, 240b. 168 ibid.

Doc. 87 Statuette inscription Material: Carnelian Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Saqqara 160 161 162

Grimal, 1994, 272. c.f. Edgerton/Wilson 1936. ibid.

34

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts organisation. Line 42 narrates that there was a religious conduct for Baal in Peru-nefer. Identification: line 42: ‘The offerings to the god Baal169 in Peru-nefer: ......’

Provenance: Purchased from M. Sallier Date: Middle of the reign of Rameses II172 (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA 10184 Bibliography: Gressmann 1918, 198; LEM 88-92; Caminos 1954, 333-349; Posener 1945, 4o; Helck 1966, 2; Stadelmann 1967, 36; Stadelmann 1987; Leitz 2002 Bar-Dpn [1] Description: (See 2.1.3 Doc. 33 and 2.1.6 Doc. 20) This papyrus is written with a eulogy on deities in the precinct of Pi-Ptah and Memphis at the beginning of the letter from Setyka, the chantress of Hathor, to Sekhemtnefert, the chantress of Amun. From this letter, it appears that Baal and Qadesh were worshipped in Memphis. Identification:173 ‘Behold say to Ptah the great, South of his Wall, ................................, to Amun-Ra, lord of the thrones of the Two Lands, the great ram of Peru-nefer; to Amun of the Temple of the gods; to the Ennead that is in Pi-Ptah; to Baalat, Qadesh, and to Anyt; Baal-Zaphon; to Sopd; to Semet, [..........................].’

Doc. 90 Record of the Battle of Qadesh (pSallier III 1170 = pChester Beatty III verso 1) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Memphis (?)171 Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA 10181 Bibliography: Gressmann 1918; Stadelmann 1967, 40 Description: Record of the Battle of Qadesh Identification: See Doc. 64. Doc. 91 Record of the Battle of Qadesh (pSallier III 4) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 33.20 cm (L) x 25.80 cm(W) Provenance: Memphis (?) Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA 10181 Bibliography: Gressmann 1918 Description: Record of the Battle of Qadesh Identification: See Doc. 65.

Doc. 95 Socio-economical text (pHarris pl. 22) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 40.5 cm (L) x 42.5 cm (W) Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1182-1153 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA 9999 Bibliography: ARE IV § 246; Gressmann 1918, 200; Erichsen 1933; Grandet 1994 Description: The Theban section of Papyrus Harris concludes with a prayer made by the king to the god Amun. Rameses IV, the composer of this great document, uses the mouth of his deceased father (Rameses III) to entreat the god Amun on his own behalf. Identification:174 ‘Put his sword and his war-mace over the heads of Bedouin ; may they fall down in fear of him like Baal.’

Doc. 92 Record of the Battle of Qadesh (pSallier III 5) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 33.50 cm (L) x 26.20 cm (W) Provenance: Memphis (?) Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA 10181 Bibliography: Gressmann 1918 Description: Record of the Battle of Qadesh Identification: See Doc. 66. Doc. 93 Record of the Battle of Qadesh (pSallier III 9) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 33.30 cm (L) x 25.80 cm(W) Provenance: Memphis (?) Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA 10181 Bibliography: Gressmann 1918; Stadelmann 1967, 40 Description: Record of the Battle of Qadesh Identification: See Doc. 67.

Doc. 96

Hymn to Rameses V (pChester Beatty I verso B)175 Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 55cm (L) Provenance: Thebes Date: Rameses V (1147-1143 BC) Inventory No. : Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, CBL Pap 1 Bibliography: Gardiner 1931; KRI VI 227; Leitz 2002 Bar [15] Description: This is a hymn to Rameses V. Baal appears

Doc. 94 A Letter concerning the Wonders of Memphis (pSallier IV verso 1.1-4.8) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 760 cm (L) x 19.5 cm (H)

169 Only is written. As for representation of Seth with form, see Stadelmann 1967, 33. 170 I am much grateful to Ms. Elisabeth O'Connell in British Museum for her help on BM EA 10181, and also BM EA 10246 and BM EA 10466 later. 171 Quirke 1996.

172

Posener 1945, 241a. c.f. Caminos 1954 333. 174 c.f. ARE IV § 246. 175 I am much grateful to Mr. Charles Horton in Chester Beatty Library for his kindly help for me about pChester Beatty I. 173

35

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence is against you, O smn; the ktp179 of Baal is (stuck) in your head, [......................]’. verso:‘.................. [The scimitar of Seth is against you,] [O axw]; the [/////]180 of Baal is (stuck) in [your] head, [......................].’

in the encomium of Rameses V. Identification: ‘.............. Your father Min gives unto you his might, Baal gives unto you strength, you are divine king, beloved, who seizes the two lands by your strength. ...................’ Doc. 97 Hymn to Rameses VII Material: Papyrus Dimensions: ca. 21cm (H) Provenance: Unknown Date: Rameses VII (1136-1129 BC) Inventory No. : Turin CG 54031 Bibliography: Pleyte and Rossi 1869-1876 t. 89 z. 9-10; Condon 1978 IV 89,9; KRI VI 394, 11; Leitz 2002 Bar [16] Description: A fragment on which a hymn is written in hieratic to Rameses VII to praise the king. Identification:176 ‘King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Usermaatra-Setepenra-Meryamun, [you] pacify (?) the angry, son of Ra, Rameses-Itamun-Nutehekaon, L. P. H, who bring the Menesh-ships back to the Black-land. [The one who shoots like] Ra, you shine like Khepri. Your army stands in joy; the horses in the land [/////] convey the love of you, say they from one land to another. Nekhbet of Nekhen and Wadjet are the protection of your body [/////] The one who shoots the arrows against the land of Khor, you reward (?) the Lebanon. The one who perish in the land of Hittites, you overturn its mountains. Those who [plough in] summer and reap in winter, you heap up their provisions. Those who eat of [their flesh and] drink their blood, your uraeus sets fire to their corpses within their [/////] [They are] removed from their tombs and scattered to the wind. You are Baal appearing in [your hour, who prevail] over the two far lands, who reside in the Black-Land. Your pure offerings [/////].’

Doc. 99 Magical spell (pLeiden I 343 + I 345, recto IV 9 – VI 2 and verso VII 5 – VIII 12) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 495 cm ~ 500 cm (L) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Leiden I 343 + I 345 Bibliography: Massart 1954; Leitz 2002 Bar [3] Description: (See 2.1.2 Doc. 60) The recto and verso of this papyrus parallel one other. The contents should be divided into two parts; spells against smn and spells against axw. Here Seth, Baal and Reshef are depicted together with other Egyptian deities to beat down the evil spirits or diseases, smn and axw, whose defeat will be declared by the magician. Identification:181 recto: ‘The raging of Seth is against the [ax]w; the fury of Seth is against you; the raging of The Storm which thirsty after water of the sky is against you. So, he shall exhaust the strength of his two forearms upon you; so you shall taste the tastes of the [/////] of the sea (?) through his hand. Then the [/////] shall make [his] approach. Baal strikes against you with the aS-wood which is in his hand;182 he treats you so again with the spears of aS-wood which are in his hand. So indeed you shall also be, O smn; the gods give effect against you to the plan of the god’s making together with the water and the many poisons of Seth and the bitter poisons of Shu, son of Ra and the poisons of Ophois which are like (those of) a snake and the poisons of the God-above and of his wife Ningal, the poisons of Reshef and of his wife Itum. [.....................................]’. verso: ‘The raging of Seth is against t[he axw]; the fury of Baal183 is against you; the raging of the Storm [/////] the sky is against you. ............................................... Baal [stri]kes against you with the aS-wood which is in his hand; he strikes you again with the sp[ear]s of aS-wood which are in his hand. So

Doc. 98 Magical spell (pLeiden I 343 + I 345, recto I 4 – III 2 and verso III 1 – IV 8) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 495 cm ~ 500 cm (L) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Leiden I 343 + I 345 Bibliography: O’Callaghan 1952; Massart 1954; Leitz 2002 Bar [2] Description: (See 2.1.4 Doc. 24) The recto and verso of this papyrus parallel one another, comprising spells against diseases smn (recto) and axw (verso).177 Identification:178 recto: ‘.................. The scimitar of Seth 176 177 178

179

180

As for ktp, R. T. O’Callaghan 1952 37ff.

Massart (1954, 55) suggests that this may be nswt (weapon), Wb II 324. c.f. Massart 1954. 182 This motif, aS-wood in the hand of Baal, reminds us his well-known figure in the larger stele found in Ras Shamra, in which Baal brandishes his right hand and holds a plant in his left hand (Louvre AO 15775). 183 This is replaced by “Seth” in the recto. 181

c.f. Condon 1978 As for these diseases, see Massart 1954 50-52. c.f. Massart 1954.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts indeed you shall also be, O axw;184 the gods give effect against you together with [/////] which the god make together with the water and the many poisons of Seth and ............................, the poisons of [/////]185 and I[/////]. [/////]. [....................................].’ Doc. 100 Name: Lake or river (?) (pAnastasi III 2) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 40cm (L) x 27cm (W) Provenance: Memphis (?)186 Date: Merenptah (1213-1203 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA 10246 Bibliography: Gressmann 1918; LEM, 21-23; Caminos 1954, 73-82;187 Allen 1997 Description: This letter comprises a report on the Delta Residence. The scribe, Pabpasa, tells his superior on the situation of Piramesse, describing how fertile it was as a city full of food such as grain, vegetable, herb, fruit, and fish. Identification:188 ‘................. bdin-fish of the Hr-waters; br-fish together with bg-fish (and) .......... n-fish of the Phrt-waters, buri-fish of the H..... –waters of Baal, hwTn-fish of the river mouth [‘The fig-tree (?)] of Great-of-Victories’. ...................’ Doc. 101 Name: Royal chariot span Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: MH I 23,59; Descr. Ant. II, pl. 12; Rosellini 1832, pl. CXXXV; Champ., Mon., pl. CCVI; Piehl 1886, pls. CLVI – CLVIII; Wreszinski 1923-42, II pl. 123/4; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; Stadelmann 1967, 40; KRI V 17 Description: Rameses III is shown here seated in his chariot watching the counting of hands and genitals of the slain in order to reckon the number of defeated enemies. Officials bring Libyan captives (arranged in four registers) into the presence of king. Identification: Over the span:189 ‘[The great chief span of His Majes]ty, Baarherkhepeshef (‘Baal is upon his sword’) of the great stable of Usermaatra-Meryamun (= Rameses III), of the court.’

184 185 186 187 188 189

This is miswriting. It should be smn. ‘Reshef” should be here compared with former part of this text. See n.169. For more translations, see Caminos 1954, 73. Caminos 1954, 74. Edgerton/Wilson 1936.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Doc. 1 Stele of Betu191 (pl. IV) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 35cm (H) x 24cm (W) x 4.5cm (T) Provenance: Tell el-Borg Date: Thutmose III and Amenhotep II (1479-1425 BC ~ 1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : TBO 760 Bibliography: Hoffmeier and Kitchen 2007 Description: (See 2.1.5 Doc. 1) Rounded top. The stele is divided into two registers. Upper register: It is outlined by a single line and shows two deities facing each other. The left figure stands on a pedestal and takes up a brandishing posture – raised right arm holding a weapon consisting of scimitar blade and pear-shaped mace. Judging from the inscription in front of him, he is identified as Reshef. His left hand holds a shield incurving at the top and facing the deity. This figure with a curved Egyptian beard wears the White Crown with no streamer but a gazelle head in front and is dressed in a long kilt extending to the ankle. Opposite to this figure is another deity sitting on the throne with leonine legs fixed on the back of a horse. Likewise the text in front of this figure identifies it as Astarte. She also takes a brandishing pose. The left hand is raised with a spear, and the right grasps a shield which is the same type as the one held by Reshef, but Astarte also holds another spear in addition to the shield. 192 She wears an Egyptian Atef-crown and a long dress. As far as we know, this is the first attestation of co-appearance two martial deities, Reshef and Astarte. Lower register: The lower register is damaged in which two worshippers dedicate an offering, both facing to the left. The left-hand figure wears a wig and knee-length kilt. He strides forward with his right hand in a gesture of adoration, and his left hand holding a libation vessel. In front of him there was probably originally a depiction of an offering table holding circular loaves (?).193 Above it a text is inscribed. The right-hand figure is almost lost, although two long stem lotus flowers are visible in the figure’s hands. There is no text to identify this figure. Identification: Upper register Above the left deity: ‘Reshef, lord of the house of the stable of horses.’ Between the shield and spear of the

2.1.2 Reshef (rSpw) This section shows the evidence of Reshef attested in Egyptian contexts. As in other sections, the data are listed chronologically and evidence mentioned in the present work is not totally comprehensive. However, it is nevertheless possible to examine historically the feature of Reshef worship in Egypt with the aim of shedding light on the degree to which Syro-Palestinian deities were accepted in ancient Egypt. The distribution of evidence is as below; 1. Categories of evidence The Egyptian sources for Reshef can be grouped into fifteen categories: stelae (37), relief (1), figurine (1), seals (3), scarabs (5), amulets (2), ostracon (1) and plaque (1) for iconographic representation, and texts on papyrus (magical spells 4; socio-economic documents 3), seal (1), stelae (2), statuette (1), relief (3), potsherd (1) and vessel (1). Compared with Baal, Reshef is depicted more frequently in stelae iconographically. In addition, Reshef tends to be represented most in stelae, as opposed to other media. In the list below, the iconographical materials are discussed before the textual data (Table 4). 2. Provenance Stelae on which Reshef appears in iconographic representation have been attested only inside Egypt, in contrast to the case of Baal. Stelae from Deir el-Medina account for approximately half of the total number. On the other hand, seals, scarabs and amulets relatively tend to be found outside Egypt, especially in southern Palestine although it is also true that the provenance of some of them are unknown. Textual evidence, such as inscribed stelae, reliefs incorporating inscriptions, magical texts etc. derive only from within Egypt (Map 2). 3. Date-range The worship of Reshef is attested throughout the New Kingdom period. However, Reshef appears mainly in royal contexts in the 18th Dynasty, 190 whereas afterwards, during the 19th and 20th Dynasties, his popularity seems to have transferred to the ordinary people such as those in Deir el-Medina judging from the spatial distribution of the evidence. The objects are listed chronologically in the list below. Those for which a fairly specific date can be given (e.g. Thutmose III, Amenhotep II etc) are listed first, while those with wider date-spans (e.g. 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty, New Kingdom etc) are discussed later in the list. The earliest known appearance of Reshef in Egypt is during the reign of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II (Doc. 1: stele), and the latest in the New Kingdom is attested from the 20th – 21st Dynasty (Table 5).

190

191

I am very grateful to Prof. J. Hoffmeier for kindly providing me with the data of this stele which he discovered during the excavation at Tell el-Borg in 2006. For the excavations at Tell el-Borg, see http://www.tellelborg.org/index.htm 192 Although Cornelius (1994, 75) asserts that this style (holding a spear and shield together) is unique to Reshef, this stele from Tell el-Borg proves that it is not true. 193 Hoffmeier and Kitchen, 2007, 132.

See section 3.1, n 12.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts right figure: ‘Astarte, name’194 Lower register: Above the offering table: ‘the overseer of horses, Betu,195 [justified].’ Doc. 2 Stele of Amenemopet (pl. IV) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 18cm (H) x 12cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Tutankhamun (1336-1327 BC) Inventory No. : Cairo JE 70222 Bibliography: Leibovitch 1939, 148-154, pl. XVI; Grdseloff 1942, 8; Leibovitch 1948, fig. 1; Stadelmann 1967, 65; Helck 1971b, 451 no. 5; Fulco 1976, 5 (E 10); Schulman 1979, no.9; Giveon 1980, 145; Seeden 1980, pl. 137:2; Cornelius 1994 RR21 Description: Rounded top. Only one scene is depicted, surrounded by a single outlining line. The base line consists of a column at the bottom. Two figures are shown face-to-face. The right figure is obviously the worshipper who holds a libation jar in the right hand pouring water to a lotus flower on the ground, and dedicates an offering (incense?) in the left hand towards the deity in front of him. The worshipper is bald and wears knee-length kilt. The left figure strides to the right on a base line and wears the White Crown with a streamer from its top until the waist. From its crown, this figure is a deity. A broad collar and a corset are visible around the neck and on the chest. It is dressed in a knee-length kilt with a belt. It takes a brandishing posture with weapons consisting of a pear-shaped mace and a scimitar blade in the right hand, and an incurved shield in the left hand. Behind the left figure is a lotus-leaf-shaped sun-shade. There are inscriptions above the worshipper and at the bottom. Identification: Above the worshipper: ‘Reshef, the great god. Made by the servant Amenemopet, may he live again.’ Doc. 3 Stele of Shedu...(Kh)etep (?) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 22cm (H) x 18cm (W) Provenance: Memphis (Temple of Ptah) Date: First half of 18th Dynasty196 Inventory No. : UC 14400 194

This is very unconventional way of writing in Egypt: ‘DN + rn + determinative’. Hoffmeier and Kitchen suggest (2007, 132) that this may be an Egyptian writing for the Canaanite epithet of Astarte ‘astrt Sm bal’ (Astarte the name of Baal). As for ‘Astarte the name of Baal’ see Hoffmeier and Kitchen, 2007, 132. 195 This name suggests that the dedicator is not Egyptian. As for this personal name, Ranke 1935, 99 no.9 and Hoffmeier and Kitchen, 2007, 132. 196 Cornelius follows Stewart (1976) who sorts this object into the 19th-20th Dynasty. However, the Petrie Museum to which this stele belongs currently captions 1550-1350 BCE (First half of the 18th Dynasty).

Bibliography: PM III2 pt.2, 849; Petrie et al. 1910, 39, pl. XXXIX:5, Petrie 1915, 39 (532); Gressmann 1927, 100, pl. CXLII no.349; Leibovitch 1940, 491, fig. 60; Stadelmann 1967, 69; Helck 1971b, 452, no.11; Fulco 1976, 11 (E23); Stewart 1976, 44, pl. 35:2; Schulman 1979, no.10; Seeden 1980, pl. 37:4; Schulman1985, fig. 10; Cornelius 1994 RR10; Leitz 2002 RSp [8] Description: Probably rounded top. Top and lower parts are lost. Two figures are shown face-to-face. To the right is the worshipper, who kneels down in an adoration posture towards the deity over heaped offering table. The left figure wears the White Crown with an uraeus in front and no streamer. From the crown it is clear that this figure is a deity. Around the neck is a broad necklace. It is dressed in a short kilt with a waist band from which a ribbon is hanging. A lute is hung from the waist. This figure takes a brandishing posture with a mace in the right hand and an incurved shield in the left. Above the worshipper and the shield are inscriptions. Identification: ‘Reshef, the great god who gives a good life. ...Shedu...(Kh)etep.’ Doc. 4 Stele of Tjenerhir[///]197 (pl. IV) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 30cm (H) x 20cm (W) x 5cm (T) Provenance: Qantir Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC)198 Inventory No. : Cairo JE 86123 Bibliography: Leibovitch 1944b, pl. XIV; de Meulenaere 1949; Habachi 1954, 519; Stadelmann 1967, 71-72; Fulco 1976, 9 (E19); Helck 1971b, 452, no.16; Lipiński 1979, 259; Schulmann 1979, no.16; KRI III 266, 5; Cornelius 1994 RR32; RITA III 189; Habachi 2001, 45-46, Kat. 135; Leitz 2002 RSp [5] Description: (See 2.1.3 Doc. 6) Rounded top. The stele is divided into two registers by double horizontal lines. Upper Register; Amun-Ra and Reshef are depicted. Amun-Ra is ahead of Reshef. Above them, the inscriptions indicate who they are. Both deities wear short skirts and belts, and hold a wAs-sceptre in their right hands and an anx-symbol in their left hands. Amun-Ra puts on the feathered crown from which a streamer hangs. Reshef wears an Egyptian beard and Egyptian White Crown to which is attached a gazelle head on the forehead. In front of these deities, there is an 197 According to van Dijk (1989, 64), it must be read as ‘Tjener-Raamessu’ than ‘Tjener-hr-...’. 198 Kitchen (KRI III 266) classified this object into the reign of Rameses II. However, Cornelius indicated (1994: RR32) that this material belonged during the end of the 18th dynasty – the beginning of the 19th dynasty (c 1320-1200). See also Leibovitch 1944b, 164.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence offering table on which a large lotus flower and a jar are placed. Lower register; See 2.1.3 Doc. 6. Identification: Upper register: ‘Amun-Ra, king of the gods; Reshef.’ Lower register: See 2.1.3 Doc. 6.

Pritchard 1943, 34, no.7; Leibovitch 1961, 28, pl. II:1; Stadelmann 1967, 116, 119; Brugsch 1968, V/VI 1434; ANET, 250b; Thompson 1970, 148 n26; Helck 1971b, 453, no28, 465 no.4; Fuscaldo 1972, 125-126 fig. 2; Tosi/Roccati 1972, 102-103, 224, 290; Fulco 1976, 16 (E36); Schulman 1979, no.20; Giveon 1980, 147; KRI III 621, 6; Keel 1984a, 43-44, fig 6; 1984b, fig. 22; 1986a, 148-149, fig. 88a; Pritchard 1987, 103:5; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 197-198, fig. 30c; Cornelius 1994 RR28; RITA III 242; Leitz 2002 RSp [12] Description: (See 2.1.6 Doc. 5) So-called triad stele. Rounded top. The lower left is broken. The stele is divided into two registers. Upper register: Three deities appear. The left-hand figure is Min from the inscription above him. Only a trace of his characteristic erected phallus is visible. Behind Min are a lotus flower and leaves of lettuce which are symbols of fertility. The naked deity who stands on the back of a lion striding right is the goddess Qadesh, also identified by the inscription. She faces to the front and stretches both arms grasping lotus flowers in her right hand and a serpent in her left. Her toes are pointing sideways. She wears the Hathor headdress with the sun disc and crescent on her head. The right-hand figure is a striding image of Reshef once again identified by the inscription. This Reshef wears the White Crown with a gazelle head in front and two streamers or ribbons with knot at the lower part of the crown. He also has an Egyptian beard and a broad collar around the neck. He is dressed in knee-length kilt with a belt and a corselet. His right hand grasps a spear and his left holds down a weapon consisting of a pear-shaped mace and a scimitar blade. There are inscriptions over three figures. Lower register: Two worshippers kneel down facing left in postures of adoration. The first one is male and the second is female, the latter offering a jar (libation jar ?) in her left hand. Around them are inscriptions. Identification: Upper register: ‘Qadesh, lady of the sky, mistress of all the gods, eye of Ra without equality of her. Reshef, the great god, lord of the sky, the ruler of the divine Ennead, lord of eternity. Min-Amun-Ra, Kaemtef, lord of the sky.’ Lower register: 200 ‘[Made by] the [royal] scribe in the place of truth, Ramose, justified, his beloved sister, lady of the house, favoured by , Mutwia, justified before the great god.’

Doc. 5 Anonymous stele (pl. IV) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 47cm (H) x 27.5cm (W) x 9.5cm (T) Provenance: Qantir (so-called Hurbeit stele) Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Hildesheim 1100 Bibliography: PM IV, 26; Ippel/Roeder 1921, 22, 38, 94, fig. 32; Roeder 1926, 61-62, fig. 1; Gressmann 1927, no. 348; van Wijngaarden 1929, 33, fig.22; Leibovitch 1940, 490, fig. 59; Habachi 1954, 541; Simpson 1960, 71, n1; IDB IV 37, fig. 9; Stadelmann 1967, 69; Thompson 1970, 149; Helck 1971b, 452, no.21; Kayser 1973, 66-67, fig. 54; Fulco 1976, 11-12 (E24); Schulman 1979, no.6; Giveon 1980, 146; Keel 1980b, 199, 201, fig. 301; KRI III 447, 5; Schulman 1984b, pl. 1cδ; Giveon 1985b, 2; Schulman 1985, fig.8; Cornelius 1994 RR2; RITA III 318; Leitz 2002 RSp [9] Description: Rounded top. No division is given. The only figure strides on a base line to the right in the centre of the stele. It takes a brandishing posture with a spear 199 in the right hand, and another spear and an incurved shield together in the left hand. It wears the Egyptian White Crown with two streamers from the bottom of the crown. It is impossible to check whether the beard and any attachment to the crown, such as a gazelle head or uraeus, are added or not due to weathering. Around the neck is a broad collar and it is dressed in a knee-length kilt with a belt. Behind the figure is a lute. Two short lines of inscription are upper front of the figure. Identification: ‘An offering which the king gives Reshef, the great god, who hears prayer.’ Doc. 6 Stele of Ramose (pl. V) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 45cm (H) x 30cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Turin 50066 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 733; Lanzone 1884, IV 484, pl. CLXXXXI; Müller 1893, 315; Boreux 1939, 675, fig. 3; van Wijngaarden 1929, 30; 199

Cornelius denies the possibility of a spear or a short javelin which Fulco (1976) and Kayser (1973) or Keel (1980b) suggest, because normally Reshef brandishes a hand-weapon, usually a battle-axe. However, the spear is plausible from other stelae such as Docs. 16, 23, 31.

200

40

c.f. RITA III 424.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Crown with a head of a gazelle in front and two ribbons at the back, in lower part of the crown with a knot. He is dressed in a knee-length kilt attached with a tail-like dangle and a belt. He also has an Egyptian curled beard and a broad collar around the neck. Behind Reshef is the anthropomorphic anx-figure with arms holding a xw-fan. In front of Reshef strides a worshipper with an adoration posture to the god over the offering stand and lotus flowers. The right hand holds an incense burner. The inscription is behind the worshipper. Lower register: In total five figures stand facing to the left, and the first three of these are each in a posture of adoration. The leading person is a male figure dedicating an incense burner held in his right hand. The second and third are females dressed in long costumes. The second holds a bottle in her right hand, while the right hand of the third is hanging down, holding a flask-like object. The fourth holds a lotus flower in the left hand and grasps a duck in the right. The final one is probably a girl carrying a lotus with both hands, who has heaped incense on the head. Inscriptions are around them. Identification: Upper register: Above the deity: ‘Reshef, the great god’ Around the worshipper: ‘Made by the servant in the place of truth, Hay, justified before the great god’. Lower register: ‘Made by his son, the servant in the place of truth, Ptahmose, lady of the house, Tatemhyt, lady of the house, Huenro, his son Setau, Nebemiterty.’

Doc. 7 Stele of Rameses Material: Limestone Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Unknown (Deir el-Medina?)201 Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : M. A. Varille private collection Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 734; Leibovitch 1940, pl. XLV; Stadelmann 1967, 67; Helck 1971b, 452, no.20; Fulco 1976, 11 (E22); Schulman 1979, no.23; KRI III 627, 10; Schulman 1985, 93, nn.22, 23, fig. 9; Cornelius 1994 RR20; RITA III 429 Description: Only the lower left part remains. The figure strides to the right and should take a brandishing posture. The headdress is unknown as it is broken but two short ribbons are visible at its lower part. It is dressed in a knee-length kilt and a corselet-like on the chest. A lute with two cords is hanging over the right arm which is raised over the head. An empty quiver is attached to the back. Behind the figure is an inscription. Identification: Although the inscription (‘Made by the scribe in the place of truth, Rameses’) does not mention Reshef, this figure clearly corresponds to that of Reshef attested on other stelae. Doc. 8 Stele of Hay (pl. V) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 38cm (H) x 27cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Avignon A16 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2. 719; Wilkinson 1878, III pl. LV:42; Müller 1893, 311; Moret 1913, 48-49, pl. VI:5; van Wijngaarden 1929, 33, fig. 21 (right); Bonnet 1952, 638, fig. 150; Leclant 1960, 26-27, fig. 7; Stadelmann 1967, 67; Helck 1971b, 453, no29; Fuscaldo 1972, 117; Fulco 1976, 13 (E28); Schulman 1979, no.1 n.51; Giveon 1980, 146; KRI III 788, 7; Müller–Karpe 1980, pl. 78:H; Schulman 1985, fig. 16; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 197-198, fig. 30a; Cornelius 1994 RR24; RITA III 528; Leitz 2002 RSp [13] Description: Rounded top. It is divided into two registers and outlined by a single line. Upper register: Two figures are shown facing each other. Obviously the left is the deity and the right is a worshipper. From the inscription over these figures, the deity is Reshef. Reshef is seated on the throne with a brandishing posture. He raises his right arm with a weapon consisting of a pear-shaped mace and a scimitar blade, and holds an Egyptian rounded shield, which indicates a handle and rim, with his left hand. He wears the White 201

Doc. 9 Stele of Huy (pl. V) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 31.5cm (H) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Louvre C86 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 719-720; Pietschmann 1889, 150 (right); Müller 1893, 314; de Rouge 1908, 281-289; Cook 1925, 107, pl. XXIV:3; van Wijngaarden 1929, 31, fig. 18; Boreux 1932, 479; Boreux 1939, 673ff; Leibovitch 1942a, 81, pl. IX; Prichard 1943, 33-34 no.5; Vandier 1954, 505, fig. 302; Parrot 1957, 67-69, fig. 40; Leibovitch 1961, 27; Stadelmann 1967, 55, 120-122; Brugsch 1968, 1434; ANEP, 164, 304-305, no.474; Gese 1970, 143; Thompson 1970, 148; Helck 1971b, 452, no.14, 465 no.3; Fuscaldo 1972, 124; Letellier 1975; Fulco 1976, 15-16 (E34); Galling 1937/1977; Schulman 1979, no.17; KRI III 791, 13; Maier 1986, 86-87; Cornelius 1994 RR29; RITA III 530; Leitz 2002 RSp [14]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.4 Description: (See 2.1.6 Doc. 7) So-called triad stele.

Cornelius 1994 43, n.3. ‘the place of truth’ is in Deir el-Medina.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Rectangular and corniced top. The stele has both sides decorated. The recto is divided into two registers with figures and texts in both registers. The verso bears only a scene in which the wife and daughters of the dedicator of this stele are shown with their prayers. Recto upper register: Three figures are shown. From left to right, they are Min, Qadesh on a lion and Reshef judging from the inscriptions above them. Reshef in this stele holds an anx-symbol in his left hand instead of a weapon. Qadesh stands en face pointing her toes sideways and holds out three lotus flowers in her right hand and a serpent in her left. She also wears a Hathor wig with a crescent and a sun disc. Recto lower register: Two kneeling figures are shown facing each other at both corners, each in a posture of adoration. Above and between them are inscriptions. Identification: Upper register: ‘Reshef, the great god, lord of eternity, sovereign of everlasting, mighty amidst the divine Ennead. Qadesh, lady of the sky, mistress all the gods. Min-Amun-Ra, great of strength upon his mighty seat, the great god’. Lower register: Right: ‘By the servant in the place of truth in the western Thebes, Huy, justified, son of Seba, justified, born of the lady of the house, Nefert-iyti, justified’. Left: ‘By his beloved son, servant in the place of truth, Seba, justified before the great god.’ Doc. 10 Stele of Qaha (pl. V) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 75cm (H) x 48cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA191 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 723; Meyer 1877, 718-719; Wilkinson 1878, III pls. LV:1-3, LVI:1; Lanzone 1884, IV 484f, pl. CCXXXXII:1; Müller 1893, 311, 313, 314; Budge 1909, 248, pl. XL; Cook 1925, 104, 114, pl. XXIV:2; Gressmann 1927, 81-82;, pl. CXIV no.270; Vincent 1928, pl. XXV:4; van Wijngaarden 1929, 30-31, fig. 17; Boreux 1939, 675-676, fig. 4; Leibovitch 1942a, 84-85; Pritchard 1943, 33, no.2; Dussaud 1949, 51-52, fig. 17; Bonnet 1952, 37, fig. 14; Parrot 1952, 52, fig. 10:b; Parrot 1957, 68; Leclant 1960, 9; Leibovitch 1961, 23-24, pl.I:1; Gray 1964, 228-229, fig. pl.20; Vanel 1965, 106, fig. 55; Stadelmann 1967, 95, 119; Gray 1969, 74-75; du Mesnil du Buisson 1969, 524, pl. I; ANET 250; ANEP 163, 304, no.473; Gese 1970, 13, fig. 12; James 1970, 47-48, pls. XXXIX:2, XXXIXA:2; Thompson 1970, 148; Helck 1971b, 452, no.12, 464, no.1; Fuscaldo 1972, 123; Gilula 1974; de Vries 1975, 137-138, fig. 42

123; Fulco 1976, 17 (E38); Görg 1977, 191, fig. 2; Galling 1937/1977; Schulman 1979, no.18; Giveon 1980, 147; KRI III 603, 9; Görg 1981, 9-10, fig. 3; Maier 1986, 92; Hestrin 1987, 68, fig. 5; Winter 1987, 110-111, fig. 36; Weippert 1988, 306-307, n.12; Hestrin 1991, 55; Cornelius 1994 RR30; RITA III 413-414; Leitz 2002 RSp [11]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.1 Description: (See 2.1.4 Doc. 1 and 2.1.6 Doc. 6) This is a so-called triad stele; it is round-topped and divided into two registers. Upper register: Three figures are shown such as Docs. 6 and 9. From left to right are they Min, Qadesh on a lion and Reshef, judging from inscriptions over them, however, there are some differences in this stele. Min stands on a pedestal, as in the previous two triad stelae, but this pedestal is much higher and looks like a shrine. In addition, the pedestal for a lotus flower and lettuce leaves behind Min is much lower than in the other two. Qadesh in this stele grasps two serpents in her left hand, and her toes are lost so that it is impossible to know in which direction they are turning, although her body is en face, with both feet together. Reshef is in a striding posture on the shrine-shaped pedestal. This Reshef looks very Asiatic. He wears no Egyptian crown but has an Asiatic hair style with a gazelle head in front, and also has an Asiatic-style short beard. He is dressed in a knee-length kilt with a belt which is fastened to the body by two bands crossing over the chest. This is very Asiatic and similar to that of Doc. 35. In the present stele, Reshef holds a spear in the right hand and an anx-symbol in his left. Lower register: See 2.1.4 Doc. 1. Identification: Upper register: ‘Reshef, the great god, lord of the sky, the ruler of the divine Ennead. Qadesh,202 lady of the sky. Min, the mighty, tall-plumed with uplifted arm, resting upon the terrace.’ Lower register: See 2.1.4 Doc. 1. Doc. 11 Stele of Nebnefer Material: Limestone Dimensions: 35cm (H) x 40cm (W) x 6.5cm (T) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : DeM 272 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 727; Bruyère 1952, no. 272, fig. 196; Schulman 1979, no.33; Wild 1979, II, pl. 34; Giveon 1980, 149; KRI III 583,15; Schulman 1985, 96, n.36, fig. 17; Cornelius 1994 RR25; RITA III 402; Leitz 2002 RSp [10] 202

See 2.1.6 Doc. 6.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Description: Three fragments of a stele are found. The whole lower register is lost and only the upper register is left. In the lunette are shown more than nine lines of inscription 203 according to which it is clear that Reshef receives worship with offerings. Although only his lower body facing right is visible, the dedicatee is seated on the throne, and the left hand holds a spear and shield. This shield looks like a rectangular one with a rounded top. The right hand probably takes a brandishing posture. The figure wears a knee-length kilt. In front of the dedicatee, there is a heaped offering table. Identification: Over the seated figure: ‘Reshef, the great god, lord of the sky.’ Over the offering table: ‘All offering which is good and pure for your ka, O, Horus [////] by the chief workman in the place of truth on western Thebes, Nebnefer, son of the chief workman, Neferhotep, justified, possessing veneration.’

The inscriptions around them show that they are father and son. Identification: Upper register: ‘Reshef, the great god. The protection and life is behind him.’ Lower register: ‘Giving praise to Reshef, the great god, that he may give life, prosperity, and health, for the ka of the servant in the place of truth, Pashed, and his son Penneb.’ Doc. 13 Stele of Pashed Material: Limestone Dimensions: 29cm (H) x 29cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Amenmessu (1203-1200? BC) Inventory No. : BM EA264 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 732; Budge 1909, 239; Hall 1925, 12, pl. 41:2; van Wijngaarden 1929, 34; Hall 1930, 360; Stadelmann 1967, 66; Helck 1971b, 451, no.2; Fuscaldo 1972, 117; Fulco 1976, 8 (E17); Schulman 1979, no.2; Giveon 1980, 146; KRI IV 241, 2-6; Schulman 1985, 95-96, fig. 15; Sadek 1988, 155-156; Cornelius 1994 RR26; RITA IV 168 Description: It originally comprised two registers, but the upper one is almost entirely lost, broken off, leaving only the lower part. Upper register: Two legs (below the knee) and the lower part of a shield and spear, as well as some offerings, are visible, suggesting that this was an image of a figure seated on a throne. Lower register: To the right, a worshipper kneels down in an adoration posture. In front of him are several lines of inscription, which make it clear that this stele is dedicated to Reshef. Identification: Upper register: ‘(Almost broken and lost) [/////] like Ra, forever’. Lower register: ‘Giving praise to Reshef, kissing the ground to the great god, that he may give life, prosperity and health, alertness, favour and love, a lifetime in following his will, my mouth filled with truth daily, until reaching old age in his favour, to the servant in the place of truth on western Thebes, Pashed, justified.’

Doc. 12 Stele of Pashed Material: Limestone Dimensions: 16cm (H) x 12cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Amenmessu (1203-1200? BC) Inventory No. : Cambridge EGA 3002.1943 Bibliography: PM I, pt.2 733; Janssen 1950, 209-212, figs. 18-19; Stadelmann 1967, 65-66; Helck 1971b, 451, no.1; Fuscaldo 1972, 117; Fulco 1976, 13 (E27); Schulman 1979, no.3; KRI IV 240, 15-16; Schulman 1984b, pl. 1c; 1985 94-95, fig. 14; Cornelius 1994 RR23; RITA IV 168; Leitz 2002 RSp [15]; Martin 2005, no.46 Description: Rounded top. It is divided into two registers which are outlined by a single line. Upper register: In the centre is a seated figure on the throne; he is in a brandishing posture with raised right hand holding a mace. The left hand holds a shield by a handle, which is rectangular with a rounded top. This shield is Egyptian in style but looks slightly broader than the normal New Kingdom type. The figure wears an Egyptian White Crown from the bottom of which two ribbons are hanging with a tied knot. He is dressed in a knee-length kilt with a belt. In front of the figure there is an offering table on which offerings are placed. Behind the figure is the anthropomorphic anx-symbol holding a xw-fan. From the inscription around the figure, it is clear that this figure is Reshef. Lower register: Two male worshippers kneel down facing the left and in adoration poses.

Doc. 14 Stele of Hesi Material: Limestone Dimensions: 30.5cm (H) x 23.7cm (W) Provenance: Bought in Giza (Probably from Qantir)204 Date: Sety II (1200-1194 BC) Inventory No. : Ägyptisches Museum der Universität Leipzig 3619 Bibliography: Krauspe 19762, 50-51, no.68; Giveon 1985b, 1; Cornelius 1994 RR3 Description: Rounded top. Only one scene outlined by a

203 Bruyère (1952) offers “Deux fragments d’une stèle en calcaire de Neferhotep à Reshep (no 272)”.

204

Elke Blumenthal (Cornelius 1994, 29) suggests that this is so-called Hurbeit stele. c.f Giveon 1985b, 1.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence single line is shown. Two figures stride towards one another. The right-hand figure is identifiable as a worshipper because of his posture of adoration. His head is bald, suggesting that he may have been a priest. The raised right hand of the left-hand figure is brandishing a weapon consisting of a pear-shaped mace and scimitar blade, while his left hand grasps a spear and shield. The shield is basically an Egyptian rectangular type with rounded top. The figure wears the White Crown from the top of which a broad streamer is hanging down. Due to damage, the figure’s face and the front of the crown are not visible. He is clad in a knee-length kilt and tassels are visible between his legs. Behind the figure is an apparently hovering image of a lute. Above the two figures are three lines of inscription, rendered partially unclear by weathering. Identification: ‘An offering which the king gives, made by Hesi, son of Ramun, justified.’

Reshef. Identification: Around the figure: ‘Reshef, the great god, lord of the sky.’ At the bottom of the stele: ‘The servant of in the place of truth, Hesisunebef’ Doc. 16 Anonymous stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 15cm (H) x 11cm (W) Provenance: Abydos Date: Beginning of the 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JT 15/11/21/1 (earlier JE 4658) Bibliography: Mariette 1880, 497, no.1310; Müller 1902, 147, n1; Spiegelberg 1908, 529-532 pl. 4; Vincent 1928, pl. XXV:10; Stadelmann 1967, 72; Helck 1971b, 452, no.26; Fulco 1976, 18 (E41); Schulman 1979, no.26; Cornelius 1994 RR13 Description: Rounded top. No outline and base line are drawn. In the centre a figure strides to the right, adopting a brandishing posture. His right hand raises a spear behind his head and his left hand holds a shield and spear, the lower part of which is not carved. The figure wears the White Crown without any streamer, ribbon or gazelle head. He wears a knee-length kilt and belt, and probably also a broad collar around his neck. Above the figure is a winged sun disc. So far, this is the only example on which a sun disc is depicted in association with Reshef. The decoration consists only of these two representations. No inscription(s) and no offering table are carved. Identification: Although there is nothing textual to identify the brandishing figure, the style explained above shows that this is Reshef.

Although it is impossible to find Reshef from the inscriptions, the way of representation of the left figure is that of Reshef. Doc. 15 Stele of Hesisunebef Material: Limestone Dimensions: Unknown205 Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Saptah and Tausret (1194-1186 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: PM I2 3; Wilkinson 1878, III pl. LV:5; Lanzone 1884, IV 485, pl. CCXXXXII:2; Pietschmann 1889, 150 (left); Müller 1893, 311; van Wijngaarden 1929, 33, fig. 21 (left); Stadelmann 1967, 68; Helck 1971b, 452, no.22; Fuscaldo 1972, 117, fig. 1; Schulman 1979, no.12; Seeden 1980 pl. 137:5; KRI IV 443, 3; Schulman 1985, 93, fig. 3; Cornelius 1994 RR18; RITA IV 313; Leitz 2002 RSp [16] Description: Rounded top. At the bottom is an inscription indicating the dedicator of this stele. In the centre, a figure strides to the right, adopting a brandishing posture. The raised right hand holds a weapon and the left grasps a spear and a rectangular round-topped shield. He has an Egyptian-style curling beard and wears the White Crown with a gazelle head in front. He is dressed in a knee-length kilt with belt; around his neck is a broad collar and a pectoral, and on his back is a quiver. The inscriptions around this figure identify him as

Doc. 17 Stele of Iniahay (pl. VI) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 21cm (H) x 15cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Beginning of the 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Moscow I. 1.a. 5613 (3177) Bibliography: Hodjash/Berlev 1982,206 134-135, no.75; Keel 1992, 207, 244, fig. 213; Schulman 1992, 91; Cornelius 1994, 58, fig. 4; Lipiński 1996, 255; Cornelius 1998, 172; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.7 Description: (See 2.1.6 Doc. 8) Rounded top. This ‘triad stele’ is divided into two registers outlined by a single line. Upper register: Three figures are shown. In the centre a naked goddess is shown standing on the back of a lion striding to the right. Her lower body is in profile with both toes pointing to the right, on the other hand her upper body and face is en face; she wears a

205

This stele is only drawn in Wilkinson 1878 III pl. LV:5. He does not provide us with the source of it so that later publications about this object are based on Wilkinson’s drawing and, consequently, secondary discussions.

206

44

See Hodjash & Berlev for more detailed bibliography.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Hathor wig surmounted with what seems to be a naos sistrum. She stretches both of her arms out at her sides, holding three lotus flowers in her right hand and two serpents in her left. From the inscriptions around her, she is identified as Qadesh. The figure flanking Qadesh to the right (in striding pose) wears a headdress closely resembling an Egyptian White Crown with uraeus207 at the front. He is clad in a long garment reaching down to the ankles and covering the chest, and there is also a cape over his shoulders. The figure looks as if he is carrying a weapon at his waist. Both arms are hanging down. The figure flanking her on the left wears a two-feathered crown and also wears a long garment reaching down to the ankles. Both arms are hanging down at the sides, holding nothing. This figure is not clearly Min but seems to be Onuris from his appearance. Lower register: Two worshippers are shown facing to the right. The leading one kneels down in an adoration posture. In front of this figure there are two offering tables, and behind him stands a girl holding a lotus in her right hand. A quadruped is visible behind this girl. Around them are some inscriptions. Identification: There is no inscription to identify the figure flanking Qadesh on the right, but it seems likely to be Reshef, on the basis of other triad stelae in which Qadesh is depicted in centre.

have been placed. No inscription is present to identify either the deity or the dedicator of this stele. Identification: Although there is no textual notation, this figure can be identified iconographically as Reshef, judging from his brandishing posture, headdress etc. Doc. 19 Anonymous stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 11.5cm (H) x 9.8cm (W) x 4cm (T) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Antiquities service magazine in Deir el-Medina Bibliography: Bruyère 1937, 17, fig. 6 (lower right); Schulman 1979, no.28; Cornelius 1994 RR16 Description: Only the lower part remains, and the stele as a whole seems not be divided into registers. A figure strides to the right along the base line, and the left hand holds a shield and spear, only the lower parts of which are shown. The figure wears a knee-length loincloth, and two streamers or ribbons are visible hanging from the unseen upper part. This remaining part of the stele bears no inscriptions. Identification: The fact that this figure is holding a spear and a shield together, and wearing a headdress decorated with streamers suggests that it can be identified as Reshef.

Doc. 18 Anonymous stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 20cm (H) x 15cm (W) x 4.5cm (T) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo 63654208 Bibliography: PM I2 pt. 2, 705; Bruyère 1934, 86-87, fig. 54; Schulman 1979, no.24; Giveon 1980, 149; Schulman 1984b, 858, pl.2a; Cornelius 1994 RR14 Description: Round-topped painted stele. The bottom of the stele is the base line of the figure in the centre. The figure strides to the right, adopting a brandishing posture. His raised right hand holds a mace and the left grasps a rectangular round-topped shield by the handle. He wears a headdress similar to Egyptian White Crown, although in this instance no streamer or ribbon is visible. He is dressed in a short loincloth and wears a broad collar around the neck. In front of him there is a low offering table on which some bread loaves 207

Lipiński (1996) suggests a gazelle head but it does not appear to be so to the author. 208 PM I2 pt. 2, 705 gives us only the inventory number resulting in that it is not clear which group this object belongs to, CG or JE. And also other references mention nothing about it.

Doc. 20 Stele of P[/////] Material: Limestone Dimensions: 36cm (H) x 25cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : BM EA263 Bibliography: PM I 2 pt.2, 730; Budge 1909, 248; Stadelmann 1967, 67;209 James 1970, 54-55; Helck 1971b, 452, no.190; Fulco 1976, 12 (E25); Schulman 1979, no.8; Giveon 1980, 146; Sadek 1988, 160; Schulman 1985, 96, fig. 5; Cornelius 1994 RR17; Leitz 2002 RSp [18] Description: Round- topped stele, the lower left-hand part of which is lost. At the bottom, a base line separates off a space occupied by a one line inscription. A figure strides to the right adopting a brandishing posture. According to the inscriptions around the figure, he is identified as Reshef. His upraised right hand holds a mace and grasps a spear, and there is a rectangular round-topped shield in his left hand. He wears Egyptian White Crown with a knot at the bottom from which two ribbons are hanging down. The attachment in front of 209

In fact, Stadelmann and Helck confuse this stele with another stele on which Reshef is seated.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence damage. 210 As stated above, it seems very likely judging from their basis of iconography that the figure in the centre of the upper register can be identified as Qadesh, and that the figure flanking on her right is Reshef.

the crown is invisible due to damage. He also wears an Egyptian curled beard and a knee-length kilt with four bands in front. Three tassels are visible both between and outside his legs. He has a filled quiver slung across his right shoulder, and in front of him there is an offering stand on which a libation jar and lotus are placed. Identification: Above Reshef: ‘Reshef, the great god, lord of the sky forever, lord of eternity and beautiful lifetime in his following. [/////] Reshef, the great god, (...?) son of the lord of the sky.’ Behind Reshef: ‘All protection, all life, all stability, all power are with him.’ Beneath Reshef: ‘Made by the servant in the place of truth, P[/////].’

Doc. 22 Anonymous stele (pl. VI) Material: Limestone Dimensions: Unknown211 Provenance: Unknown Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JE26048 Bibliography: Müller 1906, 32-33, pl. 41:2; Cook 1925, 107, 111; Gressman 1927, 82, pl. CXV:272; Boreux 1939, 676 n.1; Pritchard 1943, 33 no.3; Leibovitch 1961, 28; Stadelmann 1967, 119 n.1; ANEP no. 470; Thompson 1970, 71-72; Helck 1971b, 452 no. 18; Fuscaldo 1972, 125; Fulco 1976, 16; Galling 1937/1977; Schulman 1979, no. 37; Giveon 1980, 148; Shulman 1982, n.8 no.4; Maier 1986, 128 n.19; Cornelius 1994 BR15; 212 Lipiński 1996; Cornelius 1998; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.9 Description: (See 2.1.6 Doc. 11) Round-topped ‘triad stele’ is divided into two registers. Only the upper register is decorated (three figures), while the lower one is blank. Upper register: The naked female figure in the centre stands on the back of a lion with her bare feet pointing to the right. This figure, wearing a Hathor headdress, holds two lotus flowers in her left hand and a serpent in the right. To the right is a figure wearing a long transparent dress. As a garment covers its breast, it appears to be female, however, it also has an ithyphallic penis. This reminds us of the fertility god Min who is very common in the triad stele of Qadesh. This ambiguous Min-like figure also grasps an anx-symbol in the left hand and the right hand slightly stretches towards the central figure, perhaps in a posture of adoration.213 The figure on the left wears a conical crown and knee-length kilt. Its left hand might hold a wAs-sceptre, and the other hand is just hanging down. Identification: The figure in the centre obviously is Qadesh. It is difficult to identify the figure on the right although Cornelius suggests that this is a worshipper since (a) the appearance is that of female and (b) Min should normally stand on the left in a Qadesh triad stele. Cornelius suspects that an anx-symbol is

Doc. 21 Stele of illegible dedicator Material: Limestone Dimensions: 27cm (H) x 18cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : BM EA355 Bibliography: PM I 2 pt.2, 717; Budge 1909, 248; Boreux 1939, 675; Pritchard 1943, 34, no.8; Leibovitch 1961, 26-27; Helck 1966, n22; Stadelmann 1967, 119, n1; James 1970, 53-54, pls. XLII:2, XLIIA:2; Helck 1971b, 465, no.70; Fuscaldo 1972, 124; Fulco 1976, 16-17 (E37); Schulman 1979, no.19; Giveon 1980, 14; Cornelius 1994 RR31; Leitz 2002 RSp [17]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.2 Description: (See 2.1.6 Doc. 10) So-called triad stele with rounded top. This severely damaged stele is divided into two registers. Upper register: Although the decoration on this part of the stele is very unclear, three figures are shown: from left to right, Min, Qadesh on a lion and Reshef although the accompanying inscriptions are illegible. Reshef’s hair style is presumably Asiatic as in Doc. 10. His left hand must hold something such as a spear or sceptre and his right hand must be grasping some object. Qadesh, standing en face on a lion and pointing both of her toes sideways, holds some short stems of lotus flowers in her right hand and what appear to be three serpents in her left. Her headdress is probably a Hathor wig. Lower register: Three worshippers are depicted. The first and second are facing to the left, each kneeling in a posture of adoration, while the third one is standing figure, probably a young boy. There must be some inscriptions around them, but unfortunately these are illegible due to damage. Identification: There must be some inscriptions in both registers, however, nothing can be read due to

210 Cornelius (1994, 64) suggests some lines of inscription above Reshef on the right: ‘Reshef, the great god, lord of the sky.’ 211 Unfortunately, no reply to my enquiry about the dimensions of this item has been received from Egyptian Museum in Cairo. 212 Photograph is the wrong way round. 213 I am grateful to Dr. Sugi for her suggestion of adoration posture.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts being held by a private person.214 However, since the anx-symbol has been represented in the hands of non-royal person after the First Intermediate Period,215 it is not impossible to consider this figure as a non-royal private person portrayed here as a worshipper. The ithyphallic phallus would be a remnant of the god Min in the triad stele and may well be used specifically in order to add extra divine power for more effect. It is also very hard to recognise the figure on the left. This is still a matter of debate: Müller, Fuscaldo, Giveon and Schulman identify the figure as Reshef, but Cook, Gressmann, Pritchard, Fulco and Welten consider him to be Seth, and Cornelius clearly categorised him in the Baal section. However, no one provides us with a plausibly iconographic premise. To the author, the point of a spear216 seems visible behind the right arm of Qadesh by which she grasps the serpent, although many scholars mentioned above interpret this as a wAs-sceptre. Since Baal never appears with a spear217 and Reshef holds a spear in many cases, this left figure should be recognised as Reshef. Doc. 23 Stele of Wakh Material: Limestone Dimensions: 29cm (H) x 20cm (W) Provenance: Purchased in Delta218 Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : UC 14401 Bibliography: Stewart 1976, 44, pl. 35:1; Schulman 1979, no.13, Giveon 1980, 148; Seeden 1980, pl. 137:3; Schulman 1984b, pl. 1c; Cornelius 1994 RR8; Leitz 2002 RSp [7] Description: Round-topped stele on which two figures face each other. The left-hand figure strides to the right on a pedestal, adopting a brandishing posture. This figure is identified as Reshef from the inscriptions above it. Reshef raises his right hand holding a spear and grasps another spear and a shield with outcurved design. Reshef wears an Egyptian White Crown with two streamers hanging from its lower part, and a broad collar around his neck. No traces of beard or attachment to the crown are visible. He is dressed in a knee-length kilt with tassels along its edge. Opposite to Reshef strides a worshipper in a

posture of adoration. Identification: Above Reshef: ‘Reshef, the great god.’ Above worshipper: ‘Wakh, justified.’ Doc. 24 Anonymous stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 14cm (H) x 10cm (W) Provenance: El-Simbillawein Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Strasbourg 1398 Bibliography: Spiegelberg 1908, 529-530, fig.2; Vincent 1928, pl. XXV:8; Leibovitch 1944b, 172, fig.21; Stadelmann 1967, 71; Fulco 1976, 17 (E39); Helck 1971b, 452, no.17; Cornelius 1994 RR1 Description: Round-topped stele. A single horizontal line in the centre divides the stele into two registers with no outline. Upper register: Three figures are shown. Two of them face each other and the third one is hovering between them. The left figure strides with a brandishing posture. The right hand is raised holding a weapon219 and the left holds a rectangular rounded top shield down low. It wears an Egyptian White Crown and knee-length kilt. An empty quiver is hanging down from its right shoulder. Opposite to this stands the god Ptah with a sceptre. Between them a falcon with a sun disc on its head is hovering. No inscription is carved. Lower register: Two worshippers stride to the left. The leading one is a woman who wears a long garment. Her right hand holds an item looking like straw which is stretching into the jar on the offering table in front of them. The follower is a man who raises his right hand forward and hangs down the left hand. A heaped offering stand and table on which there are a jar and pot are placed before them. There is nothing to identify these worshippers. Identification: Although there is nothing to identify the left figure, it should not be a problem to consider it as Reshef according to the posture and weapon. Doc. 25 Fragment of stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 22.5cm (H) x 13.5cm (W) Provenance: Zagazig Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JE 71816 Bibliography: Leibovitch 1939, 154, pl. XVII; Fulco 1976, 18 (E43); Stadelmann 1967, 70; Helck

214

Cornelius 1994, 156. He says that this is a ‘problem’. However, there are other cases which show private persons hold anx-symbol in their hands. See below. 215 Fischer 1973, 22-27. Fischer provides us with a certain amount of evidences which show anx-symbols grasped by private persons prior to the New Kingdom. 216 Müller (1906, 32-33) suggests a spear. 217 See Chapter 2.2.1. 218 Discovered in Memphis? c.f. Spalinger 1978, 516.

219 This weapon is so invisible that the identification is very disputable. Spiegelberg (1908) suggests a spear and Fulco (1976) a mace. Leibovitch identifies as a mace-axe. Schulman (1979) proposes a hand-weapon, which looks more suitable.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence 1971b, 451, no.6; Schulman 1979, no.30; Schulman 1984b, 860, pl. 2b; Cornelius 1994 RR4 Description: Fragment of damaged stele. The figure strides to the left adopting a brandishing posture. It raises its left hand, but it is not possible to identify what the left hand is holding, due to destruction. The right hand grasps an incurved shield. The figure wears a knee-length kilt with belt, and tassels appearing between the legs. The damage makes it impossible to properly examine the headdress that this figure is wearing. In front of the figure, only the arm of a worshiper dedicating an incense burner is visible to the left. No inscription is attested. Identification: According to the remaining trace of representation, it is plausible to identify this figure as Reshef.

representation because he is a foreigner. Identification: Above an incense burner: ‘Overseer of the field, Ib.’ Although there is nothing to identify the right-hand figure, there seem to be good grounds for identifying it as Reshef on the basis of his posture and appearance. As for the worshipper, he may be Asiatic, judging from the name which might be b^) meaning ‘father’ in Semitic.222 Doc. 27 Fragment of stele Material: Faience Dimensions: 9.6cm (H) x 7.8cm (W) Provenance: Zagazig Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Zagazig 368 Bibliography: Schulman 1984b, 855-863, pls. 1a-b; Cornelius 1994 RR6 Description: Only the lower left part of this stele remains. A painted figure, of which only the lower part survives, is striding rightwards along a double horizontal line. It wears a knee-length, non-Egyptian kilt with a tassel between the legs, and it carries a dagger at the waist. Neither of arms is visible, but it seems likely that they were raised. In front of this figure there is a heaped offering stand. No inscriptions remain to identify the figure. Identification: Cornelius identifies this figure as Reshef following Schulman, who argues that this figure is Reshef because (i) it is quite rare on the stele to depict a foreign human who wears a non-Egyptian kilt, while many stelae show foreign deities like Reshef, (ii) the arms which are not visible were probably raised in a brandishing posture, and (iii) this brandishing posture is typical of Reshef. However, as even Cornelius points out, this type of kilt is available on Baal as well. It is very difficult to rule out the possibility that this figure would be Baal. Nevertheless, the fact that the provenance of this stele is Zagazig leads Cornelius to classify this object into Reshef section in his monograph, because there are two other stelae from Zagazig on which Reshef appears.

Doc. 26 Stele of Ib Material: Limestone Dimensions: 18cm (H) x 12cm (W) Provenance: Zagazig Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JE 71815 Bibliography: Leibovitch 1939, 154-155, pl. XVIII; Giveon 1980, 148; Stadelmann 1967, 70; Helck 1971b, 451, no.7; Schulman 1979, no.29; Seeden 1980, 144, pl. 137:6; Schulman 1984b, 859, pl. 2c; Cornelius 1994 RR5 Description: Round-topped stele with no outline. Two figures stride towards each other without a base-line, therefore, they look as if they are hovering in the air. The left-hand figure is obviously a worshipper dedicating an incense burner held in his right hand, while the left hand is hanging down. The right-hand figure, wearing an Egyptian White Crown without any attachment and dressed in a knee-length non-Egyptian kilt with a belt, strides towards the worshipper, who is in a higher position. The left hand is raised without any weapon and the right holds an item that may be a shield. However, this is a very rare design, not previously attested. Cornelius, following Schulman220, argues that this is the side of shield and that it is therefore the same type of shield as attested in Doc. 25, i.e. with wickerwork and reinforcement by three bands. 221 In contrast, Leibovitch, Giveon and Seeden consider this item to be a quiver and arrows. Generally speaking, it is plausible that this stele might be unfinished or that the craftsman might not be accustomed to Egyptian methods of 220 221

Doc. 28 Stele of Sul (pl. VI) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 25cm (H) x 17cm (W) Provenance: Athribis Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : OIC 10569 Bibliography: Simpson 1951-1952, 185-186; Gray 1964, pl. 19; Haussig 1965, 306; Stadelmann 1967, 70; ANEP 164, 305, no.476; Gese

Schulman 1984b. Cornelius 1994, 30.

222

48

Stadelmann 1967, 70.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts 1970, 143, fig. 11; Pope 1970, 185; Thompson 1970, 148; Helck 1971b, 452, no.15; Fuscaldo 1972, 119; Fulco 1976, 14 (E29); Galling 1937/1977; CAH II/2 51; Spalinger 1978, 516; Vernus 1978, 56-57; Giveon 1980, 146-147; Gubel 1980, 7-8; Keel 1980b, 199-200, fig. 302; Seeden 1980, pl. 137:1; LÄ V 245; Schulman 1985; Weippert 1988, 311, fig. 3.55:4; Keel/Schuval/Uehlinger 1990, 197-198, fig.30b; Cooper 1987, 4-5; Cornelius 1994 RR7; Leitz 2002 RSp [25] Description: Round-topped stele not divided into registers. A bare-foot figure strides to the right in a brandishing posture. From the inscriptions around the figure, this figure is identified as Reshef. The right hand is raised holding a fenestrated battleaxe, and a lute-like item with two cords is hanging on the right arm. The left hand grasps a spear and a shield with rim. Reshef wears an Egyptian White Crown with a gazelle’s head in front, from the top of which two long streamers are trailing down. He has an Asiatic pointed beard and is dressed in knee-length kilt decorated with a border. Two pairs of tassels are attached on either side of the kilt and four tassels are between the legs. Two thin bands are fixed across the chest and a broad collar is around the neck. Inscriptions are in front of and behind Reshef. Identification: ‘Reshef, the multiples,223 the great god. May he give you all life and all health everyday, and for the ka of wAb priest of Horus-Khenty-Khety, lord of Athribis, beloved of Ra, Sul, justified.’

upper chest are not certain, due to destruction. It can be seen, however, that the left hand holds a spear and oval shield, which is unusual. The right hand is probably raised in a brandishing gesture, and the item just behind the figure could be the lower part of a quiver or lute-like instrument, which would be hanging on the right arm as on some other stelae (Docs. 7, 20, 24, 28). Further behind this there is an enigmatic object which looks like a tail of animal.224 The figure wears a short kilt with tassels on either side and between the legs, and in front of the belt at the waist. Identification: From the posture, costume and the combination of a spear and shield, this figure could be identified as Reshef. Doc. 30 Stele of Ahmose Material: Limestone Dimensions: 33cm (H) x 22.3cm (W) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty225 Inventory No. : Aberdeen 1578 Bibliography: Spiegelberg 1898, 120-122; Griffith 1900, 271-272; Schrader 1903, 224, 474; Spiegelberg 1908, 531; Reid 1912, 197, no.1578; Cook 1925, 115; van Wijngaarden 1929, 33; Albright 1931-1932, 167; Goossens 1940, 65-66; de Meuleaere 1955, 130-131; Stadelmann 1967, 55, 61f, 69; ANET, 250b; Helck 1971b, 452, no.25; Fulco 1976, 6-7 (E13); Schulman 1979, no.7, nn21, 53; Schulman 1985, fig.13; Cornelius 1994 RR11; Lipiński 1996, 255-256; Cornelius 1998, 172 Description: This round-topped stele is outlined by a single line, but the decoration is not divided into registers. Two figures stride towards each other, the left-hand figure being larger than the one to the right. The left-hand figure is identified as Reshef from the inscriptions above him; he wears an Egyptian White Crown with no streamer. The front of the crown is unclear because of rubbing or just weathering. Reshef adopts a menacing pose with his raised right hand holding a mace or possibly a scimitar-shape blade. His left hand grasps a rectangular round-topped shield. Reshef appears to be clad in a knee-length kilt, with a collar or necklace around his neck. Behind him is a sun-shade looking like a lotus leaf. Opposite Reshef is a (bald?) worshipper who holds an unidentifiable object in his right hand. His left hand is raised in a gesture of adoration. Between these two figures there is a heaped offering

Doc. 29 Stele of illegible dedicator Material: Limestone Dimensions: 17cm (H) x 12.6cm (W) x 5cm (T) Provenance: Memphis (Temple of Ptah) Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Brussels E.5294 Bibliography: van Wijngaarden 1929, 35, fig. 23; Stadelmann 1967, 68; Helck 1971b, 452, no.24; Fulco 1976, 15 (E32); Schulman 1979, 77-78, no.25; Schulman 1985, 93-94, note 22, fig. 18; Cornelius 1994 RR9 Description: This appears to be a round-topped stele with a single line outlining the edge, but the upper left part is lost. There is no division of the decoration into registers. Although the figure strides to the right, its face, head and 223 qAb has been disputed for a long time. Originally, this means ‘fold over’, ‘double over’, ‘double (quantity)’ (Faulkner 1962, 275) or ‘verdoppeln’ or ‘vermehren’ (Wb. V, 8-9). Although Simpson, whom Schulman follows, translates this ‘winds about’ and connects to the lightning or the storm made by Reshef as a storm god, it is not convincing. Giveon’s translation (1980) ‘intestine’ is based on the connection of Reshef with the body.

224 225

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As for this object, see Schulman 1985. de Meulenaere (1955) suggests from the viewpoint of palaeography.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence table. Above them are four lines of inscription carved. Identification: Above Reshef: ‘Reshef in/of Shulman.’226 Above the worshipper: ‘Myrrh reader of the altar of burnt offerings Ahmose.’227

Provenance: Bought in Cairo (Maybe from Deir el-Medina) Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Leibovitch 1939, 146-147, pl. XV:1; Helck 1971b, 451, no.3; Fulco 1976, 15 (E33); Schulman 1979, np.31; Giveon 1980, 147; Seeden 1980, pl. 138:19; Cornelius 1994 RR15 Description: This round-topped stele is not divided into registers and is outlined by a single line. A figure strides to the right adopting a brandishing posture. The raised right hand holds a mace-axe and the left hand grasps a spear and shield, under which is an empty offering table. The figure seemingly wears an Egyptian White Crown and knee-length kilt. There is no inscription on the stele. Identification: Even though there is no textual information to identify this figure, it is likely to be Reshef, judging from the posture, equipment and general appearance.

Doc. 31 Stele of Paqer Material: Limestone Dimensions: 67.2cm (H) x 43cm (W) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JE 2792 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.2, 861; Fulco 1976, 8-9 (E18), 10, fig.1, pl. I; Spalinger 1978, 516; Schulman 1979, no.14, nn13, 54; Schulman1981, 157ff, fig.1; Schulman 1985, 95, fig.7; Cornelius 1994 RR12 Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two registers. Upper register: Although most of the surface of upper register is damaged, it can be perceived that a figure is striding to the right adopting a brandishing posture. From the inscriptions above the figure, this figure can be identified as Reshef. He raises his right hand holding a weapon (mace? or spear?) the details of which are not clear due to damage, and traces of his left hand grasping a spear and shield have survived. His headdress could be the Egyptian White Crown, with a projection of the Egyptian Red Crown and the knot of a streamer at the back, but it also looks like the Double Crown. He seems to be clad in a knee-length kilt. There is an offering table in front of him and a lotus on a shrine-shaped pedestal behind him. Two lines of inscription are carved above Reshef. Lower register: On the right a worshipper is kneeling in a posture of adoration, facing to left. He wears a short wig and in front of him are a heaped offering table, a bottle on a stand and a bouquet of lotus flowers. On the left-hand side several lines of inscription are carved. Identification: Upper register: Above Reshef: ‘Reshef, the great god, lord of the sky.’ Lower register: ‘Praising Reshef and making obeisance to ka. I give praise to his beautiful face, his beauty makes me pleased. May you heal. My arms adore you. My eyes see your visage on behalf of the ka of the scribe, Paqer.’

Doc. 33 Two fragments of an anonymous stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: (a) 28.5cm (H) x 23.5cm (W) (b) 34cm (H) x 19cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina? (both) Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty228 Inventory No. : (a) Berlin 14462 (b) Turin 50067 Bibliography: (a) Cook 1925 ,pl. XXV:2; Leibovitch 1939, 147-148, pl. XV:2; Helck 1971b, 451, no.4; Fulco 1976, 5 (E9) (b) Spiegelberg 1908, 529, pl. I:1; Tosi/Rossi 1972, 104, 291 (a) and (b) Roeder 1926, II 200; Grdseloff 1942, 7-11, pl. II; Stadelmann 1967, 63-65; Schulman 1979, no.5; Giveon 1980, 145, 148; Schulman 1985, 92, n16, fig.6; Cornelius 1994 RR19a and RR19b, Leitz 2002 RSp [4] Description: Although these fragments are housed in two separate museum collections, they together make up a single stele with rounded top and a single-line outline. It does not appear to be divided into registers. In the centre, the figure faces to the right, adopting a brandishing posture. Since the lower part is lost, only the upper body is visible. From the inscription above the figure, this figure can be definitely identified as Reshef. Reshef raises his right hand holding a pear-shaped mace and his left hand grasps a spear and a shield by a handle. He wears an Egyptian-style beard and a White Crown with a gazelle’s head 229 in front. A heaped offering table is depicted in

Doc. 32 Anonymous stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 5cm (H) x 4cm (W)

228

Stadelmann (1967, 63) proposes the reign of Tutankhamun. Most scholars interpret this symbol as uraeus, however it looks correct to follow Cornelius (1994, 42) here who suggests gazelle head from viewing the original by the author.

226

229

As for Reshef-Schulman, see Stadelmann 1967, 55 and Lipiński 1996, 256. 227 Stadelmann 1967, 61.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts front of Reshef and behind him is a lotus flower. Identification: Above Reshef: ‘Reshef, the great god, who hears prayer.’ Over the offering table: ‘Offering of all the good and the pure for your ka.’

collar around the neck and a corselet on the chest comprising four bands fixed by three bands. Behind this figure is perhaps a long-necked lute with concave sides 231 upright with two cords visible in the upper part. The three figures are obviously worshippers. The leading one is shaven headed which presumably means that this person is a priest. His left hand dedicates incense to the left figure and the other is pouring out a libation from the jar. Behind this is his wife holding lotus flowers and then a boy who raises his left hand with an adoration posture. Above them left some vertical lines of inscription. Lower register: Although the bottom right-hand corner has broken off, it is clear that the decoration comprises four figures striding to the left, all in postures of adoration. The first figure is a man, raising his left hand and holding lotus flowers in his right. Behind him are three women. In front of them are two offering tables bearing gold rings, copper oxhide ingots and burning incense (rings at the bottom and incense at the top of the pile). Some inscriptions are placed in front of the first and second figures. Identification: Fulco and Schulman argue, on the basis of the incomplete inscription, that the left-hand figure in the upper register is Reshef. I would argue, however, that this reading is by no means certain, due to the deterioration and poor condition of the stele surface. The deity may even be Baal, although the lute behind the figure might also argue for Reshef.

