Studies in historical graphemics 882101021X, 9788821010217

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

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STUDI E TESTI

532

DELIO V. PROVERBIO

STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

CITTÀ DEL VATICANO

B IBLIOTECA A POSTOLICA VATICANA 2019

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Pubblicazione curata dalla Commissione per l’editoria della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Marco Buonocore (Segretario) Eleonora Giampiccolo Timothy Janz Antonio Manfredi Claudia Montuschi Cesare Pasini Ambrogio M. Piazzoni (Presidente) Delio V. Proverbio

Descrizione bibliografica all’indirizzo www.vaticanlibrary.va

Proprietà letteraria riservata © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2019 ISBN 978-88-210-1021-7 TIPOGRAFIA VATICANA

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Contents Preface. A discoursive introduction ……………………………………………………………………….. 7 Preface. A formal introduction …………………………………………………………………………….. 9 Chapter I. Hàn-Huí hé-bì: a Modern Uyghur lexicon in Chinese transcription …………… 11 1.0 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 13 1.1 The Hàn-Huí hé-bì brought to light …………………………………………………………… 14 1.2 Previous contributions addressing Hàn-Huí hé-bì ……………………………………….. 16 2.0 Our theoretical approach ………………………………………………………………………….. 17 2.1 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 18 2.2 Chinese transcription in Hàn-Huí hé-bì: linguistic data ……………………………….. 19 2.2.1.1 Chinese transcription in Hàn-Huí hé-bì: a formal model ……………………… 23 2.2.1.2 Equivalences …………………………………………………………………………………… 25 2.2.2 Implementing a Moore machine …………………………………………………………… 26 2.3.1 The Uyghur entries of Hàn-Huí hé-bì …………………………………………………… 27 2.3.2 A phonetic transcription in Chinese script ……………………………………………... 28 2.3.3 Excursus: a highly consistent Chinese phonetic transcription ………………… 31 2.4 Lexical paradigms …………………………………………………………………………………….. 36 2.4.1 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 37 2.4.2 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 39 2.4.3 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 39 2.4.3.1 Excursus …………………………………………………………………………………………... 40 2.4.4 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 41 2.4.5 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 42

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

2.5 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 43 3.0 Connecting a Mealy machine with a Moore machine ……………………………………. 45 3.1 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 46 3.2 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 48 4.0 Conclusions ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 50 5.0 Appendix …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 52 Chapter II. A neglected side-ancestor of modern, Latin-based Turkish alphabet : the Stambollit alphabet …………………………………………………………………………………………… 59 1

Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 61

2

What is a hyperphonemic writing system? …………………………………………………… 63

3

The Yaŋalif writing system ………………………………………………………………………….. 66

4

The Stambollit writing system ……………………………………………………………………. 68

5

The case of morpheme #–dXQ# …………………………………………………………………. 72

6

Progressive front-vowel harmony ………………………………………………………………. 76

7

Government Phonology under scrutiny ……………………………………………………… 77

8

Introducing abstract phonetic features ……………………………………………………… 79

9

A much lighter approach ………………………………………………………………………….. 81

10 Double–nature of the Stambollit alphabet …………………………………………………… 82 11 2–level hyperphonemic systems: a visual presentation ………………………………….. 83 12 2–level hyperphonemic systems: a model–theoretical definition …………………… 86 13 Appendix: Inner Harmonic Syntagm versus Phonological Word ………………… 88 Chapter III. Again on phonemic writing systems: Modern Standard Turkish ……………… 91 1 Modern Standard Turkish ……………………………………………………………………………. 93 2 Well-formedness ………………………………………………………………………………………… …94 3 Monomodal Kripke-Frames and Groupoids …………………………………………………… 95 4 A paradoxical Universe ……………………………………………………………………………….. 96 Bibliography ……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 99

漢回合壁 …………………………………………………………………………………………………….. *1-*72

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  

Preface. A discoursive introduction “Language ‒ here in the special acceptation of ‘articuled phonation as a semiotic phenomenon’ ‒ is an anthropic universal”. Such a statement could proceed from the idea of ancestrality (or inner foreknowledge) which was already encapsulated in the famous passages of the Confessiones by Augustine with which Ludwig Wittgenstein introduced his posthumously published (1953) Philosophische Untersuchungen. According to this passage, phylogenetic language development ‒ which we may think as coincident, although antipodean, in respect to ontogenetic Kindersprache development as described by Roman Jakobson ‒ proceeds by ostension of material objects ‘depository of meaning’ (the primitive, aphasic phase of Wittgenstein’s paradoxical tribe of Builders), while repeatedly hearing an oral utterance which turns out to be ‘depository’ of the same meaning. With the thought experiment about the afasic Builders tribe ‒ through which he falsifies the Augustinian operationalist model ‒ Wittgenstein furthermore shows that there could be no human community, however small, without verbal language. Another ‘anthropic universal’, indirectly referred to by the Augustinian model, is the very fact that there can be no unintelligible human speech, since even languages never before heard could be understood «ex motu corporis […] tamquam verbis naturalibus omnium gentium». Writing, on the other hand, could hardly be defined as an ‘anthropic universal’. Many human populations have lived ‒ and at least a few currently live ‒ without writing. Or at least, without a writing system of their own.

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

More than that: with the exception of those rare cases of polygenetic origin which may have occurred over several millennia of human history, writing always appears as a promethean gift ‘borrowed’ from a neighbour. Unlike linguistic evolution and propagation, which are driven by multifold evolutionary algorithms, all stemming from the basic phenomenon of of interaction ‒ ‘language contact’ in its multifarious manifesttations: convergence from a merely geographic cluster; pidginization and creolization; polycentrism by diglossia, multiglossia, xenoglossia; substratum and superstratum influence; etc. ‒ the propagation of writing is much more similar to a straightforward loan (if not to furtively donning a used cloak). Furthermore, it is not easy, at least in the case of a majority of writing systems, to identify the threshold stage in which a writing is still in its ‘ancestral xenic status’. But since, according to Ernst Haeckel, «Die Ontogenesis ist eine kurze und schnelle Rekapitulation der Phylogenesis», we may indirectly observe in statu nascenti such a threshold stage through the phenomenon which most clearly differentiates history of writing from linguistic evolution: allography, or graphic xenism. Under certain historical circumstances, and for reasons completely unrelated to linguistic evolution ‒ often, but not always, of religious nature ‒ a given script which may be defined as ‘historically contiguous’ to a given natural language, is consistently employed in a foreign, non-native linguistic domain. Just to cite a few examples: the Sino-xenic allgraphies (the phenomenon of Chinese writing employed, among others, in the Vietnamese or Korean domain); the Judeo-xenic-allographies (the extensive phenomenon of Hebrew writing employed outside the Judeo-Aramaic domain); the Syro-xenic allographies, etc.1 Being intrinsically ‘xenic’, i.e. foreign (whether ancestrally or allographically), a given script very infrequently turns out to be a ‘perfectly fit’2 for

1

A panoramic, overview addressing a large variety of allographic phenomena, is provided

in den Heijer, Schmidt & Pataridze (2014); Baglioni & Tribulato (2015). 2

Cp. Chapter II, note 2.

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PREFACE

9

encoding the phonemic repertory of a ‘contiguous’ language. On the contrary, hypophonemic writings are very common. In the present booklet, we will chiefly deal with a much less common case: sometimes, particularly when a (possibly slightly modified) historyical script is employed as a transcription tool in a rigorously non-xenic (non-allographic) context, it turns out to be hyperphonemic, i.e. it encodes more sounds than required by the linguistic domain in which it is locally employed. Preface. A formal introduction The present contribution is aimed at formally describing a number of modular transcoding processes between (at least) a 2-tuple of symbol sets ‒ in the case, alphabets (more precisely, their underlying representations: X₁, …, X𝓃) and phonemic repertories (Y₁, …, Y𝓃) ‒ within the range: |X𝓃|>|Y𝓃|

f: X𝓃⟷ Y𝓃 |X𝓃||Y𝓃|

In the third chapter, we will endeavour to demonstrate that, even in case of a ‘minimalized’, hypophonemic alphabet X𝓃 denoting the following transcoding relationship: f: X𝓃⟷ Y𝓃 |X𝓃| | Σ2|) − but even (∀x|x ∈ X𝓃) ⟶ (x ⊭ φ⊲*); that is, even the relationship between mother- and daughter-nodes turns out to be not strictH H ly (bi)univocal. In other words, not only are X𝓃 and Y𝓃 not ∈-isomorphic

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

in principle , since the mapping function f = (x → 𝕾m = 〈𝖌1, …, 𝖌n〉) ≠ g = (y → 𝖌n):16 they are not mutually isomorphic at all. We are compelled to admit that a proper transliteration (transH H coding) between X𝓃 and Y𝓃 (thus, between Σ1 and Σ2) seems impossible, as a consequence of the fact that (x ⊭ φ⊲*) ∧ (x ⊭ ψU) ⟶⊤. Now, assuming that [(∀z = 〈y1, y2〉|z ∈ Σ4) ∧ (∃w = 〈x1, x2〉 ≡ 〈𝕾1, 𝕾2〉|w ∈ Σ3)], we can assess that (w ⊨ φxy) ⟶ ⊤, where the statement ‘w enjoys the property φxy’ means that the ordered 2-tuple w = ⟨x1, x2⟩ is a domain of which the range is z = {y1, y2} ‒ while the expression γz1 ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹z1) ‘γz1 enjoys the property φγ𝔁’, means that the node γz1 dominates the node 𝓹z1 ‒ as it is apparent from the following graph: P𝓃-𝓂 =

{y1,

y2}

𝖌1

𝖌2

φxy w𝓃-𝓂= ⟨x1, x2⟩ 𝕾1 = 〈𝖌1, 𝖌2, 𝖌3〉

γz(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

γz(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

φγ𝔁

γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)2 γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)3

𝓹z1 (𝓹z2 ∨ ∅) 𝓰1

(𝓰2 ∨ |∅|) (𝓰3 ∨ ∅)17

As a possible, easy-going interpretation of tuple w𝓃-𝓂 = ⟨x1, x2⟩ (and its specular projection y𝓃-𝓂 = ⟨y1, y2⟩), it may be assumed that it encapsulates the structure of the syllabic cluster CV(C)C, analysed as follows:

16

Cp. Weaver (2014): 22: “A function f : M → N is an ∈-isomorphism if it is a bijection and

we have x ∈ y ↔ f(x) ∈ f(y) for all x, y ∈ M”. 17

Here and in the following, we will unambiguously distinguish between “|∅|” and “∅”.

When we say that 𝖌2 dominates 𝓰2 or |∅|, we are stating that 𝖌2 may correspond with 𝓰2 or with its zero-representation. When we say that 𝖌3 dominates 𝓰3 or ∅, we are stating that 𝖌2 may correspond with 𝓰2 or with nothing (empty slot).

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HÀN-HUÍ HÉ-BÌ

( 漢回合壁)

25

x2

x1 Onset/Nucleus CV

Rhyme (C)C

2.2.1.2 Equivalences In the following, we will make use of the reported equivalences below: 𝓂 𝓃

a=

𝓂 𝓃

γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)1;

γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)2;

𝓂 𝓂 𝓃

c=

a≦𝓃 = (a ∨ a≡𝓃);

b≡𝓃 = c≡𝓃 = 𝓂

𝒶=

γz(σ𝓃-𝓂)1;

𝓂 𝓂 𝓃

γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)2;

b≦𝓃 = (b ∨ b≡𝓃);

𝓂

γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)3;

𝓂

γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)1;

𝓂

𝓂 𝓂 𝓃

b=

a≡𝓃 =

𝒷=

γz(σ𝓃-𝓂)2;

𝓂

γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)3;

c≦𝓃 = (c ∨ c≡𝓃); 𝒶≡𝓃 = 𝓂

𝓂 𝓃

𝓹𝒶1 =

γz(σ𝓃-𝓂)1;

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)

𝓂

𝒷≡𝓃 =

γz(σ𝓃-𝓂)2;

𝓂

Moreover, a number of predicates, of the type exemplified below, will be abbreviated as follows: (∀a | a ⊲* 𝓰(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 ≡ |𝓰|) =

∀a: ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓰)

(∀a | a ⊲* 𝓰(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 ≠ |𝓰|) =

∀a: ⊭ φγ𝔁(𝓰)

(∀𝒶≡𝓃 | 𝒶≡𝓃 ⊲* 𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1) =

∀𝒶≡𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝒶1)

In writing “∀a […] ⟶ ∃𝒶 […]”, we always imply that “𝒶” has precisely the same sequential position as “a”. Conversely, in writing “∀𝒶 […] ⟶ ∃a […]”, we always imply that “a” has precisely the same sequential position as “𝒶”. In order to avoid any ambiguity, meaning that a certain “b≦𝓃” occurs precisely within the same atomic string (σ𝓃-𝓂) as a certain “a≦𝓃”, we will write “sa≦𝓃” (immediate successor of “a≦𝓃”).

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

When we write “𝒶: ⊨ φγ𝔁(|∅|)”, we mean that, given γz(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 ⊲* 𝓹z1, the dominated 𝓹-object is represented by zero in a surface representation. When we write “𝒶: ⊨ φγ𝔁(∅)”, we mean that γz(σ𝓃)1 does not correspond to any 𝓹-object. To put it roughly: its slot is empty.18 When we state that ∀a: ⊨ φγ𝔁(|𝓰|) ⟶ ∃𝒶: ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝒶1), we mean that the above enunciated properties are co-occurrent, while belonging to H H two distinct, ‘parallel universes’: X𝓃 and Y𝓃 respectively:

H

H

X𝓃

Y𝓃

γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

γz(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓰(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 ≡ |x|

𝓹𝒶1

2.2.2 Implementing a Moore machine Finally, we will implement a Moore machine that will turn out to be a H H functional model of the transcoding process from X𝓃 to Y𝓃. For the purpose of its implementation, the tuple that defines the transducer will include the input alphabet Γ = P(Σ1) ∪ Σa ∪ Σ𝒶; and the output alphabet Σ𝓹; given Σ𝓹 = {𝓹𝒶1, 𝓹𝒶2, …, 𝓹𝓊4}; Σa = {a1, b1, c1, a𝓃, b𝓃, c𝓃,}; Σ𝒶 = {𝒶1, 𝒶𝓃, 𝒷1, 𝒷𝓃,}; where a1(|𝓰|) = a: ⊨ φγ𝔁(|𝓰|), and where P(Σ1) is the power set of Σ1: we recall here that, since, according to (2), x ≡ 𝕾𝓂 = 〈𝖌1, …, 𝖌𝓃〉, as a consequence each 𝕾𝓂 may be considered to be a subset {𝖌1, …, 𝖌𝓃} isomorphic to the corresponding subset belonging to Σ1. 18

Cp. note 15.

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HÀN-HUÍ HÉ-BÌ

( 漢回合壁)

27

2.3.1 The Uyghur entries of Hàn-Huí hé-bì Let now consider the following list of Uyghur lexemes19 (retrieved throughout the text of Hàn-Huí hé-bì, cp. the Appendix), in which the sole occurring vocalic phoneme is /a/: aqa ‘elder sister’

qaxⱪan, ‘mouse’

palwan bəzi ‘a brave’

aka ‘elder brother’

ƣaz ‘goose’

patang ‘neck’

alma ‘apple’

hanga ‘cucumber’

rast ‘true’

ana ‘mother’

ⱨaraⱪ ‘arak’

samsaⱪ ‘garlic’

anar ‘pomegranate’

ⱨawa ‘air’

sarang ‘insane person’

arpa ‘barley’

kawa ‘pumpkin’

tarƣaⱪ ‘comb’

asman ‘sky’

kala ‘cow’

xam ‘candle’

ata ‘father’

ⱪama ‘otter’

taƣ ‘mountain’

ay ‘moon’

ⱪan ‘blood’

taƣa ‘uncle’

al(a)ⱪan ‘palm’

ⱪanat ‘wing’

taƣar ‘bag’

aymaⱪ ‘tribe’

ⱪapaⱪ ‘(bottle) gourd’

tam ‘wall’

baba ‘ancestor’

ⱪar ‘snow’

tax ‘stone’

baƣ ‘garden’

ⱪara, ‘black’

tawar ‘silk’

bar ‘existent’

ⱪa(r)ƣa ‘crow’

wapadar ‘filial

bax ‘head’

ⱪasⱪan ‘steamer basket’

yaƣ ‘fat’

bazar ‘market’

ⱪax ‘eyebrow’

yalang ‘single’

qaƣan ‘New Year’s Day’

ⱪazan ‘pot’

yalƣan ‘false,

qaⱪmaⱪ ‘lightning’

manglay ‘forehead’

yaⱪa ‘collar’

qanga ‘nest’

marjan ‘coral’

yax ‘age’

qangal ‘claw’

namrat ‘poor’

qarƣ ‘wheel’

paⱪlan ‘lamb’

19

Uyghur words are Romanised according to the Uyƣur Yengi Yeziⱪi.

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

2.3.2 A phonetic transcription in Chinese script The Chinese phonetic (acoustic) transcription, which accompanies each lexical lexical entry within the Hàn-Huí hé-bì, seems to register a variety of allophones, besides interpreting prosodic features in terms of tone sandhi. The question that arises is: how can we distinguish between tone shifts produced by some kind of Chinese ‘internal’ tone sandhi (if any) and tone shifts that are a tentative encoding of a ‘real’ (actually perceived) phonetic feature? In other words: is, for example, the difference between the Chinese transcription of aça (in pinyin: ā-qià) and ata (ātǎ) triggered by a tone sandhi intrinsic to Pǔtōnghuà, or is the issue a tentative, purely acoustic transcription? Does it even make sense to answer this question? In a private communication,20 Weldon South Coblin stated: “I cannot immediately see any correlation between tones in the Chinese forms and the corresponding phonetic renderings of the Turkic forms. Likewise, I find no connection between tone sandhi in the Chinese syllables and the Turkic material. Of course, these observations are based on the assumption that the underlying Chinese language of the transcriptions is a Modern Standard Chinese, or a slightly older form of that standard; and that, of course, is conjectural. Some other type of Chinese may actually be involved [as already pointed out by Schlegel (1900): 2]. In any case, the only MSC sandhi process that would be relevant here is tone three + tone three yielding surface tone two + tone three. And, as I say, I don’t see anything of note there”. The same remarks may be applied to other Chinese transcriptions thar actually have occurred within the frame of different linguistic domains, yet belong to the Turkic oecumene: I am referring to the previously cited varieties of Huá-yí-yì-yǔ (cp. § 1.0), with regard to the claimed incomparability with Hàn-Huí hé-bì, consider the following, merely exemplifying synopses:

20

May the 31st, 2016.

