Studies in Urban Anthropology

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;•>'?>. ^■ aWHwr STUDIES IN URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY Edited by

John Clammer

Editor’s Introduction

1

Articles Urban Anthropology in Southeast Asia: A Brief Overview

3

John Qammer

Mechanical and Organic Solidarity in Bangkok

13

Richaid A. O’Connor

Fieldwork and Face-Work in Urban Malaysia

27

Raymond L.M. Lee

The Role of Christian Churches in the Integration of Southeast Asian Migrants in Toronto

41

Judith Nagata

De Jiao : A Study of an Urban Chbese Religion in Thailand

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Kazuo Yoshihara

Cities and Migrants in Southeast Asia : A Case Study of Minangkabau Migrants in Jakarta 81 Tsuyoshi Kato

EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION

EthnograpWc and anthropological research in Southeast Asia has tended to be rural and tribal in orientation. Yet urban centres have always been an important feature of the area’s sociological and ecologies landscape. This is true both historically and as a feature of the contemporary scene.^ Indeed the process of urbanization is a major force in Southeast Asia today. The growing realization of this is dowly becoming a stimulus for increased anthropolpHcal. interest in the social and cultural life of towns and cities and of the distinctive patterns of organization and relationships characteristic of them. The essays in this number of Contributions to Southeast Asian Ethnography are all excursions into the development of anthropological perspectives appropriate to the understanding of aspects of urban life in Southeast Asia. The first paper, by the volume editor, sets the scene by providing an overview of the major themes in urban anthropology in the area and a survey of some of the major literature in the field. The two substantive papers that follow by Richard O’Connor and Raymond Lee respectively, not only provide new data, but also and perhaps more importantly, new definitions of what “ethnography means in the urban context. Thus O’Connor, in beginning from the classical Durkheimian concepts of mechanical and organic solidarity, develops an analysis of Thai urban division of labour along a number of significant axes ~ communities, religion, hierarchy, differentiation, and, perhaps most im­ portantly, power. The resulting discussion, in relating the past to the under­ standing of the present, provides a model for the general discussion of Thai urban culture. In a parallel, but^ yet very different way, Lee develops an alternative model for the exploration of urban Malaysian culture, organised around the concept of “face”, an issue which raises both practical and ethical issues for the understanding of urban ethnography. The following three essays are all substantive ethnographies which deal with aspects of adaptation to urban life. In the very first number of Contributions we introduced the idea of occasionally publishing papers which dealt not directly with Southeast Asia itself, but with Southeast Asians outside of the region proper. The first essay in this genre was the Bessac’s study of the Hmong in Montana. In this number we develop this emerging tradition by printing Judith Nagata’s fascinating study of the role of religious institutions, in this case Christian churches, in the adaptation of Southeast Asian migrants, especially from the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia, to life in Canada. The remaining two papers, both by Japanese scholars, deal also with the question of adaptation, but from very different perspectives. The essay by Yoshihara provides a detailed description of a Chinese religion in Bangkok, its 'origins and its links elsewhere in Southeast Asia and especially Malaysia, and is also a useful study on the subject of Chinese assimilation into Thai

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society. The final essay by Kato takes up the traditional urban anthropological theme of migration in his case study of Minan^abau migrants resident in Jakarta and their accommodation to life in the city. While the papers printed here do not of course provide a complete geo­ graphical coverage of the region, they do indicate the ways in which a deepening of urban ethnographic methods is occuring, and they are offered here both' as a source of ideas and of data on the'understanding of urban life in Southeast Asia.

John Clammer Department' of Sociology National University of Singapore 6 August 1987

URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

A BRIEF OVERVIEW JOHN CLAMMER *

It is probably not too much of an exaggeration to say that of all thcareSs of anthropolo^cal research in Southeast ’Asia, that of urban anthropology is the least developed. This is not becauseithere are no cities: the region on the contrary has one of the longest histories of urbanization and today contains both.some of the world’s larger cities and some of the oldest and most cul­ turally significant. Relative lack of interest in urban anthropology seems to stern from a number of sources. The firsbof these is the newness of urban anthropology as a sub-discipline, which is still not widely accepted as a major area of research or teaching even in those scholarly centres where anthropology is strongest. The second is that the theoretical preoccupations of such urban anthropology as does exist have either not been especially relevant, or its empirical documentation inappropriate, to the Southeast Asian situation. Thirdly, there has been continuing interest amongst regional anthropologists in the rural sector as their- primary focus of interest. Statistically speaking the, greater number of anthropological studies emerging from both local uni­ versities and foreign Southeast,Asianists have been and continue to-be on tribal or peasant societies, a tendency given additional impetus by recent interest in development studies,.and various’forms of critical-and Marxist oriented anthropology. The result,has been a very truncated interest in the urban sector, a dearth of good empirical studies and a lack of theoretical work in urban anthropology * throughout the region. The purpose of this essay will be to survey in broad outlines the work that has been done, to look at its strengths and limitations and to suggest directions in which improvements may be made. I We might begin by reflecting.on the definition of the field and its relation­ ships with zjther aspects of urban studies. ‘It has always been notoriously difficult, to distinguish anthropology from sociology and to a great extent in Southeast,. Asia it is unnecessary to do so, except in that .anthropology tends to retain a..qualitative; wholistic, historical and participant-observation approach to social life which retains an interest in culture as the central meaning system of society. Seen -in this light it is usually easy enough to distinguish urban anthropology from such areas of urban studies as'urban planning and the often overly-spatial concerns of urban geography. My own feeling however is that all such distinctions are more or less- arbitrary, and that given the wholistic commitment of anthropology any data or approach is

* D. Phil. (Oxford), Senior Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, National University of Sin^poie.

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useful if it illuminates the central concerns of describing, interpreting and explaining patterns of socio-cultural existence "in urban settings. In the li^t of this we can go on to group existing studies into their major categories. One preliminary comment herS? .there arfe’significant differences between the countries of Southeast Asia when it comes to the range and depth of urban studies. Malaysia probably leads the field in terms of the sheer number of anthropolo^cal studies of urban settings. Indonesia and Thailand are about equal in number of studies, although there are considerably less than in Malaysia. The Indo-Chinese states, Burma and Brunei contribute very little, except in historical urban anthropology where in particular Vietnam and Kampuchea.are both very important because of the emergence of early cities in both countries. Singapore, paradoxically because it is almost .entirely urban, has not developed very much in. the way of the urban anthropology as such, although there is a considerable body of work oh other urban'issues such'as housing. With this in mind we can go omto’look at the categories themselves. The first of these is-the study cJf urbanization; that is to say the emergence and development of urban settlements historically, the continuing process . of such urban growth in the'contemporary period'and of the’social processes involved such as-rural-urban migration. In terms of absolute number’s of studies,' analyses of urbanization dominate the field. These can be-divided into historical studies. (Wheatley 1983, Q’Cormor’ 1-983, are exceUent examples, and -from a geographical 'perspective Cobban '1970); studies of contemporary urbanization and the social' problems relating to this (for example. Centre for S.E. Asian Studies 1974, Um 1978, Murphey 1969, Cooper 1951, McGee 1967, and Hamzah 1962, 1966). Studies of rural-urban migration (McGee 1972, Nagata 1974, AbduUah 1975/76) and of the popular favourites of urban anthropologists everywhere, the adaptation of migrants to urban Uving (eg. Halim’ Ali 1979, Chew 1982) and comparative studies of the same-ethnic ^oup in both rural and urban settings (eg. Provencher 1971.) A list of such studies in Malaysia may be found in Tham 1980, pp. 89-91 and in Lent 1979, pp. 91-134. Inevitably in Southeast Asia the factor of ethnicity intrudes into’ almost all dimensions of social science research. This too is reflected in urban anthropological studies in a variety of ways.. Firstly there have been studies concerned with the. reaction df individual .ethnic groups to the conditions of urban- life (Anderson 1972, Evers 1978 Nagata 1974.) Secondly studies of specific ethnic groups who occupy urban niches such as the urban Chinese throughout Southeast, Asia, or minority groups who live urban'-lives alongside ethnic majorities (Bruner 1961 for an Indonesian example.) Thirdly, what might be termed “classical" anthropdlogicabstudies, for example of kinship (Freedman 1957 or Djamour 1959), religious organization (O’Connor 1978) or psychological anthropology (Mulder 1978). And fourthly, attempts to relate the contemporary nature of urban life to its cultural background (O’Connor 1983, Rubin 1974). A third major category of studies have been those concerned with urban areas within cities, such as “urban villages”, neighbourhoods, districts, ghettoes and the like (Krausse 1975, Logsdon 1975, Dorleans 1976) or of sociological rather than purely spatial differentiation (Halim 1981). A fourth category

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is that of attempts.to -examine-the cultural role of cities or to integrate the study of towns into a broader .sociological framework (Evers 1982^ The Indonesian Town 1958, McGee J 967) and'pn‘additional category is that o/ studies relating urban life to development issues — a growing area in urban studies in Southeast.'Asia (Lopdop 1.98J,I^mal 1971,Keyfilz 1965, Draka^:isSmith 1981, Drakakis-Smith, Rimrpe? and McGee 1978). Finally there are studies which combine a number of these approaches into a more complex theoretical unity (eg. plapimer ^1985), looking at issues of scale, migrajtion, ethnicity, politics and other factors as part,of a single bigger picture. Wlmt emerges from this suivey-is fairly clear: i) there ,is a concentration of. work in the area of development, but there js relatively little work |n main stream anthropological areas such a& kinship, political organization at the comi^unity level, economic organization, reUgion or in ,the broad field of the relationship between culture and urban .^ocial behaviour. But here an important distinction must be made,.between anthropological topics which just happen to involve social groups in cities and topics whichJook at cities as special forms of social and cultural organization or at the impact of city life on patterns of social and cultural .organization. It is the latter pair which is really the most interesting, since, that is where a genuine attempt is made either, to explore, the nature of the city as a socio-cultural entity quite different fron) that of the countryside .or rural communities and which has its own sociological “laws” or to examine in deJail the interaction between particular sociological .grpups-families,^ ethnic groups, occupational groups etc. .and their specific and^specifically urban environment. It is these latter questions however which are l^ss often /aised. It is also worth reflQqtmg.on two ^additional factors: the reasons for the differences in.national traditions .in urban.anthropology and the relationships between the preoccupations of Southeast Asian urban anthropologists and theinterests of the subject internationally and in the \yest. We will look at these in order. It can,certainly l^e said .that while there.is no Southeast Asian country without an, urban tradition, the origins and nature of these traditions vary greatly. In Singapore for exarnple the origin, of the. urban tradition is very late (Ntoeteenth Century), and had its basis in fhe quite artificial foundation of a colonial port gjty given over, to primarily merchantile ,and secondarily administrative and defence functions. Many of these characteristics can be found in, the other colonial .cities of Southeast Asia: Rangoon, Batavia (J^arta), ^gbon, Saigon, for instance. But there are..also differences between these,,colonial- cities. In Singapore’s case the fact^that the city was mainly §ettfed by, and in,deed, created by, Chinese, has subsequently deter­ mined, niuch ,of the city’s ethnic character, architecture, urban culture, social structure and political and economic.form. Penang has similar characteristics-, as does ^Malacca. Rangoon however has always remained a Burmese city, albeit with Indian and Chinese minorities. Not only ethnic proportions, but also culture and especially religion play an important part here. Singapore, f^enang, Malacca, Kuala Lumpur and Jakarta have always been “secular cities” — hornes of foreign, colonial administration, and too pluralistic to have any comm^on culture. Rangoon however never experienced a flood of foreign immigrants and always possessed a common culture rooted firmly in its

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ideological base-Therevada Buddhism. The cultural influence of British colonialism, while absorbed at some levels, coiild be ’decisively rejected at more fundamental levels. In this sense'Rangoon is culturally (although nOt in many other ways) more comparable with Bangkok, th^n it is "with the other British colonial cities. In any case, whatever its administrative signific^ce^ Rangoon was always overshadowed culturally and religiou^y by the upcountry cities of Mandalay and Pagan. A similar pattern, although with a quite'different cultural base, is discern­ able ift Indonesia, where Jakarta, the political capital and old Dutch colonial centre is overshadowed by the cultural cities of Jogjakarta and Solo and even by much smaller religio-reg^ centres such as'^Bogor and Cirebon. The differences *in cultural “style” between these older “regal-ritual” cities (to use* Fox’s 1977 phrase) and the newer Dutch cities such as Bandung is Very apparent even if difficult to exactly define. The regional administrative and merchantile towns of Indonesia-Medan, Pontianak, Makassar, Denpasar' and so on, are also of major importance in such a huge couhtry linked by sea­ routes and trade connections. Elsewhere one sees yet further patte/nsr’in Thailand a once-upon-a-time regal-ritual city now having become the major administrative-and merchantile primate city (Bangkok), with one other major city (Chiangmai); an outer ring of smaller provincial cities (Haadyai, Songkla, Khoh Kaen ’for example) and the remains of the now abandoned earlier regal-ritual cities (Ayuthaya etc.) The dynamics of urbanization in Thailand are complex-, having to do with the southward' migration of the capitals, with political relationships with the surrounding states (especially Burma and Cambodia), with ’modernization creating the need for administrative centres, with rural-urban migration and with the presence of a fairly large migrant Chinese minority’ with Urban inclinations. In Laos urban development has concentrated primarily on-the old regalritual city of Luang Prabang, and on the newer, formerly French administrative city, of Vientiane. In Vietnam there is a mixed pattern --the old colonial cerftre at Hanoi, the colonial and mechantile’ and to a great extent Chinese port-city of Saigon-Cholon and the old imperial capital at Hue, together With the secondary market and local administrative towns’. Caihbodia (Kwpuchea) is interesting because of its single primate city’(in terms relative to the coiintryside'that is) of Phnom Penh with the smaller port city of Kompong Som on the coast. The urban underdevelopment of Cambodia was partly the result of French colonial'policy: a minor colony-compared with Viefnam - did rwt need a splended capital, the essentially agrarian nature of the National econoniy (true too of Laos) and ecology (the inland location). When one thinks of Cambodian urban centres, always the mind is drawn to the ancient temple complex of An^or Wat, which while perhaps not technically a,city, had most of the functions of one and was indeed a classical example of a regalritual settlement supported by a surrounding feudal a^arian economy. Bruhei boasts only one city - the capital‘Bandar Seri Begawan - which is both the seat of the‘sultan and the administrative/merchantile centre for a tiny country with large oil revenues. Our last case — (Ke Philippines is a balance between a major city complex - the Manda-Quezon City governmental, administrative,