Doc. 34 Anonymous stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 13.5cm (H) x 11.5cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina? Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Musée Vivenel Bibliography: Schulman 1985, 89-106, figs.1-2; Schulman 1992, 91; Cornelius 1994 RR22 Description: This round-topped painted stele has been badly damaged; its decoration is not divided into registers. In the centre strides a figure wearing an Egyptian White Crown and adopting a brandishing posture, although the lower part is unfortunately totally unclear due to rubbing or weathering. The right hand is raised with a weapon consisting of a pear-shaped mace and a scimitar blade, and the left hand should hold a shield on drawing by Schulman. Under the shield is a heaped offering table. A lotus flower is behind the figure. Identification: No inscription identifies this figure. However, it is very likely that this is Reshef based on the brandishing posture and possessions, and the appearance. Doc. 35

Stele of unknown dedicator by crack (pl. VI) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 17cm (H) x 22.8cm (W) Provenance: Memphis (Temple of Ptah) Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty230 Inventory No. : Philadelphia E.13620 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.2, 860; Fulco 1976, 15 (E30), pl. II; Schulman 1981, 160ff, fig.2; Schulman 1992, 85; Cornelius 1994 RR 33 Description: It is likely that this stele is rounded-top although upper left part is lost. It is divided into two registers. Upper registers: One figure on the left and three figures on the right face each other. The headdress of the left-hand figure is entirely lost but an Egyptian-style curled beard is visible; he strides to the right and holds a spear upright in the left hand. The right hand carries a mace parallel with the body. He is dressed in a knee-length striped, non-Egyptian kilt with tassels on either side (three on the left and two on the right) and between the legs (two). He also wears a broad

Doc. 36 Stele of Matybaal232 Material: Sandstone Dimensions: 44cm (H) x 30cm (W) x 5cm (T) Provenance: El-Sebu‘a (Temple of Amun) Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Aswan 16233 Bibliography: PM VII, 64; Weigall 1907, 97ff, pl. XLVIII; Firth 1927, 235-237, 239 (centre); Leibovitch 1939, 155-156, pl. XIX:1; Grdseloff 1942, 5; Habachi 1960, 49-50, pl. XVIII, fig.4; Stadelmann 1967, 58-60; Helck 1971b, 451, no.8; Fulco 1976, 17-18 (E40); Schulman 1979, no.15; Cornelius 1994 RR34 Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two registers. Upper register: Two deities are seated on the thrones facing each other. According to their 231

Manniche 1975, 77-78. Grdseloff (1942, 5), Stadelmann (1967, 58-60) and Helck (1971b, 451) read this name qmA-bal (Baal creates). To the present author, however, it is more reasonable to read the name of dedicator mAty-bal (Righteous is Baal), which follows Habachi (1960, 49-50), Fulco (1976, 17-18), Schulman (1979, no.15) and Cornelius (1994, 66-67). 233 According to Cornelius (1994), the present location is uncertain. 232

230

From the design of the cloth in which the first worshipper is dressed, it might be during the reign of Sety I and Rameses II.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence appearance and the inscriptions in front of each figure, the left-hand figure can be identified as Amun, and the right-hand one as Seth. Amun holds a wAs-sceptre in his left hand and an anx-symbol in the right. Seth, represented with the Seth animal head, wears the Double Crown and holds also a wAs-sceptre in his right hand and nothing in the other. Both figures are dressed in knee-length kilts from the front hem of which bull tails are hanging down. Between them is an offering table. Lower register: Two figures strides towards each other, with an offering table between them. The left-hand figure is identified by the inscription (above both figures) as Reshef; he wears an Egyptian White Crown with two streamers from the bottom of the crown and possibly an Egyptian-style beard. He holds a spear and shield in his left hand, and the right hand passively carries a mace. He is dressed in a knee-length kilt with tassels on each side and between the legs. The right-hand figure is a worshipper named as Matybaal which is clearly the theophoric name of Baal. He wears a short wig and adopts an adoration posture. Identification: Upper register: ‘Amun, lord of the roads. Seth, great in power, lord of the sky.’ Lower register: ‘Reshef. Matybaal.’

serpent and the left hand a lotus flower. The figure wears a Hathor-hairstyle with a naos-like headdress. On her right stands a figure facing to the left and wearing a long garment and a feather-headdress, while its hand slightly stretches forward making a ‘V’-shape. The left-hand figure, striding towards the central figure, looks Asiatic due to his conical crown with a streamer and an Asiatic knee-length (?) kilt which may be fixed to the body by crossing bands. This figure holds something like a plant, lotus flower (?), in the left hand. Lower register: This section of the stele is illegible through ablation, but it may show the dedicator(s) kneeling and dedicating the offering. A heaped offering table is visible on the left. Identification: Upper register: No inscriptions indicate the identities of these three figures in the upper register or at least, even if there were once texts, they have now been rendered illegible through the damage sustained by stele. This seems to be a standard ‘triad stele’ decorated with figures of Qadesh, Reshef and Onuris. The identification of the figure on the right has, however, been debated. Koefoed-Petersen, Helck, Fuscaldo and Giveon suggest that this is Min, on the other hand, Schulman, Stadelmann, Maier and Cornelius propose Onuris due to the style of its feather headdress. The left figure is also debatable again. Koefoed-Petersen, whom Leibovitch follows without any reason, suggests Reshef for this figure with no convincing explanation. Likewise Stadelmann, Helck and Giveon recognise this figure as Reshef based on no iconographical premise. While admitting this previous interpretation of the left figure as Reshef, Cornelius argues that this might be Baal because that the item in the left hand looks like the plant-like spear of the so-called ‘Baal au foudre’ stele (Louvre AO 15775) and the plant sceptre depicted on a cylinder seal (Cornelius 1994 BM17). The figure in the centre is without doubt Qadesh judging from its iconographical features stated above.

The determinative of the worshipper ( ) means that this person is a foreigner whose name indicates his close relationship with Baal whereas he adorned Reshef. Doc. 37 Anonymous stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 20 cm (H) x 14 cm (W) Provenance: Bought in Egypt in 1890 Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Kopenhagen Glyptothek 817 (Copenhagen AEIN 313 (1908 E 536)) Bibliography: Koefoed-Petersen 1948, 37-38 pl. 49; Leibovitch 1961, 26; Stadelmann 1967, 122; Helck 1971b, 452 no. 10, 465 no. 5; Fuscaldo 1972, 122-123; Schulman 1979, no. 36; Giveon 1980, 148; Maier 1986, 128 n19; Cornelius 1994 BR16; Lipiński 1996; Jørgensen 1998, 290-291, no.120; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.8 Description: (See 2.1.6 Doc. 15) This round-topped stele, divided into two registers, is quite damaged in the bottom left-hand corner. Upper register: There are three figures which are similar to those of Doc. 17. In the centre stands a naked figure, on the back of what is probably a lion stretching its forearms to the right. The right hand of the figure holds a

Doc. 38 Relief of Nesby Material: Natural rock Dimensions: 115cm (L) x 42cm (W) Provenance: Tushka Date: 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM VII, 94; Weigell 1907, 124-125, pl. LXVI (lower); Leibovitch 1939, 156-157, pl. XIX:2; Grdseloff 1942, 11-15; Simpson 1963, 36-38, pl. XX (f) fig.32; Stadelmann 1967, 60; Helck 1971b, 452, no.9; Fulco 1976, 5 52

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts an Egyptian context 235 except for glyptics (even glyptics include quite a few cases of the brandishing motif). Additionally, on the right arm of this figurine is an item reminiscent of a lute which is very common to Reshef in stelae. Consequently, it should not be a problem to identify this figurine as Reshef.

(E8); Trigger 1976, 117, 208, pl.55; Schulman 1979, no.4; LÄ V 638; Cornelius 1994 RR27; Leitz 2002 RSp [19] Description: This relief comprises a procession of five Nubian worshippers from left to right. From inscriptions referring to each figure we know that the first two figures are Nesby and his wife Tibiw. Nesby dedicates a libation jar pouring water in his right hand and incense in his left hand. The third is Nesby’s son, Humay ‘the Medjay of his Medjay’. Humay offers a gazelle in his left hand and arrows in the right. The fourth is Humay’s brother Seninefer, ‘the herdsman of the Cattle of Horus, Lord of Miam (= Aniba)’ and he holds a pair of sandals. The last one is a ‘henchman of his Medjay’ and also ‘herdsman’. In front of them are three figures seated on thrones. The first wears a Double Crown and holds a wAs-sceptre in his right hand and an anx-symbol in his left. The second wears a White Crown and holds a flail and a HqA-crook with hands. The third deity, wearing a White Crown and an Egyptian-style beard adopts a brandishing posture with a spear/mace234 in his left hand and a flat shield in his right. The inscriptions relating to each figure indicate that the first deity is Horus, Lord of Miam, the second is the deified king Senusret III, and the third is Reshef. Identification: Inscription before the third deity: ‘Reshef, the great god, lord of the sky.’

Doc. 40 Seal (pl. VII) Material: Serpentine Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Tell Jezer (Gezer) Date: 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : IAA 74-129 Bibliography: Seger 1972, fig. 26; Cornelius 1994 RM7 Description: Outlined oval seal. The only figure in the centre strides to the left brandishing a weapon (spear?) in his left hand and holding an incurved shield at the top in the right hand. He wears a short kilt. Identification: From the posture and shield, it should be no problem to identify this figure as Reshef. Doc. 41 Cylinder seal Material: Serpentine Dimensions: 5.2cm (H) x 2.2cm (D) Provenance: Beth Shan Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Rockefeller J.911 Bibliography: PM VII, 379; Cook 1925, 111-112, pl. XXV:3; Mallon 1928, 253-254, fig.4; Vincent 1928, 528-532, fig.2; Rowe 1929, 55, Rowe 1930, 31-32, pl. 34:4; Johns 1933, 46; Rowe 1936, 252-253, pl. XXVIII (top) no.S.61; Frankfort 1939, 289, 300, pl. XL V:a; Nougayrol 1939, 63-65, no.CXXIX RB.7, pl. VII; Rowe 1940, 22, 27-28, 81, 84, pl. XXXV:4, XXXVIII:3; Parker 1949, 13 pl. IV no.30; Bossert 1951, no.958; Roeder 1956, 45; Yadin 1963, 201; van Seters 1966, 174, n10; Thomas 1967, 195; Stadelmann 1967, 74-75; Opificius 1969, 108 pl. II no.60; Pritchard 1969b, 113, 289, no.338; Pope 1970, 188 fig.13; Thompson 1970, 44-45, 73, 149; Conrad 1971, 165; Collon 1972, 13, n33; Giveon 1973, 180; Keel 1974, 64, fig.27; Avi-Yonah & Stern 1975, 216 (below left); Digard 1975, no.1468; Orthmann 1975, 492-493, fig.433g; Mazar A 1978, 12, fig.29; Schulman 1979, 74; Müller-Karpe 1980, pl. 127:B40; Seeden 1980, pl. 138:16, Collon 1987, 154-155, no.684; Cornelius 1994 RM16 Description: On this cylinder seal a king, identified by his cartouche as Rameses II, and a deity face

Doc. 39 Figurine of Reshef Material: Gilt bronze Dimensions: 17.9cm (H) Provenance: Minet el-Beida Date: Late 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : Louvre AO 11598 Bibliography: PM VII, 394; Schaeffer 1929, 288, pl.LIII; Leibovitch 1939, 159, pl. XXII-2; Stadelmann 1967, 50; ANEP 481; Seeden 1980, 104, pl. L, 97 no. 1693, Cornelius 1994 128 (iv) Description: This striding figurine raises its right arm in a brandishing posture but with no surviving weapon, and stretches out its left hand, perhaps holding a spear and/or shield. He wears a White Crown and a broad necklace around the neck. Identification: Cornelius denies identifying this figure as Reshef because there are no weapons in his right hand and because the crown (White Crown) would fit either Baal or Reshef. However, as summarised in 2.2.1, it is very rare for Baal to take up a brandishing pose in

235 234

In Syro-Palestinian context, a brandishing posture is also applied to Baal, for example, Louvre AO 15775 and Cornelius 1994 BR2.

Cornelius 1994, 49.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence each other over a shooting target.236 The king is firing an arrow into a copper ingot target to the stand of which two enemies are bound.237 He wears the Egyptian Blue Crown with a uraeus in the front and a long costume. On the other side of the target strides the deity wearing an Egyptian White Crown, from the top of which two streamers hang down to his shoulder, and his costume is Asiatic, similar to that of Doc. 35. The deity is holding a scimitar-sword out to the king in his right hand and carrying an anx-symbol passively in the right. Behind the king are a papyrus and a figure of Horus giving the king protection. Identification: Except for the cartouche indicating that this king is Rameses II, there is no other inscription. Since a motif presenting a scimitar-sword to the king is known from Baal (Seth-Baal) stele (2.1.1 Doc. 6), there is a possibility that this figure may be Baal. However, judging from the gazelle head attached to the White Crown of the figure, it is more appropriate to identify this deity as Reshef.

the lower figure is a human striding to the right, holding a sceptre in the left hand. The right column bears a hieroglyphic inscription. Identification: From the inscription it is confirmed that the owner of this cylinder seal is the vizier Paser. As for the deity in the left column, it could be either Baal or Reshef on the basis of its overall pose. However, if the attachment were the head of a gazelle, this is certainly Reshef. Doc. 43 Scarab Material: Green glaze Dimensions: 2.2cm (L) x 1.2cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: 12th -18th Dynasty240 Inventory No. : Strasbourg 1477 Bibliography: Spiegelberg 1908, 530, figs. 3a-b; Vincent 1928, pl. XXV:9; Stadelmann 1967, 74, n3; Fulco 1976, 15 (E31); Schulman 1979, no.41; Cornelius 1994 RM 9 Description: This is a scarab, with an oval line outlining the decoration. A single figure strides to the right in a brandishing posture. The raised right hand holds a mace and the left hand grasps an incurved shield. A quiver is hanging from the shoulder. It wears an Egyptian White Crown and a knee-length kilt. Identification: From the posture, shield and quiver, it seems that this figure should be identified as Reshef.

Doc. 42 Cylinder seal of Paser Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.7cm (H) Provenance: Deir el-Balah Date: 19th Dynasty238 Inventory No. : Tel Aviv 82 Bibliography: Giveon 1973, 179-180, fig.1; Schulman 1979, 83, n50; Giveon 1985b, 2; Cornelius 1994 RM17 Description: There three columns of decoration on this cylinder seal. The left-hand column shows the deity to the left and a worshipper to the right, each facing one another. The deity striding to the right holds a wAs-sceptre in his left hand, and his right hand is hanging down carrying nothing. He wears an Egyptian White Crown from the top of which two long streamers are hanging down to the ground. It is unclear whether an attachment to the crown is a uraeus or gazelle head. 239 The worshipper wears a long costume and adopts a posture of adoration. The column in the centre also incorporates two figures above and below. The upper figure is unclear, but

Doc. 44 Scarab (pl. VII) Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.5cm (L) x 1.0cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : Rockefeller 32.2672 Bibliography: Rowe 1936, 138, pl. XV no.574; Leibovitch 1940, 491, fig.61; Stadelmann 1967, 75, n3; Fulco 1976, 7 (E15); Schulman 1979, 82-83, n48; Cornelius 1994 RM10 Description: This scarab is decorated with a figure striding to the right adopting a brandishing posture. His raised right hand looks as if it holds a short weapon, while his left hand, interestingly, appears to grasp a uraeus instead of a shield. 241 The figure wears a Egyptian White Crown and a knee-length kilt. Behind him are a nfr-sign and a plant, at the foot of the figure in the bottom right-hand corner. Identification: Although the figure grasps a uraeus in the

236 I am very grateful to Dr. Daphna Ben-Tor (the Israel Museum, Jerusalem) for her kind personal communication with me about this material. She suggested that the king and the deity should be facing each other, and I entirely agree with this view because the motif of a deity presenting a scimitar-sword to the king is very common in Egypt. 237 This scene is also attested from a fragment of gold foil originated in the tomb of king Ay (KV 23) who is standing in his chariot in this case. 238 Giveon (1973) suggests the reign of Rameses II from the name of owner of this cylinder seal. 239 The present author could check only the photo from Cornelius. According to Giveon (1973 and 1985b), this is a gazelle’s head which is unique to Reshef.

240

Spiegelberg (1908, 526) argues that this scarab was from the 19th -20th Dynasty. 241 To the present author, it is more likely to follow Rowe’s view. However, another plausible interpretation is that the left hand of this figure holds a shield above/on which a uraeus is placed (by Fulco and Cornelius).

54

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts left hand it seems likely that he should be identified as Reshef from his overall posture.

Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Fribourg SK 74 Bibliography: Keel/Uehlinger 1990, 73-74, fig.98c; Cornelius 1994 RM19 Description: A figure strides to the right along the base line. He wears a conical crown from the top of which two streamers are hanging down nearly as far as his shoulder. His beard appears to be Egyptian in style. He is dressed in a knee-length kilt with tassels attached on either side and between his legs. He carries a spear-like weapon in his right hand alongside the body, and in the left he holds a spear and an incurved shield. Identification: According to the appearance, this figure should be identified as Reshef.

Doc. 45 Scarab Material: Green-blue glazed steatite Dimensions: 2cm (L) x 1.5cm (W) x 1.3cm (H) Provenance: Unknown Date: 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : UC 38064 Bibliography: Petrie 1925, 26, pl. XV:988; Matouk 1977, 246, 369:2199; Cornelius 1994 RM12 Description: This is a ‘landscape-style’ outlined scarab. The figure in the centre strides to the right adopting a brandishing posture. His raised right hand holds nothing and in the left is a larger in-curved shield. Two uraei on a nb-sign flank the figure facing inward. Above the left uraeus is a sun disc. Between the figure and shield is a sun disc and inverted crescent. Identification: Petrie suggested that this figure was the king in the act of hunting, comparing it with the posture of Senusret I on a scarab242 on which, this 12th Dynasty ruler is identified by the prenomen written behind the figure, who is shown striding on the nb-sign to the right with a brandishing posture. A scimitar-sword is in his raised right hand and a shield in the left. However, if the scarab in question (i.e. our Doc.45) shows the king, it is strange to have no specific information about him, such as a prenomen. It therefore should not be a problem to identify this figure as Reshef.

Doc. 48 Amulet (Pendant) Material: Blue paste Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Minet el-Beida Date: Mid of 18th - 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Schaeffer 1932, 5-7, pl. V:4; Seeden 1980, pl. 138:17; Schulman 1992, 91; Cornelius 1994 RM13 Description: This is an oval pendant243 on which a figure wearing an Egyptian-style conical crown with a uraeus strides to the right on a base line (with nbw-sign below it). The figure adopts a brandishing posture raising his right hand with nothing and holding an out-curved shield in his left hand. He wears a striped short kilt with a belt and a broad collar around his neck. A uraeus facing right is at his foot and an anx-symbol is behind him. Identification: The figure should be identified as Reshef from his posture and shield.

Doc. 46 Scarab (pl. VII) Material: Dark-green jasper Dimensions: 1.4cm (L) x 1cm (W) x 0.6cm (H) Provenance: Bought in Beirut Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Ashmolean 1890.119a Bibliography: Buchanan/Moorey 1988, 22, pl. IV no.143; Cornelius 1994 RM 11 Description: The figure striding to the right wears an Egyptian-style conical crown and a short kilt. His right hand is raised holding a weapon (perhaps a spear) behind his head, while his left hand grasps an out-curved shield. A quiver is probably shown hanging from his shoulder. Identification: From the posture, brandishing a shield and a quiver, this figure should be identified as Reshef. It is not acceptable that Buchanan and Moorey identify it as a figure of king. Doc. 47 Scarab (pl. VII) Material: Steatite Dimensions: 2.26cm (L) x 1.54cm (W) x 0.9cm (H) Provenance: Purchased

Doc. 49 Amulet (Pendant) Material: Gilded bronze Dimensions: 10.3cm (H) x 4.3cm (W) x 0.54cm (T) Provenance: Unknown Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Athens, National Archaeological Museum 559 Bibliography: (c.f. 2.1.6 Doc. 17) Capart 1942, 239, fig. 18; Leibovitch 1961 26; Helck 1971b, 465, no.8; Fulco 1976, 16 (E34); Schulman 1979, no.38; Schulman 1984a, 74 note 2:5; Cornelius 1994 RM20; Cornelius 1999b, 243; Cornelius 2004 Cat 5.12 Description: (See 2.1.6 Doc. 17) This is a stele-shaped pendant with a probable suspension ring at the top, on which the so-called ‘triad group’ are shown. In the centre stands a naked goddess en face pointing her toes to the right on the back of a lion facing to the right. She

242

243

Petrie 1917, 12.2.7.

55

Seeden (1980, pl.138) describes this object as a plaque.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence wears a Hathor headdress surmounted with a naos-sistrum on top. She holds a lotus in her right hand and in her left a trace of a serpent is visible. The right-hand figure flanking her strides to the left facing the naked goddess, and wears a White Crown and Egyptian beard. This right-hand figure is dressed in decorated knee-length kilt; in his right hand he appears to be holding a sceptre, while his left hand is hanging down passively. The left-hand figure, wearing a double-feathered headdress and Egyptian beard, is dressed in a knee-length kilt, with a corset fixed to his body by two belts (probably Asiatic in style). He holds a sceptre in his left hand and his right hand is alongside his body. These two flanking figures stand on platforms. On the back of the amulet is an inscription identifying the owner of the piece. Identification: Although no inscription identifies this right-hand figure, it should not be a problem to consider it as Reshef on the basis of the figure’s posture and also by the fact that he is usually a member of a triad with Qadesh, who stands in the centre of this object. Doc. 50 Fragment of an ostracon Material: Limestone Dimensions: 2.5cm (H) x 1.35cm (W) Provenance: Western Thebes (KV9) Date: Rameses VI (1143-1136 BC) Inventory No. : Cairo CG 25063 Bibliography: Darsssy 1901, pl. XIII no.25063; Müller 1906, 33, pl.41:3; Gressman 1927, 99, pl. CXLI no.346; Vincent 1928, pl. XXV:b; Stadelmann 1967, 68; Helck 1971b, 452, no.23; Fulco 1976, 19 (E46); Schulman 1979, 68; Cornelius 1994 RM14 Description: A figure striding to the right raises his right arm in what is probably a brandishing gesture. In his left hand is a spear and a round-topped rectangular shield. His headdress and the item held in his right hand are not visible due to unfortunate damage. He wears an Egyptian-style curled beard and a knee-length kilt, as well as a broad collar around his neck and a bangle on his upper left arm. On his right shoulder is perhaps a quiver or lute. Identification: From the posture and shield, it is appropriate to identify this figure as Reshef. Doc. 51 Plaque Material: Blue glazed Dimensions: 2cm (H) Provenance: Unknown Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Present location unknown244

Bibliography: Müller 1906, 33; Fulco 1976, 18 (E42); Schulman 1979, no.32; Seeden 1980, pl.138:18; Cornelius 1994 RM15 Description: This plaque is decorated with a figure striding to the right in a brandishing posture, raising his right hand with a mace-axe and holding a spear and a shield upright in his left hand. He wears the Egyptian conical crown and Egyptian beard. His kilt is knee-length. Identification: It is appropriate to identify this figure as Reshef from the appearance. Doc. 52 Sphinx Stele inscription Material: Limestone Dimensions: 425cm (H) x 253cm (W) x 53cm Provenance: Giza Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM III pt.12 39-40; LD III, 68; Urk. IV 1276-83; Hassan 1937, 129-134, pls. I, II; van de Walle 1938, 234-257; Varille 1942, 31-38, pl.I; Bruyère 1944, 194-206, Stadelmann 1967, 101-102; ANET 244-245; AEL II, 39-43; Zivie 1976, NE 6; Cumming 1982, 21; Manuelian 1987, 181-188;245 Leitz 2002 RSp [24] Description: (See 2.1.5 Doc. 31) This round-topped stele is divided into two parts. Upper part: This is a damaged lunette but shows the king offering to the sphinx symmetrically. Lower part: There are 27 lines of text which include a titulary, and encomium and narrative account of the king. Here the king is depicted as the strong-armed ruler who has both an excellent skill of equestrianism and steering the oar of boat, and can nock four arrows at once. In the present work, only the part in which Reshef and Astarte appear is shown. Identification: 246 ‘(Titulary and encomium) (The narrative) ............................. Now after that the king’s son was charged to care for the horses of the king’s stable and then he did that wherewith he had been charged. Reshef and Astarte rejoiced in him as he did all that his heart desired. ....................’ Doc. 53

Stele of Amenhotep II (Inscription of Syrian campaign) Material: Red granite Dimensions: ca. 285cm (H) Provenance: Memphis Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : in situ (?) Bibliography: Urk.IV 1302; Badawi 1943; Cumming JE 2630. 245 Manuelian provides a more detailed bibliography. 246 Cumming 1982, 21.

244

Cornelius (1994, 99) reports that this object is not traced in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo although Schulman has identified it as Cairo

56

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts 1982; Manuelian 1987, 221-227 (Appendix I); Leitz 2002 RSp [6] Description: This round-topped stele is decorated with a lunette in which there are two scenes. The right-hand one shows the king wearing the Blue Crown and offering wine in a nw-jar to Amun-Ra. In the left-hand scene the king appears wearing the Nemes-cloth, offering to Ptah. Below are 34 lines of text that narrate the Syrian campaign carried out by Amenhotep II in his regnal year 7. This is the counterpart of a record in Karnak which reports the same campaign, in which the name of Reshef is replaced by that of Montu. Identification:247 ‘....................... His Majesty crossed the Orontes by water, wading forth like Reshef. Then His Majesty turned about to view the rear-guard of his army, when he saw some Asiatics coming creeping, equipped with weapons of war to attack the army of the king. ....................................’

Identification: (Only part of inscription) ‘[M]ontu-Reshef.’ Doc. 56 Fragment of relief inscription Material: Sandstone Dimensions: 62cm (H) x 43cm (W) x 10cm (D) Provenance: Sai Date: 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : Sai S.108 Bibliography: Vercoutter 1958, 155-156, pl. XLV:a; Leclant 1960, 29-30, fig.9; Simpson 1960, 65; Stadelmann 1967, 57; Helck 1971b, 451; Fulco 1976, 5-6 (E11); Fuscaldo 1976, 130, n10; Schulman 1977, 14; Cornelius 1994 RR38 Description: This fragment of relief bears decoration comprising the head of a horse behind which a shield is visible. Above them there are at least four lines of text. Identification: Inscription: ‘[/////] is observed, the encircler of the place Reshef burns himself’.

Doc. 54

Seal impression (Prenomen of Amenhotep II) Material: Clay Dimensions: 1.4cm (H) x 1.8cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : Unknown Bibliography: Grdseloff 1942, I; Stadelmann 1967, 136; Leitz 2002 RSp [33] Description: This is an impression of an oval seal. In the centre is the cartouche of Amenhotep II on either side of which the hieroglyphs (mry on the right, rSp on the left) were inscribed. The border is decorated with geometrical drawing. Identification: ‘Amenhotep II, beloved of Reshef’.

Although the name of Reshef is attested it does not necessarily mean that the figure on the horse holding a shield is Reshef because of a probability that the inscription could say something more if it were not broken. Furthermore, now that there is known to be a depiction of Astarte on horseback with a shield on a stele originating from Tell el-Borg, there is a possibility that this figure could be Astarte. Nevertheless, this object is temporally classified into Reshef section on basis of the mention of the name of Reshef. Doc. 57

Doc. 55 Relief inscription Material: Limestone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Karnak, Temple of Amun (Hb-sd temple of Amenhotep II) Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II, 185; Simpson 1960, 64-65, pl. XVII (1); Stadelmann 1967, 57; Helck 1971b, 450; Fulco 1976, 3 (E4); Fuscaldo 1976, 128 n5; Schulman 1977, 13; Cornelius 1994 RR37 Description: On some parts of this wall relief and inscription remain. Behind the horse heads is a section of text including the name of Reshef. Perhaps these horses are pulling a chariot in which the king would have stood in a battle scene. According to the similar cases on the name of Baal and Anat this inscription might indicate the name of this chariot span.

Relief inscription (Campaign against the Sea People) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: MH I 27-28; Burton 1825-1829, pls.XLIII-XLV; Rosellini 1832, pls.CXXXLX-CXLI; Duemichen 1869, pl.XLVIa; de Rougé 1877, pls.CXXXIX-CXLVII; Brugsch 1891, 1197-1207; LD Text III 178 (excerpt); Edgerton & Wilson 1936 Description: 75 lines of text record the regnal year 5 of Rameses III, additionally year 8 is contained in the latter part. Identification:248 (Reshef appears in king’s qualities as commander and boldness of his armies). ‘.................. Now there exists a youth like a griffon, a shrewd commander like Thoth, [whose] words [are] [/////]. They come forth like a saying from [/////] which proceeded

247

248

idem., 30.

57

Edgerton & Wilson 1936.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence from the mouth of the All Lord. His soldiers are heavy [of voice]; they [are] like bulls, prepared [/////] on the field of battle; his horses are like falcons when they sight small birds [/////], roaring like a lion, stirred up and raging. The chariot-warriors are as mighty as Reshef; they look upon myriads as mere drops. His strength is before them like (that of) Montu; his name and the terror of him burn up the plains and the hill-countries. [................................].’

Seth’s body) shall not take your stand in his marrow. Reshef is against you, lord of the marrow. [...................................].’ Doc. 60 Magical spell (pLeiden I 343 + I 345, recto IV 9 – VI 2 and verso VII 5 – VIII 12) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 450 ~ 500 cm (L) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Leiden I 343 + I 345 Bibliography: Massart 1954; Leitz 2002 RSp [2] Description: See 2.1.1 Doc. 99. Identification: See 2.1.1 Doc. 99.

Doc. 58 Vessel of Sennefer (pl. VII) Material: Mottled granite Dimensions: 34cm (outer diameter) x 31cm (inner diameter) Provenance: Memphis (or its environs) Date: Horemheb (1323-1295 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Redford 1973a, pl.I; Redford 1973b, fig.1; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.1.1; Leitz 2002 RSp [26] Description: (See 2.1.4 Doc. 13, 2.1.5 Doc. 35, and 2.1.6 Doc. 19) This is a stone bowl around the flat top of which are inscribed with hieroglyphic texts. Identification:249 ‘Regnal year 16 under the Majesty of the Lord of the Two Lands, Horemheb, the Ruler; at the time of his first victorious campaign, from Byblos as far as the land of the vile chief of Carchemish. An offering which the king gives (to) Ptah, South of His Wall, Lord of the life of the Two Lands, (to) Astarte lady of the sky, (to) Anat the daughter of Ptah, lady of truth, (to) Reshef lord of the sky, (to) Qadesh lady of the stars of heavens; that they may give life, prosperity and health to the ka of the stable-master of the Lord of the Two Lands Sennefer, repeating life.’

Doc. 61 Magical spell (pLeiden I 343 + I 345 recto XI 2-14 and verso XVII) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 450 ~ 500 cm (L) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th Dynasty– 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Leiden I 343 + I 345 Bibliography: Massart 1954; Leitz 2002 RSp [3] Description: The recto and verso of this papyrus parallel one another. This comprises spells against axw disease. It is very short and damaged. Identification: 251 ‘Awake, awake, O axw. Awake, awake, [you that are submerged (?)] [/////] you that are asleep [/////] Seth252 [/////] Awake [you(?)] [/////] [Shala (?), those who have broken the mountain to allow the inundation to come] [/////] [then shall you hear] the words [which] [/////] [he (?)] lives[/////] Seth [/////] strikes on your head; then shall you go before those whom Reshef kills with those who go before him who is far distant from (?) Onuris the [same] manner.’ Doc. 62

Magical spell (Harris Magical Papyrus verso I, 1-III, 5; Section X) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 16.0cm (H) x 23.0cm (W) Provenance: Bought in Thebes Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : BM10042 Bibliography: Lange 1927, Section X; Albright 1936; Leibovitch 1944b; Borghouts 1978, § 83; van Dijk 1989; Leitz 1999, 47-48, pl. 21-22 Description: (c.f. 2.1.3 Doc. 35 and 2.1.4 Doc. 21) This side is the verso. This incantation is applied to protect agriculture from the dangers of carnivorous animals such as lions, hyenas and jackals. Reshef is invoked to beat down evils together with Hauron and Anat. Since three Asiatic deities are summoned together, and

Doc. 59 Magical spell (pChester Beatty VII verso 4.8-4.9) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 71cm (L) x 19.2cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA10687 Bibliography: Gardiner 1935, 61-65, pl.36-37; Roccati 1972; Bowman 1978, 237; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.10; Leitz 2002 RSp [1] Description: (c.f. 2.1.4 Doc. 20) After he raped Anat, Seth was ill by ‘the poison’ (= his seed, semen) which flew to his forehead. Then Anat came to Ra to ask to let Seth be freed from the poison. Finally Isis as a Nubian appeared to detoxify the poison with magical spells in which Reshef appears. Identification:250 ‘.................... You (= poison staying in

251

c.f. Massart 1954 Except for the only Seth animal (rarely quadruped style), nothing is attested due to damage, this may be ‘Baal’ or the end of khb ‘rage’. c.f. Massart 1954, 83.

252 249 250

Redford 1973a and 1973b. Gardiner 1935, 64.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts since also the Syrian bear (Htm), 253 which does not exist in Egypt, is included among the savage animals, this incantation perhaps originated from Syria-Palestine. Identification:254 ‘Hauron ignores your protests. Your foreleg is served by Reshef, you are over – powered by Anat.’

Wall, lord of aAnkhtowe) The stable-master Reshef, son of Dhutemhab 5 ½, mc. I 2/4.’ Doc. 66 Personal name: Bintreshef257 Material: Wood Dimensions: 36.5cm (H) x 9cm (W; plinth) x 20.8cm (L; plinth) Provenance: Unknown (Acquired by the British Museum in 1868) Date: 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : BM EA 32774 Bibliography: Schulman 1992, 87-88 Description: Female statuette with braided tripartite wig. Around the neck is a collar of multiple strands of blue beads. Four rows of hieroglyphic texts are inscribed on the top of a rectangular plinth and there is a row of hieroglyphic text along each long side. Identification: On the top of the plinth: ‘The royal offering of Osiris, lord of Busiris, the great god, lord of Abydos, giving an invocation offering of bread and beer, cattle and fowl, everything good and pure, for the ka of Bintreshef (“Daughter of Reshef”).’

Doc. 63 Personal name: Aperreshef Material: Potsherd Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Western Thebes (KV 62) Date: Tutankhamun (1336-1327 BC) Inventory No. : C 413 (object number) Bibliography: Černý 1965, no. 1 Description: This is an inscription on a wine jar. Identification: 255 ‘Year 4. Sweet wine of the House-of-Aton, L. P. H., of the Western River, Chief vintner Aperreshef (‘Reshef provides’).’ Doc. 64 Personal name; Reshef Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 10m (L) x ca 42cm (W) Provenance: Brought to Cairo Museum by Luxor dealer in 1928/1929 Date: Rameses V (1147-1143 BC) Inventory No. : Brooklyn Museum Bibliography: Gardiner 1948, 41,5, pl. 19 and 19A; Posener 1957; Ranke 1977, II 374; Pernigotti 1994, Cat. No.1821 Description: This is an important socio-economic document written in hieratic by two different scribes (recto: Text A, verso: Text B) in the regnal year 4 of Rameses V. It contains 127 columns and 5,200 lines of text as a registry of land in Middle Egypt between modern towns of Atfih and el-Minya. Identification: Text A, col. 41, line 5: ‘(Herbage of the House of Amun-Ra, King of the Gods) The stable-master Reshef ·5 -.’

Doc. 67 Place name Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 10m (L) x ca. 42cm (W) Provenance: Brought to Cairo Museum by Luxor dealer in 1928/1929 Date: Rameses V (1147-1143 BC) Inventory No. : Brooklyn Museum Bibliography: Gardiner 1948; Posener 1957; Pernigotti 1994 Cat. No.1821 Description: See Doc. 64. Identification:258 Text B, col. 8, line 22: ‘Khato-land of the king under his (the steward Usimare-nakht) authority starting from the backland of Heracleopolis in Memphis (on) the East Bank – (administrated) by the hand of the deputy Hori. .................................................. Region of [the] Valley of Reshef (on) fields of the king Pharaoh arable land, arouras 300. [.........................................].’

Doc. 65 Personal name ; Reshef Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 10m (L) x ca. 42cm (W) Provenance: Brought to Cairo Museum by Luxor dealer in 1928/1929 Date: Rameses V (1147-1143 BC) Inventory No. : Brooklyn Museum Bibliography: Gardiner 1948, 68,36, pl.32 and 32A; Ranke 1977, II 374 Description: See previous document. Identification:256 Text A, col. 68, line 36: ‘(Herbage of the House of Ptah, the Great, South of His 253

257

Although this work does not translate that part, van Dijk seems to agree with Posener 1944. Leitz (1999, 47 n. 130) reads this word not Htmt but HTt (Wb. III 203, 16), which means hyena. 254 Leitz 1999, 48. 255 Černý 1965. 256 Gardiner 1948, III 114.

I am very grateful to Ms. Lucy Hughes, Reading Room Assistant in the British Museum, Dr. Julie Anderson, Duty Curator, in the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan in the British Museum, and mainly Miss. Tania Watkins in the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan in the British Museum for their help with information. 258 c.f. Gardiner 1948, III 114.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence 2.1.3 Hauron (Hwr) This section shows the evidence of Hauron attested in Egyptian contexts. As in other sections, they are listed chronologically and evidence mentioned in the present work is not totally comprehensive. However, it is possible to examine historically the feature of Hauron worship in Egypt with the aim of shedding light on the degree to which Syro-Palestinian deities were accepted in ancient Egypt.

Doc. 1 Stele of Mes (pl. VIII) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 39.6cm (H) Provenance: Giza, Surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: Thutmose III (1479-1425 BC)261 Inventory No. : Cairo JE72266 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 43; Hassan 1953, 71, 261 & fig. 62 & pls. XXXVI, LXVII ; Zivie 1976, NE5; Stadelmann 1987; Lilyquist 1994, n. 34; Leitz 2002, @wr [6]; Zivie-Coche 2002, fig. 13 Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two registers by a double horizontal line. Upper register: The Sphinx lies down facing to the right on the pedestal. It has the Egyptian false beard and the Nemes-cloth with a uraeus. On the forearm of the Sphinx, the king, Thutmose III, is depicted at a small scale, also looking to the right. In front of them there is an offering table on which many items have been placed. On the back of the Sphinx, there is a Swt-fan. Above the Sphinx and Thutmose III, three lines of hieroglyph indicate that the Sphinx is the god Hauron and that the king who is portrayed on the forearms of the Sphinx is Thutmose III. Lower register: On the right, the adorer is posed in veneration, with a kneeling posture, and behind him a standing follower. Both figures look left. The adorer holds a flail with three streamers in the right hand and his left hand is held up in an adoring position. The follower has a lotus in the left hand and raises his right hand in an adoring position. On the left side of the lower register, there are inscriptions. Identification: Upper register; ‘Thutmose III, given life, Hauron, the great god, lord of the sky, the ruler of clouds.’262 Lower register; Before adorers: ‘Adoration to ka of great horizon, the great god, lord of the sky, beautiful life given to you, to follow the ka, made by a man, great company, Mes, justified.’ Name of follower: ‘Son, courageous soldier

The distribution of the evidence is as below; 1. Categories of evidence The Egyptian sources for Hauron can be grouped into eight categories: stelae (17), statues (1),259 amulets (2) for iconography and texts on stelae (2), plaque (6), architectural structure (3), statue (1) and papyrus (magical spells 2; socio-economic texts 2; personal letter 1). The number of stelae is the highest. In the list below, the iconographical materials are discussed first, followed by the textual items (Table 6). 2. Provenance As van Dijk has pointed out, 260 the provenances of evidence indicating the worship of Hauron in Egypt can be roughly divided into three main regions: Thebes (3), the Delta (4) and, overwhelmingly, the Giza area (27 including Memphis) especially the area surrounding the Great Sphinx . No objects have been attested outside Egypt so far (Map 3). 3. Date-range The Egyptian sources of Hauron are attested from the 18th Dynasty (reign of Thutmose III onwards) until the 20th Dynasty. The objects are listed chronologically, and those for which a fairly specific date can be given (e.g. Thutmose III, Rameses II etc) are listed first, while those with wider date-spans (e.g. 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty, New Kingdom etc) are discussed later in the list (Table 7).

261

Hassan (1953, 71) and Zivie (1976, 61) dated this stele in the reign of Thutmose III (Mn-xpr-ra). On the other hand, Lilyquist suggested (1994, 98, n.34), that it is from the period of Thutmose IV as well as PM III2. 1, 43. She might approximate the stele more closer to the Ramesside period as she also indicated that the standard with streamers which the adorer holds and the kilts which he and the follower put on in the lower register, would seem to be in that period. Actually, there is one hieroglyphic sign under xpr in the cartouche in the upper register.

However, it does not seem to be w-sign ( ) of xprw which compose a part of the name of Thutmose IV (Mn-xprw-ra). It would be plausible,

259

In addition, PM VIII pt.2, 1132 reports a statue of Hauron in the shape of a falcon during the reign of Merenptah (made of limestone; 28.5 cm high; unknown provenance; present location unknown; Sotheby (New York) Sale Cat. Dec. 2, 1988, no. 298; Dec. 17, 1992, no. 184). I am very grateful to Ms. Gabriella Jeffords in Sotheby’s Library for her kind help for me. 260 van Dijk 1989, 62ff.

like Zivie, to read it as r-sign ( ) which is a phonetic complement of xpr for the name of Thutmose III. 262 Zivie (1976, 313) explained this epithet as a reminiscence of Canaanite storm deity like Baal.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts [////] Nekhetef, justified.’ Doc. 2 Stele of Amenemsetneb (pl. VIII) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 27.1cm (H) Provenance: Giza, Surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: 18th Dynasty (?)263 Inventory No. : Cairo JE72274 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 42; Hassan 1953, 255 & fig. 192; Stadelmann 1967; Zivie 1976, NE74; Leitz 2002 @wr [10] Description: Rounded top. Broken vertically into two pieces. The stele itself is divided into two registers by a double horizontal line. Upper register: The Sphinx sits on the ground looking right. It wears a hawk’s plumage. It has an Egyptian false beard and wears a Double Crown. On the back of Sphinx there is a large fan. In front of the Sphinx, there is an offering table and the inscription of the name of Hauron. Lower register: An adorer, looking left, kneels in the centre of lower register with posture of veneration, raising both hands. In front of him, a vertical inscription indicates that he is a steward of the palace. Behind him, his son 264 stands as a follower. Due to a break in the stone and surface destruction, it is difficult to make out what the inscription (pA) is legible. says. Only Identification: Upper register: ‘Hauron’ Lower register: ‘The offering made by Amenemsetneb, the guardian of the palace.’ Doc. 3 Stele of Nehy Material: Limestone Dimensions: 40.0cm (H) x 28.0cm (W) Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: End of 18th Dynasty265 Inventory No. : Cairo RT15/5/46/30 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 43; Hassan 1953, 256 & pl. LXIV; Stadelmann 1967; Zivie 1976, NE87; Leitz 2002 @wr [13] Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two registers by a double horizontal line. Upper register: The Sphinx sits on the pedestal looking right towards which the offering table stands. It wears a hawk’s plumage. It has an Egyptian false beard and only Nemes-cloth with uraeus. On the forearms or between the forearms, there is a peculiar jar. Above the Sphinx, a winged solar disc is flanked by two uraei.

Lower register: An adorer, looking left, kneels in the right hand of lower register with a posture of adoration, raising both hands. Six vertical rows of inscription are in front of him and one horizontal inscription above him. Identification: Upper register: Between uraeus of winged solar disc: ‘Behedet, the great god.’ Before the Sphinx: ‘Ra-Horakhty, lord of the sky.’ Behind the head of the Sphinx: ‘who emerges in the horizon.’ Lower register: ‘Adoration to Horemakhet, obeying Hauron that he may give life, prosperity and health, and a beautiful lifetime without destruction, and a sound mouth in front of the Lord of the Two Lands, burial accompanying old age, in order to make strength in peace. My eyes are towards your beauties. To the ka of the official, Nehy, justified.’ Doc. 4 Stele of Tutuia (pl. VIII) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 61.5cm (H) Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: End of 18th Dynasty266 Inventory No. : Cairo JE72264 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 44; Hassan 1953, 261, 262 & fig.197; Zivie 1976, NE94; Leitz 2002 @wr [15]& @wr-Tm[1]; Zivie-Coche 2002, 60-63 Description: This is a round-topped stele divided into two registers by a single horizontal line. It is noted that both Hauron and Hauron-Atum are mentioned in the same stele. Upper register: The Sphinx sits on the pedestal looking right towards the offering table behind which a petitioner stands with adoration posture to the Sphinx. The offering table is on the same pedestal as the Sphinx. The Sphinx has a hawk’s plumage, the Osirid beard 267 and the Double Crown with a Nemes-cloth and uraeus. On the back of the Sphinx, there is a large Swt-fan. In front of its chest two small human figures stand. They are depicted overlapping, and the second one looks like the double of the first. It is very convincing to consider that this is the king depicted with his ka.268 The petitioner who faces to the Sphinx across the offering table wears a long pleated robe, portrayed with his own hair instead of the conventional wig.269 Above the offering table are five rows of inscription. 266

263 264 265

idem., 241; Zivie-Coche 2002, 60. This type of beard has an upturned/curled end. It is normal to employ this beard for gods and dead kings who are identified with Osiris after their death. For the living kings, the beards are longer and box-shaped. (BM Dic. of AE 51 & OEAE II 74) 268 Zivie-Coche 2002, 60-63. 269 Hassan 1953, 261.

Zivie 1976, 221. Hassan 1953, 255. Zivie 1976, 234. She suggested that this stele would be from the

reign after Amenhotep III according to name.

267

used at the end of adorer’s

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Lower register: Four people are depicted looking left. The leading one is the adorer, Tutuia who also appears in the upper register. He raises his arms as adoration and is followed by his sister and two brothers. His sister, wearing a long dress, holds some lotus flowers in her left hand and raises her right hand for adoring. Two brothers take the same posture. In front of Tutuia, there are two rows of inscription, and sister and brothers have a line of hieroglyphs before each of them. According to these inscriptions, their names are non-Egyptian sound and structure.270 Identification: Upper register: First line in front of Sphinx: ‘Hauron, the great god, lord of the sky, ruler of eternity.’ The other four lines: ‘Adoration to Hauron-Atum, father of the gods, who may give a long and prosperous lifetime to the ka of the scribe Tutuia, justified, honoured.’ Lower register: Before Tutuia: ‘Adoration to your ka, Hauron, the great god, lord of the sky, may he give beautiful life and body in joy to ka of the scribe of the offering-table, Tutuia, justified.’ Before a sister: ‘His sister, mistress of the house, his beloved, Iia.’ Before the first brother: ‘His brother Nehy.’271 Before the second brother: ‘His brother Iia.’

kneels with adoration posture. He is bald and wears pleated apron. In front of him, four vertical inscriptions are visible. Identification: Upper register: Above the Sphinx: ‘Haur(on)-Horemakhet, beautiful god, lord of the sky, eternal ruler.’ King’s name: ‘the Lord of the Two Lands, Menmaatra, Lord of Crowns, Sety Merenptah, given life.’ Lower register: ‘Adoration to Hauron, kissing to the land, Horemakhet, he may give life, prosperity, health, intelligence and favour every day to the ka of the vizier272 of the Lord of the Two Lands, Hatiay.’ Doc. 6 Stele of Tjenerhir[/////]273 (pl. IV) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 30cm (H) x 20cm (W) x 5cm (T) Provenance: Qantir Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC)274 Inventory No. : Cairo JE 86123 Bibliography: Leibovitch 1944b; Habachi 1954, 519; KRI III 266, 6; van Dijk 1989; Cornelius 1994, RR32; RITA III 189; Habachi 2001, 45-46, Kat. 135; Leitz 2002 @wr [8] Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two registers by double horizontal lines. Upper Register: See 2.1.2 Doc. 4. Lower register; A man kneeling and looking to the right, adores Hauron in the centre of the register. His title saSA is originally known only from the 18th Dynasty.275 Hauron looks left towards this adorer. Hauron is depicted in anthropomorphic form with a hawk’s face and wears a Double Crown. This is the first time for Hauron to be depicted with a human body. He also has a wAs-sceptre in his right hand and an anx-symbol in his left hand. Above him is the name of Hauron. Behind the adorer, there are two rows of inscription that record the name of the owner of this stele. The throw-stick (T14) preceding the determinative in his name might show that he was originally a foreigner, and specially an Asiatic. Identification: Upper Register; See 2.1.2 Doc. 4. Lower register: Above Hauron: ‘Hauron’. Behind the adorer: ‘The policeman Tjener-hir-[/////] justified, and his sister/wife, lady of the house, Shedet (?), justified.’

Doc. 5 Stele of Hatiay Material: Limestone Dimensions: 32.5cm (H) Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: Sety I (1294-1279 BC) Inventory No. : Cairo JE 72269 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 43; Hassan 1953, 263 & fig. 199; KRI I 78; RITA I 67; Zivie 1976, NE51; Leitz 2002 @wr [8] & @wr-@r-m-Axt [2] Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two registers by a single horizontal line. From the inscriptions in both registers, it is clear that Hauron and Horemakhet are identified. Upper register: The Sphinx sits on the pedestal with a hawk’s plumage. It looks directly towards the adorer. It wears only the Nemes-cloth with uraeus and Osirid beard on the chin. In front of the Sphinx, no offering table is depicted, but an adorer kneels offering libation vases to the Sphinx. According to the cartouches in front of this adorer, it is clear that this figure is Sety I. Above the Sphinx and king, a winged sun disc is depicted. Above the Sphinx, three vertical inscriptions are inscribed. Lower register: In the right hand an adorer 270 271

Doc. 7 Stele of Amenwahsu (pl. VIII) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 89.5cm (H) Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx 272

Kitchen translates this as a ‘sculptor’. (See RITA I 67) According to van Dijk (1989, 64), it must be read as ‘Tjener-Raamessu’ than ‘Tjener-hr-...’. 274 See 2.1.2 Doc. 4. 275 Wb IV 55. 273

idem., 262. Zivie 1976, 243.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Cairo JE 72262 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 42; Hassan 1953, 246, 257 & pl. LXVI; Stadelmann 1967; Zivie 1976, NE63; Leitz 2002 @wr-m-Axt [5]; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two parts by two horizontal lines, each of which is extended into the outline form for upper and lower register respectively. Upper register: In almost the centre of the upper register, the Sphinx sits on a high pedestal on the base, wearing a falcon plumage, the Egyptian Double Crown with a Nemes-cloth and uraeus. Its beard is cut straight across at the end, which usually denotes the living king. The Sphinx looks to the right, where the offering table is placed. Behind this table two individuals are standing in a posture of adoration. The second one is almost invisible due to weathering. However, according to the remains, this person is a woman, probably the wife of the leading adorer. The leading one wears a draped apron. Behind the Sphinx, Horus stands in anthropomorphic form holding a wAs-sceptre in his left hand, and an anx-symbol, which appears to have a ribbon (?) hanging from it, in his right hand. Above these figures, there are twelve rows of inscription in total. In fact, they consist of two texts. Lower register: More than half of the decoration is lost through breakage, but it seems that at least half of this register must have borne inscriptions. Only two rows in the left part are legible. Identification: Upper register:276 Above the Sphinx: ‘Hauron-Horemakhet, the great god, presiding over the Select Place, Ptah-Sokar-Osiris-Khenty-Amentiu, the great god dwelling in Rostaw.’ Above the adorers: ‘Adoration to Hauron, and kissing the earth to Sokaris, that they may give life, prosperity, and health [/////] beautiful [/////] accompanying the age to the ka of who is quiet, [/////] the scribe of offering-table to the Lord of the Two Lands, Amenwahsu, justified, [/////] mistress of the house, Mutem[/////].’ Lower register: ‘Adoration to the ka of living god, Hauron-Horemakhet presiding over the Select Place and kissing the earth to Ptah-Sokar, the Lord [/////].’ Doc. 8 Stele of Paraemheb (pl. IX) Material: Limestone Dimensions: Unknown

Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: 19th Dynasty (?) Inventory No. : Preserved in the stores of the Services of Antiquities at Giza (no.29 of the Inventory of the excavations by S. Hassan) Bibliography: PM III2. 1, 44; Hassan 1953, 257 & Pl. LXV; Zivie 1976, NE89; Leitz 2002 @wr-m-Axt [9] Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two parts by two horizontal lines, which are extended to serve as the framework of each register. The stele as a whole is badly damaged. Upper register: The Sphinx sits on the ground looking left; it wears Nemes-cloth with uraeus. Above its back and in front of the face there are inscriptions. Lower register: The worshipper stands at the left corner looking left. He wears a long dress and adopts an adoration posture by raising his arms. Behind him is portrayed a cow with a solar disc of goddess Hathor between its horns. A woman kneels and suckles under this cow. This is very unusual motif; reminiscent of the royal suckling scene, and unique in Giza.277 Above these figures are inscribed some inscriptions that are eroded so that they are almost illegible. Identification: Upper register: ‘A offering which the king gives to Hauron-Horemakhet, the great god, lord of the sky, who gives life to Paraemheb.’ Lower register: To the author of this work, it is impossible to read the inscription due to bad erosion. Doc. 9 Stele of Kheruef Material: Limestone Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: 19th-20th Dynasty (?) Inventory No. : Preserved in the stores of the Service of Antiquities at Giza (no.9 of the Inventory of the excavations of S. Hassan) Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 43; Hassan 1953, 149, 256 & fig. 94; Stadelmann 1967; Zivie 1976, NE 83; Leitz 2002 @wr [11]; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two parts by double horizontal lines. Upper register: Most of the upper parts are passably eroded. The Sphinx sits on a pedestal. It has the Nemes-cloth with uraeus, the Osirid beard, and a plumage. In front of the Sphinx the offering is placed.278 Above this offering table there must originally have been some rows of inscription but this text 277

Zivie 1976, 237. Hassan suggested that this offering is put on an object which would be a façade of temple (maybe the Temple of Sphinx). Hassan 1953, 149, 256.

278 276

Hassan (1953) and Zivie (1976) suggested some reading, however, to the author it is difficult to read out from photocopy of stele.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence has unfortunately been lost through damage to the stele. At the top of the stele, a winged sun disc is represented. Lower register: In total, five rows of text are inscribed on this stele. Four are in front of the worshipper and one is behind him indicating one prayer. The worshipper wears military costume and kneels looking left. He also raises his right hand to show his adoration and his left hand grasps a standard with a representation of Amun and of the king.279 Identification: Upper register: Under the winged sun disc: ‘He of Behedet.’ Between the Sphinx and the offering: ‘Horemakhet the great god [/////]’280 Lower register: ‘Adoration to Horemakhet in his name of Hauron. To adore to your beautiful face, I satisfy your beauty. You are the one who exists forever, while everyone dies. You give me beautiful lifetime, while I follow your ka. For the ka of fan-bearer of Amun-Force-the-Army, Kheruef.’

her. Between Hauron and these worshippers stands an offering table. Above these figures are five columns of inscription. To the left are two lines of text incorporating the name of Hauron, and to the right three lines describing the two worshippers. Identification: Left side: ‘Hauron, the great god.’ Right side: ‘Made by bee-keeper of Amun, Aanakhtkhonsu, his wife, mistress of the house, Iwy.’ Doc. 11 Stele of Djehutynakht (pl. IX) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 26.2 cm (H) Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: 19th-20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JE72275 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 43; Hassan 1953, 265-266 & fig. 201; Stadelmann 1967; Zivie 1976, NE 76; Leitz 2002 @wr-m-Axt [7] Description: (See 2.1.4 Doc. 35) The upper left part of this round-topped stele has been lost; it is divided into two parts by a single horizontal line. Upper register: The Sphinx sits depicted looking rightwards, seated on a low pedestal with a cornice. It wears a Nemes-cloth with uraeus, and its beard is that of the living king. In front of it stands a simple offering table on which a jar and a lotus flower are placed. Some lines of inscription are written in the upper part of the stele. It should be noted that Hauron in this inscription has a ‘town’ symbol as a determinative. Is this the name of ‘City of Hauron’?282 Lower register: In the lower right-hand corner two kneeling worshippers look to the left, each in a posture of adoration. The leading one wears a pleated robe. The other figure, his wife, has an incense cone and lotus flower on her head. Her name, Anatemheb, shows the influence of Syro-Palestinian goddess Anat. It is very rare that the name of Anat is used for that of ordinary people. Is she Asiatic originally? Is this stele dedicated to Hauron as Syro-Palestinian deity rather than in his Egyptianised form?283 Identification: Upper register: ‘Hauron-Horemakhet’ Lower register: ‘An offering which the king gives to your ka, Hauron-Horemakhet the great god, may he give life, prosperity and health to the ka of the sculptor of the Lord of the Two Land, Djehutynakht, his sister, his beloved mistress of the house, Anatemheb.’

This sphinx should be Horemakhet according to the inscription in the upper register. However, at the same time, it would be Hauron identified with Horemakhet on the basis of the text in the lower register. Doc. 10 Stele of Aanakhtkhonsu (pl. IX) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 23.3 cm (H) x 18.5 (W) cm Provenance: Thebes Date: 19th-20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Hannover, Kestner-Museum 1935. 200. 218 Bibliography: Warmenbol (ed.) 1999, 83 No. 58 Description: On the left-hand side of this round-topped stele stands Hauron as a hawk on the double pedestals, the upper of which has the cornice and a false door. Hauron wears only an Egyptian Double Crown. On the back of Hauron appears a flail. Remarkably, an erect cobra is in front of Hauron although there is no mention about it in the inscription. 281 Hauron looks right where two worshippers stand in front of him. The leading man dedicates lotus flowers in his left hand and burning incense in his right. His shaven head shows that he is a priest. Behind him follows a woman who is his wife. She wears a transparent dress of clinging material, and on her head is an incense cone. She raises her left hand and grasps her husband with the right hand, and a lotus flower stands behind 279

282 Hassan (1953, 265-266) discussed and concluded that this is the lost city of Harronia which situates within two miles of the Sphinx itself until modern times. 283 Zivie 1976, 224.

Zivie 1976, 230. ibid. It is difficult to the author to read this part due to erosion. 281 Warmenbol (1999, 83) suggests the relationship between Hauron and a cobra goddess Renenutet. 280

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Lower register: Two worshippers, a man and a woman, kneel in front of an offering table with postures of adoration. The man wears a pleated costume and holds burning incense in his right hand. The woman grasps lotus flowers in her right hand. An inscription covers these figures. Identification: Upper register: ‘An offering which the king gives to Hauron, the great god, lord of the sky.’ Lower register: ‘Made by the scribe Ywkh of granary of palace, L. P. H. the singer, mistress of the house, Sepet justified.’

Doc. 12 Stele of Maa Material: Limestone Dimensions: 24.1cm (H) Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: New Kingdom284 Inventory No. : Cairo JE72277 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 43; Hassan 1953, 258 & fig. 194; Stadelmann 1967; Zivie 1976, NE84; Leitz 2002 @wr [12]; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two parts by the pedestal on which the Sphinx sits. Upper register: The Sphinx wears a Nemes-cloth with uraeus, as well as Egyptian beard for the living king, and a hawk plumage. The Sphinx looks to the right, towards the offering table. Above it are four columns of inscription. Lower register: The worshipper, wearing military dress, 285 kneels on the right-hand side of the register. He raises his right hand in a gesture of adoration, and clutches a small gazelle (?) with his left arm. Two columns of inscription are carved in front of the worshipper and one line behind him, comprising a single prayer. Identification: Upper register: ‘Hauron, the great god, lord of the sky.’ Lower register: ‘Made by the herdsman of goat,286 Maa, justified, for the great god.’

Doc. 14 Stele of Amenemheb Material: Limestone Dimensions: 21.4 cm Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Cairo JE 72259 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 45; Hassan 1953, 256 & fig. 193; Stadelmann 1967; Zivie 1976, NE73; Leitz 2002 @wr-m-Axt [6] Description: This round-topped stele is split up into two parts by a diagonal crack from the upper right to lower left. A hawk, bearing no regalia, stands on a pedestal on a horizontal line which is placed at the bottom of the stele, dividing it into two registers. Upper register: Behind the hawk are three columns of inscription. Lower register: A horizontal inscription is engraved: it may well be the name of the wife of Amenemheb. Identification: Upper register: ‘Hauron-Horemakhet, he may give favour and love to the ka of Amenemheb.’ Lower register: ‘[/////] Per-Hapy, Amenemheb.’

Doc. 13 Stele of Ywkh Material: Limestone Dimensions: 32.4 cm Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Cairo JE 72270 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 44; Hassan 1953, 260 & fig. 196; Zivie 1976, NE95; Leitz 2002 @wr [16] Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two parts by a double horizontal line. The upper left corner is damaged. Upper register: The Sphinx sits looking right on the pedestal which has a cornice and false door. The Sphinx wears the Double Crown with Nemes-cloth and uraeus, as well as a hawk plumage. The false beard of the Sphinx seems to be that of the living king. In front of the Sphinx are two offering tables on which libation vases and lotus flowers are placed respectively. In front of the first table, and between the first and second table are lettuce leaves. Behind the Sphinx is a bunch of lotus flowers. 284 285

Doc. 15 Stele of Nebneny (pl. IX) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 24.9 cm Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Cairo JE 72290 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 45; Hassan 1953, 254 & fig. 190; Stadelmann 1967; Zivie 1976, NE86; Leitz 2002 @wr-m-Axt [8]; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: A hawk stands looking right on a ‘doubledecker’ pedestal which is placed at the bottom of the stele. This carving is excellently executed, giving the whole detail of the hawk. It has no regalia, such as a crown, Nemes-cloth, and false beard and so on. Three columns of inscription are carved behind the hawk. Identification: ‘Hauron-Horemakhet, he may give favour and love to the ka of the servant of

idem., 231. Zivie 1976, 232.

286 anxw should normally mean goat but the determinative ( ) in this case reminds us of cattle.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Kher-Aha,287 Nebneny.’

portrayed. The standing king is armed with a bow and arrows and, shooting at oryx and lions in front of him. Between the king and the wild game, seven columns of inscription are carved. Behind and above the king a further set of inscriptions has survived. Anthropomorphic anx-symbol, perhaps holding a fan, stands behind the king. Lower register: Seven horizontal texts are inscribed from right to left. Some parts of them are damaged and illegible. Here Hauron is mentioned as a king’s father. Identification:290 Middle register: Behind the king: ‘[/////] may all protection, life, stability and dominion attend him forever.’ Above the king: ‘[/////] given life like Ra forever.’ In front of the king: ‘His Majesty went forth to walk about like Ra when he rises in the [sky].291 He saw a large and fearsome lion just like Horus the divine falcon when he espied the hippo (= Seth). He drew Montu’s arrow and Bastet’s bow, and slew [the lion] in the twinkling of an eye, according as he is a Ra, the beloved of his father Amun. It was, truly, done in the presence of the grandees of the Palace – their acclamations (came) to the Lord of the Two Lands, and their voice reached the skies.’ Lower register: 292 ‘[(Long) live: Horus -Falcon, Strong Bull, Appearing in Thebes, Bri ] 293 nging life to the Two Lands; Two Goddesses, Renewing birth, Powerful of arm, Subduing the Nine Bows; Golden Horus, Repeating epiphanies, Rich in forces in all lands; Nsw-Bity, [Lord of the Two Lands, Menmaatra, so]294n of Ra, Sety Merenptah, given life like Ra forever. He has made as his monument for his father Hauron-Horemakhet, the construction for him of [/////], set apart to be a place of [/////], a place of prayer for the ordinary folks. The good god, valiant and able on the chariot-span, fighter against myriads, [/////]; [/////] his army, and seizes with his strong arm, advance-leader of his chariotry, who [/////] every foreign land; One who returns [when he has triumphed, his attack having succeeded?], 295 hero, strong-willed, [/////] amidst his army, admirable before them [like] Amun-Ra when he shines in heaven; [One who leads]296 his [army], as first in the battle-line in every

Doc. 16 Stele of Tha (?) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 31.8cm Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Cairo JE 72271 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 44; Hassan 1953, 254-255 & fig. 191; Zivie 1976, NE93; Leitz 2002 @wr-m-Axt [8] Description: This round-topped stele is seriously damaged and very difficult to read. However it is obviously divided into parts by, probably, double horizontal lines. Upper register: The Sphinx seems to sit on a pedestal wearing a Nemes-cloth and hawk plumage. There is probably an offering table in front of the Sphinx. On the top appears a winged solar disc. Due to erosion, it is very difficult to tell whether there are any inscriptions in the upper register. Lower register: The worshipper stands to the right in a posture of adoration, looking left. He seems to have his hair shaven and wears pleated apron. Both hands hold a small brazier. Four columns of text are in front of him. In these inscriptions, Hauron is identified with Ra-Horemakhet as the lord of afterlife. Identification: Lower register:288 ‘The great Sphinx Hauron-Ra-Horemakhet, he may give [beautiful] lifetime [/////] --- without occurrence of bad occasion [/////] beautiful burial accompanying aging, to the ka of [/////].289’ Doc. 17 Stele of Sety I as a hunter Material: Limestone Dimensions: 120cm (H) x 80cm (W) Provenance: Giza, Temple of the Sphinx Date: Sety I (1294-1279 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 39; Hassan 1953, 104-6 & fig. 74-75; Zivie 1976, NE50; KRI I 76-77; RITA I 65-66; Leitz 2002 @wr-m-Axt [1]; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: Broken vertically and the right half has been lost. The remains are also badly damaged. Originally it seems to have three registers. The stele is divided into two parts, upper and below. Upper register: Completely flaked or scratched. Middle register: Sety I’s hunting scene is

290 291

287

292

Kher-Aha is the place name. Zivie (1976, 302) identifies it as an area in the east bank of the Nile near Giza. It also might link Giza with Heliopolis geographically. 288 Zivie 1976, NE 50. 289 Hassan (1953, 104-106) suggested his name as Tha.

293 294 295 296

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RITA I 65-66. After Hassan 1953, 105. Hassan 1953 and Zivie 1976. RITA I 66. ibid. ibid. ibid.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts foreign land, [who ...]es297 the rebels, who took over the district of Nameru/those of Meru; [One who .....]298 foe, alert in drawing his bow, he causes the Asiatics to retreat, being steadfast on the battlefield, by the strength of his father Amun who decrees valour for him.’ Doc. 18 Stele of Pay Material: Limestone Dimensions: 46.8 cm (H) Provenance: Giza Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JE 72289 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 46; Hassan 1953, 259-260 & fig. 195; Zivie 1976, NE 88; Stadelmann 1987; Zivie-Coche 1991, 24-25; Leitz 2002 @wr [14]; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two registers by a single horizontal line. The upper register makes up two thirds of the stele. Upper register: Three deities are depicted: two in the left and centre look rightwards and the other one looks to the left. The figure to the right is a falcon-headed man with an anx-symbol in his left hand. His right hand grasps the hand of a figure standing in front of him, and they hold a wAs-sceptre and some weapons together with their hands. This figure is naked and he has a lock of hair which is a symbol of the youth, and emblem of Horus the son of Isis. Behind this young god, a goddess is depicted wearing an Asiatic-style bell-shaped layered dress. 299 She wears only a uraeus on her blow, and has a wAs-sceptre in her left hand and an anx-symbol in her right. She is shown striding, which is very un-Egyptian as, normally, Egyptian goddesses and women are depicted with both of their feet together. Her appearance shows us the influence of Asiatics. Six lines of inscription above these figures identify them, from right to left, as Horus, Shed, and the mother of Shed, Metery. Lower register: The worshipper kneels in an attitude of adoration in the right-hand corner. Six lines of text are inscribed in front of the worshipper, and a seventh line is written behind him. From these inscriptions, it is clear that the worshipper is a Measurer of Hauron and that some facilities must have therefore been created for the cult of Hauron. 297

ibid. ibid. This type of dress is found in the scene of the procession of Asiatics who are taken by the Egyptians from the relief in the tomb of Horemheb. See Erman and Ranke 1923, pl. 42.2. Also this style of cloth is attested in the impressions of a cylinder seal from the first half of 2nd millennium such as Aleppo 6296 (M. 1400) and Aleppo 6307 (M. 828).

Identification: Upper register: Two rows: ‘Son of Isis, sweet of love.’ Four rows: ‘Shed, the great god, lord of the sky, the excellent archer beloved of Egypt, Metery the mother of this god.’ Lower register: ‘Adoration to the rescuer (pA-Sd = Shed) kissing the earth to Isis the Great, and praising Horus the son of Isis, they may give beautiful lifetime every day to the ka of Measurer of Hauron, Pay.’ Doc. 19 Stele-niche of illegible dedicator Material: Stone Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Giza, Sphinx Court Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 46; Hassan 1953, 264, fig. 200; Stadelmann 1967, 86 Description: Stele comprising an almost rectangular naos shape. In the centre of the stele is a niche where a statue of Hauron-Horemakhet in the shape of Osiris 300 was placed. Above the niche appears the winged solar disc. These wings are curved upward, which means that this is originally the Asiatic form of the motif.301 The right-hand side of the niche is inscribed with one column of inscription. Due to erosion, it is difficult to say whether there were originally inscriptions also on the left-hand side of the niche. At the bottom of the stele-niche there appears to be no inscription. Identification: Right hand: ‘[/////] accompanying the overseer of craftsmen [/////] in the House of Hauron.’ Doc. 20

Statue of Rameses II as a child with the god Hauron Material: Grey granite and limestone (face of the falcon) Dimensions: 231cm (H) x 133cm (L) x 64.5cm (W) Provenance: Tanis Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Cairo JE 64735 Bibliography: Montet 1935-1937a, pls. X-2, XI; Montet and Bucher 1935, pls. V-VI; Albright 1936; Hassan 1953; KRI II 448; RITA II 276; Saleh & Hourig 1987, no. 203; Stadelmann 1967; Desroches - Noblecourt 1976, no.1; Stadelmann 1987; van Dijk 1989; Leitz 2002 @wr [2] = @wr-n-Ra-ms -sw-mr-Imn [1] Description: This is a colossal statue in which Rameses II is represented as a child. He squats and sucks his right forefinger, while his left hand holds a sw-plant. Rameses is naked but wears a cap

298 299

300

Hassan 1953, 264. c.f. Weiss 1985, fig. 58. Also, from Yazilikaya (in Turkey), the winged sun-disc is attested on a rock relief during the reign of Tudhaliya IV at the end of 13th century BC. (Akurgal 1962, pl. 78 = colour pl. XIX). This wing is also curved upward.

301

67

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence with uraeus on his brow and has a side-lock on the right side of his head. On top of his head is placed a sun disc. This combination, the sun disc (ra) + the child (ms) + the sw-plant (sw), identify, in rebus-style, that this infant is Rameses, royal child. Behind the king stands Hauron in the form of a falcon. This indicates that Hauron protects the king since it is obvious from the inscription on the base. The motif as a whole is an old tradition of representing the falcon god and king together, which has already appeared at least as early as the 4th Dynasty in the form of a well-known seated statue of Khafra behind who Horus stands in the form of falcon. This shows the divine protection for the kingship, at the same time, this means that the Syro-Palestinian god Hauron is capable of taking up the Horus position in the royal context. The head of Hauron (falcon) is separately sculptured from the torso (in limestone rather than granite). Identification Basement: Front: ‘The good god Usermaatre Setepenre’ Left side: ‘Son of Ra, Rameses II the beloved of Hauron.’ Right side: ‘Son of Ra, Rameses II the beloved of Hauron.’ Back: ‘of Rameses II.’

Hauron side: ‘Asiatic, Hauron, the strong one.’ Doc. 22 Amulet (Fragment) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 10cm (H) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 705; Bruyére 1937, pt. 3, 203, fig. 92; Sauneron 1950 Description: This small round-topped stele-type amulet, broken into two parts, is carved on both sides, but only the upper part is preserved. On the top of the stele is a hole, which suggests that it must have been used as a sort of pendant. Recto: Only a flail is visible of the carved decoration on this side of the stele. Based on the motif attested in Doc. 10 and Doc. 21, it might be argued that this flail is on the back of Hauron as a falcon, thus indicating that the stele was dedicated to Hauron in his falcon form. Above the flail is engraved the name of Hauron. Verso: The bust of the god Shed is represented as a young male on the verso of the stele. He looks leftwards and wears a sSd with a uraeus. He also wears a parietal braid of hair as a symbol of the youth. No inscription is attested on this side. Identification: Recto: ‘Hauron’

Doc. 21 Amulet (Fragment) (pl. X) Material: Wood Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: 18th Dynasty (?) Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Bruyère 1937, pt. 2, 18 fig. 7: 2-3; Sauneron 1950; van Dijk 1989, 62 Description: Stele-type pendant of which about one-third has been lost. The round-topped stele-shape has a ring for suspension on the top. Both sides are engraved, one showing the god Shed above which vertical texts are inscribed. In front of him stands an offering table. Shed holds bow and arrows in his left hand together with the item appearing to be a scorpion. Three snakes rear up from his left foot. On the other side stands Hauron, in falcon appearance, on the pedestal. Although the accompanying texts are incomplete by damage the parallelism between Doc. 22 and this object allows us to read the name of falcon god ‘Hauron’. Hauron wears a Double Crown, and three snakes emerge from under his talons. Above Hauron are inscribed some vertical rows of inscription. It is considered that a flail is on the back of Hauron, but only the handle remains. Identification: Shed side: ‘Shed who comes and rescues (?) the great god [/////].’

Doc. 23 Foundation plaque302 (pl. X) Material: Faience Dimensions: 13.9 cm (H) Provenance: Giza303 Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC)304 Inventory No. : Brooklyn Museum: 36.619.3 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 40; Albright 1941; Posener 1945; Seele 1945; Capart 1946; Hassan 1953; Stadelmann 1967; Weinstein 1973; James 1974, No. 220; Urk IV, 1355; Zivie 1976 NE11; Stadelmann 1987; van Dijk 1989; Lilyquist 1994; Leitz 2002 @wr [17] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [3] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [4]; Zivie-Coche 2002 302

Doc. 23 – Doc. 28 has been dealt as a set. In total, twelve panels have been purchased en masse by the Brooklyn Museum in 1936. Six of them, listed here, make one group called ‘Hauron Bricks’ that depict Hauron with Horemakhet in contrast to the other group ‘Horemakhet Bricks’, which mention only Horemakhet without Hauron. Based on a peculiar writing system, Stadelmann (1987, 442) reargued the possibilities that these plaques were written by foreigners who lived around Giza Sphinx area (Stadelmann 1967, 82-84) or just some fakes were mingled intentionally (van Dijk suggested at the Internationalen Ägyptologenkongress in München 1985, which was published in 1989 and 1990), and then warned that we have to be cautious when dealing with these plaques. 303 Lilyquist (1994, 92-93) claimed that true provenance of these panels (Doc. 23 – Doc. 28) is unknown. 304 James (1974, no. 220-225) dates these panels to the mid-18th Dynasty according to J. Weinstein 1973.