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HÀN-HUÍ HÉ-BÌ

( 漢回合壁)

29

‘snow, 雪’: Hàn-Huí hé-bì, 1a.12: ‹qʾr› 卡爾 (kǎ-ěr)

Shōgaito (1984): 58, 82: “噶児 kɔ-ər” (gá-ér)

‘blood, 血’ Hàn-Huí hé-bì, 8b.242: ‹qʾn› 卡姆 (kǎ-mǔ)

Shōgaito (1984): 58: “哈安 ka-an” (hā-ān)

‘mountain, 山’ Hàn-Huí hé-bì, 2b.49: ‹tʾġ › 塔克 (tǎ-kè)

Shōgaito (1984): 59, 78: “塔 tha” (tǎ)

‘black, 黑’ Hàn-Huí hé-bì, 28b.885: ‹qrʾ› 喀喇 (kā-lǎ)

Shōgaito (1984): 58, 69; Li (2011): 132: “噶剌 kɔ-la” (gá-lá)

‘barley’, 大麥, 青裸’ Hàn-Huí hé-bì, 12a.366: ‹ʾarp› 耳巴 (ěr-bā)

Shōgaito (1984): 60: “阿児柏 a-ər-pha” (ā-ér-bǎi)

‘existent, 有’ Hàn-Huí hé-bì, 12a.366: ‹bʾr› 巴爾 (bā-ěr)

Shōgaito (1984): 60, 82: “把児 pa-ər” (bǎ-ér)

‘market, 街’ Hàn-Huí hé-bì, 1a.25: ‹bʾzʾr› 巴雜 (bā-zá)

Shōgaito (1984): 66: “把雑児 pa-tsa- ər” (bǎ-zá-ér)

‘garden, 園’ Hàn-Huí hé-bì, 14a: ‹bʾġ › 巴哈 (bā-hā)

Shōgaito (1984): 78: “把 pa” (bǎ)

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

‘head, 頭’ Hàn-Huí hé-bì, 6b.189:

Shōgaito (1984): 79:

‹bʾš› 巴什 (bā-shì)

“把失 pa-ʂʅ” (bǎ-shī)

‘moon, 月’ Hàn-Huí hé-bì, 1a.6:

Shōgaito (1984): 85: “愛 ai” (ài)

‹ʾay› 阿伊 (ā-yī) ‘coral, 珊瑚’ Hàn-Huí hé-bì, 22a.677-678:

Li (2011): 128:“麻兒扎安 ma-er-zha-

‹mʾrǧ ʾn›, 瑪爾尖 (mǎ-ěr-jiān)

an” (má-ér-zhā-ān)

On the other hand, we may observe that, according to the general consensus of scholars ‒ particularly, according to contemporary Uyghur grammars by Chinese, or Chinese-speaking scholars21 ‒ in Modern Uyghur, there is only one [-front, -round, +low] vocalic phoneme: /a/ ([a], [ɑ]). We may summarise all these observations by putting forth the following argument: there do not seem to be phonetic reasons (referable to the Chinese domain) for transcribing Uyghyr ‹bʾbʾ›, baba, ‘ancestor’ as 巴 瓦, ‹bā-wǎ ›, when 爸爸 ‹bà-ba›, ‘dad’ normally occurs in Standard Chinese.22 Last, but not least: all these remarks and observations23 do not affect our approach in any way. Moreover: they do not concern our present

21

Cp., among others, Ablimit (2006): 9-10.

22

A lexeme that belongs to the paradigm of “reduplicated names”, cp. Yin & Felley

(1990): 91-92, 512-513 (“reduplicated coordinate constructions”). 23

In the same communication, W.S. Coblin added: “However, there are several other

points worthy of notice, it seems to me. The first is the matter of the -n final forms corresponding to Turkic forms in final vowels. In that connection, it should be noted that the most basic modern reading of the character 什 is shí, and this is surely the

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HÀN-HUÍ HÉ-BÌ

( 漢回合壁)

31

universe, within which solely any conceivable transductive relationship between two arbitrary sets of symbols exists. This is why we will handle and manipulate purely arbitrary symbols (as 𝓹-objects are) exhibiting abstract phonetic features. 2.3.3 Excursus: a completely independent example of a highly consistent Chinese phonetic transcription As an applicable example of a highly consistent, completely independent, even if quite coeval, Chinese, phonetic transcription, I would but merely make mention of the following Islamic catechism in Arabic, with Chinese transcription and translation, an exemplar of which is preserved in the Vatican Library under the shelfmark R.G.Oriente III. 1589 (3): 克里黙團以拜 [Kè-lǐ-mò tuán-yǐ-bài], “A good word”:24 歸真問答至要 註解經文 | 尋本歸真 [Xún běn guīzhēn], “Quest for Truth”. Colophon: 我 們從那様的驚恐上求真主護佑. 光緒⾟卯年重陽月 “(Reign of) Guāngxù, 28th Year (Xīnmǎo), ninth month (of the Chóngyáng festival)” = October 1891.

pronunciation the transcriber intended to be applied here. That takes care of two of the “rogue n’s” in the data. But what of the form 塔唵? How are we to account for the nasal final there? I believe the answer is that this character 唵 is actually a scribal error for the character 哈, as in the form 巴哈 which is second in your list, and that it is used in the same way to render Turkic ġ in both forms. Now we have managed to get rid of all three problematic n’s. The final point concerns the form 巴百 [in fact, this transcription does not exist (it was a misreading of mine), but Coblin’s remark is definitely worthy to be retained]. I think the correct reading of 百 here is not colloquial North Chinese bǎi but instead the literary reading bó/bò. Since this word is a rùshēng ⼊聲 syllable, other forms of Mandarin could have read it as something like [pɛ] [pə] or even [pa], and in southern Mandarin with final glottal stop added after the vowel, if a dialect of that type were involved. In any case, I suspect that something of this sort was what the transcriber intended here, rather than the pronunciation bǎi”. 24

Cp. QUR’AN XIV 24: […]

tree”.

‫]…[ َﻣﺜ ًَﻼ ﻛَﻠِ َﻤ ًﺔ ﻃَﻴﱢﺒَ ًﺔ ﻛَﺸَ َﺠ َﺮ ٍة ﻃَﻴﱢﺒَ ٍﺔ‬, “A good word is like a good

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A number of new, ad-hoc compound logographs are to be found in the following text ‒ to be compared with the fǎnqiè characters developed for transliterating Sanskrit in Chinese: cp. Tanaka (2016): [2]; Wang (2003). Compounds beginning with Hanzi character 口 are rendered as the small-uppercase text string (M[OU]TH), for example: 口外 = wài(MTH); compounds beginning with Hanzi character 舌 are rendered as the smalluppercase text string (T[ON]GU[E]), ), for example: 舌來 = lái(TGU). TEXTS

‫ﻛَﻠِ َﻤ ٌﺔ ﻃَ ِﻴ َﺒ ٌﺔ‬ 白以口團 黙里克

َ‫ﻻَ اِﻟٓ َﻪ اِ ّ َﻻﷲ‬

Kalima ṭayyiba kè-lǐ-mò tuán(MTH)-yǐ-bái lā ilāha illāllāha

乎那朗引 孩畧一 畧

lüè yī-lüè-hái yǐn-lǎng-nà-hū

ِ‫ﻛَﻠ َﻤ ُﺔ اِ َﺟﺎﺑَ ِﺔ اﻟْ َﻤﻠَﻜَﺎن‬

kalimatu iǧābati ʾl-malakāni

宜喀來黙⼒ 替白拃以 圚黙⼒克

kè-lì-mò-huì yǐ-zhǎ-bái-tì lì-mò-lái-kè-yí

ُ ‫ُﻣ َﺤ ﱢﻤ ٌﺪ َر ُﺳ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ِ ‫ﻮل‬

Muḥammad rasūlullāhi

舌

mù-hǎn-mò-dé lái(TGU)-su-lóng-nà-xī

吸那嚨素 來 德黙罕穆

‫اﻟﺴ َﻼ ُم‬ ‫ﻗ ََﺎل اﻟّ ِ ﱡ َﻋﻠَﻴْ ِﻪ ﱠ‬ 目畧色 醒耐而 由丙來 懶哠

‫اِذَا ﻗ ِ َُﱪ اﻟْ َﻤ ﱢﻴ ُﺖ‬ 徒一満⼒ 舌耐必骨 哪一

ِ‫اَﺗَﺎ ُه َﻣﻠَﻜَﺎنِ ا َْﺳ َﻮ َدانِ ا َ ْر َزﻗَﺎن‬ 宜大口外思艾 宜喀來黙 乎塔艾 宜哠則舌耳艾

َ ‫ﻳُﻘ َُﺎل ِ َﻻ َﺣ ِﺪ ِﻫ َ اﻟْ ُﻤ ْﻨ َﻜ َﺮ َوﻟِ ْﻶ ِﺧ ِﺮ اﻟ ﱠﻨ ِﻜ‬ 舌

TRANSLITERATIONS25

耳克悶⼒ 賣吸滴哈艾⼒ 六哠由 舌

耳喀乃 舌令黒阿⼒利口外

‫ﻓَﻴَ ْﺴﺄَ َﻻنِ اﻟْ َﻌﺒْ َﺪ َﻋ ْﻦ َﻫﺬ ِه اﻟْ َﻜﻠِ َ ِت‬

qāla ʾl-binnu ʿalayhi ʾs-salāmu hào-lǎn lái-bǐng-yóu ér-nài-xǐng sè-lüè-mù idhā qubira ʾl-mayyitu yī-nǎ gū-bì-nài(TGU) lì-mǎn-yī-tú atāhu malakāni aswadāni arzaqāni ài-tǎ-hū mò-lái-kè-yí ài-sī-wài(MTH)-dà-yí ài-èr(TGU)-zéhào-yí yuqālu li-aḥadihimā ʾl-munkara wa-lil-âkhiri ʾn-nakīra yóu-hào-liù lì-ài-hā-dī-xī-mài lì-mèn-kè-èr(TGU) wài(MTH)lì-lì-ā-hēi-lìng(TGU)26 nǎi-kè-èr(TGU) fa-yasʾalāni ʾl-ʿabda ʿan hadhihi ʾl-kalimāti

25

For the Arabic language, we follow the ALA-Library of Congress Romanization rules.

26

Cp. Wang (2001): 2: Aheilaiti, 阿黒来堤: “‫اﻵﺧﺮة‬, al-ākhira”.

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HÀN-HUÍ HÉ-BÌ

來二 得不二⼒ 義畧艾思夜口法 提媽⼒克⼒ 細呐吓

‫َﻣ ْﻦ َرﺑﱡ َﻚ‬ 克不舌浪 慢

ُ‫َر ّ َ ﷲ‬ 乎那養 必舌浪

‫َو َﻣ ْﻦ ﻧَ ِﺒ ﱡﻴ َﻚ‬ 克由必懶 慢口外

‫َو َﻣﺎ ِﻗﺒْﻠَﺘُ َﻚ‬ 克徒來不格 媽口外

‫َو ِﻗ ْﺒﻠَ ِﺘ َﻰ اﻟْ َﻜ ْﻌ َﺒ ُﺔ‬ 白而客⼒ 夜提來不格口外

‫َو َﻣﺎ ﻛِﺘَﺎﺑُ َﻚ‬ 口

克不搭客 媽 外

‫َوﻛِﺘَﺎ َ اﻟْ ُﻔ ْﺮﻗَﺎ ْن‬ 六哠舌耳付⼒ 夜必搭客口外

‫َو َﻣﺎ ِدﻳ ُﻨ َﻚ‬ 克六地 媽口外

ِ ْ ‫َو ِدﻳ ِﻨ َﻰ‬ ‫اﻻ ْﺳ َﻼ ُم‬ 目畧思以⼒ 夜宜地口外

‫َو َﻣ ْﻦ اِ ْﺧ َﻮاﻧ َُﻚ‬ 克六挖合夜 慢口外

َ ‫َواِ ْﺧ َﻮا ِ َ اﻟْ ُﻤ ْﺆ ِﻣ ِﻨ‬ 乃義迷口歪墓⼒ 燕宜挖合夜口外

‫اﻟﺴ ِﺪ ِﻳﺪ‬ َ ‫َواِ ْن ﻛَﺎ َن َﺳ ِﻌﻴ ًﺪا ﻳَﻘ ِْﺪ ُر َﻋ َﲆ اِ َﺟﺎﺑَ ِﺔ‬ 〈滴〉{滳}各夜旦二色乃喀印口外旦

( 漢回合壁)

33

fǎ(MTH)-yè-sī-ài-lüè-yì lì-èr-bù-dé èr-lái hè-nà-xì lì-kèlì-mā-tí man rabbuka màn làng(TGU)-bù-kè rabbiʾa ʾllāhu làng(TGU)-bì yǎng-nà-hū wa-man nabiyyuka wài(MTH)-màn lǎn-bì-yóu-kè wa-ma qiblatuka wài(MTH)-mā gé-bù-lái-tú-kè wa-qiblatiya ͗l-kaʿbatu wài(MTH)-gé-bù-lái-tí-yè lì-kè-ér-bái wa-ma kitābuka wài(MTH)-mā kè-dā-bù-kè wa-kitābiya ʾl-furqāni wài(MTH)-kè-dā-bì-yè lì-fù-èr(TGU)-hào-liù wa-mā dīnuka wài(MTH)-mā dì-liù-kè wa-dīniya ʾl-islāmu wài(MTH)-dì-yí-yè lì-yǐ-sī-lüè-mù wa-man ikhwānuka wài(MTH)-màn yè-hé-wā-liù-kè wa-ikhwāniya ʾl-muʾminīna wài(MTH)-yè-hé-wā-yí-yān lì-mù-wāi(MTH)-mí-yì-nǎi wa-in kāna saʿīdan yaqdiru ʿalá iǧābati ʾs-sadīdi wài(MTH)-yìn kè-nǎi sè-èr-dàn yè-gè-dī-liù(TGU) ér-lüè

〈滴〉{滳}地色 挺白拃一 畧而 舌六 yī-zhǎ-bái-tǐng sè-dì-dī

َ ‫َواﻟْ َﺤ ْﻤ ُﺪ ﻟِﻠّٓ ِﻪ َر ﱢب اﻟْ َﻌﺎﻟَ ِﻤ‬

wa-ʾl-ḥamdu li-llâhi rabbi ʾl-ʿālamīna

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⼒ 辟舌浪 吸畧溧獨目口杏⼒口外 迷二來乃

ِ َ‫َوﻗ ْ َُﱪ َك َر ْوﺿَ ٌﺔ ِﻣ ْﻦ َر ْوﺿ‬ ‫ﺎت اﻟْ َﺠ ﱠﻨ ِﺔ‬ 舌

閙 命 痛口來舌閙 克舌六不盖口外 提乃斬⼒ 替繓

‫اﻟﺴ ِﺪ ِﻳﺪ‬ ‫َواِ ْن ﻛَﺎ َن ﺷَ ﱢﻘﻴًﺎ َﻻ ﻳَﻘ ِْﺪ ُر َﻋ َﲆ اِ َﺟﺎ ِﺑ ِﺔ ﱠ‬ 〈滴〉{滳}各夜 畧 燕格陝 乃喀 印 外 口

〈滴〉{滳}地色 挺白拃一 畧而 舌六

‫ﻓَ ُﻴ َﻌ ﱢﺬﺑَﺎنِ ﻟَ ُﻪ ِﺑ ُﻌ ُﻤﻮ ِد اﻟ ﱠﻨﺎ ِر‬ 鼎墓哦必 乎來 宜垻口內耳由口法 舌

⼒那

ِ ‫َوﻗ ْ َُﱪ َك ُﺣ ْﻔ َﺮ ٌة ِﻣ ْﻦ ُﺣ ْﻔ َﺮ‬ ِ‫ات اﻟ ﱢﻨ َان‬ 喉 命 痛舌來福喉 克舌六不盖口外 宜舌那義 挺舌那福

‫َوﻧَ ُﻌﻮ ُذ ﺑِﺎﻟﻠّٓ ِﻪ ِﻣ ْﻦ ذَﻟِ َﻚ‬ 克⼒口那 命 吸畧丙 如二乃口外

wài(MTH)-lì-xìng(MTH)-mù-dú lì-lüè-xī làng(TGU)-bì lì-èr-láimí-nǎi wa-qabruka rawḍa min rawḍāti ʾl-ǧannati wài(MTH)-gài-bù-liù(TGU)-kè nào(TGU)-lái(MTH)-tòng mìng nào(TGU)-zuǒ-tì lì-zhǎn-nǎi-tí wa-in kāna šaqqiyan lā yaqdiru ʿalá iǧābati wài(MTH)-yìn kè-nǎi shǎn-gé-yān lüè yè-gè-dī-liù(TGU) érlüè yī-zhǎ-bái-tǐng sè-dì-dī fa-yuʿadhdhibāni lahu bi-ʿumūdi ʾn-nāri fǎ(MTH)-yóu-ěr-nèi(MTH)-bà-yí lái-hū bì-ó-mù-dǐng-nàlì(TGU) wa-qubruka ḥufra min ḥufrāti ʾn-nīrāni wài(MTH)-gài-bù-liù(TGU)-kè hóu-fú-lái(TGU)-tòng mìng hóu-fú-nà(TGU)-dǐng yì-nà(TGU)-yí wa-naʿūdhu bi-ʾllâhi min dhalika wài(MTH)-nǎi-èr-rú bǐng-lüè-xī mìng nà(MTH)-lì-kè

In the following, I will limit myself to examine the paradigmatic case of Arabic phoneme /r/ when transcribed in Chinese characters:

σ(pT) = pretonic syllable σ(sT) = posttonic syllable γ1, γ𝑛 = label attributed to the first (last) syllable of a word γ# = label attributed to the syllable that turns out to be the leftmost boundary of the string

O = syllabic onset pO, sO = onset of the preceding (following) syllable C = syllabic coda N = syllabic nucleus ∓C(∅) = occurring in an open/closed syllable

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HÀN-HUÍ HÉ-BÌ

( 漢回合壁)

35

Coda position C(∅) σ(ppT)

C

èr(TGU)

σ(pT)

C

èr(TGU)

pO / C

N

γ1

1

γ1

2

The compound logograph 舌耳, ‹èr(TGU)› is employed consistently to transcribe /r/ in the coda position, versus ‹èr› (five occurrences), which is employed consistently to transcribe /ʿ/ ([ʕ]; also transcribed as ‹ěr›, ‹ér›). Onset position σ(sT)