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financial and educational centre, a range of major (secondary cities (Cebu City, Baguio.for example) and a large number of small towns gloryingin the appelation “city” and providing local marketmg,-banking. educational, medical and other urban services. Our brief and selective survey show up several noteworthy points. The first of these is that the-type of urban pattern has a historical and a cultural basis (as convincin^y tfrgued by O’Connor (1983). The second is fairly obviously that the amount ofurban anthropology in each country depends both on the significance of urban settlements as opposed to rural ones and on the extent to which there is a local anthropological community. We also see that because of the variety of empirical cases and .their complex articulation with history, economy, ecology and culture in Southeast Asia, the potential for theoretical contributions from within the region in the field of urban anthropology is very great. We wilhnow turn to looking at how regional urban anthropolo©^ relates to the wider issues now extant in the sub-discipline internationally. Firstly, there is -a recognition in many quarters that what is needed is not just &n urban anthropology, but rather an anthropology of complex societies (Clammer 1985, 1986). That is to say, urban units must be seen in a dynamic relationship not only with their wider society in the fairly obvious sense of the term, but also with the world-system. A particular style of urbanism for example may be a very complex mixture of history, architecfural and town planning prirfciples drawn fionf a distant colonial power, a mixture of ethnic groups, ecological factors, economic functions and the like. Such a view radically modifies-the often held view'that urban anthropology is about street corner society aftd the bitsdeft over*-when the sociologists, economists, geographers and political scientists have finished picking over the ground (a view represented for example in Wolf 1968). WhUe studies of friendship, kinship, networks and the like are all perfectly legitimate subjects, they should not be seen as defining or exhausting the field of urban anthropology. Secondly, there is the recognition that methodologically speaking, the urban anthropologist, because*of the scale and complexity of city life, may often require survey type methods, statistical analysis and geographical input, in addition to the classical fieldwork methods of social anthropology. Indeed the urban anthropologist has an importanfand pressing methodological and theoretical contribution to make here in developing both methods and analytical concepts appropriate to the urban setting, including developing more*adequate answers to very basic questions such as ‘what is the urban?’ The contribution of Southeast Asian scholarship to the development of urban anthropology is potentially very considerable in all the major areas of the subject; the meaning of the urban; the origin and role of cities; the networks (kinship, occupational, ethnic, residential) which comprise’ the patterns of urban social life; the markets, public places, transportation systems, places of leisure activity, festivals and the like which integrate the urban scene; urbanization, migration and the settlement of migrants into the social and economic life of cities and the role of cities in the development or under­ development process of their respective societies. It should be noted too that urban ^thropology is not restricted to the study of large cities: one of the most interesting features of the Southeast Asian social landscape are

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the many small cities and towns which not only function as service -centres for the surrounding countryside, but are interesting cultural entities in their own right. Additionally each society has thfe possibility of contributing a special perspective on the study of urban life. In Singapore for instance work has focussed on housing and on the social and psychological consequerices of intense urbanization. In other settings jural-urban migration, urban-urban migration, varying 'patterns of ethnicity, ecology and locMly relevant topics might form the theoretical and empirical core of a national tradition in “urban anthropology in the different countries of the region. Varying city "images, mental maps (Sternstein 1971)'and the socio-psychological complexity of the regions cities offer almost endless subjects for research, "that are of practical as well as purely academic interest. (For a useful overview which showrclea/ly the inter-relationship ofhistory, sociology and anthropology, see Keyes 1977.) We can see then from this brief survey that urban'anthropblogy'in Southeast Asia, despite its undeniable contribution, -is stilh an underdeveloped field of study. Empirically much stilbawaits'discovery about the history ot urbanism and urbanization in the region, about the classification,-social structural and cultural life of Southeast Asian towns and cities and their relationship to development and underdevelopment. Theoretically'the whole field of urban anthropology world-wide is underdeveloped. The very variety and-complexity of Southeast Asian societies and cities and the need to develop dynamic explanations of both structure ^and change prqvideg both the-ch^enge-and the laboratory to move to a higher level of theoretical understanding. Since cities are undoubtedly the social form .of the future it is clearly important to come to .terms with their nature and the principles qf their development and functioning. REFERENCES ANDERSON, E.N. and ANDERSON. M. 1972 Some Chinese Methods of Dealing'with Crowding. Urban Anthropology, 1: 141-150. BRUNER, E. ” 1961 Urbanization and Ethnic Identity in North Sumatra. Amezican Anthropologist, 63; 508-521. i

CENTRE FOR SOUTHEAST'ASIAN STUDIES 1974 Urbanisation in Thailand. Northern Illinois University, Occasional Pager No. 2.

CHEW SOO BENG ' 1982 Fishe'rmen in Flats. Monash University, Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, Paper No. 4. CLAMMER, J. ’ 1985a Singapore: Ideology, Society* and Culture. Singapore: Chopmen. I.

.1985b Anthropology and Political Ecdnomy: Theoretical and 'Asian Perspectives. London: The Macmillah Press and New York: St. Mattin’s Press, 1986

Symbolism hnd Legitimacy: Urban Anthropolo^ and the Analysis of Singapore Society. Jurnal Anthrologi dan Soslblogi, 10—11;, 3—14.

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COBBAN, J.L. 1970 27itf Cit){ on Java: An Essay in Historical Geography. Berkeley: University of California, Ph.D. dissertation. COOPER. E. 1951 .Urbanization in M^yjt Population Studies, St 117-131, DJAMOUR, J. 1959 JWaZay Kinship and Marriage in Singapore. London School of Economics, Monographs'.on Social Anftropology.

DORLEANS, B. 1979 Etude Geographique de Trots "Kampung" a Djakarta. Paris: Publications du Departement de Geogiaphie de I’Universite de Paris-Sorbonne. No. 3.

DRAKAKIS-S^dlTH,' D. 1980 Urbanization, Housing and the Development Process New York: St. Martins Press. ----------------- , RIMMER, J. and McGEE, T.G., editors, 1978 Food. Shelter and Transport in Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Canberra: Australian National University, Department of Human Geography.

EVERS, H.-D. 1978 The Culture of Malaysian Urbanization - Malay and Chinese Conceptions of Space. In P,S.J. Chen and H.-D. Evers, editors, Studies in ASEAN Socio­ logy: Urban Society and Social Change. Singapore: Chopmen. 1982

Sosiologt Perkotaan:- Urbanisasi dan Sengketa Tanah di Indonesia dan Malaysia. Jakarta: Lembaga Penelitian.

FOX, R.G. 1977 Urban Anthropology: aties in Their Cultural EeUlng. Endewood Qiffs’ Prentice Hall. FREEDMAN, M. 1957 Chinese Family and Marriage in Singapore. London: HMSO. ‘

HAIRI ABDULLAH 1975 Urbanisasi: Migrasi Desa-Bandar Persikataran Alam Bandar dan Perubahan Sosial. Jemal Antropologi dan Sofiologi, 4: 45-59.

HALIM AU, A. 1919 The adaptation of rural migrants in an urban factory. Jemal Antropologi dan Sosiologt, 7: l*-23. «HALIM HJ.-5ALLEH 1981 Bureaucnirsi

Bourgeois and Townsmen: An Observation on Status Identification in Kota Bharu. Monash University, Centre for Southeast Asian

Studies, Paper No. 8.

HAMZAH, SENDUT. 1964 Urbanization. In Wang Gungwu, editor. Malaysia. London: Pall Mall Press. 1966

Contemporary Urbanization in Malaya. Asian Survey, 69: 484-491.

HIRSCHMAN, C. *1976 Recent Urbanization Trends in Peninsular Malaysia. Demography, 13: 445462. HOLLNSTEINER, MJ. 1972 Becoming an Urbanite: The Nei^bourhood as a learning Environment. In DJ. Dwyer, The aty as a Centre of Change in Asia. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.

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INDONESIAN TOWN 1958 The Indonesiflri'Towh: Studies in Urban Sociology The Hague and Bandung: W. Van Hueve Ltd.

KAMAL SALIH (Editor) 1979 Rural-Urban' Transfomiation and Regional UNCRD.

Underdevelopment. Nagoya:

KEYES. C.Fr 1977 77ie Golden Peninsula: Culture and Adaptation in‘Mainland Southeast Asia. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co. KEYHLZ, N. 1965 Pditical-Econdmic Aspects of Urbanization in Southeast Asia. In P.M. Hauser and L.F. Schnore, editors. The Study of Urbanization. New Y.ork: Wiley.

KRAUSSE, G. 1975 ‘ The Kampongs of Jakarta. Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Ph.D. dissertation. LENT. J'., (editor), 1979 Malaysia Studies: Present Knowledge and Research Trends. Northern Illinois University: Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, Occasional .paper No.,7. UM HENG KOW 1978 The- Evolution of die Urban System‘ th Malaya. Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Malaya.

LONDON, B. 1980 Metropolis and Nation tn Thailand: The Political Economy of Uneven Deve­ lopment. Boulder: Westview Press. McGEE, T.G. 1971 The Urbanization Process W the Third World, Lbndon: Bell.

Rural-Urban Migration in a Plural Society: A Case Study of Malays in West Malaysia. In D.J. Dwyer,'’editor. The 'City as'd’Centri'bf Change-in .Asia Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. ,___________ ,1 1972

1967

77ie Southeast Asian City. London: Bell.

MULDER, N. 1978 £’v^segments of society meet. Thus whatever sways Bangkok moves Thai society, as the ’.capital’s distinctions become society’s differentiation. h

10. CONCLUSION

t -J began ’With Durkheim’s division of labor, applied-it to Bangkok as mechanical and organic, and then used its perspective to develop the notion of centripetal .differentiation. Let me conclude -with what I -hope I’ve illustrated—the virtues of Durkheim’s, theory for urban anthropologists.’ The division -of labor puts Jhe city within society, breaks down the procrustean, rural-urban split, and joins cultural arid economic models o£the city. It-also solves our self:constructed micro-macro dilemma wherein- we study some­ thing small and then can’t see the larger society. Right or wrong,* it distinguishes not levels but-organizing principles for all social life.* Moreover, these principles are" broad enough to,aUow for many, culturally’specific em­ bodiments sUch as Thai centripetal differentiation. f

11. FOOTNOTES This paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Anth­ ropological Association in Denver on November 18, 1984. I would like to thank Thomas W. Collins and Aidan Southall for organizing .tfie paflel, and Judith Goode for her comments as discussant. I fatefully acknowledge the SSRC-ACLS Pre- and Postdoctoral Research Grants and .the FulbrighVHayes Fellowship that made my research possible. I am .solely responyble for my paper’s interpretations and errors.

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1. Tai refers to an ethnolinguistic family of peoples that includes the Thai. JVhile Thai can properly refer to any citizen, of Thailand, here I refer to the. ethnic Thai of the same nation. These modem Thai indude three Tai peoples (Tai Sayam, Tai Yuan, Lao). 2. This account is partly based on speculative reconstructions of piotChTai Qinguage by Benedict (1975) and folk culture by Eberhard (1968)’ I assume that'the early Tai were animists and lived in a cosmologically monistic world. 3. At least by -the 13th century “to be bigger” {yat kiva) meant to be more powerful (e.g. Griswold and Prasert 1971:214). It implied rule. Another word for big, luang, came to mean royal. . , . i It »* 4.See Kirsch (1973) ’for an’Cnterpretatioh of feasting in contemporary upland Southeast Asia and O’Connor (1983) for its application to early Southeast Asia. While we do not |cnow if.the e^ly Tai practiced feasting, Eberhard (1968:183-184),sug^sts the^ importance ^f,their cattle' and buffalo sacrifices which are stfll,part of the upland Tai feasting com'ple^,Eberhard (1968:341) also says that/the early Talhad “no developed chieftainship” u^ch would leave the way open for a ‘big man’-^feasting complex. * u 5. The Ramkamhaeng ..ii^cription does..not mention a .third and lo^^st category, that oj daves. Presumably their ipimediate center was their owner. 6. This proprietary link to the muang's territorial spirit may have, been one>with the Tai ruler’s claim to own the muang’s'land-.