68

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Description:305 This roughly rectangular green-glazed panel bears an inscription written in black ink. Identification: ‘The good god, Aakheperura (=Amenhotep II), beloved of Hauron- Horemakhet.’306

Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : Brooklyn Museum: 36.619.6 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 40; Albright 1941; Posener 1945; Seele 1945; Capart 1946; Hassan 1953; Stadelmann 1967; Weinstein 1973; James 1974, No. 223; Urk IV, 1355; Zivie 1976, NE11; Stadelmann 1987; van Dijk 1989; Lilyquist 1994; Leitz 2002 @wr [17] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [3] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [4] ; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: This roughly rectangular green-glazed panel bears an inscription written in black ink. Identification: ‘The good god, Aakheperura (=Amenhotep II), beloved of Hauron- Horemakhet.’

Doc. 24 Foundation plaque (pl. X) Material: Faience Dimensions: 14.7 cm (H) Provenance: Giza Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : Brooklyn Museum: 36.619.4 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 40; Albright 1941; Posener 1945; Seele 1945; Capart 1946; Hassan 1953; Stadelmann 1967; Weinstein 1973; James 1974, No. 221; Urk IV, 1355; Zivie 1976, NE11; Stadelmann 1987; van Dijk 1989; Lilyquist 1994; Leitz 2002 @wr [17] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [3] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [4] ; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: This roughly rectangular green-glazed panel bears an inscription written in black ink. Identification: ‘The good god, Aakheperura (=Amenhotep II), beloved of Hauron- Horemakhet.’

Doc. 27 Foundation plaque (pl. XI) Material: Faience Dimensions: 14.3 cm (H) Provenance: Giza Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : Brooklyn Museum: 36.619.11 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 40; Albright 1941; Posener 1945; Seele 1945; Capart 1946; Hassan 1953; Stadelmann 1967; Weinstein 1973; James 1974, No. 224; Urk IV, 1355; Zivie 1976, NE11; Stadelmann 1987; van Dijk 1989; Lilyquist 1994; Leitz 2002 @wr [17] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [3] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [4] ; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: This roughly rectangular green-glazed panel bears an inscription written in black ink. Identification: ‘The good god, Aakheperura (=Amenhotep II), beloved of Hauron- Horemakhet.’

Doc. 25 Foundation plaque (pl. XI) Material: Faience Dimensions: 15.5 cm (H) Provenance: Giza Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : Brooklyn Museum: 36.619.5 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 40; Albright 1941; Posener 1945; Seele 1945; Capart 1946; Hassan 1953; Stadelmann 1967; Weinstein 1973; James 1974, No. 222; Urk IV, 1355; Zivie 1976, NE11; Stadelmann 1987; van Dijk 1989; Lilyquist 1994; Leitz 2002 @wr [17] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [3] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [4] ; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: This roughly rectangular green-glazed panel bears an inscription written in black ink. The orientation of mry is different from that on other five plaques (Docs. 23-24 and 26-28) found with it. Identification: ‘The good god, Aakheperura (=Amenhotep II), beloved of Hauron- Horemakhet.’

Doc. 28 Foundation plaque (pl. XI) Material: Faience Dimensions: 15.6 cm (H) Provenance: Giza Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : Brooklyn Museum: 36.619.12 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 40; Albright 1941; Posener 1945; Seele 1945; Capart 1946; Hassan 1953; Stadelmann 1967; Weinstein 1973; James 1974, No. 225; Urk IV, 1355; Zivie 1976, NE11; Stadelmann 1987; van Dijk 1989; Lilyquist 1994; Leitz 2002 @wr [17] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [3] = @wr-@r-m-Axt [4] ; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: This roughly rectangular green-glazed panel is so badly worn that its decoration and inscriptions are largely illegible. Identification: ‘The good god, Aakheperura (=Amenhotep II), beloved of Hauron- Horemakhet.’

Doc. 26 Foundation plaque (pl. XI) Material: Faience Dimensions: 13.8 cm (H) Provenance: Giza 305 James (1974, pl. LIV) shows only one type of depiction for these six panels as no. 220-225, even though there is certain differences between each panel, i.e. the orientation of the hieroglyph mry at the end of inscription. Seele (1945, 244) initially marked that this variation of the direction of mry would demonstrate some characteristic of the building itself. Fortunately, Lilyquist has published (1994, 92-99, pls. IV-VIII) all six plaques with an inventory no. so that, at this moment, it is possible to recognize piece by piece. 306 As for reading of @wr-@r-m-Axt, see W. F. Albright, 1941, 7-12 and K. C. Seele, 1945, 243-244.

Doc. 29 Lintel with the name of Tutankhamun Material: Limestone Dimensions: 242cm (H) Provenance: Giza

69

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Date: Tutankhamun (1336-1327 BC)307 Inventory No. : Cairo JE57195 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 41; Posener 1945, fig. 1; Hassan 1953, 100, fig. 73; Helck 1966 ; Stadelmann 1967; Helck 1971b; Zivie 1976, NE45; Helck 1977; van Dijk and Eaton-Krauss 1986, pl. 4; Stadelmann 1987, 440; van Dijk 1989; Leitz 2002 “@wr”[9]; Zivie-Coche 2002 Description: This doorway is in the “Rest-house of Tutankhamun”.308 There are four columns of text, comprising a sunk relief palimpsest of hieroglyphs, in the centre of the lintel. Three of them are cartouches which indicate the name of Tutankhamun and his wife Ankhesenamun, and the rest, on the left side, mentions Hauron. The orientation of the hieroglyphs of Hauron column is opposite to that of other three columns, in other words it faces towards the names of the king and queen. These columns retain traces of the colours blue, green and red. Identification: ‘King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Nebkheperura, given life, son of Ra, Tutankhamun, like the sun, great wife Ankhesenamun, the living, beloved of Hauron.’

Habachi 1980, 23-25, fig. 6; van Dijk 1989 Description: According to De Cosson, this column is broken and has never been properly examined, described, or catalogued. In addition it appears that this column was probably part of a fortress erected by Rameses II.309 Identification: ‘The Horus Kanakhet-Merymaa, the Lord of the Two Lands Usermaatra Setepenra, son of Ra, Lord of Crowns Rameses-Meryamun, beloved of Hauron.’ Doc. 32 Inscription on the basement of sphinx-statue Material: Basalt Dimensions: 9.3cm x 7cm310 Provenance: Tell el-Maskhuta Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Cairo TR/20/11/48/6 Bibliography: Leibovitch 1944b, 171; Hassan 1953; KRI II 405; RITA II 231; van Dijk 1989; Sourouzian 1998, 408, pl.26a; Leitz 2002 @wr-nA- rmnn [1] Description: Only the front part of this sphinx statue is left, along with part of both paws. It is originally from Tell er-Retabe in Wâdi Tumilat, 311 and its inscriptions include the mention that Hauron is from Lebanon. Identification: Front: ‘Hauron of Lebanon.’ Side: ‘Great offering to the god, made by [/////].’

Doc. 30 Doorjamb of Sety I (pl. XI) Material: Limestone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Giza, the south-western chamber in the Temple of Amenhotep II Date: Sety I (1294-1279 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 40; Hassan 1953, 38, 106, pl. La; Zivie 1976, NE11 (Porte 4), pl. 6A; Stadelmann 1987, 440; KRI I 77-78; RITA 67 Description: Door jamb, two faces of which are inscribed. One face is flaked badly so that only the king’s name is visible (Face A). The other face (Face B) still bears many inscriptions in which Hauron is mentioned as a father of the king. Identification: Face A: ‘Sety I, given life forever.’ Face B: ‘[/////] house of one who made son of Ra, Lord of Crowns, Sety Merenptah, he built his monument for his father Hauron.’

Doc. 33

A Letter concerning the Wonders of Memphis (pSallier IV verso 1.1-4.8) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 760 cm (L) x 19.5 cm (H) Provenance: Purchased from M. Sallier Date: Middle of the reign of Rameses II312 (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA 10184 Bibliography: Gressmann 1918, 198; LEM 88-92; Caminos 1954, 333-349; Posener 1945, 4o; Helck 1966, 2; Stadelmann 1967, 36; Stadelmann 1987, 441; Leitz 2002 @wr [3] Description: (c.f 2.1.1 Doc. 94 and 2.1.6 Doc. 20) In this letter the chantress of Hathor, Styka, writes to the chantress of Amun, Sekhemtnefert, to catch up on the latter’s news. The superlatively good condition of Memphis is described in that letter which mentions the House of Hauron. According to this, it is clear that there was a temple of Hauron in Memphis, which keeps a certain amount of livestock. Identification: (4.6) ‘Fine short-horned cattle of the House

Doc. 31 Column Material: Granite Dimensions: 350cm Provenance: El-Gharbanyat Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Burg el-aArab (in situ) Bibliography: PM VII, 369; De Cosson 1935, 127-128;

309

De Cosson 1935, 128. This monument is preserved in a case in the basement of Cairo Museum and not currently accessible. Dimensions here are from temporary register (c.f. Sourouzian 1998, 408.) 311 van Dijk 1989, 63. 312 Posener 1945, 241a. 310

307

It is usurped by Rameses II later. According to Stadelmann (1987, 440), this structure should be called not a rest-house but a chapel.

308

70

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts of Hauron.’

You are strong herdsman, Hauron.’

Doc. 34 ‘Protest against the Conscription of Certain Men for Forced Labour’ (pTurin A) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 87cm (L) x 19.5cm (H) Provenance: Memphis313 Date: End of the 19th Dynasty314 Inventory No. : Turin no. 1882 Bibliography: LEM 121-124; Posener 1945, 5o; Caminos 1954, 454-464; Pleyte and Rossi 1869-1876, 74-75, pl. 19; Stadelmann 1987, 441; Leitz 2002 @wr [4] Description: Dhutemhab, the chief of the record-keepers of the office of the granary of the king in Memphis, protests to Bekenptah, the scribe of setem-priest. The latter is said to have tried to take eight forced labourers from the House of Thoth in Memphis in order to drag stones to the House of Hauron in Memphis. This document therefore confirms that the House of Hauron is located at Memphis along with Doc. 33. Identification: ‘then you will put them to drag stone 315 the House of Hauron in Memphis.’

Doc. 36

Magical spell (Harris Magical Papyrus verso I, 1-III, 5; Section Y) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 16.0cm (H) x 23.0cm (W) Provenance: Bought in Thebes Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA10042 Bibliography: Lange 1927, Section Y; Albright 1936; Leitz 1999, 48-49, pl. 22; Leitz 2002 @wr [19] [20] Description: Another incantation which is against savage animals such as lions, hyenas and jackals. Again, the herdsman is identified with Hauron to repel devils, and also Hauron is paralleled with Horus. Identification: (vs 2) ‘Hauron, drive for me to the field. Horus, prevent intruders. .................... (vs 9) You are strong herdsman, Hauron.’ Doc. 37 Personal name: Haurona (?) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 17.7cm (H) Provenance: Memphis318 Date: During the co-regency of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II319 Inventory No. : Pap. Ermitage 1116A Bibliography: Golénischeff 1913; Posener 1945, 1 o; Stadelmann 1987, 438; van Dijk 1989, 66 Description: This is a record of distribution of rations or tributes to each person or organisation. Identification: line 86: ‘Storehouse of Haurona (?) in the house of Sebait the [/////] likewise 3 heqat and 32 kher.’

Doc. 35

Magical spell (Harris Magical Papyrus verso I, 1-III, 5; Section X) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 16.0cm (H) x 23.0cm (W) Provenance: Bought in Thebes Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA10042 Bibliography: Lange 1927, Section X; Albright 1936; Leibovitch 1944b; Borghouts 1978, § 83; van Dijk 1989; Leitz 1999, 47-48, pl. 21-22; Leitz 2002 @wr [18] Description: (c.f. 2.1.2 Doc. 62 and 2.1.4 Doc. 21) This side is the verso. This incantation is designed to protect the agriculture from the dangers of carnivorous animals such as lions, hyenas and jackals. Hauron is invoked to combat these evils together with Reshef and Anat. Since these three Asiatic deities are summoned together, and also a Syrian bear (Htm), 316 which does not exist in Egypt, is included among the savage animals, this incantation may well have originated from Syria-Palestine. At the end of the incantation, Hauron is identified with a herdsman. Identification:317 ‘Hauron ignores your protests. Your foreleg is cut down by Reshef, you are overpowered by Anat. .................................... 313

Gardiner 1937, XIX. Posener 1945, 241a. Caminos 1954, 455. 316 Although this work does not translate that part, van Dijk seems to agree with Posener 1944, 193-244. Leitz (1999 47 n. 130) reads this word not Htmt but HTt (Wb. III 203 16), which means hyena. 317 Leitz 1999, 48. 314 315

318 319

71

Posener 1944, 240b. ibid.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence 2.1.4 Anat (ant) This section describes the sources concerning Anat that have been attested in Egyptian contexts. As in other sections, the data are listed chronologically and evidence mentioned in the present work is not encyclopedic. However, it is nonetheless possible to investigate historically the feature of Anat worship in Egypt with the aim of shedding light on the degree to which Syro-Palestinian deities were accepted in ancient Egypt.

Doc. 1 Stele of Qaha (pl. V) Material: Limestone Size: 75cm (H) x 48cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA191 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 723; Meyer 1877, 718-719; Wilkinson 1878, III pls. LV:1-3, LVI:1; Lanzone 1884, IV 484f, pl. CCXXXXII:1; Müller 1893, 311, 313-314; Budge 1909, 248, pl. XL; Cook 1925, 104, 114, pl. XXIV:2; Gressmann 1927, 81-82;, pl. CXIV no.270; Vincent 1928, pl. XXV:4; van Wijngaarden 1929, 30-31, fig. 17; Boreux 1939, 675-676, fig. 4; Leibovitch 1942a, 84-85; Pritchard 1943, 33, no.2; Dussaud 1949, 51-52, fig. 17; Bonnet 1952, 37, fig. 14; Parrot 1952, 52, fig. 10:b; Parrot 1957, 68; Leclant 1960, 9; Leibovitch 1961, 23-24, pl.I:1; Gray 1964, 228-229, fig. pl.20; Vanel 1965, 106, fig. 55; Stadelmann 1967, 95, 119; Gray 1969, 74-75; Mesnil du Buisson 1969, 524, pl. I; ANET 250; ANEP 163, 304, no.473; Gese 1970, 13, fig. 12; James 1970, 47-48, pls. XXXIX:2, XXXIXA:2; Thompson 1970, 148; Helck 1971b, 452, no.12, 464, no.1; Fuscaldo 1972, 123; Gilula 1974; de Vries 1975, 137-138, fig. 123; Fulco 1976, 17 (E38); Görg 1977, 191, fig. 2; Galling 1937/1977; Schulman 1979, no.18; Giveon 1980, 147; KRI III 603; Görg 1981, 9-10, fig. 3; Maier 1986, 92; Hestrin 1987, 68, fig. 5; Winter 1987, 110-111, fig. 36; Weippert 1988, 306-307, n.12; Hestrin 1991, 55; Cornelius 1994, RR30; RITA III 413-414; Leitz 2002 ant [15]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 1.1, 5.1 Description: (See 2.1.2 Doc. 10 and 2.1.6 Doc. 6) So-called triad stele. This round -topped stele is divided into two registers. Upper register: See 2.1.2 Doc. 10 and 2.1.6 Doc 6. Lower register: Interestingly enough, Anat is identified here from the inscription. She is seated on the throne in a brandishing pose. She raises her left hand with a weapon and holds a spear and shield together in her right. She wears the Atef-crown and a long, ankle-length dress, which is fastened to the body by two crossing belts. This is very Asiatic. In addition, she has a broad collar around the neck. In front of her are three worshippers facing her over the heaped offering table. They are a wife and husband, and their son. The first two figures adopt an adoration posture and the third one holds a lotus in his right hand and a fowl in his left. Identification: Upper register: See 2.1.2 Doc. 10 and 2.1.6 Doc 6.

The distribution of evidence is as below; 1. Categories of evidence The evidence showing Anat in an Egyptian context can be divided into fourteen categories. Five of these are iconographic phenomena: stelae (3), statue (2), figurine (1), relief (1) and column (1). As for the texts, there are nine types: stelae (3), reliefs (5), door jambs (3), obelisks (1), ostraca (2), vessels (1), graffiti (1), statue (1) and papyrus (12) consisting of magical spells (9), funeral texts (1), socio-economical texts (1) and ‘literature’ (1). Anat seems to feature much more frequently in texts than in images. In the list below, iconographic representations come first, then philological references are discussed later (Table 8). 2. Provenance Except for one stele from Beth Shan, all of the objects, iconographic depictions and philological representations in Egyptian contexts, are from throughout Egypt from south (Aksha) to north (the Delta). It can be said that Anat appears much more in the royal context than that of the ordinary people of New Kingdom Egypt (Map 4). 3. Date-range From the table of date-range below one may assume that the cult of Anat existed throughout the New Kingdom, however this is not correct. In the case of funeral papyri, there is only one document and since its date is uncertain, it appears on the table as if it covers the entire span of the New Kingdom, which is somewhat misleading. 320 Although a vessel from the reign of Horemheb, which is the first identified appearance of Anat, mentions her in the inscription, she seems to have her peak of popularity during the time of Rameses II and some of his successors following the king afterwards until the end of the 20th Dynasty. As with other sections, the objects are analysed in chronological order in the list. Those which are given a specific date (e.g. Rameses II, Rameses III etc) are listed first, while those with wider date-spans (e.g. 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty, New Kingdom etc) are examined later (Table 9).

320

In the table of date-range, ‘?’ means one item only with a wide range of possible dates.

72

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Lower register: 321 Around the goddess: ‘Anat, lady of the sky, mistress of the gods, all protection, life, stability and power with her.’ Above the worshippers: ‘Giving to Anat, kissing the earth to your ka, O Heavenly One. By the chief workman Qaha, justified. His sister, lady of the house, Tuya, justified. His son Anuy, justified.’

right arm, there are hieroglyphic texts. This will be discussed at full length in section 5.4 below. Identification: See 2.1.6 Doc. 14.

Doc. 2 Fragment of stele of Neferhotep (pl. XII) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 19cm (H) x 13.5cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown (previously Winchester College) Bibliography: PM I 2 pt.2, 728; Albright 1954, 26; Edwards 1955, 50, pl.3c; Leclant 1960, 5; Leibovitch 1961, 28-29; Eaton 1964, 109-111, 142; Helck 1966, 9; Stadelmann 1966, 80; Stadelmann 1967, 112-116; Herrmann 1969, 50; ANEP no. 830; Gese 1970, 152-153; Helck 1971a, 219; Pope 1971, 926; Cross 1973, 33-34; Redford 1973b, 43; Negbi 1976, 99; Galling 1937/1977; Bowman 1978, 244-245; Clamer 1980, 159; Winter 1983, 112, fig.37; Wyatt 1984, 336; KRI V 668, 16; Day 1986, 338-389, 399; Lipiński 1986, 90; Maier 1986, 91; Olyan 1988, 40, n.6; Sadek 1988, 158, n.3, 161, 163; Weippert 1988, 295, 303; Ackerman 1989, 121, n.23; Müller 1989, 458; Böhm 1990, 133; Petty 1990, 29; Bretschneider 1991, 23; Hestrin 1991, 55; Wiggins 1991, 385, 387-388, fig.1; Keel 1992, 203, 240, fig.206; Cornelius 1993, 30, 43, pl.VII:fig.20; Hadley 1994, 248-249, n.64; Smith 1994, 295; Day 1995, 71-72; Frevel 1995, 886, n.674; Kletter 1996, 68; Wiggermann 1998-2001, 52; Cornelius 1999b, 247; Herrmann 1999, 93; Hadley 2000, 47, 191-192; Selz 2000, 36, 62, fig.3; Marinatos 2000, 16-17, fig.1.28; Frevel 2001, 225, 227, fig.3; Leitz 2002 ant [18]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.16 Description: (See 2.1.5 Doc. 11 and 2.1.6 Doc. 14) In the centre a naked en face woman stands on the back of a small lion striding to the right, her feet pointing sideways. She wears a T-shaped headdress on top of a Hathor wig. She stretches both hands out at her sides, holding a lotus flower in her right and a serpent in her left. While this method of iconographic representation is normally that of Qadesh (see 2.1.6), in fact, three Syro-Palestinian deities, Anat-Astarte-Qadesh, are invoked here, corresponding to one naked Qadesh-style goddess. Around her left arm and under her 321

c.f. RITA III 414.

73

Doc. 3 Stele of Nakht Material: Basalt Dimensions: 44cm (H) x 39cm (W) x 13cm (D) Provenance: Beth Shan (Temple of Anat) Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : Rockefeller J. 36.920 Bibliography: PM VII, 379; Cook 1925 pl.XXIV:1; Vincent 1928, 540ff, pl.XXVI:1; Rowe 1930, 32, pl.L:2; Rowe 1940, 31, 33-34, pls.XXXV:3, LXVA:1; Burrows 1941, 218, 230; Leibovitch 1942a, 85; Pritchard 1943, 79; Leclant 1960, 9; Eaton 1964, 111-112, 138; Gray 1964, 124, 229, pl.23; James 1966, 34, 39, 171; Thompson 1967, 116, 130-132; Stadelmann 1967, 96; Horn 1969, 41; Oldenburg 1969, 84; ANET 249; Gese 1970, 156; Helck 1971b, 462; Leclant 1975a, 254; KRI V 255; Bowman 1978, 217-218; Gray 1979, 320; Ringgren 1979, 214; Delcor 1982, 151-154; Wyatt 1984, 331; Maier 1986, 139 n99; Winter 1987, 250 n232; Weippert 1988, 306; Patai 1990, pl.56; Wimmer 1990, 1077-1079; Uehlinger 1991, 881-882; Ackermann 1992, 13; Cornelius 1993, 23, 39, pl.III:fig.5; James/McGovern 1993, 250, no.11; Maier 1992, 226; Stern 1993, 218, 220; Cornelius 1994, 76, fig,17; Daviau/Dion 1994, 161; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.3.2; Wimmer 1994, 39; Zwickel 1994, 183 n732, 241; Scandone-Matthiae 1997, 169; Keel/Uehlinger 1998, 97, 99, fig.108; Day 1999, 38; Selz 2000, 36; Welten 2001, 693; Leitz 2002 ant [17]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 3.1 Description: This is perhaps a rectangular stele on which two figures facing each other are shown, outlined by a single round-topped line, although the lower part is lost. The left-hand figure wears an Atef-crown, which means that this figure is a deity. Judging from the inscriptions above her, she is to be identified as Anat. She is dressed in a long tunic, and holds a wAs-sceptre in her left hand and an anx-symbol passively in her right. Opposite her is a worshipper in an adoration posture. There is an offering table with a lotus flower and a jar between these two figures. Above them are there five lines inscriptions, three of which (= right side) read from left to right, and the other two right to left. Identification: Right side: ‘An offering given to Anat, may she give all life, prosperity and health for the ka of a singer Nakhet.’ Left side: ‘Anat, lady of the sky, mistress of all the gods.’

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence 1964, 111, 139; Stadelmann 1967, 92; Oldenburg 1969, 84; Helck 1971b, 460 n127, 462; Leclant 1975a, 254; Bowman 1978, 225-226; KRI II 445-446; Delcor 1982, 151; Uphill 1984, 69; Wyatt 1984, 332; Maier 1986, 139 n99; Winter 1987, 400; Cornelius 1993, 23; Cornelius 1994, 76; Keel 1994, 158; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.3; RITA II 273; Leitz 2002 ant [13]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 2.1 Description: Two figures are seated with the back of seat. The inscriptions around the statue indicate that they are Rameses II and Anat. The king, on the left side, is dressed in a Nemes-cloth with an Atef-crown (?) on its top and places both of his hands on his knees. Next to him, Anat wears an Atef-crown with horns and perhaps a long costume. Her left hand is on her knee and the other rests affectionately on the shoulder of the king. There are inscriptions between the figures, on the king’s right shoulder, on the left edge, and on the dorsal pillar. Identification:323 Left edge: ‘Anat, lady of the sky, mistress of the gods, of Rameses II.’ Dorsal pillar: left side: ‘Words spoken by Anat: “O King of Upper and Lower Egypt, [Usermaat]ra [Setepenra], son of Ra, [Rameses II like] Ra, I am your mother, beneficial in [her] love, [/////], possessing love, [/////], lady of monuments and excellence. I have given my left arm as [your guard?] [and my right as /////] [/////] [///// and victory?] over every land”.’

Doc. 4 Statue of Rameses II and Anat (pl. XII) Material: Red granite Dimensions: 20.6cm (H) x 9.5cm (W) x 8.1cm (D) Provenance: Tanis Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Louvre AF 2576 Bibliography: PM IV, 24; Montet 1933, 125-126, pls.LXX-LXXII; Pritchard 1943, 79; Leclant 1960, 9; Eaton 1964, 111; Stadelmann 1967, 91-92; Oldenburg 1969, 84; Helck 1971b, 462; LÄ III, 603 n377; Leclant 1975a, 254, 256; Bowman 1978, 227, 233; KRI II 445; Uphill 1984, 65; Maier 1986, 139 n99; Winter 1987, 400; Cornelius 1993, 23; Cornelius 1994, 76; Keel 1994, 158; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.4; RITA II 273; Leitz 2002 ant [12]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 3.7 Description: Two headless figures stand en face on a pedestal, side by side, with a dorsal pillar. The left-hand one is the king Rameses II (identified by the inscriptions between two figures) perhaps with no crown. Next to him is a female wearing an Asiatic costume with two bands on her chest. The inscriptions on the both sides and on the rear of the dorsal pillar indicate that this female figure is Anat. She takes Rameses II by the hand. Identification:322 Both sides of dorsal pillar: ‘King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Usermaatra Setepenra, son of Ra, Lord of Crowns, Rameses II, beloved of Anat.’ Rear of dorsal pillar: ‘[Words spoken by] Anat: “O Lord of the Two Lands, Usermaatra Setepenra, Lord of Crowns, Rameses II, I am your mother Anat, [/////], I make you festive with life, stability and dominion, O Lord of the Two Lands, Usermaatra Setepenra, Lord of Crowns, Rameses II, you have [conquered] all lands, I being with you, your grip is like a torch in the bodies of the chiefs, O Lord of the Two Lands, Usermaatra Setepenra, Lord of Crowns, Rameses II, terror of you has [conquered] every foreign country, your arm cannot be opposed, your sword is against [/////],O Lord of the Two Lands, Usermaatra Setepenra, Lord of Crowns, Rameses II, beloved of Anat, lady of the sky”.’

Doc. 6 Figurine of Anat Material: Bronze Dimensions: 14.5cm (H) Provenance: Unknown (Memphis?/Delta?)324 Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Private collection (Michaelides collection) Bibliography: Grdseloff 1942, 20-28, pl.IV; Bowman 1978, 244; Cornelius 2004, fig.9 Description: This female figurine, standing on a base, wears an Atef-crown with a sun disc on the top and a uraeus in front. She is dressed in such a tight, transparent long tunic (stretching down almost to her ankles) that her chest, navel and thighs can be seen very clearly. Her left hand holds a nearly quadrate shield which perhaps has lost its upper part. She passively hangs down her right hand alongside the body, carrying nothing. Identification: As there is no text inscribed to identify this figurine it can not be denied that this figurine could be Astarte. Long and tight garment, and Atef-crown indeed are also given to Astarte

Doc. 5 Statue of seated Rameses II and Anat (pl. XII) Material: Grey granite Dimensions: Life-size Provenance: Tanis Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Cairo JE 6336 Bibliography: PM IV, 24; Montet 1930, pl.IV:2-4; Montet 1933, 107-109, pls.XLVII:2, LIV, LV; Pritchard 1943, 78; Leclant 1960, 9; Eaton

323 322

324

c.f. RITA II 273.

74

ibid. Grdseloff 1942, 23.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts who is additionally considered as a war goddess. Nevertheless it does not seem problematic to consider this figurine as Anat based on that Astarte is normally depicted on a horseback when she holds a shield with brandishing posture – the exception is only 2.1.5 Doc. 10 so far –. Besides, the sculptures of Astarte are very less compared with Anat such as statues of Rameses II and Anat from Tanis.

identified from the inscriptions, faces to the right and offers incense to Anat, who is also identified by a inscription. Anat, wearing an Atef-crown with horns and a ribbon on the back, also looks towards the king. She holds out her right hand to the king, offering him a weapon made of a pear-shaped mace and scimitar blade. Her left hand is hanging down with an anx-symbol passively. On the same shaft the king also offers two vases to Sekhmet, a shenes-cake to Ra-Horakhty, wine to Seth, and also wine to Montu, and all deities present weapons to the king, as in the case of Anat. Identification: King offers incense to Anat: ‘Anat, mistress of every land. Baenra Meriamun, Merenptah.’

Doc. 7

Block of relief stele: Dyad of Rameses II and Anat Material: Limestone Dimensions: 63.7cm (H) x 33.5cm (W) Provenance: Saqqara? (Tanis?) Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Brooklyn Museum 54.67 Bibliography: Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences Museum 1956, 27-28, pls.51-52; Habachi 1971, fig.4-5; pl.VII; KRI II 431; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.5; RITA II 259, 290 in Notes; Cornelius 2000, 71-73; Leitz 2002 ant-nbt-pt-nt-Ra-ms-sw-mr-Imn [1]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 3.8 Description: The lower part is lost and a long crack runs down through the image of the deity. Rameses II stands looking to the left with a Blue Crown and a broad collar around his neck. His lower body and both hands possibly hanging down are rendered invisible by damage. Behind him is Anat, facing also left, who is identified by the inscription between these two figures. Only her upper body, from her chest upwards, can be seen. She wears an Atef-crown and a layered (?) necklace. A sun disc flanked by two uraei is above the king. In front of him a text is inscribed, identifying this king as Rameses II. Identification: In front of the king: ‘Lord of the Two Lands, Usermaatra Setepenra, Lord of Crowns, Rameses II, [/////].’ Between the king and Anat: ‘Anat, lady of the sky, of Rameses II.’

Doc. 9 Stele inscription Material: Red granite Dimensions: 278 cm (H) x 106 cm (W) x 80 cm (D) Provenance: Gebel Murr Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Ismailia 2758 Bibliography: PM IV, 53; Clédat 1919, 207-208; Montet 1933, 71; Goyon 1938, 119-121, pls. XXI-XXIII; Montet 1961, 70; Stadelmann 1967, 43-44, 93-94; Vandier 1969b, 189; Leclant 1975a, 254; KRI II 303-304; Schumacher 1988, 87ff; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.9; RITA II 137-140; Leitz 2002 ant [10] Description: This stele has two sides. Here is called ‘Face B’ by Kitchen. 326 The other side is ‘Face A’ (see 2.1.1 Doc. 4). This is a round-topped vertically long stele. On the right side there are four lines of text including the name of Anat, the first two lines of which are almost lost through damage. Identification:327 ‘Words spoken by Anat [/////]. “I bore you like Seth, to be lord of lords, [/////], you having appeared like a young steer, to protect Egypt, O King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Usermaatra Setepenra, son of Ra, Rameses II, given life. I grant to you the land of Shasu, for your time. Leader and Lord among them, as its torch, of the land possessor of the inheritance, O King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Usermaatra Setepenra, son of Ra, Rameses II, given life, beloved of Anat, lady of the sky”.’

Doc. 8 Relief on column325 Material: Red granite Dimensions: 137cm (H) Provenance: Heliopolis Date: Merenptah (1213-1203 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Bakry 1973, 10; KRI IV 38; Sourouzian 1989, fig.16a; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.13; RITA IV 29-30; Cornelius 2000, fig.2; Leitz 2002 ant [16]; RITA IV 24-26; Cornelius 2004 Cat.1.7; Coenlius/Niehr 2004, Abb.88 Description: On the column shaft, the king Merenptah,

Doc. 10 Stele inscription (‘Marriage stele’) Material: Alabaster (abridged version in Karnak for goddess Mut) Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Abu Simbel; Elephantine; Karnak; Amarna West; Aksha

325

326

This column is named ‘Victory column, Year 5’ by Kitchen in KRI IV 38 & RITA IV 29-30.

327

75

KRI II 303. c.f. RITA II 139.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II 59; PM V 225; PM VII 98, 159; KRI II 233-256 (the main record),328 KRI II 256-257 (abridged version in the precinct of Mut in Karnak); Bowman 1978, 228; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.8; RITA II 89, 97 Description: After making the peace treaty, Egypt and the Hittites agreed to make their alliance more stable and strong by the marriage of Egyptian king, Rameses II, to a daughter of the Hittite king, Hattusili III. This possibly joyful and delightful event was much celebrated, and long monumental inscriptions were engraved in Abu Simbel, Elephantine, Karnak, Amarna West, Aksha. In Karnak, the abridged version was also dedicated to the goddess Mut. Identification:329 In the eulogy of the main text for Rameses II: ‘..... . Living image of Ra, offspring of him who is within Heliopolis, his flesh is of gold, his bones of silver, and all his limbs of iron. Son of Seth, nursling of Anat, strong Bull like Seth of Ombos, divine falcon whom the people love.’

Doc. 12 Hieratic inscription on an ostracon Material: Limestone/pottery (?) Dimensions: 25cm (L) x 14cm (H) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses IV (1153-1147 BC)331 Inventory No. : oDeM 429 (oMichaelides 85) Bibliography: Grdseloff 1942, 35-39, pls.VII-VIII; Eaton 1964, 28; Helck 1971b, 462; Leclant 1975a, 256 n19; Bowman 1978, 235; KRI VI 156; Wente 1990, 127; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.15; Leitz 2002 ant-GDt [1] Description: One side of this ostracon shows two figures of the king. The right-hand image wears a Blue Crown and the other a skull-cap that is similar to that worn by Sety II elsewhere, therefore, Grdseloff dated this ostracon to the reign of Sety II. On the other side twelve lines of text are written, although they are many lacunae. The first part of the text consists of greetings from the scribe Ipwy who is in the garrison at Gaza to his supervisor Bakenamen in Thebes. Ipwy then reports to Bakenamen that provision sent from Egypt for the festival of Anat at Gaza has arrived safely. Id en tification : ‘A scrib e of th e tr oop s, Ip wy [communicates to his lord, the standard-bearer of]332 the troops, Bakenamen, L. P. H. This is a message [/////] to the fact that the cities strengthened of the king, L. P. H., located in all the districts, are in order [/////] of Pharaoh who reside there are well and in good health. It says [/////] all the goddesses who are in the province of Palestine: [/////] the king, L. P. H., my lord, L. P. H., while all the countries are curved under his sandals, [/////] my master is his favour. Another communication to my [lord: Offerings that you sent to me for] the festival of Anat of Gaza, entirely [arrived]. I also received your [/////] for the goddess, when a secret emissary [/////] Kar of the ship [/////] Look at [/////].’

Doc. 11

Hieratic inscription on an ostracon (so-called ‘Poem on the King’s Chariot’) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 21.5cm (H) x 9.5cm (W) Provenance: Thebes Date: Sety II (1200-1194 BC) Inventory No. : oEdinburgh 916 Bibliography: Dawson/Peet 1933, 169, pl.28; Bowman 1978, 235-236; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.13; Leitz 2002 ant [22] Description: (See 2.1.5 Doc. 39) This ostracon has 15 lines of hieratic texts written in black ink on the recto and 16 on the verso with no verse-points. These texts list chariot components linked with several particular aspect of the king’s ideal character. Identification:330 Verso ‘..... The knife of your chariot – when your right arm smites, the hills collapses; they fall in splinters. As for the tail-piece (?) of your chariot – you break down their impassable places. As for the xb of your chariot – they make obeisance to you for victory (?). As for the basket (?) of your chariot – you are as wise as Thoth. As for the club of your chariot it plunders a distant land. It aims at one, and a thousand fall; it leaves no survivors. As for the hands of your chariot they are Anat and Astarte. As for the thong (?) of your chariot, it binds those who are evil. As for [/////].’

328 329 330

Doc. 13 Vessel of Sennefer (pl. VII) Material: Mottled granite Dimensions: 34cm (outer diameter) x 31cm (inner diameter) Provenance: Memphis (or its environs) Date: Horemheb (1323-1295 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Redford 1973a, pl.I; Redford 1973b, fig.1; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.1.1; Leitz 2002 ant [26] Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 58. Identification: See 2.1.2 Doc. 58.

For further extensive bibliography, see KRI II 233-256. RITA II 89. Dawson and Peet 1933, 169.

331 332

76

KRI VI 156. Wente (1990, 127) suggests 19th Dynasty. Wente 1990, 127.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts 2.1.5 Doc. 38). This door jamb is broken and has two vertical lines of hieroglyphic text on the right-hand side. Identification: ‘He has made a monument for [his] mother Anat of Rameses II. When [he?] made [/////].’

Doc. 14 Relief inscription (Second Libyan war) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Duemichen 1869, pl.XIX; de Rougé 1877, pls.CXVI-CXVII; MH II 80, 11; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; KRI V 59-60; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.3.1; Leitz 2002 ant [2] Description: (c.f 2.1.1 Doc. 83 and see 2.1.5 Doc. 40). This inscription narrates the second campaign of Rameses III against the Libyans. Identification:333 ‘(General praise of the king) ................. Rameses III, the youthful lord, heroic, to whom was promised victory in the womb and great and exalted strength like Montu. It was laid upon him to crash the lands, to overthrow them, to repulse them for Egypt. Montu and Seth are with him in every fray; Anat and Astarte are a shield for him, while Amun distinguishes his speech. ........ [.....].’

Doc. 17 Door jamb inscription Material: Limestone Dimensions: 40cm (H) Provenance: Piramesse (Tanis) Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Montet 1966, 38-39 no. 3, pl.III; KRI II 458-459; RITA II 283; Leitz 2002 ant-nt-Ra-ms-sw-mr-Imn [1] Description: The other half of a pair with Doc. 16 above, this jamb is from the same place as the remains of temple architrave showing the name of Astarte with Seth and Montu (see 2.1.5 Doc. 38). On the left-hand side are two vertical lines of hieroglyphic text. The cartouche bearing the name of Rameses II is on the right line and the left indicates Anat as a daughter of Ra. Identification: ‘[/////] Rameses II. [/////] beloved of Anat, daughter of Ra.’

Doc. 15 Obelisk inscription Material: Granite Dimensions: 1388cm (H) Provenance: Tanis Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM IV 14-15 (47); Burton 1825-1829, 39; de Rougé 1877, 294; Petrie 1885, 44, pl.VII; Montet 1933, pl.XXIX; Montet 1935-1937b, 106, pls.II & III; KRI II 408; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.6; RITA II 234; Leitz 2002 ant [11] Description: This obelisk, broken into two parts, is made up of a pyramidion, a shaft and a base. Four vertical inscriptions are inscribed on each side of the shaft from top to bottom. The name of Anat appears on southern face. Identification: Southern face of shaft: ‘[Horus-falcon, Strong Bull, /////], King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Usermaatra Setepenra, son of Ra, Rameses II. Bold-hearted in combat, a Montu in battle, suckling of Anat, bull of Seth, Lord of Crowns, Rameses II, like Ra.’

Doc. 18 Door jamb inscription334 Material: Limestone Dimensions: Less 100cm (H) Provenance: Tell Abqa’in Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : WA/8 Bibliography: Thomas 2009, fig.8 Description: This object has just been unearthed and a more thorough study is forthcoming. The top and the bottom of the jamb are lost, and only the middle part bears a vertical inscription between two single lines or bands on the front face. Identification: ‘Lord of appearances, Rameses beloved of Amun, [beloved of]335 Anat.’ Doc. 19 Graffito Material: Limestone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Deir el-Bahri Date: Beginning or first half of the 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Marciniak 1981; Leitz 2002 ant [21] Description: This hieratic inscription is composed of eleven lines of text written in black ink on the rock ceiling of a cave or unfinished tomb located above the funerary temple of Queen Hatshepsut. The text commemorates the fact

Doc. 16 Door jamb inscription Material: Limestone Dimensions: 160-170cm (H) Provenance: Piramesse (Tanis) Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Montet 1966, 38 no. 2, pl.III and XLII; Leclant 1975a, 254; KRI II 459; Uphill 1984, 61; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.7; RITA II 283 Description: This is from the same place as the remains of the temple architrave showing the name of Astarte with those of Seth and Montu (see 333

334 I am most grateful to Dr. Susanna Thomas, the director of the excavation at the site of Tell Abqa’in, for providing me with the details of this new, unpublished object at that time. 335

Edgerton/Wilson 1936.

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The top of mr-sign (

) is observable under the name of Anat.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence that a priest of the temple of Thutmose I, Nebwaw, stayed here to be purified and that he dedicated an offering to deities among whom Anat is listed, along with Ra-Horakhty, Osiris, Anubis, Hathor etc. Identification:336 ‘The priest-purifier, scribe of the temple of Thutmose I, Nebwaw came to see this place in order to be cured there completely. Offerings given by the king to Ra-Horakhty, [to] Osiris, the Foremost of the Westerners, the Prince of Eternity, [to] Anubis, the Foremost of the Vault, [to] Hathor, Chief of Thebes, [to] wives of gods [and to] women of gods, [to] Anat, [to the goddess] of the Residence of the South [= El Kab] [and to the goddess] of the Residence of North [= Buto], [to] gods who are in the necropolis, [to] the king Thutmose I [and to] the king Thutmose III, so that they give all on their altar of offerings thousands of breads, thousands of jugs of beers, thousands of cattle, thousands of poultry, thousands of vases of alabaster, thousands of fabrics of flax, thousands of incense, thousands of [jugs] of oil, thousands of all good and pure things, thousands of all good, pure, soft and sweetened things [/////], what the sky gives, which brings ground, which brings the Nile of its cave all of which live [gods], for the ka of the scribe of Thutmose I in the west, Nebwaw, son of Neferhotep [and] his mother Idety of Thebes. [.....].’ Doc. 20

Magical spell (pChester Beatty VII verso 1.5-2.4) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 71cm (L) x 19.2cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA10687 Bibliography: Gardiner 1935 61-65, pl.36-37; Helck 1971a, 105, 125 n.135; Helck 1971b, 461; Roccati 1972; Bowman 1978, 237; van Dijk 1986; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.10; Leitz 2002 ant [1]; Schneider 2003, 619-622. Description: (c.f 2.1.2 Doc. 59) This story has been additionally attested in four other materials (pTurin without number, oUC31942, oDeM 1591 and oDeM 1592),337 even though they all contain contents corresponding to pChester Beatty VII verso 1.5-2.4. The story is; Seth, after he raped Anat, was ill by ‘the poison’ (= his seed, semen) which flew to his forehead. Then Anat generously came to her father (= Ra) and asked him to let Seth be freed from the poison. Finally Isis as a Nubian appeared to detoxify the poison

infected in the body of Seth with magical spells. In this story Anat is described as a ‘woman acting as a warrior’ ‘clad as men girt as women’. As for the origin of this story, it used to be argued that it was derived from the myth of Baal and Anat in the Ugarit texts (KTU 1.10). Certainly the scene of Seth mating with Anat can be compared to that of Baal and Anat as a cow. However, as van Dijk338 has already pointed out, the rest of this Egyptian story has not been connected with the Ugaritic text. For example, the result of the mating of two deities is exactly the opposite: in the Ugaritic text Anat gave birth to a young bull for Baal who rejoiced in it very much, whereas, on the contrary, in the Egyptian story Seth was made ill and paid the penalty. Beside the story of Baal and Anat, there are several stories which are similar to the present Egyptian story such as KUB XXXI, 69,339 KTU 1.19 (the epic of Aquhat), KTU 1.23 (Myth and Ritual) and Sumerian myth of Enlil and Ninlil. On the basis of the fact that the motif itself of this Egyptian story of Seth and Anat is rather universal and ubiquitous as mentioned above, van Dijk340 suggests that this is a genuine Egyptian motif, pointing out that the inclusion of some motifs known from other Near-Eastern stories is not necessarily of great importance. Nevertheless, Schneider’s suggestion is most agreeable: this Egyptian story (Seth and Anat) has adapted rather the myth of battle of Baal and Mot (KTU 1.5-1.6) in which Baal is murdered by Mot after copulation with a heifer (= Anat), and then Anat asks the sun god Shapshu to help Baal who is finally resurrected.341 Identification:342 ‘............... Then came Anat the divine, she the victorious, a woman acting as a warrior, clad as men and girt as women, to Pre her father. And he said to her: “What’s matter with you, Anat the divine, you the victorious, woman acting as a warrior, clad as men and girt as women? [...........................................................]”.’ Doc. 21 Magical spell (Harris Magical Papyrus verso I, 1-III, 5; Section X) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 16.0cm (H) x 23.0cm (W) Provenance: Bought in Thebes Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA10042 Bibliography: Lange 1927 Section X; Albright 1936; Leibovitch 1944b; Borghouts 1978 § 83; van 338 339 340

336 337

341

Marciniak 1981, 285-286. For details, see van Dijk 1986, 32-33.

342

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van Dijk 1986, 38. Helck 1971a, 105 and 125 n.135; 1971b, 461. van Dijk 1986, 38-46. Schneider 2003, 622. See Gardiner 1935, 63.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Dijk 1989; Leitz 1999 47-48 & pl. 21-22; Leitz 2002 ant [35] Description: (c.f. 2.1.2 Doc. 62 and 2.1.3 Doc. 35) This incantation is applied to protect the agriculture from the dangers of carnivorous animals such as lions, hyenas and jackals. Anat is invoked, together with Hauron and Reshef, to suppress the evils. Since three Asiatic deities are summoned together, and the list of savage animals includes a Syrian bear (Htm),343 which does not exist in Egypt, this incantation may well have originated from Syria-Palestine. Identification:344 ‘Hauron ignores your protests. Your foreleg is served by Reshef, you are overpowered by Anat.’

Doc. 23 ‘Horus and Seth’ (pChester Beatty I Recto) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 55cm (L) Provenance: Thebes Date: Rameses V (1147-1143 BC) Inventory No. : Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, CBL Pap 1 Bibliography: LES 37-60; Gardiner 1935, 8-26, pls.1-16; Spiegel 1937; Lefebvre 1949, 178-203; Brunner-Traut 1963/1965, 93-107; Wente 1973a; AEL II 214-223; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.4.1; Leitz 2002 ant [14] Description: (See 2.1.5 Doc. 45) In this long story of the contendings between Horus and Seth over the succession to the Egyptian throne, Anat and Astarte are respectively designated as a daughter of Ra to be given to Seth. Identification:348 ‘(3.1) Then Neith the Great, divine mother, sent a letter to the Ennead, saying: “Give the office of Osiris to his son Horus, and don’t do those big misdeeds that are out of place. Or I shall get angry and the sky will crash to the ground! And let it be said to the All-Lord, the bull of On: Double Seth’s possessions. Give him Anat and Astarte, your two daughters. And place Horus on the seat of his father!”.’

Doc. 22 Magical spell (Harris Magical Papyrus recto III, 8-9) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 16cm (H) x 23cm (W) Provenance: Bought in Thebes Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA10042 Bibliography: Lange 1927, Section F; Pritchard 1943, 79; Bowman 1978, 241; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.4.2; Leitz 1999, 34-35, pl. 14; Leitz 2002 ant [34] Description: (See 2.1.5 Doc. 44) This is an incantation against crocodiles to close their mouths. Invoked are five gods who are perhaps Thoth and the Ogdoad in Hermopolis before their fission at the creation, 345 while there is another possibility that these five gods could be the same as those who are invoked in Section E,346 which is just before the present spell. It is an invocation of Sepa and Hu. Identification:347 ‘Hail O five great gods, who are come forth from Hermopolis, but are not in existence in heaven, and are not in existence in the earth, when there was no light to illuminate you. Come to me, that you may demarcate the river for me, and seal the one who is within it, those who are submerged, you should not penetrate, may you seal your mouths, and hold fast your mouths, as the window in Busiris has been closed, as the land in Abydos was illuminated, as the opening of the womb of Anat and Astarte was closed, the two great goddesses, when they were pregnant, but could not give birth. They were closed by Horus, they were founded by Seth, they, who are in heaven, are the ones who provides your protection.’

Doc. 24 Magical spell (pLeiden I 343 + I 345, recto I 4 – III 2 and verso III 1 – IV 8) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 495 ~ 500cm (L) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Leiden I 343 + I 345 Bibliography: O’Callaghan 1952; Massart 1954 Description: (See 2.1.1 Doc. 98) The recto and verso of this papyrus parallel one another, comprising spells against diseases smn (recto) and axw (verso).349 Identification:350 ‘..................[/////] Anat, stop! stop! to you, [......................].’ Doc. 25 Magical spell (pLeiden I 343 + I 345, recto III-IV, verso VI) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 495 ~ 500cm (L) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Leiden I 343 + I 345 Bibliography: Massart 1954; Leitz 2002 ant-ny-Iddqn [1] Description: This is an incantation against the diseases smn and the axw. The spell is based on the myth that Pre (Anat’s father) was injured in a battle against evil spirits (?), and that Anat collected the divine blood in jugs made by

343

Although this work does not translate that part, van Dijk seems to agree with the idea suggested by Posener (1944). Leitz (1999, 47 n. 130) reads this word not Htmt but HTt (Wb. III 203 16), which means hyena. 344 Leitz 1999, 48. 345 Leitz 1999, 34. 346 ibid. 347 ibid.

348 349 350

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AEL II 215. As for these diseases, see Massart 1954, 50-52. c.f. Massart 1954.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence silver and bronze, and then poured it on the ground as an offering. Identification:351 ‘..................... Ra (= Anat’s father), he turns his back to the desert and leaned on the hill of @mrQ. After he has seized (the asses) with his left hand, he cuts (their throats) with his right; his blood falls upon his foot, it falls at the door of the earth and the earth fears saying: Come to me! Come to me! Who teaches a man [/////] Anat of Iddqn; she brings seven jugs of silver and eight jugs of bronze and she pours the blood upon the ground and she causes the kHb of Pre which are more bitter than the Hmy-plants to present it to Pre. They strike upon the nose of the axw, they strike at his comrades.’

poisons which [.....].’ Doc. 28 Magical spell (pLeiden I 343 + I 345, verso IV 9 – V 8) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 495 ~ 500cm (L) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Leiden I 343 + I 345 Bibliography: Massart 1954; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.42.3; Leitz 2002 ant [6] Description: This is an incantation against axw. It is interesting that the magician reminds the disease that he made its mother and that he knows how she brings birth. It is possible to think that axw here affects a woman during gestation or in labour. Anat here is said to strike the ‘temple’ of the disease and the report of Horus’s overwhelming it, has arrived at the house of Ra. Identification: ‘....... O, axw, [/////] I have outfaced you before in like manner. O, axw, [/////] ... I made your mother who was pregnant with you. How does she bring forth? She reads an incantation weeping because of the serpent which the god has given you, when she caused it to become blind, ........ The chisel of Anat is struck in your temple [/////] ..... The reports have reached the house of Ra that Horus has conquered the axw.’

Doc. 26 Magical spell (pLeiden I 343 + I 345, recto VI) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 495 ~ 500cm (L) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Leiden I 343 + I 345 Bibliography: Massart 1954; Bowman 1978, 241; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.42.3; Leitz 2002 ant [4] Description: This is an incantation against smn. The magician mysteriously submerges himself in the patient’s limbs and confronts the disease. He says that he has fed on the milk of Anat, ‘the great cow of Seth’. Identification: ‘.............. Don’t you know me, O, smn? Behold it is Mri who knows me, that I belong to the people of Irtqn, those who converse with the snakes, those who kill the [snakes], those who have made an end of the breath of their mother Qety. Behold, I have sucked at the breasts of Anat, the great cow of Seth. Behold, I have many matters against you. I drank it in the great jug of Seth, I drained it in his nm-jug. [.....].’

Doc. 29 Magical spell (‘Legend of Anat’) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: Unknown353 Provenance: Unknown Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : pTurin CGT 54051 Bibliography: Rossi/Pleyte 1869-1876, 170-191, pl.137; Leitz 2002 ant [37] Description: This is an incantation written in hieratic in order to neutralise snake poison. Identification:354 ‘Another chapter to remain venom upright, not to make evacuate that, not to allow soiled, all that makes venom, being held in the limbs of such a son of such, who comes when venom is held upright. I am ...... by Horus, I am bound by Isis..... like Horus..... by the Ibis of Thoth...... in my mouth like makes Anubis, being venom upright, and Horus the burnt. I bite you by the mouth of that which bites, I bind you, I deliver fire to you as Ba ....., when the enemy is held it upright..... and leaves venom in such a son of such. Open your mouth, it vomits that, Seth is on the hand and behind of that which..... and

Doc. 27 Magical spell (pLeiden I 343 + I 345, recto XVIII, x+1-2) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 495 ~ 500cm (L) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th -20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Leiden I 343 + Leiden I 345 Bibliography: Massart 1954; Stadelmann 1967, 95; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.42.3; Leitz 2002 ant [5] Description: (See 2.1.5 Doc. 46) These two lines are on the lower part of the page. It seems likely that this is a spell against a particular disease or poison. Identification:352 ‘[/////] the (?) [/////] they [/////] Anat and Astarte they draw forth your blood and your

353 351 352

Unfortunately, no reply has arrived to the author from the Turin Museum about the dimensions and provenance of this material. 354 Rossi/Pleyte 1869-1876, 170-191.

See Massart 1954, 59. Massart 1954.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts which is seized..... gods. The seven Hathor355 are found, the injuries of the fire which leaves the interiors. I leave, I am purified, I full, I am acted with the mouth of the old man, the mouth of the young man, the mouth of the little child. The dregs venom, not it invade the limbs, applied is the linen of Anat, with .... of... the... of Anat..... “Another god is named and it is necessary that it is held upright.”.’ Doc. 30 Name: A team of the royal chariot span Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Karnak (North Wall of the Hypostyle Hall) Date: Sety I (1294-1279 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM II 19-23; Rosellini 1832, xlix 1; Champ., Not. descr., II 90; Syro-Egyptian Society 1845, pl.5:17-19a, 20; Guieysse 1889; LD III 126b; ARE III § 84; Meyer 1913, 194, 197-198, 321; Gardiner 1920, pl.xii [N-T]; Tarchi, 1922, pl.39 [lower]; Wreszinski 1923-1942, II 40-41; Sander-Hansen 1933, 4; Stadelmann 1967, 94; ANET 254; KRI I 7-8; Bowman 1978, 225; Karnak IV, 4; RITA I 6-7; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.1; Leitz 2002 ant [7] Description: This relief shows a part of the Sety I’s northern campaign in his regnal year 1. The king, standing in the chariot facing backwards, receives presents from the Syrians. He carries a quiver on his back and wears a Blue Crown with ribbons on the back and an uraues in front. His right hand is invisible due to damage, but he holds a bow, a scimitar-sword and reins in his left. The horses pulling the chariot are calm and appear to be walking. The texts are inscribed around the king and horses. Identification: 356 Over the horses: ‘First Great (Chariot)-Span of His Majesty; “Amun Decrees him Valour”, which is named “Anat Is Content”.’

Bibliography: PM VII 357; Gardiner/Peet 1952-1955, no.263 (vol.1 pl.72, vol.2 181); Vandier 1964, 82; KRI II 401; RITA II 229; Bierbrier 1993, pls. 4-7; Petrie 2003, 128, fig. 137 Description: The left side of a broken statue of Rameses II shows the figure of Bintanat, daughter of Rameses II. According to this, she has a narrow eye, a long, straight nose, and long, thin lips.358 Identification: ‘King’s daughter and Great Royal Wife, Bintanat (‘Daughter of Anat’), may she live forever.’ Doc. 32 Name: The 38th son of Rameses II Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: KRI II 867; RITA II 563 Description: This name can be seen in reused blocks I + II at Medinet Habu.359 This prince is formally 38th prince.360 The name of Anat is used in personal names held by both daughters and sons of Rameses II, whereas Astarte features only in sons’ names. (see 2.1.5) Identification: ‘2nd Prince. Bodily King’s son, his beloved, Mahiranat (‘Suckling Anat’).’

Doc. 31 Name: The first daughter of Rameses II357 (pl. XIII) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: ca. 63.5cm (H) x 43cm (W) (Base-block) Provenance: Serabit el-Khadim Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA697

Doc. 33 Name: Anatemnakht (Puppy of Rameses II) (pl. XIII) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Beit el-Wali Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM VII 23-24; ARE III § 467; Champ., Mon. 63; Meyer 1913, no.131; Albright 1925, 83; Ranke 1935-1977 I, 69; Roeder 1938; Janssen 1958; Eaton 1964, 26; Ricke et al 1967, 15, pl.14; Stadelmann 1967, 94-95; Helck 1971b, 460; Leclant 1975a, 254; Bowman 1978, 225; KRI II 196; RITA II 60; Leitz 2002 ant [3] Description: The king, wearing a Blue Crown with uraeus in front and holding a bow in his left hand and a scimitar-sword in his right, seizes the Libyan enemy. Upper left is the goddess Nekhbet extending protection over the king. At his feet, a puppy whose name includes that of Anat bites the buttocks of the Libyan. It

355

358

The so-called ‘seven Hathors’, depicted as seven cows, is found in the Book of Dead Chapter 148 (e.g. Book of Dead of Maiherpri, 18th Dynasty). This is thought “as a more manageable and comprehensible group of seven” (Wilkinson 2003, 77) of different manifestations of Hathor. 356 RITA I 7. 357 The name of Bintanat has appeared throughout Egypt from the south (Aksha) to the north (Piramesse). For details, see KRI II 924, 389. D. Cross-References (= RITA II 604)

This royal princess is also depicted on the side of a statue of Rameses II at Memphis (Petrie W. M. F 1894-1905, A History of Egypt, vol. III, fig. 35), which shows some similarity to this figure from Sinai. On the other hand, Bintanat depicted with various titles in front of Osiris and Nephtys in the Valley of Queen, Tomb 71, represents more ‘authentic’ Egyptian style (see LD III 172e, KRI II 923 & RITA II 603 etc.). 359 RITA II, 559 and 563. 360 RITA II, 560.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence possibly seems that the sword in the hand of the king is what has confusedly been recognised as one named ‘Anat is victorious’. As opposed to that a particular relief at Beit el-Wali has been referred for the puppy which has theophoric name of Anat, we have not been given any defined source for the sword whose name is ‘Anat is victorious’. Only Helck361 suggests that a phrase (ant m nxt) between the puppy and the sword – precisely between the puppy and right arm of the Libyan – (c.f. Plate XXXII) should be applied to either one of the two.362 However it should be for the puppy due to its proximity of layout. There are hieroglyphic texts inscribed around them. Identification: On the puppy: ‘Anatemnakht (‘Anat is strong’)’

Provenance: Unknown Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : BM EA10466366 Bibliography: Ranke 1935-1977, II 272 no.9; Helck 1971b, 362; Bowman 1978, 224; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.3.4 Description: This papyrus from the Book of Dead of Paser. The name of his mother is Anatram which indicates her Asiatic origin. Identification: ‘Anatram (‘Anat is exulted’)’

Doc. 34 Personal name: Anatkhaty Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 10m (L) x ca 42cm (W) Provenance: Brought to Cairo Museum by Luxor dealer in 1928/1929 Date: Rameses V (1147-1143 BC) Inventory No. : Brooklyn Museum Bibliography: Gardiner 1948, 65,27; Ranke 1935-1977, II 272 no.11; Leclant 1975a, 256 n.17; Bowman 1978, 224; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.3.4 Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 64. Identification:363 Text A, col. 65, line 27: ‘The lady Anatkhaty (‘Anat has appeared’), (cultivated) by his hand 364 .3aroura. .1/2, measures of corn. 1 2/4.’ Doc. 35 Personal name: Anatemheb (pl. IX) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 26.2 cm (H) Provenance: Giza, surroundings of Great Sphinx Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JE72275 Bibliography: PM III2. 1, 43; Hassan 1953, 265-266 & fig. 201; Stadelmann 1967; Zivie 1976, NE 76 Description: See 2.1.3 Doc. 11. Identification: See 2.1.3 Doc. 11. Doc. 36 Personal name: Anatram365 Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 53.50 cm (L) x 33 cm (W) (framed) 361

Helck 1971b, 460. Despite of Helck’s suggestion Bowman (1978, 225) simply cites Helck’s work and Haussig (1965, 235) interpreting that the sword was given the name ‘Anat is victorious’. Lloyd (1994, 2.3.2.2) also follows Bowman without providing any primary sources. 363 Gardiner 1948, vol. III, 69. 364 As for ‘his hand’ after a woman’s name see Gardiner 1948, vol. II, 76 and 214. 365 I am grateful to Ms. Tania Watkins and Ms. Elisabeth O'Connell in the British Museum for their friendly and kind help on this object. 362

366 Helck (1971b, 362) and Lloyd (1994, 2.3.3.4) have cited this object as BM EA11466 which is wrong number.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts 2.1.5 Astarte (astrt) This section shows the evidence of Astarte attested in Egyptian contexts. As in the other sections of this chapter, they are listed chronologically and evidence mentioned in the present work is not totally comprehensive. However, it is possible to examine historically the feature of Astarte worship in Egypt with the aim of shedding light on the degree to which Syro-Palestinian deities were accepted in ancient Egypt.

Doc. 1 Stele of Betu367 (pl. IV) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 35cm (H) x 24cm (W) x 4.5cm (T) Provenance: Tell el-Borg Date: Thutmose III and Amenhotep II (1479 – 1400 BC) Inventory No. : TBO 760 Bibliography: Hoffmeier and Kitchen 2007 Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 1. Identification: See 2.1.2 Doc. 1.

The distribution of evidence is as below; 1. Categories of evidence The Egyptian sources for Astarte can be divided into sixteen groups: stelae (11), reliefs (3), cylinder seal (1), scarabs (2), amulet (1), ostraca (8), plaques (2), tools (2) and texts on stelae (2), reliefs (4), statuettes (1), architectural structures (2), ostraca (1), chariots (1), vessel (2) and papyrus (magical spells 2; literature 2; applause for royal residence 1). In the list below, as in other sections, the iconographical materials are discussed first then the textual data (Table 10).

Doc. 2 Fragment of stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 15cm (H) x 17cm (W) Provenance: Mortuary Temple of Thutmose IV Date: Thutmose IV (1400-1390 BC) Inventory No. : UC 14374 Bibliography: PM II, 446, plan XXXIII; Petrie 1897, 9, pl. VIII:1; Mercer 1935, 197; Schulman 1957, 264-265; Leclant 1960, 19ff, fig. 4; Stadelmann 1967, 58; Helck 1971b, 451; Stewart 1976, 50, pl. 40:2; Schulman 1977, 14; Rommelaere 1991, no.41; Cornelius 1994 RR 36; Cornelius 2004 fig.27a Description: Only the upper right-hand part of this stele, probably originally a round-topped one, remains, showing the upper body of the king taking up an adoration posture by raising his left hand. Judging from the cartouche in front of him, this king is Thutmose IV. He wears only a Nemes-cloth with uraeus in front and stands on the right-hand side of the stele looking towards the left. Opposite him only the hand of a figure on horseback is properly visible; this hand holds a spear and shield together and the figure must be the deity. Between the deity and king is a garland of lotus flowers, which the king carries in his right hand. Identification: While Leclant368 considers this deity to be Astarte, Cornelius369 identifies it as Reshef on the basis that a spear and shield are his typical attributes. However, now that the stele from Tell el-Borg (Doc. 1) proves that Astarte also carries these two weapons together on horseback, Cornelius’s criteria are no longer convincing. In addition, there have been no examples so far that show Reshef on horseback although the god had association with the horses as the Sphinx stele of Amenhotep II indicated. These lead us to conclude that the figure on this fragment of stele should be Astarte.

2. Provenance Except for two objects from Palestine (Beth Shan and Bethel), all of the others, including both iconographical materials and texts, have been attested inside Egypt from north to south. Memphis and the Theban area have provided the majority of the data (Map 5). 3. Date-range It can be said that Astarte worship in New Kingdom Egypt is attested throughout the period. Nevertheless, it may be deduced from the date-range chart below that Astarte was most popular in the second half of the 18th Dynasty. The objects are listed chronologically in the list below as in other sections. Those for which a fairly specific date can be given (e.g. Thutmose III, Amenhotep II etc) are listed first, while those with wider date-spans (e.g. 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty, New Kingdom etc) are discussed later in the list. So far, the earliest evidence for the emergence of Astarte in Egypt takes the form of a stele from the reign of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II (Doc. 1: stele) and a plaque of the time of Thutmose III (Doc. 27) (Table 11).

367

I am very grateful to Prof. J. Hoffmeier for his kindly providing me with the data of this stele, which he discovered during his excavation at Tell el-Borg in 2006. For the excavations at Tell el-Borg, see http://www.tellelborg.org/index.htm 368 Leclant 1960, 19ff. 369 Cornelius 1994, RR36.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Doc. 3 Fragment of stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 24.5cm (H) x 22cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Thutmose IV (1400-1390 BC) Inventory No. : Turin 50068 (1308) Bibliography: Mercer 1935, 197-198, fig.2; Dussaud 1941, 109-110, fig. 34; Pritchard 1943, 67; Brunner-Traut 1956, 31, Abb.7; Leclant 1960, 23-28, pl. IA; Haussig 1965, 251; Helck 1966, 11; Stadelmann 1967, 102-103; Herrmann 1969, 49; Helck 1971a, 214; Helck 1971b, 458; Tosi and Roccati 1972, 104, 224, 291; Leclant 1975b, 507 n71; Weippert 1975, 14; Wegner 1981, 200; Wyatt 1984, 335; Maier 1986, 140 n100; Donadoni-Roveri 1988, 167, 170, fig. 232; Sadek 1988, 156 n5; Müller 1989, 458; Rommerlaere 1991, no.42; Osing et al 1992, 23; Cornelius 1993, 24; Cornelius 1994, 74 n4; Hermann 1999, 92; Leitz 2002 astrt [19]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.4; Keel/Schroer 2004 #109; Lipiński 2005, 124-126; Keel 2007 #124 Description: The upper part of this round-topped stele shows a naked female equestrian sitting with both feet together. Since she is wearing an Atef-crown she is clearly a goddess. She faces to the right shooting with a bow at a fleeing Nubian in front of the horse, and carries a quiver on her right shoulder and a rein around her hips. Behind her is a Swt-fan. Two lines of text are written between her and the Nubian, which occupy the space in such a way that a sun disc above the goddess has just one wing on one side. Identification: Sadek read the inscription ‘Ashtar (Astrate) who throws arrows against the enemies’, Pope interprets it as ‘Astarte, lady of battle, goddess of the Asiatics.’, and Lipiński identified this image as Anat based on the linguistic fact. But it is difficult to read the inscriptions due to some cracks on the stele. Nevertheless, it does not seem problematic to identify this figure as Astarte based on the iconographic features of equestrian posture and an Atef-crown on the head. Doc. 4 Fragment of relief Material: Limestone Dimensions: 18.5 cm (H) x 10cm (W) Provenance: Abusir, Sanctuary of Sekhmet in the mortuary temple of Sahura Date: 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : Berlin 19808 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.1, 334; ÄIB II 201; Gressmann 1927, 100, pl.CXLIII no.351; Leibovitch 1939, 149, n3; Leclant 1960, 28-29, fig.8; Stadelmann 1967, 57; Helck 1971b, 451; Fulco 1976, 6 (E12); Fuscaldo 1976, 130;

Schulman 1977, 14; Spalinger 1978, 516; Borchardt 1982, 126; Cornelius 1994 RR35; Cornelius 2000, 76; Cornelius 2004 fig.27b Description: Both hands of a figure on horseback facing towards the right are visible. The left hand holds a spear, incurved shield, and probably also a serpent, together. The right hand grasps a rein of a horse or a chariot. Above the left arm on the figure is a single line of hieroglyphs. Identification: Cornelius follows Borchardt, Gressmann, Stadelmann and Helck in identifying this figure as Reshef because of the combination of a spear and shield. However, judging from the fact that this combination is no longer an appropriate criterion by which to distinguish Reshef from Astarte, and also that the figure on this stele is obviously on horseback (which has so far not been applied to Reshef), it seems likely that it can be identified as Astarte. Furthermore, a serpent in the figure’s left hand may imply the association of this figure with Qadesh370 in the relationship of Anat-Astarte-Qadesh (see section 5.4), while Cornelius argues that this serpent is not ‘held’ by the figure but perhaps coiled around the spear. Doc. 5 Fragment of stele of Nefersekheru (pl. XIV) Material: Unknown Dimensions: 12.8cm (H) x 17.5cm (W) x 4.5cm (T) Provenance: Zawyet Sultan Date: Late 18th Dynasty – Early 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Osing 1992, 23 (object 36), pl.4; Cornelius 2000, 74, fig.4, 77; Leitz 2002 astrt [21]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.1; Lipiński 2005, 126-128 Description: This stele was probably originally a round -topped stele, but only the left-hand upper part survives. It shows a naked female equestrian, facing rightwards, whose Atef-crown and breast indicate that she is a goddess. She sits with both feet together taking up a brandishing posture. Her raised right hand holds a lance and the left holds a spear in front of her. She wears a broad collar around the neck. The horse is decorated with a headdress of four feathers. In front of the deity and horse is a heaped offering table above which Horus is portrayed on a pedestal. Three lines of text are between the goddess and Horus. Identification: The two left-hand lines of text could be read a(A)syt (‘Astarte’) and the rest should be Hr nb Hbnw (‘Horus, ruler of @bnw’). The name of Astarte without ‘-rt’ is attested from 370

Schulman (1977, 14) also connects this figure with Qadesh/Astarte /Anat because of the serpent.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts a rock relief in Wadi Abbad (Doc. 6) and a fragment of stele from Buhen (Doc. 7). Moreover, the name of ast without corresponding iconographic representation (Doc. 34) has been also identified as Astarte.371 Doc. 6 Rock stele (pl. XIV) Material: Natural rock Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Wadi Abbad (Temple of Sety I) Date: Sety I (1294-1279 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM VII, 325 (29); LD III, 138o; Müller 1893, 316-317; Müller 1918, 157; Badawi 1948, 32, fig.12; Brunner-Traut 1956, 31, Abb. 8; Leclant 1960, 31-34, fig.11, pl. IIA-B; Helck 1966, 11; Stadelmann 1967, 103; du Mesnil du Buisson 1969, 530-531; Helck 1971a, 214; Helck 1971b 459; KRI I 72-73; Weippert 1975, 14; Hulin 1982, 275; Müller 1989, 457; Rommelaere 1991, no.103; Osing et al 1992, 23; Cornelius 1993, 24, 39, pl.III, fig.6; RITA I 61-62; Cornelius 1994, 74, fig.10; Leitz 2002 astrt [3]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.2; Cornelius/Niehr 2004 Abb.91; Lipiński 2005, 128 Description: A rock stele shows two registers. Upper register: Sety I, wearing the Blue Crown with a uraeus in front, makes the wine offering in two nw-jars to Amun, Mut, Ra-Horakhty, Osiris, Isis and Horus the falcon. Lower register: On the right-hand side, only a worshipper’s head and two hands raised in adoration posture are visible, due to damage. Facing this worshipper, an equestrian is depicted. According to the inscription in front of this figure, it is Astarte. She, wearing the Atef-crown from the bottom of which a ribbon is hanging down, takes up a brandishing pose on horseback. Her raised right hand holds a lance and her left hand lifts up an Egyptian-style shield. Identification: Although there have been various readings of the inscription in front of the equestrian372 this figure is consistently interpreted as Astarte judging from her appearance. Doc. 7 Fragment of stele Material: Sandstone Dimensions: 28.2cm (H) x 47.5cm (W) Provenance: Buhen Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Sudan National Museum Khartoum 371

Stadelmann (1967, 99-101) investigates this issue, ‘‘štj-Aštaj and Astarte’, from the viewpoint of phonetic contrast with interesting discussion of the relationship between ‘štj-Aštaj and Astarte in Egypt. 372 Leclant 1960, 34, n.3.