O

lì(TGU)

γ#

+

σ(ssT)

O

lìng(TGU)

γ𝑛

+

σ(sT)

O

liù(TGU)

γ#

σ(ssT)

O

liù(TGU)

σ(sT)

O

σ(ssT)

/i/

1

/i/

1

+

/u/

1

γ𝑛

+

/u/

1

èr(TGU)

γ𝑛

+

pO [+dorsal]

/a/

O

èr(TGU)

γ𝑛

+

pO [+dorsal]

/a/

σ(pT)

O

lái(TGU)

γ1

+

σ(T)

O

lái(TGU)

γ𝑛-1

+

sO [+nasal] [+fortition]

/a/ pO [+coronal]

/a/

The compound logograph 舌來, ‹lái(TGU)› is employed consistently to transcribe the open syllable /ra/, versus ‹lái› (seven occurrences), which is employed to transcribe the syllable /la/ (二來, ‹èr-lái› for ʿan seems to be the result of a misreading of the printed Arabic text). Bay the way, the compound logograph 口來, ‹lái(MTH)› transcribes the onset of stressed syllable /ḍa/, [dʕa:]. The compound logograph 舌浪, ‹làng(TGU)› occurs only in the following two strings: ‹làng(TGU)-bu›, ‹làng(TGU)-bi›, which both transcribe rabbu-i; ‹nào(TGU)› occurs only as a transcription of the syllable /raw/:

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σ(T)

O

làng(TGU)

γ1

−

C [+labial] [+fortition]

/a/

3

σ(pT), σ(T)

O

nào(TGU)

γ1

−

C [+approximant] [+labial]

/a/

2

The compound logograph 舌耐, ‹nài(TGU)› (as opposed to ‹nài›, which transcribes /la/) occurs only in the following context, as the transcription of the the open syllable /ra/: σ(sT)

O

nài(TGU)

γ𝑛

+

σ(T)

O

nà(TGU)

γ𝑛-1

+

pO [+labial]

/a/

1

/a/

2

2.4 Lexical paradigms From the lexical list mentioned in § 2.3.1, we may extrapolate a number of lexical paradigms, which must be read and interpreted as in the following example: ‹čʾqmʾq›, qaⱪmaⱪ (Nishimura: [tɕʻia-kʻɤ-ma-kʻɤ]). W x1

x2

σ𝓃-𝓂

σ𝓃

γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)1, γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)2, γw(σ𝓃-𝓂)3 γw(σ𝓃)1, γw(σ𝓃)2, γw(σ𝓃)3 |‹č›|, |‹ʾ›|, |‹q›|

|‹m›|, |‹ʾ›|, |‹q›|

P

γz(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 𝓹𝒶4(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

y1

y2

σ𝓃-𝓂

σ𝓃 γz(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

γz(σ𝓃)1 𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

γz(σ𝓃)2 𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

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HÀN-HUÍ HÉ-BÌ

( 漢回合壁)

37

Let us now reconsider our previous assessment concerning the imH H possibility of a univocal transcoding between X𝓃 and Y𝓃: curiously, iff [(∃ Σp | Σp = {x1, x2 …, x4, x5} ≡ {‹ġ›, ‹q›, ‹k›, ‹l›, ‹r›}) ∧ (Σp ⊄ X𝓃)] H ⟶ (∀x|x ∈ X𝓃)[ ~(x ⊨ ψU)] H

In other words: if we assume that ‹ġ›, ‹q›, ‹k›, ‹l›, ‹r›, are not members H of X𝓃, then the proposition “x ⊨ ψU” would appear to be valid for the great majority of cases. ‹ġ›, ‹q›, ‹k› ‹ʾ∅›, ‹ʾa›, ‹ġ ʾ›, ‹ḥ∅›, ‹ġ ʾ›, ‹ġ ʾn›, ‹n$› ‹ġw$›, ‹ʾar› ‹ġ $›, ‹ġ ʾr›, ‹q∅›, ‹q$›, ‹qʾr› ‹qʾ›, ‹qʾʾ›, ‹q∅›, ‹kʾ›, ‹kr›, ‹kʾr› ‹k∅›, ‹k$›, ‹kw› ‹ġ$›, ‹k$›, ‹k∅›, ‹kw›, ‹ky›, ‹q∅›, ‹q$›, ‹qʾ›, ‹qw›, ‹qy›, ‹y$›

阿 唵 耳 哈 卡 柯 克

ā

魯 爾 拉

lǔ

ǎ n ěr hā kǎ kē kè

‹l›, ‹r› ‹l$›, ‹ltw›, ‹lw›, ‹lwġ›, ‹rw› ‹l$›, ‹r$›, ‹rʾ› ‹l$›, ‹lʾ›, ‹rw›, ‹rʾ›

ěr lā

2.4.1 As far as the grapheme ‹阿› is concerned, it seems that, in the (few) cases in which it does not encode the syllabic onset of the syllable σ₁ ([ʔ]), it invariably transcodes the grapheme ‹ġ› when preceded by ‹r›. Accordingly, we may infer that the articulation of the consonant cluster [rɣ] ([ɹɣ]) faded in [ɹʔ], and then in [ʔ] ‒ as is apparent in the following paradigm:

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

‹qʾrġ ʾ›, ⱪa(r)ƣa

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 𝓹𝓮3r(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶1(σn)1

‹tʾrġ ʾq›, tarƣaⱪ

𝓹𝒶1(

𝓹𝒶1(σn)1

|∅|

σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅| 𝓹𝓮4(σn)2

[xa-ər-a] [tʻa-a-kʻɤ]

On the other hand, the intervocalic ‹ġ› is represented by 唵 ‒ in the latter case, its articulation turned out to be so feeble that it would have been perceived as [ʔ]: ‹tʾġ ʾ›, taƣa

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3n(σn)1

|∅|

[tʻa-ɛ]

‹čʾġ ʾn›, qaƣan

𝓹𝒶4(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶n3(σn)1

|∅|

[tɕʻia-ɛ]

‹yʾlġ ʾn›, yalƣan

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 𝓹𝒶1(σn-m)2

𝓹𝒶n3(σn)1

*[ia-la-ɛ]

as well as by 哈 or 欲:27 ‹tġ ʾr›, taƣar

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1(σn)1

|∅|

[tʻa-xa]

Eventually, ‒ when the consonantal segment [ɣ] is found contiguous to an approximant liquid [ər] glide (‹r›) ‒ cp. the lexemes ⱪarƣa, tarƣaⱪ, taƣar ‒ ‒ and taking into account the counterexample qaƣan, which should be arrangen in sequence within the following paradigm: ‹čʾġ ʾn›, qaƣan

𝓹𝒶4(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

∅

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

‹čʾqmʾq›, qaⱪmaⱪ

𝓹𝒶4(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

‹čʾrġ›, qarƣ

𝓹𝒶4

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝓮3r(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝓮4

‹čʾšqʾn›, qaxⱪan

𝓹𝓮3

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝒾4

𝓹𝒶3

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

(σ𝓃)1 (σ𝓃)1

[tɕʻia-ɛ] [tɕʻia-kʻɤ-ma-kʻɤ]

|∅|

[tɕʻia-ər-kʻɤ]

|∅|

[tɕʻiɛ̃ -ʂ͡ɯ-xɛ̃ ]

we could easily assess that the following predicate is true: ∀a: ⊭ φγ𝔁(‹č›) ∧ ∀(c ∨ c≡n): ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹r›) ∧ ∀a≡n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹ġ›) ⟶ ∃𝒶≡n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝒶1) (3)

27

Cp infra, Appendix: ‹sʾġ ʾrwġ w›, saƣ(a)ruƣi. Some examples from Middel-Mongolian:

Rykin (2012): 326: 八按納 [bā-àn- nà], baγana [paqana] ‘wooden pillar’; versus Rykin (2015): 219: 挿汗 [chā-hàn], [čaχaːn], ‘white’.

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39

2.4.2 The grapheme ‹ġ› in the coda position appears to merge with ‹q› ([χ]): ‹tʾġ ›, taƣ

∅

∅

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2 [tʻa-kʻɤ]

‹yʾġ ›, yaƣ

∅

∅

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2 [ia-kʻɤ]

‹čʾrġ ›, qarƣ

𝓹𝒶4(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝓮3r(σ𝓃)1 𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2 [tɕʻia-ər-kʻɤ]

‹ʾyʾq›, ayaⱨ

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

[a-ia-kʻɤ]

‹qʾbʾq›, ⱪapaⱪ

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

[kʻa-pa-kʻɤ]

‹ḥrʾq›, ⱨaraⱪ

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

‹tʾrġ ʾq›, tarƣaⱪ

𝓹𝒶1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1

(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4

(σ𝓃)2

[tʻa-a-kʻɤ]

‹čʾqmʾq›, qaⱪmaⱪ

𝓹𝒶4

(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶3

(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4

(σ𝓃)2

[tɕʻia-kʻɤ-ma-kʻɤ]

‹ʾymʾq›, aymaⱪ

𝓹𝒶1

(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶3

(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4

(σ𝓃)2

[ai-ma-kʻɤ]

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 (σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝓮4

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝒾1

*

It is interesting that Nishimura’s phonetic transcription does not shed any light or capture the differences between the various allophones of /a/. 2.4.3 We may also observe, that ‹r› ([r]) in the coda position was perceived so feebly that it was alternatively transcoded with 𝓹𝓮3r or |∅|: ∅

‹qʾr›, ⱪar28 ‹bʾr›, bar

∅

∅

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮3r(σ𝓃)2

[kʻa-ər]

∅

𝓹𝒶1

𝓹𝓮3r(σ𝓃)2

[pa-ər]

(σ𝓃)1

versus ‹tġ ʾr›, taƣar

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[tʻa-xa]

‹bʾzʾr›, bazar

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶2(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[pa-tsa]

‹ʾanʾr›, anar

𝓹𝒶1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶4

(σn)1

|∅|

[a-na]

‹tʾwʾr›, tawar

𝓹𝒶3

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3

(σn)1

|∅|

[tʻa-ua]

28

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 (σ𝓃-𝓂)1

Cp. Yin & Felley (1990): 67: «Phonetically, what happens when er becomes a suffix is

that it drops its e and becomes simply r».

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40

‹ʾarp›, arpa

STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

𝓹𝓮3r(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[ər-pa]

versus ‹tʾrġ ʾq›, tarƣaⱪ

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σn)2

[tʻa-a-kʻɤ]

The following predicate describes the syntagmatic context within which the phenomenon may occur: ∀c≦n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹r›) ⟶ ∃!𝒷≦n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝓮3r) ∨ ⊨ φγ𝔁(|∅|)

(4)

2.4.3.1 Excursus Contrary to the opinion of Paul Pelliot ‒ Pelliot (1915): 687 (and, long before him, Hirth 1886: 220-221) maintained that the ancient Chinese name applied to the Turks, i.e. “T’ou-kiue”, would, in fact, have been issued from “un ancien *Dwïδ-kʿiuδ, qui semblerait supposer un original *Durküt” ‒ Евгений Поливанов believed that Old Chinese disyllabic syntagm *t‘u̯ at-khüät [*tʰˤut-kʷʰat] would have evolved into the form *tür-k‘lär → *tür-k‘yär, which, in the time of the Orkhon inscriptions were already pronounced 突闕 [tū-què], a pronunciation that appeared to exhibit an extreme weakening of [r] in coda position. According to Поливанов (1927): 694: «Для устранения сомнений в справедливости предположения *t → r в эноху транскрипции, важно, однако, подтвердить эту корреспонденцию (тур. r — китайскому *r ← *t) еще другими примерами транскрипций. Обращаясь к данным тех же китайских падписей (на орхонских памятниках) мы находим, между прочим, следующие, относящиеся к нашему воиросу примеры:» uyƣur , pronounced 回鶻 [huí-gǔ] ⱪarluⱪ, pronounced 葛祿 [gě-lù] barƣana, pronounced 拔賀那, [bá-hè-nà]. It is interesting that, several decades later, and apparently unaware of the contribution made by Поливанов, Pulleyblank (1965) argued against Pelliot’s thesis on a completely different (and, in my humble opinion, weaker, although more general) base. Since “Middle Chinese had consonantal clusters neither at the beginning nor at the end of a syllable, and the only way in which such clusters in a foreign word could be represented was to make use of an additional syllable in Chinese, only the initial consonant of which counted so far as the

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41

transcription was concerned” (Pulleyblank 1965: 122b), he put forth a number of Buddhist transcriptions exhibiting ju-sheng syllables (that is, closed by a final stop). Nonetheless, precisely what we would have expected in the case of ‘t'uchüeh’ is well represented by an example that disprove his claim: Middle Chinese ki̯a-lât-tei'-ki̯a = Kārttika (Pulleyblank 1965: 123a).

2.4.4 The abovementioned articulatory weakening of [r] in the coda position resulted in its deletion in Modern Uyghur ‒ while the orthographic inertia nevertheless preserved the corresponding grapheme: ‹kʾrbʾ›, kawa

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[kʻa-ua]

‹qʾrsḫʾn›, ⱪasⱪan

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝒾1(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶3n(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[xa-s͡ɯ-xɛ̃ ]

‹qʾrġ ʾ›, ⱪaƣa

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝓮3r(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[xa-ər-a]

Let us now consider the following paradigm: ‹tʾġ ›, taƣ

∅

∅

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

[tʻa-kʻɤ]

‹bʾġ ›, baƣ,

∅

∅

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)2

[pa-xa]

‹tʾš›, tax

∅

∅

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝒾2(σ𝓃)2

[tʻa-ʂ͡ɯ]

‹bʾš›, bax

∅

∅

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝒾4(σ𝓃)2

[pa-ʂ͡ɯ]

‹qʾš›, ⱪax

∅

∅

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝒾4(σ𝓃)2

[xa-ʂ͡ɯ]

∅

𝓹𝒶1

(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝒾1

[a-s͡ɯ]

‹ġ ʾz›,

ƣaz29

∅

(σ𝓃)2

‹tʾm›, tam

∅

∅

𝓹𝒶3(σn)1

𝓹𝓊4(σn)2

[tʻa-mu]

‹šʾm›, xam

∅

∅

𝓹𝒶1(σn)1

𝓹𝓊4(σn)2

[ʂa-mu]

‹tʾwʾr›, tawar

𝓹𝒶3

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3

(σn)1

|∅|

[tʻa-ua]

‹tġ ʾr›, taƣar

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1(σn)1

|∅|

[tʻa-xa]

29

Regarding the fact that ‹z$›, as well as ‹z∅›, ‹s$› and ‹st› are invariably transcribed as 斯

(sī), cp. the fragmentary Old Uyghur lexicon in Middle-Chinese transcription edited by Matsui (2016): 82: ⑩ 割思諾, [Middle-Chinese transcription] *kât-sɨ-nâk [from Turkic] qaznaq, 庫房 [“treasury, storeroom”].

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42

STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

The predictability of such a regular phonetic alternation is describable as follows: ∀a≦𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹t›) ∧ ∀sa≦𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹ʾ›) ⟶ ∃!𝒶≦𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝒶3) (5) Once again, Nishimura’s phonetic transcription turns out to be of little help for the comprehension of this phenomenon. Let now observe the following paradigms: 2.4.5 ‹ʾalmʾ›, alma

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

‹ʾanʾ›, ana

𝓹𝒶1

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

‹ʾatʾ›, ata,

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝒶3n(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

*[a-la-mɛ̃ ]

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3ŋ(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[a-nɑ̃ ]

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[a-tʻa]

‹ʾwʾ›, ⱨawa

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[a-ua]

‹bʾbʾ›, baba

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[pa-ua]

‹qmʾ›, ⱪama

𝓹𝒶1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3

(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[xa-ma]

‹qrʾ›, ⱪara

𝓹𝒶1

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3

(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

*

‹yqʾ›, yaⱪa

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[ia-kʻa]

|∅|

𝓹𝒶4(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[a-na]

|∅|

[pa-tsa]

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

‹ʾanʾr›, anar

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

‹bʾzʾr›, bazar

𝓹𝒶1

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶2

‹ʾyʾq›, ayaⱪ

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

[a-ia-kʻɤ]

‹ʾymʾq›, aymaⱪ

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝒾1(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

[ai-ma-kʻɤ]

‹qzʾn›, ⱪazan

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶4n(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[xatsɛ̃ ]

‹qʾrsḫʾn›, ⱪasⱪan

𝓹𝒶1

(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶3n(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[hā-sī-hǎ n]

‹ḥrʾq›, ⱨaraⱪ

𝓹𝒶1

|∅|

𝓹𝓮4

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 (σ𝓃-𝓂)1

‹ptʾnk›, patang

𝓹𝒶4(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

‹sʾrʾnk›, sarang

𝓹𝒶4

𝓹𝒾1

(σ𝓃)1

(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4

(σ𝓃)2

*

|∅|

𝓹𝒶2(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1

|∅|

*

‹q{ʾ}nʾt›, ⱪanat

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝒾2(σ𝓃)2

*

‹qʾbʾq›, ⱪapaⱪ

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2 [kʻa-pa-kʻɤ]

‹nʾmrʾd›, namrat

𝓹𝒶4(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 𝓹𝓊4(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝒾2(σ𝓃)2

(σ𝓃)1

[pʻa-tʻɑ̃ ]

*

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43

From this examination we may infer the following predicates: 𝓆

∀𝒶: ⊨ φγ𝔁(

𝓹𝒶(𝓅)) ⟶ ∃!𝒶≡n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(

𝓅 𝓅

∀𝒶: ⊨ φγ𝔁(

𝓹𝒶(𝓆))

(6a)

𝓆 𝓆 𝓅

𝓹𝒶(𝓅)) ⟶ ∃!𝒶≡n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(

𝓅

𝓹𝒶(𝓆))

(6b)

𝓆

2.5 The following occurrences seem to infringe on the aforementioned predicates, but here we have to be reminded that the contiguity of [ɣ], with a still surviving approximant liquid [ər] glide, actually triggered (or, triggered before having disappeared) the shift 𝓹𝒶3 → 𝓹𝒶1, according to (3). Let us consider the following examples: ‹tġ ʾr›, taƣar [tʻa-xa]: A conceivable pattern agreeing to paradigm 2.4.5.2.2 (according to [6b]): 𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

*𝓹𝒶3

*𝓹𝓮3r → |∅|

would have evolved into the actual pattern, through a one-step transformation according to (3): 𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝑓(3): *𝓹𝒶3 → 𝓹𝒶1(σn)1

|∅|

versus ‹tʾġ ʾ›, taƣa [tʻa-ɛ],30 based on which we could infer the following predicate: ∀a≡n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹ġ›) ∧ ∀c≡n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(|∅|) ⟶ ∃𝒶≡n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝒶3) 𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝑓(7): *𝓹𝒶1 → 𝓹𝒶3n(σn)1

(7)

|∅|

Furthermore, if we compare the lexeme ‹qʾrġ ʾ›, ⱪarƣa versus ‹tʾġ ʾ›, taƣa; and ‹tʾrġ ʾq›, tarƣaⱪ versus ‹čʾqmʾq›, qaⱪmaⱪ; ‹ʾymʾq›, aymaⱪ:

30

The syllabic structure CVCV of which is clearly secondary: cp. Starostin, Dybo &

Mudrak (2003): 1350: Old Turkic, Karakhanid taγay, Ottoman and Modern Turkish dayï.