7. Actually only seven are specifically labelled muang. The others are mentioned by proper name only, althou^ sufely they Were muang-Uke polities: • 1 i * 8. Two centuries later this was further elaborated to a four step hierarchy beneath the capital (Damrong 1968:14). >' 9. The only exception is Lamphun where the Tai took over a Mon pity that already had a relic in its center. While most Northern Tai (Tai'Yuan) relics ue named according to their site, the major relic at all three Siamese Tai or Thai capitals was simply called the- Great Relic (.mahathai), suggesting a angle great center'. Sukhothai suggests ithiS' emerging Siamese Tai pattern. While the city is thought to have had aT Temple of the Great Relic (Wat Mahathat) in the 13th century. King Ramkaphaeng does not refer to its relic. He does, however, say that he dug up' the relic outside of Sri* Satchan'alai and moved it insidS the tity’s walls.’ 10. Of course this mechanical competition did not completely deny their large/ organic solidarity because their coinpetition included claims to modernity, and strengthened the center’s role as mediator and exemplar.

REFERENCES CITED: Benedict, Paul K. 1975 Austro-Thai Language and Culture.'HRAF Press.

Chamvit' Kasetfiri 1976 The Rise of Ayudhaya: A History of Siam in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. Condominas, Georges 1978 A Few Remarks about Thai Political Systems. In Natural Symbols in South East Asia. G. B. Milner, ed. pp. 105-112. London: School of Oriental and African Studies.

Damrong Rajanubhab, Prince 1968 I^ksana Kanpokkhrong Prathet Sayam. Bangkok: Liang Siang Chong Charoen. Dang NgJiieiTi Van 1972 An Outline of the Thai in Viet Nam. Vietnamese Studies no. 32. Hanoi.

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*Dmkheim, Emile 1964 The Divisioh of Labor in Society. New York: Free Pfess. Eberhard, Wolfram ?■? j« Dim *

Alido Ebediaid, tiand. Leiden:

Girling, John E. 1981 Thailand: Society and Politics. Ithaca: ComeU University Press. Griswold, A. B. and Prasert na Nagaya

Gamhen of Sukhodaya (1292 AD): Epigraphic and IDstoncal Studies. Journal of the Siam Society 59,2:179-228. Hanks, Lucien M.

,

Order as Entourage and Circle. /« Change and Persistence ? 15?Lauriston Sharp. G. William Skinner and A- Thomas Kirsch, eds. pp. 197-218. Ithaca; Cornell University Press.

Kirsch, A. Thomas Si? OsciUation: Religion and Society in Upland'Southeast Asia. Ithaca. ComeU Umversity SouthedsT Asia Program, Data Paper no. 92. LaCapra, Dominick-

Sociologist and Philosopher. Ithaca! ComeU University I^bSsa

“d.John-K. Musgrave Ethnic &oups of Mainland Southeast Asia. New Haven: HRAF Press.

iyt>4

Morell, David, and Chai-anan Samudavanija

Reform, Reaction, Revolution. Cambridge, Mass; Oelgeschlager, Gunn and Hain. ’ ® O’Connor, Richard A. '

tt

2^SSe“‘

B- Reynolds (translators) A ^ai' Buddhist Cosmoloa^ Berkeley. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series do. 4. Sahlins, MarshaU 1976 Culture and Practical Reason. Chjcago: University of Chicago Press.

Skinner, G. William vciMiy

aIGSS *

*

Uni’

Stemstein, Larry * ” n! I^>nta=nt ■.•Primate Qty": Bangkok at its Bicentenary. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 15,1:43-68. Woradej Chantasom 1979 The fepanaion bf Agencies in the Thai-Buieaueiaey. Paper prepared for Seminar on Thailand in the 1980s,” Pattaya, Thailand

FIELDWORK AND FACE-WORK

IN URBAN MALAYSIA RAYMOND L. M. CONTENTS:

1. 2. y. 4. 5.

Introduction The Idea o/'Face in Fieldwork Face: Leitmotiv in Malaysian Social Interaction Facing Up, to Face in Fieldwork Some Ethical Implications

1. introduction

Ethnography is more than a science of social observation and description' It is also an art of human relations where the ethnographer’s skills of inquiry are tested and^.tempered. The cultivation of these -skills requires not only * the ethnographer’s theoretical expertise but also,a sensitivity to his role as researcher in a familiar or foreign environment. For the ethnographer, the enactment of this role is a necessity for data gathering. For his informants, this role is often perceived according to their needs - in manyxases the ethnographer’s irfotives are misread or misunderstood. The management of this role is now seen- by many -social, scientists as-a fundamental problem in the research enterprise (e.g. Hunt 1984, Wax 1979, Easterday et al. 1977, Johnson 1975, Roy 1-965)- The requirements for this role are no longer taken * for granted, but closely questioned as part of the conditions' of fieldwork. One of these requirements centre on the presentation of the ethnographer’s self to his informants in order that rapport is established. Some- of the problems involved in this interaction process comprise the focus of this essay. 2. THE IDEA OF FACE IN FIELDWORK

Since ethnography entails immediate contact with a specific group' of people for the purpose of gaining information about their liy^s, it is only appropriate to ask how this particular type, of social interaction-is accom­ plished by the ethnographer and his informants.‘Firstly, interaction between the et^ographer aqd his informants cannot proceed unless the former identi­ fies himself and his motives. The ethnographer is obliged to make the first move since in most cases his informants are not waiting breathlessly to be’ interviewed. The initial images that he projects are vital for the determination of trust and acceptance in fieldwork. Secondly, the informants’ responses

* Ph. D. (Massachusetts), Lecturer, Dept, of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur

28

, Raymond Lee

i

depend to a large extent'on t^eir perceptions of the ethn^ographer as a person, not as a scientist. As recipients of the various signals and gestures emitted by the ethnographer, the informants are particularly concerned with how their “guest” understands them^^ ji. people andjiis’^dden prejudices towards them.^ In other words, both parties are essentially involved in the practice of preserving self-esteem but for .different purposes — the ethnographer is anxious about losing credibility with his informants who in turn are paranoid about an outsider’s opinions'of them. This problematic aspect of fieldwork is often ignored or deliberately suppressed in scholarly discussion because it raises the spectre of subjectivity in scientific research and thus easily leads to a critique of field data collection. But the issye of’face in ethnographic endeavours cannot be conveniently avoided, sintd it comprises a basic principle in all forms of social interaction. According to Goffman (1955:213), face is “the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume he has taken during a particular contact. Face is an image of self delineated in terms of approved social attributes.” This definition of face encompasses the notion of how status and reputation'are gained or lost-through the actions'performed by a person and their interpretations by others? By applying this notion of face"' to fieldwork encbunters, we find that -the rfelationship between the ethnographer and his* informants is seldom straightforward but streWn with' subtle manipulations'of self-images. An ethnographer- entering the field-Tor the first time or studying a specific group for the first time is never sure how he is perceivedi by his informants. Ideally speaking, his priority during the initial stages of fieldwork centres on face'management with his informants. This suggests that the ‘ethnographer must "develop versatility in fining and preserving -face in- order- to effect a working relationship -with his informants. In many instances, he tis required to manifest social 'characteristics that dre approved or admired by his on formants. However, .gaining face doeSmot auto­ matically entitle the ethnographer to full membership in the ‘group he is studying, but it provides him with some latitude for interaction! with Kis informants. On thC'Other hand,- face gained is also Easily lostnhrough mis­ understandings, miscalculations and various faux pas in the field, so that/the ethnographer “who cares for maintaining a minimum level of effective social functioning must see to it that his face is protected, from, being dOsV? (Ho. 1976:872). 'As the “host” in fieldwork encounters, the informants are equ^y con­ cerned' abouflosing‘face since they ate unsure to what extent’the information’ they impart to an ethttog’apher will comproihise their status or reputation. This medns that th'e iriformants are likely to be cagey and tO maintain-a ceffaiq guardedness in their conbcts with the ethnographer. Even whei\ 'thfe/' arq convinced that the ethno'grapher is somewhat sincere in His research efforts, they may'hot fully reveal their lives to him., Alternatively, they pay lie or' provide' distortbd information tb the ethnographer* on matters which they feel may'jeopardise their Tepufation, e.g.'informants may deny the pmcticd of sorcery since they do not want the ethnographer to think of them as “primitive.” In other words, the degree of control informants have over the knowle’dge that an ethnographer gains' in fieldwork is, to a large'extent, .a

Fieldwork md' Fdie Work

•29

function of tKeir'face consciousness. The higher this-consciousness the more likely that informants wilPerect many layers Of'defences against ethnographic intrusion. The-arguments articulated^ here are based on* the assumption that face behaviour is a universal phenomenon. Examples of embarrassment, orfe­ upmanship, V duels, “and codes of honour in any society all testify to the universaT^pplicabUity. of the face coAcept. Indeed, as-Ho (1’976:881) points out, “face is distinttively^liuman. Anyone who does-not wish to declare his social-bankruptcy-must show-a regard'fol face: he:must claim for himself, and must extend to others, some degree of compliance, respect, and deference in order to maintain a'minimum level of'effective-'Social-functioning.” Con­ sequently,' the ethnographer-informant relationship caftinot be treated as unique but’As a type of social interaction’with-attendant problems centered on the reciprocity of obligations aftd "esteem protection.* If we accept -this argument; then we-could ask how should’an ethhographer Confront face problems in the: field? This question obviously raises several ethical issues which I shall hddres^ later. But first, T ‘shall approach this 'question"by describing*1some-of my fieldwork experiences in urban Malaysia. My aim in presenting these accounts is to show that ah analysis of fieldwork'experiences can bring-into clearer -focus the'practical implications of face issues for the ethnographer.

3. FACE: LEITMoflY IN MALAYSIAN SOCIAL INTERACTION Before describlAg' my fieldwork experiences^ it is necessary 'to present briefly sdfne general observations on face h’ehaviour in'Malaysia ks background ■for understanding the nuances of Malaysian social irite'ractiori. The 'concept of face is familiar to the three main ethnic gfoupl in Malaysia.^ It is' expressed in Chinese, Malay and Tamil as mienii. mdruah, and wlufozm (ormtt«/:), res­ pectively.- ’Although the face concept has been identified as distinctively Chinese (Ho 1976, Hsieh 1944), in actualify it is a central characteristic of any rank dohscious'sbciety. Neither the Chinese,- Malays, ndr Indians exercise a' strict monopoly over the ’manifestations of face behaviour. Merhbers of these ethnic groups are equally sensitive to status differences between people or to' changes in 'a person’s status, especially with regard to the assertidn of social position, the'dstentatious display of wealth and titles,-and the acquisi­ tion of preitigd'items. Face comprises a primary ca'tegory in ordering'social relatidnships within ahd between these ethnic groups. Rank ConSbiousness tends to produce in 'individuals an intense concern for the manipulation of Self-images in public with the suppression or minimal exposure of undesirable traits. This suggests thkt the higher a person’s status the more* concerned he is -with face enhancement and-proteflion. In Malaysia, people of high'rank tend to seek face enhancement through'the’obsequibiik behaviour df others. Thtis, individuals with titles (such as Tun, Ton Sri,-Datuk, etc.) generally expect to be addressed accordingly add treated With-deference in public. FailuYe to do' so is often noted by the individual concerned and others as an affront to his status. High r&nking individuals rhay also'protect their face by'“passing the buck” to their subordinates so that no direct'Blame

30

RaymQnd Lee

falls on them. The close relationship -between high rank and-face protection does not, necessarily imply that less privileged individuals „are Jess cpncerned with face. The main difference in face behaviour between high and Iqw status individuals is the greater vulnerability of the fomjer to scandals and various assaults on their publicly accredited moral standing. > Despite* this difference, Malaysians of all ranks generally use- avoidance tactics to prevent face loss for at least two reasons. Firstly;.most Malaysians are acutely, sensitive to the, implicit -meanings of a social exchange. Therejis always.the' fear that a message may be misunderstood, distorted, or:taken as an insult that may result in unpleasant consequences on an unexpected occa­ sion. The .anticipation that one may lose face or cause someone else-to lose face unwittin^y iprovides. a. strong reason for most Malaysians to. ?ngag^in manouevreg that minimise candidness and directness. Secondly,-Malaysians of all ethnic origins are familiar with the use of shame as Tan instrument of social control, .individual action is almost.^slways framed within the anticipation of shame arousal,'-i.e. risks of disgrace and humiliation are given high con­ sideration in the perform^ance of any social action. Loss 'of face is usually accompanied by •high .shame arousal, suggesting^that the preservation of face is vital in the, reduction of,shamq feelings. Given .thesq constraints .on social action, -most* Malaysians are -generally indirect in face-to-face communication and are reserved in public opinion. In the first instance, most Malaysians are reluctant to commit themselves to a specifiq position in any, sopial exchan^e.^They tend to hedge or make vague statements to' avoid commitment that* may later /eopafdise, their selfesteem. Thus, Malaysians are not likely to give a committed yes or no to. any request unless they are certain that their responses will not incur any loss of face.^ Similarly, they tend to be conservative in their opinions so as not to give offense ,to the other person who, in losing face, may plan a reprisal. While avoidance strategies are adopted to reduce face-loss,.there is no guarantee that they will work on all occasions. Most Malaysians .understand tigs but are limited-in their interaction alternatives because prevention pf faccjloss is considered more important thap^ being straightforward. On the contrary, those who are willing to experirrient witji. pther, alternatives are -perceived as brazen, crude and “thick-skirined.” .p Jlowever, these general observations do not fully convey the complexities underlying-Malaysian face communication that is essentially a genus of “highcontext” .communication,j.e. "one ip which most of the informatiori i either in the physical context or internalize^ in the person, while very little is in the coded, explicit, transmitted part of the message” (Hall 1976:91). In Plher words, face awarenegs is seldom assumed but requires subtle interpretation. It involves developing an alertness to covert meanings in social interaction. Because decoding hidden meanings in conversations requires that an individpal pays close attention to the.pther person’s non-verbal behaviour, it is necessary for oqe to maint^ an putxyard appearance of clam and nonchalance while looking for non-verbal ,cue§. To show anger, recalcitrance, or reluctance in complying with another person’s, wishes is tantamount to_ admittipg loss of self-contro} (and faqe). Most social transactions are therefore expected to be conducted with tact, sobriety, and without overbearingness. Thus, in a