62/8/20 Bibliography: Smith 1976, 110, no.1112, pl.XX:1; KRI II 776,3; van Siclen 1991, 134 n10; RITA II 498; Leitz 2002 astrt [8]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.4a; Lipiński 2005, 127 Description: This fragment of a round-topped stele shows the left half of a scene. On the right is an arm offering a nw-jar to an equestrian figure situated in front of it. The figure on horseback sits with both feet together and takes a brandishing posture. Her raised right hand holds a weapon consisting of a mace and scimitar blade, and the left grasps a spear and Egyptian-style shield together in front of her chest. Judging from the inscription above the horse’s head (decorated with a feathered-headdress), this figure could be Astarte. Her headdress is the White Crown with two ribbons, which is a very rare attribute for Astarte. Identification: Above the horse head are two lines of hieroglyph which indicates ‘a(s)tit’. As for the name of Astarte without ‘-rt’, see Doc. 5 Doc. 8 Anonymous stele (pl. XIV) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 11.5cm (H) x 9.3cm (W) Provenance: Ramesseum Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC)373 Inventory No. : Ashmolean E 3897 Bibliography: PM I 2 pt.2, 682; Ashmolean Museum Annual Report 1896, 2; Quibell 1898, 20, pl.XXVII; Schulman 1957, 269; Leclant 1960, 30-31, fig.10; Stadelmann 1967, 103; Rommelaere 1991, no.109; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.3 Description: Judging from the style of engraving, this round-topped stele may be made by a non-professional or apprentice craftsman. It has two registers. Upper register: A female equestrian figure, taking up a brandishing posture and seated on a galloping horse, faces to the right. Her raised right hand holds a lance and the left grasps the horse’s mane. She wears an Atef-crown and has two crossing bands on her chest. Lower register: On the right a female figure kneels, looking to the left. She is offering burning incense in her right hand, while her left hand is raised in a pose of adoration. In front of her are two offering tables side by side, although it is uncertain what is piled up on them because all that can be seen is an amorphous lump. Identification: Although there are no texts to identify the figure in the upper register, it should be no 373

According to the Ashmolean Museum, this stele is dated to 19th Dynasty – 22nd Dynasty.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence problem to consider it as Astarte on the basis of the motif of a brandishing equestrian. Doc. 9 Stele of Rameses II and Astarte (pl. XIV) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 48.5cm (H) x 52.5cm (W) x 8.5cm (T) Provenance: Qantir (?)374 Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Louvre E26017 Bibliography: du Mesnil du Buisson 1969, 524; Vandier 1969a, 46-47, fig.10; Vandier 1969b, 193-195, pl.VIIb; Leclant 1975b, 505 n34; KRI II 779; van Siclen 1991, 134; Goldwasser 1992, 49-50, fig.3; Cornelius 1993, 24; Cornelius 1994, 75; RITA II 514; Leitz 2002 astrt [9]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 3.6 Description: This round-topped stele, missing the lower part, shows three figures. In the lunette is a couchant Seth animal looking to the right. There are four lines of text around it. Underneath is Rameses II (identified by cartouches in front of him) offering some lotus flowers in his left hand and incense in his right to the goddess Astarte (identified by inscriptions in front of her), who is standing in front of him. Astarte, wearing an Atef-crown, holds a sceptre in her right hand; the top of the sceptre is not clear due to damage in front of her. Part of an anx-symbol is visible in her left hand, which hangs down passively. Between Rameses II and Astarte is a heaped offering table. Identification: In front of Astarte: ‘Astarte, lady of the sky, Mistress of the Two Lands’. Between Astarte and the foot of offering table: ‘“I give you [/////]”.’ Doc. 10 Fragment of stele of Merenptah (pl. XV) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 20cm (H) x 23cm (W) Provenance: Memphis (Temple of Ptah) Date: Merenptah (1213-1203 BC) Inventory No. : UC 14392 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.2, 833; Petrie 1909, 8, 19, pl.15:37; le Lasseur 1919, 240-241; Leclant 1960, 10-13, fig.1; Eaton 1964, 107; Stadelmann 1967, 104; ANET 250 n18; Helck 1966, 3; Herrmann 1969, 51; Helck 1971b, 458; Stewart 1976, 50, pl.41.2; KRI IV 52; Sadek 1988; 375 Ackermann 1989, 112; Sourouzian 1989, 46, fig.13; Cornelius 1993, 374

I am much grateful to Ms. Catherine Bridonneau in Musée du Louvre for her kindly help. This object was bought by the museum in 1968 without certainty about its provenance. According to the sales person it comes from Qantir. 375 Sadek wrongly identified the figure of goddess as Anat. However, it is obvious that she is Astarte judging from the text in front of the figure: ‘a-s-ti-r-t’. He might have misread

(s) as

(n) (?).

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24; Cornelius 1994, 75, fig.13; Herrmann 1999, 94, pl.II; RITA IV 40-41; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 1.8 Description: The upper right-hand part of the stele has a central image of Ptah in a shrine, to which the king is offering incense. This king is identified as Merenptah by the cartouche while its figure is lost. Behind Ptah stands a female deity facing to the left. Her face and headdress are not clear due to damage, but she appears to be wearing a headdress in the form of a naos-sistrum with a ribbon hanging down her back. Identified as Astarte from the inscription in front of her, she holds an incurved shield in her right hand, and carries a spear/sceptre upright in her left. Above the Ptah’s shrine are a winged sun disc and a horizontal text. In front of and behind Astarte are vertical inscriptions. This stele effectively reflects the relationship between Ptah and Astarte who is called ‘daughter of Ptah’ in the Astarte papyrus (Doc. 43), as a ‘pictorial echo’. Identification: In front of Astarte: ‘Astarte’ Behind Astarte: ‘lady of the sky, mistress of all the gods.’ Doc. 11 Fragment of stele of Neferhotep (pl. XII) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 19cm (H) x 13.5cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown (previously Winchester College) Bibliography: PM I 2 pt.2, 728; Albright 1954, 26; Edwards 1955, 50, pl.3c; Leclant 1960, 5; Leibovitch 1961, 28-29; Eaton 1964, 109-111, 142; Helck 1966, 9; Stadelmann 1966, 80; Stadelmann 1967, 112-116; Herrmann 1969, 50; ANEP no. 830; Gese 1970, 152-153; Helck 1971a, 219; Pope 1971, 926; Cross 1973, 33-34; Redford 1973b, 43; Negbi 1976, 99; Galling 1977, 113a; Bowman 1978, 244-245; Clamer 1980, 159; Winter 1983, 112, fig.37; Wyatt 1984, 336; KRI V 668, 16; Day 1986, 338-389, 399; Lipiński 1986, 90; Maier 1986, 91; Olyan 1988, 40, n.6; Sadek 1988, 158, n.3, 161, 163; Weippert 1988, 295, 303; Ackerman 1989, 121, n.23; Müller 1989, 458; Böhm 1990, 133; Petty 1990, 29; Bretschneider 1991, 23; Hestrin 1991, 55; Wiggins 1991, 385, 387-388, fig.1; Keel 1992, 203, 240, fig.206; Cornelius 1993, 30, 43, pl.VII:fig.20; Hadley 1994, 248-249, n.64; Smith 1994, 295; Day 1995, 71-72; Frevel 1995, 886, n.674; Kletter 1996, 68; Wiggermann 1998-2001, 52; Cornelius 1999b, 247; Herrmann 1999, 93; Hadley 2000, 47, 191-192; Selz 2000, 36, 62, fig.3; Marinatos 2000, 16-17, fig.1.28; Frevel 2001,

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts 225, 227, fig.3; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.16 Description: See 2.1.4 Doc. 2. Identification: See 2.1.6 Doc. 14.

Astarte cult in Beth Shan in Sam. 31:10. As he suggests, the statement in the Bible tells us about two hundred years later than the stele in question.

Doc. 12 Anonymous stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 37.2cm (H) x 17cm (W) x 9.7cm (T) Provenance: Beth-Shan (The temple of Amenhotep III) Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : UM 29-107-949 Bibliography: PM VII, 377; Cook 1925, 125-126, pl.XXVII:2; Rowe 1930, 9, 21, pl.48:2; Rowe 1940, 6, 8, 12, 31, pls.XXXV:5, XLIXA:1; Burrows 1941, 218; Leclant 1960, 9; Eaton 1964, 112-113, 138; Haussig 1965, 232, 252, pl.V:7; James 1966, 171; Stadelmann 1967, 106; Thompson 1967, 126; Oldenburg 1969, 44; ANEP 475; Gese 1970, 159 n440; Thompson 1970, 32; Galling 1977, 113, pl.31:1; Ringgren 1979, 213; Wyatt 1984, 331; Delcor 1986, 1083; Winter 1987, 250, fig.241; Weippert 1988, 306-307, fig.3.53:1; Wimmer 1990, 1077, 1097; Uehlinger 1991, 881-882; Cornelius 1993, 25; James/McGovern 1993, 240, 250 no.10; Daviau/Dion 1994, 161; Lloyd 1994, 118-119; Zwickel 1994, 183; Scandone-Matthiae 1997, 169; Keel/Uehlinger 1998, 97, 99, fig.107; Higginbotham 2000, 236; Nakhai 2001, 137; Welten 2001, 693; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 3.2 Description: This round-topped stele shows two female figures facing each other. The left-hand one is depicted larger than the other, and stands on the base line. She wears an Atef-crown with horns extending to the sides and a long ribbon on her back. She is therefore undoubtedly a goddess; she is dressed in a long and transparent costume reaching down to her ankles, and a broad collar around the neck. Her left hand holds a sceptre in front of her and the right carries an anx-symbol passively. Opposite her is a worshipper, also wearing a long, transparent dress, who appears to be hovering in mid-air. She wears a lotus flower on her head and also offers one more lotus in her left hand to the goddess before her. The right hand is presumably hanging down along her body. Between these two figures are two vertical lines probably creating a space intended for texts to be written, but nothing has actually been inscribed (presumably due to the stele being unfinished). Identification: Since Rowe identified this divine figure as Astarte, many scholars have followed it. From its similarity of appearance to another stele from same site (2.1.4 Doc. 3) Lloyd warns that it is slightly risky to identify this figure as Astarte based on only description of

Doc. 13 Relief in the quarries at Tura Material: Sandstone (?) Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Tura Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown376 Bibliography: PM IV, 74; Vyse 1842, 95; Daressy 1911, 258; Müller 1918, 156; Badawi 1948, 35; Helck 1966, 3 n.7; Stadelmann 1967, 104; Herrmann 1969, 50; Helck 1971b, 456; Uphill 1984, 234; van Siclen 1991, 134 n10; Herrmann 1999, 93-94; Cornelius 2000, 72-73, 77, fig.3; Leitz 2002 astrt [24]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 3.4; Herrmann 1999, pl.I Description: To the right a figure of the king striding to the left and facing seven Memphite deities: Ptah, Osiris, Khenty, Astarte, Sekhmet, Hathor, and Wadjet (all identified from the inscriptions above them). Although Astarte’s face is damaged it is clear that she wears an Atef-crown and a long dress, while holding a wAs-sceptre upright in her left hand and an anx-symbol passively in her right. Identification: Above the figure: ‘Astarte, mistress of Peru-nefer.’ Doc. 14 Relief in Abu Simbel Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Abu Simbel (Great Temple) Date: Saptah (1194-1188 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM VII, 99; Stadelmann 1967, 106; Herrmann 1969, 50; Vandier 1969b, 189; Helck 1971b, 457; Leclant 1975b, 501, 506 n.43; Habachi 1981, 181-182; KRI IV, 362; Maier 1986, 140 n100; Cornelius 1994, 75; Hermann 1999, 93; Cornelius 2000, 73, 77, fig.4; RITA IV 262; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 3.5 Description: To the right the king, wearing a Blue Crown offers probably a wine and/or incense to five deities standing in front of him; Amun-Ra, Nut, Ra-Horakhty, Seth and Astarte (all identified from the inscriptions above them).377 Astarte wears an Atef-crown and a long costume until her ankles. She holds a wAs-sceptre upright in her left hand and an anx-symbol in her right passively. Identification: Above the figure: ‘Astarte, lady of the sky.’

376

Cornelius 2004, 113. Stadelmann (1967, 106) interestingly suggests that they are main deities from Thebes, Memphis and Piramesse which are primary sites in Egypt.

377

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Doc. 15 Cylinder seal (pl. XV) Material: Faience Dimensions: 2.6cm (L) x 1.1cm (W) Provenance: Bethel Date: Horemheb (1323-1295 BC) Inventory No. : Rockefeller 35.4442378 Bibliography: PM VII, 373; Albright 1934, 7-8, fig. 1; Dussaud 1934, 202-203; Mercer 1935, 194; Rowe 1936, 251-252, S.60; Nougayrol 1939, 55, pl.II EB.1; Frankfort 1939, pl. XLIV; Burrows 1941, 221, 230, fig.56; Leibovitch 1942b 438ff; Pritchard 1943, 67; Parker 1949, 40 pl. XXVI:180; Albright 1960, 101, fig. 23; Leclant 1960, 10; Eaton 1964, 106-107, 130; Gray 1964, 124, fig. 45; Stadelmann 1967, 43, 105; Kelso 1968, 85-86, 121, pl. 43; ANEP no. 468; Herrmann 1969, 51; Helck 1971a, 156; Leclant 1975b, 501; Winter 1983, fig. 214; Wyatt 1984, 333; Winter 1987, 230, fig.214; Digard 1975, no. 1618; Fulco 1976, 9-10 (Eng. 20); Galling 1977, 120, fig. 32.4; Mazar, A 1978, 12, fig. 30; Schulman 1979, 83 n50; Giveon 1980, 146; Seeden 1980, pl.138:27; Winter 1987, 230, fig. 214; Weippert 1988, 307-308, fig. 3.53.2; Müller 1989, 457; Petty 1990, 182; Cornelius 1993, 24, 40, pl.IV:fig.8; Cornelius 1994 BM7; Keel/Uehlinger 1998, 98-99, fig.109; Cornelius 1999a, 269, 275, fig.13; Herrmann 1999, 94; Leitz 2002 astrt [32]; Serwint 2002, 341; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 1.10; Herrmann 1999, pl.II:3; Keel/Schroer 2004, Abb.58 Description: This cylinder seal is decorated with two figures facing each other and holding spears, which make up the frame surrounding a hieroglyph inscription between them. The left-hand figure striding to the right is a king379 wearing a knee-length kilt and a Blue Crown with a possible uraeus, adopting a brandishing posture with right hand raised and holding a scimitar-sword. The figure on the right-hand side is a female deity wearing an Atef-crown from the base of which two ribbons are hanging down on her back. She is dressed in a long costume reaching down to her ankles and holds a spear in her right hand 378

I am grateful to Dr. D. Ben-Tor in the Israel Museum Jerusalem and Professor. K. A. Kitchen for their kind and friendly help to me, and useful discussions on this object. 379 This figure has been the subject of frequent debate concerning its identification. Dussaud, Nouyagrol and Winter have identified it as Baal, and Cornelius follows their views. Rowe and Leibovitch, however, have interpreted it as Reshef. Dr. Ben-Tor (pers. comm.), on the other hand, on the basis of more recent photographs and careful examination, argues that this figure looks as if it is wearing a Blue Crown (not a conical headdress!), without the horns suggested by Cornelius, but what appears to be a uraeus in front. Professor Kitchen intriguingly suggests the possibility that this projection on the Blue Crown is reminiscent of the Red Crown. Regardless of the nature of this projection, there is not yet any evidence for Baal wearing a Blue Crown. Thus it seems likely that this figure is a king rather than Baal or Reshef.

while her left hand is empty and hanging down at her side.380 Identification: Inscription between two spears: ‘Astarte’ Doc. 16 Scarab Material: Steatite Dimensions: 1.5cm (L) x 1.0cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: Second half of the 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : SM 841/73 Bibliography: Leclant 1960, 62-63, fig.30; Cornelius 1993, 27, 41, pl.V:fig.11; Cornelius 2004 Cat.4.12 Description: A figure wearing an Atef-crown style headdress is riding on horseback in a brandishing posture. In its raised right hand the figure holds a lance, while the left hand carries a shield in front or grasps the horse’s mane or plumage. Behind the figure is an undecipherable sign. Identification: The equestrian motif and brandishing posture make it plausible to identify this figure as Astarte. Doc. 17 Scarab Material: Steatite with hematite parts Dimensions: 1.68cm (H) x 1.33cm (W) x 0.81cm (T) Provenance: Unknown (Bought in Jerusalem) Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Private collection, Fribourg SK 1986.2 Bibliography: Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 211ff, fig.38; Cornelius 1993, 26, 40, pl.IV:10; Cornelius 1994, 77, fig.19; Keel /Uehlinger 1996, 73-74, fig.94e; Keel /Uehlinger 1998, 98-99, fig.110; Cornelius 2004 Cat.4.19; Keel/Schroer 2004 #110; Keel 2007 #125 Description: A figure wearing an Atef-crown sits on horseback with both feet together, probably behind the body of horse. It takes a menacing pose raising the right hand holding a weapon over the head, while the other hand grasps a horse’s mane. Behind the figure is a sun shade under which is an undecipherable symbol. Identification: See Doc. 16. Doc. 18 Amulet Material: Gold Dimensions: 4.5cm (H) Provenance: Purchased in 1929 Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Walters Arts Gallery Baltimore 57.1593 Bibliography: Seidl 1972, 18; Canby 1974, no.25; Canby 1979, 16:16; Cornelius 2004 Cat.4.20 Description: A figure wearing the Atef-crown with a sun disc on the top and a ribbon extending from 380

Kelso (1968) suggests an anx-symbol in her left hand, but it is not visible from the photos. In addition, Dr. Ben-Tor by personal communication suggests that nothing is visible in the left hand of the goddess, after thorough examination.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts its base, as well as perhaps horns at the side, is on horseback with both feet together. It takes up a brandishing posture, raising the right hand with a spear behind the head, while the left hand grasps a mane or reins. Identification: See Doc. 16.

cap-type helmet but it is uncertain whether something is attached to it due to damage. She is also has a long necklace hanging down over her chest. Identification: Although no trace of ritual or religious function is found on this ostracon, the equestrian figure is reminiscent of Astarte.

Doc. 19 Ostracon (pl. XV) Material: Pottery Dimensions: 10cm (H) x 16cm (W) Provenance: Thebes Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Berlin 21826 Bibliography: Schulman 1957, 269; Leclant 1960, 40, pl.IIIA;381 Haussig 1965, 232, 251, pl.IV:4; Stadelmann 1967, 104; Wenig 1967, 19-20; ANEP no.479; Wenig 1969, 43-44, fig.18; Helck 1971b, 215; Peterson 1973, 64; Vandersleyen 1975, 343; Brunner-Traut 1976, 190, 197, fig.66a; Galling 1977, 113a; Brunner-Traut 1979, no.5, p29, pl.V; Sadek 1988, 156, n5; Rommelaere 1991, 238-239, no.110; Haas 1994, 415, fig.74; Keel & Uehlinger 1996, 215-216, fig.324; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.5; Cornelius/Niehr 2004, Abb.92; Yalçin et al. 2005, 667, #259 Description: A naked female figure is sitting straddled on horseback adopting a brandishing posture. She lifts her right hand holding what seem to be a bow and an arrow, and her left clasps the reins tightly. Her hairstyle has the appearance of a modern ‘bob cut’, and, instead of a headdress, she wears a lotus flower on the head. She also wears three items of jewellery: a long necklace (to which is fastened an amulet in the form of a heart), a choker-type necklace and a large earring. Identification: The lotus on the head may indicate the religious meaning of this ostracon, i.e. this figure would be a deity. From this point and from the equestrian motif, there should be little doubt that this figure is to be identified as Astarte.

Doc. 21 Ostracon (pl. XV) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 7.7cm (H) x 8.9cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: 19th - 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : oDeM 2159 (no inv.3008) Bibliography: Keimer 1941, 2; Vandier d’Abbadie 1946, no.2159, pl.XIX; Brunner-Traut 1956, 29; Schulman 1957, 268; Leclant 1960, 43, fig.19; Rommelaere 1991, no.117 Description: A female figure riding a galloping horse side-saddle holds a lance in her left hand, along the horse’s mane, and rests her right hand on the rump of horse. She seems to wear an Egyptian wig without any decoration and to be dressed in a short tunic. Identification: See Doc. 20. Doc. 22 Ostracon Material: Limestone Dimensions: 11.25cm (H) x 7.5cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Fitzwilliam Museum E.GA. 4290.1943 Bibliography: Murray 1949, 242, pl.LXXXII,1; Brunner-Traut 1956, 29; Schulman 1957, 269; Leclant 1960, 43, fig.18; Peck 1978, 86, 203, no.11; Brunner-Traut 1979, 29-30, no.5, pl.V; Brovarski et al. 1982, 305-306; Rommelaere 1991, no.121; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.7 Description: A female figure rides a horse side-saddle. Unfortunately her headdress is invisible due to damage of the surface of the ostracon. Her right hand is resting on the rump of the horse (for whipping it?) and the left holds a lance along with reins (?). She perhaps ties further reins around her hip with a knot. She also wears a long necklace. Identification: See Doc. 20.

Doc. 20 Ostracon382 Material: Limestone Dimensions: 9.3cm (H) x 15.5cm (W) Provenance: Unknown (Western Thebes?) Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Medelhavsmuseet Stockholm MM 14110 Bibliography: Peterson 1973, 78, pl.18; Leclant 1975b, 503; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 4.6 Description: A naked female is on horseback, probably with both feet together. She grasps a rein in her left hand and rests her right hand on the rump of the horse. She seems to wear a

Doc. 23 Ostracon Material: Limestone Dimensions: 7.2cm (H) x 10.2cm (W) x 1.4cm (T) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: 19th-20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Louvre E25323383 Bibliography: Keimer 1941, 2, pl.III-5; Vandier d’Abbadie 1959, no.2785, pl.CV; Leclant

381

See this for more detailed bibliography before 1960. I am much grateful to Ms. Sofia Häggman in Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm for her kindly help for me.

382

383

I am much grateful to Ms. Catherine Bridonneau in Musée du Louvre for her kindly help with this object.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence 1960, 44, fig.20 Description: It is difficult to see the picture on this ostracon due to a severe weathering. Nevertheless we can confirm that the image is that of a figure riding on a rearing horse. It has its right hand on the rump of horse while the left clasps its mane. Identification: See Doc. 20. According to Louvre Museum this figure is not a female but a male. 384 However it would be very questionable from two points: the motif of a human riding on horseback during this period is fairly rare and, if the figure is not a human but a deity, it is also uncommon to find a male god on the horseback in this period although Reshef has been connected to the horse in the royal context in the 18th Dynasty. Doc. 24 Ostracon Material: Limestone Dimensions: 15.2cm (H) x 10.5cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: 19th-20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Private collection of Edgerton Bibliography: Schulman 1957, 268-269, fig.7, pl.XLI; Leclant 1960, 44, fig.21; Rommelaere 1991, no.120 Description: A figure is seated on a trotting horse (the latter with open mouth and tongue hanging out); its right leg grips the flank of the horse in a normal position, while its left is folded back on the horse’s back. A belt is visible around the waist of the figure, but it is uncertain whether it is dressed in some particular costumes. Its right hand seems to grasp a whip or weapon. Identification: See Doc. 20.

Identification: See Doc. 20. Doc. 26 Ostracon Material: Pottery Dimensions: 10.5cm (H) x 11.5cm (W) Provenance: Thebes Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Brussels E 6776 Bibliography: Werbrouck 1953, 101; Brunner-Traut 1956, 29; Leclant 1960, 45, fig.23; Brunner-Traut 1979, 29 Description: This fragment of pottery is decorated with a naked figure on horseback although the head of the horse is lost through damage to the ostracon. She seems to hold a lance in her raised right hand and her left probably grasps a shield in front of her, which is invisible due to a break. Identification: See Doc. 20. Doc. 27 Plaque Material: Glazed steatite Dimensions: 2.1cm (H) x 1.7cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: Thutmose III (1479-1425 BC) Inventory No. : MMA 05.3.263 Bibliography: Ward 1902, 55, pl.III, no.479; Schulman 1957, 264; Leclant 1960, 47-48, fig.25; Rommelaere 1991, no.17 Description: On this rectangular plaque is a figure straddling a horse, which is executed in intaglio. The figure takes up a menacing pose, raising the right hand with a mace, and the left holds a bow/small shield (?) in front of it. Under the horse is a flattened/defeated enemy and a nfr-sign is depicted in front of the horse. The other side of the plaque shows two figures facing each other: a goddess with a lioness’s head mounted on a solar disc (Bastet or Sekhmet) and Nefertoum. In the centre, there is a cartouche bearing the prenomen of Thutmose III. Identification: The figure with menacing posture on horseback can probably be identified as Astarte as well as other objects mentioned above. Furthermore, the depiction of Bastet or Sekhmet on the reverse supports the interpretation of this figure on a horse as Astarte from the viewpoint of ‘Hathor-circle’ (see 5.4).

Doc. 25 Ostracon385 Material: Limestone Dimensions: 11.5cm (H) x 9.3cm (W) Provenance: Thebes Date: New Kingdom Inventory No. : Ashmolean 1942.59 (E 3897) Bibliography: Davis 1917, 238-239, pl.LI-2; Leclant 1960, 45, fig.22; 386 Rommelaere 1991, no.118 Description: On the back of a possible horse (the head is invisible due to damage) a figure is sitting side-saddle on a sort of covered stool and wearing a similar tunic to Doc. 22. This figure holds a lance or whip horizontally in the right hand and the left probably grasps a mane.387

Doc. 28 Plaque Material: Unknown Dimensions: 3.9cm (H) x 2.6cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Leclant 1960, 64, fig.34; Cornelius 2004

384

Ms. Catherine Bridonneau in Musée du Louvre, mentioned above, noticed me with other information of this ostracon. 385 I am much grateful to Dr. Helen Whitehouse in Ashmolean Museum for her kind help for me. 386 See this page for more detailed bibliography before 1960. 387 Leclant (1960, 45) suggests that there is a shield in the left hand, but

it is not visible because of the current condition of this ostracon.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Cat. 4.14 Description: This plaque, evidently originally forming part of a chariot, is decorated with a figure wearing the White Crown from the top of which a streamer is hanging down. The figure, shown on horseback, adopts a brandishing posture: its right hand holds a weapon and the left appears to be grasping a shield, although nothing is visible there. The horse is decorated with a feathered headdress. Identification: The equestrian motif, with both feet together and a menacing posture, allows us to identify this figure as Astarte, although Astarte with the White Crown is very rare except for the fragment of a stele from Buhen (Doc.7).

Doc. 31 Sphinx Stele inscription Material: Limestone Dimensions: 425cm (H) x 253cm (W) x 53cm Provenance: Giza Date: Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: PM III pt.12 39-40; LD III, 68; Urk. IV 1276-83; Hassan 1937, 129-134, pls. I, II; van de Walle 1938, 234-257; Varille 1942, 31-38, pl.I; Bruyère 1944, 194-206, Stadelmann 1967, 101-102; ANET 244-245; AEL II, 39-43; Zivie 1976, NE 6; Cumming 1982, 21; Manuelian 1987, 181-188;391 Leitz 2002 astrt [20] Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 52. Identification: See 2.1.2 Doc. 52.

Doc. 29 Razor Material: Bronze Dimensions: 13cm (L) x 3.5cm (H) Provenance: Unknown Date: Late 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : BM EA 36314 Bibliography: Schulman 1957, 265-266, fig.3; Leclant 1960, 37-38, fig.15; Chenevix Trench 1970, 16 Description: This seems to be a razor, the handle of which takes the form of a galloping horse and rider. The back legs of the horse are extended and tied with a flower. The rider holds the mane with both hands. Identification: Since this razor is made of bronze with detailed decoration it is assumed that its purpose would be not practical use but ritual or religious value. Thus the figure on horseback must be a deity, and the equestrian motif leads us to identify it as Astarte.

Doc. 32 Inscription on the body of chariot Material: Wood coated with canvas, stucco and fine linen Dimensions: 86cm (H) x 52cm (W) x 103cm (B) Provenance: Thebes Date: Thutmose IV (1400-1390 BC) Inventory No. : Cairo CG 46097 Bibliography: Cater/Newberry 1904, 24-33, pl.X; Urk.IV 1559, 6; Stadelmann 1967, 102; Cumming 1984, 250-261 Description: This chariot chassis has four panels: two inside and two outside. The scene in question is on the right-hand external panel. The king stands on a chariot supported by Montu, war god, shooting an arrow into the midst of troops of enemy. He ties some reins around his hip. Two horses pulling the chariot are dressed in feathered headdress. Above the king Horus of Behedet extends the protection to him. Between the king and horses are there six lines of text. Identification: Inscription between the king and horses: ‘The good god, beloved of Montu, who is keen in all labour and valiant with his chariot team like Astarte, strong of heart among the multitude, a possessor of might, lord of action,

Doc. 30 Axe (pl. XVI) Material: Bronze (Blade) and Wood (Haft) Dimensions: 11.4cm (length of blade) x 5.3cm (width at cutting edge) x 43.5cm (length of haft) Provenance: Unknown388 Date: Late 18th Dynasty Inventory No. : BM EA 36766 Bibliography: Schulman 1957, 265, fig.4; Leclant 1960, 35-37, figs.12-14; 389 Kühnert -Eggebrecht 1969, 83, pl.XXV-1, XXVIII-3; Dent 1974, 57, no.46; Davies 1987, 52, pl.28, no.163;390 Rommelaere 1991, no.19 Description: The decorative axe-head is fixed with a wooden haft by leather binding. The blade has an openwork decoration of an equestrian on the back of a galloping horse in front of which are two papyrus flowers inverted relatively to each other. The figure riding 388 389 390

side-saddle holds a rein with one hand and the other seems to grasp the end of the other rein, a part of which is visible under the forward elbow. On one side the rider is depicted wearing an Egyptian wig and necklace or collar, but the other side the head is left blank. On neither side is a trace of any dress for the rider. Identification: Like Doc. 29, judging that this object is made of bronze with openwork decoration, it is difficult to imagine that this axe has been used in the real battlefield. It seems that this is also made for a ritual purpose, which allows us to identify the figure on horseback as Astarte.

It is said to have been found at Thebes. c.f. Davies 1987, 52. See this for the detailed bibliography before 1960. Davies provides more detailed bibliography.

391

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Manuelian provides more detailed bibliography.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence the good god, Thutmose IV given life like Ra.’ Doc. 33 Stele inscription of Ram Material: Limestone Dimensions: 27cm (H) x 18cm (W) Provenance: Memphis Date: Thutmose IV - Amenhotep III (1403 - 1365 BC)392 Inventory No. : Copenhagen AEIN 134 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.2, 871; Koeford-Petersen 1948, no.44 and pl.44; Stadelmann 1967, 107-108 Description: This round-topped stele is divided into two registers, the upper one comprising pictures and text, and the lower one purely textual. Upper register: Three figures are shown looking to the left. In the centre stands a shaven-headed male, identified as Ram from the inscription in front of him, wearing a pleated loincloth. His left leg is wilted and the foot is atrophied, and a cane, probably to support him in walking, is hanging down from his waist. He offers a burning incense cone (?) or loaf of bread on a long-footed stand in his left hand, and in his right he carries a lotus and a libation device pouring consecrated water. An offering table is in front of him. His wife, named Aam, follows him proffering breads or fruit (?) in her left hand and bringing a gazelle (?) with its ears/horns by her right. Their son, Ptahemheb, is depicted standing at the rear at a smaller scale than his parents. There are several inscriptions around them. Judging from the inscription in the lunette, it is clear that this stele is dedicated not only to Astarte but specifically to Astarte from Kharu. Lower register: There are two lines of texts written in ink. Identification: Upper register: In the lunette ‘Astarte of Kharu.’ Lower register: 393 ‘That the king is favourable and gives, so that Astarte from Kharu, lady of the sky, Mistress of the Two Lands, mistress of the gods, is favourable and gives [///// good /////] joy and happiness and a beautiful burial in the western desert of Memphis to the heart of the Ram, gatekeeper.’ Doc. 34 Inscription on an offering basin Material: Granite Dimensions: 18cm (H) x 30cm (W) Provenance: Memphis Date: Amenhotep III (1390-1352 BC) Inventory No. : Private collection of Heckscher

Bibliography: PM VIII pt.2, 593 (801-639-400);394 von Bergmann 1886, 195-196; Stadelmann 1967, 108; Wildung 1985 Description: (See 2.1.6 Doc. 18) This object is sculptured in the style of a kneeling man, dressed in a kilt and Egyptian wig, who holds a large rectangular basin in his outstretched arm. The basin has bevelled sides ( ) the upper rim of which has inscriptions which run outwards from the middle to the right and left. On the front side it is also inscribed with five lines of text. One is horizontal on the upper edge and two are vertically on the margin of each side, while two more vertical inscriptions are located in the middle of scene. Identification: On the rim: (To the right) ‘A royal offering for Qadesh, Lady of the Two Lands, may she give her favour to the entity on the earth by which my mouth would be hale and my body would be rejuvenated, for the ka of the servant of the high priest Ptahmes, the chief of the musicians of Ptah, Ptahankh.’ (To the left) ‘A royal offering for Qadesh, lady of the sky, mistress of all gods, may she give good life with health for the ka of who is silent in a good character, the servant of the high priest Ptahmes, Ptahankh.’ On the front: Upper edge: ‘A royal offering for Astarte of Kharu, lady of the sky, Mistress of the Two Lands, mistress of all gods.’ Left edge to right: ‘May she give life, prosperity, health, and attention 395 in the temple of Ptah for the ka of the servant of Ptahankh, for the ka of the servant of the high priest Ptahmes, Ptahankh.’ In the middle: ‘Praise to the great magic (Weret-Hakau), kissing the earth, lady of the sky, by mistress of the house, beloved of Qadesh, My.’ Doc. 35 Vessel of Sennefer (pl. VII) Material: Mottled granite Dimensions: 34cm (outer diameter) x 31cm (inner diameter) Provenance: Memphis (or its environs) Date: Horemheb (1323-1295 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Redford 1973a, pl.I; Redford 1973b, fig.1; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.1.1; Leitz 2002 astrt [22] Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 58. Identification: See 2.1.2 Doc. 58. Doc. 36 Statuette inscription Material: Carnelian Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Saqqara Date: Late 18th Dynasty

392

The Museum website: http://www.glyptoteket.dk/?frames=yes& (Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek) 393 Koefoed-Petersen 1948, 35-36.

394 395

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For more bibliography. Wildung 1985, 18.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Inventory No. : None396 Bibliography: PM III2 pt.2, 717; LD Text I 16; Gressmann 1918, 198; Grdseloff 1942, 39-43; Stadelmann 1967, 34-36; Leitz 2002 astrt [33] Description: See 2.1.1 Doc. 87. Identification: ‘The priest of Astarte, Sarabijahina.’

sword/strong arm, [..................].’ Verso: ‘[............... foreign] country, the strong-armed, who overthrows the rebelli[ous...].’ Doc. 39

Doc. 37 Relief inscription (Campaign against ShasuBedouin) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Karnak Date: Sety I (1294-1279 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Descr. Ant., III, 40 [1], [6]; Burton 1825 -1829, pl.xvii [2, i]; Rosellini 1832, xlviii 2; Sharpe 1837-1855, 48 [4]; Champ., Mon., ccxc 1; Champ., Not., II 86-87; Syro-Egyptian Society 1845, pl.5:16, 33-44; Brugsch 1857, pl.xlvii; Guieysse 1889, 54-55; LD III 126a; ARE III § 84; Müller 1906-1920 II, 20, fig.3; Wreszinski 1923-42, II 34, 39; Sandrer-Hansen 1933, 3-4; KRI I 8; Giveon 1971, 57-59, pls.V:G-H; Karnak IV, pl.3; RITA I 7; Leitz 2002 astrt [4] Description: This scene shows the king Sety I attacking Shasu near a town in Canaan. Sety I wearing a lappet wig, stands in his chariot and shoots arrows in the midst of enemies, namely Shasu. Above the king, Horus of Behedet and Nekhbet extend their protections for him. There are texts in front of the horses pulling the chariot, between the horses and the king, in front of king’s face, and in front of Horus of Behedet and Nekhbet respectively. Identification: Inscription in front of king’s face: ‘The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Menmaatra, the Son of Ra, Sety-Merenptah, given life like Ra, beloved of Montu (and) Ast[ar]te.’ Doc. 38

Remain of temple architrave with inscription Material: Granite Dimensions: 420cm (L) Provenance: Piramesse (Tanis) Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ (?) Bibliography: Montet 1935-1937a, 6, fig.6; Montet 1966, 27, fig.5, 34-35; KRI II 457, 14; RITA II 282; Leitz 2002 astrt [5] Description: The block carries texts on two opposite faces. Identification: Texts for Astarte, Seth and Montu:397 Recto: ‘[..... Asta]rte, bull of Seth, a Montu son of Montu, who achieves with his

Hieratic inscription on an ostracon (so-called ‘Poem on the King’s Chariot’) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 21.5cm (H) x 9.5cm (W) Provenance: Thebes Date: Sety II (1200-1194 BC) Inventory No. : oEdinburgh 916 Bibliography: Dawson/Peet 1933, 169, pl.28; Bowman 1978, 235-236; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.13; Leitz 2002 astrt [23] Description: See 2.1.4 Doc. 11. Identification: See 2.1.4 Doc. 11. Doc. 40 Relief inscription (Second Libyan war) Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet Habu Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Duemichen 1869, pl.XIX; de Rougé 1877, pls.CXVI-CXVII; MH II 80, 11; Edgerton/Wilson 1936; KRI V 59-60; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.3.1; Leitz 2002 astrt [1] Description: c.f 2.1.1 Doc. 83 and see 2.1.4 Doc. 14. Identification: c.f 2.1.1 Doc. 83 and see 2.1.4 Doc. 14. Doc. 41 Column inscription Material: Limestone Dimensions: Unknown Provenance: Memphis Date: 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : in situ (?) Bibliography: PM III2 pt.2, 873; Brugsch 1862, pl.4:3; Leitz 2002 astrt [34] Description: This fragmentary stone column bears inscriptions mentioning three priests serving the god Aah, the temple of King Sahura and Astarte respectively. Identification: ‘[/////] a priest of Aah who resides in the town of Pe..., a priest of [of the temple] of King Sahura and a priest of Astarte, Mistress of the Two Lands [/////].’ Doc. 42 ‘Praise of the Delta Residence’ (pAnastati II 1, 4-5 = IV 6,4) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 330cm (L) x 21cm (H) ; 493cm (L) x 27/8cm (H) Provenance: Saqqara? and Date: Merenptah (1213-1203 BC) ; Sety II (1200-1194 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA 10243 ; BM EA 10249 Bibliography: ARE III § 426; LEM 12-13 = 40-41;

396

According to my personal communication with Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, this object has no inventory no. I am so grateful to Ms. Claudia Saczecki for her assistance. 397 RITA II, 282.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Caminos 1954, 37-40 398 = 153-155; Leitz 2002 astrt [10] Description: This text delivers the eulogy about the Delta as a royal residence constructed by Rameses II. From this it is assumed that there are some temples for individual deities in Tanis respectively: Amun, Seth, Astarte and Wadjet. Identification: ................ Its western part is the House of Amun, its southern part the House of Seth. Astarte is in its eastern part and Wadjet in its northern part. [....................].

nexus of our text with the sea. 404 By the identification of the tale in Papyrus Bibliothèque Nationale 202 ( = pBN 202) as the beginning of the story of New York text (pAmherst IX) by P. Collombert and L. Coulon,405 with regard to the contents, it has entered upon a new phase to interpret this so-called ‘Astarte Papyrus’.406 Identification: See Description above. In this story Astarte is defined as a daughter of Ptah. Doc. 44

Magical spell (Harris Magical Papyrus recto III, 8-9) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 16cm (H) x 23cm (W) Provenance: Bought in Thebes Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA 10042 Bibliography: Lange 1927, Section F; Pritchard 1943, 79; Bowman 1978, 241; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.4.2; Leitz 1999, 34-35, pl. 14; Leitz 2002 astrt [31] Description: See 2.1.4 Doc. 22. Identification: See 2.1.4 Doc. 22.

Doc. 43 ‘Astarte Papyrus’ (pAmherst IX) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 208cm (L) x 24cm (B) Provenance: Saqqara? Date: Sety II (1200-1194 BC)399 Inventory No. : Pierpont Morgan Library, NY Bibliography: Newberry 1899, pls. XIX, XX, XXI; LES 76-81; Gardiner 1932b; Lefebvre 1949; Schott 1950; Gaster 1952; Posener 1953, 461ff; Brunner-Traut 1963/65; Erman 1966, 169-170; ANET 17-18; Wente 1973b; Stadelmann 1975; Westendorf 1981; Helck 1983; van Dijk 1986, 31-32; Ritner 1997; Collombert/Coulon 2000; Leitz 2002 astrt [7]; Schneider 2003, 605-617 Description: This, unfortunately, much damaged papyrus tells the story that Astarte, sitting on the shore as a deliverer of the tribute for the Sea, is harassed by the Sea to marry him in return for stopping his further vandalism on the heaven, earth and mountains. Finally the Sea is defeated by Seth. It has been pointed out that this story is very similar to the conflict between Baal and Yam (the god of the Sea) in the Baal myth (KTU 1.1-1.2). On the other hand, Posener 400 has posited in general a purely Egyptian creation myth behind the conflict with the sea, which only in the New Kingdom was enriched by Canaanite motifs, and also Stadelmann401 argued that this story is a world creation report of Memphite character in which a conflict with the sea was inserted. In fact, Helck interestingly argued that this tale is originated from the Hurrian Song of Ullikummi402 in the Kumarbi myth after Westendorf 403 suggested that in the passage it is talked about ‘the greedy in the water’, the crocodile as embodiment of all evil, the ground is taken from under any

Doc. 45 ‘Horus and Seth’ (pChester Beatty I Recto) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 55cm (L) Provenance: Thebes Date: Rameses V (1147-1143 BC) Inventory No. : Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, CBL Pap 1 Bibliography: LES 37-60; Gardiner 1935, 8-26, pls.1-16; Spiegel 1937; Lefebvre 1949, 178-203; Brunner-Traut 1963/1965, 93-107; Wente 1973a; AEL 214-223; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.4.1; Leitz 2002 astrt [6] Description: See 2.1.4 Doc. 23. Identification: See 2.1.4 Doc. 23. Doc. 46 Magical spell (pLeiden I 343 + I 345, recto XVIII, x+1-2) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 495 ~ 500cm (L) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th -20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Leiden I 343 + Leiden I 345 Bibliography: Massart 1954; Stadelmann 1967, 95; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.42.3; Leitz 2002 astrt [2] Description: (See 2.1.4 Doc. 27) These two lines are on 404

Now Ph. Houwink ten Cate (The Hittite Storm God: his Role and his Rule According to Hittite Cuneiform Sources, in D. J. W. Meijer (Ed..), 1992 Natural Phenomena. their Meaning, Depiction and Description in the Ancient Near East, Amsterdam / Oxford / New York / Tokyo: Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, 83-148: 117-119) and D. Schwemer (Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen. Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen, Wiesbaden 2001, 451-453) have identified KBo 26, 105 as thematically closest related text. 405 Collombert and Coulon 2000. 406 For details see Schneider 2003, 605.

398

See for translations by others. 399 By the identification of the tale in pBN 202 as the beginning of the story of so-called ‘Astarte Papyrus’ (see ‘Description’) with regard to the contents, there is another possibility of the date of this papyrus (pAmherst IX): the reign of Amenhotep II. For details see Collombert and Coulon 2000, and Schneider 2003, 608. 400 Posener 1953, 461ff. 401 Stadelmann 1975, 509. 402 Helck 1983, 217ff. 403 Westendorf 1981, 37.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts the lower part of the page. It seems likely that this is a spell against a particular disease or poison. Identification: 407 ‘[/////] the (?) [/////] they [/////] Anat and Astarte they draw forth your blood and your poisons which [.....].’ Doc. 47 Name: The 26th son of Rameses II Material: Limestone and sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Abydos (Temple of Sety I) Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Mariette 1869, pl.4e, no.26; Gauthier 1914, 100, no35; Stadelmann 1967, 105; KRI II 867,9; RITA II 562 Description: This name is inscribed in the Second Court, Eastern Wall of the temple of Sety I in Abydos. This prince is mentioned as 37th prince in the list of ‘Formal Numbering of Princes’ by Kitchen.408 Identification: ‘26th Prince. [Bodily King’s Son, his beloved], Meryastarte (‘beloved of Astarte’), justified.’ Doc. 48 Name: The 6th son of Rameses II Material: Sandstone Dimensions: Not recorded in publication Provenance: Medinet-Habu Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : in situ Bibliography: Gauthier 1914, 101, no.46; Stadelmann 1967, 105; KRI II 868,4; RITA II 563 Description: This name can be seen in reused blocks I + II at Medinet Habu.409 This prince is numbered as 42nd prince in the list of ‘Formal Numbering of Princes’ by Kitchen.410 Identification: ‘6 th Prince. Bodily King’s Son, [his beloved], ... Astartehirwonmef (‘Astarte is on his right side’).’

407 408 409 410

Massart 1954. RITA II, 560. RITA II, 559, 563. RITA II, 560.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence 2.1.6 Qadesh (qdSt) This section shows evidences of Qadesh attested in Egyptian contexts. As in other sections, the data are listed chronologically and evidence mentioned in the present work is not totally comprehensive. However, it is nevertheless possible to examine historically the feature of Qadesh worship in Egypt with the aim of shedding light on the degree to which Syro-Palestinian deities were accepted in ancient Egypt.

Doc. 1 Anonymous stele (pl. XVI) Material: Limestone Dimensions: Unknown411 Provenance: Unknown (Deir el-Medina?) Date: 18th Dynasty - 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JE 26049 Bibliography: Müller 1906, pl.41 (left); Gressmann 1927, 82, pl.CXV no.271; Leibovitch 1938, 210, fig.138 (left); Pritchard 1943, 33 no.4; Leibovitch 1961, 29; Stadelmann 1967, 116; ANEP no.472; Helck 1971b, 464; Galling 1977, 112b; Clamer 1980, 155; Maier 1986, 127, n.17-18; Keel 1992, 203, 241, fig.208; Brody 1998, 29, 70, fig.5; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.15; Lahn 2005, I-S.5 Description: This round-topped stele is decorated with two figures facing each other: a female worshipper standing on the right and a naked female deity (on a lion, which is in turn on a pedestal) on the left. The worshipper, wearing a long wig and long transparent dress down to her ankles, takes up an adoration posture with her raised right hand. The left hand is hanging down holding nothing. The deity, her feet pointing to the right on the back of a lion which strides to the right, stretches out her arms at her sides, holding a lotus flower in her left hand and a serpent in her right. She wears a headdress, which seems to be a Nemes-like-cloth surmounted with a vessel in which perhaps plants are visible. It is suggested that this would be perhaps a clumsy imitation of Asiatic female sphinx depictions.412 Between the two figures there is an offering table on which a libation jar and a lotus flower are placed, and an unclear hieroglyphic text. Above the worshipper are two vertical lines which create a space for possible text but nothing is actually inscribed there. Identification: Inscription in front of the deity: (perhaps) ‘lady of the sky.’

The distribution of evidence is as below; 1. Categories of evidence The Egyptian sources for Qadesh can be grouped into four genres: stelae (15) and amulet (2) for iconographic representation, and texts on vessel (2) and papyrus (magical spell 1 and personal letter 1). As with other sections, the iconographical materials come first, and then the textual data will be examined in the list below (Table 12). 2. Provenance As for the objects on which Qadesh is attested in Egyptian contexts, Deir el-Medina and Memphis predominate among the sites concerned, although some of the artefacts are unprovenanced (Map 6). 3. Date-range It can be deduced from the chart below that the peak of the popularity of Qadesh worship is in the 19th Dynasty, while the total quantity of evidence is quite small. The objects are listed chronologically in the list below. Those for which a fairly specific date can be given (e.g. Amenhotep III, Rameses II etc) are listed first, while those with wider date-spans (e.g. 18th – 19th Dynasty, 19th Dynasty – 20th Dynasty etc) are discussed later. The first emergence of Qadesh in Egyptian contexts is a text from the reign of Amenhotep III, and she continues to appear until the 20th Dynasty (Table 13).

Although there is a lack of a precise name of this figure, there should be no problem in identifying her as Qadesh from her iconography: standing on a lion’s back, stretching out both arms in ‘V’-shape with a lotus flower and a serpent. Doc. 2 Anonymous stele (pl. II) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 17.5 cm (H) x 13 cm (W) Provenance: Memphis Date: 18th -19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JE 45535 411

Unfortunately, no reply to my enquiry about the dimensions of this item has been received from Egyptian Museum in Cairo. 412 Stadelmann 1967, 116.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Bibliography: PM III2 858; Schulman 1982, 81-91, pl. 1; Cornelius 1994 BR 14; Lipiński 1996; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.10; Lahn 2005, I-ST.10 Description: See 2.1.1 Doc. 7. Identification: As for the identification of the figure in the centre, see Description above.

The female figure on the lion is unquestionably Qadesh judging from the iconographic features.

Doc. 3 Stele of illegible dedicator (pl. XVII) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 47cm (H) x 34cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina413 Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Moscow I. 1.a. 5614 (4087) Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 736; Leibovitch 1937, 81-89, fig.6; Leibovitch 1961, 29, pl.2-2; Stadelmann 1967, 117; Helck 1971b, 464; Hodjash/Berlev 1982, 414 132, no.74; Keel 1992, 203, 241, fig.209; Leitz 2002 QdSt [9]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.14; Lahn 2005, I-S.6 Description: This round-topped stele is damaged on the right-hand side and lower part where there is a long oblique crack across the surface. The stele as a whole is divided into two registers. Upper register: On the left, a naked female figure stands on the back of a lion. Her lower body is in profile, her toes pointing to the right, and her upper body and face are frontal. She wears a Hathor wig surmounted with a small abacus (in the architectural sense), disc and crescent moon. She stretches out her arms at her sides, holding three serpents in her right hand and three possible lotus flowers in her left, although the flowers are not clear due to damage. The lion opening its jaws with tongue visible, is shown in detail, with its mane and torso to which a cross-band is attached. In front of the female divine figure, two worshippers stand, both taking up postures of adoration. The leading one, wearing a pleated dress and with shaven head, raises his both hands, and his wife, wearing an incense cone on her head, follows behind him. Above the worshippers there appear to be some texts, although it is difficult to examine them due to heavy damage. Lower register: Five people kneel in a posture of adoration, raising both of their hands. The first three are male, and the other two are female. Above them there are at least nine lines of hieroglyphic text, indicating that these five people are the children of the worshippers in the upper register, although the text is partially illegible due to damage. Identification: Upper register: (Text illegible, but presumably the names of the two worshippers.) ‘[/////].’

413 414

As for Provenance and Date, see Lipiński 2005. See Hodjash & Berlev 1982 for more detailed bibliography.

97

Lower register: ‘His son Nebnefer, his son [/////], [/////] justified, Hayaa [/////], Takheret [/////].’ Doc. 4 Fragment of stele (pl. XVII) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 25.5cm (H) Provenance: Deir el-Medina? Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA60308 (263) Bibliography: Edwards 1955, 49, pl.4; Leibovitch 1961, 30; Stadelmann 1967, 117; Helck 1971b, 464; Schulman 1982, 84, n.8, 86, n.25, 89, n.13; Keel 1992, 240, fig.205; Quirke/Spencer 1992, 85, fig.62; Shaw/Nicholson 1995, 237; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.26; Lahn 2005, I-S.2 Description: This fragmentary stele is said to be a sculptor’s trial piece, the back of which shows an image of Rameses II. There are some cracks on the face. A naked woman stands en face on a base line, pointing her toes sideways. She stretches out her arms in ‘V’- hape at her sides, holding three lotus flowers in her right hand and two serpents in her left. She wears a Hathor wig on the top of which an abacus (in the architectural sense) is fixed, and a broad collar around the neck, as well as bangles on both upper arms. No texts are inscribed to identify this figure on this fragment. Identification: Although there is no epigraphic data, it seems likely that this female divine figure can be identified as Qadesh because of the iconographical features described above. Doc. 5 Stele of Ramose (pl. V) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 45cm (H) x 30cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Turin 50066 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 733; Lanzone 1884 IV 484, pl. CLXXXXI; Müller 1893, 315; le Lasseur 1919, frontispiece; van Wijngaarden 1929, 30; Boreux 1939, 675, fig. 3; Pritchard 1943 34, no.7; Leibovitch 1961 28, pl. II:1; Helck 1966, 14; Stadelmann 1967, 116, 119; Brugsch 1968, 1434; ANET 250b; Thompson 1970, 148 n26; Helck 1971b, 453, no28, 465 no.4; Fuscaldo 1972, 125-126 fig. 2; Tosi/Roccati 1972, 102-103, 224, 290; Fulco 1976, 16 (E36); Schulman 1979, no.20; Giveon 1980, 147; KRI III 621, 6; Keel 1984a, 43-44, fig 6; Keel 1984b, fig. 22; Keel 1986a/1992b, 148-149, fig.88a; Pritchard 1987, 103:5; Sadek 1988, 159 n.4, 161;

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Donadoni-Roveri 1988, 166-167; Keel/Shuval/Uehlinger 1990, 197-198, fig. 30c; Keel 1992, 208, fig.211; Cornelius 1994 RR28; Lipiński 1996, 255; Cornelius 1999b, 242, 250, fig.1; Jeremias/Hartenstein 1999, 93, fig.6; Marinatos 2000, 16-17, fig.1.27; RITA III 242; Frevel 2001, 224-225, fig.4; Leitz 2002 QdSt [5]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.3; Keel/Schroer 2004 #108; Lahn 2005, I-ST.6; Keel 2007 #115 Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 6. Identification: See 2.1.2 Doc. 6. Doc. 6 Stele of Qaha (pl. V) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 75cm (H) x 48cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA191 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 723; Meyer 1877, 718-719; Wilkinson 1878, III pls. LV:1-3, LVI:1; Lanzone 1884, IV 484f, pl. CCXXXXII:1; Müller 1893, 311, 313, 314; Budge 1909, 248, pl. XL; Cook 1925, 104, 114, pl. XXIV:2; Gressmann 1927, 81-82;, pl. CXIV no.270; Vincent 1928, pl. XXV:4; van Wijngaarden 1929, 30-31, fig. 17; Boreux 1939, 675-676, fig. 4; Leibovitch 1942a, 84-85; Pritchard 1943, 33, no.2; Dussaud 1949, 51-52, fig. 17; Bonnet 1952, 37, fig. 14; Parrot 1952, 52, fig. 10:b; Parrot 1957, 68; Leclant 1960, 9; Leibovitch 1961, 23-24, pl.I:1; Gray 1964, 228-229, fig. pl.20; Vanel 1965, 106, fig. 55; Stadelmann 1967, 95, 119; Gray 1969, 74-75; du Mesnil du Buisson 1969, 524, pl. I; ANET 250; ANEP no.473; Gese 1970, 13, fig. 12; James 1970, 47-48, pls. XXXIX:2, XXXIXA:2; Thompson 1970, 148; Helck 1971b, 452, no.12, 464, no.1; Fuscaldo 1972, 123; Gilula 1974; de Vries 1975, 137-138, fig. 123; Fulco 1976, 17 (E38); Görg 1977, 191, fig. 2; Galling 1977, 113; Schulman 1979, no.18; Giveon 1980, 147; KRI III 603, 9; Görg 1981, 9-10, fig. 3; Maier 1986, 92; Hestrin 1987, 68, fig. 5; Winter 1987, 110-111, fig. 36; Weippert 1988, 306-307, n.12; Hestrin 1991, 55; Cornelius 1994 RR30; RITA III 413-414; Leitz 2002 QdSt [4]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.1; Lahn 2005, I-ST.1; Lipiński 2005, 130 Description: This is a so-called triad stele; it is round-topped and divided into two registers. Upper register: See 2.1.2 Doc. 10. Lower register: See 2.1.4 Doc. 1. Identification: Upper register: See 2.1.2 Doc. 10. Lower register: See 2.1.4 Doc. 1. Doc. 7 Stele of Huy (pl. V) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 31.5cm (H)

Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses II (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : Louvre C86 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 719-720; Pietschmann 1889, 150 (right); Müller 1893, 314; de Rouge 1908, 281-289; Cook 1925, 107, pl. XXIV:3; van Wijngaarden 1929, 31, fig. 18; Boreux 1932, 479; Boreux 1939, 673ff; Leibovitch 1942a, 81, pl.IX; Pritchard 1943, 33-34 no.5; Vandier 1954, II 505, fig. 302; Parrot 1957, 67-69, fig. 40; Leibovitch 1961, 27; Stadelmann 1967, 55, 120-122; Brugsch 1968, V/VI 1434; ANEP no.474; Gese 1970, 143; Thompson 1970, 148; Helck 1971b, 452, no.14, 465 no.3; Fuscaldo 1972, 124; Letellier 1975; Fulco 1976, 15-16 (E34); Galling 1977 112; Schulman 1979, no.17; KRI III 791, 13; Maier 1986, 86-87; Cornelius 1994 RR29; RITA III 530; Leitz 2002 QdSt [6]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.4; Lahn 2005, I-ST.5 Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 9. Identification: See 2.1.2 Doc. 9. Doc. 8 Stele of Iniahay (pl. VI) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 21cm (H) x 15cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina415 Date: Beginning of 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Moscow I. 1.a. 5613 (3177) Bibliography: Hodjash/Berlev 1982,416 134-135, no.75; Keel 1992, 207, 244, fig.213; Schulman 1992, 91; Cornelius 1994, 58, fig.4; Lipiński 1996, 255; Cornelius 1998, 172; Leitz 2002 QdSt [10]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.7; Lahn 2005, I-ST.9 Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 17. Identification: Upper register: Inscription around the figure in the centre: ‘Qadesh, great of magic, lady of the sky, mistress of the stars.’ Lower register: In front of the leading worshipper: ‘Iniahay’ Behind the standing figure: ‘Keret’ Doc. 9 Stele of Takeret (pl. XVII) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 28cm (H) x 22cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Berlin 21626 Bibliography: Roeder 1919, 22, 63, fig.26; Scharff 1923, 23-24, pl.23; ÄIB II, 395; Gressmann 1927, 83, pl.CXVI no.276; Boreux 1939, 673; Leibovitch 1942a, 77, 79, fig.6; Pritchard 1943, 33; Edwards 1955, 49-50; Leibovitch 1961, 30; Helck 1966, 14; Stadelmann 1966, 83; Stadelmann 1967, 115-116; ANEP 415 416

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As for Provenance and Date, see Lipiński 2005. See Hodjash & Berlev 1982 for more detailed bibliography.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts no.471; Helck 1971b, 463-464; Ben-Arieh/Edelstein 1977, 30; Galling 1977, 112b; Klengel 1980, 117, pl.47; Wyatt 1984, 337; Maier 1986, 129 n.28; Wiggins 1991, 387, 394, fig.2; Keel 1992, 203, 239, fig.204; Brody 1998, 29, fig.4; Cornelius 1999b, 242, 246, 251, fig.2; Leitz 2002 QdSt [2]; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.17; Cornelius/Niehr 2004 Abb.81; Lahn 2005, I-S.1 Description: This round-topped stele shows only Qadesh, identified from the inscription around the figure, standing on the back of a lion represented in detail: the face, a mane, paws and torso with cross-bandings. She is depicted en face but her both toes are pointing to the right. Qadesh wears a Hathor wig surmounted with a naos-sistrum on top of which a sun disc and crescent are fixed. Both of her arms are stretched out towards the sides, grasping a serpent in each hand, while the left hand also holds a lotus flower. Two hieroglyphic texts are inscribed at the far right and left. Six circles are incised around Qadesh: three on her left, two on her right and one in front of the lion. According to Stadelmann,417 these circles are stars, each embodying one of the aspects of Qadesh as ‘lady of the sky’, and they might be compared with those on a golden plaque from Ras Shamra,418 thus strongly indicating the influence of Ugarit or Syro-Palestine. Identification: Inscriptions ‘Qadesh, beloved of Ptah, [/////], lady of the sky (?), Takeret, justified.’

Provenance: Unknown Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Cairo JE26048 Bibliography: Müller 1906, 32-33, pl. 41:2; Cook 1925, 107, 111; Gressman 1927, 82, pl.CXV:272; Boreux 1939, 676 n.1; Pritchard 1943, 33 no.3; Leibovitch 1961, 28; Stadelmann 1967, 119 n.1; ANEP no. 470; Thompson 1970, 71-72; Helck 1971b, 452 no. 18; Fuscaldo 1972, 125; Fulco 1976, 16; Galling 1977, 112; Schulman 1979, no. 37; Giveon 1980, 148; Schulman 1982, n.8 no.4; Maier 1986, 128 n.19; Cornelius 1994 BR15;420 Lipiński 1996; Cornelius 1998; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.9; Lahn 2005, I-ST.3 Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 22. Identification: See 2.1.2 Doc. 22. Doc. 12 Fragment of stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 44cm (H) x 34cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina? Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : BM EA817 Bibliography: Boreux 1939, 675; Leibovitch 1961, 24-25, pl.I:2; Stadelmann 1967, 119 n.1; Helck 1971b, 465; Schulman 1982, 84 n.8; Keel 1992, 207-208; Lipiński 1996, 225; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.6; Lahn 2005, I-ST.4 Description: This is a fragment of what is probably a round-topped stele. On the left the god Min stands in his archetypal style of representation: standing on a pedestal and wearing a two-feathered headdress; a flail is held in his raised right hand, and he has an ithyphallic penis. Behind him, two lettuces are placed on a shrine-style pedestal. In front of him a naked female’s torso and thighs are visible en face. Only her right hand can be seen, holding three lotus flowers. No inscriptions are visible on this broken part of the stele. Identification: Judging from the above description, this is a fragment of a so-called triad stele on which Min, Qadesh and Reshef are portrayed. Although only part of her body can be seen, the figure in front of Min is likely to be Qadesh, under which a lion was probably originally carved. It is possibly Reshef who flanks her on the right side, even though this section is broken.

Doc. 10 Stele of illegible dedicator Material: Limestone Dimensions: 27cm (H) x 18cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : BM EA355 Bibliography: PM I2 pt.2, 717; Budge 1909, 248; Boreux 1939, 675; Pritchard 1943, 34, no.8; Leibovitch 1961, 26-27; Helck 1966, n.22; Stadelmann 1967, 119, n.1; James 1970, 53-54, pls. XLII:2, XLIIA:2; Helck 1971b, 465, no.70; Fuscaldo 1972, 124; Fulco 1976, 16-17 (E37); Schulman 1979, no.19; Giveon 1980, 14; Cornelius 1994 RR31; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.2; Lahn 2005, I-ST.2 Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 21. Identification: See 2.1.2 Doc. 21.

Doc. 13 Anonymous stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 83.5cm (H) x 64.5cm (W) x 15cm (T) Provenance: Deir el-Medina? Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Vienna 1012

Doc. 11 Anonymous stele (pl. VI) Material: Limestone Dimensions: Unknown419 417

Stadelmann 1967, 115-116. Schaeffer 1932, pl. IX: 1. Unfortunately, no reply to my enquiry about the dimensions of this item has been received from Egyptian Museum in Cairo.

418 419

420

99

The photograph is the wrong way round.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Bibliography: von Bergmann 1886, 190-191; Vincent 1928, 530; pl.XXXV:5; Pritchard 1943, 34; Edwards 1955, 50; Leibovitch 1961, 27-28; ANET 1969, 250; Maier 1986, 87; Cornelius 1994, 71, pl.A;421 Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.5; Lahn 2005, I-ST.8; Lipiński 2005, 128 Description: This round-topped stele clearly shows two deities in the style of a triad stele of Qadesh similar to the previous stelae described above. Min is on the left and Qadesh in the centre; both of them are identified by the names inscribed around them. In addition, the name of Reshef, inscribed on the upper right-hand side, indicates that his image was probably originally planed to be carved on the right-hand side of this stele, flanking Qadesh, although only outline of drawing by black ink of possible image of Reshef partially survived on this stele.422 Qadesh, depicted en face, stands on the back of a lion striding to the right, and her toes points sideways. Stretching her arms out at her sides, she holds nothing. She wears a Hathor wig attached a crescent and sun disc. Min, flanking Qadesh on the left, looks as if he is hovering in mid-air. Identification: The figure on a lion in the centre is clearly identified by the text inscribed above her, which simply reads: ‘Qadesh’. Doc. 14 Fragment of stele of Neferhotep (pl. XII) Material: Limestone Dimensions: 19cm (H) x 13.5cm (W) Provenance: Deir el-Medina Date: Rameses III (1184-1153 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown (previously Winchester College) Bibliography: PM I 2 pt.2, 728; Albright 1954, 26; Edwards 1955, 50, pl.3c; Leclant 1960, 5; Leibovitch 1961, 28-29; Eaton 1964, 109-111, 142; Helck 1966, 9; Stadelmann 1966, 80; Stadelmann 1967, 114-115; Herrmann 1969, 50; ANEP no. 830; Gese 1970, 152-153; Helck 1971a, 219 and 1971b, 463 n.145; Pope 1971, 926; Cross 1973, 33-34; Redford 1973b, 43; Negbi 1976, 99; Galling 1977, 113a; Bowman 1978, 244-245; Clamer 1980, 159; Winter 1983, 112, fig.37; Wyatt 1984, 336; KRI V 668, 16; Day 1986, 338-389, 399; Lipiński 1986, 90; Maier 1986, 91; Olyan 1988, 40, n.6; Sadek 1988, 158, n.3, 161, 163; Weippert 1988, 295, 303; Ackerman 1989, 121, n.23; Müller 1989, 458; Böhm 1990, 133; Petty 1990, 29; Bretschneider 1991, 23; Hestrin 1991, 55; Wiggins 1991, 384-385, 387-388, fig.1; Keel 1992, 203, 240,

fig.206; Cornelius 1993, 30, 43, pl.VII:fig.20; Hadley 1994, 248-249, n.64; Smith 1994, 295; Day 1995, 71-72; Frevel 1995, 886, n.674; Kletter 1996, 68; Wiggermann 1998-2001, 52; Cornelius 1999b, 247; Herrmann 1999, 93; Hadley 2000, 47, 191-192; Selz 2000, 36, 62, fig.3; Marinatos 2000, 16-17, fig.1.28; Frevel 2001, 225, 227, fig.3; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.16; Lahn 2005, I-ST.3 Description: See 2.1.4 Doc. 2. Identification: Around the left arm: ‘Made by the servant of the place of truth, Neferhotep, justified. Qadesh, Astarte.’ Under the right arm: ‘Antit (= Anat)’ This stele obviously indicates that the three Syro-Palestinian goddesses should be interpreted as one divine entity. Stadelman,423 both intriguingly and plausibly, suggests that they should be read in parallel: ‘qdS astrt = the holiness Astarte’ and ‘qdS ant = the holiness Anat’. He argues that qdS here should simply be taken as a kind of epithet of each of two goddesses, Anat and Astarte, rather than referring specially to the individual goddess. There are some other suggestions to understand this stele. Helck424 argued that the scribe just combined the names of these three goddesses. Pope425 and Wiggins 426 interpreted as a syncretism of various deities such as later times by a single iconographic representation. Cornelius 427 assumed that three goddesses are actually shown in one stele in which Anat and Astarte appear by the inscribed name and Qadesh emerges as a pictorial figure. Doc. 15 Anonymous stele Material: Limestone Dimensions: 20 cm (H) x 14 cm (W) Provenance: Bought in Egypt in 1890 Date: 19th – 20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Kopenhagen Glyptothek 817 (Copenhagen AEIN 313 (1908 E 536)) Bibliography: Koefoed-Petersen 1948, 37-38, pl.49; Leibovitch 1961, 26; Stadelmann 1967, 122; Helck 1971b, 452 no.10, 465 no.5; Fuscaldo 1972, 122-123; Schluman 1979, no.36; Giveon 1980, 148; Maier 1986, 128 n19; Keel 1992, 207; Cornelius 1994 BR16; Lipiński 1996, 225, 259; Jørgensen 1998, 290-291, no.120; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.8; Lahn 2005, I-ST.7 Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 37. 423 424

421

425

422

426

The photograph is the wrong way around. Due to this situation, this stele is not catalogued in section 2.1.2 for Reshef.

427

100

Stadelmann 1967, 115. Helck 1971b, 463 n.145. Pope 1971, 926. Wiggins 1991, 384. Cornelius 1993, 30.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Identification: See 2.1.2 Doc. 37. Doc. 16 Amulet (Pendant) Material: Faience Dimensions: 5.7cm (H) x 4.6cm (W) Provenance: Unknown Date: 18th Dynasty – 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Athens, National Archaeological Museum 944 Bibliography: Helck 1971b, 464; Stadelmann 1984, 26; Keel 1992, 206, 242, fig.209a; Cornelius 1999b, 243; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.19; Lahn 2005, II-A.1 Description: This is a pendant with a suspension loop. The amulet itself shows a naked female who stands on the back of a lion striding to the right. Her lower body is in profile, her toes pointing to the right, whereas her upper body is facing forward. She wears a Hathor headdress and broad collar around the neck, stretching her arms out at her sides, grasping a serpent in her right hand and two long-stemmed lotus flowers in her left. Identification: Although no texts are inscribed on this pendant to identify the figure, it is unmistakably Qadesh judging from the iconography. Doc. 17 Amulet (Pendant) Material: Gilded bronze Dimensions: 10.3cm (H) x 4.3cm (W) x 0.54cm (T) Provenance: Unknown Date: 19th Dynasty Inventory No. : Athens, National Archaeological Museum 559 Bibliography: (c.f. 2.1.2 Doc. 49) Leibovitch 1942a, 84-86; Capart 1942, 239, fig.18; Leibovitch 1961, 26; Stadelmann 1967, 122-123; Maier 1986, 128 n.19; Keel 1992, 207; Cornelius 1994 RM 20; Cornelius 1999b, 243; Cornelius 2004 Cat. 5.12; Lahn 2005, II-A.2 Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 49. Identification: See 2.1.2 Doc. 49. Doc. 18 Inscription on the offering basin Material: Granite Dimensions: 18cm (H) x 30cm (W) Provenance: Memphis Date: Amenhotep III (1390-1352 BC) Inventory No. : Private collection of Heckscher Bibliography: PM VIII pt.2, 593 (801-639-400);428 von Bergmann 1886, 195-196; Leibovitch 1961, 25; Stadelmann 1967, 108; Wildung 1985; Leitz 2002 QdSt [8]; Lahn 2005, III-St.1; Lipiński 2005, 131 Description: See 2.1.5 Doc. 34. Identification: See 2.1.5 Doc. 34.

Doc. 19 Vessel of Sennefer (pl. VII) Material: Mottled granite Dimensions: 34cm (outer diameter) x 31cm (inner diameter) Provenance: Memphis (or its environs) Date: Horemheb (1323-1295 BC) Inventory No. : Present location unknown Bibliography: Redford 1973a, pl.I; Redford 1973b, fig.1; Lloyd 1994, 2.3.1.1; Leitz 2002 QdSt [11]; Lahn 2005, III-Sch.1 Description: See 2.1.2 Doc. 58. Identification See 2.1.2 Doc. 58. Doc. 20 A Letter concerning the Wonders of Memphis (pSallier IV verso 1.1-4.8) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 760 cm (L) x 19.5 cm (H) Provenance: Purchased from M. Sallier Date: Middle of the reign of Rameses II429 (1279-1213 BC) Inventory No. : BM EA10184 Bibliography: Gressmann 1918, 198; LEM 88-92; Caminos 1954, 333-349; Posener 1945 4o; Helck 1966, 2; Stadelmann 1967, 36; Stadelmann 1987; Leitz 2002 QdSt [3] Lahn 2005, III-P.1 Description: See 2.1.1 Doc. 94 and c.f. 2.1.3 Doc. 33. Identification: See 2.1.1 Doc. 94. Doc. 21 Magical spell (pLeiden I 343 + I 345, recto XXII - XXIV) Material: Papyrus Dimensions: 495 ~ 500cm (L) Provenance: Memphis Date: 19th -20th Dynasty Inventory No. : Leiden I 343 + I 345 Bibliography: Massart 1954; Leitz 2002 QdSt [1]; Lahn 2005, III-P.2 Description: These three short fragments, from recto XXII to recto XXIV, are a series of magical spells. The first one describes perhaps a feature of the disease called smn, which goes ‘from the head –at the face – as far as vertebra of the back’. The other two are incantations against it. Qadesh appears in the second piece of this sequence (recto XXIII) with @mrq, probably a foreign god and also appearing in the recto III. This fragment is composed by three lines of text, in the middle of which is lost. Identification:430 ‘[/////] “Come! Come forth from the limbs of M born of N”, as said Qadesh. “Come! Come forth [from the limbs] of M born of N”, as said @mrq. [“Come! Come forth”, as] said Sia who has come forth from the land or Ra. [“Come! Come forth from the limbs of M born of N!” as said] Nut. [.........].’