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

‹čʾqmʾq›, qaⱪmaⱪ

𝓹𝒶4(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

[tɕʻia-kʻɤ-ma-kʻɤ]

‹ʾymʾq›, aymaⱪ

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝒾1(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

[ai-ma-kʻɤ]

we may observe that, not only, according to (3), ‹qʾrġ ʾ›, ⱪarƣa [xa-ər-a], exhibits the predictable shift *𝓹𝒶3 → 𝓹𝒶1 in σ𝓃: 𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝓮3r(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

*𝓹𝒶3

𝓹𝓮3r(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝑓(3): *𝓹𝒶3* → 𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

but we may even infer that the effect of the contiguity with the consonant cluster [rɣ] ([ɹɣ]) also spreads leftwards: when considering the example of tʾrġ ʾq›, tarƣaⱪ [tʻa-a-kʻɤ], we are compelled to re-write predicate (3): ∀a: ⊭ φγ𝔁(‹č›) ∧ ∀(c ∨ c≡𝓃): ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹r›) ∧ ∀a≡𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹ġ›) ⟶ ⟶ ∃(𝒶 ∧ 𝒶≡𝓃): ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝒶1)

(3bis)

since we actually observe that a conceivable pattern complying with constraint (6b): *𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

seems to have experienced a one-step transformation, according to (3bis): 𝑓(3bis): *𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃-𝓂)1 → 𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃)1

𝓹𝓮4(σ𝓃)2

Unsurprisingly, if we consider that [ɣ] and [ɕ] are coincident with regard to manner features and also to some place features [+cons, +continuant, +delayed release, +dorsal, +high], we further observe that: ‹mʾrǧ ʾn›, marjan

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

𝓹𝓮3r(σ𝓃-𝓂)2

𝓹𝒶1n(σ𝓃)1

|∅| [ma-ər-ɕian]

A further, predictable pattern is the following:

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‹ʾwʾ›, ⱨawa31

𝓹𝒶1(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[a-ua]

‹tʾwʾr›, tawar

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃-𝓂)1

|∅|

𝓹𝒶3(σ𝓃)1

|∅|

[tʻa-ua]

∀a≡n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹w›) ⟶ ∃𝒶≡n ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝒶3)

(8)

3.0 Connecting a Mealy machine with a Moore machine Our analysis would have proceeded indefinitely, at the cost of rendering our model increasingly complex. Therefore, in the following section, we will refrain from doing other than listing the above mentioned predicates and classifying them according to two categories: A: Predicates of the type “iff (a ∨ c) ⟶ (𝒶 ∨ 𝒷)”, i.e., predicates that describe transduction functions from an input alphabet Γ to an output alphabet Σ𝓹 (cp. § 2.2.2):

a

a

𝒶

𝒶

∀a: ⊭ φγ𝔁(‹č›) ∧ ∀(c ∨ c≡𝓃): ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹r›) ∧ ∀a≡𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹ġ›) ⟶ ⟶ ∃(𝒶 ∧ 𝒶≡𝓃): ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝒶1)

(3bis)

∀c≦𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹r›) ⟶ ∃!𝒷≦𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝓮3r) ∨ ⊨ φγ𝔁(|∅|)

(4)

∀a≦𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹t›) ∧ ∀sa≦𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹ʾ›) ⟶ ∃!𝒶≦𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝒶3)

(5)

∀a≡𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹ġ›) ∧ ∀c≡𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(|∅|) ⟶ ∃𝒶≡𝓃: ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝒶3)

(7)

∀a≡n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(‹w›) ⟶ ∃𝒶≡n ⊨ φγ𝔁(𝓹𝒶3)

(8)

31

Again, if the comparison with the written Mongolian aγar is sound (cp. infra Appendix,

note 37), we may observe that its syllabic structure CVCV is secondary.

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An A-type predicate appears to describe the typical δ⟶λ-function workflow of a Moore machine: δ: Q x Γ ⟶ λ: Q x Σ𝓹

B: Predicates of the type “iff (𝒶) ⟶ (𝒶≡n)”; in other words, predicates that describe transduction functions from an input alphabet Σ𝓹 to the same alphabet Σ𝓹:

a

a

𝒶

𝒶 𝓆

∀𝒶: ⊨ φγ𝔁(

𝓹𝒶(p)) ⟶ ∃!𝒶≡n: ⊨ φγ𝔁(

𝓅

𝓆

𝓅

𝓆 𝓅

∀𝒶: ⊨ φγ𝔁(

𝓹𝒶(p)) ⟶ ∃!𝒶≡n: ⊨ φγ𝔁( 𝓅

𝓹𝒶(q))

(6a)

𝓹𝒶(q))

(6b)

𝓆

A B-type predicate appears to describe the typical ω-function workflow of a Mealy machine connected sequentially with a Moore machine: (δ:Q x Γ ⟶ λ: Q x Σ𝓹) ⟶ ω: Σ𝓹 ⟶ Σ𝓹 3.1 The following is a discursive explanation of how the coupled machines function. A Moore machine examines a given string, typically a sequence of six slots, each containing one of the following objects, in due sequence:

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Σa = {a1, b1, c1, a𝓃, b𝓃, c𝓃,}.32 The rightmost boundary of the string is marked by a supplementary slot containing the symbol #. When examining the content of a given slot, the machine implements the full sequence of δ-transitions: δ(3b), δ(4), δ(5), δ(7), δ(8). If the seventh transition performed is δ(n)6(q0, #) = f, δ(𝓃)0(q0, a1) = q0 δ(𝓃)1(q0, b1) = q0 δ(𝓃)2(q0, c1) = q0 δ(𝓃)3(q0, a𝓃) = q0 δ(𝓃)4(q0, b𝓃) = q0 δ(𝓃)5(q0, c𝓃) = q0 δ(𝓃)6(q0, #) = f stop the machine goes into rest mode and the transition sequence (column) will be deleted ‒ as a result, it will be omitted in the final transition table. After having implemented the full sequence of δ-transitions, the machine starts to implement the λ-transitions. The outputs of the performed λ-transitions (Σ𝓹 = {𝓹𝒶1, 𝓹𝒶2, …, 𝓹𝓊4}) represent the input of the ω-transitions which will be performed by a Mealy machine. The resulting state transition tables must be read from left to right and from top to bottom ‒ that is, one must start from the upmost cell of the leftmost column, and then follow the sequence ‘δ(3b), δ(4), δ(5), δ(7), δ(8), λ(3b), λ(4), λ(5), λ(7), λ(8), ω(6a), ω(6a)’.

32

Cp. §§ 2.2.1.2, 2.2.2.

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3.2 Let us consider some examples: ‹tʾrġ ʾq›, tarƣaⱪ a1

b1

c1

an

bn

cn

#

|‹t›|

|‹ʾ›|

|‹r›|

|‹ġ›|

|‹ʾ›|

|‹q›|

∅

δ(3b)0(q0, a1) = q0

δ(5)0(q0, a1(‹t›)) = q1

λ(3b)0(q0) = ∅

λ(5)0(q1) = ∅

δ(3b)1(q0, b1) = q0

δ(5)1(q1, b1(‹ʾ›)) = f

λ(3b)1(q0) = ∅

λ(5)1(f) = 𝒶1(𝓹𝒶3)

δ(3b)2(q0, c1(‹r›)) = q1

stop

λ(3b)2(q1) = 𝒶1(𝓹𝒶1)

stop

δ(3b)3(q1, an(‹ġ›)) = f

λ(3b)3(f) = 𝒶n(𝓹𝒶1)

stop

stop

λ(3b)0(q0) = ∅

λ(5)0(q1) = ∅

ω(6a)0(∅) = ∅

ω(6b)0(∅) = ∅

λ(3b)1(q0) = ∅

λ(5)1(f) = 𝒶1(𝓹𝒶3)

ω(6a)1(𝒶1(𝓹𝒶3)) = ∅

ω(6b)1(𝒶1(𝓹𝒶3) = 𝒶n(𝓹𝒶1)

λ(3b)2(q1) = 𝒶1(𝓹𝒶1)

stop

ω(6a)2(𝒶1(𝓹𝒶1)) = 𝒶n(𝓹𝒶3)

λ(3b)3(f) = 𝒶n(𝓹𝒶1)

stop

stop

stop

‹tġ ʾr›, taƣar a1

b1

c1

an

bn

cn

#

|‹t›|

∅

|∅|

|‹ġ›|

|‹ʾ›|

|‹r›|

∅

δ(3b)0(q0, a1) = q0

δ(4)0(q0, a1) = q0

λ(3b)0(q0) = ∅

λ(4)0(q0) = ∅

δ(3b)1(q0, b1) = q0

δ(4)1(q0, b1) = q0

λ(3b)1(q0) = ∅

λ(4)1(q0) = ∅

δ(3b)2(q0, c1) = q0

δ(4)2(q0, c1) = q0

λ(3b)2(q0) = ∅

λ(4)2(q0) = ∅

δ(3b)3(q0, an(‹ġ›) = q2

δ(4)3(q0, an) = q0

λ(3b)3(q1) = ∅

λ(4)3(q0) = ∅

δ(3b)4(q2, bn) = q2

δ(4)4(q0, bn) = q0

λ(3b)4(q1) = ∅

λ(4)4(q0) = ∅

δ(3b)5(q2, cn(‹r›)) = q3

δ(4)5(q0, cn(‹r›)) = f

λ(3b)5(q3) = 𝒶1(𝓹𝒶1)

λ(4)5(f) = 𝓫n(𝓹𝓮3r ∨ |∅|)

δ(3b)6(q3, cn(‹r›)) = f

stop

λ(3b)6(f) = 𝒶n(𝓹𝒶1)

stop

stop

stop

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λ(3b)0(q0) = ∅

λ(4)0(q0) = ∅

ω(6a)0(∅) = ∅

ω(6b)0(∅) = ∅

λ(3b)1(q0) = ∅

λ(4)1(q0) = ∅

ω(6a)1(∅) = ∅

ω(6b)1(∅) = ∅

λ(3b)2(q0) = ∅

λ(4)2(q0) = ∅

ω(6a)2(∅) = ∅

ω(6b)2(∅) = ∅

λ(3b)3(q1) = ∅

λ(4)3(q0) = ∅

ω(6a)3(∅) = ∅

ω(6b)3(∅) = ∅

λ(3b)4(q1) = ∅

λ(4)4(q0) = ∅

ω(6a)4(∅) = ∅

ω(6b)4(∅) = ∅

λ(3b)5(q3) = 𝒶1(𝓹𝒶1)

λ(4)5(f) = 𝓫n(𝓹𝓮3r ∨ |∅|)

ω(6a)5(𝒶1(𝓹𝒶1)) = 𝒶n(𝓹𝒶3)

ω(6b)5(∅) = ∅

λ(3b)6(f) = 𝒶n(𝓹𝒶1)

stop

stop

ω(6b)6(𝒶n(𝓹𝒶1)) = = 𝒶1(𝓹𝒶1)

stop

stop

‹tʾwʾr›, tawar a1

b1

c1

an

bn

cn

#

|‹t›|

|‹ʾ›|

|∅|

|‹w›|

|‹ʾ›|

|‹r›|

∅

δ(4)0(q0, a1) = q0

δ(5)0(q0, a1(‹t›)) = q1

δ(7)0(q0, a1) = q0

λ(4)0(q0) = ∅

δ(4)1(q0, b1) = q0

δ(5)1(q1, b1(‹ʾ›)) = f

δ(7)1(q0, b1) = q0

λ(4)1(q0) = ∅

δ(4)2(q0, c1) = q0

stop

δ(7)2(q0, c1) = q0

λ(4)2(q0) = ∅

δ(4)3(q0, an) = q0

δ(7)3(q0, an(‹w›)) = f

λ(4)3(q0) = ∅

δ(4)4(q0, bn) = q0

stop

λ(4)4(q0) = ∅

δ(4)5(q0, cn(‹r›)) = f

λ(4)5(f) = 𝓫n(𝓹𝓮3r ∨ |∅|)

stop

stop λ(5)0(q1) = ∅

λ(8)0(q0) = ∅

ω(6b)0(∅) = ∅

λ(5)1(f) = 𝒶1(𝓹𝒶3)

λ(8)1(q0) = ∅

ω1(6b)1(𝒶1(𝓹𝒶3)) = 𝒶n(𝓹𝒶1)

stop

λ(8)2(q0) = ∅

stop

λ(8)3(f) = 𝒶n(𝓹𝒶3) stop

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‹tʾġ ʾ›, taƣa a1

b1

c1

an

bn

cn

#

|‹t›|

|‹ʾ›|

| ∅|

|‹ġ›|

|‹ʾ›|

|∅|

∅

δ(5)0(q0, a1(‹t›)) = q1

δ(8)0(q0, a1) = q0

λ(5)0(q1) = ∅

λ(7)0(q0) = ∅

δ(5)1(q1, b1(‹ʾ›)) = f

δ(8)1(q0, b1) = q0

λ(5)1(f) = 𝒶1(𝓹𝒶3)

λ(7)1(q0) = ∅

stop

δ(8)2(q0, c1) = q0

stop

λ(7)1(q0) = ∅

δ(8)3(q0, an(‹ġ›)) = q4

λ(7)1(q4) = ∅

δ(8)4(q4, bn) = q4

λ(7)1(q4) = ∅

δ(8)5(q4, cn(|∅|)) = f

λ(7)1(f) = 𝒶n(𝓹𝒶3)

stop

stop

λ(5)0(q1) = ∅

ω(6b)0(∅) = ∅

λ(5)1(f) = 𝒶1(𝓹𝒶3)

ω (6b)1(𝒶1(𝓹𝒶3)) = 𝒶n(𝓹𝒶1)

stop

stop

4.0 Conclusions In this last paragraph, we will endeavour to venture a little beyond the stated task ‒ § 1.0: ‘focusing on aspects of a formal approach to theoretical transliteration’ ‒ by summarising our procedure and putting forth a number of ‘informal’ observations. In paragraphs 2.1 and 2.2.1.1, we (tentatively) proposed a formal definition of the transcoding process that is known historically as “transliteration”. As far as the specific transcriptional text (examined here) is concerned, we eventually remarked that it can by no means be considered as

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the result of a properly defined transliteration process (cp. §§ 2.2 and 2.2.1.1). However, and possibly unsurprisingly, due to its intrinsic characteristic of encoding suprasegmental features, such a Chinese transcription turns out to be a kind of hyperphonemic encoding. More specifically: a number of ‘transcriptional transformations’, written as formally formulated rules and categorised as A-type and B-type predicates respecttively (§ 3.0), enable us to detect combinatory intra-root disharmonic patterns, the phonetic and/or prosodic interpretation of which we leave entirely to others.

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5.0 Appendix ‹ʾač ʾ›, aqa, ‘elder sister, 姑 [father’s sister]’ [7b.211]33

阿恰

ā-qià

‹ʾakʾ›, aka, ‘elder brother, 兄’, [7a.197]

阿哥

ā-gē

‹ʾlʾqʾn›, alaⱪan,34 ‘palm, 掌’ [8b.246]

阿拉克能

ā-lā-kè-néng

‹ʾalmʾ›, alma ‘apple, 蘋果’ [24a.739-740]

阿拉滿

ā-lā-mǎ n

‹ʾanʾ›, ana, ‘mother, ⺟’ [7b.209]

阿曩

ā-nǎng

‹ʾanʾr›, anar ‘pomegranate, 石榴’ [23b.733-734]

阿那

ā-nà

‹ʾarp›, arpa, ‘barley’ (Chin. 小: ‘small’) [12a.366: 大麥]

耳巴

ěr-bā

‹ʾasmʾn›, asman, ‘sky, 天’ [1a.1]

阿斯滿

ā-sī-mǎ n

‹ʾatʾ›, ata, ‘father, 父’ [7a.195]

阿塔

ā-tǎ

‹ʾay›, ay, ‘moon, 月 [1a.6]

阿伊

ā-yī

‹ʾwč ʾ›, uqa, ‘back of the body, 背’ [6b.180]

烏恰

wū-qià

‹ʾwč wkh›, ‘excrescence (of the belly)’35 (Chin: bowels, 腸’) [6b.184]36

于取

yú-qǔ

‹ʾwʾ›,37 ⱨawa ‘air’ [1a.13]

阿瓦

ā-wǎ

‹ʾwġ wl›, oƣul, ‘son, 子’ [7a.196]

窩胡魯

wō-hú-lǔ

‹ʾwkr›, ükər ‘Ursa Maior’,38 [1a.8]

五克爾

wǔ-kè-ěr

33

The first number refers to the page in which the item occurs, the second one is the

ordinal number attributed by Ché n Zōng Zhèn (1989). 34

Krippes (1998): 30a: алакан. A Mongolian loanword: Starostin, Dybo & Mudrak (2003):

1121. 35

Učuχ: Starostin, Dybo & Mudrak (2003): 1176. Ché n Zōng Zhèn (1989): 57: ytʃykε 是古

老形式 [ytʃykε is an archaic form]. 36 37

UX 1110b: ‫ي‬

‫ ﯨٔﯜﭼ‬üqəy: […] 腸.

‹ʾwʾ˽č ʾьyqbdw›, 阿瓦羌俄克布都 [ā-wǎ (wà) - qiāng-é-kè-bù-dōu] ⱨawa qang{-IK} bu

dur ‘that is the sky-clap [thunderclap]’. Cp. Ché n Zōng Zhèn (1989): 54: h(a)wa tʃaŋ(i) qipdu 译文不当(!) [the translation is inappropriate]. In fact, the actually printed text of Hàn-Huí hé-bì (p. 1a) reads: 霧, ‘fog’. Possibly to be compared with Written Mongolian aγar, Starostin, Dybo & Mudrak (2003): 273-274. 38

UT (1995): 890a: qong eyiⱪ yultuz; Ché n Zōng Zhèn (1989): 54 tried to explain the non-

matching Chinese entry ‒ ‘Chén, 辰, Dragon of Chinese Zodiac’ ‒ by saying that “yk(ε)r refers to „攒昂 [zǎn áng]”.