Fieldwork and Fade Work

31

problematic situation one .pretends* that nothing serious has happened; but 3t the same time surveys the situation carefully and prepares the next move. These various aspects of, face behaviour not only -transcend..ethnic differences but also, the rural-urban division in Malaysia. Rural villagers, are just as face conscious as (if not more so than) their counterparts in the cities. The , main difference, is that-the arena for the enactment of face behaviour is smaller, but not less pronounced, in a village community than in an urban area. The .diversity of .social interaction in an urban setting implies .that face awareness tends-to be more dispersed, but does y the Baptist Convention of Ontario and Quebec ahd so receives financial assistance for-its maintenance and pastor’s stipend. The present pastor was ordained after arriving in Canada.- Both his ‘ordination and accreditation were readily conceded by the Baptist Convention which, in contrast with some Catholic authorities, seems to articulate and -practise a conscious policy of accommodation to minorities. Subsequent ‘factions, however, have given rise to number of splinter congregations. In part; this segmentation has followed shifts in population from central to suburban areas (Scarborough, Mississauga and North York), but more significantly, it also reflects personal conflicts and leadership conlpetition. Of four Filipino Baptist congregations, two are “controlled” by one.family group (with another member in charge of a more mixed congregation) while the other two Filipino groups are in the hands of an opposing extended kin group. One type of conflict typically arises in an attempt to gain social influence and prominence in the local Filipino community through the management of religious status and symbols. Another type of conflict occurs wher? older pastors, sponsored in their immigration to Canada by younger family members, jexperience difficulty in adjusting .to a loss of status when they retire, from active servicp and professional rank. “Demoted’’ retired immigrant pastors in both the Baptist and Adventist churches have played a major role in forming schismatic congregations intthe Filipino community. This illustrates how religion can be an effective means of status compensation for older immigrapts. One retired Baptist pastor, who was eased out of an existing congregation by an ambitious younger rival, now has jurisdiction over the spiritual needs of the occupants, of the Filipino Senior Citizens Home. -He tries, when possible, to bring some of the residents to worship at the (mixed Baptist) congregation of his son-in-law in another part of town. Family leadership aside, all these congregations try to exude a nurturing family-like atmosphere, within which efforts are made constantly to meet the more personal, emotional, and even material needs of members. Companionship beyond the spiritual is provided by attention' to birthdays, wedding .showers, farewell parties for travellers, picnics and mutual aid services. Active participation can also provide a sense of importance and meaning to those who play a role in ritual and social events. Titles such as

48

Judith Nagata

elder or deacon are a formal recognition of 'participation in the 'church. The congregation can' be perceived as a main arena where a minority group may gain social recognition dhd status within a more amorphous societal context' Such support functions are feasible given 'the small size’ of congre­ gations of between one and'two hundred members. The influence of the churches can be so ehcompassihg that, unlike the Catholic church, members may actively be discouraged from taking part in any of the other 63 Filipino special interest and regional associations in Toronto, or in any external activi­ ties. The churches staunchly claim to be apolitical, refusing to be identified with any ideological or political stance, despite urging frdm other segments of zthe Filipino community. The churches even ’try to dissuade domestics from participating in the Homemakers Association which lobbies the goverriment for better working conditions, and immigration regulations.,It should be noted that within the wider Baptist Federation of both the United States and of Canada, a Jiighly developed policy of accommodation to immigrant interests and needs Jias been,encouraged since at least the turn of the century, including encouragement of and assistance to minority congregations (Davis 1973). Even though-it w§s.expected tjiat this policy would ultimately lead to the integration of immigrants (e.g. tliirough language and other cultural instruction) it was also intended as a generous copcession .to, arid acceptance of, newcomers on their own terms (Zeman 1980). Jn point of fact it had the 'effect of maintaining the separateness of minority congregations, and reducing the opportunity for immigrant interaction beyond the ethnic community. 7. SEVENTH DAY ADVENTISTS The Filipino Adventist'are among the most prominent of the Protestant denominations in Toronto. They have created one wholly ethnic congregation which, is currently irr the -process of constructing a new church building of their own. Filipinos are heavily represented in at least-three Other Adventist congregations. In mid-1985, 263 adult members were regiStfered’in the all­ Filipino congregation, which arose as the result of a factiorial detachment in 1979 from a larger parent congregation associated with the Adventist Hospital. Again, this represented a bid for leadership in the Filipino Adventist community by a retire'd pastor fecently arrived from the Philippines who felt he had lost status occupationally and ethnically on coming to Canada. Accompanying him in the quest for autonomy -was a core of lesser would-be leaders, seeking recognition-which they were less likely to achieve within the larger, more mixed congregation. Subsequently these supporters received their recognition as elders and-deacons ift the new group (and this -included a high proportion of females), and they continue to be the focus' of a thriving social, as well as religious, enclave. This closeness, and the social control which accompanies it, is further promoted by the occupational and residential clustering of m.ost members. A majority of the members are employed by the Adventist Hospital and live in the vicinity. Initially, despite the fact that other named minority Adventist congregations abound in Toronto, and elsewhere in Ontario (e.g. Estonian, Hungarian, Spanish, Yugoslav, Korean, Japanese, Italian, etc.)

Integration of ^outheasf .Asian Migrants

!

' f i ’

I

{ ; ‘

»

,

49

there was considerable resistance on the part of several Anglo-Canadian elders of the Adventist Illinois Press, 1973. Elwood, Douglas J.

“Interfaith Relations' in the Philippines During the 1960’s and 1970’8”. Crossroad 1 (l):60-73, 1983.

Galush, William

“Faith and Fatherland: Dimensions’of Polish-American Ethno­ religion: 1875—1925”. In: Immigrants and Religion in Urban America, ed. Miller and Marzik, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1977.

Integration of Southeast Asian Migrants Nipp, Dora

59

“The Chinese in Toronto’’. In: Gathering Place: Peoples and Neighbourhoods of Toronto, ed. Robert Harney. Multicultural

Historical Society of Ontario, 1985: 147-176. Smith, Timothy

"Religion and Ethnicity in Amenca". American Historical Review, 83: 1155-1185, (Dec.) 1978.

Tentler, Leslie W.

"Who is the Church? Conflict in a Polish Immigrant Parish in Late Nineteenth-Century Detroit’’. Comparative Studies in Society and History 25 (2): 241—276 (April) 1983.

Ward, Peter

‘TTie Oriental Immigrant and Canada^ Protestant Clergy, 18581925*’. British Columbia Studies, 22: 40—55, 1974.

Zeman, Jarold K. (ed) Baptists in Canada: Search for Identity Amidst Diversity. Burlington: G. R. Welch Company Ltd., 1980.

De Jiao : A STUDY OF AN URBAN CHINESE

RELIGION IN• THAILAND < KAZUO YOSHIHARA* CONTENTS

1. 2. 3. 4.

Introduction The birth and’spread of De Jiao De Jiao -in Thailand — a, historical sketch The features of De Jiao in .Thailand (1) De Jiao doctrine ' '■ (2) Deities* worshipped and'recent changes in this respect (3) Recent changes in published* materials ' 5. Conclusion — an interpretation of changes

1. INTRODUCTION

The religion reported 'on her^ was bom in mainland China jusfr before World War ‘11 and 'was subsequently' introduced to Chinese communities in Hong Kong, Thailand, and Malaya. Althoilglf the English name given by th^ brgarnsatioif itself in Malaya and Singapore is the Moral Uplifting* Scfciety, which does not necessarily imply religious'character, the movement in fact shows quite strong religious features: Fuhdamentally, it is a Chinese popular religion, mainly Taoist but with both Buddhist and Confucian elements. The syncretic characfer of both doctrine and ritual in Chinese religion has ‘often been pointed out by students of the field, and the religion examined here is'no exception. The Tiame of the religion is De Jiao ( and it claims to incorporate the fundamental'tfeachings of‘the'so-called'five world religions. That is, the three Chinese religions mentioned' above, Christianity, and ’Islam. In appearance, then, this religion, is characterised by syncretism and universalism, and the principal ritual,^-// (’-U-AL ), is a kindiof Shamanism. One principle of De Jiao is its emphahis on diffusing its ideology, and" it makes much 6f performing’acts, of charity in the name of the’movement and enhancing- the religion’s reputation through such social activities. The ihotivation for such earnest social activity is, however, complex; all members of De Jiao are Chinese *or -ethnic Chinese, yet they endeavour to be simulta­ neously good citizens of the nation in which they live. De Jiao can be regarded as an ethnic religion. It-was founded in a district of GuangDong ( ) province where a dialect called Cha^Zhou ( ') ■is spoken, and was introduced-to. othe/ countries by Ghao Zhou busine^men. De Jiao is therefore followed-by the Chao Zhou community and thus offers an interesting'case for studyihg the relationship between ethnic identity and religion.

Nagoya Univeraty of Commerce, Nagoya, Japan.

62’

i^iuo Ypst^ihiS-a

i

The ethnic Chinese society; which -consists, of Chinese born in China and people of Chinese descent* Is typically found in urban areas. This seems to necessitate taking into consideration the effects of urbanisation when studying this kind of religion. Another* impprtarit factor.* relating to the acculturation of this religion in Thailand is that of Thai politics regarding the international situation in Indochina. Concretely, it-is the policy of the Thai government with regard to what it calls Communism. This report is based on some twenty days of field work in Bangkok in 1984 and 1985. This is obviously^insufficient time to have gathered enough information for a complete report, and even previous work by myself in Hong Kong and East Malaysia has left many areas'^of uncertainty. In spite of this however, I feel I have, enough infoiroation to attempt a preliminary report contributing to the study Qf a relatively unknown Chinese religion in Thailand.(l)

2. THE BIRTH AND SPREAD OF DE De Jiao is a new religion born in Chao Yang{ )prefecture J9^9. In 1935 the district of Chao Zhou had been divided into ten prefectures, one special unit equivalent to,a prefecture, and one fity. In -Chao Zhou the*'great majority of people’speak Chao Zhou dialect, but in Da Pu ( ) prefecture Ke Jia ( ) dialect exclusively is spoken.- (Of course, Ke Jia is also spoken by Ke Jia people living ip other prefectures of Chao Zhou.)lYie biggest in­ dustrial city, Shan Tou ( ), was a famous trading port and was also well known as one of the important .ports of departure for Chinese, emigrants bound for Southeast Asia. De Jiao was/ormed by three men who were named Yang ( ), and Ming ( i •). Under the-uneasy climate prevailing just'after th^ outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war, the three men, after purifying themselves, for a month, asked the gods for a divine message. Two gods, Liu Chung-fang ( ) and Yang.Yun-song { gavejChem sacred words through one of the, three* men acting as a spirit medium. The message was delivered in symbolic verse, and was interpreted as indicating the path to divine‘redemption through the establishment of De. Jiao. The message w*huang da tiang zun Yang Yun-Song * Wu ‘Meng-wu Lao zi Zhang Xuan-tong Liu Chun-fang name is now known Lu ZU Song da feng

In the highest place is Yu huang da tiang zun, and in the centre of the second rank v&,i^ao^zi.,On his left hand is ZhangXuan-tong { ) andLru Chunfang while on his right^is IVtt Meng-wu { ) and Kmg Yun-song. In the third rank is‘£w zu ( and in theTourth rank Songdafen^ ). The 1968 commemorative ’bulletin referred to above contains photographs of the following deities in* descending order of rank: Yu huang da tian zun; Lao zi; Buddha; Lu zu; Liu Chun-fang: Yang Yun-song; Zhang Xuan-tong: Wu Jlfehg-wu. Yu huang is the name of the highest rank in popular Taoism/®^ and in De Jid6^ Guang di 'is used to fill this position. Song dd feng Zhang Xuan-tong‘, and'Hi/ Meng-wu are all popular historical Buddhist monks, while Lu zu, Liu Chun-fang, and Yang Yun-song are historical figures from the Tao tradition. Although Shakyamuni Buddha is not represented on this second floor altar, he is enshrined on the first floor as the result of a decision made by the Board of Directors h. June 1978. This decision was based on a message from the god Liu Chun-fang, who ordained that a statue of Shakyamuni should

Kazuo Yoshihara

70

be erected in a Buddhist sanctumKirtthis.place. The room previously used as a conference room was therefore converted in accordance with the god’s wishes. As this location was directly opposite the main entrance of the temple building, the Buddha statue could be seen by evetyOne entering the building and thus became an important feature of the ten)ple. In this way the temple, which had previously enshrined images from Taoism and Chinese folk Buddhism, now incorporated the Shakyamuni image in accordance with the message that “three presently separate religions originally formed one.” At the board meeting of July 1979, it was decided that the interior of the new Buddhist hall would be decorated in the -Thai-style and that the consecration of this hall would also be in the Thai tradition, with the proviso that the hall should be “sublime,” and |hat it should be acceptable to the Chinese tradition of worship. The statue would be a golden seated image in the Sukhotai style and would be the main deity of the Da xiong boo dian ( — new altar’s Chinese title. In July 1981, on the birthday of Yu huang da tian zun, ten high-ranking Thai Buddhist priests were invited to officiate in the consecration ceremony for the new Buddhist altar. When I investigated in 1984, there were also two irnages of Budai ( '), a popular - Chinese Buddhist saint, and one image of Wei tuo tian ( A ), a guardian god. The new temple of the Oiee Gang Buddhist Association of Thailand ( ) built in 1983 and named Zi Jing Gao ( ) was a tall, narrow building of four storeys, so one floor could not accommodate the entire altar, which was duly split into four parts. On the first-floor opposite the main entrance is the “Three Buddha Altar ( featuring the Shakyamuni statue at the top in the centre, with statues of Daoa'o () or Ji gong tiuo fo ( ) and Milepusa ( ) in the second and third ranks respectively, as ^own in Figure (2).