429 428

For more bibliography.

430

101

According to Posener 1945, 241a. Massart 1954, 91.

Table 1. Categories of Evidence – Distribution of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Overview

ICONOGRAPHY Stele Relief Column Statue Statuette/Figurine Seal (Seal/Cylinder seal) Amulet Scarab Plaque Ostracon Razor Axe TEXT Stele Relief Column Architrave Doorjamb Lintel Obelisk Pillar Statue Statuette/Figurine Chariot Seal Plaque Ostracon Vessel Potsherd Graffito Papyrus: Magical spell Papyrus: Funeral text Papyrus: Socioeconomic text Papyrus: Literature Papyrus: History

Baal

Reshef

Hauron

Anat

Astarte

Qadesh

x x

x x

x

x x x x x

x x

x

x

x x

x

x

x x x

x x x x

x

x x

x

x

x x x x x x x x x

x

x x

x x x x

x x x

x

x

x

x x x x x x

x x

x x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x x x

x

x

x

x x

x

x

Papyrus: Personal letter

x

Papyrus: Hymn to the king

x

x

Papyrus: Applause for royal residence

x

x

102

Palestinian Deities:Baal

丁able 2.Categories of Evidence of Six Syro―

Baal Stclc

Rclicf Scal AInlllet

Scarab

38

Plaquc

4

Stelc lnscription

Rclicflnscription

27

Stttucttc ttnscription

□ Stclc

国 Relief

EI Scal

□ Amulct

Papyms:Socio―

■ Sc雛 あ

□ Plaquc

ccononlic tcxt

塵目Stclc lnscription

□ Rclicflnscription

目 Stttucttc lnscription

国 Pa7pyrtls:Ma7gical spcll

Pa7pyrlls:Ma/gical SDCll

Papyms:Histo琴 Papン Tus:Pcrsonal

EI Papyms:Socio― ccononlic tcxt 回 PttymS:HiStow

lettcr

壼 Papymsi Pcrsonal lcttcr

Papyrus:Hymn to thc

回 Papyms:Ц ynm tO thc king

king 丁able 4.Categories of Evidence of Six Syro―

Palestinian Deities:Reshef

Reshef Stclc

37

Rclicf

1

Figurinc

1

Scal

Amulct scarab

Ostracon

1

Plaquc Stclc lnscription

E]Stclc

爾 Rclief

□ Figurinc

EI Scal

目 Amulct

□ Scttab

圏 Ostracon

回 Plaquc

圏E Stclc lnscription

圏 Rclicflnscription

EI Stamcttc lnscription

EI Scal lnscription

｀ 回日Vcsscl lnscription

国 Potshcrd lnscription

圏 Papyrus:Ma2gical spcll

Rclicflnscription Statucttc lnscFiptiOn

1

Seal lnscription

1

Vcsscl lnscription Potshcrd lnscription

P叩 ンmS:Magical sOcll

1

4

鷺目Pa7pyrLIS:SOclo― ccnonlic text

PapymS:SOClo― ccnomic tcxt 丁ab:e6.Cate9ories of Evidence of Six Syro― Palestinian Deit:es:Hauron

Hauron Stclc

Statuc

Amulct Stclc lnscription

Colum lnscription Doo巧 狙 b lnscription

1

Lintcl lnscription

1

Statuc lnscription Plaquc lnscription

Papyms:NIIagical spcll

Papyrus:Socio“ ecnonlic text

6

□ Stclc

網 目 目Statuc

□ Amulct

E]Stclc lnscription

目E Colum lnscription

□ Doo増 anb lnscription

國 Lintcl lnscription

EI Statuc lnscription

回 Plaquc lnscription

日 Pa.pyrus:Magical spcll

E]Papyms:Socio=ccnollrlic tcxt

□ Papゞ‐ s:Pcrsonal lcttcr

Papyrlls:Pcrsonal lcttcr

103

丁able 8.Cate9ories of Evidence of Six Syro―

Palestinian Deitiesi Anat

Anat Stclc

Rclicf

Colu]mn Statuc

Figurinc Stclc lnscription

4

Rclicflnscription

Doo増 lmlb lnscription Obclisk lnscription stamc lnscription ，

国回Relief

□ Colum血

E]Statuc

■ Figurinc

EI Stclc lnscription

国 Rclieflnscription

□ Doo拳 mb lnscription

目 Obclisk lnscription

国目Statuc lnscription

□ Ostracon lnscription

□ Vcsscl lnscription

目 GraĀ to

回 Paps、s:Magical spcll

圏目Papyrlls:Funeral tcxt

国國Papyrus:Socio― econonlic text

一

Ostracon lnscription

□ Stclc

Vesscl lnscription

Gr測五to Papyrus:Ma7gical spcll

Papyms:Funcral text

□ PapyRIs:Litcralurc

Papyrus:Socio― econolllic text

Papyrus:Literaturc 丁ab:e10.Categories of Evidence of Six Syro― Palestinian Deities:Astarte

Astarte Stclc

Rclicf Cylinder scal

Amulet ９ ´

Scarab

Plaque

2

Ostracon

R額二 or ノ壼xc Stclc lnscirption

Relieflnscription

4

Architravc lnscription Pill乏

r lnscription

□ Stclc

国 Rclicf

EI Cylinder seal

□ Amulct

目 S∝廣あ

□ Plaluc

国 Ostrtton

□ Rttor

園 Axc

題目Stelc lnscirption

Ostracon lnscription

□ Rclicflnscription

Eコ

□ Pil12r lnscription

圏目Stattctte lnscription

圏 Chariot lnscription

国 Ostracon lnscription

□ Vcsscl lnscription

□ Papyms:Rttagical spcll

□ Papyrtls:Litcraturc

回 Pa.pyrus:Applttsc for royal rcsidcncc

Vcssel lnscription

９ 一

Statuettc lnscription

Chariot lnscription

P叩 )悧 S:Magical SDCll Pa.pyrus:Literattlrc

2

Papyrus:Applttsc

Architravc lnscription

for roval rcsldcncc

丁able 12.Categories of Evidence of Six Syro… Paiestinian IDeitiesi Qadesh

QadeSh Stclc

Amulct

□ Stclc

2

国 Amulct

Vcsscl lnscription

E]｀ Vcsscl

Pa7pynls:Mttical 1

lnscription

□ Pa.pyrlls:LIagical spcll

socll

Papyms:Pcrsonal

日 Papyms:Personal lo競 cr

1

lettcr

104

Map 1.D is t ribut ion of E v idenc e: B aal

・Ras Shamra(1 ) ・Qadesh ( 1 ) ・Byblos(4 ) ・Beirut(2 ?) El - F ukhkhar ( Acc o )( 1) ・

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

Qasile( 1) ・ Balah( 1)・

) ・Jericho ( 1 )

・Tanis( 4) ・Far‛ah ( 6 ) ・Nabesha( 1) (1 ) Bubastis ・ ・Saft el - Hinna( 1) ?) (2or3 )Saqqara・・Memphis ( 10 ・El - Yahudiya (1 ) (1 ?)Dahshur ・ ・Gebel Murr ( 1 ) ・ Qantir ( 1)

SINAI

Serabit el - Khadim( 1)

・Matmar( 1 ) ・Badari(1 ) ・Abydos ( 1)

EGYPT

(3 )Ramesseum・ ・ Karnak ( 8) ( 18 )Medinet Habu・ ・Thebes(7 )

Beit el - Wali( 1)・ Abu Simbel(1 )・ Buhen( 1)・

105

Map 2.D is t ribut ion of E v idenc e: R es hef

・Ras Shamra (2 )

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

・Beth -Shan (1 )

Gezer ( 1) ・

・El Simbillawein( 1) ・Far‛ah ( 2 ) ・Qantir( 3?) Athribis ( 1) ・ ・Zagazig・ (3T)ell el- Borg ( 1) Giza (1 ) ・・Memphis ( 9)

SINAI

EGYPT

・Abydos ( 1) Deir el- Medina( 17) ・ ・Karnak( 1) Mortuary T emple ・T hebes ( 1) of T hutmose IV( 1) ・ Medinet Habu( 1) ・

T ushuka( 1) ・

・El - Sebua (1 )

Sai ( 1) ・

106

Map 3 . D is t ribut ion of E v idenc e: H auron

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

El - Gharbanyat ( 1) ・

・T anis ( 1) ・Qantir (1 )

・T ell el- Maskhuta ( 1) Giza ( 25 ) ・ ・Memph is ( 2 )

S INA I

EGYPT

Deir el- Medina ( 2) ・ ・Th ebes ( 1 )

107

Map 4.D is t ribut ion of E v idenc e: A nat

MEDITERRANEAN SEA ・Beth Shan ( 1) T ell Abqa' in ( 1) ・

・T anis ( 6?) ・Heliopolis ( 1)

Giza ( 1 ) ・ ・Memp his ( 6 ) Saqqara ( 1) ・ ・Gebel Murr ( 1)

SIN AI Sinai ( 1)

Amarna West ( 1 ) ・

EGYPT

Deir el- Bahri ( 1) ・

・Karnak( 2)

・T he bes ( 2 ) Medinet Habu ( 2) ・ Deir el -M edina ( 3 ) ・

Elephantine ( 1) ・ Beit el - Wali ( 1) ・ Abu Simbel (1 ) ・ Aksha ( 1) ・

108

Map 5.D is t ribut ion of E v idenc e: A s t art e

MEDITERRANEAN SEA ・Beth Shan ( 1) ・Bethel (1 ) ・T anis ( 1) ・Qantir (1 ?) ・T ura ( 1) ・T ell el- Borg( 1) Giza ( 1 ) ・・M emphi s ( 5 ) Abusir (1)・ Saqqara ( 2??) ・

SIN AI

Z awyet Sultan ( 1) ・

Abydos ( 1) ・

EGYPT

・Karnak (1 ) Western T hebes ( 1?) ・ ・T hebes ( 7) Ramesseum ( 1) ・ Medinet Habu ( 2) ・ Deir el - M edin a ( 4) ・ ・Wadi Abbad( 1)

Abu Simbel (1 ) ・ Buhen ( 1) ・

109

Map 6.D is t ribut ion of E v idenc e: Qades h

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

・Mem phis ( 4)

SIN AI

EGYPT

Deir el -M edina ( 10 ?) ・

110

Table 3. Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Baal Baal 18th Dynasty 1550-1425

BCE

19th Dynasty

1425-1295

BCE

1295-1213

BCE

1213-1186

20th Dynasty BCE

1186-1153

BCE

1153-1069

BCE

Stele Relief Statue Seal Amulet Scarab Plaque Stele Inscription Relief Inscription Statuette Inscription Papyrus: Magical spell Papyrus: Socio-economic text

?

?

?

?

Papyrus: History Papyrus: Personal letter Papyrus: Hymn to the king * Each colour indicates the number of objects 1~5

11~15

6~10

16~20

One item only with wide-range of possible dates

?

Table 5. Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Reshef Reshef 18th Dynasty 1550-1425

BCE

19th Dynasty

1425-1295

BCE

1295-1213

BCE

1213-1186

20th Dynasty BCE

1186-1153

BCE

1153-1069

BCE

Stele Relief Figurine Seal Amulet Scarab Plaque

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

Ostracon Stele Inscription Relief Inscription Statuette Inscription Seal Inscription Vessel Inscription Potsherd Inscription Papyrus: Magical spell Papyrus: Social-ecnomic text * Each colour indicates the number of objects 1~5

11~15

6~10

16~20

One item only with wide-range of possible dates

111

?

Table 7. Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Hauron Hauron 18th Dynasty 1550-1425

BCE

19th Dynasty

1425-1295

BCE

1295-1213

BCE

1213-1186

20th Dynasty BCE

1186-1153

BCE

1153-1069

BCE

Stele Statue Amulet Stele Inscription Column Inscription Doorjamb Inscription Lintel Inscription Statue Inscription Plaque Inscription Papyrus: Magical spell Papyrus: Social-ecnomic text Papyrus: Personal letter * Each colour indicates the number of objects 1~5

11~15

6~10

16~20

Table 9. Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Anat Anat 18th Dynasty 1550-1425

BCE

19th Dynasty

1425-1295

BCE

1295-1213

BCE

1213-1186

20th Dynasty BCE

1186-1153

BCE

1153-1069

BCE

Stele Relief Column Statue Figurine Stele Inscription Relief Inscription

?

?

?

?

Doorjamb Inscription Obelisk Inscription Statue Inscription Ostracon Inscription Vessel Inscription Graffito Papyrus: Magical spell Papyrus: Funeral text Papyrus: Socio-economic text

?

?

?

?

Papyrus: Literature * Each colour indicates the number of objects 1~5

11~15

6~10

16~20

One item only with wide-range of possible dates

112

?

Table 11. Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Astarte Astarte 18th Dynasty 1550-1425

BCE

19th Dynasty

1425-1295

BCE

1295-1213

BCE

1213-1186

20th Dynasty BCE

1186-1153

BCE

1153-1069

BCE

Stele Relief Cylinder seal Amulet

?

?

Scarab Plaque

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

Ostracon Razor Axe Stele Inscirption Relief Inscription Architrave Inscription Pillar Inscription Statuette Inscription Chariot Inscription Ostracon Inscription Vessel Inscription Papyrus: Magical spell Papyrus: Literature Papyrus: Applause for royal residence * Each colour indicates the number of objects 1~5

11~15

6~10

16~20

One item only with wide-range of possible dates

?

Table 13. Date-Range of Evidence of Six Syro-Palestinian Deities: Qadesh Qadesh 18th Dynasty 1550-1425

BCE

19th Dynasty

1425-1295

BCE

1295-1213

BCE

1213-1186

20th Dynasty BCE

1186-1153

BCE

1153-1069

BCE

Stele Amulet Vessel Inscription Papyrus: Magical spell

?

?

?

?

Papyrus: Personal letter * Each colour indicates the number of objects 1~5

11~15

6~10

16~20

One item only with wide-range of possible dates

113

?

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence It can therefore be argued that this is the re-importation of the Egyptian motifs which had previously had some impact in Syria-Palestine. It may be not realistic to compare Syro-Palestinian methods of representation for these six deities with those used to portray them in Egypt, except for pointing out individual differences in each case. In this study, only objects from Egyptian contexts are examined, along with references to those from Syria-Palestine.

2.2 Iconography It should first be noticed that it is not so easy to deduce the original pre-Egyptian motifs or styles of these six Syro-Palestinian deities from the view of iconography. Although we have original descriptions of them from the Ugarit texts (including the Baal myth, some ritual texts and some legends), there are no clear visual images available from the stage before they reached Egypt. Instead, as Henri Frankfort has already pointed out,431 those objects that are now identified as figures of ‘Syro-Palestinian deities’ are in fact mostly influenced by Egypt and Anatolia (and conceivably Mesopotamia) in addition to their local traditions (e.g. Louvre AO15775).432 The excavation at Ras Shamra (Ugarit in the ancient time) in the early 20th century433 produced a large quantity of objects that tell us about the heyday of Ugarit during the 13th and 14th centuries BC, indicating the influence of Egypt in iconographic depictions, 434 even though the typical Ugaritic method of representation is also discernible. 435 The presence at Ugarit of objects deriving from Middle Kingdom Egypt clearly shows how much Egyptian influence existed in that area: a sphinx of Amenemhat III (RS 4.416), a damaged statue of the wife of Senusret II, Khnumet-Nefert-Hedjet (RS 3.336), and a damaged statue of an Egyptian official Senusret-ankh (RS 4.466 + 5.144 + 5.144A).436 Additionally, it is obvious from The Story of Sinuhe that a certain number of Egyptians were resident in the Levant. Although Egyptian political control of the Levant in the Middle Kingdom has not been proved as far north as Ugarit, 437 the Levant, including Ugarit, must have been subject to considerable artistic influence from Egypt. It is therefore not hard to find Egyptian elements in the appearances of Baal, Reshef, Anat, Astarte and Qadesh even though they are regarded as non-Egyptian deities. 438 Of those deities, only Hauron is not depicted in Syria-Palestine, and his representations (as sphinx, falcon, and anthropomorphic figure) are districted to Egypt alone. Frankfort 19965. Negbi 1976. Negbi studies metal works that have originated from Canaan, from which it is obvious that Egyptian influence is much greater than that of either Anatolia or Mesopotamia. For more details about the influence of Egypt, Anatolia and Mesopotamia on Syria-Palestine in the Early Bronze and Middle Bronze Era, see Negbi 1976 and Frankfort 19965. 433 In 1929 Claude Schaeffer and Georges Chenet started archaeological excavations at Minet el-Beida and then Ras Shamra. (see Caquot & Sznycer 1980, and for preliminary reports of this series of excavations, see Schaeffer’s entry of bibliography of Watson and Wyatt 1999.) 434 RS 23.216 and RS 23.217 (Yon 1991a stele no. 13 & 14, Fig. 7); Louvre 15755 (RS 4.427, Yon 1991a, 294-299, fig. 6 & 11a). 435 Yon 1991a, 283. 436 Schaeffer 1962, 212-225, fig. 19-25. The broken sphinx of Amenemhat III was discovered in the temple of Baal. 437 Singer 1999, 614-616. 438 The seat of El (RS 8.295 = Aleppo Museum 4622; Yon 1991a, 283, fig. 7 & 16a) has a high backrest, whereas a Syrian-style chair would normally look like a cube without such a high backrest. c.f. Weiss 1985 figs. 15-17.)

2.2.1 Baal As mentioned above, we can say that the original iconographic representation of Baal in Syro-Palestinian context greatly reflected Egyptian influence. The well-known stele from the Baal temple in Ras Shamra (Louvre AO 15775)439 indicates Egyptian elements as well as Anatolian influences: the basically human figure standing in profile whilst lifting a mace is obviously in the traditional posture of Egyptian kings victorious over their enemies, but the costume of the god is Syrian and Anatolian in design, apart from the Egyptian-style short kilt, while the pointed helmet on the head is of the ‘Second Syrian Group’ type. 440 Fragments of a stele from the same site (Aleppo Museum 4624) 441 are decorated with a similar image: standing in profile, a dagger at the waist, and a short but Syrian/Anatolian-style kilt. Unfortunately, it is impossible to confirm the ethnic origins or cultural affinities of either headdress or the object held in the right hand. Around the figure’s neck, an Egyptian-style bead mnit- necklace is visible. Another stele from the ‘Acropolis’ at Ras Shamra (Louvre AO 13174)442 also shows a human-style figure, standing in profile and dressed in a short kilt, with its right hand grasping an Egyptian HqA-crook alongside the body, and the left hand holding a spear. The headdress is somewhat unusual, taking the form of a palm leaf with a curling projection at its base. It is acceptable to follow Stadelmann’s suggestion443 that since a palm is regarded as a symbol of the fertility in Syria-Palestine, this headdress might well express the aspect of Baal as fertility god. A mnit-necklace features again around the neck. Another stele from the ‘Southern Village’ in Ras Shamra (Damascus Museum 6357) 444 is decorated with a representation of Baal that is distinctly similar to the way in which he is represented on Egyptian stelae. His short kilt with a tassel is common in the depiction of Syro-Palestinian deities in Egypt. Likewise, the figure in this stele takes a standing pose with the left arm in a smiting posture hand and the right hand grasping a spear as well.

431 432

439

Schaeffer 1934, 1-18, pl. I; Schaeffer 1949, 46-49, 121-130, pls. XXIII-XXIV. 440 Frankfort 1996, 256. For details of the ‘Second Syrian Group’ type of helmet, see Frankfort 1939. 441 Schaeffer 1949, 93-95, 99-104, pl. XX, 3; ANEP 489. 442 Schaeffer 1949, 85-99, pl. XXII: centre. 443 Stadelmann 1967, 30. 444 Seeden 1980, pl. 136.4.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts Thus, in principal, Baal is depicted in his anthropomorphic form in iconographic representations in Syria-Palestine, blending together various artistic features of Egypt and the Near East. Some texts clearly indicate that Baal is thought of as a bull-styled fertility god,445 but this aspect of Baal seems not to have been included as a part of his iconography in Syria-Palestine.

precise contexts we are undoubtedly dealing with Seth-Baal. Although Seth is invoked in the accompanying inscriptions, the guise of the figure in question is Asiatic (its short kilt with tassels, conical crown with horns and streamer etc). It can be said that this shows the hybrid Seth-Baal by means of a mixture of different modes of expression. Seth-Baal is portrayed striding to the right or left and holds a wAs-sceptre and an anx-symbol in his hands. Only the stele already mentioned above (Doc. 8), which was dedicated in Ras Shamra by the Egyptian official Mami, has so far been found to describe the Asiatic figure as Baal-Zaphon.447 This stele is from Ugarit rather than Egypt, but its artistic style is obviously Egyptian. Although almost the whole of Baal’s body is destroyed, it can be deduced that he is shown striding to the right, where the dedicator (Mami) stands in a worshipping posture. Sometimes Baal is depicted as a god who gives the king the scimitar-sword (Docs. 6, 14). Such a close relationship between the god and the king in which the former guarantees the latter military successes in the royal context is not characteristic of the surviving materials to Reshef. This standing posture is attested on some scarabs (Docs. 30, 56).

In Egypt, the first iconographic appearance of Baal is on plaques, scarabs, and amulets of the 18th Dynasty. This may possibly be linked with the fact that, during the 18th Dynasty, Baal was worshipped in Peru-nefer in the Memphis area 446 as the protector of nautical matters. This was an important harbour for trade, as well as a naval and military stronghold with regard to Syria-Palestine. Many merchants and traders, both Egyptian and Syro-Palestinian, who brought these plaques, scarabs, and amulets with them must have come and gone in this dock region. It is reported in a letter from Memphis to Thebes (2.1.1 Doc. 94) that a temple of Baal was constructed in Memphis. In the 19th Dynasty Baal began to be depicted on stelae at a larger scale and in a royal context. This presumably reflects the fact that the status of Baal was greatly enhanced by the new prominence of Seth who was the favoured royal god of the Ramesside period and has also been identified with Baal. It is noteworthy that Baal mainly appears as the hybrid, Seth-Baal, rather than Baal himself in iconographic representations from stelae to scarabs. The iconography of Baal (Seth-Baal) in Egyptian context is classified into five types as below;

B. Menacing Seth-Baal (2.1.1 Docs. 17, 18) In Egyptian contexts it is rare to find Seth-Baal in a menacing posture: i.e. as a striding god brandishing a weapon above his head or holding his hand up in a threatening way.448 So far this posture is attested on only two plaques in Egyptian contexts, whereas it is a relatively common pose in Syro-Palestinian portrayals.449

A. Seth-Baal stands holding the wAs-sceptre, and the anx-symbol or giving the scimitar-sword to the king (2.1.1 Docs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 30, 56) Since the 19th Dynasty, Baal is represented on comparatively large stelae in royal contexts. In these

C. Winged Seth-Baal The ‘winged Seth-Baal’ portrayal combines the forms of Baal and winged Seth. The relationship of Seth and wings is mentioned much earlier in the Pyramid Text: ‘The eye of Horus is placed on the wing of his brother Seth, .....’ (§ 1742).450 Winged Seth-Baal can also be subdivided into three types: 1.Standing (2.1.1 Docs. 16, 19, 33-44, 49, 50, 57), 2. Standing on an animal (2.1.1 Docs. 27, 28, 45-48, 51-53, 55, 58, 59) and 3. Slaying a serpent (See below: D). When Baal is portrayed in standing position mainly on scarabs, he strides and the wings are stretched out. With regard to the second category, as in the case of the previous one it is almost always attested on scarabs, the motif of deity standing on an animal is not common in Egypt but it is in Western Asia (c.f. section 2.2.6). It is therefore possible to interpret that an animal on which Baal stands might be imported from Syria-Palestine. 451 Although some of

445

KTU 1.10 III 5ff; 1.11. The exact location of Peru-nefer has been discussed for almost a hundred years. Georges Daressy (1928-1929 and 1930-1931) was the first to propose that the location of Peru-nefer might not be in Memphis but in the Delta-site of Piramesse. Wilhem Spiegelberg (1925, 215f) agreed with this as did Labib Habachi (1954), who specifically identified the location as Khatana/Qantir. They based this view on the stelae of Amenhotep II from Karnak and Memphis (c.f. Urk IV 1315) which describe the fact that the king ‘proceed to Memphis’ after he arrived at Peru-nefer. However, since Stephen Granvile (1932, 28ff) proposed that Peru-nefer was a suburb of Memphis, the majority of scholars have tended to follow the latter’s opinion (e.g. H. Wall-Gordon 1958, Stadelmann 1967, Helck 1982, and K. Kitchen 1991. c.f. David. Jeffreys 1985, 48, 107, nn.385-388, and Bietak 2005b n.4.) On the other hand, recent excavations at Tell el-Dab‛a which reported new evidence of establishments of the 18th Dynasty by Bietak (2005a) show again that Peru-nefer should be in the Delta, at Tell el-Dab‛a, which would be identified as Avaris, the capital city of Hyksos. Nevertheless, as Jeffreys (2006) points out, it would not be unusual to make a procession from Peru-nefer to Memphis even if they are in the same area, because the Memphis district must have been huge. Thus, when the king arrived at the port, he might have had to proceed to his destination from the waterfront for a while. Furthermore, it should be carefully noticed that the traces of foreign cults have been discovered more in Memphis than in Delta. As Jeffreys says again, we need more ‘indisputable’ evidence to identify Peru-nefer’s location without any question. 446

447

“Baal” originally means “lord” “owner” in Semitic and composes the Baal-toponym (Baal + place name) to show the manifestation of this god in each local area such as Baal-Sidon, Baal-Hermon and Baal-Peor. Baal-Zaphon is also a Baal-toponym, and Zaphon is said to be the name of a mountain, Gebel el-Aqraa, which is located to the north of Ugarit. 448 The definition is made by Cornelius 1994, 168. 449 See Cornelius 1994 BM1- BM3, BM5, BM6, BM8-BM14, BM16. 450 Faulkner 1969, Utterance 615. 451 Keel and Uehlinger (19932, 129) suggest that this lion on which

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence their provenances are unfortunately unknown it can be assumed that the original Egyptian motif of Seth-Baal combination was re-imported into Egypt with Syro-Palestinian elements.

It is intriguing to note that Baal (= Seth-Baal) in Egyptian contexts hardly ever takes on a brandishing posture, whereas the god is shown in Syro-Palestinian contexts with a menacing posture which is supposed to be early Egyptian influence. Instead, this god, mainly in the Ramesside period, holds a wAs-sceptre and an anx-symbol or gives a scimitar-sword to the king. This presumably means that Baal (Seth-Baal) would have been given a role as the presenter of dignity or divine victories, rather than simply a martial god.

D. Winged Seth-Baal as a serpent slayer (2.1.1 Doc. 5, 12, 20-25, 29) Lipński insists that ‘winged Seth-Baal as a serpent slayer’ should be interpreted as Seth himself or as Hauron.452 Lipński accepts that the winged god (i.e. type C above) may be Baal, but he argues that the serpent slaying image cannot represent Baal because of a lack of evidence for Baal in this form on other objects. On the basis of the Ugaritic myth in which Hauron is invoked against snake bites (KTU 1.100), Lipński suggests that the winged god as a serpent slayer should be Seth, which is an original Egyptian motif, or that it is even more likely to be Hauron. Furthermore, Lipński uses the image of a winged god standing on a lion to support his idea. As Lipński points out and I show below (section 2.2.3), Hauron is strongly connected with the lion, and specifically the leonine form of the Sphinx of Giza, so that Hauron himself can be represented in the guise of a lion. However, Lipński’s view is difficult to support iconographically, since Hauron is never attested on the back of a lion either in Egypt or Syro-Palestine. It therefore seems unlikely that this winged god would be Hauron.

2.2.2 Reshef Basically, the Egyptianised Reshef is frequently attested in Syria-Palestine and it is sometimes very difficult to distinguish Reshef in his original Syro-Palestinian background. Nevertheless two stelae from Ras Shamra may show original iconographic representations of Reshef in Syria-Palestine even though they show signs of Egyptian influence; RS 23.216 and RS 23.217. 454 In particular, RS 23.217 has some similarities with well known stelae, such as those of ‘Baal au foudre’ (RS 4.427, Louvre AO 15775) and one dedicated to El (RS 8.295, Aleppo Museum 4622)455 so that it seems fairly certain that it belonged within a Syro-Palestinian context. In addition, it is assumed that Reshef on both stelae is not the Egyptian version because of the type of headdress he wears. RS 23.216 shows a pointed helmet and RS 23.217 a domed(?)-helmet, both are distinctly different from the Egyptian White Crown. The former, RS 23.216, shows that Reshef has just released an arrow. His left hand stretches out forward grasping a bow, while his right hand is still raised behind his head. On RS 23.217 Reshef is portrayed getting ready for shooting by fitting an arrow to the bowstring. These scenes would correspond to the texts KTU 1.82: 1-5, in which arrows are applied to an attribute of Reshef. A quiver hanging on the shoulder of Reshef in Egyptian stelae (e.g. 2.1.2 Docs. 15, 20, 24) could reflect or adopt this aspect of Reshef.

The winged Seth-Baal appears mainly on plaques, scarabs, and amulets as a serpent slayer. Winged Seth is attested as a serpent slayer of Apophis in the sacred bark of the sun god, Ra.453 Accordingly, winged Seth-Baal seems to take over this role. E. Triad stele (2.1.1 Doc. 7) Cornelius placed two other stelae (1994 BR 15 and BR 16) into the Baal category. However, on the basis of fresh investigation, it seems more reasonable to assign these stelae to the cult of Reshef (see 2.1.2 for details). The depiction of Baal in Doc. 7 might show one of his original appearances, in which he wears a palm leaf headdress (RS 2.[037] = Louvre AO 13174). Since the palm leaf is a symbol of fertility in Syria-Palestine and since Baal himself was originally a weather god, which means that he was therefore also a fertility god in the initial place, it is possible to argue that the dedicator of this stele would be Asiatic who had brought with him his own cultic tradition. At the same time, the occurrence of Baal in this kind of stele, functioning as the object of a request for healing and fertility, makes a great deal of sense. The meaning of triad stele will be investigated in the section on Qadesh (2.2.6) because Qadesh is the main deity in many triad stelae.

In Egypt, Reshef has five types of iconographical representation as discussed below. Cornelius proposes the sixth category ‘The riding/driving god (Cornelius 1994 RR35-RR38)’, but this is very uncertain, partly because there has so far been no solid iconographical evidence of Reshef on the back of a horse. The question of whether this ‘riding/driving god’ is Reshef has been discussed for almost fifty years. Simpson, 456 Stadelmann,457 Fuscaldo458 and Helck459 agree with the suggestion that Reshef is associated with riding, especially horse-riding, and Cornelius follows this interpretation. On the other hand, Schulman,460 Fulco461 454 455 456 457

Seth-Baal stands is taken from the attribute of his Ugaritic enemy, Mot, the god of death and summer heat. 452 Lipński 1996, 260-262. 453 As for the origin and interpretation of Seth as a serpent slayer in the sacred bark of Ra, see te Velde 1977, 99-108.

458 459 460 461

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Yon 1991a, stele no. 13 & 14, Fig. 7, 19 and 20. idem., 311. Simpson 1960, 73. Stadelmann 1967, 57-58. Fuscaldo 1976, 130. Helck 1971b, 450-451. Schulman 1977, 13-14. Fulco 1976, E4 and E11-12.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts and Spalinger462 argue that there is no decisive evidence for Reshef riding on the back of a horse. The main reason for the former assertion is the existence of statements about the links between Reshef and horse-related matters. From the Sphinx stele (2.1.2 Doc. 52) and Memphis stele (2.1.2 Doc. 53) during the reign of Amenhotep II, it is clear that Reshef has some associations with horses. However, these materials do not mention that Reshef rides on horseback. The Sphinx stele reports that Reshef and Astarte rejoiced because the king (Amenhotep II) could take care of horses excellently and handle them from the chariot skillfully. Here, Reshef is said to be simply ‘rejoiced’ without any mentioning of the place where he was. The Memphis stele states only that the king (Amenhotep II) crossed the Orontes river in northern Syria ‘like Reshef’, but this does not mean Reshef on horseback. Although the inscription of Rameses III in Medinet Habu (2.1.2 Doc. 57) narrates that the chariot-warriors are as mighty as Reshef, this means not that Reshef is on horseback but that Egyptian chariots are very strong like Reshef himself. As Schulman suggests,463 it certainly indicates that Reshef has connections with chariots and chariot-horses, but it does not mean that Reshef was characteristically on the back of a horse. Other links between Reshef and the idea of a horse-riding figure take the form of some damaged or fragmentary stelae and reliefs containing the name of Reshef along with the partial iconographic representations of the riding figure. This, however, does not indicate that the riding figure is Reshef, because the name of Reshef might be a part of a petition or a narrative.

that the figures stand on the back of possible gazelle.467 However, Keel’s theory itself is rather ambiguous and unconvincing because he has not provided convincing ground for his argument. The iconographical depiction of Reshef in Egyptian contexts should be categorised into five types with subcategories. A. Standing with brandishing a spear and holding a shield With two exceptions of 2.1.2 Docs. 25 and 26, Reshef is always striding to the right. In some cases, Reshef holds a spear and shield together. Now that Astarte holding a spear and shield together in one hand is attested from Tell el-Borg (2.1.2 Doc. 1), this motif can no longer be regarded as unique to Reshef. When Reshef takes a brandishing posture, he sometimes hangs a filled/empty quiver on his shoulder (2.1.2 Docs. 15, 20, 24), otherwise, a lute is depicted behind Reshef or on his raised arm (2.1.2 Docs. 3, 5, 7, 14, 28, 35).468 A quiver might be reminiscent of KTU 1.82:1-5 as stated above. Here, the arrows of Reshef are interpreted as the plagues and diseases which he showers on mankind since Reshef has the aspect of an evil god in Syria-Palestine. A lute is originally not an Egyptian musical instrument but was introduced from the Caucasus through Syria and Northern Mesopotamia when the Hyksos, probably under Hurrian influence, moved to and partly ruled Egypt.469 Thus, there seem to be three possibilities to interpret this lute that appears with Reshef. 1) The lute represents or emphasises that Reshef is a ‘foreign’ god by virtue of its own foreign origin. 2) When the lute was imported into Egypt it was possibly used in marching scenes of soldiers at first470 so that it was linked with Reshef who was once identified with the Egyptian war-god Montu in the 18th Dynasty. Although the votive stelae on which Reshef is depicted with the lute are from the Ramesside period it is plausible to think that the association was still valid from the 19th Dynasty onwards. 3) On some Reshef stelae, instead of the lute, a lotus-leaf fan tied with the Sn-sign at the bottom (Docs. 2, 30), a xw-fan held by the anthropomorphic anx-figure (Docs. 8, 12) or simply a lotus flower (Docs. 33, 34) is placed behind Reshef as a symbol of life and benefit, which is a common device on votive stelae in Egypt. From this point of view, the lute should be also considered as a symbol of vitality.

Furthermore, Cornelius argues464 that Astarte, the other Syro-Palestinian deity who is connected with horses and horse-riding in Egypt, is never depicted holding a spear and shield together in one hand, so this is a crucial criterion to distinguish Reshef from Astarte among some iconographic representations of horse riding (see 2.1.5 Docs. 2 and 4). However, a recent discovery from Tell el-Borg (2.1.2 Doc. 1 = 2.1.5 Doc. 1) which clearly shows Astarte holding the spear and shield together, is enough to demonstrate that Cornelius’ suggestion is no longer valid. It is very dangerous to identify figures holding the spear and shield together as Reshef based on uncertain grounds. It also must be noted that the identification of the figure on the back of a horned animal as Reshef should be deliberately examined again. Agreeing with Keel who has proposed the theory about identification of Reshef mentioned above, 465 Cornelius 466 classified twenty figures on the back of the horned animal into those of Reshef, five of which have been reinforced by the fact 462 463 464 465 466

The shields seem to be typically Egyptian; a rectangular shape with rounded top which is front facing,471 or a 467

As of October 2007, Prof. Cornelius confessed to the present author that he had changed this interpretation (by personal communication). 468 Leibovitch (1940, 490) proposes the assumption that this is a weapon after his discussion on it as a lute; possibly a bludgeon or mace. However, it seems natural to consider this object as a lute compared with the shape of the lutes in many relief representations of festival scenes with musical performances. 469 Hickmann & Stauder 1970, 197. 470 ibid. 471 c.f. Cairo JE 30986 (model soldiers from the tomb of Mesehti, Assiut), Newberry 1893-1894 vol. II pls. IX-XIX.

Spalinger 1978, 516. Schulman 1977, 13. Cornelius 1994, 75. Keel 1980a, 269 and 1990, 198-200. Cornelius 1994, RM 21-40.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence rectangular and incurved top which shows the view from the side. They correspond to hieroglyphs; D34 (

D. Sitting with brandishing a spear and holding a shield. Four out of five cases of this type are attested during the reigns of Rameses II and Amenmessu. They are categorised into two subtypes; D.1 With (a) worshipper(s) (2.1.2 Docs. 8, 11, 12, 13) Reshef always face to the right.

) and

). Based on the classification by Alessandra D34a ( Nibbi,472 the shield held in Reshef’s hand in Egyptian iconography is the traditional shape from the 1st Dynasty until the New Kingdom, or the New Kingdom style used by nobles.

D.2 With the deceased king, other deity and worshippers (2.1.2 Doc. 38)

As a whole, this brandishing posture has been seen on votive stelae and would be taken in order to multiply the effect on granting a wish to the dedicator by ‘forceful attitude’.

E. Triad stele (2.1.2 Docs. 6, 9, 10, 21, 22, 37) Reshef triad stelae comprise Qadesh, Min and Reshef. Reshef usually stands on the right with a peaceful attitude even though he holds some weapons. Normally he carries a spear in his right hand passively, and hangs the anx-symbol down in his left. Schulman474 omits this representation from the characteristic iconography of Reshef because Reshef is not the main god on the triad stele. This is not acceptable. It may be true that Reshef is a secondary character in the triad stele, however, Reshef certainly shows some sort of his aspect worshipped in Egypt. Inasmuch as the meaning of triad stelae should be investigated in the section of Qadesh (2.2.6) because Qadesh is the main deity in many triad stelae, suffice it to say that Reshef in the triad stele appropriately shows his nature as a fertility god.

This type A image should be subdivided into three categories below; A.1 Reshef standing by himself (2.1.2 Docs. 5, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 26, 28, 32, 33, 40, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 50, 51) Normally, Egyptian votive stelae show both dedicatee (deities) and dedicator in the same stele. From that point of view, it would be reasonable to follow Stadelmann473 who suggests that this type of stele has its origin in the Near East; it seems to have been customary to show the deities alone on stelae in Syria-Palestine. A.2 Reshef standing with (a) worshipper(s) (2.1.2 Docs. 2, 3, 14, 23, 25, 26, 30, 31) This is a common style of Egyptian votive stele.

In Egyptian contexts, Reshef is overwhelmingly shown holding some weapons (a spear, a mace, scimitar composite, etc.) in his hands, either in the brandishing posture or standing passively. It may well be that these weapons would have had magical meanings in order to multiply the effect in answering to the dedicator’s requests.

A.3 Reshef standing with other god(s) (2.1.2 Doc. 24) Reshef appears with Ptah in a votive stele from the Delta. The relationship between Reshef and Ptah as ‘he who hears a prayer’ is clear from the epithet applied to Reshef as mentioned below in 2.3.2. This votive stele should reflect such an association although there is no text on the stele. Additionally, in the same stele, Horus is also portrayed.

2.2.3 Hauron Hauron has not yet appeared iconographically in Syria-Palestine, therefore it is impossible to say whether an Egyptian style of Hauron takes over some ‘original’ visual depictions in Syria-Palestine. In Egypt, Hauron was depicted in three ways. The categories of evidence are: A) sphinx-style, B) hawk-style, C) others (anthropomorphic form and Osiris shape). Type A and C are attested only on stelae, while B appears in all of the three cases; stelae, statues and amulets. Type A makes up more than half of the evidences.

B. Standing carrying a weapon peacefully and holding a spear or a spear and shield together (Not brandishing posture) (2.1.2 Docs. 35, 36, 47). In this type of stele, Reshef strides to the right holding a weapon in his right hand passively along the body and grasping a spear only (2.1.2 Doc. 35) or a spear and shield together (2.1.2 Docs. 36, 47) in his left. C. Standing holding a wAs-sceptre and hanging anx -symbol (Not brandishing posture) (Doc. 4) Only one case has been attested so far. It could be said that this type is very rare so that Schulman misses or ignores this in his work in 1992. It would appear that Reshef is not a dedicatee of this stele (the real dedicatee would be Hauron) but just added for more prestige with Amun, the national god.

472 473

A. Sphinx-style In all portrayals of the sphinx type, it is a common feature that the sphinx sits to the left facing right, and that this type of stele has two registers, with Hauron appearing in the upper one. In addition there are the following particular characteristics; A.1 Sitting on the pedestal or ground The place on which the sphinx sits varies depending on the stele: on the pedestal (2.1.3 Docs. 1, 3-5, 7, 9, 11-13,

Nibbi 2003, 176, fig. 14. Stadelmann 1967, 64.

474

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Schulman 1992, 80b.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts 16) or on the ground (2.1.3 Docs. 2, 8). Furthermore, these pedestals show variations in height and decoration. Some have a cornice and/or false door decoration on them, and others are plain.

2.2.4 Anat It is difficult to elucidate the nature of iconographic representation of Anat identified by the accompanying text from Syro-Palestinian contexts. Ugaritic texts describe her as a bloodthirsty and aggressive war goddess as below, but there is no visual evidence to support this as a verbal equivalent of the brandishing posture of Anat. As for figurines, the smiting pose itself is comparatively rare for female figures. 477 Three Canaanite figurines of a female warrior in smiting posture and wearing an Atef-crown with uraeus478 and another figurine wearing a Hathor wig and adopting a brandishing posture are dated to the latter half of the second millennium BC. These figurines might conceivably be images of Anat or Astarte influenced by Egyptian iconography. The visualisation of Anat (and/or Astarte) as a war goddess in the Levant could even have started after their Egyptian iconographic representations had become widespread in the Near East, rather than before that stage.

A.2 With a Swt-fan above the back (2.1.3 Docs. 1, 2, 4) The fan creates the shadow which was regarded by the Egyptians as one of the essential elements for human beings along with the Ax, bA, kA and name. Moreover the Egyptian word for shadow (Swyt) was considered to be the spirit of god475 and also associated with ‘protection’ in connection with afterlife. 476 Kings were, therefore very often portrayed under the shade of a fan. The Swt-fan, the hieroglyphic sign for which was actually used for the word ‘shadow’ and which was depicted on Hauron’s back, probably indicates the same meaning as the divine ‘protection’ for dedicator’s afterlife. A.3 Winged solar disc at the top of the stele (2.1.3 Docs. 3, 5, 9)

A bronze female figurine from Ras Shamra is one possible original image of Anat from Ugarit.479 This flat figurine adopts a sitting position and wears a Syrian-style long dress exposing her breasts partially, which may possibly imply Anat’s sexuality or maternal aspect (as explained in 2.3.4 below).

A.4 With a king’s figure between the forelegs rather than adorer(s) (2.1.3 Docs. 1, 4) Apart from these two stelae showing Hauron, there are four others without Hauron on which a human figure is depicted between the forelegs of the Sphinx. Three of the four are stelae commissioned by princes during the reign of Amenhotep II. The remaining one is the stele of Montuher, belonging to the first half of the 18th Dynasty (Cairo JE 72273). It is generally accepted that the theme of these stelae is to indicate the protection given by the god to the king.

Another possible visual depiction of Anat in Syria-Palestine would be a winged figure that occurs as a literary motif. In KTU 1.10, she flies to the shore of Shamku to see her lover Baal; in a hymn to Anat (KTU 1.13, ll. 1-23) she is said to fly up by the side of prayer’s (?) eagles; and in an incantation (KTU 1.108) she is compared to a kite and ‘soars in the high heaven’. A stele from outside the Baal temple at Ras Shamra may show a female figure representing this aspect of Anat.480 The headless figure wearing a bird’s plumage reminds us of statements concerning the winged Anat mentioned above, but Jeffery Lloyd warns that it is ‘tenuous’ to identify this figure as Anat without any epigraphic support, bearing in mind that there are other flying creatures in Ugaritic myth such as those who appear in The Epic of Keret.481 There are a number of other objects that have frequently been linked with Anat. A cylinder seal from Ras Shamra (Louvre AO 17242) portrays a winged female figure sitting on a couchant animal, while a bronze axe-head from Al-Biqâ (Louvre AO 4654) and a figurine from North Syria (Louvre AO 21378) are both said to show a ‘winged Anat’ in a Syrian context, although Lloyd questioned their credibility as such.482 At any rate, the image of Anat with wings does not seem

B. Hawk-style (2.1.3 Docs. 10, 14, 15, 20, 21, 22) This style is found on stelae, statues and amulets. On the stelae, Hauron always faces to the right. Some cases show a flail on the back of Hauron (2.1.3 Docs. 10, 21, 22). C. Anthropomorphic form (2.1.3 Doc. 6) Only one case is attested. In this case he is depicted with the wAs-sceptre and anx-symbol which are never found in other representations of this god. D. Shape of Osiris (2.1.3 Doc. 19) Like C. Anthropomorphic form above, only one case has been attested so far of this type, but this association nevertheless indicates that Hauron is deeply connected with the netherworld. This aspect of Hauron will be discussed in section below (2.3.3). Although it is impossible to compare with Syro-Palestinian style due to the lack of evidence from that region, Hauron, in Egyptian contexts, is mainly represented as the Sphinx at Giza in connection with Horemakhet.

475 476

477

Negbi 1976, Chapter III. Only six cases are reported. idem., no. 1625, 1626 and 1628. 479 idem., no. 1648. (Louvre AO 19397) 480 Aleppo Museum 4625. Yon 1991a, 291, fig. 6 & 9c. Since Schaffer, this stele has been recognised to show Anat although the head is lost. For details, see Yon 1991a and Lloyd 1994, 2.5.2.8. 481 Lloyd 1994, 2.5.2.8. 482 idem., 2.5.2.7 478

Faulkner 1962, 263. Hornung 1992, 178.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence to be introduced into Egypt, where no trace of it has been attested in iconographic representation so far. In Egypt, depictions of Anat are much rarer than those of the other five deities. Furthermore, compared with textual evidence, the number of visual images is considerably smaller. She is portrayed in the following four styles: 1. seated with a brandishing posture, 2. seated passively, 3. standing in a peaceful position, and 4. Qadesh style.

(2.1.4 Doc. 3) shows Anat standing with a wAs-sceptre in her left hand and an anx-symbol held passively in the right. A figurine of unknown provenance shows a female in a standing posture, possibly holding a shield in her left hand while the right is hanging down with nothing visible although it might originally have grasped a mace or a lance. D. Qadesh style (2.1.4 Doc. 2) A naked woman stands en face in a so-called ‘Qadesh-style’ analysed below, identified by the accompanying texts comprising the names of three Syro-Palestinian goddesses (Anat-Astarte-Qadesh). This clearly indicates identification of these three deities and also suggests that these three goddesses were the Syro-Palestinian version of the Hathor circle. (See 2.1.6 and 5.4)

A. Seated with brandishing posture (2.1.4 Doc. 1) In contrast to the fact that Anat is well known as a war goddess, only one stele from the reign of Rameses II actually shows Anat seated in a menacing pose. This stele is a so-called triad stele on which Min, Qadesh and Reshef are portrayed for votive purpose. The brandishing posture of Anat, which occupies the lower register of this stele, may remind us of Reshef on votive stelae. Reshef takes on a brandishing posture with a mace or composite weapon consisting of a mace and scimitar-shape blade. This can be interpreted as a device in order to multiply the effect of granting a wish to a dedicator by ‘threatening obstacles to happy afterlife’ with a menacing posture, as mentioned above. Accordingly it seems reasonable to consider that Anat’s brandishing posture in the present stele perhaps means an expectation that she would defeat any evil spirits and harmful phenomena so as to achieve the desired effect. One may notice the similarity between this motif and that of Astarte, appearing on the stele from Tell el-Borg, which dates to the mid-18th Dynasty (2.1.5 Doc. 1). In the latter scene, Astarte sits on a throne fixed on the back of a horse, and takes up a menacing pose.

Contrary to her image as a war goddess deduced from textual evidence, her iconographical depiction as a martial goddess is very rare in Egyptian contexts. What is more, the proportion of her iconography to that of Anat is much less than that of other five Syro-Palestinian deities. The pictorial appearance of Anat is mainly from the reign of Rameses II, which may mean that the influence of the king should be considered. 2.2.5 Astarte The Ugaritic texts seem to report several iconographic representations of Astarte in Syria-Palestine. If Stadelmann 483 is correct, Astarte in Syria might be imagined as seated on a sphinx throne, which is sometimes carried by two lions, and thus it is possible that the image of Astarte sitting on a throne fixed on the back of a horse on the stele from Tell el-Borg (2.1.5 Doc.1), which has no parallel in Egyptian art, might reflect this tradition. A figurine from Ras Shamra has been identified as Asherah (Athiratu in Ugarit),484 who is confused or perhaps just shares some attributes with Astarte.485 This object shows the goddess in standing posture, wearing Syrian costume and raising her right hand in a gesture of blessing. It is possible that Astarte may have adopted a similar image to this goddess, which might, therefore, be reflected in the Egyptian iconographic representation for her mentioned below Type B, i.e. ‘standing in peaceful attitude’), in addition to the equestrian motif.

B. Seated passively (2.1.4 Doc. 5) One statue of Anat seated next to Rameses II is classified into this category. Anat here puts her right hand on the shoulder of Rameses II benevolently as a royal protector, and rests her left on her knee. C. Standing with peaceful position (2.1.4 Docs. 3, 4, 6, 7, 8) Another statue of Anat with Rameses II (2.1.4 Doc. 4) shows her in a standing posture; here Anat clasps the king’s hand in a caring way with her right hand and the left is possibly hanging down alongside her body, though it is lost by damage. A similar motif was probably intended on a damaged relief depicting Rameses II and Anat again (2.1.4 Doc. 7); their lower bodies are lost due to damage, however, it can be assumed that Anat took the king by the hand, which is a common motif in Egyptian representations of the king with a deity, although normally, in a relief, the deity would be walking ahead of the king, in contrast to this relief. There is one more example of Anat in a royal context (2.1.4 Doc. 8), in which she takes up a standing position in front of the king Merenptah. Anat holds out her right hand towards the king, presenting a weapon consisting of a pear-shaped mace and scimitar-sword. She also carries an anx-symbol in her left hand. A stele from Bath Shan

The 483

most

common

and

distinctive

iconographic

Stadelmann 1967, 98. Mercer (1935, 193) already pointed it out from the image of Astarte in Syria seated on a throne supported by lions (Syria V (1924), pl.XXXI) and between two sphinxes (Syria V (1924), pl.XXXII). 484 Negbi 1976, no.1630. 485 As I mention in 2.3.5, the names of Athiratu and Astarte begin with different letters (Athiratu: an aleph, Astarte: an ayin) so that it seems impossible that there is any confusion between these names written in texts as Prof. A. Millard suggests by personal communication. However, iconographically it would be not improbable that such misusing or crossing use of the attributes of these two goddesses.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts representation of Astarte in Egypt is that of an equestrian. The association of Astarte with horses probably goes back to her Mesopotamian origins. Ishtar, Mesopotamian Astarte, is already linked with a horse in the Epic of Gilgamesh which tells us that Ishtar “loved the horse, proud of combat” and “destined (it) to the whip, the crook and the riding crop”.486 The horse is also familiar in Ugarit487 and a link between Astarte and a horse is attested in Ugaritic Dream Omens (RS 18.041).488 It was not until the New Kingdom that the horse was brought into Egypt, and thus it is natural that the idea of riding on horseback must have been stimulated by some influence from outside at that time. It may, therefore, be deduced that the ‘equestrian’ motif seems to come from Asia with Astarte, who is originally associated with the horse. The equestrian motif, when applied to Astarte in Egypt, comprises two types and in addition Astarte is sometimes depicted standing peacefully or represented in the guise of Qadesh together with Anat as below.

B. Standing in peaceful attitude (2.1.5 Docs. 9, 10, 12-15 ) Astarte sometimes appears standing in a peaceful attitude. Apart from one case (2.1.5 Doc.10) which indicates Astarte wearing a naos-sistrum, she is dressed in an Atef-crown, sometimes with horns (2.1.5 Doc. 12) or ribbons (2.1.5 Doc. 15). Normally she carries a sceptre and an anx-symbol passively, and even when she holds a spear and/or a shield her posture is calm. C. Qadesh style (2.1.5 Doc. 11) This style clearly and convincingly shows that three goddesses, Anat-Astarte-Qadesh, constitute the Syro-Palestinian version of the Hathor circle (section 5.4). Here it seems more precisely that these three goddesses are manifested symbolically as curative and fertility-oriented deities. (see sections 2.1.6 and 5.4 below) It seems that the nature of Astarte as a war goddess could be emphasised by her brandishing posture on horseback, compared with Anat who was another martial goddess among the six Syro-Palestinian deities. When she is depicted as standing, she takes on a peaceful attitude, and a menacing pose was never employed even when she holds weapons.

A. Equestrian (2.1.5 Docs. 1-8, 16-30 ) It should be noted that the iconographic appearance of Astarte taking up an equestrian style in the royal contexts has been attested mainly during only the 18th Dynasty. From the 19th Dynasty onwards the motif of Astarte riding on horseback seems to slide into that of popular religion. However a possible evidence of the equestrian Astarte in royal contexts during the Ramesside period was intriguingly suggested by Anja Herold489 as a result of her research on a possible royal stable of that period unearthed at Qantir.

2.2.6 Qadesh As with the textual evidence of Qadesh in Syria-Palestine below (2.3.6), it is very difficult to find the original iconographical representation of this deity in her birth place. The so-called Qadesh style, identified by the name inscribed beside her on some stelae in New Kingdom Egypt, can be also attested on some plaques from the Syro-Palestinian region:490 (1) A naked female en face stands on the back of an animal (usually a lion striding to the right, sometimes a horse), moon or star, if not, just on a base line holding (a) animal(s) and/or (a) flower(s) in both hands extended in a ‘V’-shape; (2) Only the frontal face is shown; (3) In types 1. and 2., she wears a Hathor wig sometimes surmounted by a pedestal or horns. Although no text has identified this figure as Qadesh, there is little doubt but that these figures are intended to represent her. However, it must be noted that these plaques have been virtually all dated to the Late Bronze Age, which means that they are not able to be identified as an indigenous Syro-Palestinian method of depiction of Qadesh introduced into Egypt.

It is noted that there are two subcategories for equestrian Astarte motif as below; A.1 With brandishing posture When Astarte is depicted in this posture, she most often wears an Atef-crown (2.1.5 Docs. 1, 3, 5, 6, 8, 16-18). The exceptions include perhaps 2.1.5 Docs. 2 and 4, which are too damaged to show whether she has the crown or not on her head, and two stelae (2.1.5 Docs. 7 and 28) that show her wearing the White Crown with streamers. On one ostracon from Thebes (2.1.5 Doc. 19) Astarte takes up a brandishing position on horseback without any headdress apart from a lotus flower on her head. Another ostracon from Thebes (2.1.5 Doc. 26) shows Astarte with no headdress on horseback holding a lance in her raised right hand and a shield in her left. A.2 With whipping (?) posture On ostraca, Astarte is depicted in the act of whipping, or else just grasping reins in one hand and placing the other on the rump of the horse (2.1.5 Docs. 20-23, 25). In this image she is not dressed in an Atef-crown but just a wig-style headdress judging from the objects on which it is visible.

Stadelmann491 suggested, while admitting the difficulty of absolute certainty, that the Qadesh style originated 490

486 487 488 489

For example, four sheet-gold plaque pendants from Minet el-Beida (Negbi 1976, nos. 1698, 1699, 1700, 1701), one solid bronze plaque pendant from Acre (idem. no.1967), and some terracotta plaques and their moulds (Cornelius 2004 Cats. 31-61). 491 Stadelmann 1967, 110-111.

Labat 1970, 183. Leclant 1960, 2 and n.5. Pardee 1997. Herold 1998, 140-141, fig.11; Q IV, FZN 85/0075.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence from the Near East 492 following Pritchard, 493 on the basis that the frontality of a figure such as Qadesh is otherwise very rare in Egypt, and also that Qadesh was worshipped with another Syro-Palestinian deity, Reshef (probably referring in this instance to the triad stelae).

Hathor, and the so-called Qadesh style mentioned above could thus be seen to represent this deity. Finally, roughly speaking, it can be deduced that the original idea of Qadesh style (frontality and Hathor wig, as well as holding something in the hands) would be a sort of Egyptian motif ‘imported’ into Syro-Palestinian area, and that, when this divine image was introduced into Egypt as a foreign deity Qadesh from the New Kingdom onwards, the method of iconographic representation of Qadesh could be ‘re-imported’ into Egypt with the conception of this goddess.

Certainly laterality is the mainstream form of two-dimensional art in ancient Egypt, and frontality is comparatively rare, however, the latter has existed since the Predynastic period, as in the depictions of the goddesses Bat and Hathor, and thus it was not a totally new design after the New Kingdom along with Qadesh. Furthermore, in Egypt, an archetype of this Qadesh style (basically a standing naked woman en face with a Hathor-like wig, holding serpent(s) and/or flower(s) in both hands) has been already attested in the 12th Dynasty and 13th Dynasty. 494 The former shows the goddess Beset with a frontal face and body on an ivory magical wand. This goddess stands both legs together and her feet points sideways, grasping serpents in her both hands. The latter is a wooden statuette discovered in Ramesseum. This is also considered as the goddess Beset with a frontal face and body. The goddess is a naked holding a serpent in her each hand in passive way. It can therefore be deduced that these circumstances date back to the origins of the iconographical representation of Qadesh in Middle Kingdom Egypt, which was then developed further in Egypt, as Helck argued.495

However, it must be noted that some Near Eastern elements have been added to it. The motif of a deity standing on a back of an animal (in the case of Qadesh, it is a lion), which is very uncommon in Egypt, is the case.498 It is said that the design of the deity, upright on a real animal, is probably derived from Anatolia, as in the case of the rock shrine at Yazilikaya 499 in which a crowned female deity Hebat wearing earrings and mounted on lions is shown with her son standing on a lion again. This motif is supposed to be especially popular in the Hittite and the Neo-Hittite cultures.500 It is assumed that it extended into Syria, where the motif of a goddess on a lion was created.501 On another front, it is more likely that this motif has derived from Mesopotamia agreeing with Albright and Prichard.502 In Mesopotamia, the design of ‘a deity on a back on an animal’ seems to have been employed much earlier.503 Furthermore, Ishtar is sometimes depicted naked and on a lion504 which is usually depicted as a pedestal in the Semitic world. 505 The image of a lion has been employed in this motif, not only as a symbol of cruel military power but also as an icon of protection through its strength and prowess being inextricably linked with savagery. 506 This could lead us to think that the relationship between Ishtar and a lion 507 may be reflected in the motif of Qadesh standing on a lion, because Ishtar is the Mesopotamian Astarte, who is obviously equated with Qadesh and Anat from formerly Winchester stele (2.1.4 Doc. 2 = 2.1.5 Doc. 11 = 2.1.6 Doc. 14) composing the Syro-Palestinian version of the

In addition, there is a possibility of Egyptian influence on the iconographic design of Qadesh in Syria-Palestine from the viewpoint of the relationship between Hathor, Asherah (Athiratu in Ugarit) and Qadesh. Hathor has been well known in the Syro-Palestinian region, especially in Byblos, as a goddess of love, fertility and benevolence since the very early stages of Egypt’s contact with the Levant through trade and the exchange of craftsmen etc. This is also shown by the title of Hathor ‘Lady of Byblos’,496 and consequently those who live around this area have experienced this deity with frontal depiction, which is very rare in Egypt. At the same time, they worshipped their own generous, fertile and mother-like goddess, Asherah (Athiratu), who, in mythological sphere, suckled the king and was called the wife of El, to some extent overlapping these two deities with each other. In fact Asherah (Athiratu) is also called/identified as ‘Qadesh (qdS)’ 497 (KTU 1.2, 1.16, 1.17) so that ‘Qadesh’ could be easily identified with

498

However, the motif of ‘king standing on animal’ has already been fully attested. The wooden ‘ritual figures’ of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 60714 and Cairo JE 60715) show the king standing on a leopard and, in the tomb of Sety II (KV 15), there is a painting of the king standing on a lion or leopard. 499 Akurgal 1962, fig.19 = mono. pl.77. 500 Keel 1977b, 152-158. 501 Helck 1971b, 463. 502 Albright 1939; Pritchard 1943. 503 Keel 1974, fig. 15. A stamp from the Old Babylonian Period shows the god of war, disease and death, Nergal, stands on the back of a lion. 504 Volokhine 2000, 66 and Louvre AO 6501. 505 Cornelius 1989, 60. On the contrary to Egypt, major deities relatively were not depicted with parts of animal body in Mesopotamia, resulting in that the lion under the feet of Ishtar instead indicated the relationship between this goddess and a lion directly. 506 idem., 63. 507 Ishtar is frequently correlated to a lion: “You roared like a lion in heaven and on earth, and upset the people”, and “lioness” is one of her epithets. (See Cornelius 1989, 59-60.)

492 Lahn (2005, 222-223 & Appendix) offers the “klassischer Typ” of Qadesh which shows a frontal body with a face in profile. 493 Pritchard 1943, 42. 494 A magical wand (BM EA 58794; Pinch 1994 fig. 38) dates to c. 19th-18th centuries BC and a statuette (Manchester 1790; Baines 1991, fig. 61, Pinch 1994, fig. 27, Bourriau 1988, 110) is dated to the 13th Dynasty. 495 Helck 1971a, 218. 496 e.g. CT 61 497 As for the meaning of the name and entity of this divinity, see section 2.3.6.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts ‘Hathor circle’ discussed below (see section 5.4). And also, for the same reason (Anat, Astarte and Qadesh are composing a mirror image of ‘Hathor circle’ in Egypt consisting of Hathor, Sekhmet, Bastet, Isis, Mut and Nephthys: see discussion in 5.4), it can be assumed that the motif of a lion on which Qadesh stands could symbolise the fiery lioness which Sekhmet and Bastet, corresponding to Anat and Astarte, indicate in the mythological accounts. It could therefore be a supplemental device to totalise an association between Anat, Astarte and Qadesh, because the only peaceful aspects such as fertility and love are emphasised for the last goddess.

Under the circumstances, it should not be problem to think that the serpents in the hand of Qadesh attested in Egyptian context reflect the Egyptian idea wishing for the apotropaic protection and the peace of afterlife. On the other hand, in Syria-Palestine, the aspect of Qadesh as a ‘fertility’ goddess probably would be better emphasised by the figures of gazelles, goats and rams. In addition, it would be reasonably motivated by Cornelius, 514 to interpret that this motif – Qadesh holding gazelles, goats, and rams – represent the goddess as a ‘Mistress of Animals’. It is particularly worth noting that the so-called triad stelae of Qadesh with Min (sometimes Onuris) and Reshef are frequently attested in Egyptian contexts, although two examples have been reported from Syria-Palestine.515 Considering the dates that are usually applied to these objects, it cannot necessarily be stated that the Syro-Palestinian versions were first. It is undeniable that this co-appearance of these three deities indicates a combination emphasising their common attributes as fertility gods, and this issue will be examined further in section 5.5 below.

As for the serpent that Qadesh always grasps in her hand, it is tempting to think of this reptile as an Egyptian indigenous element, although no explanation about these serpents has been attested from inscriptions on stelae and other written documents (c.f. 2.1.6), 508 because 1) the figures in the guise of Qadesh style grasping serpents in Syro-Palestinian contexts have not been attested so far (even though only one case 509 shows two serpents around the hip of the goddess, not holding). They clasp gazelles, goats, rams and flowers,510 the latter forming the largest group, instead of serpents. 2) As mentioned above, the so-called archetype of Qadesh in Egypt attested from the Middle Kingdom is already shown with the serpent in the hands.

It is accordingly summarised that the visual depiction of Qadesh in Egypt can be divided into two basic categories:

In Egypt the serpent has two ambivalent aspects: negative image as a symbol of chaos or disorder such as Apophis, and oppositely positive one reminding us of ‘rebirth’ or ‘resurrection’ associated with its ecdysis. In addition to the latter, non-poisonous serpents would have been considered beneficial to the household, as in the case of the serpent-deities Renenutet and Meretseger. On the basis of the nature of Qadesh’s stelae as votive ones, it is obviously reasonable to think here that the serpent on the stelae with the Qadesh style figures means the latter feature as a magical symbol, which answers the dedicator’s wish for ‘regeneration’ and ‘vitality’ in the afterlife, together with the lotus and/or papyrus regarded as indicative of medical healing power.511

A. Triad stele (2.1.6 Docs. 2, 5-8, 10-13, 15, 17) The total number of motifs of Qadesh on a lion in a triad stele is largest (2.1.6 Docs. 5-8, 10-13, 15, 17). Only one case （2.1.6 Doc. 2) has been attested in which Qadesh appears standing on base. B. Non triad stele (2.1.6 Docs. 1, 3, 4 (?), 9, 14, 16) As with those from Syria-Palestine, some Egyptian stelae display Qadesh alone. Except for one stele (2.1.6 Doc. 4), all show Qadesh on a lion, and moreover, apart from only one stele (2.1.6 Doc. 1) Qadesh is shown en face. It is easily remarked, on the basis of the data in section 2.1.6 above, that Qadesh has not appeared iconographically in royal scenes so far. This situation is mirrored by the textual evidence. It is clear that Qadesh was not involved in the royal theological struggle aiming to ‘legitimate’ the current kings by the divine authority, and was thus more likely to have been simply popular among ordinary people and connected with issues more related to daily life.

Furthermore, it should be taken into account that serpents are grasped as ‘weapons’ by Middle and New Kingdom apotropaic figurines such as depicted on headrests. 512 The serpent described in the hand of god or goddess is originally evil one, but it is ‘detoxified’ by the deities and the ‘poison’ itself is regarded as a ‘weapon’ against the enemies in order to protect the owner and dedicator of this object. This could remind us of the idea of ‘Mistress of Animals’.513 508

Lahn (2005, 214) shows her hesitation to consider the serpent in Qadesh’s hands from Egyptian context. Louvre AO 14714. 510 idem., Cats. 5.11, 5.13, 5.20-5.25, 5.27-5.28, etc. 511 Manniche 2006, 105-106 and 132-135. 512 For example, BM EA 63783. 513 According to Ritner (2006, 213), the deity standing and holding out 509

each hand sideways with serpents or poisonous animals, is called ‘Master/Mistress of Animals’. It is assumed that this motif indicates the power and rule against those animals. 514 Cornelius 1993, 33. 515 Cornelius 2004, Cats. 5.11 and 5.13.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence 2.2.7 Egyptian Headdresses and Syro-Palestinian Deities

Table 14 is the statistical chart of Syro-Palestinian deities who wore Egyptian headdresses. This chart does not indicate the entire set of evidence for Syro-Palestinian deities in Egyptian contexts, but shows only those instances where we can attest a headdress on their heads and in which each deity has been securely identified by the inscriptions. As for Baal, Seth-Baal combination is reflected.

2.2.7.1 The Egyptian Crowns Just as in most cultures from ancient to modern times, in ancient Egypt the crown was a very important element among the regalia indicating kingship, and the dignity and power of the king when he is represented in some scenes. The main difference between other cultures and ancient Egypt was the sheer number of royal headdresses. In ancient Egypt, there were literally hundreds of varieties of royal headdresses. In most cultures the headdresses are said to develop from simple forms to complex ones,516 and this process also seems to have happened in ancient Egypt. However, many of the simple forms were never actually discarded in ancient Egypt, in contradiction to other cultures, and thus they existed and continued to be depicted in later periods. This made it possible to attest a huge range of royal crowns in ancient Egypt, in many stelae, reliefs, sculptures and inscriptions, and also, most of these crowns are in some way different from one another. Although there are not so many general studies about ancient Egyptian crowns,517 some types of headdresses have been identified by Sandra Collier in 1996.518 They are: the White Crown, the Red Crown, the Double Crown, the Double Feather Crown, the Atef-crown, Nemes-cloth, XAt, sSd, the Blue Crown, and the Amun Crown. Additionally, fifteen elements are considered to have been combined with each type of crown: uraeus, sun disc, ram horns, cow horns, tall feathers, Amun horns, ram head, falcon, jackal head, xAbt, cartouche, plant ornament, vulture, crescent moon and ribbon.519 These types and elements made up variants of crowns in many combinations, and the old ones evidently did not disappear when new ones were created.

This distribution of combinations of deities and headdresses is relatively unchanged statistically, and if anything, it seems to be reinforced, when the representations not explicitly identified by inscriptions are also taken into account (Table 15). In the rest of this section I intend to discuss the implications of these combinations of Egyptian crowns and Syro-Palestinian deities, based on my interpretations of this chart.

In Egypt, it was necessary for the kings to try to be identified with particular gods which were thought to protect the king himself and also kingship theologically, in order to stabilise their authority and preserve social order. In such a case, the kings made use of the royal headdresses as ways of mediating between secular kings and sacred deities so that many gods and goddess also wore royal headdresses. 2.2.7.2 Syro-Palestinian Deities with the Egyptian Crowns Some Syro-Palestinian deities introduced into Egypt and venerated by both the royal and ordinary people, namely, Baal, Reshef, Hauron, Anat, Astarte and Qadesh also appeared with the Egyptian headdresses in iconographic representations. It would be plausible that these figures reflect the Egyptian attitudes towards these Syro-Palestinian deities.

