Stevenson in Hawaii 9780824897383

Table of contents :
FOREWORD
AUTHOR'S PREFACE
CONTENTS
ILLUSTRATIONS
Chapter One THE PACIFIC BECKONS
Chapter Two HONOLULU, 1889
Chapter Three KONA
Chapter Four MOLOKAI AHINA
Chapter Five THE DAMIEN LETTER
Chapter Six HONOLULU, 1893
NOTES AND REFERENCES
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX

Citation preview

STEVENSON IN HAWAII

STEVENSON IN HAWAII

SISTER

MARTHA MARY McGAW, c.s.j.

H O N O L U L U UNIVERSITY

OF HAWAII

19 5 0

PRESS

COPYRIGHT,

19JO,

C U M

TONGG

UNIVERSITY

P E R M I S S U

MANUFACTURED BY

BY T H E

IN

THE

PUBLISHING

OF

HAWAII

PRESS

S U P E R I O R U M

UNITED

STATES

COMPANY,

LTD.,

OF

AMERICA

HONOLULU

To

OUR LADY OF PEACE Patroness of the Hawaiian Islands

FOREWORD L O U I S S T E V E N S O N made two visits to Hawaii, two comparatively short visits, and yet long enough for him to leave a vivid impression on the community. His last appearance here was in 1893, fifty-seven years ago. Those who met him then, and those in whose families the Stevenson tradition exists, cherish "the shadow where he passed." It is probably true that no visitor to our Islands has ever aroused more lasting and more favorable impressions. It is fitting, therefore, that a definitive book on Stevenson's life in Hawaii should be written, and Sister Martha Mary has done just that. She has gathered together the known facts; she has communicated with the great writer's extant friends; she has conferred with those families who have intellectual or material mementos of him. She has also made a distinct contribution to Stevensoniana by showing, among other things, how Stevenson utilized his Hawaiian experiences in writing The Bottle Imp. Stevenson was born on November 13, 18 50. Thus in the year 1950, which marks the centennial of his birth, observances in his memory are being

ROBERT

VLL

held all over the world. Hawaii takes pleasure in presenting Stevenson in Hawaii as part of its contribution to the celebration. The University of Hawaii acknowledges with appreciation the generous financial assistance of the Mclnerny Foundation in this publication. It will be recalled that the Mclnerny family purchased property adjacent to and including a part of the Sans Souci estate where Stevenson visited in 1889 and stayed in 1893. The Mclnernys named their house "Ballantrae," believing that beneath its seaside hau arbor Stevenson worked upon the manuscript of The Master of Ballantrae. A room in the house, called the Stevenson Room, contained books, autographed photographs, and other material associated with the author. The assistance of the Mclnerny Foundation is, therefore, particularly appropriate. GREGG M . SINCLAIR President, University of Hawaii

November,

1950

viii

AUTHOR'S PREFACE of the Hawaiian Monarchy remain in Honolulu. True, Iolani Palace, where the modern counterparts of the ancient alii legislate for Hawaii, is said to be the only royal palace in the United States. The Bishop Museum, the Queen Emma Museum, the Royal Mausoleum remind one that kings and queens once ruled the Hawaiian Kingdom. A few streets and schools boast the names of royal rulers; yet these are but remnants of an almost forgotten glory. Time has relegated Hawaiian royalty to the limbo of once-famous people. When Robert Louis Stevenson visited Honolulu in 1889, a very different scene confronted him. King Kalakaua and Queen Kapiolani held court in Iolani Palace; the King's sister, Princess Liliuokalani, was heir-apparent to the throne. Immediately they welcomed Stevenson into the gay circle of their friends and entertained him with the openhanded hospitality for which Hawaiians are celebrated. However, even then King Kalakaua was fighting a losing battle with the non-Royalist party, which sought to reduce his status to that of a mere figurehead. Daily it became more and more F E W TRACES

IX

evident that the Monarchy could not survive much longer. In 1893 when Stevenson returned to Honolulu, King Kalakaua was dead and Princess Liliuokalani, who had succeeded him, had been dethroned by the non-Royalists. The Provisional Government which was in power was to pave the way for the short-lived Republic and for eventual annexation by the United States. Such was the Hawaii Stevenson knew. Since 1893 a great mass of fiction and legend has accumulated around the memory of Stevenson. Those who met him once or only a few times have felt free to reminisce at length, with the result that much that is purely imaginary or only faintly flavored with truth has been written about his visits to Hawaii. Even worse, many accounts are really contrary to fact. Sixty-one years have elapsed since the first visit. T o determine what Stevenson actually did do while he was in the Hawaiian Kingdom has been the purpose of this book. A careful scrutiny has been made of the newspapers of 1889 and 1893 and all subsequent articles which have appeared in newspapers or periodicals. His letters and those of his family have been studied in relation to this period. Everything he wrote during his visits and concerning his stay in the Islands has been examined. Works of fiction have been searched for possible references to circumstances or people encountered in the Hawaiian x