Figure 2

Deities in the first floor altar at Zi Jing Gao

□

000 000

Legend 1. ShakyamUm Buddha

2. Zhang Xuan-tong 3. Dao-ji fo 4‘. 5. 6. 7.

Liu Chun-fang Wu Meng-wu Mi le pu sa Yang Yun-song,

The underlined are the “Three Buddhasz”

71

Chinese Urban Religion

The altar on the second floor is known as the De Jiao altar ( ), and its main deity is Lcu) zi', this is considered the main altar of Zi Jing Gao. See Figure (3).

Figure 3

Deities in the second floor altar at Zi Jing Gao

Legend

, "0 , 0 ,. 0 0'0 0

1.

Lao zi

2.. Song da feng

3. Lu ZU

4. Wu Meng'Wu. 5. Zhang Xuan-tong 6. Yang Yun-song 7. Liu Chun-fahg

On the third floor are two altars; one dedicated to Guang yin ( ), and the other to Di^ zang wang pu sa ( ). On the fourth floor is one altar honouring three ‘deities: Yu huan^ da tiang zun; Guang sheng zhu cai { ) or Guang pin { J; and ZAou sheng cang yuan shuai ( ). See Figure (4).

Figure 4

Deities in the fourth floor at Zi Jing Gao

Legend

0 0 0

1. Guang sheng zhu cai

2. Yu huang da tiang zun 3*. Zhou sheng cang yuan shuai

Thus we can see that, even in the case of a new building such as Zi Jing Gao, the Buddhist altar is deliberately placed where it will command"maximum attention, while the official main altar is on the secbhd floor. Thfe’actual ceremonies concerning’the reception and interpretation of divine messages were reserved for Jhi5.4nain altar on the second floor. In the case of Zi Tong Gao ( ), which was built around 1963, the arrangement .of. images’ on the altar changed in the period between my two visits there irr 1980 and 1985. In September 1980, the main altar was on

72

i^azuo Yoshihara ’

Ae second floor, with a small subsidary-altar on the mezzanine between the first and^second-^floors.‘See Figure (5).'

Figure 5

Deities in the second floor altar at Zi Tong Gao in T 980

Legend

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. ~9. 10. 11.

Yang Yun-song Wu Menjg-wu Lao zi Zhang IXuan-tong liu Chun-fang Yu dui sheng mu Lu zu Dao ji fo Sl^yamuni Buddha Guang yin Guang sheng zhu cai

In lhe centrp of the top r^rik was Lao zf, while Shakyamuni held the central position in the third rank. By the time I visited again in 1985 however, this arrangement had changed, as there was now a new altar on the first floor See Figure (6).

Figure 6

Deities in the first‘floor altar at Zi'Tong Gab in 1985 ’

L^erid I

2

5

3

4

6

7 1

k

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7p

Shakyamuni Buddha Dao ji fu Guang yin Lu zu Song da feng Guang sheng zhu cai Mi le pu sa

In this hew first floor-altar';-the Shakyamuiii"^tatue occupies the-’top rank showing that he is^ the main'object, of vengratfon. The changes Which had taken place in lhe second floor altar are shown in Figure (7). Figure 7

Deities in the second floor altar at Zi Tong Gao in 1985

Legei0

6

1. Yang iYun-song 2. Wu Meng-wu‘ 3: Lao zb 4. .Zhang Xuan-tong 5. liu Chhh-falig 6. Shakyamuni Buddha

Chines^.Urban Religion

73

The image.of: Yu dui shengmu ( .), which had previously occupied the^secpnd rank’pf Xhe.oldjnain-altar,**has now been enshrined in‘an indepen­ dent altar on the second floor, and the deities flanking Shakyamuni in the old-arrangement had now been placed in the. second rank of the first'Jloor altar except for Guang pin, who had been moved to the centre of the third rank of this altar. On his left hand is Mi le and on his right is Song da feng, both of whom are new'arfivals. The top r&nk of the second floor altar remained unchanged. The second" floor remained the location for fit-j'i ceremonies,and the first floor altar fnay be- interpreted as being intended for the worship of Shakyamuni, although the reason for this arrangement is not clearly stated, which it was in the case of Sfti/ue Tazig. , ' j The above cases concern the construction of new altars for the veneration of Shakyamuni. In the case of Zi Xing Gao ( ) in 1983 however, the organisation itself was ^newly established at the same -time as altars were built. The’effect of these'combined factors on the>arrangement of the altars is shown below in Figure (8).

Figure *8

Deities in the altar at Zi Xing Gao Legend 1. Dao ji fo

2. Lao zi 3. ’Song da feng

4. Lu ZU 5. Zhang Xuan-tong

6. Liu Chun-fang 7. -Yang Yun-Sbhg 8. Wu Meng-wu 9. - Guang yin

10. Shakyamuni Buddha

0 As can be seen in this’picture, the central position is held by Loo zi and, while the Shakyamuni statue can be easily seen, it is not fn a position of high importance. Let us examine the arrangement of deities in Xuang Cheng Shang Tang and Zi Zhen Gao, which were established relatively early-in the history of De Jiao in Thailand. In the case of Xudng Cheng Shang Tang, the altar was divided

74

Kazuo Yoshihara

■between the first andrsecond floors of the temple which -was built in 1968 on the'fifteenth anniversary of the organisation’s establishment.. See Figure (9)’ !■ Figure 9 Deities in the second floor altar afXuang Cheng < Shan Tang Legend

8

9

1. Liu Chun-fang" 2. Cheng fang shi xiong ( ), 3. Zhang Xuan-tong 4. Yang Yun-son 5. Wu'Meng-wu ’6. Cheng hua shi xiong ( -ft;*-? X .) , 7. Song da feng 8. Shakyamuni Buddha 9. Guang yin 10. Shakyamuni Buddha

10

The chief deity is Liu Chun-fang and the Shakyamuni statue is' placed on, a table in front Of the second floor altar, indicating perhaps that he is not regarded as a major deity. On the first floor altar, there is a tablet dedicated to the worship, of Guang yin and Wei tuo tian pusa , but there have been additions as shown, in Figure (10). Figure 10

Deities in the first floor altar at Xuang Cheng Shan Tang Legend

1. Mi le pu sa 2. Guang yin 3. Wei tuo tian pu sa 4. Dao Ji fo

Chinese Urban Religion

75

In the. case of Zi Zhen Gao, there are similarly two -altars, one on the first floor and one on the second, and Shakyamuni is the main deity in both, the difference between them being one of style only. The first floor.statue is in the Sukhofai style, whereas the second floor one is of a different style. See Figure (11).

Figure 11 ^Deities in the altars at Zi Zhen Gao First floor

Legend 1. Shakyamuni Buddha

1

2. Yang Yun-song 3

3. Liu Chun-fang 4. Wu Meng-wu 5. Song da feng

54

6. Dao ji fo 7'8, guardian gods

a

Second floor

Legend

1

2

3

10

Da ji fo Shakyamuni Buddha Lao zi Wu Meng-wu Yang Yun-song Zhang Xuan-tong (no. 1) Liu Chun-fang Zhang Xuan-tong (no. 2) Da mo zu shi ( ) 10. He ye Yun ( ) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Beside'the second floor altar is a large porcelain statue of Guangyin, erected in 1984 from believers’ donations. The-Shakyamuni statue on the second floor was, according to one member, erected around 1975 or 1 §76, but this is not certain. The reasons.for the ajtar arrangements of Zi Zhen Gao are still unclear to me, and I intend to investigate the matter further.

76

Kazuo -Yoshihara

■In the above sections I have* described some De Jiao organisations and shown that, although 'each had its ‘own arrangement of deities on ther altatS, some inferences can be drawn.-The main'deities, judging from their positibns on the altars, afe, respectively; Yu huang ^^.ShiJue.’Shan Tang; LadZi Jing Gao, Zi Tong Gao, and Zi Xing Gao; Liu Chung-fang at Xuang Chen^ Shan Tang: Lao U and Chung-fang at Zf Zhen Gao. Common to all organi­ sations are Liu Chung-fang, ZhangXuan-ton,^Meng-wu, and Kwg Yun‘5on. Other deities often appearing, although not in all cases, are Lu zu, Dao ji fo, Song da feng, and M le. Shakyamuni Buddha is an important deity common to all organisations, although he is never the predominant object of veneratioh. Tlie conspicuous position of Shakyamuni in these altars is in direct contrast with De Jiao altars in Malaysia, Singapore, and Hong Kong, where Shakyamuni is rarely seen in a dominant position. This prominence given to Shakyamuni can be said to be a distinctive feature of Do Jiao in Thailand. On examining all the issues of Zi'Ying Chuan Zhen (the shanshu of Zi Zhen Gao) published in 1984 for frequency of appearance of deities giving divine messages, the foUoA'ing deities appeared in order of frequency: Liu Chung-fang; Zhang Xuan-ton; Da }i fo; Meng-wu;‘Yangyun-son; Song da feng. Buddha, Yu huang, and zi rar^y appear, and this frequency analysis may indicate the preponderant beliefs of De Jiao believers in this organisation. Secondly, the decision to add Shakyamuni Buddha to the De Jiao pantheon as ,a principal deity is a recent one, and was probably taken ’for practical reasons of public relations rather than out of fund^ental belief. That is, the incorporation of Shakyamuni Buddha in De Jiao organisations in Thailand may help the religion in accommodating to Thailand’s religious environment. It remains to be investigated whether the belief of De Jiao members in Buddha or Thai Theravada Buddhism does not contradict their fundamentally Taoist principles, but at this early stage of research I have ascertained that it is not felt to be necessary iaiDe Jiao believers to be ordained in a Thai wat. 3) Recent changes in published materials. In 1984, Zi Zhen Gao published a booklet entitled The Interpretation of De Jiao Scripture. ( ) This book is an explanation and interpretation of a divine message received ztZl He Gao in Shan tou in 1942: This 1984 booklet was a new version of ones published in 1974 and 1976, and it is interesting to compare the recent publication with'the older ones. In the versions of the 70s, both the scriptures and explanations were in Chinese only, with no illustrations accompanying the text. In the 1984 version, great changes have taken placei In the first place, the title on the cover is now accompanied by a Thai translation, as is the name of the organisation on the back together with the information that the booklet is free of charge. Secondly, there is a preface in Thai •on the first page, explaining the signi­ ficance of-the 1984 booklet. Thirdly, both the original'text and the explana­ tory writing in the book'are juxtaposed with Thai translations. Fourthly, the scripture’s in Chinese are superscribed with Thai script -showing -the pronunciation 'Chao Zhou accent, eiTablihg worshippers' who- only read Thai to chant the scriptures in ceremonies. Lastly, there'are twelve*-pages

Chinese 'Urb’an Religion

77

of full-colour photographs illustrating the principal deities in order of im­ portance. The first 'three pages show. Yu huang ((^ng di), and hois followed on succeeding pages by^ fepresentatives of the 'five world religions: Lao zi; Shakyafnuni (with Chinese features); Jesus (as the Sacred Heart); Confucius; Islamic calligraphy dedicated to Mohammed. Following these zare photographs of statues of Liu Chung-fang, Yang Yun-song, Zhang Xuan^tong, and Meng-wu..> .Zi.Bao G ( ), .which was founded in 1981, produces occasional publications titled Zi Hoi Bao Fa ( ), and the edition .of 1984 carries an article entitled The Scripture ofDe Jiao^ which has a Thai translation and- a superscript.pronunciation guide to the Chinese scriptures. On the other hand, the quarterly’bulletin produced by Shi Jue Shan TtBig called Zf Shen Guang ( ) has Thai translations for only the cover of'the publication; the articles are written solely in Chinese/The recent publications Zi Luan De Yin ( ) of the newly-formed organisation of ZiXing Gaovire solely in Chinese with no Thai at-all, and the’quarterly publication Zi Jing Chen Zhong ( ) of ZrJrn^ Goo has, fromjthe second issue of July 1981,’Thai superscript over the scriptures, but no Thai-translation. As can be. seen from the above, the practice of using Thai script and language in De Jiao publicatipns is a feature of the 80s, but there are some organisations in Ban^ok which have not yet adopted'this practice. However, it is probable that more organisations will soon come to appreciate the need for dual-language-publicatidns. The publication by ZiZhen Gao‘in. the 1984 edition of The,. Interpretation ofi^ 'Jiao Scripture of-^the illustrations of venerated deities can be seen to give concrete .’expression to the organisation’s universalist ideology of ‘Fiv^ Religions into One.’ This feature also brings the Thailahd De Jiao organisations into line with their, counterparts in Malaysia, Singapore, and' Hong Kong: The publication'of Zi Xing Gad carries photograpRs of statues of Shakyamuni and. Lao zi but; like the publication oiShi Jue Shan Tang, Zi-^Jing Gao, and Zi Bdo Gao.does not carry, at this stage of its history, symbok.of Islam or Christianity. Thus, the iconic expression of the De Jiao ideology of'‘Five Religions into One’ can be seen to'have started* appearing in 'some of its publications-in Thailand in the mid-80s, although the practice of'erecting’these icons on the wall for veneration, as in Malaysia, Singapore, and Hong Kong has not yet begun.