516

Collier 1996, 4. Abubakr (1937) and Collier (1996) discussed a number of crowns. The latter discussed more kinds of crown than the former showing eight types each of which have subtypes and fifteen different added elements. 518 Collier, 1996, Fig. 1. 519 idem., Fig. 2. 517

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts

Table 14 Egyptian Headdresses and Syro-Palestinian Deities - Statistical Data (Only the materials identified by inscription) Double Nemes Feathers

x At /afnt

sSd / mDH

Cap

Amun

0/7 (0%)

0/7 (0%)

0/7 (0%)

0/7 (0%)

0/7 (0%)

0/7 (0%)

0/7 (0%)

0/18 (0%)

0/18 (0%)

0/18 (0%)

1/18 (5%)

0/18 (0%)

0/18 (0%)

0/18 (0%)

0/18 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

7/17 (41%)

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

3/17 (18%)

5/5 (100%)

0/5 (0%)

0/5 (0%)

0/5 (0%)

0/5 (0%)

0/5 (0%)

0/5 (0%)

0/5 (0%)

0/5 (0%)

0/5 (0%)

0/8 (0%)

6/8 (75%)

0/8 (0%)

0/8 (0%)

0/8 (0%)

0/8 (0%)

0/8 (0%)

0/8 (0%)

0/8 (0%)

1/8 (12.5%)

0/8 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

6/6 (100%)

0/6 (0%)

White

Red

Double

Atef

x prS

Baal

7/7 (100%)

0/7 (0%)

0/7 (0%)

0/7 (0%)

0/7 (0%)

0/7 (0%)

Reshef

17/18 (95%)

0/18 (0%)

0/18 (0%)

0/18 (0%)

0/18 (0%)

Hauron

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

*3/17 (18%)

0/17 (0%)

Anat

0/5 (0%)

0/5 (0%)

0/5 (0%)

Astarte

1/8 (12.5%)

0/8 (0%)

Qadesh

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

Others Nothing

* There are four cases of the Double Crown fixed on the Nemes-cloth: 4/17 (24%)

Table 15 Egyptian Headdresses and Syro-Palestinian Deities - Statistical Data (Including the materials not identified by inscription) Double Nemes x At /afnt Feathers

sSd / mDH

Cap

Amun

0/51 (0%)

0/51 (0%)

0/51 (0%)

0/51 (0%)

0/51 (0%)

0/51 (0%)

0/40 (0%)

0/40 (0%)

1/40 (1%)

0/40 (0%)

0/40 (0%)

0/40 (0%)

0/40 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

7/17 (41%)

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

3/17 (18%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

13/16 (81%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

1/16 (6%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

1/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

15/16 (94%)

0/16 (0%)

White

Red

Double

Atef

x prS

Baal

51/51 (100%)

0/51 (0%)

0/51 (0%)

0/51 (0%)

0/51 (0%)

0/51 (0%)

0/51 (0%)

Reshef

39/40 (99%)

0/40 (0%)

0/40 (0%)

0/40 (0%)

0/40 (0%)

0/40 (0%)

Hauron

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

*3/17 (18%)

0/17 (0%)

0/17 (0%)

Anat

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

0/6 (0%)

6/6 (100%)

Astarte

2/16 (13%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

Qadesh

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

0/16 (0%)

* There are four cases of the Double Crown fixed on the Nemes-cloth: 4/17 (24%)

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Others Nothing

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence 2.2.7.3 The White Crown and Baal The crown with which Baal appeared was usually the White Crown. The headdress of Baal on many scarabs may be a simply conical one looking slightly different from Egyptian White Crown, but the case could be understood as an accentuated feature due to limitations of space. In his original Syro-Palestinian context, the stele in which Baal wears a helmet with a sharp point and a pair of bull horns515 has been attested. This headdress is obviously different in shape from the Egyptian White Crown. In other words, the White Crown might indicate some kind of character or attribute which the Egyptians found in the god Baal. As stated above, the Seth-Baal combination must be kept in mind. Except for only one case (2.1.1 Doc.8) the stelae which are said to show the Baal figure with Asiatic features – namely: Asiatic beard, streamer, tassels and short kilt - have the name of Seth in their inscription. Actually, Baal was identified with Seth, and then, Baal was the only Syro-Palestinian deity whose name was written with the hieroglyphic ideogram of an Egyptian god: the Seth – animal in later Egyptian texts.516 The 19th Dynasty, from which these stelae are attested, was the period when Seth was treated as a kind of royal ancestor, and accordingly, Seth was considered to be the dynastic god. Consequently, it can be said that, sharing in the bounty of Seth, Baal was also considered head and shoulders above other Syro-Palestinian deities. That is why Baal often seems to specifically represent Seth mutually in his depictions.

and harmony, therefore, here, the juxtaposition of Seth (based on the Seth-Baal combination) and Osiris/Horus (implied by the White Crown) would create stability and accord symbolically. Actually, some of Baal’s characteristics were more similar to Osiris than Seth, namely, both Baal and Osiris are gods of fertility and annual vegetation, and have relations with the netherworld. It is intriguing that these similarities seem to have been ignored,521 but it may well be that the White Crown was not only referring to Horus but also reminds the viewer that Osiris and Baal share certain characteristics. 2.2.7.4 The White Crown and Reshef Like Baal, Reshef wore the White Crown in almost every posture; standing, sitting, smiting and not smiting, while some figures are dressed in what seems to be sSd. Whereas we are informed from the Ugarit texts of some characteristics of Reshef as the god of plagues and death or the gatekeeper of the netherworld, it is quite difficult to figure out the original iconographical appearance of Reshef in Syro-Palestinian context. As of now, all stelae and reliefs of Reshef have been attested in Egyptian contexts and from within Egypt, and other two cylinder seals discovered in the Levant522 show Reshef in his Egyptian form even though the inscriptions were written in cuneiform. Furthermore, two objects (2.1.2 Docs. 40 and 48) from the Levant523 probably also take the form of the Egyptian design of Reshef, rather than the original Syro-Palestinian version.

Concerning the White Crown with which Baal is shown, it might be possible to say that it reflected the Seth-Baal combination. However, the relationship between Seth and the White Crown is quite debatable517 and Seth was more frequently associated with the Red Crown of Lower Egypt. 518 Normally, the White Crown which symbolised Upper Egypt, was attested with Osiris and also associated with Horus in the mythological scenes. Horus was allowed to succeed to the ownership of the White Crown after the death of Osiris.519 Thus, in this representation, there is a possibility that this White Crown was equivalent to Osiris/Horus in opposition to the Red Crown worn by the anthropomorphic form of Seth. It might be said that this is a commonly used device of expression in Egypt, usually described as dualism or complementarity. 520 The contraposition of both items would have been thought to create balance

With regard to the White Crown of Reshef, it might indicate the association with the Seth-Baal combination as I have already suggested.524 Reshef and Seth-Baal would share some characteristics and Reshef might reflect this relationship by means of the White Crown. At this stage, the shadow of Osiris/Horus behind the White Crown should be considered as a separate issue, namely, since Reshef was perhaps only displaying his connection with the Seth-Baal combination, and not necessarily referring to Osiris/Horus. Similarly, the head of a gazelle on the headdress of Reshef could be interpreted from the same viewpoint. In the Egyptian pantheon, the goddess Anukis was represented with the White Crown flanked by two gazelle horns, and the gazelle was worshipped as a sacred animal of Anukis at Kom Mer, 12 kilometres south of Esna. Furthermore, Hathor is also associated with the gazelle based on the myth of Horus and Seth (10.6-10.10), 525 in which Hathor uses the milk of a gazelle for healing Horus’s eye injured by Seth. However, the aim in giving this gazelle head to Reshef does not seem to be a comparison of the god directly with Anukis or Hathor. The gazelle was actually a favourite pet and a

515 Louvre AO 15775. On this motif, there is a suggestion of the mixture of Syrian, Egyptian and Hittite styles. c.f. Cornelius 1994, 136, n 4. 516 Wb I: 447 517 Although Wilkinson (2003, 197-198) suggested that Seth had the White Crown along with the Double Crown, he did not mention particular evidences. Furthermore, he kindly replied to my question about evidence to say that he was not sure that the materials which he had checked were assured to be those of Seth (on 08/09/2005). 518 Urk IV 16: 6-7 519 Horus and Seth 8.1-5, 10.6-10 and 16.1-2. 520 Collier (1996, xiii) used this term to indicate the concept which the Egyptians basically kept and applied to think and show their world view.

521

G. Hart (1986, 50) also pointed out. On this topic see my discussion in the section 5.1. 522 Louvre AO 22361 and Louvre AO 22362. 523 c. f. YMCA 287B. 524 Tazawa, 2007. 525 Lichtheim 1976, 219.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts symbol of private joy, elegance and leisure,526 it is these aspects that can be said to be attested in the headdresses of the under-age wife of Thutmose III in the 18th Dynasty. The gazelle’s sweet and happy aspects, and the idea of speed and grace in running might be reflected527 in the case of Anukis, but there is no reason to apply these attributes to Reshef because of his link with a gazelle’s head. On the other hand, the gazelle was also considered as an archetypal animal of the desert, and one of the essential characteristics of Seth was as the god of the desert. Accordingly, it is plausible that the gazelle on the forehead of Reshef was a way of alluding to the identification between Reshef and Seth, 528 and furthermore the association between Reshef and the Seth-Baal combination, and quite likely had no deliberate links at all with Anukis.

As for the headdress of Hauron, both the Double Crown and the Nemes-cloth clearly indicate unquestionable association with the kingship. The Double Crown which consists of the White Crown and the Red Crown symbolises the king’s legitimacy and respect with regard to the whole of Egypt. The living king is usually shown wearing the Double Crown in his representations and sculptures, while, in the mythological sphere, Horus generally has the Double Crown on his head. Also the Nemes-cloth is not just a cloth head-covering but had strong connection with the kingship. The texts of Amenhotep II indicated that the Nemes-cloth was one of the devices that were used in the king’s coronation scene.532 From Coffin Text 312, it is obvious that the Nemes-cloth was the key to combining Horus’s three roles as the successor of Osiris, the helper of Osiris resurrection, and the solar god. Therefore, it can be said that Nemes-cloth has certain association with Horus. As just described, both the Double Crown and the Nemes-cloth imply associations with Horus.

However, it must be noted that this tendency may be restricted only to the Ramesside period. In the 18th dynasty Reshef apparently appeared in the military context of the royal family and was identified with Montu. Moreover, it is difficult to confirm whether Reshef wears the White Crown of Upper Egypt or not in the stelae from this period due, unfortunately, to damage to the relevant areas of the images (e.g. 2.1.2 Doc. 56).

Generally, the Sphinx at Giza was thought to be Horemakhet. Helck suggested that Hauron was identified with the Sphinx probably due to the similarity of names Hr and Hwrw as pronounced by the Asiatic people.533 It may well be plausible to ordinary people, however, in the royal and political scene, there might be a legitimate reason to adopt such foreign deity in so much that the temple was constructed for Hauron.534 Based on Coffin Text 312, the Nemes-cloth and the Sphinx 535 would evoke the double lion god (Rwty) as a guardian. This characteristic appears to be combined with one of the original characteristics of Hauron in Syro-Palestine, as a protector from snake bites and demons. In fact, Hauron’s characteristic as a protector is clearly attested in the Egyptian texts (2.1.3 Docs.35 and 36). Furthermore, as stated above, the Nemes-cloth was associated with Horus and that association was emphasised by addition of the Double Crown. This identification could be directly represented by Hauron in the form of a falcon. The statue of Ramesses II embraced by Hauron from behind (2.1.3 Doc. 20)536 showed that Hauron was recognised as a royal patron and protector.

2.2.7.5 The Double Crown and the Nemes-cloth and Hauron Hauron wore two kinds of Egyptian headdresses. They were the Double Crown with the Nemes-cloth, and also the Nemes-cloth alone. In the case of the Double Crown, Hauron put on both types of the Double Crown:529 In one, the Red Crown would enclose the White Crown (2.1.3 Doc. 2), in the other the White Crown was superimposed on the Red Crown (2.1.3 Docs. 4, 7, 13). In contrast to other Syro-Palestinian deities who were depicted anthropomorphically, Hauron has three patterns of iconographic representation in the Egyptian context. Mainly, Hauron was represented in the form of the Sphinx at Giza with or without the Double Crown, otherwise, he had a falcon form with or without the Double Crown (2.1.3 Doc. 10, 14, 15), and only one case of anthropomorphic style with the Double Crown on the head of Horus has been attested with the name so far (2.1.3 Doc. 6). However, as I have already pointed out with Reshef, so also with Hauron, it is hard to recognize his original iconographic figure in any Syro-Palestinian context. As in the case of other deities, we know from the Ugarit texts that he had some ambivalent characteristics polarity. For example, although he was a chief of harmful demons,530 at the same time, he was invoked against snakes and, finally, he detoxified snake poisons.531

Consequently, it can be inferred that the Double Crown and the Nemes-cloth cooperated together to show the role of Hauron in Egypt. First, Hauron was regarded as a guardian or protector of the desert, and then that function was stretched to encompass the meaning of patron and benefactor of the kingship, which was indicated by the figure of the falcon Horus.

526

532

527

533

Peterson 1997, 239. Lurker 1980, 53-54. 528 R. Wilkinson (2003, 127) offered two possibilities. One is that the origin of Reshef is the desert, the other is a result of his identification with Seth. 529 Abubakr 1937, 60 and Collier 1996, 17. 530 KTU 1.16 VI 54-58. 531 KTU 1.100.

Urk IV 1277. LÄ II 1055. 534 In the 18th Dynasty, suddenly, visiting the Sphinx became popular among the royal members. Moreover, the royal visitors admired the Sphinx as their guardian and protector of the desert. 535 The Sphinx is considered as a guardian against enemies from the desert. 536 This motif itself traces back to the 4th Dynasty.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence 2.2.7.6 The Atef-crown and Anat and Astarte Anat is constantly shown with the Atef-crown. The combination of Anat and Atef-crown can be attested not only from her iconographic representations but also the determinative (2.1.4 Doc. 4) with which her name is written. Like Reshef and Hauron, it is also difficult to trace her original iconographic image in Syro-Palestinian context. Although there are many kinds of material which carry goddesses, they don’t have particular name of a goddesses, so that we are obliged to hesitate to identify these anonymous deities. In some Ugarit texts, she was described as a winged goddess.537 However, this aspect does not seem to be attested in the Egyptian representations which we can identify as Anat by the name in the inscription. 538 She was also said to be horned in the Ugarit text (KTU 1.10539 and 1.108) and the depiction of Anat on the column at Heliopolis (2.1.4 Doc. 8) has horizontal horns. However, this is obviously Egyptian ram horns and quite normal item added to the Egyptian crown, it is hard to say that these horns reflected an original representation of Anat.

characteristic of warlike and bloodthirsty became dominant in Syro-Palestine. Both Anat and Astarte wore the Atef-crown. As of now, in Egypt, there is no iconographic evidence which shows both of them in the same scene. However, they do appear together in texts as a pair. This might derive from the fact that these two goddesses seemed to be paired with each other in the Ugarit text.545 They often appeared together and were both described as warrior or hunter goddesses. The fact that both of them wore the Atef-crown might reflect this close relationship. The association of these goddesses and the Atef-crown seems to be complicated. According to Abubakr, the Atef-crown consists of the crown of Upper Egypt (reed-crown at the centre of the crown) and that of Lower Egypt (feather-crown), and is therefore equivalent to the Double Crown. 546 Additionally, he suggested that the Atef-crown was a variant of the Osiris Crown and that they were compatible with each other because of the similarity in shape. This idea has been followed by some later scholars for decades, however, Collier re-examined and suggested that, although the Atef-crown was connected with Osiris himself, the Atef-crown and the Osiris Crown are separate forms and clearly distinct from one another, on the presupposition that the Atef-crown is the Double Crown in the netherworld.547 She also shows that both crowns have another way of being worn individually and that they were employed in different scenes.548 Based on her definition, the Atef-crown was normally worn with mainly Nemes-cloth or sSd. However, Anat and Astarte did not employ them with the Atef-crown. Although only one case has a streamer with the Atef-crown of Anat (2.1.4 Doc. 8), in almost all cases Anat and Astarte put the Atef-crown directly on their heads. Actually, this way of wearing is applied to the Osiris Crown. Usually the Osiris Crown was put on a head directly. Does this mean that Anat and Astarte had not the Atef-crown but the Osiris Crown?

She was depicted in the Ugarit texts as a “volatile, independent, adolescent warrior and hunter”.540 In the Ugaritic myth, she beat human and supernatural enemies with the bow and sword, 541 in addition she was described as a suckling deity (= wet nurse),542 this aspect evidently being associated with warriors and royalty.543 It is surely the case that this characteristic of Anat was taken over in Egypt as a goddess of war. Her mythological defeat against Yam or serpent might remind the Egyptian of battle against Apophis. However, her original iconographic depiction in Syro-Palestine is still undefined. Astarte normally had the Atef-crown like Anat and also the Atef-crown was employed as her determinative (2.1.5 Doc. 38). However, Astarte is also sometimes shown with the White Crown (2.1.5 Doc. 7) and naos-sistrum (2.1.5 Doc. 10). Like other deities, the original iconographic figure of Astarte is also ambiguous. Some scholars suggested that IAA 76-999 was Astarte in the Syro-Palestinian context because of the horse under her foot.544 However, this motif is clearly that of Qadesh mentioned below. In the Ugarit text, Astarte was described as a wife of El and wet nurse of the gods. She also helped Baal to smash the skull of Yam as such her

In fact, the Atef-crown is said to be the ‘crown of Ra’.549 545 c.f. KTU 1.2: I:40, KTU 1.14:III:41-42 = VI:26-37, KTU 1.15:II:27-28, KTU 1.100: IV:20, KTU 1.114. Wyatt (1995, 205) suggests that this close relation between Anat and Astarte may represent an early stage in a process of syncretism of the two goddesses. 546 Abubakr 1937, 18. Abubakr referred Hetepheres in the Old Kingdom with the Atef-crown in which the Atef-crown was treated as the Double Crown. As for texts, he quoted pHarris I 79:5-6. 547 Collier 1996, 49. 548 Collier (1996, 48) pointed out that the evidence quoted by Abubakr to support his idea were all mortuary scenes, and that one of components of the Atef-crown, reed-crown, was attested in the mortuary scene of a mastaba in the Old Kingdom. Based on these situations, she deduced that the Double Crown indicated the royal power in entire Egypt in this world, and then, the Atef-crown represented the king as ruler over Egypt in the netherworld. She also explained that this reflected the Union of Osiris and Ra in the New Kingdom. Accordingly, the Atef-crown on a magical wand (BM EA 18175) would imply the relationship between the Atef-crown and the netherworld. 549 In scene 8 of coronation of Hatschepsut at Karnak, the Atef-crown was called “xaw Ra (crown of Ra)”. Amenhotep II associated the

537

KTU 1.10:II:10-11, KTU 1.108:8-9. In KTU 1.18:IV:21ff, Anat attacks Aqhat in the form of a eagle. 538 Non-inscribed materials, including cylinder seal and scarabs, have raised controversy during identification. Some scholars continue to discuss whether it is safe way to use the wing as a criterion to identify one god as Anat. (c.f. Cornelius 2004, 2.1.3 and Cat. 1.9 & Cat. 2.2) 539 There are two interpretations on this case: either a metaphor for curled hair or a real horn. (c.f. de Moor 1987, 113) 540 Day, 1995, 65. 541 KTU 1.3-1.6. 542 KTU 1.15:II:27. 543 Walls 1992, 152-154. 544 Cornelius 2004, 48, Cat. 5.13. It is a rectangular pottery mould, outlined, lower right corner lost (155x95x19), pattern in intaglio, surface find from Tel Qarnayim in the Beth Shan valley, Late Bronze.

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2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts This reminds us of the connection of the Atef-crown with the fact that Anat and Astarte were considered as ‘daughter of Ra’ in Egypt. 550 It is plausible that the Atef-crown would reflect this aspect of these two goddesses as ‘daughter of Ra’. Consequently, it can be said that the Atef-crown of Anat and Astarte would combine the function of the Double Crown and the aspect as ‘daughter of Ra’ for two goddesses.

mentioned above (2.1.6 Doc. 1), on the other hand, might reflect Hathor’s aspect as a tree goddess,553 by the plant on Qadesh’s head. It has been noted that Qadesh has not appeared in any royal cult scenes. She was never depicted with kings, and kings did not mention anything about Qadesh in their official records such as Anat and Astarte. In other words, Qadesh was not part of any official cult but worshipped instead by ordinary people in popular religion.554 This might also explain why Qadesh is not shown with an Egyptian royal crown, and vice versa.

2.2.7.7 Various Headdresses and Qadesh As for Qadesh, she did not appear with a typical Egyptian royal crown like other deities. It has been confirmed that Qadesh basically wore the Hathor headdress. Then, the sun disc, the crescent,551 the naos, a sistrum and a naos-sistrum were often added to the Hathor headdress according to circumstances. It does not seem that there are any particular associations between the kind of attachments and the questions of whether it is a triad or a solitary figure. There are, however, some exceptions, such as the Winchester stele (2.1.6 Doc. 14) in which Qadesh appears to wear a T-shaped headdress (evidently not a naos, which has been attested on other objects). On one stele (2.1.6 Doc. 1) Qadesh wears a Nemes-like-cloth adorned with a vessel in which perhaps plants are visible.

2.2.7.8 Discussion Finally, it becomes clear that an exclusive group of the Egyptian royal headdresses were directly linked with specific Syro-Palestinian deities, and that each deity was invariably connected with a particular headdress: Baal and Reshef are associated with the White Crown, Hauron is connected with the Double Crown and Nemes-cloth, and these combinations of deities and headdresses would have particular implications, respectively. Anat and Astarte frequently wore the Atef-crown which could indicate their relationship with the sun god Ra. Qadesh usually had a non-royal crown such as the Hathor headdress with or without some attachments, which exclusively demonstrates much close connection between Qadesh and Hathor.

In the case of Qadesh, it is quite obvious that she was connected with Hathor. On a tiny ivory engraved tablet dated to the 1st Dynasty, Hathor was flanked by the sign for the god Min.552 It might be argued that this idea survived into the New Kingdom and was then reflected in the motif of Qadesh associating with Hathor. Consequently, each attachment might indicate some characteristics of Hathor. First, the sun disc could imply the common mythological identification of Hathor with the sun god Ra, and indeed Qadesh is actually called the ‘eye of Ra’ on Egyptian stelae (2.1.6 Doc. 5). These epithets also indicate the association between Qadesh and Hathor by employing the sun god as an intermediary. The sistrum is one of the most prevalent objects associated with Hathor, who was also linked with dance and music. It is therefore natural that Qadesh would have also taken over this aspect from Hathor, as shown by the depiction of a sistrum on the head of Qadesh. The stele

2.3 Texts: Epithets and Roles of Syro-Palestinian Deities in Ancient Egypt It is necessary to study not only the iconographic representations of the six Syro-Palestinian deities but also the textual references to them, which have the potential to show us additional aspects of their worship in Egypt. The relevant texts include petitions on votive stelae, titles or eulogies on royal commemorative stelae and on relief inscriptions in the temple, letters, magical texts, hymns and encomia, and historical and economic records on papyri. Iconographic examination and textual investigation are thus complementary approaches towards comprehending the six Syro-Palestinian deities in Egypt.

Atef-crown with Ra in his coronation texts (Urk IV 1277, 1286). 550 2.1.4 Doc. 17; 2.1.4 Doc. 23 = 2.1.5 Doc. 45. 551 Interestingly Volokhine (2000, 68) pointed out that the motif of Hathor hairstyle surmounted with a crescent has never happened to Hathor herself. 552 A. MacFarlane 1995, [312], pl. 3.i. (c.f Bongrani-Fanfoni, L’égyptologie en 1979 I, 176, fig. 33). This ivory engraved tablet is from Abu Roash near Letopolis. In the centre of the tablet, there is the head of Hathor which is a full-face and bears cow horns. On either side of Hathor head, two vertical objects appear, respectively, looking like a bunch of reeds. These signs have been considered as Min emblem

2.3.1 Baal The original meaning of the Semitic term Baal was ‘lord, owner’, and, when coupled with other attributes or place names, ‘Baal’ could indicate local manifestations of independent gods, e.g. Baal-Haddu/ Hadad, Baal-Zaphon and Alijan-Baal. It was only later that ‘Baal’ finally came to be regarded as one particular god. The clay tablets found in Ras Shamra, ancient Ugarit, since 1929, 555

( ). The motif of a dual Min emblem is also attested from a seal of Aha (MacFarlane, 1995, [202]). On one hand, there is a assumption of the connection with Khenti-Khem, god of Letopolis (see Wainwright,1963), on the other hand, Bleeker indicated the relationship between Min and Hathor in the Early Dynasty (see Bleeker 1973, 28-29.)

553

From the Old Kingdom onwards, Hathor was called “Mistress of the Sycamore”. 554 This is obvious from the contents of petitions of stelae. The worshippers wished their personal prosperity and health individually. 555 Schaffer 1929-1962. For full bibliography about excavations of

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence convey certain aspects of Baal in Syria-Palestine. In Ugarit, Baal was said to live in the mountain of Zaphon, and was therefore frequently called Baal-Zaphon. Basically, as the weather god and storm god, he was thus considered to be the fertility god who brings rain and thunder with lightning.556 The thunder and lightning is thus not automatically a symbol of terror and execration in the Levant, but instead an indication that the deity in question is deliverer of rain so as to promote the fruitfulness and productiveness in the region. The plant557 in the left hand of one particular figure of Baal represented on a stele (Louvre AO 15775) would thus be an indication of his fertility role. Likewise, very popular epithets of Baal such as ‘the Rider on the Clouds’ (KTU 1.3 II 40) also relate to his role as a weather god, which is equivalent to a fertility god who brings productive and good rain by storms, although this climate was very rare in Egypt and therefore the Egyptians had a negative view of it (c.f section 5.1.1).

historical records in the major temples in Thebes show the name of Baal only in royal eulogies, especially relating to foreign campaigns, in which Baal is used to emphasise how great, powerful and valiant the Egyptian kings are (especially in the reigns of Sety I, Rameses II and Rameses III). One relief tells us that the name of Baal is applied to that of the royal army (‘Baal is upon his sword’) (2.1.1 Doc. 101). There seems to be no trace suggesting that Baal was revered as a fertility god which was thought of as his primary attribute in his original place, and that Baal composed the names of the Baal-toponyms in Egypt such as Baal-Memphis or Baal-Peru-nefer, if we can make samples according to the Levantine way. These materials should be categorised into four types of document: 1) those simply confirming the existence of the Baal cult and priests of Baal in the Memphis precinct (18th and 19th Dynasty; 2.1.1 Docs. 87-89, 94), 2) those showing that name of Baal is applied to that of the royal army and the river (2.1.1 Docs. 100 and 101), 3) those indicating that the name of Baal was employed in order to stress the greatness, powerfulness, and dauntless character of the king although these texts themselves are historical or economic records (19th and 20th Dynasty; 2.1.1 Docs. 60-86, 90-93, 95-97), 4) those reporting the effectiveness of Baal against diseases (Magical Texts; 2.1.1 Docs. 98 and 99).

The epithets ‘the Almighty’ (KTU 1.3 I 3 and passim) and ‘the Lord of Earth’ (KTU 1.3 I 4) are also frequently applied to Baal, but these particular terms do not appear to have been imported into Egypt with the cult. In Egypt, the name of Baal is attested in the inscriptions carved on the commemorative and votive stelae, a statuette, a statue, and royal reliefs, as well as written documents on papyri such as the record of provision or offering, a private letter, historical and economic records, a hymn for the king, eulogies of the king, the magical texts. It should be noted that, on relevant stelae from the 19th Dynasty onwards, the name of Seth is usually invoked in these inscriptions, but the corresponding iconographic representations of the deity show him in a highly Asiatic guise. However, there is a stele, dedicated by an Egyptian official, Mami, in the Baal temple in Ras Shamra (Ugarit), that mentions not Seth but ‘Baal-Zaphon’.

As mentioned above, this textual evidence tells us that the main characteristics of Baal as a fertility god and the related matters in Syria-Palestine were not utilised in Egypt. He seems to have been given ‘new’ role in Egypt as a symbol of prowess and bravery of the king during the Ramesside period. 2.3.2 Reshef Originally the name of Reshef is linked with fire, lightening, miasma and pestilence in Hebrew (‫ )רשף‬and furthermore he is also called ‘god of fire’, ‘raging king’ and ‘he who burns’. 558 Correspondingly, Reshef in Syria-Palestine was considered to be a god of destruction, disaster, pestilence and plague, which were metaphorically expressed by the arrows shot by this god (KTU 1.82, 1-5). This in turn links Reshef with death, therefore, Reshef is also regarded as a god of the netherworld. Nevertheless, at the same time, Reshef is conversely interpreted as a saviour or ‘helper’ god on the basis that his evilness is also effective against the diseases and troubles which Reshef himself sent to humans. This aspect of Reshef may be extended into one of his characteristics as a god of fertility in Egypt, which will be mentioned again below. Although it is clear that Reshef was worshipped and the offerings were dedicated to him from Ugaritic ritual texts (KTU 1.41) no epithets

The evidence suggests that the first attestation of the name of Baal is a record of offering mentioned above (2.1.1 Doc. 89) in which the existence of a cult of Baal is confirmed in Peru-nefer during the reign of Thutmose III or Amenhotep II. The discovery of a snake-head carnelian statuette (2.1.1 Doc. 87) also indicates the existence of a Baal priest in this area in the late 18th Dynasty. From the beginning of the 19th Dynasty onwards, the name of Baal appears much more frequently in royal contexts. The royal reliefs of Ugarit, deciphering of the Ugaritic tablets and their translations, see de Moor 1987, viii n.1. 556 KTU 1.3 III 25ff and 1.101 obverse 3-4 tell the readers that Baal possesses lightning and thunder. Also KTU 1.16 III 5ff shows that Baal is the bringer of rain and fertility. 557 Cornelius 1994 BR1. Although Shaeffer (1939, 64) regards this as a thunderbolt and suggests calling this figure “Baaal au foudre (Baal on Thunder)” which many scholars follow (Kapelrud 1952, Caquot/Sznycer 1980, Weippert 1988 etc), it seems much more natural and plausible to think this as a growing sapling with many young leaves. For more bibliography, see Cornelius 1994, 137.

558

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Stadelmann 1967, 49.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts quantity of ‘ear-stelae’,560 but, Reshef does not seem to have such a widespread cult following. Furthermore, the stelae of Reshef on which this epithet is inscribed are attested not from Memphis but from the Delta and also probably from Deir el-Medina. It may be true that Reshef is linked with Ptah, however, it would not be possible to say that Reshef is actually identified with Ptah.

have yet been attested such as those of Baal; ‘the Almighty’ (KTU 1.3 I 3 and passim) and ‘the Lord of Earth’ (KTU 1.3 I 4). The relationship between Reshef and horses attested in Egypt especially during the reign of Amenhotep II, is barely apparent in the Syro-Palestinian context. In Egypt, as far as written materials are concerned, Reshef is attested in magical texts, socio-economic texts, reliefs, statuettes, scarabs, seals, vessels and stelae. Compared with Baal, Reshef appears less in royal contexts. The name of Baal is frequently used to express the prowess and greatness of Egyptian kings, but Reshef appears in royal eulogies quite a few times (2.1.2 Doc. 53), although he is said to be pleased with Amenhotep II because the latter was good at caring for horses in the royal stable and handling them from the chariot with skill. On the other hand, Reshef has more epithets in Egypt than Baal, and none of them seem to be derived from Syria-Palestine, his original birth place, but instead look very much like indigenous Egyptian descriptions.

Epithets mentioning the Ennead are attested only on triad stele (see section 5.5). As mentioned in section 2.1.2, there has been some debate as to the meaning of qAb. It seems very plausible that the phrase ‘the multiple’ reflects the aspect of Reshef in Egypt as a fertility god to whom ordinary people appeal for their better life in the next world. Reshef would thus be considered as a god who can double the profit. In the Magical texts, Reshef is described as a god of healing in the epithet of ‘lord of the marrow’. One can assume that this epithet would be reminiscent of Reshef’s original Syro-Palestinian characteristic as a saviour god. In the case of Reshef, his original nature in Syria-Palestine as a fertility god appears also to have been used in Egypt, while many other epithets of the god in Egypt seem to have Egyptian features.

Some epithets awarded to Reshef in Egypt are very common and general, such as were applied to almost all major gods in Egypt; ‘the great god’, ‘lord of the sky’, ‘the ruler of eternity and a lifetime’ and ‘sovereign everlasting’. The others are rather specific, and therefore perhaps created only for Reshef. Thus the epithets of Reshef in Egypt would be categorised into two groups as below; 1) General epithets applied to many other deities ‘the great god’ ‘lord of the sky’ ‘the ruler of eternity and a lifetime’ ‘sovereign everlasting’ 2) Specific epithets of Reshef ‘lord of the house of the stable of horses’ (2.1.2 Doc. 1) ‘who hears prayer’ (2.1.2 Docs. 5 and 33) ‘the ruler of the divine Ennead’ (2.1.2 Docs. 6 and 10) ‘mighty amidst the divine Ennead’ (2.1.2 Doc. 9) ‘the multiples’ (2.1.2 Doc. 28) ‘lord of the marrow’ (2.1.2 Doc. 59)

2.3.3 Hauron According to William, F. Albright 561 Hauron was originally linked with the netherworld on the basis that part of his name ‘Hwr’ (‫ )חור‬initially means ‘base, ground, bottom of a well’ in Semitic. Albright thus suggests an interpretation of the name of ‘Hauron’ as a hybrid of extension of the stem Hwr and the suffix –an: ‘the deep one, the one inhabiting the netherworld’ and furthermore he proposes the possibility that Hauron is a god of the underworld and death, with a chthonic nature, although there is no direct mention of this.562 From Ugarit texts it is deduced that Hauron is the master of black magic. KTU 1.82 describes some troubles such as illness, diseases and poisons of snake bite as ‘creatures of Hauron’ 563 and ‘servants of Hauron’, 564 and recites a spell ‘those of Hauron (go back) to Hauron’565 to expel these nuisances. On the other hand, Hauron, somewhat in contradiction, is depicted as a neutraliser of these harmful symptoms, who uses his substantial powers to counteract poison and fever etc (KTU 1.100, 61-69, RIH 78/20). This ambivalence of attributes is similar to the case of Reshef.

The epithet ‘lord of the house of the stable of horses’ is very distinctive and provides us with a highly practical image; the relationship between Reshef and horses in Egypt during the reign of Amenhotep II is clearly indicated here. This epithet will be discussed later in section 3.1. From the epithet ‘who hears prayer’ and other texts on votive stelae, it is deduced that Reshef is treated as a god of benefits such as healing, fertility and stability of afterlife. This term ‘who hears prayer’ is obviously the same as the epithet usually applied to Ptah in Memphis.559 This aspect of Ptah is stressed by a large 559

560

ibid. Albright 1936, 7-9. KTU 1.100 reports that Hauron lives in the fortress which is called ‘the City of the East’ (de Moor 1987, 152-153). This is identified as the netherworld (TUAT II, 349, n. 58b)). Moreover, ‘creatures of Hauron’ (KTU 1.82) is interpreted as ‘evil ancestral spirits from the netherworld’ (de Moor and Spronk 1984, 242-243). 563 de Moor 1987, 177 (KTU 1.82, 13) and c.f. above. 564 idem., 181 (KTU 1.82, 40ff). 565 idem., 179 (KTU 1.82, 25-29). 561 562

Sadek 1988, 16ff, 154-156.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence In Egypt, the epithets allocated to Hauron may not show any particular speciality. ‘the great god’, ‘lord of the sky’, and ‘ruler of eternity’ are very general for almost all deities in Egypt. Only ‘the ruler of clouds (2.1.3 Doc. 1)’ is peculiar and exceptional, as far as the present author is aware. As Zivie points out,566 this would be reminiscent of Baal. The rest of the texts show that there was a temple of Hauron in Memphis and that the name of Hauron is used for a proper name. On the other hand, it is very noticeable from the contents of inscriptions that Hauron is most manifestly among six Syro-Palestinian deities identified with Egyptian gods, such as Horus in the name of Horemakhet, and also Ra and Atum in inscriptions. Furthermore, it seems that one of the original characteristics of Hauron as a protective deity would have been employed by extension as a guardian or protector from evils, enemies and all harmful nuisances in Egypt among both the royal family and ordinary people: for the former Hauron is the protector of the king and Egypt, and the good shepherd for the latter. Hauron, in the shape of the Sphinx and magical spells (2.1.3 Docs. 35 and 36), would exemplify this trait as it will be discussed later (Chapter 3 and Chapter 5).

Anat is Baal’s companion who fights together with him to defend his supremacy. However, in contrast to the warlike characteristics described above, Anat is also treated as fertility goddess as ‘mother of people’ which can be deduced from the episode in which she conceives a son by Baal in the form of a wild heifer (KTU 1.10). Her maternity is also attested in The Epic of Keret as a wet nurse of Keret’s son, Yassubu who is said to suck on the breast milk of Anat. In addition, Anat is recognised as a curative goddess together with Baal in incantations (KTU 1.82, 1.93). The most frequently attested epithet of Anat in Ugaritic texts is ‘Anat, the Virgin’ (KTU 1.3 II 32 passim.) The word ‘virgin’ (btlt) occurs only in this epithet for Anat in Ugarit. However we should not interpret this epithet ad litteram, based on our sense in the present day, i.e. a female who has no physically sexual relations with a male. Certainly Anat is a lover of Baal, despite being ‘sister of Baal’, in certain scenes, and they are portrayed as if they have intercourse resulting in Anat’s pregnancy, although no text clearly indicates this scene. One of her other titles ‘the Wanton Widow of the Nations’ (KTU 1.10) may also refer to her sexual aspects. It therefore seems wise to follow Bowman in believing that the use of the term ‘virgin’ in the epithet of Anat is not intended as an argument for her biological virginity but simply a way of identifying her as a nubile and youthful girl.571

2.3.4 Anat The primary function of Anat in the Ugaritic texts is to help Baal as a ‘sister’ to struggle to maintain his sovereignty in the pantheon. This leads Anat to become a bloodthirsty warlike goddess, who is then very aggressive and savage in support of her ‘brother’. The Epic of Aqhat gives us a full description of Anat’s mercilessness, and an episode from Baal myth (KTU 1.3) indicates her cruelty: ‘Her (Anat) liver shook with laughter, her heart was filled with joy, the liver of Anat with triumph, as she plunged (her) knees in the blood of guards, (her) buttocks in the gore of the warriors, until she was sated with fighting in the house, slaughtering between tables.’567 The other tells us her savagery: ‘She seized Mot (god of death), the son of El. With a knife she split him, with a sieve she scattered him, with fire she burnt him, with a mill she ground him, in the field she sowed him.’568 However it is clear from the narrative that this latter act of cruelty takes place only for the sake of her lover Baal, whose enemy is Mot, and Anat is ‘like the heart of a heifer for its calf, like the heart of a ewe for its lamb, so beats the heart of Anat for Baal.’569 These scenes sometimes convey the impression of a lover’s passion between Baal and Anat, rather than simply the affection between siblings. In fact, there are some interpretations of these words ‘sister’ and ‘brother’ as ‘family relation’, ‘lover/couple’ or ‘rank/status’, but it is still unclear precisely how terms describing the relationship between Anat and Baal should be translated/interpreted. 570 What does seem sure is that 566 567 568 569 570

The relationship between Anat and royal authority is also confirmed. In an incantation (KTU 1.108) Anat is called ‘mistress of kingship’, ‘mistress of dominion’, ‘mistress of the high heaven’, ‘mistress of the royal cap’. However the direct mention ‘mother of king’ as in the case of Rameses II in Egypt has never been seen yet. In Egypt, Anat is called ‘lady of the sky’ and ‘mistress of (all) the gods’. The former is the one of most common epithets in Egypt. 572 Olyan 573 concluded that no convincing definition or identity of ‘queen (= lady) of the sky’ from the records of second millennium BC came up, however, in Egypt it is possible to point out that this epithet corresponds to one of the many aspects of Hathor as the sky-goddess ‘Heavenly Cow’, and therefore it is also applied to Astarte and Qadesh, as stated below. It is sufficient to say for the moment that this epithet clearly indicates the relationship between these three Syro-Palestinian goddesses and Hathor, since this topic will be discussed further in section 5.4. The epithet ‘mistress of (all) the gods’, which is also applied to Astarte, can be thought of as the female version of the epithet ‘king of the god’ given to Amun as the state god, and thus it may well be that this epithet implies a relationship between Anat and Egyptian royal authority, as demonstrated by the statues of Anat and Rameses II

Zivie 1976, 313. de Moor 1987, 6. idem., 88-89. idem., 88. Bowman 1978, 181.

571 572 573

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idem., 174. OEAE I, 477. Olyan 1987, 161-166.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts and by her other epithets identifying her as divine mother of king (such as ‘mother of the king’, ‘suckling of Anat, Rameses II’, ‘[his] mother Anat of Rameses II’), thus potentially making Anat the ‘royal’ goddess. Moreover, the strong connection between Anat and the royal family, especially Rameses II, is confirmed from the name of the first daughter, Bintanat (2.1.4 Docs. 31), the 38th son, Mahiranat (2.1.4 Doc. 32), and a puppy depicted in a battle scene (2.1.4 Doc. 33). As Wyatt574 has pointed out, this aspect of Anat as divine mother of the king appears to have taken over the role of Isis as a royal mother of the present king in the ‘indigenous’ Egyptian pantheon (see section 5.4 below). At the same time Hathor is also regarded as the mother of Horus, the living king. Additionally, in fact, Rameses II is described as a son of Sekhmet and Wadjet in Tanis.575 All of these mother-son relationships may well indicate the association between those goddesses and Anat. The maternity of Anat is attested not only in the royal contexts but also in the magical spell in which the magician says that he has fed on the milk of Anat, the great cow of Seth (2.1.4 Doc. 26). This expression may be based on the Ugaritic love story of Baal and Anat mentioned above, though Seth (Egyptian Baal) is substituted for Baal here, and, indeed, this couple appear as the divine parents of the king, Rameses II (2.1.4 Docs. 10 and 15).

pantheon) in Ugarit, is claimed to be the ‘daughter of Ra’ (2.1.4 Docs. 17 and 23) or the ‘daughter of Ptah, lady of truth’ (2.1.4 Doc. 13). These two paternities of Anat are also attested of Astarte (see section 2.3.5 below). The epithet ‘daughter of Ra’ is originally given to Sekhmet since early times in Egypt, and shows strong connections with Heliopolis. On the other hand the epithet ‘daughter of Ptah’ can be said to indicate the association of Anat with Memphis where the cult centre of Ptah was located. Since Sekhmet is called a ‘consort of Ptah’, Anat and Sekhmet are therefore connected again through Ptah. The ‘lady of truth’ may be female version of one of the most common epithets ‘lord of truth’.577 An ostracon from Deir el-Medina reports the occurrence of a festival for Anat in the garrison at Gaza by Egyptian troops (2.1.4 Doc. 12). It is, however, uncertain whether this was an original indigenous event at that place or one that the Egyptian army took there with them.578 In summary, Anat seems to have been introduced into royal contexts after the 19th Dynasty together with Baal, based on some stories of these two deities. Afterwards she was personally favoured by Rameses II as his divine mother. This also connected Anat with Sekhmet who was also associated with the goddess through Ra (‘daughter of Ra’) and Ptah (‘daughter of Ptah’). In parallel, her maternity turned into her bloodthirstiness and cruelty when driven to protect a child, which is reflected on some documents concerning her and which could be also related to Sekhmet again and also Bastet.

In the magical texts Anat is also sometimes shown as a curative goddess, along with Astarte (2.1.4 Doc. 27). Although her aspect of bloodthirstiness is reflected in an incantation the purpose of which is to save her father from his injury (2.1.4 Doc. 25), essentially applying eye-for-eye justice, at the same time her tenderness is also shown. Her beneficence is also reported by another magical spell (2.1.4 Doc. 20) in which she asks Ra to save Seth from a poisonous disease despite the fact that he had raped her just before he started to suffer! Furthermore, a ‘real voice’ about a curative goddess Anat is provided by a scribe of the temple of Thutmose I, Nebwaw, from Deir el-Bahri, where a possible sanatorium could have been founded (2.1.4 Doc. 19).576

2.3.5 Astarte Compared with Anat, Astarte is rather quiet and discreet in Syro-Palestinian contexts. She is called a ‘consort of Baal’ in Ugaritic texts (KTU 1.2 and KTU 1.16), and as a partner she sometimes cajoles Baal out of acts of cruelty.579 She is equivalent to Ishtar in Mesopotamia, who is mentioned in an Ugaritic incantation as ‘Astarte in Mari’ (KTU 1.100) and, furthermore, she also has a Hurrian manifestation (KTU 1.43). Although the Mesopotamian Astarte (= Ishtar) is traditionally taken as the mistress of wild animals this aspect does not seem to be imported to Egypt with her. Astarte is also invoked against snake-bites (KTU 1.100 and KTU 1.82) together with Anat and/or Baal as a curative goddess.

As a protector of the king Anat is inevitably regarded as a war goddess, and also called ‘a woman acting as a warrior’ ‘clad as men girt as women’ (2.1.4 Doc. 20). But it is intriguing that her iconographic representation as a warrior is quite rare (2.1.4 Doc. 1), although the total number of visual depictions of Anat is surely small in itself.

Her co-appearance with Anat, which is very discernible in Egyptian contexts as mentioned below, is already attested in Ugaritic incantations, prayers and myths (e.g.

Anat, the daughter of El (the primary god of Ugaritic 574

Wyatt 1984, 332. KRI II 446-447 and RITA II 273-275. Marciniak (1981, 289) suggests a possibility of sanatorium in Deir el-Bahri during the New Kingdom based on the fact that this place is famous for it during the Ptolemaic and Roman period, and A. Bataille’s work (Bataille, André 1951 Les inscriptions grecques du temple de Hatshepsout à Deir al-Bahari, Cairo: Imprimerie de l'Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale, Le Caire, p. XVIII). A cave sanctuary above the temple of Hatshepsut was evidently a centre of healing (McDowell 1999, 100).

575

577

OEAE I 477. Lloyd 1994, 2.3.2.15. 579 In the Baal myth (KTU 1.2), Baal is very angry when he listens to El, the main god in Ugaritic pantheon, saying that Baal is a ‘slave’ of Yam, the god of sea, and Naharu, river/stream, the former of whom is the opponent of Baal on the succession of power and property. At this time Astarte, with Anat, stops Baal slaughtering Yam and Naharu by taking his hands. Astarte also rebukes Baal again when he tries to finish off these two rivals.

576

578

133

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence KTU 1.100 and KTU 1.114).580 It is interesting that, in the Ugaritic pantheon, there are more than thirty cases of connection of two divine names by the conjunction w (= and) such as ‘X w Y (X and Y)’. 581 Although it is suggested 582 that some cases of this linkage of two deities can result in a single deity that combined the attributes of both, the case of Anat and Astarte is different and they still retain their individual existences.583 This pairing of two goddesses has been interpreted as a theological development by Ugaritic priests.584 Additionally it is intriguing that, although this linkage exists in texts, there are no examples attested that show the combination of ‘Anat and Astarte’ in iconographic representations in either Syria-Palestine or Egypt so far.

first millennium BC, but her aspect as sea goddess is not attested in Ugaritic texts around the latter half of the second millennium BC. This characteristic of Astarte as a deity of the sea may be a reflection of the conscious or accidental blending of the attributes of Astarte and Athiratu. Astarte seems to be recognised in various manifestations in Egypt. A stele and an offering basin from Memphis (2.1.5 Docs. 33 and 34) during the reign of Amenhotep III both report that Astarte is from Kharu (the Hurrian region). This reminds us of the cult image of Ishtar sent by the Mitannian kings (Suttarna II and his son Tushratta) to Amenhotep III for healing from diseases.586 Instead of being a (grand)daughter of El in Ugarit, Astarte is the daughter of Ptah (2.1.5 Doc. 43) or Ra (2.1.5 Doc. 45) in Egypt. The relationship between Astarte and Ptah is also embodied by iconographic representation from Memphis (2.1.5 Doc. 10) and an inscription on an offering basin (2.1.5 Doc. 34). The epithet, ‘daughter of Ra’, is also applied to Sekhmet and Bastet in the Egyptian ‘indigenous’ pantheon, which may perhaps imply that Astarte developed an association with one or both of these two goddesses (see section 5.4), and indeed an association between Astarte and Sekhmet is also already indicated in the inscription on a broken column from Memphis (2.1.5 Doc. 41). Since Sakhmet is ‘a consort of Ptah’, as with Anat, Astarte and Sekhmet here are connected again through Ptah.

In Egypt, Astarte is called ‘lady of the sky’, ‘Mistress of Two Lands’, and ‘mistress of (all) the gods’. The epithet ‘lady of the sky’ is also applied to Anat and Qadesh and will be discussed in 5.4. While the epithet ‘Lady of Two Lands (nbt tAwy)’ is given to Qadesh, ‘Mistress of Two Lands (Hnwt tAwy)’ is applied to Astarte, which was originally a queenly title from the mid-12th Dynasty onwards.585 The male version of this epithet, ‘Lord of the Two Lands’, is applied to Amun as the state god of Egypt. Likewise the title of ‘mistress of (all) the gods’, which is also held by Anat, is the female version of ‘king of the gods’ to which Amun is entitled as the state god, and here would imply a connection between Astarte, Anat and royal authority. Astarte is also designated as ‘mistress of Peru-nefer’ who is a protectorate goddes of the sea and trade around the Memphis area together with Baal because of which she had a temple built for her in this locality. There is a possibility that this may reflect Egyptians’ misapprehension of her original character in Syria-Palestine. Athiratu (Babylonian Asherah), the wife of El (the principal god of the Ugaritic pantheon) and also the grandmother of Yam (god of sea), Astarte, Baal, Anat and Mot (god of death), in Ugaritic texts, is called ‘Lady Athiratu of the Sea’ (KTU 1.3, KTU 1.4, KTU 1.6 etc). These two goddesses, Athiratu and Astarte, are sometimes confused with each other, however, they are distinct individual deities with different initial letters in the spellings of their names; the name of Athiratu begins with an aleph, while Astarte’s begins with an ayin. This confusion might have occurred among the Egyptians when they were aware of Astarte as a member of Ugaritic pantheon, however, it is also possible that those worshippers who moved or migrated from the Levant to Egypt could have brought this confusion with them. Astarte was certainly important and worshipped in Phoenician cities, such as Tyro and Sidon, during the

It is widely accepted that Astarte, as a royal deity, was a war goddess supporting and protecting the kings of Egypt. Sety I calls himself ‘beloved of Montu (and) Ast[ar]te’ (2.1.5 Doc. 37) which clearly indicates that Astarte is considered as a military goddess on a par with Montu. Rameses III describes Anat and Astarte as a ‘shield’ for him (2.1.5 Doc. 40). This aspect of Astarte as a war goddess is reflected in her iconographical representation in the form of an equestrian motif although some of her figures, mainly those on ostraca, are not in menacing postures or not holding a spear and/or shield. The name of Astarte is inscribed on the body of a chariot (‘his (= king) chariot team like Astarte’) in the reign of Thutmose IV (2.1.5 Doc. 32), and it is also used for metaphoric description of the ‘hands’ of royal chariot, together with the name of Anat on an ostracon from the time of Sety II (2.1.5 Doc. 39). This connection between Astarte and a chariot is probably extended from the association of Astarte with horses which pull chariots. In the Ugaritic texts Astarte is not linked with chariots discernibly. Further evidence indicating that Astarte is a royal goddess takes the form of references to her in the names of two of the sons of Rameses II (2.1.5 Docs. 47 and 48) and, furthermore, Astarte is thought to have had a temple at an unknown location in the Delta (2.1.5 Doc. 42),

580

According to de Moor (1970, 187-204), the expression ‘Anat and Astarte’ appears in only myths and, incantations and prayers, and also ‘Astarte and Anat’ is in only myths. 581 de Moor 1970, 227. 582 idem. 227-228. 583 idem. 228. 584 de Moor 1969, 171. 585 Dodson 2004, 42.

586

134

Moran 1992, EA 23.

2. Syro-Palestinian Deities in the Egyptian Contexts she is given proper epithets592 such as ‘lady of the sky’, ‘mistress of all the gods’, ‘Lady of the Two Lands’, ‘eye of Ra without equality to her’, ‘great of magic’, ‘mistress of the stars’ and ‘beloved of Ptah’. The first three epithets are shared with Anat and Astarte, and it seems unlikely that the second one, ‘mistress of all the gods’, takes over her aspect as a mother of gods in the Ugaritic text mentioned above. It slightly seems unreasonable for Qadesh to bear the third ‘Lady of the Two Lands’ which would show her rulership-like, because Qadesh has never appeared in the royal or official contexts. It is plausible to consider that Qadesh might be awarded this third epithet as an extension of her relationship with Anat and Astarte both of who had a strong connection with the royal family.

though no archaeological remains have yet been attested.587 As with other Syro-Palestinian deities Astarte is also considered as a curative goddess and invoked in an incantation for neutralisation of poisons (2.1.5 Doc. 46). It is likely that the supposedly miraculous healing of Amenhotep III from serious health conditions twice after he received the cult image of Ishtar (Astarte) from Mitanni caused people to trust and count on Astarte for their own prosperity, health and stability. It can be said that Astarte was more widely manifest than Anat. Astarte first appeared as a protector of the sea-trade and the navy in Peru-nefer and thus was worshipped in the Memphite region. She was also employed in Egyptian royal scenes along with Anat and they shared some epithets with each other, which indicate that these two goddesses had a close relationship, and that furthermore they both were linked with the ‘Hathor-circle’ (see section 5.4).

The ‘eye of Ra’ is also one of the epithets of Hathor, and therefore also, by extension, of Sekhmet and Bastet. The relationship between Hathor and Ra was already attested in the royal sun temples of the later Old Kingdom. The title of ‘eye of Ra’ seems to originate in the tale The Destruction of Mankind, which narrates the story of the sun god Ra, the king of both humankind and the gods, who has grown old, and against whom humans have plotted. The narrative continues as follows: Ra was angry and secretly summoned his council of gods to deal with this rebellion; on their advice he dispatched the goddess Hathor as the vindictive ‘eye of Ra’ to slay mankind; when she came back after killing many people in the desert, Ra welcomed her, and her ‘Powerful One’, the goddess Sekhmet (sxmt) came into being as a bloodthirsty and warlike aspect of Hathor; Ra then decided to stop smashing the people and let the survivors live; next morning he trickled Hathor (who was eager to kill more mankind) by pouring red beer all over the area, in imitation of human blood, thus causing Hathor to become drunk and abandon her aim of wiping out people. It is much questioned whether the epithet ‘eye of Ra’ alludes to the ferociousness of Qadesh, who is predominantly identified as a fertility goddess although it is clear that Qadesh overlapped in certain respects with Hathor.

2.3.6 Qadesh Originally the name of Qadesh in Semitic (Akkadian qadištu, Hebrew ‫ )קדשׁ‬meant ‘holy’ or ‘holy place (= sanctuary)’. In the Ugarit texts, the term of qdS is used as one of the epithets of Athiratu (Ugaritic Asherah) whose well-known epithet is ‘Lady of Sea’, and who is accepted as the ‘wife of El’ although no direct statements mention it, and the ‘mother of gods’ (KTU 1.3). She is also associated with fertility and shows her maternity by suckling the king in The Epic of Keret (KTU 1.16). Sharing these attributes with Athiratu, Qadesh is also invoked as ‘mother of gods’ (KTU 1.2, KTU 1.16 and KTU 1.17). The idea that qdS should be identified with a cultic or sacred prostitute is not accepted any more.588 Albright589 suggested that qdS, in the Ugarit texts, is not an individual goddess ‘Qadesh’ like Anat or Astarte, but instead simply the epithet or abstractive substance of ‘holiness’ for Athiratu.590 On the other hand, rejecting this view, there is another interpretation that qdS is an epithet of El, which Pope suggested and which some scholars have followed, including Cornelius.591 At all events, qdS does not seem to have been considered as a specific goddess in her own right, in Ugaritic culture.

The epithet ‘great of magic’ (2.1.5 Doc. 8) is the name of the goddess Weret-Hekau. In fact this divine epithet is applied to several female deities such as the uraeus and Wadjet, who are connected to each other by the snake, and both are also identified with the royal crown.593 An iconographic representation shows the face of Weret-Hekau in the shape of a cobra raising its head, like the uraeus attached to the royal crown.594 It is plausible to think that the application of such a divine epithet to Qadesh is aiming not at reinforcing the royal relationship but at increasing the potential benefit from her as a fertility goddess by magical support. Also there may be a possibility of a pun for a serpent which Qadesh holds in

In Egypt, on the contrary, it is very reasonable to think that Qadesh is recognised as a specific goddess, because 587

Herold (1998, 142-143) reported that the magnetic survey by Drs. Becker and Fassbinder revealed a potential Astarte temple in eastern Delta, which has not been excavated yet as of 1998. 588 Cornelius 2004, 94. 589 Albright 1954, 26 and 1968b, 106. 590 Gese (1970, 149-150), de Moor (1971, 130), Cross (1973) followed Albright. Hadley (2000) has re-examined this idea and concluded that qdS can be an epithet for Ahiratu than it does to any other view. 591 Pope (1955, 44); Perlman (1978, 81); Wiggins (1991) followed by Smith (1994, 95); van der Toorn (1996, 326); van Koppen and van der Toorn (1999); Wyatt (1999, 100).

592 593 594

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Cornelius already pointed this out (2004, 95-96). Gardiner 1994, 583. Wilkinson 2003, 228.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence her hands in the iconographic representation. There is another and more significant possibility, which is that Qadesh can be connected to Isis, one of whose epithets is ‘great of magic’. Isis revives her husband Osiris, and conceives and protects Horus – her protection and assistance gradually extend to the deceased generally – by the power of magic. And also she is described using magic against Apophis in The Amduat. Due to the same reason as Weret-Hekau, Qadesh is considered to be associated with Isis expecting her magical power, which thus causes Qadesh to be involved into the Hathor-circle discussed in 5.4. Qadesh is also invoked as the ‘mistress of the stars’ (2.1.6 Doc. 8). Since there are some stelae that are decorated with possible stars from Syro-Palestinian contexts although their date are not before the New Kingdom,595 there is always a possibility that the epithet ‘mistress of the stars’ is brought from there into Egypt with the goddess herself. In fact, one Egyptian stele (2.1.6 Doc. 9) shows Qadesh with six circles which have been identified by Stadelmann as stars embodying one of Qadesh’s attributes: ‘lady of the sky’.596 Similarly, it is likely that this epithet could be seen as an extension of ‘lady of the sky’ which is suggested by a vessel inscription (2.1.6 Doc. 19): ‘lady of the stars of the sky’. Also it would be possible to suggest that these epithets indicate close relationship between Qadesh and Hathor, as a sky goddess, mentioned above about their iconographic representations (see 2.2.6). Qadesh is also called ‘beloved of Ptah’ (2.1.6 Doc. 9), presumably as a result of her worship in Memphis, where there was a temple for her according to a personal letter (2.1.6 Doc. 20). The provenance of the stele on which Qadesh is invoked is unknown, but it could originate from Memphis due to the same reason. As observed above, contrary to the fact that Qadesh does not seem an individual deity in Ugaritic documents, in Egypt Qadesh should be recognised as a singular goddess, who was given particular epithets. Some of her epithets show her close connection with Anat and Astarte, even more so with Isis and Hathor. Consequently, we can deduce that these three Syro-Palestinian goddesses reflect the ‘Hathor-circle’ in Egypt (see section 5.4).

595 596

e.g. Cornelius 2004, Cats. 5.20 and 5.28. Stadelmann 1967, 115-116.

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3. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Royal Scenes: Selected Reigns

3. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Royal Scenes: Selected Reigns Although it is true that the names of some Syro-Palestinian deities had been attested before the New Kingdom period (e.g. in several personal names), the emergence of the deities themselves in Egyptian royal contexts with accompanying inscriptions to identify them have been verified from the reign of the King Thutmose III onwards. As Helck has already pointed out,597 it perhaps corresponded with the fact that Thutmose III took a huge number of Asiatic war prisoners after a total of seventeen military campaigns to Syria-Palestine. These captives, together with other Asiatics who may have come down to Egypt voluntarily as craftsmen and sailors, are said to have introduced some Syro-Palestinian deities into Egypt.

no military records have been attested for this king. Instead, after the campaign of year 9, the rest of the reign of Amenhotep II seems to be full of stability and peace. Several administrative papyri from his reign report the prosperity of agriculture and craftwork in some areas of Egypt. 599 From an inscription on the columned hall in Karnak between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons, it appears that the chief of Mitanni diplomatically came to Egypt to ask for ‘the sweet breath of life’, 600 and also the Memphis stele 601 documents that three chiefs of Mitanni, Hatti and Babylon visited Egypt to appease the Egyptian king and to ask him for ‘peace from His Majesty’ and ‘the breath of life’. As long as no evidence for real alliances between Egypt and these ex-adversaries has been attested so far, it is difficult to say that Amenhotep II made treaties with them at this point. However, it is not unreasonable to assume that these four rulers arrived at an agreement with each other to some extent. Under the circumstances, the ideal image of the king was changed from that of military hero, which is represented by Thutmose III, 602 into one of a ruler with hegemonic royal power. Amenhotep II was on the throne during such a period.

It is should be noted that the relationship between Egyptian royal authority and the Syro-Palestinian deities did not always show the same state of affairs, and that there were individual ways to negotiate between them during the reign of each king. All six deities were not always worshipped by Egyptian kings at the same time in the New Kingdom period. Generally speaking, Baal and Anat appeared in royal contexts from the 19th Dynasty onwards, while Reshef came into being in royal scenes during the 18th Dynasty even though Rameses III accidentally mentioned him only once. Hauron was venerated by the kings of both the 18th and the 19th Dynasties, and Astarte seems to have been worshipped by Egyptian rulers during the whole New Kingdom period. In addition, as mentioned above in section 2.3.6, Qadesh never emerged in royal contexts but only in popular religion.

It is clear that Amenhotep II emphasised himself as an excellent athlete and equestrian, which seems to be a highly distinctive aspect of the king’s self-admiration. On the Sphinx stele (2.1.2 Doc. 52 and 2.1.5 Doc. 31) from which we can learn about the young Amenhotep II probably during or before the coregency with his father Thutmose III, the king is described as excellent in rowing, running, horsemanship and archery.603 It is in this context that two Syro-Palestinian deities Reshef and Astarte emerged together in the text of the Sphinx stele where the king boasted of his superlative skill of horse issues. Amenhotep II was commanded by his father Thutmose III to be in charge of the royal stable in Memphis to look after and train horses, and when the king’s son obeyed him, Reshef and Astarte were said to rejoice over it as the prince did all that his heart desired. It is here hard not to feel that these two deities have

This chapter will be devoted to investigating the relationship between five Syro-Palestinian deities, except for Qadesh, and five Egyptian kings, during whose reigns these Syro-Palestinian deities were prominently venerated in royal scenes: Amenhotep II, Thutmose IV, Sety I, Rameses II and Rameses III. It could be said that these rulers were on the throne at certain turning points in Egyptian history, and that Syro-Palestinian deities were also involved in the tide of the times, even if only to a small extent.

Manuelian (1987, 47-55) and Murnane (19902, 82) counts it as the first campaign of the king into the Levant, while Bryan (1998, 33) seems not to accept it. 599 Bryan 2000, 250. 600 Urk IV 1326. 601 Urk IV 1309. As for the historical reality of the contents of this stele, see Manuelian 1987, 77-78. 602 The king showed how much he was an excellent militarist and contributed to the gods by war booty more than his humble piety and admiration to the gods. Amenhotep II seems to follow this way in his early reign. 603 Decker (1977) argued that these mentions of the highly athletic performance of the king had ritual functions as an ideal prospective king, while Manuelian (1987, 191-213) considered that Decker’s approach was overemphasised.

3.1 Amenhotep II: Reshef and Astarte It might be said that, during the reign of Amenhotep II, Egypt embarked on its transformation from a military-based aggressive state into a stable and hegemonic one. Amenhotep II campaigned into the Levant twice (in regnal years 7 and 9),598 and since then 597

Helck 1971, 446. Amenhotep II actually launched his expedition to Takhsy, the region to the north of Damascus in the present-day, in his regnal year 3.

598

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence appeared rather suddenly, and also it is unusual that the future king claimed so enthusiastically to be an excellent equestrian,604 therefore it could be possible to interpret this story from the viewpoint of the prince’s propaganda as a militarist. The suggestions by Helck 605 and Stadelmann 606 do not seem to constitute sufficient explanation. They argue that this adoption was due to the personal reasons of Amenhotep II, such a very unique personality of the king; he wanted to boast his ‘chivalrous’ character and war-like nature, and also his residential environment (Memphis) where he could easily come into contact with these foreign deities. Since horses were brought into Egypt during the Hyksos period, they were always employed in military contexts to pull the chariots in the battlefield, and therefore it is natural to think that this royal stable, which Amenhotep II controlled, was administered for such a purpose. When Amenhotep II was directed to manage and handle the horses of the king’s stable, it was in a very early stage in his reign (if we count the coregency as a part of the king’s reign) during which ‘the great military hero’ must have still been the ideal model of the king to be, and Syro-Palestinian regions were still the target of Egypt to conquer. Hence the prince, the future Amenhotep II, tried to indicate that he was the person who was worthy of succeeding the current king by indicating that he could successfully manipulate horses. Meanwhile Reshef is regarded as the war god, which is obvious from his identification with the Egyptian martial god Montu (2.1.2 Doc. 55). It can be suggested that Reshef’s vicious and fiery characteristics as a god of destruction and pestilence was transformed into the symbol of prowess and furiousness of the Egyptian king on the battlefield. During the second military campaign into the Levant by Amenhotep II, the king was compared to Reshef in his prowess and dauntlessness (2.1.2 Doc. 53). Consequently Reshef must have appeared here as the divine advocate of military issue to support the claim made by Amenhotep II, and then the god was associated with the horses themselves in the military context. It is not because Reshef was especially matched to the Egyptians’ spirit and mystique607 and that the Egyptians were psychologically overwhelmed by a Syrian god.608 The close relationship between Reshef and horse is also attested on a stele from Tell el-Borg (2.1.2 Doc. 1 and 2.1.5 Doc. 1), in which Reshef is designated as the ‘lord of the house of the stable of horses’. This epithet is very rare and unusual, but it does make sense when we realise that this stele is likely dated to the reigns of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II, 609 which is the very period in question. It should not be forgotten that Reshef might originally be connected with horses before the text of the Sphinx stele was composed, in which Amenhotep II was supported by Reshef as the stable master, however, the 604 605 606 607 608 609

military context of Reshef should also be borne in mind to interpret this Sphinx stele. After the reign of Amenhotep II, Reshef seems to have disappeared from the Egyptian royal scene610 although the god was venerated in popular cults as a god of fertility, curative and vitality of afterlife. It might be possible to interpret this decline of Reshef in popularity in the royal sphere as corresponding to the tide of the times in which the image of ‘the great military hero’ was no longer needed to propagate the king’s excellence and legitimacy. Both the text on the Sphinx stele and the inscription of the second campaign in regnal year 9 were composed in the early reign of Amenhotep II. It was probably still the time when the powerful military ruler was regarded as the ‘true’ king. A seal impression that bears the expression ‘Amenhotep II, beloved of Reshef’ (2.1.2 Doc. 54) may be indicative of such a period. However, as times progressed, the importance of military prowess to kings seems to have faded, and the popularity of Reshef appears to have therefore diminished too. Reshef was perhaps eventually considered not to be needed to enhance the image of the king. Stadelmann 611 has already pointed out that the Syro-Palestinian deities in Egyptian royal contexts always existed as war gods and that these deities appeared very frequently during the reigns of the kings who launched military campaigns into foreign lands. However the situation seems not to have been as simple as he suggests. In the case of the 18th Dynasty, the gradual change in ideology concerning the ideal king may also have had an effect on the acceptance of Syro-Palestinian deities in royal settings. The motif of Astarte appearing together with Reshef on the Sphinx stele has also been attested in the iconographic representation on the stele from Tell el-Borg mentioned above. Here Astarte, seated and taking up a brandishing posture on horseback with a spear in her left hand, and another spear and shield together in her right, faces Reshef. Thus the association of Astarte with horses was also confirmed on this stele from the eastern Delta. The very close relationship between Astarte and horses (see section 2.2.5) was probably introduced into Egypt together with the goddess herself when she was brought from Syria-Palestine. It hence seems perfectly natural that Astarte appears in relation to horses on the Sphinx stele as the divine advocate of Egyptian royalty. Moreover, at the same time, her appearance could be interpreted as the emergence of a military goddess who cooperates with Reshef to promote the dignity of the great military king 610

Herold (1998, 140, fig.10: Q IV, FZN 84/1277) reported a limestone block found near possible royal stable at Qantir from at least the end of the 18th Dynasty or beginning of the 19th Dynasty. This is a part of door jamb which bears an inscription ‘[king NN] beloved of Reshef’. As this stable was renewed several times and still used during the Ramesside period, it is difficult to determine in which period this name of Reshef appeared. 611 Stadelmann 1967, 135-138.

Bryan 1998, 32 and Manuelian 1987, 191-214. Helck 1966, 5. Stadelmann 1967, 56. Grdseloff 1942, 1-7. Meyer 1877, 22. Hoffmeier and Kitchen 2007.

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3. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Royal Scenes: Selected Reigns Amenhotep II. In fact the close relationship between Reshef and Astarte is verified by the Ugaritic ritual texts612 even though it had been introduced into Egypt before this combination appeared on the stele from Tell el-Borg and in the contexts of Amenhotep II. Compared with Reshef who was absorbed into the royal scene by his connection with the royal military propaganda mentioned above, Astarte appears to have sustained her links with Egyptian kings for a longer period, stretching into the 20th Dynasty. However, interestingly, her association with horses was not attested in royal iconographic depictions from the 19th Dynasty onwards. She always simply stands in front of the king or together with other Egyptian gods. In textual testimonies from the same period Astarte is mentioned in contexts unrelated to horses. On the other hand, the iconographic link between Astarte and the horses appears in popular religion after the 18th Dynasty. It seems that the relationship between Astarte and the horses has moved into the motif of popular religion.

Under such peaceful and stable circumstances, Thutmose IV may not have considered it necessary to present himself as a great ruler for propaganda purposes. The Syro-Palestinian war god Reshef, who was the favourite of his father Amenhotep II, disappeared from royal contexts, whereas at least two testimonies of royal worship to Astarte have been attested from the reign of Thutmose IV: a fragment of a stele on which the king takes up an adoration posture to a possible figure of Astarte on horseback (2.1.5 Doc. 2), and an inscription on the body of a royal chariot which proclaims that the king is ‘valiant with his chariot team like Astarte’ (2.1.5 Doc. 32). Both of these cases indicate the close association between Astarte and horses, which extended to the connection between the goddess and war. It is not strange that the Egyptian king retained the conception of Astarte as a war goddess, even though this was a more peaceful era, because we can see that the king led several campaigns into the Levant (regardless of whether they were genuine military ones or not), and also it is probably possible to interpret these appearances of Astarte as rather reminiscent of a previous period. In fact, a non-royal stele originated from Deir el-Medina during the reign of Thutmose IV (2.1.5 Doc. 3) shows a horse-riding figure of Astarte who is shooting with a bow at a fleeing Nubian in front of the horse. The presence of a quiver on her right arm is very rare for Astarte, since it would normally be an attribute of the iconography of Reshef. It thus can be deduced that the iconographic representation of Astarte on this stele could have been mixed with that of Reshef as a martial deity, whether intentionally or not.

3.2 Thutmose IV: Astarte and Hauron In this section we will address the relationship between the king and two Syro-Palestinian deities, in order to successively investigate (a) the relationship between royal ideology and foreign policy and (b) the connections between royal ideology and the worship to Syro-Palestinian deities (despite the fact that the foreign deities were not so discernible in royal contexts during the reign of Thutmose IV). It was in the reign of Thutmose IV that Egypt began to enjoy stability and peace in its foreign relations, which reached its full fruition in the next generation under King Amenhotep III. Although Thutmose IV undertook several campaigns, they do not appear to have been as serious and aggressive as those under the reigns of Thutmose III and early Amenhotep II, but rather aiming for maintenance and preservation of Egyptian territories. In the south there are no proper military records of forays by Thutmose IV in Nubia. To the north, the king took punitive action against Gezer, 613 launched military campaigns against Egyptian parvenu vassals and Mitannian subordinate city-states in northern Syria,614 and showed active interest in Nuhasse, Tunip and Sidon in Syria.615 No records indicate direct conflicts between Egypt and Mitanni during the reign of Thutmose IV, furthermore, the friendly relationship between these two Great Powers must have been reinforced by the diplomatic marriage of Thutmose IV and Tadukhepa, a daughter of the Mitannian king Artatama.616

Compared with his predecessor Amenhotep II, Thutmose IV never exhibited his athletic abilities and equestrianism but particularly emphasised his tremendous devotion to Giza and the solar cult of Horemakhet. Thutmose IV however was not the pioneering king who started to emphasise the solar cult in the New Kingdom. Since the reign of the King Thutmose I, the Sphinx and its environs was visited by the royal princes and the pilgrims as a cult place for the worship of royal ancestors. During the reign of Amenhotep II the solar cult was firmly re-established at Giza and the Memphite region. The king built a temple at Giza to the god Horemakhet, a sun god, identified with the Great Sphinx. At this point Horemakhet was not a major sun god but instead appears to have been a regional one who reminded the kings of their royal ancestor Khafra. The assimilation of Horemakhet to Horakhty gradually progressed under Amenhotep II617 which is visible on Hassan’s so-called ‘Stele B’. 618 Ra-Horakhty emerged behind Horemakhet and the name of the sun-god was applied to the Sphinx with the result that Horemakhet was also identified as Horakhty, thus creating the syncretic form Horemakhet-Horakhty. Such

612

Helck 1966, 5-6. Bryan 1991, 344-347. 614 A scene in the tomb of the royal standard-bearer, Nebamun (TT 90), reported a series of incidents. Urk IV 1618-1628. 615 Bryan 1991, 340-344, 347. 616 Moran 1992, EA 29. 613

617 618

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Bryan 1998, 49. Hassan 1953, 85, fig.68.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence examples are on several other items.619 The intensive interest in Giza and the Memphite region, at the time of Amenhotep II is reflected by the statue of this king erected by him between the paws of the Sphinx, which is also mentioned in the stele of his son Thutmose IV.620 Moreover, the relief decorations in the sed-festival temple of Amenhotep II, called ‘Amun-rejoices-when-he-comes-to-behold-the-beauty-of -Thebes’,621 in the court between the Ninth and Tenth Pylons at Karnak temple, display his accentuated solar connections by several royal regalia: multiple suns on top of crowns, and tiny falcons set above the sun discs, establishing an identification with the falcon-headed Ra-Horakhty.622

Despite such an enormous and earnest devotion and dedication to Horemakhet and the sun god by Thutmose IV, it is very intriguing and curious that no evidence has been attested for the existence of Hauron in royal contexts under Thutmose IV, both in iconography and texts. Since Hauron was already identified with Horemakhet and worshiped by Amenhotep II (2.1.3 Docs. 23-28), it is natural to expect to find depictions or mentions of Hauron that indicate royal preference deriving from the veneration to Horemakhet. Three stelae that indicate Hauron worship were dedicated by members of the elite: the guardian of the palace (2.1.3 Doc. 2), the official (2.1.3 Doc. 3) and the scribe of the offering-table (2.1.3 Doc. 4) although they have been dated only to the 18th Dynasty. Betsy Bryan 627 has presented a plausible approach to the investigation of this peculiar question. The reign of Thutmose IV was a transitional period for Egypt from a military state to hegemonic one, as mentioned at the beginning of this section. This change most likely gave the ruler of Egypt a chance to review and reconstruct royal ideology to match the period, and then attention was paid primarily to domestic issues. As a result, the king focused on his role as incarnation of a creator deity, i.e. the sun god, rather than as a great divine warrior, Horus as the protector of his father. Here it is worth remembering that the king is called ‘son of Horus’ several times in the Amada inscriptions discussed above. However, in these cases, the appearance of Horus does not necessarily mean the divine earthly king but Horus as a local god in Buhen, Aniba and Quban, all in Nubia. Although, at Karnak, Thutmose IV made a statue of himself as the divine falcon king (Cairo CG 42081), and also represented himself as a figure of the divine falcon in relief, 628 in these cases they are obviously Horus as divine king. In other words, the king was focusing on the shift of royal ideology from victorious military ruler to divine creator of the world and primordial king. Consequently, although Hauron had been surely involved in the solar cult theologically during the 18th Dynasty (see section 5.3), this deity, unfortunately did not have much opportunity to appear in royal contexts because the identification between Hauron and Horus (the armed king) must have been much stronger and substantial than the connection between Hauron and sun-god (the procreative king).