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‹ʾwlwġ ›, uluƣ (däryā), great (river), sea, 海 [2a.38]

烏魯克

wū-lǔ-kè

‹ʾwlwġ ḫʾn›, uluƣ-han, ‘prince, ruler, 君’ [8b.249]

烏魯汗

wū-lǔ-hàn

‹ʾwngkwr›, ɵngkür, cave, 洞 [2b.60]

容克爾

róng-kè-ěr

‹ʾymʾq›, aymaⱪ, ‘tribe’39 (Ch.: 村, ‘village’) [1b.30]

阿依瑪克

ā-yī-mǎ-kè

‹ʾyʾq›, ayaⱪ ‘large bowl, 缽’ [20b.626]

阿雅克

ā-yǎ-kè

‹bʾbʾ›, baba, ‘ancestor, (Ch.: 祖)’40 [7a.193]

巴瓦

bā-wǎ

‹bʾġ ›, baƣ, garden, 園, [14a]

巴哈

bā-hā

‹blwt, bulut, ‘cloud, 雲’ [1a.9]

布魯吐

bù-lǔ-tǔ(tù)

‹bʾr›, bar ‘existent, 有’ [12a.366]

巴爾

bā-ěr

‹bʾš›, bax, ‘head, 頭 , [6b.189]

巴什

bā-shì

‹bʾzʾr›,41 bazar ‘market, 街’ [1a.25]

巴雜

bā-zá

‹čʾġ ʾn›, qaƣan, ‘New Year’s Day, 元旦’ [5b.145-146]

恰唵

qià-ǎn

‹čʾnkwʾ›, qanga, ‘nest, 巢’ [2b.53]

羌格

qiāng-gé

‹čʾq[m]ʾq›, qaⱪmaⱪ, ‘lightning, 電’ [1b.19]

恰克瑪克

qià-kè-mǎ-kè

‹čʾšqʾn›, qaxⱪan42 ‘mouse, 鼠’ [26b.825]

且什罕

qiě-shì- hǎn

‹čʾqylġ ʾn›, qaⱪïlƣan [Kgz: чакылган n lightning]43

且克勒唵

qiě-kè-lēi-ǎn

‹čʾrġ ›, qarƣ44 ‘wheel, 輪’ [18b.565.]

恰爾克

qià-ěr-kè

‹čnkl›, qangal ‘claw, 爪’ [26a.804]

常干立

cháng-gān-lì

(Ch.: ‘thunder peal, 霆’) [1a.16]

39

Ché n Zōng Zhèn (1989): 55: «部落联盟».

40

Shaw (1880): 40; Raquette (1914): 181: bọwa. Not in UT (1990); Schwarz (1992); UX.

Kgz.: баба, cp. Krippes (1998): 6a. Possibly a Persian loanword. 41

In the printed text:‹bʾrʾr›.

42

As already noticed by Ché n Zōng Zhèn (1989): 67b, the Uyghur lexeme is here errone-

ously misspelled as ‹sʾč qʾn›. 43

Krippes (1998): 561a. Not in UT (1990); Schwarz (1992); UX. Possibly a Mongolian

loanword, cp. Starostin, Dybo & Mudrak (2003): 421. 44

Ché n Zōng Zhèn (1989): 63: «可能口语读作 ʧarq “probably, a colloquial pronunciation

of ʧarq”» which is, in fact, the Uzbek word corresponding to Uyghur qaⱪ.

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54

STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

‹čwnkqwr›, qongⱪur, deep (Ch.: hollow, pit, 窪) [2b.58]

窮呼爾

qióng-hū-ěr

‹čwqʾʾ›, qoⱪa ‘the top of the head, 顖門’, [6a.173-174]45

雀卡

què-kǎ

‹dryʾ› dərya, ‘river, 河’, [2a.39]

代鴉

dài-yā

‹ġʾz›, ƣaz ‘goose, 雁’ [25b.786]

阿斯

ā-sī

‹ḫʾnkwʾ›, hanga ‘cucumber, 王瓜’ [11b.345-346]

[王瓜]

wáng-guā

‹ḥrʾq›, ⱨaraⱪ, ‘arak, 酒’ [12a.359]

阿熱克

ā-rè-kè

‹kʾrbʾ›, kawa, ‘pumpkin, 南瓜’ [11b.351-352]

卡瓦

kǎ-wǎ (wà)

‹kʾrnʾy›, karnay ‘horn, trumpet, 號’[539.17b]

卡爾那伊

kǎ-ěr-nà-yī

‹klʾ›, kala ‘cow, 牛’ [26b.819]

柯拉

kē-lā

‹kwblwk›, kɵwrük, bridge, 橋 [1b.27]

克不魯柯

kè-bù-lǔ-kē

‹kwlčk›, kɵlqäk, ‘pond, 池’, [2a.35]

柯爾恰克

kē-ěr-qià-kè

‹kwnqzyly›, kün ⱪïzïlï, ‘dawn, 霞’ [1a.10]

坤克子烈

kūn kè-zǐ-liè

‹kwn˽twxtʾ˽bdwr›, kün tohta[x] bu dur ‘that is the

坤托胡達布都

kūn tuō-hú-tà

winter solstice,46 冬至’ [5b.157-158]

bùdōu

‹kwrġ ʾn›, ⱪorƣan ‘(frontier) fortress, 關’ [1b.32]

柯洛唵

kē-luò-ǎn

‹mʾnklʾy›, manglay, ‘forehead, 額’,[6b. 186]

忙拉伊

máng-lā-yī

‹mʾrǧ ʾn›, marjan ‘coral, 珊瑚’ [22a.677-678]

瑪爾尖

mǎ-ěr-jiān

‹nʾmrʾd›, namrat ‘poor, 貧’ [32b.1013]

那木拉提

nà-mù-lā-tí

‹pʾqlʾn›, paⱪlan ‘lamb, 羔’ [26b.824]

拍哈郎

pāi-hā-láng

‹plwʾnbʾz›,47 palwan bəzi ‘a brave, 勇’ [9a.268]

排立灣巴斯

pái-lì-wān-bā-sī

45

Shaw (1880): 99: ‘the back of the head’; Raquette (1914): 195: qoⱪa, ‘the crown of the

head’; Ché n Zōng Zhèn (1989): 57: 头顶.But cp. UT 687b: qoⱪa: otⱪa qidamliⱪ seƣiz topa [‘fire-clay soil’, ‘argillaceous soil’]; UX 413a: qoⱪa1 耐火土; qoⱪa2: 木衣架, 木钩挂 [‘wooden clothes rack’, ‘wooden hook’]. UT 704b: qoⱪa a’ilisidiki kɵp yilliⱪ, saman ƣolluⱪ ɵsümlük [‘a periennial straw plant’]; Schwarz (1992): 353a: quⱪa: a kind of figwort; UX 417b: 玄参 [‘black ginseng’]. 46

UT (1994): 710b:

‫ﻛﯜن ﺗﻮﺧﺘﺎش‬:

künning uzirixi yaki ⱪisⱪirixining tohtixi [‘either the

daylight-lengthening or the stop of daylight shortening’]. Ché n Zōng Zhèn (1989): 56: kyn toχtar-dur „太阳停住“ [the sun stopped].

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HÀN-HUÍ HÉ-BÌ

( 漢回合壁)

55

‹ptʾnk›,48 patang, neck, 項頸 [6a.169-170]

怕唐

pà-táng

‹qʾbʾq›, ⱪapaⱪ, ‘(bottle) gourd, 葫蘆’49 [13a.395-396]

卡巴克

kǎ-bā-kè

‹qʾn›, ⱪan, ‘blood, 血’ [8b.242]

卡姆

kǎ-mǔ

‹qʾr›, ⱪar, ‘snow, 雪 , [1a.12]

卡爾

kǎ-ěr

‹qʾrġ ʾ›, ⱪarƣa50 ‘crow, 鴉’ [25b.787]

喀爾阿

kā-ěr-ā

‹qʾrsḫʾn›, ⱪasⱪan ‘steamer basket, 蒸籠’ [20b.639-640]

哈斯罕

hā-sī-hǎn

‹qʾrwġ w›, ⱪariƣu, ⱪarƣu,51 ‘blind, 瞎’, [25a.772])

喀拉窩

kā-lā-wō

‹qʾš›, ⱪax, ‘eyebrow, 眉’, [6b.185]

喀什

kā-shì

‹qʾynʾ{tʾ}dwr›, ⱪayna-dur ‘to boil’, (ch.: 燒, ‘to roast’) [10b.313]

卡克乃都

kǎ-kè-nǎi-dōu

‹qmʾ›, ⱪama ‘otter, 獺’ [26a.815]

哈瑪

hā-mǎ

‹qnʾt›, ⱪanat ‘wing, 翅’ [26a.805]

卡拉提

kǎ-lā-tí

‹qwrw›, ⱪïro,52 ‘frost, 霜’ [1a.11]

克喏

kè-rě

‹qzʾn›, ⱪazan ‘pot, 錭’ [20a.623]

哈贊53

hā-zàn

‹rʾst›, rast ‘true, 實’ [31a.967]

熱斯

rè-sī

‹sʾġ ʾrwġ w›, saƣ(a)ruƣi,54 ‘deaf, 聾’ [25a.769]

薩阿欲耳

sà-ā-yù-ěr

‹skyznčy˽ʾy›, səkkizinqi ay ‘the eighth month, Mid-

色克斯唵恰阿伊55

sè-kè-sī-ǎn-qià

autumn, 中秋’ [5b.155-156]

ā-yī

‹sʾmsʾq›, samsaⱪ, ‘garlic, 蒜’ [11a.332]

47 48

色木薩克

‹‫›ﭬﻠﻮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯ‬.

‹‫›ﭬﺘﺎﻧﻚ‬.

49

UT (1994): 4a: ‫ ;ﻗﺎﭘﺎق‬UX 666a.

50

Schwarz (1992): 623b: ⱪaƣa.

51

Raquette (1914): 213 [qarγu]. UX 683a:

Schwarz (1992): 617a: ⱪarƣu ‘blind’.

‫ﻗﺎرﯨﻐ ُﻮ‬:

瞎, 盲, [‘blind’]; UT (1994): 82a.

52

UX 760b: ‫ﻗﯩﺮﻭ‬.

53

According to Nishimura (2005). In the actually printed text: 簪, [zān].

54

Shaw (1880): 118: ‫ﺳﺎﻏﺮاﻏﻮ‬. UT (1992) 386b:

(1992) 461b: sag̃ ro. 55

sè-mù-sà-kè

‫ ﺳﺎﻏﺮ ُو‬.‫ دﯨﮥل‬.‫ ﺳﯜپ‬.‫ﺳﺎﻏﺮ ُوﻏﻰ‬. Cp. Schwarz

In the actually printed text, some Chinese characters are misplaced: 色克斯阿伊唵恰,

sè-kè-sī-ā-yī-ǎn-qià, cp. Ché n Zōng Zhèn (1989): 56.

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56

STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

‹sʾrʾnk›, sarang, ‘insane person, 瘋’, [25a.775]

薩嚷

sà-rāng

‹sʾʿt›, sa’ət,56 ‘time, hour, 時’, [4b.115]

薩哎提

sà-āi-tí

‹sw›, su, ‘water, 水’ [2a.41]

蘇

sū

‹šʾm›, xam ‘candle, 蠟’ [17b.530]

沙木

shā-mù

‹šwr›, xur (däryā), flowing (river), 江 [2a.40]

梭爾

xùn-ěr

‹tʾġ ›, taƣ,57 ‘mountain, 山 , [2b.49]

塔克

tǎ-kè

‹tʾġ ʾ›, taƣa, ‘uncle, 舅’ [7a.204]

塔唵

tǎ-ǎn

‹tʾm›, tam, ‘wall, 牆’ [14b.448]

塔木

tǎ-mù

‹tʾrġ ʾq›, tarƣaⱪ58 ‘comb, 梳’ [19a.583]

他阿克

tā-ā-kè

‹tʾš›, tax, ‘stone, 石’, [2b.62]

塔石

tǎ-shí

‹tʾwʾr›, tawar ‘silk, 絲’ [15a.486]

塔瓦

tǎ-wǎ (wà)

‹tġ ʾr›, taƣar ‘bag (pocket), 口袋’ [633.20b]

他哈

tā-hā

‹twšwk›, tɵxük, ‘hole, cave, 穴’ [2b.54]

處鼠克

chù-shǔ-kè

‹wpʾdʾr›, wapadar, ‘filial, 孝’ [9a.269]

臥59帕達爾

wò-pà-dá-ěr

‹yʾġ ›, yaƣ ‘fat, 油’ [17b.529]

鴨克

yā-kè

‹yʾlġ ʾn›, yalƣan ‘false, 虛’ [31a.968]

鴉拉唵

yā-lā-ǎn

‹yʾmġ wr›, yamƣur, rain, 雨 [1b22.]

牙木古

yá-mù-gǔ

‹yʾš›, yax, ‘age, 嵗’ [6a.166]

牙希

yá-xī

‹ylnk›, yalang ‘single,單’ [15b.473]

牙狼

yá-láng

‹yqʾ›, yaⱪa, ‘collar, 領’ [15a.461]

押卡

yā-kǎ

‹yr›, yër, ground, 地 [2a.44]

耶爾

yé-ěr

‹ywltwz›, yultuz, ‘star, 星’ [1a.7]

于魯斯

yú-lǔ-sī

‹ywtʾ›, yuta, ‘thigh 骽’, [8b.247]

約塔

yuē-tǎ

56

Raquette (1914): 203: sàʾä̬ t (versus saráñ). UT (1992): 360b: ‫ﺳﺎﺋﻪﺕ‬.

57

Raquette (1914): 188: tạγ.

58

UX 242a: ‫ﺗﺎرﯨﻐﺎق‬: 梳子.

59

Actually, in the printed text occurs the simplified form 卧.

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HÀN-HUÍ HÉ-BÌ

( 漢回合壁)

57

Paradigm of ⱪara ‘black’ ‹qrʾ›, ⱪara, ‘black, 黑’ [28b.885]

喀喇, kā-lǎ

‹qrʾš kr›, ⱪara xekər ‘brown sugar, 黑糖’ [11b.343-344]

喀喇 希卡, kā-lǎ xī-kǎ

‹qrʾʾwtʾġ ʾt›, ⱪara otuƣat, ‘blue feathers (used as head ornament),

喀喇 卧圖阿提,

藍翎’

[15b.469-470]60

kā-lǎ wò-tú-ā-tí versus

‹qrʾmwč› ⱪaramurq, ‘(black) pepper, 胡椒’ [11b.339-340] ‹qrʾqwš ›, ⱪaraⱪux, ‘vulture, 雕’

[25b.800]61

喀熱木曲, kā-rè-mù-qū 哈拉庫什, hā-lā-kù-shì

‹qrʾswnʾ›, ⱪarasona, ‘thistle’ (Chin.: 萵苣 ‘lettuce’)62 [13a.393-394]

卡爾蘇乃, kǎ-ěr-sū-nǎi

60

Cp. Ché n Zōng Zhèn (1989): 62: «“黑色羽毛头饰”».

61

Not in UT, cp. UX 679a: ‫ﻗﯘش‬

‫ﻗﺎرا‬, 木星, ‘Jupiter’. But cp. Krippes (1998): 242: «каракуш

‘imperial eagle’». 62

Cp. UX 652a: ‫ﻏﻮﻟﻜﯘك‬, 莴苣; 1055b: ‫ﺋﻮﺳﯘڭ‬.

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Chapter II A neglected side-ancestor of modern, Latin-based Turkish alphabet : the Stambollit alphabet

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1 Introduction Let us approach the arguments and categories addressed in this chapter, by examining, in a very conversational and easy-to-follow way, a borderline, yet extremely simplified case. Let us pretend to have recently discovered a mysterious inscription on a stone that bears a text on both its sides. Here is the first ‘text’, as it is readable on the recto side: :↑↟↓:↑↟↑:↑↡↓:↑↡↑:↓↡↑:↓↟↓: : : Unfortunately, the stone is broken, and we do not know how the text begins and how it ends. We know virtually nothing about the underlying language: whether its script is alphabetic or syllabic, or even whether it runs leftwards or rightwards. We are obliged to construct a model by formulating some hypothesis. Let us start by assuming that the script in question is a left-toright alphabetic script. Thus, we may observe the following facts: 1 Its alphabet Σ consists of four symbols (graphemes): Σ = ⟨‹↑›, ‹↓›, ‹↟›, ‹↡›⟩. 2 The sole, detectable allowed syntagmatic strings appear to be sequences/syntagms of (no more and no less than) three symbols (graphemes). In principle, nothing prevents us from postulating monoid Σ* as the set of all possible finite combinatorial graphemic strings contained in the alphabet Σ. But, after close scrutiny, we are eventually able to infer a number of graphotactical (better: syntagmatical) constraints that prevents monoid Σ* from being free.