S. ’CONCLUSION: An interpretation of the changes.

Some interpretative inferences can be drawn from the preceding*^ction‘. Firstly, the described changes in the altar arrangements are the results of a strategy devised by the leaders of De Jiao to reduce-the alienating impres&on made by the religion on local Thai people. This inference was supported by some of the officials of Shi Jue Sf^n Tang. Secondly^ the ’changes in the pfesentation of publications are deigned with the “purpose of communicating the leathers of De Jiao to the younger generation, rnany of'whom are localborn Chinese"who find great dhficulty in reading the ofi^al-Chinese texts. The illustrations also help to promote the internationalist integrity of the

78

Kazuo Yoshifiara

religion throu^ using visual materials, although the use. of iconography’is not y^t universally popular among De Jiao organisations in Bangkok. The religion’s accommodation to Theravada 'Buddhism is an important factor in demonstrating a positive attitude'toward Thai culture. In the past, Chinese immigrants without Thai citizenship had suffered political and econo­ mic discrimination. Another practical connection between the two religions is that of charitable social work. The De Jiao emphasis on doing good to others is paralleled in the'Theravada concept of 'liiafn Bun, which implies earning ‘merit .by offering goods or services to -the Sangha (the community of ordained* Buddhists). In Chinese Buddhism, merit is earned through socii work or organising’philanthropic activities, and the ‘shan-tangs may thus be acceptable to Thai, society without conflict. Actual instances of this were seen in the foundation of Xuan Cheng Shan Tang and Shi Jue Shan Tang; even if the term shan-tang is not used in the organisation’s name, social work is inevitably described as one of their principal activities, as can be seen fii the ca& of Zi Jing Gao, whose full formal name rendered'in English includes the term ‘Buddhist Association’, implying charitable activity. This association of socials activity with Buddhist practice was helpful -in facilitating official ^registration .With Thai authorities, -and De Jiao organisations were careful to stress the importance of this element in applying for registration. "Further­ more, although De Jiao -is theoretically open to all ethnic groups, the vast majority of. the. membership is in fact Chinese, and the .principal contribution to Thai society is inevitably in terms of social activities. Of course, to most Chinese in Thailand, ‘Buddhism’ implies Mahayana Buddhism rather than the Thai Theravada.’ However, Chinese ‘popular Buddhism, with its stress on Guang yin and the monks, clearly shows its shared tradition with Theravada. Therefore, it is far easier for De Jiao to incorporate and enshrine S Buddha in the Sukhothai style than to incorporate images from. Islam or Christianity. As described" in the historical sketch above, one of the principal strongholds, of DeJiad in Thailand has been Jing Fu Si^ which has always displayed an ecumenical attitude towards the two major schools of Buddhism, and this harmonious relationship can be seen to be illustrated by the iconographic displays on De Jiao altars in Thailand as described above. This practice is also,'of course, a positive factor in public relations. , These tendencies, however, cannot disguise the fact that the incorporation of Thai Buddhist icons is very much part of a strategy for assimilating to the surroundings, and does not affect the fundamental nature of De Jiao. Althou^ Shakyamuni is conspicuously displayed, the essential deities oiDe Jiao remain in unchanged predominance.. The continuing enthusiasm with which Taoist fii-ji rituals are conducted involving Chinese Buddhist elements is a more reliable indication o( the essential identity,ofDe Jiao. In the preceding paper, I have been able to do little more than" present an introduction to this subject..Problems such as the relationship between religion and ethnic identity in De Jiao in.Thailand, the characteristics of De Jiao in ,an urban environm,ent, and the influence of the Indochinese- political situation on De Jiao activities in Thailand remain to be studied in a further paper.

Chinese Urban Religion

19

FOOTNOTES 1. See Li 1919 : YosMhara 1979, 1982 : Zheng 1932: Noguchi 1982, 1983.

2. This chapter is abstracted from one of chapters of Yoehihara 1919. 3. See Xu Di-shan 1941. chapter 1. 4. See Yoshihara 1982. p. 96, p. 106 (footnote no. 17).

5. See Watanabe 1983.

REFERENCES Li, Yih-yuan 1970 An Immigrant Town; Life in an oversease Chinese community in southern Malaya. Academia Sinica. Taipei, chapter 8. 0n Chinese)

Noguchi, Tetsuro 1982 Ethnic Chinese community and religion in Singapore and Malaysia. Bulletin \jf the Department of History and Anthropology. Tsukuba University, Ibaragi, Japan. 0n Japanese) 1983

Two Chinese religions introduced into ’Southeast Asia. In Sakai, Tadao ed. Ethnic Chinese culture in Southeast Asia and culture conflict. Tokyo, (in Japanese)

Yoshihara, Kazuo 1979 Chinese religion in Southeast Asia------ A study of a religion among Chao Zhou dlalet speakers. A/ia Jiho no. 107. Tokyo, (in Japanese)

1982

A Chinese religion in Sarawak------ adaptation and identity. In Nakamaki, Hitochika ed. Friction among gods------ culture contact and nativism. Tokyo, (in Japanese)

Xu, Di-shan 1941 A basic study of a superstition, fu-ji, Shanghai chapter 1. (in Chinese) Zheng, Liang-shu 1982 On history of Chinese culture in Malaysia and Singapore. Singapore. Cm Chinese) Watanabe, Yoshio 1983 On ‘Tian gong sheng”------ A comparative study on folkways of celebrating Yu huang shang di's birthday. Asian Culture. No. 8. (in Japanese)

CITIES AND MIGRANTS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA: A CASE OF jyilNANGKAHAU MIGRANTS IN JAKARTA TSUYOSHI KATO* CONTENTS: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Introduction Migration of Minangkabau .to’Jakarta Same hometown fellowship A 'same hometo^ association of Sulit Air Postscript

1. INTRODUCTION ■As in other countries in the thftd world, the rapid urbanization in this century is one oPthd'most outstanding features in Southeast Asian countries. The data, of five countries,. Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Burma shows that the population in cities witjt more than 100,000 people tripled during 1950—1970. (Table 1) ' Another feature of the cities m Southeast Asia is the,extraordinary growth of certain cities, specially of capital cities (what is called the'“primate city” phenomenon).

TABi^E 1:

Urban populaIions In s. e^' asia (in 1,000)

”'1970

1950

196Q

Philippines

2,692

3.989

6440

Thailand

1,167

1,705

2,825

774

1,600

4,637

9,082

14,340

977

1,194

Peninsular Malaysia Indonesia

Burma

409 ‘

n

■

* 1,880

Source: ESCAP [1978:91]. Associate Professor, Centre for Southeast Asian Studies. Kyoto University.

'TsdyosM Kato

'

j

Most capital*cities’in SoutheaSt^ksian countries, Hcept Bangkok'in'Thailand which was not occupied by othdr’Sol^i^list‘countries experienced an explosive population growth at the end of last century and at the beginning of this century. Especially the popolation, of, Jakarta hasjjrown more than 40 times since the end of last century. (Table 2) TABLE 2: URBAN POPULATION GROWTH

Greater Jakarta

110,669 (1.893)

786,800 (1930)

2,906,532 (1961)

4,546,492 (1971)

Metropolitan Manila

256,729 (1903)

903,313 (1939)

2,426,488 (I960)

3,952,615 (1970)

BangkokThon Buri

628,675 (1904)

1,178,881 (1947)

2,136,435 (1960)

3,077,361 v(1970)

316,200 (1957)

451,728 (1970)

Kuala -Lumpur

£

18,000 (1891.) ‘1 '

ir/. 175,000(1947)

i

Sources: Castles [1967; 157, 166, 172], Indonesia, Biro Pusat Statistik [1974: 98], ESCAP [J978: 86], [1982; 310. n. 5J, Thailand, National Statistical Office [ca 1972- X2I ESCAP [1976: 16], McGee [1975; 14fer, Fell [19^6:''8]; The growth of the cities was not due to the natural growth of themselves but to the ^rations from rural districts to the cities. As the table 3 shows more tlun 30% of the residents in big cities in Southeast Asia are those who migrated from rural districts. The'survey held by Heeren (1955- US) in ™f sampled 10,572 residents in Jakarta, ot them were born m some other district than Jakarta. This figure mav be too extreme. But it is true that a large pottion of residents in big cities in Southeast Asia ai;e those who have migrated in, often from other Urban districts, (see Table 3) TABLE 3

■

1960

1970

Greater Jakarta

50.4%

40.5% .

City of Manila

45.4%

43.1%

Bangkok-Thon Buri

'25.4%

29.8%

Sources: Mertens [1976: 87], ESCAP [1978: 46-47], ESCAP [1976: 16—17].

Minangkabau Migrants

83

Including their children who were born in a big city’ there are many more who don’t, have their hometown iir big -cities. Another survey held in Jakarta in 1961 showed that those who were born in other districts than Jakarta accounted for 50% of .the population. Castles (1967:185) estimatedthat 77% .of the population-in Jakarta-at that time were the migrants^and the Batavia tribe whose hometown was Jakarta were no more than 23%. The calculation based on the census .held in 1971 showed that among-the people in Jakarta two out of three are migrants or. their children. (Speare'1975:’68) The study of the home towns of city residents usually ends'-up with the ‘.‘migration and rapid urbanization” claim and.no further study’has been carried out. But as the migrarits account for large percentage of the residents in bi§ cities in Southeast Asia, »it is necessary to study the immigrants themselves to under­ stand the: circumstances of big oities in Southeast Asia. The study-should include not only -statistics of population such as average age, educational standard and occupations of the migrants but also their way of living and acting. In this paper we study the case of Minangkabau in Indonesia who have more tendency to migrate, in order to understand the effect of fellowship of relatives or people of the same village on the lives'of the migrants in a big city. Particularly we study the area in Jakarta where I stayed from September 4980 to December 1981. 1. Migration of .Minangkabau to,-Jakarta

The-Minangkabau, whose home is'West Sumatra, have a matrilineal family system and are .living widely-all over Indonesia. It is estimated that ‘there are about 3^000,000 Minangkabau in West Sumatra State and about 1,300,000 in other districts in Indonesia (as‘of 1980). They a^e the most earnest Muslims of all the tribes in Indonesia and well known by their family system and “merantau” custom, which means geographical migration or in a broader sense, leaving tJieir home town to seek for education, wealth or fame. Merantau is an old custom not a new one created along with the urbanization.. Many old legends on Minangkabau migrants or explorers are all over Sumatra and imply that there was that custom a long time ago. Not only Sumatra but also Negri'SembUan were developed by the-Minangkabau migrants in the 15th and 16th centuries. (Josselin de Jong 1952: 9'121). Before the 19th century the Minangkabau migrated to a new world to settle there. But after the middle of the century ,when the Dutch colony was established in West Sumatra, they moved there only to work but not to settle. The new monetary system allowed them-to work not only as-a farmer but also as a merchant, teacher or government' clerk. The movement of Minangkabau to Jakarta started to have substantial effect on the society .After this. The Minan^abau used to. become merchants after they migrated^ to a new place, but those who migrated to Jakarta in early, times might not be those who wanted to be a hierchant but those seeking for highej education. For example, ST0VIA (School tot;Opleiding van Indische Artsen) was opened in 1851 in ilakarta and five years later in 1856 two students from West Sumatra

84

Tsuyo^i Kato

entered the school.-The number of the students from West Sumatra increased S'n^abaur”’ ™ students and36 were

Rn^tK sure when Minangkabau merchants started to migrate to Jakarta, ^t the investigation'of Silunkang and Sulit Air,.two villages in West Sumatra

SUunkang merchants in Jakarta (Marzali before* iqjn tn were doing good business in Jakarta betore 1920. (Pusat Organisasi Warganegeri.Sulit Air ca.4957:12). In 1982 re^Iar steam boat services started between Padanc .in West In^a Infonnation.Bureau.of Netherlands India N.d: 27. 31) and smce then not onl^ students but also merchants were JakA^^-i not .many Who moved to Jakarta was under Dutch control. According to the. survey ^nd S, nX-J T"® Europeans Md Chinese) Minan^abau residents, were only 3,186.'(Castles 1967:166) was only 3.2% of the total 99,000 Minangkabaus who were living outside of West Sumatra (Kato 1982:127-^1.28). to-the autobiography of Hamka (1966:42).a famous. Islamic'leader from Minangkabau, Jakarta was mentioned as a very distant place. At, ? censuses after the independence of Indonesia, the pofiulation of Xt! f not been announced because of political reasons. But the 43 S^in 19^1 ‘here were 43,136 in 1961 (Castles 1967 : 172) and 80,612 in !971 (Indonesia Biro I^sat Statistik 1974:97). The number of Minangkabau must be larger if ^ose who were born in Jakarta and those ^^o were born outside* of West Sumatra and then moved to Jakarta are included. Castles estimated the Minangkabau residents in Jakarta in'1961 were about’60.100‘based on the censuses! in 1930 and 1961 * (Castles 1967:185).- Naim estimated the Mmangkabau residents in Jakarta' in early 1970s at about half a miUion based on the interviews with leaders of Minangkabau society (Naim 1979’ 116/ This number ^counts for about 10% of the total residents in Jakarta at that time. Naim-s figure seems a little over efstimated.. But after indeJakj^-tA*^!’V Minangkabaus.moved to is'the-mosrimportant destination for them. (Murad hiqVi My ‘investigation of.four villages in West Sumatra helddn 1972 ?9t tn i07r '^ho left .the viUages from 1961 to 1971 moved td Jakarta. (Kato 1982:145-146) Along with the increasing movement to Jakarta, the follbwing changes were observed. After independence, the- number of- the viUagers who left weL^pT^T After independence their destinations were the five big cities of Jakarta, Bandung, Pakanbani, Medan and Palembang Another change was from staying temperarily to Uving permanently.’ During Dutch colomal times those who moved to a big city were mainly a^lt males engaged m peddling, who returned home once or twice a year during the Eut after independence, a whole famUy moved to settle there. They were what was caUed “Meranfau Cino.” As big citifes grew, a big market was created and peddling or o^n market hawking became a business good enough to support a family: So a whole family could move to a big city and settle there.