Taking over from his father, Thutmose IV devoted himself to the god Horemakhet and the Heliopolitan solar cult. On the well known ‘Dream Stele’, 623 dedicated to the Sphinx, the king designated himself ‘the son of Atum’, ‘beloved of Horemakhet’, ‘protector of Horakhty’, ‘sovereign created by Ra’, ‘potent heir of Khepri’, ‘who purifies Heliopolis and propitiates Ra’, ‘who rehabilitates the temple of Ptah’, ‘who offers (the image of) Maat to Atum’. These titles obviously denote that the king places an emphasis on Heliopolis, even that he is identifiying himself with the sun god. By these titles Horemakhet/Horemakhet-Horakhty was linked with the great sun-god Khepri, Ra and Atum, resulting in the integrated designation ‘Horemakhet-Khepri-Ra-Atum’. Thutmose IV here eliminated Amun-Ra, which seems to be intentional.624 And also from the same stele it is clear that Thutmose IV consecrated the precinct of Atum and donated offerings to Ra. Additionally, Thutmose IV established a new priesthood ‘High Priest of Ra’ in Heliopolis, which was not attested during the reign of Amenhotep II.625 The inscriptions at Amada temple in Lower Nubia626 also show a strong connection between Thutmose IV and the sun god. The text on the architraves narrates that this temple was built by Thutmose IV for his father Ra-Atum, accompanied by more designations of the king as the divine son of the sun-god, in addition to which some direct expressions about the king were inscribed on the column and pillars: ‘son of Ra of his body’, ‘beloved of Ra-Horakhty’, ‘chosen of Ra’ and ‘beloved of Khepri’. Although the king is here also called ‘beloved of Amun-Ra’, his links appear to be much more with the sun-god.

3.3 Sety I: Baal, Hauron, Anat and Astarte It can be said that a genuinely new era in Egyptian history began when Sety I ascended the throne after the very short - barely one year - reign of his father, Rameses I, who was the founder of the new dynasty. This king, Rameses I, clearly had no blood relationship with the previous ruler, Horemheb in the 18th Dynasty. This means that the king’s legitimacy, which would

619

Bryan 1998, 49. It was lost but recently Mark Lehner (1997, 130-132) tried to restore it and found that it was evidently a colossal statue about eight metres high. 621 Blyth 2006, 94. 622 Bryan 2000, 251. 623 Urk IV 1539a-1544. 624 Bryan (2000, 256) argues that the reason for this omission was the increasing importance of the Heliopolitan gods and the political influence of the north itself as the administrative centre of Egypt. 625 Manuelian 1987, 103-109 and Bryan 1991, 277. 626 Urk IV 1566-1568. 620

627 628

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Bryan 1998, 58-61. Bryan 1991, 350.

3. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Royal Scenes: Selected Reigns otherwise have been supported by a divine paternity, theoretically uninterrupted from a very early period as the royal ideology, was broken down, and thus the ‘genealogical’ connection with Amun, ‘king of gods’, was also spoiled. Something very similar seems to have happened in the case of Horemheb’s accession.629 At the end of the 18th Dynasty, Egypt was forced to accept Horemheb as a king from outside the royal family, due perhaps to a ‘shortage’ of royal successors, despite the fact that Horemheb was originally a general not related by blood to the royal family. It is thought possible that he may have married Mutnejdemt, sister of Nefertiti, queen of Akhnaten, perhaps in order to make his rise to the throne consistent with royal ideology, although it is also possible that the Mutnejdemt whom he married may not be the same woman as Nefertiti’s sister.630 Rameses I and Sety I did not marry anyone from the previous ruling family in order to claim their legitimacy. In the case of the former, as he had originally not been designated as the future king and was rather old when he eventually became king, it was reasonable that he was not in a marital relationship with previous rulers. It is possible that he might actually have planed to marry someone within the previous royal family, despite his age, but that it did not happen because of his extremely short reign. On the contrary, the latter, Sety I, was sufficiently young, when his father ascended the throne, that a royal marriage could have been arranged, but he did not. For this reason, Sety I might be described as the pioneer of a new period in Egyptian history.

god. The name of Anat is employed as part of the name given to the horses drawing the royal chariot in a scene of the king receiving tributes from Asiatic rulers, which is her first occurrence in a royal context in Egypt (2.1.4 Doc. 30). Here the name of Baal also made its first appearance in a royal context, as a means of describing the king’s prowess (2.1.1 Doc. 60). As Stadelmann632 has pointed out, Baal, Anat and Astarte are certainly employed in order to ‘support’ the king in each military scene of the Shasu-Bedouin campaign in the first year of Sety I. It is, however, intriguing that these two goddesses are evidently involved only in these scenes, despite the fact that Sety I was very much involved in campaigning into Syria-Palestine – he despatched the first division of Amun against Hammath, the first division of Ra against Beth-Shan, and the first division of Seth against Yenoam,633 and continued to launch campaigns in later years. Nevertheless these goddesses make no other appearance in the surviving records of these campaigns. Having gained control of Galilee and the south end of the Phoenician coastal region, Sety I successively secured the region of Upe, Kumudi, Damascus, Tyre, Sidon, Byblos and Simyra. He finally confronted the Hittites over the control of Amurru and Qadesh in his regnal year 5 or 6.634 Both sides accepted the point of compromise by which Egypt could keep certain rights and interests in the southern Phoenician seaports in return for agreeing to the Hittites’ primacy in Amurru and Qadesh.635 It was at this point that Baal again appeared in both iconographic and textual representations. Sety I dedicated a stele to Amun, Montu and Seth-Baal in Qadesh (2.1.1 Doc. 1), which provides us with the first visual depiction of Baal in a royal context in Egypt. Also the name of Baal, along with Seth, was used here again to extol the king’s valour in the battlefield against the Hittites (2.1.1 Doc. 61).636 As will be discussed in section 5.1.1, the Egyptian cult of Baal at this point entered another phase, with different meanings compared with those attested during the 18th Dynasty.

Kitchen argues that Sety I had a ‘twin ambition’ 631 when he was enthroned. The first was to become a new ‘Thutmose III’, namely a great conqueror recovering lost Egyptian territories in Syria-Palestine. The other was to emulate Amenhotep III as an outstanding builder, with enormous amounts of temple construction. Four Syro-Palestinian deities, Baal, Hauron, Anat and Astarte appeared within these two spheres of Sety I’s reign. Almost the first half of his reign was spent on attempting to regain Egypt’s previous dominions in inland Syria, Amurru and Qadesh. Although the starting point was simply intervention in local conflict around the eastern border, the king launched his army into southern Palestine, Gaza, to deal with Shasu-Bedouin, then moved to Canaan in his regnal year 1. The Syro-Palestinian deities Baal, Anat and Astarte appeared in the record of this campaign. The name of Astarte is attested in a scene of the king attacking Shasu-Bedouin in a certain town in Canaan, together with the war-god Montu as a protector of the king (2.1.5 Doc. 37). If this were still the 18th Dynasty, we might have expected to see the name of Reshef, who was identified with Montu during that period, but now Reshef seems to have already disappeared from royal battle scene as a martial

It should be noted that the name of Baal is also employed to express the king’s heroism in an inscription to commemorate the victory against the Libyans in the defence of the Delta (2.1.1 Doc. 62), before the conflict with the Hittites mentioned above. As this was Egypt’s first experience confronting the incursions by Libyan tribes along the western Delta, it is conceivable that Egypt simply and easily applied the name of Baal in these texts with the very basic and non-specific sense of ‘foreign god’. Nevertheless it may well be that this usage of the name of Baal indicates the possibility that 632

Stadelmann 1967, 135. KRI I 11-12. Kitchen 1982, 25. 635 ibid. 636 The real name of Seth is not mentioned here but the expressions placed just before the name of Baal, ‘son of Nut’ and ‘One who is in Ombos’, would indicate that this is Seth. 633 634

629 630 631

Murnane 1995, 188-189. van Dijk 2000, 293. Kitchen 1982, 20.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Syro-Palestinian deities were venerated to solve not only issues related to Syria-Palestine but also other foreign matters. Although we admittedly need more testimonies to prove conclusively that Syro-Palestinian deities were not specially customised for Syro-Palestinian problems only, but applied more widely, along with Egyptian indigenous deities (even if the starting point was a ‘package deal’ from that area),637 it is necessary for us to keep the possibility of such a condition in our mind in further research on this topic. After the ‘martial period’ which ended with the crushing of a revolt in Irem, Nubia, in his eighth year, Sety I started to carry out full-scale building operations. In the Theban area, Karnak temple, especially the north half of the Great Hypostyle Hall, was decorated with ritual scenes on the interior walls, while his great foreign triumphs were depicted on the exterior wall, his mortuary temple was established at Deir el-Bahri, and another mortuary temple was built at Abydos. The king also renovated the temple of the sun god Ra in Heliopolis and of Ptah in Memphis, and furthermore repaired and expanded the Sphinx temple originally built by Amenhotep II. One more Syro-Palestinian deity Hauron is attested in the royal context as the divine ‘father’ of the king in the latter case, the Sphinx temple. According to both of the stele dedicated to this temple by the king (2.1.3 Doc. 17) and a door jamb from the south western chamber added again by the king (2.1.3 Doc. 30), Sety I executed these devotional donations for ‘his father Hauron-Horemakhet’. Although the Egyptian canonical style ‘son of DN’ is not applied to Hauron, it obviously indicates the paternal relationship between Hauron-Horemakhet and the king, based on the divine father-son relationship between Ra and the king (living Horus) via the identification of Horemakhet with Ra-Horakhty. It further should be noted that Sety I often showed his strong attachment to Ra-Horakhty and the Heliopolitan religion. In an inscription 638 intended to warn future rulers not to damage mines and quarries, especially gold mines, which were established by the king for building the splendid temple at Abydos, any future kings who interfered with these resources were threatened with being punished by Heliopolitan deities. In the temple at Abydos, Sety I established seven sanctuaries for the king himself, Ptah, Ra-Horakhty, Amun-Ra, Osiris, Isis and Horus. Furthermore the king made several offering tables in honour of the sun-god (Cairo CG 23090),639 the god of Memphis (?),640 the goddess Nephthys and the god Seth.641 Of course the king determinedly showed his respect and adoration to the state god Amun-Ra, however, the level of adherence may well be less than that of the kings in the 18th Dynasty, and at the same time, Sety I seems to have devoted himself to the Helipolitan religion. As mentioned above, by Horemheb’s accession the 637 638 639 640 641

traditional close network between religious and dynastic legitimacy, which had previously meshed perfectly, was broken down and the ‘genealogical’ connection between Amun and the royal family was disrupted. Horemheb, however, tried to retain his dignity as king by emphasising his relationship with Horus. 642 Sety I likewise did not take advantage of Amun’s protection by linking himself with the previous ‘legitimated’ royal family, and accordingly the king needed another way to authorise himself as a well-founded king by divine authority. The existence of Hauron during Sety I’s reign should be investigated in this framework. He is not necessarily accepted in Egypt as a war god and it is difficult to agree with a suggestion made by Stadelmann 643 that the role of the Syro-Palestinian deities in Egyptian royal dogma is decidedly and one-sidedly a warlike one. It is more appropriate to view Hauron as a protector of the king, supporting the king as divine father in the framework of royal ideology through the identification with Ra-Horakhty, not as a martial god in the battlefield. The latter role was played by Baal, Anat and Astarte. Moreover Sety I appears to have returned to the original place of his family, Avaris. He established the future city of Piramesse there and worshipped Seth as the divine founder of his dynasty. On the pedestal erected here644 Seth is named as the king’s father six times, and identified therefore as the one for whom the king made the monument. It is not surprising that Sety I needed Seth for the legitimacy of his dynasty and himself, as the god who gave the king divine protection judging from the close relationship between the Ramesside family and Avaris, where Seth was the major god. Along with Horus, in the form of Horemakhet, Seth must have been employed by royal authority to maintain core aspects of the kingship. During the reign of Sety I, Baal made his first iconographic and textual appearance on the Egyptian royal scene. As I will discuss in section 5.1.1 below, it is reasonable to think that the promotion of Seth among the rulers must have led to the advancement of Baal in royal contexts. Compared with several kings of the 18th Dynasty, Sety I can be described as the king who succeeded in reaching a balance between two types of donation to the gods: extending the territory by military actions, even if it is only the recovery of previously held dominions, and impressive building activities in the form of temples.645 In return for these colossal devotions the king ideologically expected to be protected and honoured by 642

Murnane 1995, 189. The coronation inscription of Horemheb indicates that the king is the son of Horus of his hometown in Middle Egypt, and that the god is satisfied with promoting his son (Horemheb) until becoming king. 643 Stadelmann 1967, 135. 644 Habachi 1974, 96-101. 645 Roughly speaking, the kings in the 18th Dynasty can be divided into two types: great military leader (e.g. Thutmose III and Amenhotep II) and great builder (e.g. Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III).

See section 1.2. KRI I 67, 12 – 70, 4. Habachi 1974, 99. ibid. Habachi 1974, 99-100.

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3. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Royal Scenes: Selected Reigns the gods – this was obviously a tributary relationship. It can be said that Syro-Palestinian deities were integrated into the Egyptian pantheon to play their allocated roles on such a stage.

approach even further, employing the following four ways to avoid too much concentration on Amun and Karnak, and thus redress the imbalance of power and dignity between Amun and the kingship. These four methods are: 1. Deification of himself (Rameses II) 2. Demonstration of his favour towards Ra 3. Focus on the revival of Osiris cult 4. Devotion to the god Seth

3.4 Rameses II: Baal, Hauron, Anat and Astarte The early reign of Rameses II (to some extent like that of his father king Sety I) was also a military period, in which he attempted to recover Amurru and Qadesh as a final goal, and then there were also massive amounts of building by this king. It is well known that, contrary to the spectacularly boasting records of victory on the campaign in year 5 – the Battle of Qadesh –, Egypt actually failed to regain these two regions from the Hittites, who furthermore also seized the Egyptian province of Upe - Kumudi and Damascus – just after this campaign. Since then, despite repeated Egyptian efforts to regain these areas, Syria alternated between Egypt and the Hittites depending on the situation, and finally Egypt permanently lost Amurru and Qadesh through the peace treaty between these two Great Powers made in regnal year 21 of Rameses II. After this loss of crucial regions, Egypt and the Hittites entered a period of mutual prosperity, accompanied by two diplomatic marriages, as well as exchanges of medical skills and knowledge between them. Confronting such foreign affairs, Rameses II was also engaged in an effort to handle the theological issues as a successor of Sety I. It is here proposed to interpret the four Syro-Palestinian deities attested during the reign of Rameses II, Baal, Hauron, Anat and Astarte, from the viewpoint of this manoeuvre of theology and its reflection on the military scene.

First of all he deified himself at the temple of Aksha (in Nubia, near the 2nd cataract), just as Amenhotep III had done at Soleb and Tutankhamun at Faras. Rameses installed himself at Aksha as chief god (named ‘Rameses II, great god, lord of Nubia’) in the first year of his reign. By his eighth year, the king was named as ‘Rameses, the god’ 650 on a colossal statue. In the new capital, Piramesse, a series of statues of himself were executed on which the king is called ‘Montu in the Two Lands’, ‘the god’, ‘appearing among the gods’, ‘beloved of Atum’, ‘sun of rulers’ and ‘ruler of rulers’. These statues were established in front of major temples in public view and designated as focal points for worship of the divine kingship. As a result the series of ‘Hurbeit’ stelae651 indicate that Rameses II also became an object of veneration in popular religion. These colossi were also erected in Thebes and elsewhere as ‘local’ manifestations of the dignity of the divine kingship of Rameses II. Secondly, Rameses II unreservedly demonstrated his favour towards Ra (at Heliopolis) and Ptah (at Memphis), thus reinforcing the relationship between these state gods and the kingship. This idea itself was not new, and Amenhotep III and Sety I had already taken this measure in their reigns, but Rameses II went further. In his year 2, the king changed his prenomen from Usermaatra (‘Strong in right is Ra’) to Usermaatra Setepenra (‘Strong in right is Ra: Chosen by Ra’). In his year 3, the king claimed in a dedicatory text carved on the pylon in the forecourt of Luxor temple652 that he had researched in the ‘House of Life’ the mysterious theology of Amun as the ultimate deity and that the construction of Luxor temple for Amun was therefore legitimated and destined. At first glance this is a perfectly ordinary example of royal admiration for Amun, however, it can also be observed that the status of Ra is demonstrated to be higher than that of Amun by the expression ‘Ra’s right eye is “Southern Heliopolis” (Thebes)’ and ‘Ra’s left eye is “Northern Heliopolis” (Heliopolis proper)’. Here Ra may well be depicted as the northern counterpart of Amun. In Nubia, Abu Simbel temple is dedicated to Ra more than to Amun, and finally to the king himself as a form of Ra who is described as ‘residing in the Estate of Rameses II, the settlement’.653 Finally Rameses II in his

The state god Amun was continuously very powerful, influential and domineering in the 19th Dynasty. According to Murnane, 646 in that time Amun was required for the continued existence of the divine king, and the king was equally necessary for the cyclical resurrection of his father, Amun. In Thebes, royal mortuary temples were connected with Amun who even ruled the afterlife above Osiris.647 The increasing power of Amun paradoxically threatened the kings. As partly mentioned above, some kings in the 18th Dynasty such as Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III already tried to achieve a balance between the kings and Amun through emphasis on the cult of Ra and Ptah inside Egypt,648 and, especially in the case of Amenhotep III, linkage of the king himself with gods in the temples in Nubia.649 Sety I took over this attitude, while Rameses II took the 646

Murnane 1995, 187-191. Kitchen 1982, 175. The colossus at Karnak, the south entry to Amun’s precinct, was called ‘Nebmaatra, Montu of rulers’ ‘Nebmaatra, sun of rulers’ and ‘Nebmaatra, ruler of rulers’. 649 In the temple at Soleb Amenhotep III is deified as ‘Nebmaatra, lord of Nubia’. 647 648

650

van Dijk 2000, 301. For example, Pelizaeus-Museum Hildesheim, 374. On this stele the seated statue of Rameses II is depicted as the object of reverence. 652 KRI II 345-347. 653 Kitchen 1982, 177. 651

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Dynasty, Seth received dedication in many places. 660 Some letters661 indicate an invocation to Seth together with Ra-Horakhty and Piramesse-Miamun, or Ra-Horakhty, Amun of Rameses, Ptah of Rameses, Ra of Rameses and Piramesse-Miamun. The peace treaty between Egypt and the Hittites mentioned above demonstrates that ‘Seth, great of strength, son of Nut’ was worshipped in Piramesse together with Amun-Ra, Horakhty, ‘Atum, Lord of the Two Lands of Heliopolis’, Amun of Rameses and Ptah of Rameses.662 The king restored the temple of Seth at Ombos, which is even said to be ‘a separate administrative province’.663 In the 19th Upper Egyptian nome was established the place called Sepermeru where there was a Seth temple.664 The other temple of Seth at Matmar has been proved to be built in the period of Rameses II. The king compared himself to the god665 as his predecessor had done, and claimed that Seth was his divine father.666

later years gained the new title ‘great soul of Ra-Horakhty’. 654 Thus Rameses II exhibited his connection with the sun god Ra both in the south and the north. On another front, the king’s devotion to Ptah is learnt from the fact that a new division called ‘Ptah’ had been added to his army, which already consisted of the divisions Amun, Ra and Seth, by the time of the Battle of Qadesh in his regnal year 5. In year 34, on the first marriage stele, Ptah-Tatenen was invoked as the divine father of the king and the lord of Jubilee,655 and this lordship of the god and paternity relationship between the god and Rameses II are also attested in the second marriage stele (in year 44). 656 Furthermore, on the second marriage stele the god is said to grant this royal diplomatic marriage. Rameses II’s first Jubilee (year 30) was announced from Memphis, the traditional site for this ritual, but it was actually celebrated in Piramesse657 under the patronage of Ptah-Tatenen and, to an even greater extent, the sun god Ra-Atum. Next, in year 35, Rameses II added a new Jubilee hall to the temple of Ptah in Memphis. The increasing popularity of the Apis bull and Mnevis bull during the reign of Rameses II, who actually established the basic structure of the Serapeum at Saqqara, should be interpreted within the framework of this royal devotion to Ptah and Ra. The combination of traditional and innovative features in the temple plan of the Ramesseum658 may well indicate that the king tried to throw off the excessively close ties with Amun, even after he had died, as mentioned above. Rameses II also built smaller memorial temples for himself at Memphis and Heliopolis, which could be elucidated as his intention to reduce the extreme status of Karnak and Amun.

Here, it is very obvious that the worship of Hauron in royal contexts during the reign of Rameses II was connected with the Ra cult which the king promoted as a part of a sequence of measures designed to control and overwhelm Amun’s authority, as mentioned above, but also that it was brought about by the continued identification of Hauron with Horemakhet since the previous dynasty. The statue of Rameses II as a royal child embraced by Hauron in the guise of a falcon which was found at Tanis (2.1.3 Doc. 20), indicates the king’s adoration of Hauron and, at the same time, it also indicates the worship of Ra-Horakhty in the eastern Delta which is matched with the situation in the letter667 as stated above. Furthermore, Rameses II took the cult of Hauron-Horemakhet to regions outside Giza and the Sphinx precinct, such as Piramesse, as a part of the promotion of the cult of Ra, and accordingly Hauron was even worshipped at a fortress in the western Delta: El-Gharbanyat (2.1.3 Doc. 31). This expansion of Hauron worship can also be perceived in popular religion at this date. Certainly, the centre of Hauron’s cult was still Giza, but he was also venerated at Deir el-Medina, where he was identified with the Egyptian god Shed as a saviour, and took the form of a royal statue in the Delta, which must have influenced the community of non-royal people who resided there.

Thirdly, Rameses II focused on the revival of the Osiris cult by constructing magnificent temples at Abydos, continuing the work of his father king Sety I. Rameses II repaired and completed the half-built temple of Sety I, and founded his own temple nearby in his regnal year 1. The king reiterated that he was the living Horus as the divine son of his father Osiris, namely the previous king Sety I. Abydos was originally the special cult centre for Osiris and now the king seems to try to advance the popularity of the god there in connection with the kingship, which must have contributed to prevent the excessive popularity of Amun worship.

It should also be noted that Baal, Anat and Astarte clearly appeared in association with the enhanced cult of Seth as the new dynastic god of the 19th Dynasty. The identification of Seth with Baal was already formed in the beginning of the New Kingdom (see section 5.1

The fourth relevant aspect of the reign of Rameses II is his devotion to the god Seth. Rameses II took over the Seth cult from previous reigns, including that of Horemheb, who established the temple for Seth in Avaris/Tell el-Dabaa659 and developed it much further throughout Egypt. As the divine founder of the 19th

660

te Velde 1977, 130, n.7. idem, 131: pBologna 1094 VIII, 6ff (Gardiner 1937, 8); pLeiden I 360 (Janssen 1960, 40). 662 KRI II 225-232. 663 Gardiner 1947, II, 29. 664 idem, 110. 665 passim. 666 For example, the first marriage stele. KRI II 238. 667 See n 661. 661

654 655 656 657 658 659

c.f. pBologna 1094, 8.3. (Caminos 1954, 23) KRI II 235. KRI II 282-284. KRI II 377-383. Kitchen 1982, 175-177. Bietak 1975, 208f.

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3. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Royal Scenes: Selected Reigns below). But due to a psychological backlash by the 18th Dyansty rulers against the major god of the Hyksos, Seth, the god had not openly appeared in royal contexts. With the arrival of a new era in the 19th Dynasty, it went to the opposite extreme, and Seth was officially positively upgraded to the dynastic god in order to legitimate the new royal genealogical line, whereby Baal was promoted to the same status. 668 As a dynastic god protecting and supporting the king, Seth was revered in the form of a warrior god, and was sometimes identified with another Egyptian martial god, Montu. Although seemingly Baal was never associated with Montu, the god (i.e. Baal) was invoked by kings as a symbol of royal prowess along the lines of Seth, in which the king should be compared to Baal, as a weather god, striding over the mountains and throwing lightning and thunder bolts.669 It is noted that when Baal is employed to stress the king’s heroism in victory inscriptions, predominantly in descriptions of the Battle of Qadesh, the god always occurred on his own, without the name of Seth. This might indicate that these two gods are considered to be identical beyond simple identification of individual deities. Three inscriptions from the reign of Rameses II may prove this assumption concerning the Seth-Baal identification: ‘Seth great of power, (very) Baal in person’ (2.1.1 Doc.65), ‘You are (very) Seth, Baal in person’ (2.1.1 Doc. 67) and ‘He (= king) is like Seth, great in strength, in his hour, (even) Baal (very) person’ (2.1.1 Doc.69).670 On the other hand, when Baal appears as a visual image with accompanying texts, the name of Seth is invoked and the corresponding figure is depicted with a full array of Asiatic features, namely Baal (2.1.1 Docs. 2, 3, 4). Here Seth-Baal is not necessarily featured as a real martial god in particular battle scenes but as a royal patron deity bestowing divine legitimacy and support on the king. Amun was still the primary guarantor of victory in battle for Egyptian kings, but Baal became another martial god for the kings of Egypt following Seth and leaving behind his image as a fertility god.

Hittites marriage stele (2.1.4 Doc. 10) described the king as ‘son of Seth, nursling of Anat’. One magical papyrus (2.1.4 Doc. 20) also reports their sexual relations even though it is a case of rape. This relationship between Seth and Anat can probably be interpreted as reminiscent of that of Baal and Anat in the Ugaritic myth. These two Syro-Palestinian deities were as much brother and sister as wife and husband. When they had intercourse in the myth, Baal transformed himself into an ox and Anat into a cow (KTU 1.11), and she then gave birth to a young bull for Baal (KTU 1.10). The appellation of Anat ‘the great cow of Seth’ in the magical text (2.1.4 Doc. 26) probably reflects this encounter between Baal and Anat. Consequently it is hypothesised that Rameses II’s surpassing fondness for Anat may be related to his affection for Seth, and eventually for Seth-Baal, and culminating in the high popularity of the latter. In contrast to Baal and Anat, who appeared in royal contexts from the 19th Dynasty onwards, Astarte consistently retained her status as a royal goddess from the 18th Dynasty onwards. It is worth considering the particular aspects of her iconography involved in her veneration by kings. During the Thutmosside period Astarte was linked with horses and chariots, and it is difficult to elucidate her established characteristics as a military protector of the king, although both the horse and chariot are clearly martial devices. On the other hand, when she occurred in royal scenes of the Ramesside period, Astarte more obviously took on her war goddess aspect and that of protector of kings, while maintaining her association with the horse and chariot (2.1.5 Docs. 6 and 39). During the time of Rameses II Astarte was juxtaposed with the two major war gods Seth and Montu (2.1.5 Doc. 38), which emphasised her attribute as martial goddess. Furthermore the name of Astarte is employed to two sons of the king. This is also a convincing indication of the very close relationship between Astarte and the king, who needed to be bestowed with as much divine legitimate protection as possible.

It tends to be assumed that the goddess Anat had introduced herself into the mainstream of Egyptian religion during Rameses II’s reign by taking advantage of the increasing popularity of Seth-Baal in royal contexts. The name of the goddess is employed widely from a component of personal names of royal children to the name of a royal sword. It is well known that Rameses II emphasised the mother-son relationship between himself and Anat (2.1.4 Docs. 4, 5, 9, 15, 16), and, in addition, the king sometimes implied that Seth and Anat were his divine parents. On an inscription from Gebel Murr (2.1.4 Doc. 9) Anat claimed that she bore the king like Seth to be lord of lords, and the first

3.5 Rameses III: Baal, Reshef, Anat and Astarte At the beginning of this section it will be necessary to briefly review the historical circumstances under which Rameses III ascended the throne. This is essential because although it may seem to be tangential it appears to be an important factor concerning the relationship between this king and the six Syro-Palestinian deities. For a period of almost thirty years after Rameses II’s death, Egypt experienced unprecedented problems over the royal succession. When the legitimate successor, Merenptah, died, a previously unknown individual, Amenmessu ascended the throne for only a few years temporarily supplanting the heir apparent, the future

668

More discussion including Helck (1966, 7) will be in the section 5.1.1. 669 Stadelmann 1967, 39. 670 Although these three expressions are stipulated as the words spoken by the Hittite ruler, in each inscription it is obvious that they reflect the Egyptian viewpoint as a commemorative victory records.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Sety II, because of the latter’s absence at the moment of the death of the king. 671 Despite the return to the genealogically correct royal line later, the brief six-year reign of Sety II was followed by the rise of Saptah, probably the son of Amenmessu, due perhaps to a shortage of legitimate heirs. Although Saptah changed his name from Rameses-Saptah to Merenptah-Saptah in order to attempt to justify his genealogical line, his six-year reign was under the tutelage of his stepmother Mother-Queen Tausret and the powerful Chancellor Bay, probably a Syrian courtier who is said to be ‘who established the king on the throne of his father’.672 It is easy to assume that these two persons were evil kingmakers and Bay even gained sufficient status so that he was able to establish his tomb in the Valley of the King (KV 13). After Saptah’s death, Tausret took the throne as the fourth female pharaoh in Egyptian history. At the death of this female ruler, the direct line of Rameses II was terminated and another previously unattested individual ascended the throne, Sethnakht.

in the royal succession, including a decline in the traditional divine kingship, the devastation of the land by famine, and a new military threat from the west, in the form of the Libyans (see section 4.2 below). It can be summarised that the reign of Rameses III was devoted mainly to recover ‘pure’ Egypt which had been ruled by the perfect ideal rulers of the New Kingdom, characterised, according to Grandet, by ‘long reigns’, the role of ‘great military leader’ and ‘sage and judicious activities’.676 The archetypal king for Rameses III and the later kings of the 20th Dynasty (whose names tended to include the name ‘Rameses’) is Rameses II, who reigned for more than sixty years, was a great military leader against the Hittites and the other foes of Egypt, and through whom Egypt was able to enjoy a stable and peaceful period with massive construction of buildings. It may therefore be possible to interpret the four Syro-Palestinian deities attested in royal contexts during the reign of Rameses III – Baal, Reshef, Anat and Astarte – from the viewpoint of this royal attitude, namely the wish to recreate what the king was supposed to signify.

The name of Sethnakht has not been attested among those in the main line of the royal family at the time. Although there are several possible pieces of evidence that suggested that Sethnakht was a descendant of Rameses II, 673 some possibilities proposed by Grandet674 are still not to be excluded, namely that he may have been: 1) a plebeian, 2) a member of a military family in the eastern Delta, or 3) a local notable. Whatever his origin was, the king was clearly not descended directly from the immediately preceding dynasty, and consequently, he must have desperately needed to legitimate his claim to the throne. The stele erected by Sethnakht in the temple of Khnum at Elephantine675 claims that he was chosen as a king to rule over the devastated land of Egypt by the divine election of Seth and the other gods of Egypt. In addition he boasts that he had driven out the usurper, despite the fact that he himself was presumably a usurper. This suggests a remarkable change of royal ideology or views of kingship, since it implied that the king should be of lesser rank than the gods who choose the king from among several human ‘candidates’. It is actually true that the king ideologically was regarded as of lower status than the sun god Ra, as the ‘son of Ra’ since the cult of the sun god became the centre of Egyptian royal theology during the Old Kingdom, but the case of Sethnakht seems to be rather different. The former is a father-son relationship, as it were divine genealogy, while the latter is a sort of ‘election’ involving ‘judges’ and ‘applicants’.

In pHarris I 75 – the pseudo autobiography of Rameses III composed by his successor Rameses IV –, Rameses III was described as the hereditary prince of the great king Sethnakht who was elected by the gods ‘from their limbs, to be Ruler, L. P. H., of every land, upon their great throne, (even) Userkhare-Setepnere-Meriamon, L. P. H., son of Ra, Setnakht-Mererre-Meriamon, L. P. H.’677 in order to ‘set the land in its right according to its accustomed manner’.678 Sethnakht here is presented as having restored the nation and social order by terminating the anarchy and the period of impious tyranny by the Syrian chief called Iarsu – probably modelled on the Chancellor Bay in the reign of Saptah, mentioned already above. Thus the secular genealogical legitimacy of Rameses III is retained and the king ascended the throne being cerebrated and crowned by his ‘father’, Amun-Ra, Ra-Atum, and Ptah, as Lord of the Two Lands. Nevertheless, the fact remains that these kings originally owed their accessions to these gods, especially Amun. After coronation, the king appears to have begun to inspect the entire land,679 aiming for the reconstruction and re-evaluation of the shattered economic system and various temples throughout the country both of which had been left behind during the time of destabilization. As a result, one-third of the entire cultivable land came to belong to the temples, and three-quarters of this was donated to Amun of Thebes.680 This inequality created a

When Rameses III succeeded his father, king Sethnakht, as the heir apparent, after the latter’s two-year reign, the land of Egypt had been almost ruined by abnormal chaos 671 672 673 674 675

676

Grandet 1993, 56-57. ARE IV §§ 398-399. 678 ibid. 679 KRI V 232, 13-14. The record of official inspection in regnal year 15 alludes previous one in the fifth year of the reign of Rameses III, although it has not been confirmed whether this earlier inspection was carried out or not (Vandersleyen 1995, 612). 680 van Dijk 2000, 305. 677

Kithchen 1982, 216. KRI IV 364,5 and 371,5-9. Kitchen 1982, 217 and Dodson 2004, 186. Grandet 1993, 42. KRI V 671-672.

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3. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Royal Scenes: Selected Reigns huge imbalance between, on the one hand, political and governmental authority, and on the other, religious power. Furthermore, the status of Amun was theologically elevated much higher than ever before as ‘king of the gods’: the god indeed was given its form and name as a single god, but its ‘infinity’ of divinities were regarded as many demonstrations or manifestations such as elements of the cosmos and phenomena of nature, which were also conceived as hypostases. 681 What made the status of Amun much greater was the fact that he held the right to legitimate the secular-based kings.682 Rameses III therefore had no option but to be forced to confront three problems: an imbalance in the economy among the temples on a secular level, the theological preeminence of Amun, and his original ‘personal’ indebtedness to divine election for his ascent to the throne.683 Practically speaking, these three issues led to Amun being treated as a true ‘monarch’ and the king was as his lieutenant or subordinate as a result of the submission of the latter to the former.

Medinet Habu is just a kilometre south of the Ramesseum, on which the Medinet Habu temple plan was based. Furthermore Rameses III again borrowed several victorious war records from the Ramesseum, resulting in the recording of various military campaigns that had presumably not actually occurred. Thus the western outer wall (i.e. the ‘rear’ wall of the temple) displays victorious scenes from a Nubian campaign, which is not recorded on other media elsewhere, while his genuine military campaigns, including the expulsion of Libyan tribes from Egypt (in year 5 and 11; 2.1.1 Docs. 72, 73, 79-84) and a defensive campaign against the Sea People in the Delta (in year 8; 2.1.1 Docs. 75-78) were commemorated and depicted on the northern outer wall. At Medinet Habu there are also scenes reporting supposed military campaigns against two Hittite towns, Arzawa and Tunip (2.1.1 Doc. 85), and a Syrian fortress with subsequent scenes of the reviewing of captives and returning to Egypt. These latter scenes are said to be copies from the walls of the Ramesseum. It is therefore plausible to suggest that these ‘pseudo war records’ or so-called ‘genre’ scenes687 in Medinet Habu reflect the fact that Rameses III desperately wanted to associate himself with the glory and greatness of the past, and also the royal ideology in which the king was the lord of ‘all lands’ beyond Egypt’s border.688 Hence it can be said that Medinet Habu plays a role of a canvas on which Rameses III could be portrayed, interweaving truth with fiction, the audience being not only the royal and elite individuals who could actually enter the temple, but also the ordinary people who could view the scenes on the outside walls of the temples.689

Under these circumstances, Rameses III desperately tried to recapture and demonstrate the past glory and power of royal authority by means of imitating Rameses II, in many aspects. The prenomen of Rameses III, Usermaatra Meryamun, is based on that of Rameses II, Usermaatra Setepenra, and in addition the king named his children after those of Rameses II,684 some of whom ironically died before the king himself, as in the case of Rameses II: for example, Amenhirkhopshef, Rameses, Prehirwonmef, Khaemwaset and Sethirkhopshef. The fourth one even became sem-priest of Ptah at Memphis, which was the same office held by the famous fourth prince of Rameses II, Khaemwaset. In the portico, which is actually a part of the second court of the mortuary temple of Rameses III at Medinet Habu, we can find a depiction of the procession of princes of Rameses III on the lower register of the west wall, and that of some princesses on the south side. 685 These figures are depicted worshipping the deeply-cut cartouches of Rameses III placed in front of them each by each, the overall motif here being borrowed from Rameses II’s mortuary temple, the Ramesseum.686

It is therefore plausible to investigate the four Syro-Palestinian deities within the framework of Rameses III’s reconstruction of royal ideology. In short, the worship of Syro-Palestinian deities may be a part of the process of imitating his predecessor on the throne. The appearances of these deities in royal contexts during Rameses III’s reign are restricted to Medinet Habu so far. They are attested in the reliefs of the first and the second Libyan wars (Baal 2.1.1 Docs. 14, 72, 73, 79-84, 101; Anat 2.1.4 Doc. 14; Astarte 2.1.5 Doc. 40), a military campaign against the Sea People, including a scene of the king’s lion hunting (Baal 2.1.1 Docs. 74-78; Reshef 2.1.2 Doc. 57), and the ‘pseudo’ Syrian wars mentioned above (Baal 2.1.1 Doc. 85). The king was actually engaged in the construction of other temples at Luxor and Karnak and, according to pHarris I, Rameses III also launched building projects at Piramesse, Heliopolis, Memphis, Athribis, Hermopolis, Asyut, This, Abydos, Ombos, Koptos, Elkab, and various sites in Nubia and Syria.690 It is interesting to note that so far no record of the four deities has yet appeared at any of these sites. This may prove that only Medinet Habu was used as a

681

KRI V 218, 10-11. Meskell (2002, 21) introduced Trigger’s warning (1981) about this issue: it is difficult to assess how much the Amun priesthood really intervened in the king’s authority during the New Kingdom. 683 KRI V 216, 8 and 217, 10-11 (‘Festivals of Amun at Medinet Habu’). KRI 224, 4 (Year 22, ‘Festival Amun at Karnak’). 684 KRI II 858-927 (Rameses II) and KRI V 367-375 (Rameses III). 685 The procession of princesses seems to have not been discussed at full length because they have neither names nor titles inscribed together. (Murnane 1980, 40) It may be just because of the limited time. 686 Rameses II left a series of scenes depicting processions of royal children in several temples, e.g. Abu Simbel. This scheme defied the decorum of the time whereby royal children should be in the background except for the case in which they were engaged in important offices. It is said that the reason for such a revolutionary change is the civil origin of this dynasty to be overcome as a disadvantage (Dodson 2004, 164). 682

687 688 689 690

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Grimal 1994, 272. Murnane 1980, 18. c.f Grimal 1994, 274-275. The temple of Anat at Beth Shan should be included in this project.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence ‘theatre’ for the propaganda of the king who employed these four Syro-Palestinian deities (Baal, Reshef, Anat and Astarte) on the coattails of Rameses II in order to recover royal dignity, as investigated above. Furthermore, while a votive stele dedicated to Baal by a soldier is attested from Qantir (2.1.1 Doc. 6), no close personal relationships or worship, between Rameses III and any of the four deities has been observed, i.e. nothing to compare with such earlier relationship as Sety I’s paternity connection with Hauron, the supposed mother-son relationship between Rameses II and Anat, and Rameses II’s naming of his children with theophoric names of Anat and Astarte. Is it an over-emphasis to assume that these Syro-Palestinian deities verified at Medinet Habu might be particular ‘actors and actresses’ borrowed from the propaganda of Rameses II to attempt to restore the dignity of royal authority? In fact the appearance of Reshef here is very interesting because the god never occurred in royal contexts during the Ramesside period until Rameses III. Reshef indeed was a war god during the 18th Dynasty but, from the 19th Dynasty onwards, the god’s new raison d'etre became popular religion, where he functioned as a fertility and curative god. It is also possible to argue that the exceptional employment of Reshef by Rameses III indicates once again that this ruler was involved in pro forma imitation with regard to the royal imagery of his predecessors more than two hundred years previously.

of royal military prowess, and Anat appeared at the same time. Ultimately it seems that the popularity of Syro-Palestinian deities, as with Egyptian indigenous gods and goddesses, depended on the political and social circumstances of Egypt.

3.6 Discussion As we have investigated above, if only in selected reigns, it can still be clearly concluded that Syro-Palestinian deities have not necessarily appeared only as war gods and military goddesses. Certainly, following Stadelmann, 691 it must be admitted that they were employed in martial scenes so as to propagate the king’s prowess and his impressive ability as a military figure, and also to guarantee the Egyptian kings’ mythologically uninterrupted victory. However, on the other hand, it is reasonable to bear in mind that some Syro-Palestinian deities were also involved in royal ideological and theological discourses in order to claim and sustain royal dignity. During the period when a king with great military skills was desired and respected as an ideal ruler, two Syro-Palestinian deities, Reshef and Astarte, who were considered as martial ones, were chosen by the king. Afterwards, when the kings needed a counterweight against Amun whose power and influence were overextended, the rulers engaged the Heliopolitan theology and the Ra cult in which Hauron was involved by identification with Horus. In other case, in the 19th Dynasty, the kings needed to be legitimated by Seth, who was main god in their birthplace, in order to compensate their non-royal origins. Under these circumstances Baal was surely upgraded into a symbol 691

Stadelmann 1967, 135.

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4. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Daily Life in Ancient Egypt

4. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Daily Life in Ancient Egypt administrative middle class and higher officials, 699 should be broadly called ‘popular religion’. Here another problem arises: how can we draw a line between ‘state religion’ and ‘non-state religion (= Stevens’ ‘private religion’ and my ‘popular religion’)’? Normally the former is considered to deal with theological issues such as divine creation and kingship to keep the state ‘healthy and stable’. The latter, on the other hand, is interpreted as solving domestic and earthly issues such as birth, illness, physical prosperity and mundane death. The state religion takes place in official temple complexes, while popular religion in restricted to the spaces beyond temples. 700 When components of state cult are taken outside the temple during festivals and processions, it is called ‘public worship’. 701 Furthermore, from the viewpoint of those in receipt of benefit, the beneficiary of the state cult is logically the state itself and in the case of the private cult the individuals receive favours from the gods and goddesses whom they entreat/approach.702 It seems that these two spheres show a consistent polarity. However, agreeing with Stevens, it would be impossible to draw a clear-cut line between them to separate them thoroughly in the way of a dichotomy. Both spheres made inroads into each other.703 Sometimes the popular religion was taken into the sphere of the state cult in the form of very ‘personal’ scenes, and thus the appearance of Bes and Taweret, the protecting gods of childbirth, mother and young children, are unsurprisingly coordinated into the royal birth scenes in the temple of Deir el-Bahri. 704 Furthermore, according to the Wilbour papyrus, 705 a temple was constructed even to Taweret in the state religious realm of New Kingdom Egypt. On the opposite side, the veneration of the state gods (such as Amun, Ra, Ptah, Hathor and Thoth) by ordinary people has been attested outside official temples, for example, in the form of votive stelae or indirect petitions through the ‘messenger’.706 What is more, a corpus of papyri found in the house of a scribe in Deir el-Medina contained the

In the previous chapter I discussed the relationship between Syro-Palestinian deities and the Egyptian kings during selected reigns that are regarded as turning points in Egyptian history. It is, in other words, a case of ‘official’ or ‘state’ theological discourses. In contrast, this chapter will demonstrate how these deities existed in the daily lives of Egyptian ordinary people. Four decades on from the great works on Syro-Palestinian deities in daily life during New Kingdom Egypt written by Stadelmann 692 and Helck, 693 research has made major progress on the religion of ordinary people outside temples and palaces in Egypt. 694 Those new investigations will be applied to the data on Syro-Palestinian deities in this chapter.

4.1 Definition The religion conducted by ordinary people in Egypt has at various times been called ‘popular religion’, ‘personal religion’, ‘personal piety’ or ‘private religion’ etc by each scholar in his/her works. Geraldine Pinch 695 defined three terms: ‘personal piety’ (individual rather than corporate piety to the deities of the state cults), ‘folk religion’ (independent of the state cults and centred on the home and family) and ‘popular religion’ (religious beliefs and practices of ordinary Egyptians in daily life). These classifications seem to have been configured by cross standards: ‘state or non-state’ and ‘individual or corporate’. In place of Pinch’s traditional dichotomy, Jan Assmann, 696 seemingly pragmatically, proposes a ‘tetratomy’ focusing instead on the ‘places’ where religious acts should be conducted: ‘official religion’ (state), ‘local religion’ (nome and town), ‘popular religion’ (house and family) and ‘personal religion’ (individual). Anna Stevens 697 simply categorises religion into two spheres: ‘state’ and ‘private’ based on the question of ‘who is a direct beneficiary’, although she ultimately defines ‘private religion’ in her work as ‘a broad term, encompassing all but strict state religion’698 which seems a more understandable and more widely applicable definition. Of course a number of other scholars have also demarcated the arena of ‘state’ religion from that of ‘non-state religion’. Accordingly, in this work, the religious acts conducted by the ordinary people consisting of peasantry, artisans, servants,

699

Sadek 1988, 2. Stevens 2006, 17. 701 ibid. 702 See n 697 above. Stevens suggested further criteria to separate between ‘state cult’ and ‘private cult’ over the pages (pp. 18-20). 703 I am very grateful to Dr. C. Routledge for her question about a benefit of dichotomisation on Egyptian religion in our private discussion. It is very helpful and useful to consult her article (2006) about this issue. The work also gives us many references about definition of ‘popular religion’. 704 Pinch 1993, 290-295 (2.10.1. 8-9) and 359. 705 Gardiner 1948, Text A Section II § 111. 706 e.g. Amenhotep, son of Hapu, a scribe of recruits during the reign of Amenhotep III. In front of the Tenth Pylon of Karnak temple were built his statues on which the texts stated that he was the messenger who sent up the petitions from the ordinary people. c.f. Morenz 1973, 102; Alexandre Varille (1968) Inscriptions concernant l’architecte Amenhotep, fils de Hapou, Cairo: Imprimerie de L'Institut Français D'archéologie Orientale 700

692

Stadelmann 1967. Helck 1971b. 694 e.g. Baines 1987, 1991; Sadek 1988; Assmann 1989, 1995, 1997; Bomann 1991; Pinch 1993; McDowell 1999; Meskell 2002; Stevens 2006 etc. 695 Pinch 1993, 325. 696 Assmann 1995, 190. 697 Stevens 2006, 18. 698 idem., 21. 693

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence mythical texts and a copy of the daily ritual for the cult of the deified king, Amenhotep I, which was the standard temple version.707 Consequently, it is generally accepted that both spheres partly overlap and create a kind of intermediate realm in the case of New Kingdom Egypt, a situation that is represented diagrammatically by Stevens. 708 The classification by Pinch indicated above seems to match to this situation perfectly.

(i.e. Bes and Taweret) and those of the state/official or public sphere (e.g. Atum and Osiris). It is therefore difficult to decide whether the magical texts reflect state/official opinion or popular view, or both. 716 Nevertheless, it is plausible to think that these magical texts essentially belong to the state/official context for the following reasons: (1) the magical texts were written by the literate individually, namely priests, who constituted a very small percentage of the population, (2) many magical texts were stored in the House of Life (pr-anx) or the temple scriptorium as temple property, and (3) off-duty priests acted as executors of magic among ordinary people as a kind of extra ‘job’.717 At some point these texts must have been brought into the private sphere, as in the case of perhaps of papyri copying the daily ritual for the cult of the deified king Amenhotep I, mentioned above. Magic itself and the usage of magical spells would thus belong to both the private and the state/official sphere. 718 However the contents of the magical texts would tend to reflect the state/official view, since they did not derive from private religion.719

It is often supposed that magic would also belong to this transitional area. In Egypt, magic was regarded as not intrinsically evil but a gift to man by the gods as ‘weapons to ward off the blow of events’, 709 which means a device to avert dangers and protect humans from evil and demons. Religious cult, on the other hand, is thought to focus on the maintenance of the natural cycle and divine order.710 In other words, magic exists in the microcosm and has more daily and private goals, while religion is present in the macrocosm and has officially more legitimate reasons. Also it is said that magic seeks to manipulate while the cults (as a religious phenomenon) look for communication with, explanation of, and service for the supernatural.711 However, at the same time, in Egypt, magic and religion are closely related in the mental life of ancient Egyptians. Consequently, it is very difficult to distinguish magic from religion in Egypt,712 and this situation is in contrast to some anthropological theories about magic, which suggest that magic is entirely different from religion.713 Magical texts therefore are also taken into account in this work for investigation of Syro-Palestinian deities in Egyptian religion during the New Kingdom. Additionally, it should be noted, for reference’s sake, that magical texts could originally reflect the state/official views. It is true that the subjects of the magical texts are divided into two categories; the state/official realm and the private sphere. In the former, the contents are connected with the protection of king or kingship and divine order, and the latter deals with daily life matters such as remedies and exorcism. This division into two categories is paralleled by the features of two basic types of ‘Universal Gods’ 714 appearing in the magical texts715 - those of the private, domestic sphere

Taking the state mentioned above into consideration, it can be clearly said that Syro-Palestinian deities belonged to both spheres. However, at the same time, it must be noted that none of them have been regarded as ‘state gods’. Certainly Reshef and Astarte were much favoured by Amenhotep II, and Hauron was worshipped in association with Horus and the cult of Ra as suggested in the previous chapter, while Baal and Anat were enormously popular with Rameses II. Nevertheless, strictly speaking, they do not seem to have a place in the state religion, evidently appearing more in the role of kings’ personal favourites. In some senses, it may well be appropriate to call this ‘royal personal religion’ – to be more precise, the kings theoretically could contact the gods as individual persons which takes them into the ‘personal religion’ sphere.720 Under the circumstances, texts. On ‘Universal Gods’, the present author has checked on following magical texts, pChester Beatty I, BM 10042, pLeiden I343 + I345, pLeiden I348, and, additionally, Borghouts 1978. 716 pBM 10188 contains both state and private vendetta against Apophis. 717 As Kemp pointed out (1995), oral tradition, namely ‘word of mouth’, of suitable words and phrases would make it possible for ordinary people to utilize those magical texts, even though they are illiterate. McDowell indicated (1999) that, in Deir el-Medina, the ‘priests’ were chosen from workmen themselves. 718 In Deir el-Medina, the magical spell written on ostraca would be regarded as a portable ‘written amulet’ against dangers or emergencies among workmen (McDowell 1999, 117). 719 In his suggestions about how and why Syro-Palestinian deities were introduced into Egypt, Helck proclaimed (1966, 10) that all allusions which we find in the magical papyri or the myth fragments, for example in pLeiden I343+I345, but also the so-called Astarte papyrus, a ‘translation’ of a Canaanite myth of the battle of Baal with the sea, were scholarly knowledge. He admitted that the scribes or priests could contact the magical texts. 720 Morenz (1973, 106) already pointed it out. Also see Assmann 1989, 69 and 79, and 1997. Again, Assmann (2002, 247 -271) recounts that the representations of the Battle of Qadesh by Rameses II describe the divine invention of Amun, ‘the will of god’, and the personal piety to

707

Stevens 2006, 19; McDowell 1999, 93-94, no.63. Stevens 2006, 20-21 and fig. I.2.1. Sadek (1988, 2) argued that this overlap was assumable because the two were not individual religions but two distinguishable forms of one basic religion. 709 The Instruction Addressed to King Merikare ll. 136-137. (The translation is cited from AEL I, 106) 710 Borghouts 1995, 1776a. 711 Borghouts 1980, 1138; McDowell 1999, 115. 712 Ritner 1993, 2; OEAE II, 321; Borghouts 1995, 1776a. 713 James Frazer (1890) developed Edward Tylor’s idea (1871) that magic is the most pernicious delusion that ever vexed mankind, and suggested that magic is the preliminary step toward religion or the first stage in the evolution of human thought. Émile Durkheim defined magical operations as private and secretive, and religious assembly as public (c.f. Barnard and Spencer 1996, 340-343). Frazer (1890) and Malinowski (1948) proposed that magic is distinguished from religion because the former is impious and that its goal is instant, controlled and personal. 714 Baines and Malek 2000, 214. 715 Of course, other minor gods and goddesses appear in these magical 708

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4. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Daily Life in Ancient Egypt succession, possibly increasing political corruption, 727 imbalance between temple and state, and therefore that of the king and ever more powerful priesthood of Amun, economic downturn, and the new threat from the west namely Libyans etc. etc.. These disruptions prompted the transformation of the traditional representative theocracy – only the king can execute the god’s will as the divine delegate – into direct theocracy by god’s will to each human being with its intervention in daily life events. This exposed the king as more simply human than ever before. Thus people’s relationship with deities were transformed so as to count on each god through their individual direct contact, and what is more, any result of such success or failure was treated as the direct intervention of a god rather than as a consequence of Maat, which had hitherto been respected as the accepted model of morality and behaviour in Egypt since the early pharaonic period. 728 In order to contact each god respectively, people worshipped at local chapels and community shrines, made pilgrimages to great temples at festival times, and looked after the statuettes of deities in domestic setting.729

in this chapter, the question of whether any act of religion is ‘royal’ or ‘non-royal’ (as supposed to ‘state’ or ‘non-state’) is used as a criterion to separate personal religion with regards to Syro-Palestinian deities.

4.2 Syro-Palestinian Deities in Daily Life during New Kingdom Egypt There exists no Egyptian word for ‘personal religion’, which would be interpreted as a new religious movement in New Kingdom Egypt, regardless of the fact that personal piety has already been shown to some deities by the theophoric names, epithets on scarabs and votive offerings even before the New Kingdom. It seems appropriate to describe this religiosity as ‘to place a god in one’s heart’ according to Assmann 721 who investigates this circumstance from the viewpoint of textual formulaic expression, which is possibly at odds with or away from observed religious practices. As stated by Assmann, the individuals take each god into their heart, and serve and rely on them concerning daily matters from birth to death in the state of mutual dependence between deity and individual. Although the New Kingdom has been called ‘the age of personal piety’722 and it appears to be a phenomenon that breaks out only in that period, the embryonic stage may be attested as early as the First Intermediate Period. 723 After the period of ‘man led by the king without his heart’ in the Old Kingdom – here ‘man’ is, as we all know, the official who seems to be as if a tool or a part of ‘organ’ of the royal will, the Middle Kingdom is interpreted as the era of ‘man led by his heart’. 724 Between these two eras, the First Intermediate Period, the conception of ‘will’ of ‘man’ must has been changed from ‘obeying the royal will’ to ‘having one’s own will’. This idea ‘man led by his heart’ was replaced by or added with the new conviction ‘(his) heart led by the god’ namely ‘to place a god in one’s heart’ in the New Kingdom,725 which can be observed during the reigns of Hatshepsut, Thotmose III and Amenhotep II.726 At the end of this spectrum of the relationship between the individual and the god, in the Ramesside times especially, after the Amarna period, personal religion based on the conception ‘to place a god in one’s heart’ burst into life in Egypt seemingly due to social disorder: collapse of the canonical divine kingship by the chaos that might have ensued at the moment of royal

It is this period when some Syro-Palestinian deities more frequently appear to have been venerated by the ordinary people in Egypt. Stadelmann 730 argued that these Syro-Palestinian deities were introduced into Egypt as ‘war deities’, firstly due to the fact that the kings, especially in the early 18th Dynasty, needed them for successes in the war of conquest in the Levant, and then once these deities were brought, they revealed themselves in the popular religion based on different conditions from the royal myth. At first glance, this model of religious shift argued by Stadelmann, in which the Syro-Palestinian deities were relocated from the royal stage into that of the ordinary people as time passed, seems to be plausible. Reshef certainly changed his stage of veneration from the royal military scene to that of personal religion from the 19th Dynasty onwards. However, this theory cannot be applied to the case of Qadesh who never occurred in royal contexts, and furthermore Baal started his career in Egypt not as a military god but as a protector of sea traders in mainly Peru-nefer, and also who was regarded as identical with Seth as a god of storm (see 5.1.1). It would not be appropriate to assume that all Syro-Palestinian deities slid from martial deities into gods of healing, love, fertility and domestic issues. Zivie-Coche731 also argues that the Egyptians required Syro-Palestinian deities to listen to the prayers by the ordinary people and answer them, whereas these prayers would have been addressed to Egyptian indigenous deities. From the viewpoint of the history of religiosity, summarised above, it should be accepted that these Syro-Palestinian deities rode the

the god from the king. 721 Assmann 1997, 18 and 2002, 230. 722 Breasted 1912, 344-370. 723 Assmann 1989, 69-71. 724 Assmann 1997, 19. 725 ibid. 726 Hatshepsut: the elective divine oracle for her installation as the queen and the Punt oracle which shows that the divine oracle is not confined to royal installation, etc. (See Assmann 1989, 71). Thutmose III: Assmann 1975 Ägyptische Hymnen und Gebete, Zurich: Artemis-Verlag, 75.23-24. Amenhotep II: Ostracon Cairo 12217 rto., ed. G. Posener, RdE 27 (1975), 206-209.

727

Royal authorities seem to have tried to reform such governmental decay by issuing several edicts (Meskell 2002, 22). 728 Assmann 1989, 76. 729 Baines 1987. 730 Stadelmann 1967, 140-141. 731 Zivie-Coche 1989, 174-175.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence crest of the wave of popular religion in which each person had a chance to contact individual deities for an even better and more secure life.

Some votive stelae dedicated to Reshef have been attested in Memphis itself, and even several stelae from Deir el-Medina indicate the relationship between Reshef and the Memphite region – or more precisely Heliopolis – by the epithets ‘the ruler of the Ennead’ (2.1.2 Docs. 6, 10) and ‘mighty amidst the divine Ennead’ (2.1.2 Doc. 9). It therefore is assumed that Reshef would have some connection with Memphis and Ptah as a saviour, while Deir el-Medina seems to have been a principal place of worship of the god in popular religion. Since skilful workmen may have been brought from all over the country to Deir el-Medina for construction of the royal tombs, it would not be unlikely that the title which originated from Memphis was brought into Deir el-Medina with such workmen. Actually Ptah himself was called in Deir el-Medina ‘he who hears prayers’.739

It seems that the spheres of worship of Syro-Palestinian deities are confined to wishes for healing, love and prosperity, long and good lifespan, with proper burial, and stability and vitality of afterlife. Even though these Syro-Palestinian deities have not been linked to birth, parenthood, maturing as an adult, and mortuary rite (all of which are relevant to ‘vital points of transition in an individual life’),732 the petitions attested on the votive objects which were dedicated to them are nevertheless very typical of the Egyptians and arranged in the same way as those to Egyptian indigenous deities.733 As for Baal, it is observed that Deir el-Medina, which has been researched as one of the major sites of popular religion, alongside the workmen’s village at Amarna, was not the main place of his worship in popular religion. In the 18th Dynasty Peru-nefer and the Memphite region were obviously the centres of his cult. Four stelae during the Ramesside period identified with accompanying texts are from Qantir (2.1.1 Doc. 6), Ras Shamra (2.1.1 Doc. 8), Thebes (2.1.1 Doc. 10) and Serabit el-Khadim (2.1.1 Doc. 11). The worshippers of these stelae belonged to the high or middle ranks: shield-bearer, royal scribe, royal messenger, and deputy of the commander of army. This phenomenon could be categorised as a form of ‘personal piety’, as defined by Pinch mentioned above, although Baal was not a state god but a royal god of the Ramesside period. While one stele (2.1.1 Doc. 7) from Memphis might be dedicated by a person belonging to the middle or lower class, it was probably the case that Baal was popular among officials or people of higher rank. It is plausible that royal admiration for Baal infected these elites for the Ramesside period, compared with the 18th Dynasty during which Baal seems not to have been approved by royal authority.

Hauron was revered mainly in the Giza region both in the royal cult and popular religion. As for the latter, the main worshippers seemingly were middle rank officials and professionals:740 overseer of craftsmen (2.1.3 Doc. 19), vizier/sculptor (2.1.3 Doc. 5), royal scribe of the offering- table (2.1.3 Docs. 4, 7) including lower middle rank such as fan-bearer (2.1.3 Doc. 9), general scribe (2.1.3 Doc. 13), a series of staff (2.1.3 Docs. 2, 6, 10, 12). It is obvious that Hauron can be categorised as a god of the ‘local religion’ of the Giza area which is one of Assmann’s classifications above (see section 4.1), while the god was also identified with Shed at Deir el-Medina as a saviour (see section 5.3 below). For royal people the god would have two meanings: he was considered to be identical with Horemakhet, who was one of the ideological ‘devices’ intended to create a Memphite ‘balance’ in relation to Amun and Thebes (see Chapter 3), and in their private religious sphere the god was the subject to the conducting of the ancestor cult. Anat seems not to have been revered so widely by the ordinary people. One stele from Deir el-Medina (2.1.4 Doc. 1) is dedicated to Qadesh by a chief workman, and Anat probably plays a peripheral role to multiply the effects. Two stelae (2.1.4 Docs. 2 and 13) are in collaboration with Reshef, Astarte and Qadesh. Worshippers often hold such offices as chief workman, servant, singer and stable master. It is intriguing that high or middle rank officials did not appear in the religious scenes of Anat despite the fact that they must have had chances to become involved in the cult of the goddess during the reign of Rameses II who tremendously favoured and promoted the goddess. The connections between Anat, Astarte and Qadesh will be discussed in section 5.4 below.

Among Syro-Palestinian deities that were venerated in Egypt, only Reshef was called ‘he who hears prayers’ next to Ptah. Although Amun, 734 Ra, 735 Thoth, 736 Hathor737 and Horus738 were also given this title in Deir el-Medina, normally and fundamentally it was connected with Ptah in Memphis as a saviour. Reshef with the title ‘he who hears prayer’ has appeared in Qantir (2.1.2 Doc. 5) and perhaps Deir el-Medina (2.1.2 Doc. 33) so far. 732

Baines 1987, 83. He proposed four moments as vital points of transition in human life: birth, puberty and the assumption of an adult, marriage with parenthood, and death. It is very agreeable that they would become the subjects of the rite of passage in our life. 733 Sadek (1988, 154) already pointed out that people in Deir el-Medina did not expect too much from Syro-Palestinian deities but the same level from their native ones. 734 Sadek 1988, 93. 735 idem., 98. 736 idem., 114. 737 idem., 117. 738 idem., 145.

It is highly likely that Astarte in popular religion survived throughout the whole New Kingdom by existing in several different forms. In the 18th Dynasty Astarte was worshipped in Peru-nefer and the Memphite 739 740

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idem., 106. As for categorisation of occupation, see Sadek 1988, 26-27.

4. Syro-Palestinian Deities in Daily Life in Ancient Egypt region, together with Baal as a protector of sea traders, and on another front, the royal and the ordinary people shared the goddess with the motif of the equestrian (2.1.5 Docs. 1, 2, 3 and possibly 4), which seems to be the central to the worship of Astarte by the ordinary people during the Ramesside period. While ostraca on which Astarte is depicted riding a horseback are anonymous and bear no petitionary texts - actually uninscribed artefacts seem fewer than inscribed ones -, several votive stelae (2.1.5 Docs. 33 - 35) are inscribed with worshippers’ names and occupations along with archetypal pleas: gate keeper, servant and stable master. They are perhaps of comparatively low rank.

must have seemed perfectly satisfactory and therefore ‘qdS’ was portrayed naked, with eroticism being implied along with the aspects of fertility, as previously conducted in Syria-Palestine. As discussed already in section 2.2.6, the style of an anthropomorphic figure naked and standing en face is not a brand-new one devised for only Qadesh but was already applied to Bes, a protector god of childbirth, newborn babies and mothers, and Beset. The concept of eroticism that already existed among ordinary Egyptians might have been finally able to be visualised in the form of Qadesh, which resulted in the fact that the goddess appeared only in popular religion.

As we have already seen, Qadesh has emerged only in popular religion at Memphis and predominantly Deir el-Medina. The worshippers range widely from a royal scribe to a servant. It is obvious that Qadesh was recognised as a fertility goddess who was connected Reshef and Min on the triad stele. Furthermore, as Helck741 has already pointed out, it seems that Qadesh was assigned to a ‘new’ sphere which had been hidden behind the public scenes: that of eroticism. Among the ordinary people in the New Kingdom eroticism became openly and widely accepted. The motif of mating behaviour itself has already been attested in the Old Kingdom for bulls and cows, and even turtles from Saqqara and Giza,742 but, in the New Kingdom, from Deir el-Medina, there existed many figured ostraca of sexual intercourse between human beings with very vivid details, more than ever before.743 And also, nearly naked young women wearing only a hip girdle are depicted dancing with acrobatic postures. It is hypothesised that the reason for the particular visualisation of Qadesh is the embodiment of this new genre, ‘eroticism’. To the Egyptians in the New Kingdom, ritual and sexual images were indivisible, and religiosity and sexuality co-existed, which means that they perhaps did not view sexuality in a pornographic sense.744 Moreover, it has frequently been argued that sexual images are symbols of wishes for fertility, and the same would be true in the case of Egypt. Accordingly it is natural for them to reveal their desires for fertility by the latest style of erotic representation in a religious context. On another front, Qadesh in Syria-Palestine was originally not an individual deity, as discussed in section 2.3.6 above. In Semitic qdS means ‘holy’ and the word has been used as an epithet or a sort of hypostasis of other goddesses. However this ‘qdS’ was given physical structure in a visible manner as the goddess Qadesh when it was introduced into Egypt. To the Egyptians who lacked any other way in which to visualise their wishes for fertility in an erotic way due to shortage of suitable goddesses from their indigenous pantheon, ‘qdS’

4.3 Discussion Although it should be kept in mind that a not inconsiderable number of Asiatic people were involved in the worship of Syro-Palestinian deities in Egyptian popular religion, it is remarkably clear that these deities were venerated with Egyptian styles of worship. Baal, Astarte and Qadesh are said to have ‘temples’ in Memphis, and we can confirm the existence of one priest serving Baal (2.1.1 Doc. 87) and Astarte (2.1.5 Doc. 36). However, unfortunately it is uncertain precisely what form these ‘temples’ actually took. In Deir el-Medina there were some votive chapels established for various deities such as Ptah, Meretseger, Taweret and Sobek, and workmen in the village became ‘priests’ for religious conducts. Is it possible to apply the case of religious facilities at Deir el-Medina to that of the Memphis region?

741

Helck 1971b, 472. L. Evans, paper on ‘Animal behaviour in Egyptian art’ at the Tenth International Congress of Egyptologists (Rhodes, 2008). 743 BM EA 50714 and some Turin papyrus (see Meskell 2002, fig. 5.3). 744 Meskell 2002, 114-115. 742

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence

5. Syro-Palestinian Deities and Egyptian Deities When worshipped in Egypt, Syro-Palestinian deities were synchronised with some Egyptian indigenous gods and goddesses. It seems that this process of identification has happened more on the basis of similarities in their characteristics than in the form of iconographic representations. This chapter will try to demonstrate how such amalgamations came into being.

and therefore the beginning of this cult was approximately between 1644 and 1639 BC, namely the Hyksos period on the basis of this stele alone. However, as Bietak747 also pointed out, the origin of the Seth cult in Avaris stretches back to an unknown date prior to the Hyksos period. About 70 years before the Hyksos, in the north-eastern Delta, the king called Nehesi bore the title ‘beloved of Seth, ruler of Avaris’ and ‘beloved of Seth, ruler of RA-AHw’.748 This means that the Seth cult had already been established in the north-eastern Delta by that date. pSallier I recorded that the Hyksos king Apophis declared that he had adopted the god Seth as the dynastic god and that the king did not serve any other deity at all, which may indicate that there was a tradition of Seth cult when the Hyksos came to Avaris. Under the circumstances it can be deduced that the Seth cult had already existed before the Hyksos arrived in the north-eastern Delta, and was taken over by these foreign rulers when they started to rule over that area. Seth was influenced by the Asiatic god Baal since then. As for the time at which the Seth cult was established in the north-eastern Delta, Hermann Junker749 tried to prove that it had already existed in the eastern Delta since the 4th Dynasty, and perhaps even since the Predynastic Period, but this view seems to have not found favour with his colleagues. Jaroslav Černý 750 , for instance, suggested the 2nd Dynasty for the beginning of the Seth cult. It was assumed that the Hyksos had taken over this Seth cult as a part of their religious beliefs when they arrived at this area, the north-eastern Delta.751 Although the possibility of the existence of the Seth cult in the north-eastern Delta during the Old Kingdom disappeared by the time of the studies of Kees752 and Helck,753 it seems certain that the cult had been established at least before the Hyksos period, judging from the research by Bietak, mentioned above. If the stele in question indicates the beginning not of the Seth cult but the worship of Seth-Baal, Bietak’s calculations would be correct.

5.1 Seth-Baal Combination 5.1.1 The origin and meaning Although it seems that Seth-Baal exudes the image of a ‘royal’ deity in the Ramesside period, especially during the reigns of Rameses II and Rameses III, as we have already seen, some records from the 18th Dynasty, both iconographic representations and texts, indicate that the Syro-Palestinian god Baal had already been venerated, mainly in Memphis, before the 19th and 20th Dynasties: e.g. 2.1.1 Docs. 17, 18, 19, 21, 23, 24, 89. These records, however, actually originate only from non-royal contexts, which tell us that Baal was not regarded as a royal god at that date, and that he does not seem, at that stage, to be identified with Seth. However, the 18th Dynasty spelling of the name of Baal employed the Seth animal for its determinative, which indicates that the Seth-Baal combination was already established and widespread as early as the 18th Dynasty. When and how was the Seth-Baal combination constructed and how did it develop up to the status of a ‘royal’ god? Concerning the investigation of the starting point of the Seth-Baal combination, one stele is particularly informative. This document, the so-called 400-year-stele (2.1.1 Doc. 2), was erected by Rameses II at Tanis for the commemoration of the divine ancestor of his dynasty, Seth, as the royal god, and he presumably did this primarily in order to legitimise his kingship by affirming his divine origins, in order to compensate for his ostensibly non-royal descent. On this stele, the god called ‘Seth of Rameses II’ appears in Asiatic guise, wearing a conical crown with a streamer from its top to his ankle, and a knee-length tasselled kilt fixed to his body by two crossing bands over the chest. Accordingly this deity should be identified as a hybrid/combined god Seth-Baal who was treated as the divine founder of the Ramesside period. Stadelmann 745 has already pointed out that many attempts by scholars to fit this stele into the frame of real Egyptian history have ultimately been somewhat unproductive. Manfred Bietak 746 suggested from the specific writing of the name of Rameses II that this stele was erected during his 35th-40th regnal years, 745 746

What led the Hyksos to integrate Baal and Seth? For the present author, this has been a crucial issue since the beginning of the work. It is worth while to examine why Seth was selected as the counterpart of Baal, not Osiris. As mentioned in the section 2.3.1, in Ugarit Baal was basically primarily regarded as a god of fertility, with which his other aspect as weather god has been associated. It is said that the Baal myth represents the 747

ibid. te Velde 1977, 118. c.f. Petrie & Griffith & Murray 1888, pl.III: plan 198 and Montet 1941, p. 50, fig.22. 749 Junker 1939, 84. 750 Černý 1944, 295-298. (Cited from te Velde 1977, 127) 751 te Velde 1977, 127. 752 Kees 1955, 110. 753 Helck 1971b, 92, n.17. 748

Stadelmann 1965, 46. Bietak 1990, 14.