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62

STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

3 In fact, if, as it is plausible to hold, we interpret Σ as Σ = C ⋃ V, where C = ⟨‹↑›, ‹↓›⟩, and V = ⟨‹↟›, ‹↡›⟩; 4 it turns out that the ternary strings are possibly interpretable as syllables of the type ‘CVC’: actually, it appears that symbols belonging to set C cannot occur in the second position, and, conversely, symbols belonging to set V cannot occur in the first or third positions. 5 If we go beyond considering the fact that strings #:↓↟↑:# and #:↓↡↑:# do not occur as a mere casualty, we must hypothesise a constraint preventing symbol ‹↑› from occurring in first position when the second and third ‘slots’ are filled by, respectively, ‹↟› and ‹↓›, or ‹↡› and ‹↓›. That is all we are able to infer at this stage. However, soon afterwards, we detect the following ‘text’ on the verso side of the stone inscription: :↑↟:↑↓:↑↟↑:↑↡↓:↓↑:↑↑:↓↑:↓↟↓:↓↓:↡↓:↟↓: : : At first glance, the newly discovered text seems utterly baffling. However, since we definitely want to avoid repudiating, or even partially disavowing the otherwise simple (and thus, powerful) syntagmatic model underlined by statements (2) and (4), we are driven to modify our definition of alphabet Σ, as outlined in statement (3), by positing, for example, that both sets C and V should include a zero-representation: C = ⟨‹↑›, ‹↓›, ‹∅›⟩; V = ⟨‹↟›, ‹↡›, ‹∅›⟩. As a result, the binary strings are revealed as being only apparent: ↑↟∅:↑∅↓:↑↟↑:↑↡↓:↓∅↑:↑∅↑:↓∅↑:↓↟↓:↓∅↓:∅↡↓:↑↓↡:∅↟↓: : : All the strings seem to comply with the only detectable criterion of well-formedness (which requires exhibiting the structure CVC), save one (#:↑↓↡:#).A first question may now be asked: how many sounds may be represented by symbols belonging to set V? If the alphabet Σ is strictly phonetic (at least, but not necessarily, phonemic; or, even, as not uncommon, hyperphonemic) ‒ that is, if each symbol corresponds to a single sound (phoneme) and vice versa ‒ the answer is obviously: “at least 3” (since |V| = 3). But what about the erratic string #:↑↓↡:#? Should we consider it to be the result of a mere ‘scribal’ error? Or will we eventually be obliged to discard our syntagmatic model? At any rate, is this model amendable (or

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THE STAMBOLLIT ALPHABET

63

differently interpretable) without disavowing statement (4)? Yes, it is. Moreover, as we will see in the following, within the frame of such a ‘different interpretation’, a (possible) answer to the afore-proposed question would be: “more than 3”! 2 What is a hyperphonemic writing system? What is a ‘hyperphonemic’ writing system? What does that adjective mean precisely? Why don’t we limit ourselves to making reference to (merely) phonetic notations, or to (merely) phonetic transcoding processes? Particularly since, as we will see in a further paragraph, any hyperphonemic system is obviously reducible to a phonetic one. Let us try to explain what we mean by the term ‘hyperphonemic’. Assuming that: ‒

‒ ‒

X = {𝓍1, 𝓍2, …, 𝓍𝓃-1, 𝓍𝓃}, Σ1 = {‹a›, ‹b›, …, ‹y›, ‹z›} are a couple of mutually isomorphic, 1 ordered sets (Weaver 2014: 11) ‒ thus, along with the further assumption that morphism f: X ⟶ Σ1 is unambiguous (the latter being a non-cogent assumption otherwise), it is revealed that |X| = |Σ1|; Y = {𝓎1, 𝓎2, …, 𝓎𝓃-1, 𝓎𝓃}, Σ2 = {/a/, /b/, …, /y/, /z/} are a couple of mutually isomorphic, ordered sets, (thus |Y| = |Σ2|); and Z = {𝓏1, 𝓏2, …, 𝓏𝓃-1, 𝓏𝓃}, Σ3 = {[a], [b], …, [j], [z]} are a couple of mutually isomorphic, ordered sets ‒ therefore |Z| = |Σ3|; we may say that: iff the coupled sets X, Y; and Y, Z respectively, are mutually isomorphic; ⟶ the resulting, (purely theoretical) writing system 𝕎 = X ∪ Y ∪ Z turns out to be perfectly phonemic2 as well as phonetic:

1

This means that there is a bijection from X to Σ1: X ≅ Σ1. Cp. at least Büchi (1989): 28-29.

2

For different (and/or differently formulated) definitions, cp. Brainerd (1971): 79-81, 110;

Higgins (1971): 23-26; Kornai (2007): 26. The above notion of phonemicity may be encapsulated in the (more general) idea of ‘perfect fit’, as discussed in Bauer (2016) and Consani (2016).

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64

STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

X

Z

Y

(1)

(X ≅ Y) ∧ (Y ≅ Z) → 𝕎 ⊨ φpp

iff the coupled sets X, Y are mutually isomorphic, but the coupled sets Y, Z are not; ⟶ the writing system 𝕎 = X ∪ Y ∪ Z turns out to be (merely) phonemic: X

Z

Y

(2)

(X ≅ Y) ∧ (Y ≇ Z) → 𝕎 ⊨ φemic

iff the coupled sets X, Y are not mutually isomorphic, being |X| < |Y| ‒ as a result, f: X ⟷ Σ1 ≇ g: Y ⟷ Σ2)3 ‒ the coupled sets Y, Z may or may not be isomorphic; ⟶ the writing system 𝕎 = X ∪ Y ∪ Z is hypophonemic X

Z

Y

(|X| < |Y|) ∧ [(Y ≅ Z) ∨ (Y ≇ Z)] ⟶ 𝕎 ⊨ φ‒emic

3

(3)

Büchi (1989): 22 (30); 91, (10), (11).

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65

THE STAMBOLLIT ALPHABET

Thus: iff the coupled sets X, Z are mutually isomorphic, but the coupled sets Y, Z are not ‒ being |Y| < |Z| (thus, f: Y ↔ Σ2 ≇ g: Z ↔ Σ3); → the writing system 𝕎 = X ∪ Y ∪ Z is hyperphonemic: X

Z

Y

(X ≅ Z) ∧ (|Y| < |Z|)→ 𝕎 ⊨ φ+emic

(4a)

The above case study is obviously incomplete. Furthermore, we may expand previous statements 1 to 4a by firstly considering the conditions under which a locally-phonemic writing system exists: given {[[(Xp ⊊ X) ∧ (Σp1 ⊊ Σ1) ∧ (Xp ≅ Σp1)] ∧ [(Yp ⊊ Y) ∧ (Σp2 ⊊ Σ2) ∧ (Yp ≅ Σp2)] ∧ ∧ [(Zp ⊊ Z) ∧ (Σp3 ⊊ Σ3) ∧ (Zp ≅ Σp3)]] ∧ (Xp ≅ Yp)} = p iff

p ∧ [(Yp ≇ Zp) ∧ (𝕎loc = Xp ∪ Yp ∪ Zp)] ⟶

𝕎loc ⊨ φemic

(5)

then, by enunciating the conditions of existence of a locally-hyperphonemic writing system: iff

p ∧ [(|Yp| < |Zp|) ∧ (𝕎loc = Xp ∪ Yp ∪ Zp)] ⟶ 𝕎loc ⊨ φ+emic

(6)

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3 The Yaŋalif writing system As a first, concrete case of locally-hyperphonemic writing system, let us consider the Yaŋalif (Jaӊalif) writing system that was already in use for the Tatar language. 4 If we examine the orthographic data that are retrievable from, among others, the History of the Alphabet and Orthography of the Tatar Language by Khalif Kurbatov, it is clear that, aside from the graphemes ‹e›, ‹ь› and ‹i›, the Yaŋalif writing system made use of ‹Ø›.5 Cp. Курбатов (1960: 88):

4

Cp. at least Fazlulla (1930); Rәmi & Kyli (1930); Курбатов (1960): 66-99; Мударисова

(2001); Закиев (2005): 70-79. 5

Cp. Курбатов (1960): 88: “Syzdə brnce bulьp kilgən acəq içklarda „ь-e" lar jazlmьj,

qalƣan acьq içklərdə hər urnda jazьla. Eş: brnce içege acьq bulьp, içek azaƣnda „ь-e" auazlarь işetlgən syzlər taьƣəz, şularnь juƣarьda kyrsətkьncь yazьƣьz. 5) Ser, srle, srləde, srləştde, srləştrsen, srləştrsnnər …; Sьr, srlь, srladь, srlaştrdь, srlaştrsьn, srlaştrsnnar …”

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According, to Rәmi & Kyli (1930: vi), among others, the zero-represented allophonic variants are to be considered as ‘кыска вариант’, a ‘shortened variant’, thus interpreting the alternation ‹V› versus ‹Ø› as denoting an opposition in length:

Consequently, according to Rәmi & Kyli’s interpretation, each of the three Tatar phonemes /e/, /ı/, /i/ corresponds to a couple of prosodic allophones: /e/

/ı/

/i/

[e:]

[e]

[ɨ:]

[ɨ]

[i:]

[i]

‹e›

‹Ø›

‹ь›

‹Ø›

‹i›

‹Ø›

But such an orthographic alternation may as well denotes an opposetion in terms of vowel quality rather than vowel quantity. The following is a reinterpretation of Rәmi & Kyli’s inventory of Tatar vowel allophones:6 Σ1

/a/

/ä/

Σ2

[a]

[ɛ]

[e]

[ė ]

[ɨ]

[ə]

[i]

Σ3

‹a›

‹ə›

‹e›

‹Ø›

‹ь›

‹Ø›

‹i›

6

/e/

/ı/

/i/

/o/

/ö/

/u/ /ü/

[ɪ]

[o]

[ʚ]

[u]

[ʉ]

‹Ø›

‹o›

‹ө›

‹u›

‹y›

Cp. Закиев (1995): 89-91. According to Закиев (1995): 91, for each of the nine native

Tatar vowel phonemes, there are at least as many as five (in two cases: four) allophones, corresponding to five different syntagmatic positions: “Аллофонны исконных гласных фонем: абсолютном начале слова; абсолютом конце слова; после увулярных; после переднеязычных; слотах, следующих за слогами”.

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Some examples (drawn from Курбатов [1960]): [e] versus [ė ]: ‹ser› versus ‹sØrləde›; [ɨ] versus [ə]: ‹caqьrt› versus ‹caqØrtsьn›; ‹sьr› versus ‹sØrlaştØrdь›; [i] versus [ɪ]:‹birle› versus ‹brnce›. 4 The Stambollit writing system In 1879, one of the most representative of Tanzimat intellectuals, Şemseddin Sami, alias Sami Frashëri (1850 –1904) published a pioneer work entitled “Alfabetare e gluhësë shqip”, 7 aimed at promoting the implementation of a new alphabet for the Albanian language, (chiefly, but not entirely) based on the Latin script. An Albanian booklet that was completely different in scope, entitled Shqipëria. Ç’ka qënë, ç’është e ç’do të bëhetë8 and issued anonymously in the year 1899 (although Frashëri’s authorship is hardly controversial nowadays) arouse much more concern: it was a political pamphlet that proved to be an early “[…] ‘manifesto’ of Albanian political nationalism foreseeing an Albanian state”. 9 The booklet was soon translated into (Ottoman) Turkish by Shahin Kolonja (1865-1919), who first published it in instalments over a period of some months, between November the 19th 1904 and August the 9th 1906, in his journal Drita (issues no. 53-59, 6182).10 It is interesting that this earliest Turkish edition of Shqipëria Ç’ka qënë was published in Stambollit script:11 To the best of my knowledge, it is the only Turkish text written in such an alphabet (in the following, we will refer to this text as ShqpSt). 7

Alfabetare e gluhësë shqip. Ndë Konstandinopojë, mbë1879, ndë shkronjështypjet të A.

Zeliçit. Cp. http://adsh.unishk.edu.al/items/show/3. 8

Trencsényi & Kopeček (2007): 297-304.

9

Bilmez (2003): 6.

10

Hanioğlu (2001): 361, note 283. Cp. Bilmez (2003): 7, note 48.

11

A separate edition appeared in Sofia in 1907 (this time, written in Arabic characters), cp.

Bilmez (2003): 7, n. 49.

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Since a number of graphemes belonging to this alphabet have not yet been encoded in Unicode, in the following we will make use of the below, (almost) completely arbitrary, set of transliterating characters: ‹ε›

‹ғ›

/ä/

‹λ›

‹ŋ›

‹p›

‹ш›

‹ҹ›

/ɫ/

/ŋ/

/p/

/ʃ/

/ʤ/

If we examine the box diagram below, which presents the ShqpSt inventory of vowel graphemes: ‹a›

‹ε›

‹e›

‹i›

/a/

/ä/

/ı/

/i/

‹o› /o/

/ö/

‹u›

‹y›

/u/

/ü/

we would be compelled to consider the Stambollit writing system as (slightly) hypophonemic with regard to the Turkish phonemic repertoire. Obviously, iff 𝒾:

[(Xploc ⊊ X) ∧ (X ∈ 𝕎St)] ∧ [(Σ1loc ⊊ Σ1) ∧ (Σ1 ∈ 𝕎St)] ∧ ⋀ [Xploc = {𝓍1, …, 𝓍𝑛-1, 𝓍𝑛}, ∧ Σ1loc = {‹@1›,12 …, ‹@𝑛-1›, ‹@𝑛›}] ∧ Xploc ↔ Σ1loc; 𝑛≥1

[(Yploc ⊊ Y) ∧ (Y ∈ 𝕎St)] ∧ [(Σ2loc ⊊ Σ2) ∧ (Σ2 ∈ 𝕎St)]

𝒾𝒾:

∧ ⋀ [Yploc = {𝓎1, …, 𝓎𝑛-1, 𝓎𝑛}, ∧ Σ2loc = {/𝒱𝒶/1, …, /𝒱𝓎/𝑛-1, /𝒱𝓏/𝑛13}] ∧ Yploc ↔ Σ2loc; 𝑛≥1

𝒾𝒾𝒾:

[(Zploc ⊊ Z) ∧ (Z ∈ 𝕎St)] ∧ [(Σ3loc ⊊ Σ3) ∧ (Σ3 ∈ 𝕎St)];

𝒾𝓋:

[(Yploc ≅ Zploc) ∨ (Yploc ≇ Zploc)] ∧ 𝕎loc = Xploc ∪ Zploc ∪ Zploc according to (1), (2) and (5), the latter 𝕎loc is revealed to be at least phonemic. In fact, a thorough exam of the texts of ShqpSt will enable us to detect at least one 𝕎loc which will turn out to be hyperphonemic.

12

Here and in the following, the symbol “@” denotes a fictitious, abstract grapheme.

13

With “/𝒱𝒶/1”, “/𝒱𝓎/𝑛-1”, “/𝒱𝓏/𝑛” we denote here unspecified, but definitely unambiguous

vocalic phonemes.

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5 The case of morpheme #–dXQ# Let us consider the following spreadsheet, in which a number of Turkish syntagms, taken from ShqpSt, are displayed analytically: 0

1 √

2

3

4

#-Xn#

#-dXr#

#-mA#

5 #-mAQ#

6

7

#+lIQ#

8

#+lI#

9

#+lAr# #+In#

10 #+A# #+I#

#-dXQ#

#+dAn#

kaλ top

o

ғon

deg

i

λa

n

deg

i

buλ

en

deg

oλ

en

dek

dan

oλ

un

dek

d{ε}n

oλ

un

dek

dan

ku

dek

dan

ol

deq

ғor

deq

dεr

deғ

bil Di

εmε

ғiш

en

dan

i lεr

i i

diғ

emez

dεn

diq

If we compare such specimina with some analogous examples taken from the quasi-contemporary newspaper Αγγελιάφορος (January the 20th 1898, no. 3):14 0

1

2

3

4

5

6

καλπ̇

7

8 λερ

ιμιζ

ὲ

ινιζ

ὶ

ο̇ υμο̇ υζ

ὲ

ατ̇ ζαγ

ην

ὴ

ατ̇ ζαγ

ημηζ

ὰ

κεντ̇ ι

λερ

к̇ ο̇ ζ ολ

14

ουν

10 τ̇ ὲ

ο̇ υζερ

ολ

9 ιμιζ

Cp. Balta (2010): 118-121, 124, 130-131. For a comprehensive linguistic evaluation of

Karamanlidic literature, see Brendemoen (2016).

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

π̇ ιλ

ετ̇ ζεγ

ιμιζ

ὶ

ολ

μακ

ημηζ

ὴ

Ετ

μεκ

ιμιζ

ὶ

ολ π̇ ουλ

ουν

κ̇ ελ

με

κουρ

λιγ

τ̇ ηγ

ημὴζ

τ̇ ηγ

ηνὴζ

τ̇ ιγ

ιμιζ

τ̇ ὲν

τ̇ ουγ

ημηζ

τ̇ ὰ

we may observe that the latter denote a linguistic domain that already exhibits an (almost) perfectly modern labial and palatal vowel harmony. Moreover, when analysing each Stambollit syntagm, two differently bounded syllable sequences appear to be detectable: the (presumably) pitch-accented ‘Phonological Word’ 15 which, in turn, encompasses the ‘Inner Harmonic Syntagm’, the leftmost head-syllable of which coincides with the rightmost syllable of a given lexemic root (which possibly could not be harmonic in turn); and the external rightward boundary of which is marked by a syllable (σ𝓅𝓃-1) opaque to local (front-back) vowel harmony:16 Phonological Word (P𝓌) Inner Harmonic Syntagm (H𝓌) 0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

𝜎𝓅1 Root

8

9

10

𝜎𝒽𝓂

𝜎𝓅𝓃-1

𝜎𝓅𝓃

Morphemic Affixes

15

Revithiadou (2011).

16

See the Appendix. The perspective according to which this phenomenon is interpreted

here is epitomized in Proverbio (2016): 291: “What we may observe in diachronic perspective is a sort of ‘bradyseismic’, non-uniform movement, starting from a morphemicsegmenting, morpheme-boundaries marking, vocalic sandhi based, in rough words: from a functionally fully-disharmonic syntagmatic structure ‒ somewhat intrinsic to a number of Old, Middle- and Modern Turkic languages‒ toward a macro-prosodic oriented, fullyharmonic macrosyntagm, paradigmatically epitomized by Kaisse’s ‘Phonological Word’ in Contemporary Turkish”.