Minangkabau 'Migrants

85

These changes were specially notable after PRRI (Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia)>in 1958. PRRI was a movement which broke out in West Sumatra with a motto “AntiJakarta, “Anti-Sukarno” and “Anti-communism”. The movement was soon put down but some guerrillas continued the rebellion till 4961. After the riot. West Sumatra was put under the control of the central government. Under' the presstire o‘f the government, West Sumatra was not such a‘ nice place as'before for the Minangkabau. For those-who joined the rebellion, West Sumatra was not a safe place. Under these circumstances, many MirtSngkabau left-their hometown for a big city where there were more chance for business and where they could keep their past affairs in secret. Oi\e investigation showed that .estimated 54,000 - 60,000 Minan^abaus left West Sumatra fof Jakarta/rom'1958 to 1971. II Same hometown fellowship > V , , The Minangkabau migrants are not those ^^41o move into cities personally as an independent ^inflividual nor those who are listed in statistics as a “migrant”. Their moving into, a city and living there is as it were an extension of their village l^ves. The network of their private and tribal relations enables their jnigration. .When they leave their home village, they have had their own connections wifh someone in the.city. "Usually the person is their relative or someone from the same vjUage^ whom they can rely on. Some want to move to a city for themselves. Others are encouraged to n^ove.there by such a person. When migrants started their lives in a city, they have to depend on the related person (menumpang). They are ofjen Jielped.by him on how to make a living in the ,city. When they be^oipe financially independent they find their own place to stay near the personj Thus, migrants from the same village live close by each other in a certain area in a big city like Jakarta. Therefore, even-the main jobs of the same tribal resijlepts are often different in a. different city. For example, many Sulit Air residents in Jakarta are dealing in stationery and books. The sanje-Sulit Air in Medan are making and peddling confectionery. The difference isrdue to their former business in Sulit Air. This is good example which shows that blood relation and geographic relation have much to do with their migration (merantau). If they continue moving to cities, relying on their related person, it is natural that same hometown associations (ikatan keluarga or persatuan keluarga) are organized in a city. For Minangkabau migrants who live in Jakarta or other big cities, the same hometown association is the most familiarand important organization. This social process was not so«active while the country was under Dutch control. There were not .many, .migrants and fnost of them were peddlers moving from town to town. It was difficult for them to organize such an association. They intended to live in a town temporarily to work there. Those who left their hometown were mainly unmarried young men who came back to their homes once or twice a year. They didn’t intend to settle down in a city. Even though they lived in a city, they were identified as.a villager both by themselves and their hometown people. •

86

Tsuyoshi Kato

After independence from Holland, not only unmarried men but' whole families also -started to .move to a number of bigger cities. The number of migrants became -much larger 'than before and promoted-.the .organizing of same hometown associations. As more and more migrants together with their families lived tin a city, not only financial aspects but also,traditional aspects such as wedding and funeral changed. Mutual help became much mor^ im­ portant. The same hometown associations were organized to meet these requirements. Another factor which encouraged the organization was the PRRI incident. The failure of the riot, the frustration by it and the social and political hard­ ships afterward strengthened their kinship and tribal relations. For example, because of the riot, the communication between Jakarta and West Sumatra was cut off. The Minangkabau students in Jakarta couldn’t receive the remittance from their parents. The troubles like this were solved by the help of the same village association. It is not known how many Minangkabau associations there are in Jakarta now, but most of them were established after the PRRI incident (1958-1961). If there are enough of the same village migrants in a city, they organize the association among themselves. If there, are ndt enough they organize it by the same area (kecamat^j or by the same district (kabupaten) in West Sumatra. In a small city where there’is not a‘big enough number *of Minang­ kabau residents to organize the same kabupaten assddiation, they organize onfe for the whole Minangkabau. They are conscious not only of relatives or same hometown relations but also of tribabrelations among themselves. Now the representative organizations of the Minangkabau residents in Jakarta are BKKKAM (Badan Koordinasi Kesenian Kebudayaan Alam Minangkabau) and KPPDTSB (Kantor Promosi Pembangunan Daerah Tingkat I Sumatera Barat). The former is organized by wealthy and eminent Minang­ kabau residents in Jakarta &nd sponsors the -Lebaran held at Sunayan Hall after the Fast Day. The latter is an office to keep connectiori between the central government and West Sumatra. Though it has such an official function, it has a close relationship-with Minangkabau society in Jakarta, for Minang­ kabau students association KMM (Kumpulan Mahasiswa Minangkabau) ‘is borrowing their main office in that building and Minangkabau residents in Jakarta call KPPDTSB “Embassy of Minangkabau’’ which* protects and preserves their interests^ There are many other • organizations such as “Kesenian Minang Rantak Kudo’’ which plays and preserves their traditional music, “Yayasan Bunda” which is an association of upper class wives, “Gomarang” a spOrts club, “Tuah Sekato Penyiar Minang Jakarta”, an announcers’ association, etc. But the same- hometown associations are the most important and closely united organization for the Minangkabau residents in Jakarta.

in A same hometown association of Sulit AuNow we study the case of the Sulit Air association in Jakarta 'whose activities I could observe when I was there.

Minangkabau .Migrants

87

Sulit -Air is located at the middle heights of West Sumatra; the cultural center of Minangkabau. The total area-including farming, residential and forest area is 2,710 hectars. As the name shows, Sulit means (difficult) and Air (water). It Was difficult -for them to expand rice fields at their inland area of Sumatra. This may be a reason why so many'people left their hometown and set up a well established, same hbmetown association. According to the census in 1980, the population of the village was 11,141. It was 10,849 in 1961 and 11,642 in 197,1. The increase of the population was very small in these 20 years and*during the last 10 years it was decreased by* outflow of the population. It is said that three times more people of the village are living outside the’ village. This doesn’t sound like an exaggeration. It is ^d there are about 8,000, residtfnts in ‘Jakarta who are from Sulit Air (as of 1981). The association is called Sulit Air Sepakat or SAS in short: It was founded first in 1908 at Padang,- the capital city of West Sumatra. Then many other associations were founded aU over Indonesia with various names. In 1970 they had a discussion "and decided that SAS is the official name of the'Same hometown associations and that 'a headquarters'of the associations'(Dewan Pimpinan Pusat) was set up in Jakarta to control all other branch associations. The c'oriimittee of the headquarters- were elected at a general meeting (MusVawarah Besar’Keluarga SAS) held every other year by the representative of each branch association. In 1970s when the SAS was'most active, there were 69 SAS branch' associations at almost all big cities. But later when a powerful leader retired, the activities dwindled to 37 branth association as of 1981. They have houses for meeting at Pekanbaru, Parembang, Padang, etc. The assobiation in Jakarta -has a dormitory for students from Sulif Air. Most of th'ese assets were-donated by rich members. As Jakarta is so big and there are so many Sulit Air residents there that there are ten branch associa­ tions and one of them has a meeting hall. One of the periodical activities of the association is a mengaji (Islamic preaching meeting held onctf a month-at a meeting place or at a house of a rich family. The meeting starts about 8:00 pm and ends after 10:00 or 11:00 pm. An Islamic religious man (not-necessarily a man from the same home town) makes a lecture. After a chanting- of the Koran and praying, they serve some light snacks and' a drink. At the meetings I attended, there were about 50 people, young and old, male and female. After mengaji they sometimes have koperasi activity (nfiutual financing). This is a loan of the money, donated by rich members or' collected as a monthly fee from the ‘members. In spite of frequent bankruptcy of the loan, it is very popular .among-them. There is another! mutual financing for women called “arisam” The meeting is held periodically after mengaji or independently. It is organized among about ten women/ They pool a certain amount of money every month. The money is drawn-in turn by the members. The order is decided by lots. Arisan is also for .social communication and is held at different memb'er’s house by turns. Food is served, common talk and gossip are exchanged or'a bazaar of cheap goods is held. Arisan is very popular among women in Jakarta. Some rich Sulit Air women join many arisans.

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Another* important periodical activity, though held only once/a year, is Lebaran, which is like Japanese. “Shogatsu”‘(New Year’s festival). Family, relatives and same hometown people hold various*celebration meetings. SAS has many non-fegular adtivities. One is4he publishiilg of books which he^s mertibers to foster fellowship/ Each SAS branch publish'various books. The most imporUnt is-“Suara SAS”*(Voice of-SAS)-published by..the head­ quarters. Most are^Wohthly but-not published regularly. As SAS doesn’t have regular incomeJike members’ fee, and as the book is free of charge', the editors’and other staff are volunteefs. it is very difficult‘for SAS to continue the publishing activities. v . , Another non-regular activity is mutual aid in the event of rfiarriage,-funeral and fire. It may be either spirituabor financial aid* For* example in 1981 a respectable businessman from Sulit Air died in Jakarta. At his funeral about 2,000 peoplei of.the same hometown attended, the for young men living in a-city and'young wbmeridiving in-thefvilla'ge. Some' people go back to the village ahy time’. 'Some’bld people go up to a big-city nb fneet their sort-or- daughtefi'They Hchange letters’.’Affairs happen in village'spread'quickly' in one or two days to a’cityXhiough’“walking radios” (radio dengkul) or vice versa. The'^^age andJSASun a city'arb connected by a good information’network.'The marriage ewith the‘same villager^m'akes this network • even wider. In a sense this infonhatibn- netwbrk create strong unity and close relations between'SAS and the village and makes the m'embers of SAS send money to theif hometoW. ‘However,' ih* these ten years, there seems to be a little change in^ulit'Air society in Jakarta. The number of Minangkabau marriage^ with other tribes a're increasing 'gradually. For ‘the residents* in Jakarta, ‘SuIiV Air is-a distant villa*ge. There’ are many ‘other associations- they can belong to bfesides' the same hometown “association. Thfey may b’e groups of'eoUeagobs, clSsSUibtes or neighbours. -But'still-’their hometown has greatdr effects'on therri. TTiey identify themselves as Sulit Air or Minangkabau not -as Jaka'ft^ residents or 'Indonesian eVerf'if they have lived for* tens of years in‘Jakarta?

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So we. have studied the population flow, from rural districts;to cities com­ paring the lives in villages and in cities. The materiaUand ecoifoipiQ environ­ ment of cities are different from those .of-,villages. Even human relations„way of living, way of. thinking-and way of behaving are-diffeyenf (Wirth 1938). Therefore' migration .is not only'the change,of liying place but also all other environments. When ,we study the lives of migrants in a city,;'we need-tp consider their adaptability to the city life and their proems?, ‘hecopie a city dweller. Those who,§tudy migration shotild .open, their ey^s al$o to the relations of aties and villages. There are soipg reports dike “Urban^villaggrs” (Gaps 1962) and “Ruralization of city’’ ^(Abul^ghod 196.1:23) in, which "villagers society in a city” was jointed out. Butstill they were observing their lives only from, the .point of yjew qf fCity lives. The cases* of Sujit Air jn. Jakarta ^shqw that thgir, way of tjiin^mg o? be,haviour can^t^h® understood if we ■^sregard-the relation betw.een cities and villages. :As communicatipn .and transportation'meaps arp developing., day by day, so-cultural .and human .exchanges are increasing. The study’of city residents must be multidimensional.