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5. Syro-Palestinian Deities and Egyptian Deities seasonal pattern of agriculture in the Syrian coast: the death of Baal at the hands of Yam seems to refer to the winter with its gales and torrential rains making the land unproductive and devastated, while, conversely, the revival of Baal indicates the end of winter and the beginning of a new revitalised agricultural time. This characteristic of Baal is more equivalent to Osiris than Seth in Egypt.754 Osiris was originally a fertility god, which is indicated by the characteristic green colour of his body in iconographic representations: green is a symbol of fertility and vitality, being the colour of vegetation. 755 Furthermore, the comparison of the relationship between Baal and Anat with that of Osiris and Isis would also make it more plausible to connect Baal with Osiris, since the story that Osiris was murdered by Seth and resurrected by the support of his consort Isis is very similar to that of Baal and Anat. The story of Baal’s resurrection with the support of Anat must surely have reminded the Egyptians or other people familiar with the Osiris myth of the analogy between these two accounts. Although the full version of the Osiris myth is only preserved by Greek writer, Plutarch,756 some ideas of this myth can already be seen earlier in the Pyramid Texts757 and Coffin Texts.758 In addition, in Ugarit the king became a manifestation of Baal-the-Saviour after his death.759 This is almost the same in Egypt, where the dead king became the god Osiris in the netherworld. Based on these parallels it seems more reasonable to associate Baal with Osiris, but the fact is that Baal was connected with Seth, the enemy of Osiris. What is more, Baal was venerated in Egypt as not a fertility god any more but regarded as royal protector and warrior god.

thunder. In Syria-Palestine storms and thunderstorms are ultimately sources of water supply for both agriculture and human consumption, and they are common phenomena. Ancient Syria-Palestine seems to have more defined seasons like Eastern Asia in modern times, compared with Egypt, where, in contrast, the climate, although extremely hot and dry, is relatively unchangeable and uninterrupted. The Nile is able to supply all water necessary for agriculture and daily life, and the storm and thunderstorm are very rare disruptions to the Egyptians. Since storms and thunderstorms were not indigenous weather phenomena for the Egyptians, they were automatically categorised as a ‘foreign’, due to their scarcity. This was the ‘sphere’ of the god Seth, who was the god of foreign lands, as well as storms and thunderstorms. At this point Baal was singled out among other Syro-Palestinian deities with whom the Egyptians were acquainted, because the manifestation of Baal as a weather god might have caught the eyes of the Egyptians, and consequently Seth and Baal were identified with each other. Zandee’s hypothesis could in fact be reinforced by the addition of Morenz’s point mentioned above concerning the nature of Seth as a foreign deity. To sum up, it can be assumed that when the Hyksos, or the precursor of the Hyksos, arrived in Avaris or the north-eastern Delta, the god Baal who came with these immigrants from Syria-Palestine still retained his original trait as the god of storms and thunderstorms, in association with his primary characteristic as fertility god. It is highly conceivable that the Hyksos might have developed an affinity with the Egyptian storm god Seth, and vice versa, the Egyptians probably recognised their god Seth in the foreign deity Baal, in that Seth was a divine foreigner, and also the god of storm and thunderstorm due to their rareness. Te Velde765 even argues that other traits, except for those relating to storms and thunderstorms, were rejected. This seems a reasonable way to answer the question concerning the identification of Baal with Seth not Osiris. It is interesting that particular natural phenomena, storm and thunderstorm, were picked up to connect two pagan deities each other rather than the more comprehensive and possibly more important feature, fertility, and also it is striking that no mythological or religious discourses appear to have contributed to their identification. Once Baal was identified with Seth, the former shared the fortunes of the latter. During the 18th Dynasty, they did not appear in royal contexts due to the memory of the Hyksos whose main god was Seth, while Baal himself was worshipped and given a temple, at least in Memphis. However, from the 19th Dynasty onwards Seth was upgraded up to royal god, and more precisely the dynastic god, by the Ramesside kings who originated from the north-eastern Delta, one of the centres of the Seth cult, and the status of Baal was elevated together with that of Seth, culminating in the royal warrior god used to demonstrate the king’s prowess and strength in

Junker 760 and Jacques Vandier 761 proposed the ‘local syncretism’ between Baal and Seth in the north-eastern Delta. It means that the Hyksos absorbed Seth into their religious life simply because the god was there. Morenz762 suggests that the trigger for the initiation of the Seth-Baal combination is Seth’s role as the ‘god of foreign land’, and that their shared nature as the god of storm and thunderstorm may have been an additional reason.763 On the other hand, J. Zandee764 suggests that the main reason for the strong link between Baal and Seth is the fact that they are both gods of storm or 754

Zandee (1963, 153-154) suggested that Seth was also the ‘god of fertility’ concerning the spell of CT 576. When the nature of Osiris as a human mummy is represented, his skin is painted in white probably indicating the mummy-wrapping, while black is frequently used as the colour of chthonic deity, and also the dark and fertile soil inundated by the Nile. 756 Babbitt 1927- ‘On the Worship of Isis and Osiris’ in Moralia, London. (English translation) 757 PT 532 and 576. 758 CT 941. 759 de Moor 1987, 188, n.5. 760 Junker 1939. 761 Vandier 1949, 218. 762 Morenz 1973, 238. 763 At the same time he admitted that this suggestion is not certain because the nature of Hyksos’s Baal is not clear. 764 Zandee 1963. 755

765

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te Velde 1977, 128-129.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence the battle field.766 Although Helck767 argued that Baal’s adoption by the royal family after the 19th Dynasty had nothing to do with the fact that the royal family originated from the eastern Delta where Seth was a main god, it is more natural to think that Baal shared the same destiny with Seth in cultic popularity based on the history of these gods in the northern Delta, including the nature of the royal family, as stated above. It is very intriguing as an example of syncretism that Seth-Baal is not mentioned as a joint name like Amun-Ra or Ptah-Sokar, although Seth is invoked together with Montu, the god of war. 768 Instead, the Seth-Baal combination is illustrated complementarily by iconographic representations and accompanying texts, as in the 400-year-stele mentioned above, which shows the god depicted in the style of an Asiatic, with accompanying text invoking the name of Seth. This may be linked with the theological interpretation by Rameses II, which is attested in his relief inscriptions narrating the battle of Qadesh (Docs. 65, 67, 69). In this statement, Seth is said to be a sort of hypostasis of the strength that was personified by the appearance of Baal. As for the written documents such as magical spells, Seth and Baal seem to be each associated instead with Anat, who is their consort in Syria-Palestine and Egypt, respectively.

able to restore his dignity from the 19th Dynasty onwards under the Ramesside kings, who derived from the cult centre of Seth, the Delta, as they sought to legitimise their kingship by divine authority because they were originally non-royals. The names of the military divisions of Sety I were Amun, Ra and Seth when the king launched a military campaign into Canaan. In the case of Rameses II the name of the divisions were Amun, Ra, Ptah and Seth on the battle of Qadesh. Seth was thus revered as the dynastic god to protect both the kings and Egypt in the battlefield, which is represented in his epithet ‘great of strength’. The north-eastern Delta became one of the major cult centres of Seth, particularly after the construction of the ‘new’ royal residence Piramesse, under Rameses II.770 It is even said that one of the religious policies of Rameses II was to allot a more important role to Seth. 771 Rameses II revealed his adoration to Seth in the treaty with the Hittites after the battle of Qadesh, and also called himself the ‘son of Seth’. It is to be considered that, accompanying the promotion of Seth, the status of Baal should be upgraded and respected as a divine warrior. Sety I, Rameses II 772 and Rameses III, especially, revealed their veneration for Baal in their relief inscriptions at Karnak, Luxor, Abydos, Ramesseum, Abu Simbel, and Medinet Habu.

To conclude, the Syro-Palestinian god Baal, when adapted into New Kingdom Egypt, seems to be transformed from his original existence as a fertility god into a member of the Egyptian religious constellation, acquiring additional features as a royal deity.

In this section, the relationship between such a highly upgraded dynastic god as Seth-Baal and the state god, ‘king of the gods’, Amun-Ra will now be discussed. Amun-Ra appears together with Seth-Baal on two stelae from the 19th Dynasty. The first one, although it is a fragment of only the upper part (2.1.1 Doc. 1), originates from Qadesh in northern Syria, and shows five figures; Sety I, Amun-Ra, Seth-Baal, Montu and a goddess.773 The king is depicted adoring the three deities, while Amun-Ra is presenting the king with a scimitar-sword, which is one of the most common motifs in Egypt at this date. Behind Amun-Ra stands Seth-Baal, lifting his right arm up as if he holds a wAs-sceptre (?). This is the earliest known iconographic representation of Seth-Baal in any Egyptian royal context. Here Amun-Ra as the royal warrior grants the king divine military power and guarantees Sety I victory on his Syrian campaign. Obviously Seth-Baal here also appears as a divine warrior which is stated by one of Seth’s epithets, ‘great of strength’, in order to multiply the effects on the military strength of the Egyptian army and the king together with Montu, another important warrior god in Egypt. It is notable that Seth-Baal stands directly behind

5.1.2 Dynamics between Seth-Baal and Amun/Amun-Ra After the expulsion of the Hyksos, Seth appears to have been ostracised from royal scenes during the 18th Dynasty, possibly because of extreme political and emotional reactions to the fact that this god was main deity of the Hyksos.769 The Seth-Baal combination must therefore have struggled to survive during this period. This pair of deities did not appear in official contexts, but non-royal scarabs show their continued existence (2.1.1 Docs. 21, 23, 24). After this ‘dark age’, Seth was 766

Cornelius (1996, 163) argued, on the basis of the ‘recent studies’, that Baal himself was a warrior and that he was connected with the kingship, so that his iconography was very popular in the Egyptian royal scenes. However, it is a shame that Cornelius did not provide us with the information of this ‘recent studies’ for further discussions. 767 Helck 1966, 7. However, in his work in 1971b, Helck revised this argument into that the occurrence of Baal and Anat after in the 19th Dynasty onwards was perhaps linked with the origin of the Ramesside royal authority. 768 pChester Beatty IX verso B II,3. 769 However, in fact, Thutmose I built the temple of Seth at Ombos which was repaired in the reign of Rameses II, and the temple of Seth have been maintained during the 18th Dynasty at Tell el-Dabaa (http://www.auaris.at/html/history_en.html). Seth is depicted to have taught Thutmose III how to use the war-bow (Festival Temple at Karnak; LD III 36b) and Amenhotep II is described as strong as Seth (Urk IV 1278). It might be better to state that the 18th Dynasty emphasised the Egyptian ‘colour’ of Seth rather than that they simply avoided Seth because the god was a main deity of the Hyksos.

770

pAnastasi II, I, 1-5. c.f. 2.1.5 Doc. 42. te Velde 1977, 130. 772 Rameses II recorded his victorious battle of Qadesh in the main sites of Upper Egypt, Karnak, Luxor, Ramesseum, Abydos, Abu Simbel. At the same time he chronicled this series of wars in the papyrus (pSallier III = pChester Beatty III). It is interesting that the name of Seth in the relief inscription in Luxor is replaced by that of Baal in papyrus text. 773 As for the goddess, see 2.1.1 Doc. 1. 771

156

5. Syro-Palestinian Deities and Egyptian Deities Ra in the status of ‘son of Ra’.778 Indeed Rameses II describes Seth as the ‘son of Ra’ in his so-called Marriage stele,779 and pChester Beatty IX verso B 9,3 designates Seth as ‘chosen/beloved/desired by Ra’. Ra adopted Seth as his son in the story of The Contendings of Horus and Seth, and a scarab (Egyptian Museum of University of Leipzig 5079)780 shows Seth as a serpent slayer with a caption ‘Seth, beloved of sun god’. The interpretation of Seth who executes the violent aspect of his father as a son of Ra reminds us of the goddess Hathor in the tale of The Destruction of Mankind in which the goddess is despatched as a furious divine warrior by her father Ra, in order to slaughter all humans. Additionally, it is said that there are a few data which show that Seth and Ra might be regarded in some contexts even as a single individual god: Sethnakhet, the founder of the 20th Dynasty, not only bore the theophoric name of Seth, but he is also described as ‘Khepri-Seth when he rages’. 781 In addition a personal name ‘Seth-Ra’ is attested from the Middle Kingdom,782 and a geographical list at Medinet Habu includes the name Seth-Ra.783 This relationship between Seth and Ra must presumably be reflected by extension in that of Seth-Baal and Ra. There are also some iconographic indications of this situation in that some scarabs from the 18th Dynasty bear depictions of Seth-Baal with sun discs (2.1.1 Docs. 21 and 23) and two scarabs from the Ramesside period (Louvre E 32436 and E 32416) connect Seth-Baal with the sun.784

Amun-Ra, which means that he stands in front of Montu. It is possible from this alignment of deities to interpret that Seth-Baal here is given a more important position than Montu. The second stele on which Amun-Ra and Seth-Baal are shown together is attested from Thebes during the 19th Dynasty (2.1.1 Doc. 10). An almost undamaged stele is divided into two registers. The upper register displays a worshipper, Amun-Ra, Mut and a second miniature-sized Amun-Ra. The main figure of Amun-Ra, holding a wAs-sceptre in his left hand and possibly an anx-symbol in his right, is seated on a throne receiving adoration from the worshipper. Mut stands behind him and the small figure of Amun-Ra also stands behind her. In the lower register, from right to left, Ptah, Sobek, Amun with an ovine head and Seth-Baal stand forming a line, all looking towards the right. Seth-Baal here holds a wAs-sceptre upright in his left hand and an anx-symbol in his right. From the fact that the provenance of this stele is Thebes, and also from the emergence of Ptah, it is possible to suggest that this object was a votive stele made by a craftsman774 in order to gain stability and vitality in his afterlife. It is not strange to show Amun and Mut here from the viewpoint that this stele is originated from Thebes. Seth-Baal in this case might be related to the depiction of the goddess Anat in the lower register of the triad stele BM EA191 (2.1.4 Doc. 1): i.e. it may have been hoped that the strength and the power of the war-goddess would double the effects. Leibovitch775 is of the opinion that these deities are an amalgamation of Theban divinities and Memphite ones to which Tanitic divinity is added. This can be paraphrased into the suggestion that Seth-Baal became comparable to Amun, Ra and Ptah as the divine ‘representative’ of one of the major sites of Egyptian religious theology, Tanis. Te Velde776 even suggests that Seth was promoted to the role of state god alongside Amun, Ra and Ptah. This would no doubt have been an important agenda for the kings of the Ramesside period. These circumstances are displayed on the lintels of the temple of Ombos under Rameses III.777 These lintels show Amun and Seth seated back to back over the smA-tAwy and a winged sun disc is placed over them. It should not be a problem to deduce from this that Amun and Seth are co-equal to one another in these depictions, even if this would be restricted in this area.

Consequently, it is no surprise that te Velde785 argues that Seth was even elevated to the dignity of the state god, alongside Amun, Ptah and Ra. However, it should be noted that the epithet ‘son of Ra’ in all likelihood means that the status of Seth was subordinate to that of Ra, and furthermore, some sections of pHarris I (59:4-7, 60:2-5, 61b:12, 61b:15, 62a:3) tell us that Seth no longer retained the status of quasi-state god. According to these records of pHarris I, the largest donations were delivered to the temple of Amun, Ra and Ptah, whereas the temples of Seth in Piramesse, Ombos, Sepermeru and Su shared the offering, while the temples in Ombos and Piramesse were renovated. To sum up, the elevation of Seth to the role of dynastic god from the 19th Dynasty onwards, which placed him on a par with the state gods Amun, Ra and Ptah, must also have had some effect on Baal, in that the latter deity must have been upgraded in royal contexts in the form of the Seth-Baal combination. Due in part to the mythological associations of Seth with Amun and Ra, Seth-Baal seems to maintain an amicable coexistence

Furthermore, Seth is frequently connected with Ra on a mythological level. Coffin Text Spells 160, 647 and 1128 indicate that Seth had already been assimilated into the solar theology as the god who stood in the prow of the sacred bark of the sun god to ward off the cosmic evil serpent Apophis. It is said that Seth in the solar bark might be explained as the violent aspect of

778 779 780 781

774 775 776 777

782

Vincent (1928, 515) identified this dedicator as a Theban mason. Leibovitch 1953, 106. te Velde 1977, 109. Petrie and Quibell 1896, 70, pl.LXXIX.

783 784 785

157

te Velde 1977, 106-107. KRI II 239, 1-9. Keel 2000, 117-118. pHarris I 75, 8. Ranke 1935, I 322, 4. Nims 1952, 44. Cornelius 1996, 2.3.1 and 2.3.2. te Velde 1977, 109.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence with Seth”,792 it is worth examining this possibility in order to understand what attitudes the Egyptians took towards Asiatic deities and what influences derived from Syro-Palestinian deities. The aim of this section is to indicate the potential identification of Reshef with Seth and their shared characteristics and attributes from the investigation of iconographic representations and inscriptions on the stelae bearing depictions of Reshef. In this section it will be investigated and considered how the Egyptians characterised and assimilated Reshef into their culture.

with the major state gods, without any confrontation involving the factions on each side. However, it should be admitted that Seth-Baal was after all the ‘dynastic’ god, perhaps even the ‘private god’ of Ramesside kings. At this point it can be said that the original target of the kings of the 19th Dynasty had been successfully achieved: the royal family with non-royal roots needed to be legitimised by the divine authority of Seth who was supreme god of their home town.

5.2 The Relationship between Reshef and the Seth-Baal Combination in the 19th Dynasty: General Investigation concerning the Interface between Royal Cult and Popular Religion

Among all of the foreign deities revered in Egypt during the New Kingdom, the study of Reshef in his Egyptian context has had a long and distinguished history in Egyptology.793 It is no exaggeration to say that almost all stelae with Reshef figures are from provenances inside Egypt itself. 794 The Syro-Palestinian sources about Reshef that are contemporary with the New Kingdom, are chiefly texts from Ugarit. This makes it difficult to compare Reshef’s representation in Egypt with those in his homeland, and it also hinders attempts to explore the extent to which Egyptian elements were added to the ‘original’ aspects of the god. It is however possible to consider Reshef’s status in Egypt from these stelae.

It is mentioned above that Baal was identified with the Egyptian god, Seth, and that they together formed the Seth-Baal combination. The Egyptians recognised Baal as a form of Seth himself,786 and among Semitic deities, only Baal is represented by the Egyptian hieroglyph of the Seth–animal in Egyptian texts.787 This would make it plausible that Egyptians could have replaced Seth with Baal (and vice versa) in their religious feelings.788 On the whole, the Baal stelae are larger than those of Reshef, and in fact some of them are more than a metre high. Moreover, it appears that they have an official significance and some of them were dedicated by the pharaohs to the dynastic god Seth, appearing in this context as Baal. Obviously these things suggest that Baal was the most prominent Asiatic deity for the Egyptian authorities.

The first feature suggesting the connection between Reshef and Seth derives from the iconographic appearance of Reshef. Generally Reshef is represented anthropomorphically and almost always wears a knee-length kilt. His position is usually standing, striding, sitting or acting as a member of a triad. In the case of standing or sitting positions, he always holds weapons. In his right hand, he grasps the spear, mace, axe, or scimitar-sword, brandishing them over his head or holding them in reserve, and in his left hand a shield is held defensively, as well as sometimes a w3s-sceptre or an anx-symbol. Furthermore, he consistently wears the White Crown of Upper Egypt in almost every scene, whether he is standing (2.1.2 Doc. 26) or sitting (2.1.2 Doc. 8), and whether he is depicted alone (2.1.2 Docs. 5 and 28) or with other divinities (2.1.2 Doc. 24), or as a member of a triad (2.1.2 Docs. 9 and 10). Since the relationship between Egypt and Ugarit is very well-documented and fruitful, it is not usually questioned that, whether visibly or invisibly, Egypt would have been affected by Ugarit. In the Ugaritic myth, Reshef did not play an important role, and the main deity in Ugarit was Baal, called ‘the Almighty’ as well as El. Hence, under such circumstances, it is inconceivable that the White Crown of Reshef reflects his high prowess and dignity in his own supposed homeland. Instead it is clear that the White Crown of Upper Egypt of Reshef indicates his proper Egyptian

However, there is some evidence to suggest that Reshef also might have shared some characteristics with Seth. In other words, Reshef was probably regarded as one of the manifestations of Seth. Since Seth is the foreign god or the lord of foreign countries in Egypt, one might well think that there is nothing to be surprised about in this. Indeed, Richard Wilkinson789 has stated that Reshef was connected with Seth and that they shared pestilential and warlike characteristics. Previous studies, however, seem to have not argued this point at full length. Actually, this hypothesis has already been offered. 790 Although Sadek 791 did not accept this supposition because of supposed lack of evidence to justify it and also said that “it was Baal, not Reshpu, who was normally identified 786

te Velde 1977, 109. Wb I: 447. The determinative of Baal (bar) is Seth-animal. 788 Goldwasser (1995, 81) notes that the determinative “reveals certain aspects of the conceptual system” as the meta-linguistic. From this point of view, apparently, it is allowed to deduce that the Egyptian regarded Baal as another appearance of Seth, and that Baal was identified with Seth in their religious conception at the time. 789 Wilkinson 2003, 126. 790 Vandier 1949, 218 and Desroches-Noublecourt 1947, 235. See also Schulman 1992, 88, n.62. 791 Sadek 1988, 155. 787

792

idem., 155, n.2. Simpson 1960, 63, Schulman 1981, 157, and Cornelius 1994, 3-8. c.f. Chapter 1.2. 794 See section 2.1.2. 793

158

5. Syro-Palestinian Deities and Egyptian Deities context. Conventionally, at least in Egypt, royal crowns are entrusted to kings by the gods795 and through them, kings were able to acquire authority and dignity as rulers. The White Crown in the Reshef stelae must imply such divinity-conferred meaning. From the representations on stelae and amulets of Seth, it is certain that Seth occasionally put on the White Crown or the Double Crown.796 Furthermore, it is well-known from Egyptian myth that Seth is associated with Upper Egypt. In fact, aside from Seth, other deities also wear the White Crown of Upper Egypt, as in the case of Bastet on a lintel of Pepi I from Tell Basta797 and Satet or Nekhbet in the shape of amulet.798 However, Pyramid Text Spell 524 and other verses indicate that the White Crown was recognised as being equivalent to the Eye of Horus.799 There, the deceased is Thoth, who recovers and protects the Eye of Horus, namely, the White Crown. On the basis of the myth, the connection of the Eye of Horus and the White Crown may imply some hidden association between Seth and the White Crown. Reshef’s White Crown therefore reminds viewers of Seth’s appearance in the White Crown of Upper Egypt. Consequently, it is plausible to consider that Reshef had taken over one of Seth’s features. For reference’s sake, Baal also wears the White Crown, sometimes with a streamer from the top of the crown like Reshef, but this is to be expected as he is a form of Seth.

Ennead’, ‘mighty amidst the divine Ennead’. Among them, as one can find easily, the epithets of ‘the great god’, ‘ruler for eternity’ and ‘sovereign everlasting’ are very general phrases and common to many deities in ancient Egypt. However, the epithets of ‘ruler of the Ennead / ruler of the divine Ennead’ and ‘mighty amidst the divine Ennead’ seem to be particularly prominent ones for Reshef. Schulman802 insisted that these epithets may be omitted from the examination as they have appeared only in the triad stelae, in which Reshef is depicted as a sub-god flanking another main deity, Qadesh. Incidentally, for the same reason, Schulman also omitted this type of stelae when he investigated the iconographic features of Reshef.803 However, here, it is argued not only that the epithet relevant to Ennead is so far attested only in triad stelae, but that it seems to be clear that these stelae nevertheless show some aspects of Reshef himself, even if he is not the main deity on the stele. Thus we would be justified in considering the epithet which includes ‘Ennead’ as a distinctive aspect of Reshef himself. Such epithets might indicate connections between Reshef and Seth. By the Middle Kingdom, Seth was integrated into the Heliopolitan Ennead.804 Seth became the son of the sky-goddess Nut, and the brother of Osiris, Isis and Nephthys. ‘son of Nut’ is a very popular epithet of Seth. Subsequently, here, the title of Reshef ‘lord of the sky’, which appeared in both scenes either depicted alone or as a member of a triad, might be regarded as an indication of the connection of Reshef with the Ennead, instead of Seth as the son of the sky goddess. Simpson proposed that Reshef was ‘a cosmic god of prime importance’,805 but Schulman said that this epithet was too vague because of the lack of a distinct image concerning the lord of the sky. 806 However, in this case, it seems to be preferable to regard Reshef in the context of the Ennead, as the son of the goddess Nut, rather than as a simple cosmic god.

Secondly, some titles of Reshef can be counted as marks of the identification of the god with Seth. If Schulman800 is correct in saying that the differences in the details of dress and armament derive only from the workmanship of various craftsmen, the titles of Reshef would be indications of his character. Reshef has various titles or epithets.801 ‘the great god’, ‘the hearer of prayers’, ‘lord of the sky’, ‘ruler for eternity and a lifetime’, ‘all protection, all life, all stability, all power are with him’, ‘the protection and life is behind him’, ‘sovereign everlasting’, ‘ruler of the Ennead / ruler of the divine

Thirdly, there is another potential characteristic that Reshef and Seth share. It is the role of god of mining and miners. On the basis of two stelae from Memphis (2.1.2 Docs. 31 and 35), Schulman hesitatingly deduced that Reshef might have had some special affiliation or significance with mining. 807 As for the former, Schulman read the last word of inscription as qwr ‘gold miner’,808 which is different from Lesko’s reading,809 p3-qrr, as a personal name of the petitioner. On the latter, he noted a circular gold ingot and a copper oxhide ingot on the offering table in the lower register. Although Schulman restricted this possibility to Memphis, if his proposal is correct, it is not unlikely that this characteristic of Reshef pervaded other areas of Egypt.

795

Goebs 1998, 448. Wilkinson 2003, 198-199. For example, te Velde 1977, pls. I, X, XII-1. 797 Habachi 1957, 14, fig. 2; Fischer 1991, 23. In this scene, the goddess Bastet, wearing the White Crown on her head, stands in front of king Pepi I who wears the Atef-crown. Although Habachi explained that Bastet’s White Crown was ‘usual’ thing, Fischer listed some cases of Bastet’s representation without the White Crown from the 2nd Dynasty to the reign of Osorkon. Furthermore, Fischer pointed out that Bastet is linked with the Red Crown of Lower Egypt in a hymn of the late Middle Kingdom (c.f. Erman 1911). Finally, he suggested a connection between Bastet, alabaster and the White Crown in response to the question, “Why Lower Egyptian Goddess, Bastet, wears the White Crown (= Upper Egypt)?” It seems that this case indicates the importance of interpretation of Reshef’s White Crown from non-religious context. Also it may be necessary to consider what the crown shows in a general way. 798 Andrews 1994, 17a (= BM EA 26237). In this case, the White Crown is flanked by feathers. 799 Goebs 1998, 448-451. For example, §1234; Goebs’s translation is ‘This N lifts up/wears the White Crown, the Eye of Horus, with which one is mighty’. Faulkner’s translation is ‘… I wear the White Crown, Eye of Horus wherewith one is strong’, (Faulkner 1969). 800 Schulman 1981, 164. 801 c.f. section 2.3.2. 796

802 803 804 805 806 807 808 809

159

Schulman 1981, 166. ibid; Schulman 1985, 92. Wilkinson 2003, 197. Simpson 1960, 73. Schulman 1981, 166. idem.,162-164. idem., 160, 162. Fulco 1976, 8-9, n.41.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Meanwhile, it has been suggested that Seth might be the god of miners who work in the desert, so that Ombos, the original Egyptian version of which is Nwbt ‘gold-town’, was naturally the most famous town of Seth cult.810 Although this seems to be a chicken and egg argument, at any rate, there seems to be some kind of connection between Seth and mining work. According to these cases, it is not impossible to infer that Reshef was regarded as a kind of patron of miners, by whom Seth was venerated in Ombos.

that he is involved in the Seth-Baal combination completely.

Seth=Baal

Seth Seth=Baal

Reshef Reshef

As the fourth point, Reshef and Seth have similar ambivalent characteristics which essentially represent inherent contradictions in their natures. In a positive and beneficial way, Reshef was viewed as the healer and protector of life, and he had a war-like nature in his homeland. However, one Ugaritic text, The Epic of Keret, indicates that Reshef was the cause of death, in that Reshef seems to have been identified with the Mesopotamian deity, Nergal, and other Ugaritic texts811 show Reshef as a god of pestilence and troubles. As for Seth, the god has widely been known as the protector of the sun-god from Apophis, but also, on the contrary, he was the source of disorder, chaos and confusion in Egypt. This similar pattern of “polarity”812 and ambivalence in both gods might have made the Egyptians feel an affinity towards Reshef. As for Baal, on the other hand, it seems that he was recognised simply as a weather-god, who turned into a fertility god for those who engaged themselves in agriculture, judging not only from Ugaritic sources but also other Near Eastern material. Moreover, Baal stelae from Egypt do not sufficiently indicate his characteristics in Egypt except for being a dynastic god. It is evident that Baal on the stelae from Egypt is Seth himself in the guise of Baal, as Seth is always to be inferred from the fact that he is addressed in the stele with the description of Baal.813

OR

Table 16. Diagram of the Relationship between Reshef and Seth-Baal combination

Before the 19th Dynasty, when many stelae appeared in private cults that implied a relationship between Reshef and Seth, Reshef had already become one of the royal patron-deities, and especially that of Amenhotep II. He was already identified with the Egyptian war-god, Montu. 815 The evidence from this period does not indicate that ordinary people worshipped Reshef as they did from the 19th Dynasty onwards. It is easy to guess that Seth pervaded all social classes as a result of his upgrading to the dynastic deity in the 19th Dynasty.

5.3 Hauron and Egyptian Deities: Two Dimensions Mediated by Horus Hauron, one of the Syro-Palestinian deities worshipped in Egypt during the New Kingdom, was venerated as the royal guardian of the king and Egypt protecting them from harmful nuisances and such chaos as attacks by foreign enemies. At the same time, the god was also a protector of ordinary people, defending them as well as their houses and livestock from dangerous animals and evil sprits, by adopting the role of the so-called ‘strong herdsman’ invoked in the magical spells (2.1.3 Docs. 35 and 36), although this trait has so far been attested only at Thebes. It thus seems that Hauron must have belonged to these two separate spheres and, furthermore, it can be said that Horus mediated as a link between these official cults and popular religion: Helipolitan theology, in fact the solar cult, and a saviour in association with the god Shed.

Finally, it should be noted that we have two more testimonies which suggest a close relationship between Reshef and Seth-Baal: a magical text (2.1.1 Doc. 99 = 2.1.2 Doc. 60), a stele of Matybaal (2.1.2 Doc. 36). The former displays the fact that Reshef is depicted with Seth and Baal in the act of defeating two evil spirits or diseases814 along with several other Egyptian gods. The latter indicates that Reshef is revered by a worshipper whose name has theophoric element of Baal. To conclude, we can explore two possible relationships between these three deities, Reshef, Seth and Baal in diagrammatic form (Table 16). This suggests that Reshef shares some aspects with the Seth-Baal combination or

There have been several hypotheses concerning the amalgamation of Hauron into the Egyptian pantheon. The general consensus appears to be that Hauron was introduced into Egypt by immigrants from

810

te Velde 1977, 116. See 2.3.2. 812 Albright 1968a, 77-78. c.f. Fulco 1976, 24, 70-71, Cornelius, 1994, 259. 813 See the 400-year-stele (2.1.1 Doc. 2) and stele from Thebes (2.1.1 Doc. 10). 814 In another magical text (2.1.2 Doc. 61) Reshef also appears with Seth to defeat the evil sprit. 811

815

In fact, it was difficult to confirm whether Reshef wears the White Crown of Upper Egypt or not during the 18th Dynasty due to a much damaged stele (2.1.2 Doc. 56). Thus, it might be not appropriate to apply the connection of Reshef ~ White Crown ~ Seth for the 18th Dynasty situation. Instead, it is clear that Reshef is respected in the military context from the royal family in the 18th Dynasty.

160

5. Syro-Palestinian Deities and Egyptian Deities Syria-Palestine by the early 18th Dynasty, whether they voluntarily came down in such roles as craftsmen and traders or were forcibly brought as prisoners of war. As time progressed Hauron was identified with the Egyptian god Horus in the guise of Horemakhet, namely the Sphinx at Giza. Hauron is the only deity among six Syro-Palestinian deities whose name is connected with that of an Egyptian indigenous deity in such a form as ‘Hauron-Horemakhet’, and, moreover, sometimes used as a replacement for Horemakhet represented by the same image. In the case of Seth-Baal, as mentioned in section 5.1.1 above, the names of these two gods have never been actually written out in juxtaposition. The name of Seth is generally written, but the iconographical representation of the corresponding figure is normally that of Baal. Reshef, Anat, Astarte and Qadesh, on the other hand, kept their own names, although they were respectively identified with Egyptian deities. On the basis of this situation it can be stated that, among six Syro-Palestinian deities introduced into Egypt, Hauron was perhaps the only one fully incorporated into the Egyptian pantheon.

Whatever the fundamental reason for the identification of Hauron and Horemakhet may be, it seems an indisputable fact that Hauron must have been absorbed into the Heliopolitan theology, the solar cult, through his connection with Horemakhet by the royal authority who aimed for making sun god, Ra, a much more powerful one as the counterbalance to Amun that increased his power in both the religion and politics at Thebes. With the rise of Theban rulers in the Middle Kingdom and the New Kingdom, Amun, originally a local god of the Theban area, gradually displaced Montu, the old major deity in that area, and ascended to the level of state god exerting increasing influence on the kingship. In the early 18th Dynasty, the royal authority and the theologians naturally needed to control this potential political, and secular crisis caused by religious imbalance, and thus appealed to the cult of Ra as a counterweight against Amun.822 This circumstance must have been reflected in the renaissance of Memphis, the redevelopment of Giza, and the repair of the Sphinx during the first half of the 18th Dynasty. It is certainly considered likely that the emergence of the appellation ‘Horemakhet (= as a designation for the Sphinx)’ and the flourishing of its cult also coincided with this situation. Horemakhet was also called Horakhty and Ra-Horakhty823 the latter of which obviously indicates the degree to which Horemakhet is connected to the cult of sun god. Furthermore, Horemakhet was even designated as Horemakhet-Khepri-Ra-Atum 824 in the so-called ‘Dream Stele’ at Giza, erected by Thutmose IV who also emphasised his connection with the sun god in the inscriptions on this structure. 825 By the triple designation of the sun god, Khepri as the sun in the morning, Ra at noon, and Atum in the evening, Horemakhet finally established the status of the state god, which must automatically have elevated Hauron to the same level of prestige. A stele (2.1.3 Doc. 16) shows this linkage: Hauron-Ra-Horemakhet. Intriguingly, this is similar to the case of Baal who was elevated to royal warrior along with the upgrade of Seth to the dynastic god in the 19th Dynasty (c.f. 5.1.1).

The god Horemakhet, ‘Horus in the horizon’, first appeared in the Egyptian religious system from the New Kingdom onwards and has been attested after the reign of Amenhotep I.816 This appellation is used only for the Sphinx at Giza which was originally a representation of the 4th Dynasty king Khafra. The reasons why an association developed between Hauron and Horus (eventually Horemakhet) has been debated for more than 60 years. Albright 817 and Gardiner 818 considered that the phonetic similarity between their names made the Egyptians connect these two gods together. Helck 819 argued that the Egyptians used the chthonic attribute of Hauron in his homeland to link him with the Egyptian god Atum, who was also the creator, the father of gods and kings, and the beneficent sun god, and then equated with the Sphinx itself. Helck implies that the relationship between Atum and Horus as the sun god had the effect of accentuating the extent of the connection between Horus and Hauron via Atum. Stadelmann, 820 following Albright and Gardiner, added that it may have been the sheer novelty of Horemakhet (who only appeared as a deity in the New Kingdom as mentioned above) that explains the relationship between this god and another newcomer Hauron. Van Dijk821 proposes that the Sphinx half-buried in the desert at Giza simply reminded the new settlers from Syria-Palestine of their own god Hauron, who was recognised as a god of desert or caves. At any rate, in the current situation, without any decisive evidence, it is admittedly difficult to track down the starting point of the Hauron-Horemakhet association.

At the same time, it is assumed that Baal and Hauron were also integrated into the Osirian circle.826 After the expulsion of the Hyksos, the rulers of 18th Dynasty, trying to emerge from the ‘chaos’ brought about by the period of foreign control, recovered and preserved the divine world order and their dignity. In the course of that process the royal authority seemed to promote the 822

As for king’s devotion to Giza and Heliopolitan solar cult in the first half of the 18th Dynasty, see section 3.2 in the present work. 823 For example, on the stele called ‘Stele B’ (Hassan 1953, 86, fig.68) the name of the god Horakhty or Ra-Horakhty is applied to label the god Horemakhet. 824 Urk IV 1539a-1544. See also section 3.2. 825 Taken Giza for granted, inscriptions on the architraves at Amada. Urk IV 1566-1568. According to Bryan (1991, 202) this was intentional conflation which was probably meant to apply to the whole temple, and then the king tried to put Amun in the lesser position by making the sun god the primary one. 826 Albright (1936, 11) suggested the hint of this integration.

816

Zivie 1976, NE 1. A small fragment of a pedestal bears the name of Amenhotep I with the epithet ‘beloved of Horemakhet’. Albright 1936, 3. 818 Gardiner 1948, II, 216. 819 Helck 1966, 12. 820 Stadelmann 1987, 443. 821 van Dijk 1989, 65. 817

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence integration of pagan religion, Syro-Palestinian deities, which had probably gradually and almost imperceptibly become widespread within the framework of Egyptian religion through the ‘translation’ of non-Egyptian religious entities into indigenous Egyptian ones. Now that Baal, whose cult was presumably rather too reminiscent of the Hyksos, had begun to be identified with Seth and worshipped on a kind of complementary basis in Egypt, there was a perceived necessity to set up a counterpart to the Seth-Baal combination, and thus Hauron was no doubt singled out because he had been associated with Horus, the adversary of Seth, via the Sphinx, Horemakhet. From the viewpoint of Syro-Palestinian mythology, it did not seem appropriate to establish Hauron as an antagonist of Baal since such an adversarial relationship between them was uncommon. Instead, Mot, the god of death, or Yam, the god of the Sea, would have been a more likely candidate than Hauron, on the basis of the tough battle fought between Mot and Baal in the Ugaritic myth. It is possible to argue that Mot, the god of death and the original foe of Baal, was not introduced into Egypt, but Hauron was introduced into the main Egyptian religious scene (Heliopolitan theology) and also identified with Horus, so that Hauron was designated as the opponent of Baal, substituting Mot. It is interesting to notice that both Mot and Hauron are chthonic deities, but it is not clear whether this shared attribute made the Egyptians substitute these two gods for one another. Although Albright 827 suggests that the Egyptians did not care about the association between Hauron and Ra when they evolved the relationship ‘Hauron-Horus vs Baal-Seth’ mentioned above, the reverse may be true. The cult of Hauron was integrated into the Heliopolitan theology by two means: 1) the identification with Horus, who was already a sun god himself (and moreover linked with Ra as ‘Ra-Horakhty’), and accordingly 2) being given a complementary role in order to become a counterpart of identified gods Seth-Baal in the Osirian circle.

head and sidelock. It can be said that the method of his iconographic representation, in which he stands on the back of one or two crocodile(s) – actually the same features found on the Horus cippi in later periods – and grasps wild animals such as serpents, scorpions, lions, while a bow and a quiver, or throw-stick shows his attribute as a saviour or rescuer. Originally he ‘came from the desert/foreign countries 830 with sound udjat-eye’831 which corresponded to the inherent aspect of Hauron as desert god in his homeland, and such commonality can be seen in the nature of Horemakhet which was another guise of Hauron in Egypt. Shed seems to have had no temples dedicated to him, but his high popularity was indicated by two stelae unearthed at Chapel 525 in the Tell el-Amarna workmen’s village.832 From the larger stele dedicated by Ptahmay, Shed appears to have been venerated in the funerary contexts during the Amarna period. It should be noted that surprisingly Shed was venerated even during such the very restricted period of the cult of Aten, and that, indeed, Ptahmay called himself even a ‘praised one of Aten’ even when he was offering to Shed! This protecting god Shed is particularly connected with Horus as ‘a son of Osiris, born of Isis’.833 It has been suggested as a reason that the story of the survival of Horus in the Osiris myth caused the Egyptians to bring these two gods closer together psychologically.834 Horus in the myth is the child of Osiris and Isis, but brought up without his father and endangered all the time by enemies and wild animals. His mother Isis protects him by means of all the charms and herbs. This account presents Horus as the prototype of the saviour and protector of the common people who perhaps sought out salvation as individuals during their experiences of the dissolution of traditional consistent divine kingship and ideal world order in the New Kingdom.835 This might have been particularly the case in Deir el-Medina, although we have to be cautious due to the unevenness of the distribution of archaeological material. Two stelae from Deir el-Medina (Louvre E 16343 and DeM 238)836 show a triad consisting of Shed as part of the ‘Horus-Isis-Shed’ family, in which Shed seems to play the role of child of Horus and Isis.

Hauron was also connected with the god Shed (2.1.3 Docs. 21 and 22) at the level of popular religion, and Horus should be considered to have acted as the intermediary in this process. Shed is designated as a protective god who embodied the certain hypostasis Sd ‘rescue’ and ‘save’828 from the early stage of Egypt829 and then was personified and given his distinctive visual appearance in the 18th Dynasty. He was normally depicted as a young boy wearing a short kilt with shaven

Certainly, Hauron might have already been recognised as a protecting god to the extent of being associated with Shed, who was predominantly worshipped as a protector among the ordinary people. It should also be noted, 830

827

ibid. Brunner (1958, 14-16) has provided interesting arguments on the question ‘From what does the God save the humans?’. According to him, the God rescues the humans generally from troubles such as emergencies by the storm or shipwreck and illnesses or harmful bites of dangerous animals, which are recognised as the ‘netherworld’ or the ‘west’ in the hymns and prayers, and also social weakness. In particular, in Deir el-Medina, people who desired to be forgiven or released from ‘sin’ also appealed to the god. However, this was not sin in the strictly Christian sense but simply criminal acts. 829 Brunner (idem., 13) suggested that Shed already existed in the 1st Dynasty.

Bruyère, 1952, 142, fig.18 and RITA III 427. This seems to depend

828

xAswt. From this expression and some of the how we translate clothing of Shed, it has been suggested that he was originally an Asiatic god. This issue, however, is beyond the scope of the present study. 831 Cairo JE 72024. 832 Bomann 1991, 35, 60, 66, 68. Peet and Woolley 1923, 92-104. 833 Sauneron 1953. 834 Brunner 1958, 17. 835 idem, 18. 836 KRI III 625,15 – 626,10 and RITA III 427-428.

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5. Syro-Palestinian Deities and Egyptian Deities however, that the existence of Horus would have affected the linkage between Shed and Hauron, who had by then been identified with Horus in the guise of Horemakhet, the Sphinx. Incidentally, Hauron appears as a falcon when he is invoked with Shed.

above, it should be admitted that Qadesh is an individual and independent deity given proper epithets and characteristics in Egypt. Consequently, we here have a circular relationship, as illustrated in the diagram below (Table 17);

5.4 Convergence with Hathor: Anat, Astarte, Qadesh Qadesh Goddess of fertility,

It is perfectly clear that Anat and Astarte are very closely linked with each other both in the Egyptian pantheon and that of Ugarit. Not only do they appear together fairly often, while sometimes occurring separately, but also some of their attributes are the same, e.g. ‘lady of the sky’, ‘daughter of Ra’, ‘divine mother of kings’, ‘curative goddess’ etc. However it is an intriguing fact that, as far as we know, they never appear together in iconographical representations, at least in Egypt, compared with the high frequency of their co-appearances in texts. Some methods of visualisation for them are strikingly similar: an Atef-crown, sometimes with cow horns, a ribbon at the back, the wearing of a long, tight dress, and sometimes Astarte is naked, adopting a menacing posture with a spear and shield on the throne. On no occasion are these two goddesses shown side by side in one iconographical scene. This circumstance leads us to the hypothesis that Anat and Astarte in Egypt are two different aspects of a singular divine entity.

love and vitality Anat Warrior Divine mother

838 839

Warrior Divine mother

Table 17. Diagram of three Syro-Palestinian Goddesses in Egypt

It has been suggested many times that these three goddesses Anat, Astarte and Qadesh in Egypt are equated with Hathor from their similar natures. In Egypt Hathor possesses many different aspects, which are summarised by their ambivalent natures on the surface as warrior and divine mother, even though, in fact, the female actually has both aspects to protect her beloved one including a love partner, a husband, children and family. Despite her status as the divine mother of the king,840 the warlike nature is rather central to the roles of Sekhmet and Bastet, who are said to share such savage aspects with Hathor. As a war-like goddess, Hathor as ‘eye of Ra’ tried to destroy human beings on behalf of her angry father Ra, in the guise of Sekhmet (The Destruction of Mankind) who is described as a furious and bloodthirsty goddess in the story. Bastet as ‘cat of Ra’ slew the enemy of sun, Apophis. Accordingly these three goddesses Hathor, Sekhmet and Bastet share the title ‘eye of Ra’ as the ‘daughter of Ra’. It may be suggested that these three goddesses essentially make up the ‘Hathor-warrior group’.

Qadesh also has some aspects in common with Anat and Astarte, sharing the same epithets such as ‘lady of the sky’ and ‘mistress of all the gods’ and a close relationship with Ra as the ‘daughter of Ra’ (Anat and Astarte) and ‘eye of Ra’ (Qadesh). On the other hand, the main characteristic of Qadesh in New Kingdom Egypt is a symbol of fertility, curative powers, regeneration and vitality, as mentioned in section 2.3.6. Unlike Anat and Astarte, motherhood does not seem to be associated with Qadesh, even though sexuality and eroticism are indicated in Qadesh by her naked appearance, which is presumably connected with her fertility. The situation seems to be that Qadesh shares some aspects with Anat and Astarte, but manifests herself in another guise. This is evidently shown on the stele of Neferhotep from Deir el-Medina in the reign of Rameses III (2.1.6 Doc. 14). 837 Stadelmann’s interpretation838 is that the Egyptians had separated the nature of the goddess of love and fertility goddess (Qadesh) from the war goddesses (Anat and Astarte), in terms of visual representation. It seems less justifiable, however, that he assumes 839 that Qadesh is not an independent goddess but a cultic form of Anat and Astarte, namely, a ‘hypostasis’ of two goddesses, based on the stele of Neferhotep. As mentioned in section 2.3.6 837

Astarte

On the other hand, the maternity of Hathor could be associated with Isis and Mut as the divine mother, which might be described as the ‘Hathor-maternity group’. The iconographic appearance of Isis is appropriated from that of Hathor, since the 18th Dynasty with the cow horns and sun disc, which make it most difficult to distinguish between them unless they happened to be identified by their names. The Egyptian pantheon is admittedly too complicated and intertwined to classify each deity into 840 PT 262 and 2206 states that Sekhmet conceived the king, and Bastet is shown as milder than Sekhmet as a mother and nurse of the king in PT 1111.

As for the interpretations of this stele, see 2.1.6 Doc. 14. Stadelmann 1967, 115. idem., 114-115.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence relating to both groups, i.e. as the warrior (Hathor-Sekhmet-Bastet) and as the divine mother (Hathor-Isis-Mut) in a mutually complementary manner. On the one hand it is obvious that Anat and Astarte adopt both principal aspects as warrior and divine mother. The brandishing postures taken up by Anat and Astarte in iconographical representations indicate that these two goddesses are recognised as warrior goddesses in Egypt, while their characteristic as divine mother of kings are certainly testified from the royal inscriptions. It is difficult and probably pointless to attempt to decide which of the goddesses, Anat or Astarte, succeeds Sekhmet or Bastet. It is seemingly plausible that Anat relates to Sekhmet and Astarte to Bastet, due to their varying degrees of savageness and aggression, but it is not necessarily the case. Stadelmann 841 argues that Astarte is equated to Sekhmet on the basis of their relationship with Ptah as ‘daughter of Ptah’ and ‘consort of Ptah’ respectively, while this does not seem to be the case with Bastet. In fact Astarte is equated with Sekhmet at Memphis, one of the centres of Sekhmet’s cult, and also Ptah, and on the contrary, Anat corresponds to Sekhmet at Tanis, as king’s mother. Likewise, in the frame of maternity, it would not make sense to assign Anat or Astarte exclusively to either Isis or Mut. The point is that each attribute, warrior or maternity, is allocated to them respectively. On the other hand Qadesh in Egypt has not appeared with such bloodthirsty characteristics, but always as a symbol of love, fertility and vitality which is another main attribute of Hathor. However a beneficial aspect of Qadesh is supported and strengthened by the prowess and power of the warrior goddess Anat. The stele of Qaha is obviously a votive stele requesting Qadesh, shown in the upper register, to bring the dedicator stability and vitality (2.1.6 Doc. 6). But, in fact, the prayer is devoted to Anat who takes up a menacing pose in the lower register. This is aiming for an effective result from the petition by relying on the force of the warrior Anat, as well as indicating that these two goddesses on the stele are interrelated.

particular categories. One single deity usually maintains various aspects that are sometimes contradictory and overlap with those of other deities. Nevertheless, it is possible to sort them into certain groups according to their main attributes. Accordingly we can consider for descriptive purposes that Hathor belongs to two spheres between which she plays the role of mediator in the Lévi-Straussian sense between the paradoxical natures of the female in the form of warrior and maternity, although these two natures are actually connected with each other in a maternal role. This is indicated in a diagram below (Table. 18);

Sekhmet

Isis Hathor

Bastet

Mut

Hathor-warrior group Hathor-maternity group

Table 18. Hathor Circle

It can here be hypothesized that the Syro-Palestinian goddesses Anat, Astarte and Qadesh are mirror images of the Hathor circle which consists of two individual groups of warrior and motherhood, as illustrated below (Table. 19).

Sekhmet

Isis Hathor

Bastet

Mut

Hathor-warrior group Hathor-maternity group

↕

By extension it seems that Anat also takes on one of the other aspects of Isis as a sister-wife of her brother-husband. The Baal myth (KTU 1.5 vi – 1.6) unquestionably reminds us of the story of Osiris and Isis. When their husband or lover was murdered by the enemy, Anat and Isis dreadfully mourned and devoted their full strength to finding the dead body of their love partner so as to resurrect him. The different details of the two stories simply indicate the differences between two cultures, Egypt and Ugarit, however the areas of narrative and cultural overlap must have had an affect on the introduction of foreign religion into Egypt. From this point it is possible to assume that Anat would have corresponded to Isis, based on the fact that Isis is a mother of Horus, the living Egyptian king. However it may not be the case that Anat was only identified with

Qadesh Goddess of fertility,

love and vitality

Anat Warrior Divine mother

Astarte Warrior Divine mother

Table 19. Mirror Image of Convergence with Hathor by Anat, Astarte and Qadesh

In this case the three Syro-Palestinian goddesses Anat, Astarte and Qadesh take over the attributes of Hathor as

841

164

Stadelmann 1967, 104.

5. Syro-Palestinian Deities and Egyptian Deities only Isis. Van Dijk 842 points out that Anat was associated with Nephthys in the story of Seth and Anat (2.1.4 Doc. 20) being followed by Jessica Levai. 843 Furthermore, the appearance of Qadesh has been attested only in non-royal contexts, whose purpose is just to wish for a peaceful and healthy daily life along with a happy afterlife by the common people. The goddess is therefore given the magical power to grant this humble request in association with Isis under the shared epithet ‘great of magic’. Qadesh here is connected with Isis through Hathor and, in this case, it does not seem to be a case of the role of divine mother.

5.5 Fertility Deities: The Relationship between Qadesh, Reshef and Min in the Triad Stele Two Syro-Palestinian deities, Qadesh and Reshef, appear in the so-called triad stele with indigenous Egyptian god Min, who is sometimes replaced by Onuris. Qadesh, naked and en face, stands on the back of a lion. Sometimes her lower body is in profile with both toes pointing towards the right primarily, or her whole body is front-facing but her toes are sideways. She grasps one or more serpents and lotus flowers in her hands, which are stretched out to both sides in a ‘V’-shape. Her headdress consists basically of the Hathor wig, but with some attachments, such as a naos-sistrum, a sun disc, a crescent and a small platform, while the ‘T’-shape headdress and some plants in a vase are attested in only one case. Qadesh is flanked by Reshef and Min, normally on her left and right respectively. In this type of stele, Reshef strides towards Qadesh in the centre and takes up a peaceful and passive attitude, with an anx-symbol in his hand, although he sometimes still holds a weapon such as a spear or a blade downwards. Min is shown in the authentic style of his other representations. He is anthropomorphically dressed in a cap crown to which two long feathers are attached, and a broad collar around the neck. He raises his right hand, over which a flail is described hovering, and his left hand probably grasps his ithyphallic phallus, although this hand is not fully visible due, presumably, to the difficulty of portraying this act in two-dimensions. Behind Min are two lettuces on a platform, sometimes with a lotus flower.

These connections are demonstrated diagrammatically in the expanded version of Table. 19 as Table 20 below.

Hathorwarrior group

Osirian myth circle

Nephthys Isis

Sekhmet Hathor Bastet

Mut

Hathormaternity group

↕ Qadesh Goddess of fertility,

In ancient Egypt the triad was a sort of device or agent to categorise or arrange a wide diversity of gods and goddesses and to answer theologically the divine plurality and unity.844 It has been pointed out that, in Egypt, the number three was not only a numeral but also meant simply ‘many’, ‘multitude’ or the plural which is

love and vitality Anat

Astarte

Warrior Divine mother

Warrior Divine mother

supported by the hieroglyphic expressions;

Here again, and to conclude, it is repeated that the circle of Anat-Astarte-Qadesh en bloc reflects the Hathor circle comprised of two groups with a branch in Egypt as the mirror image. It can be said that the Egyptians made an effort to receive and digest foreign deities by understanding and translating them within the framework of the Egyptian mythological world.

844

843

,

.845

On the system of ‘triad’ Otto 846 suggested in his pioneering work on Egyptian religion that there are two types of three represented in triads: ‘1+2=3’ type and ‘1+1+1=3’ type. The former is represented, for example, by the creation myth in Egypt such as the Heliopolitan Ennead. At the beginning Atum (1) brings forth Shu and Tefnut (2) by himself, which consists of three deities in all (3). The latter (i.e. ‘1+1+1=3’) type is composed of three individual deities connected on a local basis such as Ptah-Sekhmet-Nefertem at Memphis, Amun-Mut-Khons at Karnak, Khnum-Satis-Anukis at Elephantine and Osiris-Isis-Horus all over the country, all of these obviously being a father-mother-child

Table 20. Expanded Mirror Image of Convergence with Hathor by Anat, Astarte and Qadesh including the Osirian circle

842

,

845

van Dijk 1986, 41. Lévai 2008

846

165

te Velde 1971, 80. Otto 1963, 267; te Velde 1971, 80; Hornung 1982, 218-219. Otto 1963, 267-268.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence Amun-Mut-Khons at Karnak, Khnum-Satis-Anukis at Elephantine and Osiris-Isis-Horus all over the country, all of these obviously being a father-mother-child combination. What is more, not constructing the divine family, there is another kind of ‘1+1+1=3’ type: Ptah-Sokar-Osiris and Amun-Ra-Ptah.

type, the ‘trinity’ must not have sexual differentiation among the three components, because they are three aspects of a unity, in other words, it is ‘One’. If it is made up of a mixture of male and female deities, it should be called a ‘pluralistic triad’. Thus Amun-Ra-Ptah and Ptah-Sokar-Osiris are categorised along with the trinity and ‘father-mother-child’ combination such as the Ptah-Sekhmet-Nefertem one, while Amun-Mut-Khons is regarded as a pluralistic triad. Accordingly ‘our’ triad, Min-Qadesh-Reshef, should be defined as a pluralistic one: one goddess and two gods, although at the same time one particular question arises: what kind of relationship is manifested in this triad?

Morenz847 argues that the latter group of ‘1+1+1=3’ type is a kind of Egyptian ‘trinity’,848 and it has influence on the Christian trinity. To be more exact, however, there is a difference between these two examples. Ptah-Sokar-Osiris is regarded as a unity and one divine entity which is shown by the singular pronoun; di.f (may he give). 849 On the other hand the case of Amun-Ra-Ptah is complicated. This combination is called ‘three gods’ and praised by saying that there is ‘no second to them’, but it is also implied that ‘his name is hidden (Amun), his face is Ra, his body is Ptah’850 in order to express the divine cosmos of the entire country through these respective constituents.851 According to Otto 852 the ‘name’, ‘form’ and ‘nature’ are ‘three components’ which constitute the concept of ‘god’ as a unity. At any rate, these examples indicate that the Egyptians are aware of the existence of a divine unity, which is represented by three individual manifestations. Morenz therefore suggests that three Syro-Palestinian goddesses, Anat-Astarte-Qadesh, should be assigned to the same type as Ptah-Sokar-Osiris, on the sole basis of the Winchester stele (2.1.4 Doc. 2; 2.1.5 Doc. 11; 2.1.6 Doc. 14),853 however, it is impossible to verify whether these three deities are invoked by the singular pronoun or the plural on this stele, because only their names are inscribed.

Te Velde has already pointed out that this triad, Min-Qadesh-Reshef, is problematic.857 It is not only a rare instance of a triad consisting of an Egyptian indigenous god and foreign deities, but also contains a unique combination of members. Normally this type of triad should show the divine family, ‘father-mother-child’, but it is highly unlikely that Min, Qadesh and Reshef are to be regarded as parents and child, judging from other evidence concerning these deities. Fulco 858 admitted that these three deities, Egyptian Min and Syro-Palestinian Qadesh and Reshef, are connected by the fact that all are in some sense fertility deities,859 and he proposed that Min and Reshef were perhaps being portrayed as co-consorts of Qadesh, which seems rather unusual in the case of an Egyptian triad.860 Sadek,861 further developing Fulco’s hypothesis, suggests that Qadesh and Reshef are a divine couple, but he does not mention the status of Min, who might perhaps be regarded as playing the role of their son? On the other hand Helck 862 and Shoemaker 863 argue other possibilities concerning the joint nature of the three deities in this triad. Helck calls Qadesh and Reshef the embodiment of “Flammen der Liebe” and suggests that the triad of Min-Qadesh-Reshef would be a ‘triad of sexuality’, which is attested in the Ramesside period when erotic representation became generally more accepted. Eroticism is actually one of the attributes of Qadesh, whom Helck interprets as a protector of female sexual life. However, do Min and Reshef also have such characteristics? As for Reshef, Helck stresses that Reshef is a love god, perhaps referred to in the Biblical Song of Songs 8:3, although this argument is not persuasive to the present author. It is certainly agreed that Reshef is the god of healing and curative powers, especially after the Ramesside period among ordinary people, but was he also a god of love? If this analysis is extensively over-interpreted from the viewpoint of fertility, it might

Furthermore, it should be noted that the sun god is expressed in three manifestations: ‘I am Khepri in the morning, Ra at noon, Atum in the evening’. 854 This conception of one sun being revealed in three aspects is already attested in the Pyramid Texts (PT 1695), and during the Ramesside period these three deities are expansively referred to as a unity comprising three manners or ‘three components’ in Otto’s interpretations, from the viewpoint of modality. Te Velde855 successively and extensively classified the Egyptian triad into two categories, which Kákosy 856 follows. Whether it is the ‘1+2=3’ type or the ‘1+1+1=3’ 847

Morenz 1973, 142-146 and 255-257. J. Griffiths (1973) detailed more on Egyptian triune conceptions based on other cases. 849 From the Middle Kingdom, Turin 278; Berlin 7731; Louvre C38 etc. From the New Kingdom, Louvre C46; Louvre C76; Turin 98 etc. 850 pLeiden I 350, IV, 21. 851 Otto 1963, 268. 852 idem., 271. 853 Morenz 1973, 143. 854 Pleyte and Rossi 1869-1876, pl.131. 855 te Velde 1971, 80-81. 856 Kákosy 1980, 48. He widely admits that Amun-Ra-Ptah is modalistic conception as well as Khepri-Ra-Atum which is obviously revealed from the perspective of modality. 848

857

te Velde 1971, 84. Fulco 1976, 24. 859 As for the possible close relationship as a fertility deity between Min and Qadesh, see p. 116. 860 idem., 27. 861 Sadek 1988, 156. 862 Helck 1966, 7-10. 863 Shoemaker 2001. 858

166

5. Syro-Palestinian Deities and Egyptian Deities be accepted that Reshef is the god of love because the process of fertilization is fundamentally based on feelings of love. Helck goes on to argue that Min is a protector of male sexual life, acting as the counterpart of Qadesh. At any rate, as he already admitted, no theological texts so far bear witness to this theory that the triad of Min-Qadesh-Reshef symbolises their attributes as sexual deities. At first glance, it is likely Helck is saying that the triad of Min-Qadesh-Reshef was popular among common people, who left their theological expression not on written documents but stelae themselves with iconographical representation.

understandable to think that these weapons are used as symbols of magical or apotropaic power to emphasise or expand the effect of votive stelae such as Anat in the stele BM EA191 (2.1.2 Doc. 10; 2.1.4 Doc. 1; 2.1.6 Doc. 6). Additionally it seems to be a questionable and an all too easy solution to regard Min as an aggressive god on the basis of his replacement by Onuris on several stelae. As long as Onuris is recognised as a god of war and hunting, 865 Shoemaker is able to imply that ‘an aggressive god’ is a martial god. Moreover, as an embodiment of male sexuality Min is considered to be the complement of Hathor, a symbol of female sexuality, with whom Qadesh is associated. This relationship between Min and Qadesh through Hathor makes it tempting to consider that an Egyptian god and a Syro-Palestinian goddess are linked by their sexuality, and consequently by their association with fertility.

Very interestingly, Shoemaker proposes that Qadesh in this triad performs a ‘dualistic’ role between Min and Reshef, and to the present author it seems possible to characterise this role played by Qadesh as that of ‘mediator’ in the Lévi-Straussian sense. Shoemaker suggested that (i) the Syro-Palestinian god Reshef in the triad stele keeps his rather negative attributes, namely, lord of death, plague and destruction as well as aggressive role as warlike god, (ii) Min is the well-known Egyptian god of fertility, vitality and virility, full of generative and regenerative ability, and (iii) Qadesh unites these opposite elements of the two gods, thus producing the message ‘Egypt vs foreign countries’ and ‘destructive power vs generative power’, in other words ‘death vs life’, by the act of her standing in the centre of three figures.

To sum up, it seemingly makes more sense to think that the triad stele of Min-Qadesh-Reshef is aimed at reinforcing various aspects of fertility, including sexuality, generation and rebirth. As for typology of the triad, these three deities comprise not a trinity but a ‘tritheistic’ structure, in other words, the kind of pluralistic triad, as defined above by te Velde, that normally evokes the divine family of ‘father-mother-child’. With regard to this view, the triad Min-Qadesh-Reshef is an uncommon type in Egypt, in which they are just connected in the name of ‘fertility deities’ as a substance. One interpretation by Lahn (Lahn-Dumke in later)866 that each deity, Min, Qadesh, Reshef is worshipped respectively by dedicators on a stele because of their function for life and/or afterlife, seems agreeable, and also her other possible explanation that only Qadesh is invoked, the other two deities just flanking in order to emphasise the function of Qadesh, is much considerable idea. However it would be highly plausible that these three deities should conceptually be regarded as ‘united-one’ entity based on their attributes as fertility deities. Considering this trait it might be possible to call them ‘subspecies of trinity’, which presents three deities as ‘three-in-One’. In addition, Qadesh and Reshef may have been intended to be upgraded in Egypt by their connection with the great Egyptian god Min.867

This interpretation is very intriguing from the view point of anthropology. There nevertheless are several points in Shoemaker’s hypothesis that seem dubious. Reshef is certainly portrayed as a martial god, which is also indicated by Egyptian iconography on some stelae, via his brandishing posture with weapons, however, at the same time he is also originally a god of curative powers and healing, as a saviour or helper because of the ‘polarisation’ phenomenon,864 which is common among Near Eastern religion, including that of Egypt. Although in the royal context during the 18th Dynasty, Reshef is regarded as a protector of the king as a war god, this situation does not appear to have continued after the 19th Dynasty. During the Ramesside period Baal took over this royal-protector status from Reshef, and then the latter became a god more associated with daily life, and more likely therefore to answer the appeals of ordinary people. This triad stele is definitely this kind of non-royal votive object. Furthermore, it should be noted that Reshef in the triad stele takes up a peaceful and calm posture, and although he holds a weapon it is carried downwards passively, not in a menacing pose. Shoemaker suggests that these martial objects are still symbols that show Reshef’s warlike attitude, and that Reshef is portrayed in this pose purely to prevent him appearing to attack Qadesh. However, it is more

865

CT 649 connects the deceased with the ‘woman-hunting’ Min. However, this is obviously aiming for possessing the sexual powers of the god. 866 Lahn 2005, 232-236 and her talk (as Lahn-Dumke) ‘Some reflections on the function of a particular triad constellation in New Kingsdom religious iconography’ at the Tenth International Congress of Egyptologists (Rhodes in Greece, 2008). 867 Morenz (1973, 143) and Kákosy (1980, 48) alluded to that lesser deities are elevated to higher status by connection with greater deities.

864

Albright (19685a, 77-78) pointed out that many deities in Near East keep opposing aspects from both positive and negative viewpoints to humans.

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Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence

5.6 Discussion It seems likely that the Egyptians tried to interpret the Syro-Palestinian deities by ‘translation’ within their religious framework, in order to integrate the newcomers into the Egyptian pantheon when they encountered and accepted these gods and goddesses. This would not lead simple adoration for foreign deities, who would essentially remain ‘pagans’, but the dedicators were always conscious of Egyptian gods or goddesses corresponding to each Syro-Palestinian deity and metaphorically looking over the shoulders of the ‘foreigners’.

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6. Conclusion

6. Conclusion civilizations 868 can be verified in the worship of Syro-Palestinian deities in Egypt during the New Kingdom (at the end of which a new style of connection with deities, ‘oracle’, appeared).

This work has investigated the ways in which six Syro-Palestinian deities – Baal, Reshef, Hauron, Anat, Astarte and Qadesh – were integrated into the Egyptian pantheon in three contexts: royal scenes (Chapter 3), personal religion (Chapter 4) and amalgamation with Egyptian indigenous deities (Chapter 5). A society and its culture should be affected and then changed by a neighbour’s influence, which has definitely happened in ancient times as well as modern times. Exploring this procedure would make it explicit and clear how human beings react to elements from outside, and what they do in order to survive in such a new circumstance. In this case, religion may be the best example of this analysis. Thus, the research on the means of religious transmission from Syria-Palestine into Egypt could help us understand the Egyptians’ fundamental mentality.

Assmann869 and Lloyd870 both hint at the possibility of translation or transformation of Seth and Anat into the Egyptian context. This idea can be systematically expanded to other Syro-Palestinian deities. Chapter 5 above explicitly demonstrates how each Syro-Palestinian deity has been assimilated into the Egyptian pantheon by translation from ‘Syro-Palestinian’ into ‘Egyptian’, in some cases assisted in this by Horus and Hathor playing the role of mediators. In the course of this translation from Syria-Palestine into Egypt there may well also be theological and ideological discourses and therefore it seems that this translation process could be operated rather selectively. In fact other minor deities appear to have been introduced from Syria-Palestine into Egypt, as well as the deities investigated in this study,871 however, the six deities discussed here are the only ones to have been in any sense actually assimilated into the Egyptian religious constellation. It is hypothesised therefore that the six Syro-Palestinian deities in question may have been singled out for theoretical accordance with the Egyptian cosmos, presumably in an attempt to achieve religious and, by extension, social consistency and stability: that is the adaptation to Heliopolitan theology and the Osirian myth (see Chapter 3 and sections 5.3 and 5.4). This is demonstrated in Chapters 3 and 5. It must be admitted however that the Syro-Palestinian deities may not fully cover these Egyptian theological spheres, thus leadings us to the assumption that the Egyptians may have imported not individual deities respectively, but a certain mythological circle en bloc from Syria-Palestine into Egypt, such as the Baal myth and the love story of Baal and Anat etc., in order to amalgamate them into the Egyptian religious framework, with some removal of foreign references so as to ‘absorb’ it properly into the Egyptians’ own theological/mythological circle. It is thus possible to think that the process of ‘translation’ would have operated within such a scheme, as a result of which, apparent changes in the nature of Syro-Palestinian deities can be recognised and compared with their original characteristics in the Levant. It should be noted, however, that this hypothesis can probably not be applied to Qadesh, due to the fact that she does not appear in any Egyptian royal contexts (which usually involved theological and ideological principles) and also because she seems to have had no definite pre-existing form as a goddess in the Levant. Her cultic function in Egypt

These discussions are strongly influenced by the ‘tributary relationship’ (= a highly reciprocal relationship between human beings and the deities. The former provides the latter with surplus energy as offerings consisting of foods and monuments etc., and the latter supplies the former with divine protection in return) and ‘translative adaptation’ (= foreign ideas and systems are introduced into other societies with modifications by translating into the ‘own words’ of each society) as proposed in sections 1.3.3 and 1.3.4. It is significant and necessary to examine Egyptian religion by an interdisciplinary approach in order to understand it objectively as simply the behaviour of human beings. Comparison with some religions in other areas and periods (‘tributary relationship’) would clearly show the universality and particularity of Egyptian religion. And also employing ‘translative adaptation’ for the present topic can prove that one particular way of amalgamation in the economic field could be applied to another area, namely religion, for research on actions of human beings. It is not problematic to consider that the six Syro-Palestinian deities were incorporated into the ‘tributary relationship’, along with Egyptian indigenous deities. Both royal and non-royal individuals still provided these gods and goddesses with adoration and offerings in the form of architectural structures, praises in written documents, the bearing of theophoric names, and, most directly, votive stelae, although not always in precisely the same ways as with the state gods (Chapter 3 and 4). Responding to this ‘energy supply’ from humans, the deities either reciprocally granted the kings power, dignity, and sometimes even legitimacy, or conferred stability, health, peace and fertility in daily life on the ordinary people, including vitality in the afterlife. This is the same as the case of Egyptian native deities. Consequently, the ‘energy flow’ between human beings and the deities, attested by Trigger, among major early

868 869 870 871

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Trigger 1993, 103. Assmann 2002, 200. Lloyd 1994, 135. Stadelmann 1967, 123-124 and Helck 1971b, 466-470.

Syro-Palestinian Deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the Hermeneutics of their Existence seems to have been rather supplementary, filling the gap between theoretical scenes and those of practical daily life. A hermeneutic process based on two anthropological theories has been employed to investigate the worship of Syro-Palestinian deities in New Kingdom Egypt: the ‘tributary relationship’ and ‘translative adaptation’. These are essentially universal theories which can be applied to the investigation of many other civilisations, regardless of time and place aside, in locations and cultures other than Egypt. However, it may also be true that the particular circumstances of each society should affect the result of the examination. In the case of New Kingdom Egypt, social, political and theological conditions and their changes are undoubtedly important factors and parameters in the process of understanding the integration of Syro-Palestinian deities into the indigenous Egyptian religious sphere.

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