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THE STAMBOLLIT ALPHABET

If we assume that φ𝒽 is “the property of exhibiting a rightward harmonic agreement”, we may describe the syntagmatic relationship among syllables, within a given Phonological Word P𝓌, as follows: 𝓂

given

(

𝓅(𝓌)

P𝓌 = {𝜎1

𝓅(𝓌)

, …, 𝜎𝓃

}) ∧ ( 𝓂

𝒽(𝓌) H𝓌 = {𝜎𝒽(𝓌) , …, 𝜎𝓂 }) 1

𝒾:

⊨ φ𝒽 ⟶ 𝜎𝓅(𝓌) ≅ 𝜎𝒽(𝓌) ⊭ φ𝒽 ⟶ s𝜎𝓅(𝓌) ≅ 𝜎𝒽(𝓌) iff (s𝜎(𝓌) ) ∧ (s𝜎𝓅(𝓌) ); 1 1 1 1 1 1

𝒾𝒾:

𝒽(𝓌) ⊭ φ𝒽) (∀𝜎(𝓌))(s𝜎𝓂

Let us come back to the first tabular document: at first glance, the existence of the following three allophonic variants, within the Stambollit linguistic domain, appears to be more than hypothetical: ‹deg›, ‹dek›

‹deғ, ‹deq›

‹diғ›, ‹diq›

[dəq]

[dɨk]

[dik]

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6 Progressive front-vowel harmony When we think about progressive (rightward-spreading) front-vowel harmony, we assume that a leftmost head-syllable ‒ the rightmost syllable of a given lexemic root ‒ governs the spreading process somewhat. But what, exactly, does this means? At first glance ‒ as it appears evident when considering the above mentioned case of morpheme #-dXQ#, as it occurs in ShqpSt ‒ it could hardly mean that a certain phonetic feature is ‘transmitted’ throughout the rightward adjacent syllables, towards a given syntagmatic boundary (for example, a given prosodic edge). What we actually observe is that the allophonic pattern [dəq] is entangled with lexemic roots exhibiting [a], [u], or [o] in the syllabic nuclear position; and pattern [dɨk] is entangled with lexemic roots exhibiting [ɞ], or [ɛ] in the syllabic nuclear position ‒ while pattern [dik] is only entangled with lexemic roots exhibiting [i]. At least in the first two cases, we are compelled to notice that none of the 3-tuple of phonetic features denoted by the ‘trigger’ vowels match the 3-tuple denoted by the ‘target’ vowel:

[a]

[u]

[o]

[ə]

[ɞ]

[+front, –back] •

•

•

[+high, –low, +tense] [–high, +low]

•

•

•

•

•

•

[–high, –low, +tense]

•

[–high, –low, –tense]

•

[+round] [–round]

[ɨ]

•

[–front, +back] [–front, –back]

[ɛ]

• •

•

•

•

• •

•

•

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77

THE STAMBOLLIT ALPHABET

7 Government Phonology under scrutiny As a first working hypothesis, we may assume that, according to a Government–based analysis, a certain harmonic pattern should be ‘licensed’ by a (precisely detectable) head–syllable. Let us examine Beata Moskal’s original elemental classification of Turkish vocalic phonemes (Moskal 2017a): /a/ [a]

/ä/ [ɛ]

/ı/ [ə]

[ɨ] ∀

A

A I

/i/ [i] ∀

/o/ [o]

/ö/ [ɞ]

A

A I U

I U

/u/ [u] ∀

/ü/ [ʉ] ∀

U

I U

Since, within the linguistic domain denoted by ShqpSt, [ə] and [ɨ] are definitely combinatorial allophones ‒ they occur exclusively as nuclear vowels in the monosyllabic morpheme #–dXQ# ‒ according to Moskal’s classification, they are actually indistinguishable. Let us now examine the actual behaviour of morpheme #–dXQ#, assuming that a harmonic feature, instead of resulting from spreading, requires licensing by an element in the preceding segment: [dəq]

Targets

[dɨk]

[dik]

Triggers

∀

∀

∀

I

‹kaλ›, √kal–

⊖

⊖

⊖

⊖

?!

‹buλ›, √bul–

*

*

*

⊖

?!

‹oλ›, √ol–

⊖

⊖

⊖

⊖

?!

‹ol›, √öl–

⊖

⊖

⊖

*

?!

‹ғondεr›, √gönder–

⊖

⊖

⊖

*

?!

‹diғiб›, √değiş–

⊖

⊖

*

*

ok

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The licensing process does not seem to function at all. A further possibility would be to consider two slightly revised versions of Moskal’s elemental classification (at the weird cost of discarding the phonemic indistinguishability of [ə] and [ɨ]): Variant A /a/ [a]

/ä/ [ɛ]

A

A I

/ı/ [ə] ∀

[ɨ] ∀

/i/ [i] ∀

I

I

U

/o/ [o]

/ö/ [ɞ]

A U

A I U

/o/ [o]

/ö/ [ɞ]

A

A I U

/u/ [u] ∀

/ü/ [ʉ] ∀

U

I U

/u/ [u] ∀

/ü/ [ʉ] ∀

U

I U

Variant B /a/ [a]

/ä/ [ɛ]

A

A I

/ı/ [ə] ∀ A

/i/ [i] ∀

[ɨ] ∀ A I

I

U

U

Thus: [dəq]

Targets

[dɨk]

[dik]

Triggers

∀

U

∀

I

I

‹kaλ›, √kal–

⊖

⊖

⊖

⊖

⊖

?!

‹buλ›, √bul–

*

*

*

⊖

⊖

ok

‹oλ›, √ol–

⊖

*

⊖

⊖

⊖

‹ol›, √öl–

⊖

*

⊖

*

*

?!

‹ғondεr›, √gönder–

⊖

⊖

⊖

*

*

?!

‹diғiб›, √değiş–

⊖

⊖

⊖

*

*

ok

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79

THE STAMBOLLIT ALPHABET

[dəq]

Targets

[dɨk]

[dik]

Triggers

∀

A

U

∀

A

I

I

‹kaλ›, √kal–

⊖

*

⊖

⊖

*

⊖

⊖

‹buλ›, √bul–

*

⊖

*

*

⊖

⊖

⊖

‹oλ›, √ol–

⊖

*

*

⊖

*

⊖

⊖

‹ol›, √öl–

⊖

*

*

⊖

*

*

*

‹ғondεr›, √gönder–

⊖

*

⊖

⊖

*

*

*

‹diғiб›, √değiş–

⊖

⊖

⊖

⊖

⊖

*

*

?!

?!

ok

In both cases, the licensing process does not seem to function properly.

8 Introducing abstract phonetic features I provisionally propose the following elemental classification:17 [a] A

[ɛ] ℘ A I

[ə] ℘ A

[ɨ] ℘

[i]

[o]

[ɞ] ℘

[u]

[ʉ]

U

I U

A I

I

U

U

I U

Before triggering the licensing process, we have to declare a number of derivational constraints. Assuming that: φℓ is “the property of being licensed”;

𝒾:

𝒾𝒾: a 𝖑–object is any of the (not necessarily ordered) possible sets of at most three whatsoever occurrences of at least one element belonging to alphabet Σℓ = {*, ⊖}; 𝕷x = ⟨𝖑x1, …, 𝖑x𝓃⟩ is a licensing 𝓃–tuple (in fact, at most, a 3–tuple), i.e. a

𝒾𝒾𝒾: 𝓃

17

Here the Weierstrass ‘p’ (℘) is intended to denote a fictitious, abstract phonetic feature.

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tuple of 𝖑–objects that has to be weighted in order to fulfil a single licensing process; 𝒾𝓋: any 3–tuple 𝕷x = ⟨𝖑x1, 𝖑x2, 𝖑x3⟩ may be regarded as a domain (but also as a numeric function) the range of which is Lx = {𝒶, 𝒷, 𝒸} = {|𝖑x1|, |𝖑x2|, |𝖑x3|}: thus, with the formula |𝖑x𝓃–𝓂| = max (𝕷x) we indicate the largest among the numeric values actually contained in the range–set Lx denoted by a specific 𝓃–tuple 𝕷x; (∀𝖑x𝓃–𝓂)(𝖑x𝓃–𝓂 ∈ 𝕷x = ⟨𝖑x1, 𝖑x2, 𝖑x3⟩)

‒

moreover, by abbreviating the formula

‒

as q; and the formula (∃𝖑x𝓃–𝓂| 𝖑x𝓃–𝓂| = max (𝕷x)) as t;

𝓃

we may eventually state that: ‒

Iff q∙⋀ ((∃!𝖑x𝓃–𝓂| 𝖑x𝓃–𝓂 ∌ ⊖))

⟶ 𝖑x𝓃–𝓂 ⊨ φL

(7)

‒

Iff q∙⋀ ((∃!𝖑x𝓃–𝓂| 𝖑x𝓃–𝓂 ∋ *))

⟶ 𝖑x𝓃–𝓂 ⊨ φL

(8)

‒

Iff q∙⋀ ((∄𝖑x𝓃–𝓂| 𝖑x𝓃–𝓂 ∋ ⊖) ∧ t)

⟶ 𝖑x𝓃–𝓂 ⊨ φL

(9)

When considering the case of morpheme #–dXQ#, we observe that:

[dəq]

TARGETS

[dɨk]

[dik]

TRIGGERS

℘

A

U

℘

I

I

‹kaλ›, √kal–

⊖

*

⊖

⊖

⊖

⊖

(8)

‹buλ›, √bul–

⊖

⊖

*

⊖

⊖

⊖

(8)

‹oλ›, √ol–

⊖

*

*

⊖

⊖

⊖

(8)

‹ol›, √öl–

*

⊖

*

*

*

*

(7), (9)

‹ғondεr›, √gönder–

*

*

⊖

*

*

*

(7), (9)

‹diғiб›, √değiş–

⊖

⊖

⊖

⊖

*

*

(8)

The last column of the above spreadsheet encapsulates the label numbers referring to the derivational constraints that triggered each of the cases examined.

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81

THE STAMBOLLIT ALPHABET

Morpheme #–AčAQ#: TARGETS

‹aҹak›

‹εҹεғ›

[aʣa:q]

[εʣε:k]

TRIGGERS

A

℘

A

I

‹jap›, √yap–

*

⊖

*

⊖

(7)

‹oλ›, √ol–

*

⊖

*

⊖

(7)

‹ғεl›, √gel–

*

*

*

*

(9)

‹bil›, √bil–

⊖

⊖

⊖

*

(8)

Morpheme #–mAQ#: TARGETS

‹mak›, ‹mag›

‹mεq›, ‹mεғ›

[ma:q]

[mε:k]

TRIGGERS

A

℘

A

I

‹anla›, √anla–

*

⊖

*

⊖

(7)

‹ғir›, √gir–

⊖

⊖

⊖

*

(8)

‹bεslε›, √besle–

*

*

*

*

(9)

9 A much lighter approach One major flaw, among others, in the above approach is not to be found in making use of abstract, fictitious phonetic features; or in the mathematicality of the derivational constraints; but in the fact that we began by assuming that a certain inventory of phonetic objects, each of which denotes a 3–tuple of phonetic features, was inherently denoted by Stambollit Turkish. A much lighter assumption is required here. Within the frame of a provisional working hypothesis, and by means of an abstract, non IPA–notation, we will present the following, partially arbitrary, graphemically– oriented inventory of phonetic objects ‒ each of which denotes (by assumption) at most a 2–tuple of phonetic features ‒ which we consider

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82

STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

to be the vowel inventory denoted by the Turkish idiolect written in the Stambollit alphabet: Σ3loc = {[a1], [i1], [o1], [u1], [a2], [i2], [o2], [u2], [i3]}. At this point, we may construct a simplified transcoding model, observing that: 𝒾 𝒾𝒾

iff (cp. § 2) the coupled sets X𝓅loc, Z𝓅loc are mutually isomorphic, (thus, transitively, f: X𝓅loc ⟷ Σ1loc ≅ g: Z𝓅loc ⟷ Σ3loc); iff (𝕎loc = X𝓅loc ∪ Z𝓅loc) ⋀ (𝕎loc ⊊ 𝕎St):

the writing system 𝕎loc is phonetic: (X𝓅loc ≅ Z𝓅loc) → 𝕎loc ⊨ φetic

(4b)

Now, if we assume that, within this model, N𝓃 = ⟨[V]⟩ (i.e., the Nucleus of a given n–syllable)18 is a domain of which the range is R(N𝓃) ⊆ Σ3loc, we will be able to capture the harmonic spreading (licensing) process ‒ at least, in the case of morpheme #–dXQ# ‒ with three plain statements at most: iff

R(N1) = {[a1], [o1], [u1]}

→ R(N5(dxQ)) = {[i1]}

iff

R(N1) = {[a2], [o2], [u2]}

→ R(N5(dxQ)) = {[i2]}

iff

R(N1) = {[i3]}

→ R(N5(dxQ)) = {[i3]}

10 Double–nature of the Stambollit alphabet Notwithstanding what we stated above, the Stambollit writing system, far from being encapsulated by (4b), could appear to be definitely hypophonemic at first glance. Actually, it is revealed to be both locally–hypophonemic:

18

Within the Harmonic Syntagm, the leftmost boundary of which coincides with the right-

most syllable of the lexemic root, cp. supra.

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83

THE STAMBOLLIT ALPHABET

X𝓅loc →

Σ1 ∋

‹e›

‹i›

Y𝓅loc →

Σ2 ∋

/ı/

/i/

/o/

/ö/

Z𝓅loc →

Σ3 ∋

[i3]

[o1]

[o2]

[i1]

[i2]

‹o›

(|X𝓅loc| < |Y𝓅loc|) ∧ (Y𝓅loc ≇ Z𝓅loc) as well as locally–hyperphonemic: X𝓅loc →

Σ1 ∋

Y𝓅loc →

Σ2 ∋

Z𝓅loc →

Σ3 ∋

‹λ›

‹l›

‹k›

/l/ [l1]

‹q›

‹g›

/k/ [l2]

[k1]

‹ғ› /g/

[k2]

[g1]

[g2]

(X𝓅loc ≅ Z𝓅loc) ∧ (|Y𝓅loc| < |Z𝓅loc|) 11 2–level hyperphonemic systems: a visual presentation Despite it being locally hypophonemic in terms of vowel representation, the Stambollit alphabet, as it is apparent from what we have already observed in § 10, allows for discrimination between [i1] and [i2], as well as between [o1] and [o2]. As many scholars (the most recent of whom is Maue 2018) understood intuitively, this is ‘somewhat’ correlated to the occurrence of ‘front–back indicators’ along with the graphemic string. In the following, we will attempt to go beyond such an impressionistic explanation, by endeavoring to formulate a plausible model–theoretical definition. We introduce here the idea that the Stambollit writing system, among (many) others, is a 2–level hyperphonemic system. In fact, what we have epitomised with statement (4a) is a 1–level hyperphonemic system ‒ exemplified, among (many) others, by the Yaŋalif writing system, (which is, more precisely, a locally–hyperphonemic one). Furthermore, in a previous paragraph (§ 9), we showed that statement (4a) can easily be reduced to statement (4b). We proceed to illustrate a concrete model of a 2–level hyperphonemic system.

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Given the following, general statement about ‘mapping’:19 (f: X𝓅loc ⟷ Σ1loc ≅ g: Z𝓅loc ⟷ Σ3loc) ⊃ (h: Σ1loc ⟷ Σ3loc),

(10)

and positing that: 𝒾

O𝓃 = ⟨‹CO›⟩ ‒ where ‹Co› is a consonant grapheme occurring in the syntagmatic slot corresponding to the Onset of a given n–syllable20 ‒ is a domain of which the range is R(On);

𝒾𝒾 C𝓃 = ⟨‹CC›⟩ ‒ where ‹Cc› is a consonant grapheme occurring in the syntagmatic slot corresponding to the Coda of a given n–syllable ‒ is a domain of which the range is R(C𝓃); 𝒾𝒾𝒾 N𝓃 = ⟨‹V›⟩ ‒ where ‹V› is a vocalic grapheme occurring in the syntagmatic slot corresponding to the Nucleus of a given n–syllable ‒ is a domain of which the range is R(N𝓃); R(O𝓃 ∪ N𝓃 ∪ C𝓃) ⊆ Σ1loc = {‹k›, ‹g›, ‹q›, ‹ғ›, ‹λ›, ‹l›, ‹e›, ‹o›};

𝒾𝓋 𝓋

V N𝓃 = ⟨[V]⟩ ‒ where [V] is a vocalic allophone occurring in the Nucleus slot of a given n–syllable ‒ is a domain of which the range is R(V N𝓃); R(V N𝓃) ⊆ Σ3loc = {[i1], [i2], [o1], [o2]};

𝓋𝒾 thus:

iff [R(O𝓃 ∪ C𝓃) = {‹k›, ‹g›, ‹λ›}] ∧ R(N𝓃) = {‹e›} → R(V N𝓃) = {[i1]} (11a) iff [R(O𝓃 ∪ C𝓃) = {‹q›, ‹ғ›, ‹l›}] ∧ R(N𝓃) = {‹e›} → R(V N𝓃) = {[i2]} (11b) iff [R(O𝓃 ∪ C𝓃) = {‹k›, ‹g›, ‹λ›}] ∧ R(N𝓃) = {‹o›}

→ R(V N𝓃) = {[o1] (11c)

iff [R(O𝓃 ∪ C𝓃) = {‹q›, ‹ғ›, ‹l›}] ∧ R(N𝓃) = {‹o›} → R(V N𝓃) = {[o2]} (11d) If we generalise this into an abstract example, namely by assuming that = {‹@1›,21 ‹@2›, ‹@3›, ‹@4›, ‹@5›, ‹@6›, ‹@7›, ‹∅›}; Σ3loc = {[V1], [V2], [V3],

Σ1loc

19

Nagel & Newmann (2001): 63-66; Büchi (1989): 30-37.

20

Cp. supra.

21

Here and in the following, the symbol “@” denotes a fictitious, abstract grapheme.

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85

THE STAMBOLLIT ALPHABET

[V4]}, and R(N𝓃) = {‹∅›, ‹@8›}; we may represent the above hyperphonemic transcoding process as the following workflow diagram:

A transcoding process within the frame of a 1–level system ‒ assuming that Σ1loc ≅ R(N𝓃) = {‹∅›, ‹@8›, ‹@9›, ‹@10›}; Σ3loc ≅ R(V N𝓃) = {[V1], [V2], [V3], [V4]} ‒ may be represented as follows: {[V1]}

{‹∅›} iff R(N𝓃) =

{‹@8›}

{[V2]}

→R(V 𝓃) = N

{‹@9›}

{[V3]}

{‹@10›}

{[V4]}

A 1–level transcoding process (h: X𝓅loc ⟷ Z𝓅loc) represented as a bidimensional lattice: z4 z3 z2 z1 x∅

x8

x9

x10

A 2–level transcoding process (h: X𝓅loc ⟷ Z𝓅loc) represented as a tridimensional lattice:

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

z4 z3 z2 z1 x∅

x4

12 2–level hyperphonemic systems: a model–theoretical definition If φ𝓃 is “the property of being a n–level hyperphonemic systems”, and taking as axiomatically true that: iff (X ≇ Z) ⟶ [(∃X𝓅loc| X𝓅loc ⊆ X) ∧ (∃Z𝓅loc| Z𝓅loc ⊆ Z)]∙(X𝓅loc ⟷ Z𝓅loc) (12a) Let us assume, per absurdum, that, on the contrary: loc loc iff (X ≇ Z) ⟶ (∄X𝓅loc)[(Xloc p ⊆ X) ∧∙(X𝓅 ⟷ Z𝓅 )] (12b)

This implies that the disequation (|X𝓅loc| ≠ |Z𝓅loc|) (12c) should always be true for any given subset X𝓅loc. Skipping some banal logical steps, we can most easily show that statement (12b) is true only if (|X𝓅loc| = 0) ∨ (|Z𝓅loc| = 0), a condition that is obviously paradoxical.22

‒ assuming, by definition, that a 𝖉–object is a domain of which the range is R(𝖉) ⊆ ⋀ X𝓃 = {‹𝑥1›, … ‹𝑥𝓃›} ‒ we may state that 𝕎loc is a 1–level 𝓃≥1

hyperphonemic system under the following conditions: iff (𝕎loc = X𝓅loc ∪ Z𝓅loc) ∧ {(X𝓅loc ⟷ Z𝓅loc) ∧ [(∃𝑥𝓃loc(𝓅)| 𝑥𝓃loc(𝓅) ∈ X𝓅loc) ∧ (∃D𝑥 = ⟨𝖉𝑥⟩ | R(D𝑥) = {𝑥𝓃loc(𝓅)}) ∧ (∃𝓏𝓃loc(𝓅)| 𝓏𝓃loc(𝓅) ∈ Z𝓅loc) ∧ (∃D𝑥 = ⟨𝖉𝑧⟩ | R(D𝑧) = {𝓏𝓃loc(𝓅)})] ∧ (f1: 𝖉x → 𝖉z)}

22

We recall here that |X𝓅loc| = 0 means that X𝓅loc = {|∅|} (empty set), and definitely not that

X𝓅loc

= {‹∅›} (unary, zero-degree element).