Postscript The matrilineal system creates ,blood relations more'easily. In case of the. Minangkabau, they have‘customarily married the* same villagers and this has made their kinship links even stronger.. The PRRI incident, a bitter ex­ perience for them, made their fellowship stronger still. Considering, .these special situations of the Sulit Air >and’ the Minangkabau, they may not -be good sample cases to study the migration to'big cities. The urbanization in .Southeast Asia is called "pseudo urbanization” (McGee* 1967: 17) or “urbanization.without industrialization”, i.e. urbaniza­ tion is.rtot due to the business opportunity .by industrialization. It is true that new migrants could manage tolmake.a.living in Jakarta, but if, was only by means of rag-picking peddling, tabacco. picking, serving as a m,aid, houseboy or a driver. These were.,very low-paid jobs, not those obtained through an employment,.office or an.employment advertisement on a newspaper. Those who .moved from a village .to a big fity.had to work.without employment contract, without any unemployment or health insurance. They had to live in unstable, harsh circumstances, in a big.city. .Under this condition, the-most reliably squrce of.belp./or them are bloQd relations, a same hometowp fellow­ ship or in a wider sense, the .tribe fellowship. Not only Indonesia but also most .Southeast Asian countries are multi racial, ipylti tribal nations. Peopfe in one village in one distict have special racial, tribal, linguistic or. religious relations. There, isn’t any ideology which advocates assimilation of the racial melting pot nor a -national culture which encourages assimilation. Migrants to a,big city in Southeast Asia rely on their racjal or tribal back­ ground. A multi racial,-multi tribal nation,is most typically.Represented in a big city.-Geertz (1967; 34) said Indonesia is dhe most typical case of a plural society. But this is also the case for other Southeast Asian countries. Big

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cities have the circumstances 5Adiich force the residents to foster racial and tribal unity. ' The interdependence, same province association and racial activities (such as the above mentioned Lebaran meeting held at The Sunayan Public Hall) Qf. the Minangkabau in- Jakarta should be .examined in connection with the general circumstances in big cities. As big cities in Southeast Asian countries have such peculiar features, the case of the Minangkabau may be a little ^too extreme but not exceptional. As I know in Jakarta, there are some other associations and activities of other tribes or other.district people. After I studied the cases of the Minangkabau, I want to point out that the fap^iily relationship, same hometown relationship or tribal consciousness in Southeast Asian countries, is not fully investigated and the inter-relation of cities and villages is often- disregarded. -I think that the inter-relation is an important subject to study and “the migrants to cities” movement require more investigation, The Investigation of'“the migrants to cities” is not .only a subject for anthropology and sociology, but it is important to study redistribution of wealtl), from cities to villages and to unify multi-racial, multi-tribal nation stated In a sense, residents in cities are transferring .wealth to villages more efficiently than the central government. The organic relation between cities and villages through migrants moderates the conflict^ of “poor villages” ^and “extravagant cities”. The residents living in big cities in Southeast Asia are in a way, a test sample to study multi racial, multi tribal nations and to understand the psychological and cultural state of the' people.

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Amali, Jurhan 1970 Masjaiakat Goiontalo di Tandjung Priok. Unpublished M. A. Thesis. Fakultas Sastra, Univeisitas Ratulangi. Bniner, Edward M. 1972 Batak Ethnic Associations in Three Indonesian Cities. South-western Journal of •• Anthropology 28(3) : 207—229. 1974

The Expression of Ethnicity in Indonesia. In Urban Ethnicity, edited by Abner Cohen. London: Tavistock Publications.

Castles, Lance 1967 The Ethnic Profile of Jakarta. Indonesia 3 (April): 153—204.

Effendy,‘Tenas; and EffencTy, Nahar. ca.' Llntasan Sefarah Kerafaan Siak Sri Indrapura, Pekanbaru: Badan Pembina *1972 ^KeSeriian Daetah Propinsi Riau.

ESCAP. 1976

Population of Thailand. ESCAP O»untry Monograph Series No'. 3. Bangkok:

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Population of the Philippines. ESCAP Country Monograph Series No’ 5

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FeU. H. . 1960

2957 Population Census of the Federation of Malaya. Report No. 14. Kuala Lumpur: Department of Statistics.

Fritz' Joachim /n/Ajrwcru/e of iffest Sumatrt^’PApott of West Sumatra 'Regional Planning 1972 Study. Bonri and Jakarta: West Sumatra Regional Plahning-Study. Funke, W.W. 1972 Abung. In Ethnic Groui>s of Insular Southeast Asia Volume 1: Indonesia, Andaman' Isla^ds,‘and Madagascar, edited and’compiled-by Frank M/‘tbbar New Haven; Human Rdations’Area Files. i

Gans, Herbert J. 1962. 77jc Urban Villagers: Group and Class in the Life of Italian-kmericans.' York: The Free JYess.

Geertz, Hjldred 1967 Indorieslan Cultures* Snd Commuhitie’s. In Indonesia, edited by Ruth T McVeJf.- New Haven: Human ’-Relations Area^ Files. Graves, Elizabeth, E. 1981 The Minangicabau Response to Dutch Colonial Rule in the Nineteenth Cen. tury; luiaca, N. Y.: Cornell M6dem Indonesia Project.

Hamka (Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amni!i»h) 1966 Xenang-JCenuMion Hidup. 2nd Ed. Kuala Lumpur: Pustaka Antara. Heeren, H. J., ed. 1955 Urbamsasi Djakarta. Ekonomi dan Keuangan Indonesia 2(3): 107—151.

Hugo, Graeme J. 1981 Population Mobility in West Java. .Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press. Ir^donesia, Biro Pusat Statistik, , 1974 SensMi Penduduk 1971: Penduduk.-D. K. I. Jakarta Raya. Seri E No. 09. Jakarta: Biro Pusat Statistik.

Jaspan, M. A. , 1964 From Patriliny to Matriliny: Structural Chan^ among Redjang of South­ west Sumatra. Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation. Australian National Uni­ versity. Jellinek, Lea. 1977 The Pondok of Jakarta. Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 13(3)'

1978 -1

Circular Migration and the Pondok Dwelling System: A C-ase Study, of IceCream Jraders in J^^rta. .In F004 Shelter and. Transport in Sofitheast As/a and the Pacific, edited by P. Rimmer, T.G. McGee and D. Diakakis-Smith. Canberra: Australian National University.

Josselin de Jong, P. E. de. » 1952 Minangkabau and Negri Sembaan: Socio-Political Structure in Indonesia. The Hague; Martinus Nijhoff.

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Kantoi Sensus dan Statistik D. K. I. Jakarta 1980 Jakarta dalam-Angka 1979, Jakarta: Kantoi Sensus dan Statistik D. K. 1. Jakarta. Kato, Tsuyoshi 1982 Matriliny and Migration: Evolving Minangkabau Traditions in Indonesia. Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press. Lobamehal, Sudjal .-Zak. , 1973 Pedagang Sate Madura di Jakarta. Unpublished M. A. Thesis. Fakultas Sastia, Universitas Indonesia.

Maizali, Amii.* 1973 Orang Sildngkang di Jakarta: 'Latar Belakang dan Fungsi Konflik dalam Sistim Kekeiabatan Mereka. Unpublished M. A. Thesis. Fakultas Sastra dan Kebudayaan, Universitas Gajah Mada.

McGee, TIG. 1967 The Southeast Asian City: A Social Geography of the Primate Cities of Southeast Asia. London: G. Bell and Sons. 1975

Malay Migration to Kuala Lumpur City: Individual Adaptation to the City. In Migration and Urbanization: Models and Adaptive Strategies, edited by "Brian M. Dutbit and Helen I. Safa.' The Hague: Mouton Publishers.*

Mertens, Walter 1976 Jakarta, a Country in a City: A Demographic Introduction to Jakarta. Ma'/alah Demografl Indonesia 3(6): 50—109.

Murad, Auda 1980 Merantau: Outmigration in a Matrilineal Society of West Sumatra, Indonesian Population Monograph Series No. 3. Canberra: Department of Demography, Australian National University.

Naim, Mochtar 1979 Merantau: Pola Migrasl Suku Minangkabau. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada Uni­ versity Press. Neumann, J. H. 1972 Sed/arah Batak-Xaro: Sebuah Sumbangan, L. I. P. I. Seri Terdjemahan Kaiangan Belanda No. 2. Translated by Siahaan-Nababan. Djakarta: Bhratara. Pandjaitan, Nuimala Kartini 1977 Kegiatan Dagang Inang-Inang: Kedudukan dan Peranarmya dalam Keluarga dan Masyarakat Batak Toba di Jakarta. Unpublished M. A. Thesis. Fakultas Sastra, Universitas Indonesia.

Panitia Musyawarah Besar Keluarga Sulit Air Sepakat Ke VII. 1981 Buku Petunjuk Musyawarah SAS Ke VII. Jakarta: Panitia Musyawarah Besar Keluarga Sulit Air Sepakat Ke VII.

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Schnitger, F. M. 1939 Forgotten Kingdoms In'Sumatra. Leiden: E. J. Brill.

i

Sis, Maulud Tumenggung 1970 Mapalus Orang-Orang Minahasa di Djakarta. Unpublished ’-M. A. Thesis. Fal^tas Sastra, Universitas Indonesia. Speare, Alden, Jr. 1975 Interpreting the Migration Data from the 1971 Census. Majaiahii:>emografi Indonesia *2(3) : 66—85. Suparlan, Parsudi 1963 Masyarakat Sangii Talaud di Tanjung Priuk: Dengan Latar Belakang Masyarakat San^ Talaud di San^ Talaud. Unpublished M..A. Thesis. Fakultas Sastra, Universitas Indonesia. Szekeley-Lulofs, M. H. 1954 Tjoet Nja Din: Riwajat Hidup Seorang Puteri Atjeh. Translated by Abdoel Moeis. Djakarta: Chailan Sjamsoe.

Thailand, National Statistical Office ca Statistical Yearbook Thailand Number 29 1970-1971. Ban^ok: National 1972 Statistical Office. Travellers ’ Official Information Bureau of Netherlands India. N. d. Sdmatra, Batavia: Travellers’ Official Information Bureau of Netherlands India. Wirth; Louis 1938 Urbanism as a Way of Life. The American Journal of Sociology 44(1): 1-24.

95

•^CONTENTS OF PREVIOUS NUMBERS* f NUMBER 1

f

STUDIES OF ETHNIC MINORITY PEOPLES. Anthony R. Walker, ed.

Editor’s 'ifttroductidn* The Mirek: Islamized Indigenes of Northwestern Sarawak, Part 1 Tunku Zainah Tunku Ibnftlm

Bolo Agriculture and Subsistence Production in Upland Mindoro: The Case of the Buhid •Mangyan ’ Violeta Lopez-Gonzaga

Jah Hut Musical Culture: Context and Content Marie-Andree CouillanJ, M. Elizabeth Cardoza and Margaret R. Martinez

American Perceptions of Hmong Ethnicity: A Study of Hrfiong Refugees in Missoula, Montana Susanne Bessac and Frank B. Bessac I

Economic Systems and Ethnic Relations in Northern Thailand William Y. Dessalnt and Alain Y. Dessaint

Basic Themes in Akha Culture Paul W. Lewis Lahu Nyi (Red Lahu) Village Officials and their Ordination CeremoniesAnthony R.^ Walker

The Meithei of Manipur and their Rajput Affiliations: A Study in Cultuial.History Kamalesh Guha

A Lun l5ayeh Engagement Negotiation /ay B. Crain

NUMBER 2

STUDIES IN CHINESE FOLK RELIGION IN SINGAPORE AND MALAYSIA, John. R. Qammer, ed.

Editor’s Introduction Chinese Spirit Mediums in Singapore: An Ethnographic Study* Ju Shi Huey

Chinese Divination Choong Ket Che

The Sam Poh Ne’o Neo'Keramat: A Study of a Baba Chinese Temple Cecilia Ng Slew Hua

Ideology, Authority and Conflict in a Chinese Religious Movement in West Malaysia Raymond L. M. Lee dnd S. E. Ackerman

Automatic Writing in Singapore Ruth-Inge Heinze

Postscript: Chinese Religious Studies Today Harry Parkin

Confucianism as Folk Religion in Singapore: A Note Leo Juat Beh and John Clammer

96 NUMBER 3

ETHNICITY AND • LOCAL POLITICS IN MALAYSIA: SIX CASE STUDIES. Tan Chee Beng, ed.

Editor*^ Introduction

Sea and Shore People: Ethnicity and Ethnic Interaction in Southeastern Sabah Clifford Sather

Elements of Ethnic Ranking in Urban Malay Society M. Jocelyn Armstrong

Native but Not Bum^iutera: Crisis and Complexity in the Political Status of the Kelantan Thais After Independence 'Roger Kershaw

( Chitty Melaka: Hindus,=.'Indians’ or Marginal Malaysians Dov/d Meams Kin Networks and Baba Identity Tun Chee Beng

Old Antagonisms, New Rivalries: Politics in a Rural Malay Community Shamsul A.

NUMBER 4

STUDIES OF RESOURCE UTILIZATION, Anthony R. jValker, ed.

Editor’s Introduction Resource Utilization at Miang Tuu, A. Village on Bonerate Island in the Flores Sea Harald Beyer Brbch

The Dtversifled Economy of the Orang Kanag of Southeastern Johor, Malaysia Omar bln Abdul

The Movement of Lahu Hill People towfids a Lowland Lifestyle in North Thailand: A Study of Three Villages Fefer W. C. Hoare

Opium: Its Cultivation and Use in a Lahu N^i (Red Lahu) Village Community in North Thailand Anthony

Walker

Plou^ Agriculture and Cash Crop Production in Upland Mindoro: The Case of the Buhid Mangyan Vloleta Lopez-Gonzaga

Boat Crews and Fid)ing^ Fleets: Tl)e Social Organization of Maritime Labour among the Bajau Laut of Southeastern Sabah Clifford Sather

The Mirek: Itiamized Indigenes, of Northwestern Sarawak - Part Two Tunku Zainah TUnku fbrahim

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