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THE STAMBOLLIT ALPHABET

⊃ (𝕎loc ⊨ φ1);

87

(13)

On the other hand, 𝕎loc is a 2–level hyperphonemic systems under the following conditions: iff (𝕎loc = X𝓅loc ∪ Z𝓅loc) ∧ {(X𝓅loc ⟷ Z𝓅loc) ∧ [(∃X𝓀loc | X𝓀loc ⊆ X𝓅loc) ∧ (∃DX𝓀 = ⟨𝖉X𝓀⟩ | R(DX𝓀) ≅ X𝓀loc)] loc loc loc X𝒿 X𝒿 X𝒿 ∧ [(∃Xloc 𝒿 | X𝒿 ⊆ X𝓅 ) ∧ (∃D = ⟨𝖉 ⟩ | R(D ) ≅ X𝒿 )]

∧ [(∃𝓏𝓃loc(𝓅)| 𝓏𝓃loc(𝓅) ∈ Z𝓅loc) ∧ (∃D𝑥 = ⟨𝖉𝑧⟩ | R(D𝑧) = {𝓏𝓃loc(𝓅)})] ∧ (f2: (𝖉X𝓀 ∧ 𝖉X𝒿) → 𝖉z) ⊃ (𝕎loc ⊨ φ2)

(14)

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13 Appendix: Inner Harmonic Syntagm versus Phonological Word Shqipëria. Ç’ka qënë, ç’është e ç’do të bëhetë (1906) Phonological Word (P𝓌) Inner Harmonic Syntagm (H𝓌) 0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

𝜎𝓅1 Root

8

9

10

𝜎𝒽𝓂

𝜎𝓅𝓃–1

𝜎𝓅𝓃

Morphemic Affixes

milεt

emez

en

emez

dεn

ahlak

emez

i

milεt

emez

en

εmε

bil

diғ

εҹεғ

emez

diғ

emez

dεn

zarf

en

da

taraf

en

dan

vesat

en

da

bil εmε

bil

hanғi

lεr

en

i

adεt

lεr

en

i

mεҹlis

lεr

en

i

hykymεt

en

en

tεшqil

en

ε

lεr

Epirot Arnaut

λeg

oλ

en en

aҹak

en

i

buλ

en

deg

en

dan

buλ

en

deg

en

dan

en

dεn

ғεl

εn

lεr

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89

THE STAMBOLLIT ALPHABET

lεr

ғεndi

en

ε

arzu

mez

ε

kaza

sen

dan

шarkiyε

sen

dε

nεvaki

sen

dεn

hasεnε

sen

i

to be compared with an early 18th century Karamanlı text: Απάνθισμα τῆς Χριστιανικής Πίστεως (1718):23

0-1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

ακλ

ιμουζ

τὰν

ακλ

ιμουζ

τὲν

χελας24

ιμουζ

τὰν

ιμουζ

ὰ

μιλλετ

ιμουζ

τὲ

πετερ

ιμουζ

ὲ

εϕεντι

μουζ

ουν

κελισα25

μουζ

τὲν

εϕεντι

νȢν

κελισα

νȢν

χακιμ

χινζιρ26

23

Salaville & Dalleggio (1958): 3-10, no. 3.

24

Χλωρός: χαλάς (‫)ﺧﻼص‬.

25

Χλωρός: also κιλίσε.

26

Χλωρός: χηνζήρ (‫)ﺧﻨﺰﻳﺮ‬.

λαρ

λερ

οὺν

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Chapter III Again on Phonemic Writing Systems: Modern Standard Turkish

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1 Modern Standard Turkish Let us recall here what we said at the beginning of Chapter II, § 1, by specifying the conditions under which a given writing system 𝕎 = X ∪ Y ∪ Z was revealed to be phonemic. If we consider the following two pairs of mutually isomorphic, ordered sets XST, Σ1ST; YST, Σ2ST − where Σ1ST and Σ2ST are to be interpreted as the graphemic and phonemic repertories of Modern Standard Turkish (MST) respectively − we can present the following, obvious statements: iff [(|XST| = |Σ1ST|) ∧ (|YST| = |Σ2ST|)] ⟶ (|Σ1ST| = |Σ2ST|) iff (f: XST ⟶ Σ1ST ≅ YST ⟶ Σ2ST) ⟶ (h: Σ1ST ⟶ Σ2ST)

(1a) (1b)

At this point, 𝒾

if we define the set of all possible (i.e. permitted) finite graphemic strings − each of which is the surface representation of a given Modern Standard Turkish Phonological Word (MST-PW)1 − as the non-free monoid Σ1ST* generated by Σ1ST; and the set of all possibly occurring 𝑥𝓃ST-string

𝒶 𝓇

𝓀𝒶X(ST) as the non-free monoid XST* (perfectly isomorphic to Σ1ST*, with 𝒶

the morphism 𝜎: XST* ⟶ Σ1ST* being cogently non-erasing) generated by XST (assuming the integer 𝓇 = |XST*| = |Σ1ST*| is as large as it is necessary);

𝒾𝒾 if any 𝑥𝓃ST is assigned a label 𝛾𝑥(ST); and for any 𝛾𝑥(ST) ∈ ΓST we define the length of any possible 𝛾𝑥(ST)-string 𝓰Γ(ST) ∈ ΓST* (i.e. the non-free monoid

1

In the present context, by the syntagm “a Turkish word” we strictly mean: “an etymol-

ogically Turkish word”.

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STUDIES IN HISTORICAL GRAPHEMICS

generated by ΓST) as the numeric function 𝓛𝛾 – therefore, with posing the integer 𝑠 = |ΓST*|, we may state that 𝓛𝛾 = |𝓰𝑠Γ(ST)|, with 𝑚 = max (𝓛𝛾); DOM as folwe can eventually define the surjective (dominance) function f𝓂 lows: 𝓃 𝓅

(

DOM 𝑥(ST)) ∀𝑥𝓃ST)∙(f𝓂 = 𝑥𝓃ST ≺ 𝛾𝓂

𝓃

Let us exemplify the above definition practically, by randomly considering a given, such as the string ‹bağ› (bağ, “garden”): ‹b›

‹a›

‹ğ›

𝑥₂ST

𝑥₁ST

𝑥₉ST

𝛾𝑥( ₁ ST)

𝛾𝑥( ₂ ST)

𝛾𝑥( ₃ ST)

As it appears in the above spreadsheet, within the frame of the aforementioned, specific graphemic string, we may enunciate the following DOM ST DOM ST statements: f₁DOM = 𝑥₂ST ≺ 𝛾𝑥( ₁ ST); f₂ = 𝑥₁ ≺ 𝛾₂𝑥(ST); f₃ = 𝑥₉ ≺ 𝛾𝑥( ₃ ST). Informally speaking, we may say that, within the frame of a given 𝓀𝒶X(ST), a certain 𝑥𝓃ST 𝑥(ST), enjoys the property of exhibiting the that occurs in the ‘slot’ labelled 𝛾𝓂 DOM = 𝑥𝓃ST ⊨ 𝜑f(DOM). following surjective relationship: f𝓂 𝑥(ST), we may obOn the other hand, for any possibly occurring label 𝛾𝓂 IN 𝑥(ST) ≻ (𝑥 ST ∨ |∅|). As an serve the following injective relationship: f𝓂 = 𝛾𝓂 𝓃 ST DOM ST IN ST) 𝑥( f( DOM ) ) ≇ (f𝓂 = 𝛾𝓂 ⊨ 𝜑f(IN))]. Finally, immediate result: (∀𝑥𝓃 ) [(f𝓂 = 𝑥𝓃 ⊨ 𝜑 we observe that the the monoid ΓST* generated by ΓST is isomorphic with the monoid XST+* generated by XST+ = XST ∪ E, where E = {|∅|}. Let us now proceed with other definitions. By definition, a 𝔨-object is a 3-tuple 𝔨 = ⟨f₁IN, f₂IN, f₃IN⟩,2 where: 𝓏

𝑥(ST) ≻ 𝑥 ST; f IN(∅) = 𝛾 𝑥(ST) ≻ |∅|; and f IN = (f IN(𝓍) ∨ f IN(∅)); f𝓏IN(𝓍) = 𝛾𝓂 𝓃 𝓏 𝓏 𝓏 𝓏 𝓂

𝓏

2

Within the present context, this and the following definitions are to be considered as

axiomatic statements. Therefore, the fact that they (may) reflect graphotactic rules of MST is irrelevant.

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PHONEMIC WRITING SYSTEMS

95

by definition, a 𝔎-object is a 𝓃-tuple 𝔎 = ⟨𝔨₁, …, 𝔨𝓉⟩ – where the integer 𝓉 is such that: ℒ

𝓉=

Now, since i: XST+* ⟷ ΓST*, id est, since any possible sequence of 𝑥𝓃ST and |∅| (let us call it 𝓀𝒶X(ST)+) corresponds to a univocal 𝓰𝑠Γ(ST); and to each 𝓰𝑠Γ(ST) corresponds exactly ℒ 𝔎; as a result: j: XST+* ⟷ 𝕂𝔎 (where 𝕂𝔎 is obviously the set of all possibly 𝓀𝒶X(ST)+).

2 Well-formedness For the purpose of building our formal model, it is definitely unnecessary to recall a possible ‘parallel universe' interpretation of a 𝔨-object in terms of the syllabic unit #CVC#. Here, we limit ourselves to observe that, for any given monosyllabic MST-word – the latter, by assumption, must denote a fixed CVC-structure – a number of conceivable corresponding 𝔎objects should be rejected as not being well-formed according to a number of well-formedness rules; that is, constraints that (in our ‘parallel universe’) prevent the monoid XST+* from being free: 𝒸 𝓉

∄𝔨 |

(𝔨𝒸 = ⟨f₁IN(∅), f₂IN(∅), f₃IN(∅)⟩)

(2)

(𝔨𝒸 = ⟨f₁IN(∅), f₂IN(∅), f₃IN(𝓍)⟩)

(3)

𝒸 𝒸 𝓉

∄𝔨 |

𝒸 𝒸 𝓉

∄𝔨 |

(𝔨𝒸 = ⟨f₁IN(𝓍), f₂IN(∅), f₃IN(𝓍)⟩)

(4)

(𝔨𝒸 = ⟨f₁IN, f₂IN(𝓍), f₃IN(∅)⟩)

(5)

𝒸

∄𝔨 | 𝒸

𝓉

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At the cost of introducing a distinction between 𝑥𝓃V(ST) ∈ XV(ST) and 𝑥𝓃C(ST) ∈ XC(ST) – where XV(ST) and XC(ST) are subsets of XST; therefore XST+ = XV(ST) ∪ XC(ST) ∪ E – we introduce three further constraints (for the sake of clarity and simplicity, in the following we will write 𝑣𝓃, 𝑐𝓃 and 𝛾𝓂 instead of 𝑥𝓃V(ST), 𝑥𝓃C(ST) 𝑥(ST) respectively): and 𝛾𝓂 𝒸 𝓉

(𝔨𝒸 = ⟨f₁IN(𝓍), f₂IN, f₃IN(𝓍)⟩)]⋅(

[∄𝔨 | 𝒸

f𝓏DOM: 𝑣𝓃 ⊨ 𝜑f(DOM))

(6)

𝓏 ( ∨ )

𝒸 𝓉

(𝔨𝒸 = ⟨f₁IN, f₂IN(𝓍), f₃IN⟩)]⋅(

[∄𝔨 |

f𝓏DOM: 𝑐𝓃 ⊨ 𝜑f(DOM))

(7)

𝓏

𝒸 𝒸 𝓉

(𝔨𝒸 = ⟨f₁IN, f₂IN, f₃IN⟩))]⋅[∄𝑣𝓃 |

[∄𝔨 | 𝒸

(f𝓏DOM: 𝑣𝓃 ⊨ 𝜑f(DOM)) ∧ (𝑓𝓏

𝓏 ( ∨ )

: 𝑣𝓃 ⊨ 𝜑f(DOM)) (8)

3 Monomodal Kripke-Frames and Groupoids Let now consider the subset XV(SY) defined as follows: ∃XV(SY) | (XV(SY) ⊂ XV(ST)) ∧ (XV(SY) = {𝑣1, 𝑣2, 𝑣3, 𝑣4, 𝑣5, 𝑣6, 𝑣7, 𝑣8, 𝑣9}); XSY+ = XV(SY) ∪ XC(ST) ∪ E Within the local linguistic domain generated by morphism l: XSY+* ⟷ 𝕂𝔎(SY) and governed by constraints (2) to (8) – let us call it 𝕌₁SY = XSY+* ∪ 𝕂𝔎(SY) – there is only one monomodal Kripke-frame of the type: 𝔣₂DOM = 〈XV(SY), f2DOM〉 (cp. statement 6) which, in turn, implies the existence of exactly |XV(SY)| = nine pointed Kripke-frames (Kracht 1999: 57-58): 𝔣₁P(DOM) = 〈f2DOM, 𝑣1〉

𝔣₄P(DOM) = 〈f2DOM, 𝑣4〉

𝔣₇P(DOM) = 〈f2DOM, 𝑣7〉

𝔣₂P(DOM) = 〈f2DOM, 𝑣2〉

𝔣₅P(DOM) = 〈f2DOM, 𝑣5〉

𝔣₈P(DOM) = 〈f2DOM, 𝑣8〉

𝔣₃P(DOM) = 〈f2DOM, 𝑣3〉

𝔣₆P(DOM) = 〈f2DOM, 𝑣6〉

𝔣₉P(DOM) = 〈f2DOM, 𝑣9〉

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PHONEMIC WRITING SYSTEMS

97

As a result – by positing Ω1V(SY) = 〈𝔣₁P(DOM), …, 𝔣₉P(DOM)〉, i.e. as the set of all the pointed Kripke-frames generated within 𝕌₁SY; and (ΓV(SY) = 〈𝛾₂〉) ∈ ΓST – we may observe the condition of existence of the groupoid ΩV(SY) = (Ω0V(SY)= 〈XV(SY), ΓV(SY)〉, Ω1V(SY), f). Such a condition is actually verified, since (as is the case), each 𝔣P(DOM) turns out to corrrespond to a single, specific 𝔣P(DOM)-1 = 𝔣P(IN), generated by the monomodal Kripke-frame 𝔣₂IN = 〈ΓV(SY), f₂IN(𝓍)〉. In other words, such a condition denotes the following Galois connection: [(XV(SY), ΓV(SY)), (𝔣P(DOM), 𝔣P(DOM)-1 = 𝔣P(IN))]. Let us now re-write statements (1a) and (1b): iff [(|XV(SY)| = |Σ1V(SY)|) ∧ (|YV(SY)| = |Σ2V(SY)|)] ⟶ (|Σ1V(SY)| = |Σ2V(SY)|) iff (f: XV(SY) ⟶ Σ1V(SY) ≅ YV(SY) ⟶ Σ2V(SY)) ⟶ (h: Σ1V(SY) ⟶ Σ2V(SY))

(9a) (9b)

We observe that the condition of phonematicity of 𝕎V(SY) = XV(SY) ∪ YV(SY) may be formulated as follows: 𝕎V(SY)is emic if |Ω1V(SY)| = |Σ1V(SY)| (at least, if |Ω1V(SY)| ≥ |Σ1V(SY)|). 4 A paradoxical Universe Definitely, it seems to be impossible to ‘shrink’ subset XV(SY) without undermining the phonemicity of the writing system 𝕎V(SY). If, for whatever reasons, we have to pursue the goal of minimising XV(SY), we would be compelled to abandon universe 𝕌₁SY, and to consider the existence of a parallel “bubble universe” − let us call it 𝕌₂SY − within which (for example) while constraints (2) to (5) would continue to retain their effectiveness, constraints (6) to (8) would be substituted by the following: 𝒸 𝓉

𝓏

(𝔨𝒸 = ⟨f₁ , f₂ , f₃ ⟩)]⋅{[∃𝑣𝓃 |

[∃𝔨 |

IN

𝒸

∧ [∄𝑣𝓃 |

IN

(f𝓏DOM: 𝑣𝓃 ⊨ 𝜑f(DOM))]

IN

(f𝓏DOM: 𝑣𝓃 ⊨ 𝜑f(DOM))]}

𝓏

(10)

𝓏

Thus, within 𝕌₂SY, there are (at least) two monomodal Kripke-frames: 𝔣₂DOM = 〈XV(SY), f2DOM〉; and 𝔣₃DOM = 〈XV(SY), f3DOM〉.

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Let us now assume that XV(SY) is such that |XV(SY)| < |Σ1V(SY)|.3 Within the aforementioned universe 𝕌₂SY, let us now define 𝔉(D)2 as the set of all the pointed Kripke-frames generated by 𝔣₂DOM; and 𝔉(D)3 as the set of all the pointed Kripke-frames generated by 𝔣₃DOM. At this point, let us assume that XV(SY) is such that, from the obvious equation |𝔉(D)2 ∪ 𝔉(D)3| = |Σ1V(SY)|, we may easily derive that |Σ1V(SY)| > |XV(SY)|. Since, by definition, Ω1V(SY) is the set of all the pointed Kripke-frames generated within a given universe, we observe that, within 𝕌₂SY, Ω1V(SY) = 𝔉(D)2 ∪ 𝔉(D)3. This is the apparent paradoxicality of universe 𝕌₂SY: even if |XV(SY)| < |Σ1V(SY)|, the local writing system 𝕎V(SY) is eventually revealed to be phonemic, since |Ω1V(SY)| = |Σ1V(SY)|.

3

By the way, in the ‘real’ universe, that is in the history of human writing systems, this

turns out to be quite normal.

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