Kingdom. The journal or diary which he kept during his week's visit on the Kona Coast has been a source of information not hitherto available. Books of reminiscence, so often found to be inaccurate, have not been used for reference unless they are substantiated by reliable sources, though they have been considered for the desired light they throw on certain events. The major biographies of Stevenson have been referred to freely in regard to the period of Stevenson's life just preceding his voyages in the Pacific. To give an even more authentic picture of Stevenson and of the Islands in the eighties, original photographs and adaptations of contemporary maps have been included with the story. For permission to quote currently copyrighted material, I am indebted to the following publishers, libraries, and individuals: Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, publishers and holders of copyrights on Stevenson's own works; his letters edited by Sir Sidney Colvin; From Saranac to the Marquesas and Beyond, by Margaret Isabella Stevenson and edited by Marie Clothilde Balfour; The Life of Robert Louis Stevenson, by Sir Graham Balfour; An Intimate Portrait of R. L. S., by Lloyd Osbourne; and "Stevenson's Only Bust from life," by Allen Hutchinson, published in Scribner's Magazine. Chatto and Windus, Edinburgh, publishers of Recollections of Robert Louis Stevenson in the Pacific, by Arthur Johnstone. XI

The Huntington Library, San Marino, California, holder of an unpublished manuscript by Stevenson, "Journal of a Voyage in the South Seas." Executor of the estate of the late Rosaline Masson, author of I Can Remember Robert Louis Stevenson, published by W. and R. Chambers, Ltd., Edinburgh. Sheed and Ward, Inc., New York, publishers of Damien the Leper, by John Farrow. I am deeply grateful to His Excellency, Most Reverend James J. Sweeney, D.D., Bishop of Honolulu, for his interest throughout the writing of this book. Special gratitude is due also to Reverend Mother M. Killian Corbett, Superior General of the Sisters of Saint Joseph. Mother Mary Albert Carroll, Mother Mary Anne Dalton, Sister Regina Catherine Brandt, Sister St. Thomas More O'Reilly, Sister Francis Solano Kinsley, and the Sisters at Saint Theresa's Convent, Honolulu, T. H., have rendered invaluable assistance in countless ways, and by their encouragement have made the completion of the manuscript possible. I wish also to acknowledge the helpful suggestions of A. Grove Day, Chairman of the English Department, University of Hawaii, and the judicious criticism of Carl Stroven, James R. Baird, and R. S. Kuykendall—also members of the University faculty. Frank L. Pleadwell generously shared his knowledge about persons who had known Stevenson and permitted the use of his own unpublished manuscript, "The Cruise xii

of the Silver Ship," an account of the voyage of the Casco. Personal interviews were graciously granted by Rev. Valentin Francx, SS.CC.; Miss Margaret M. L. Catton, the daughter of Mr. Robert Catton; Mrs. Lola Hopkins, the daughter of Mrs. Caroline Bush; and Mrs. Charles Lloyd, formerly Anita Neumann. Valuable help in research was rendered by Miss Charlotta M. Hoskins and Miss Janet Bell of the University of Hawaii Library; by Miss Maude Jones and the staff of the Public Archives of Hawaii; by Mrs. Arthur L. Silverman of the Library of Hawaii; by Miss Margaret Titcomb of the Bishop Museum; by Miss Marion Morse of the Academy of Arts Library; and by Miss Bernice Judd of the Hawaiian Children's Mission Library. Reverend Mother M. Carmela, O.S.F., Syracuse, New York, made available the diary of Sister Leopoldina and the original copy of the poem which Stevenson wrote to Mother Marianne. To her and to Sister M. Martina, O.S.F., Kalaupapa, Molokai, special gratitude is due. Mrs. Nils Larsen and Mr. and Mrs. J. Donovan Flint gave the information regarding the Kaiulani banyan. For personal aid and assistance I am indebted to Mrs. George Silva and Mrs. Benjamin Chang. In making this study it was a pleasure to discover how carefully early documents and historical data have been preserved in the Public Archives of Hawaii. It was delightful and a little surprising to know that sixty years ago small-town

xiii

Honolulu was supplied with two daily newspapers and a weekly in English, besides a weekly published in Hawaiian. Several monthly magazines also helped to keep Hawaii abreast of the times. All in all, the writing of this book has been a happy experience. May the reading of it afford similar joy! SISTER M A R T H A M A R Y ,

Honolulu, T. H. November, 1950

xiv

C.S.J.

CONTENTS 1. The Pacific Beckons

3

2. Honolulu, 1889

21

3. Kona

63

4. Molokai Ahina

85

5. The Damien Letter

103

6. Honolulu, 1893

115

Notes and References

139

Selected Bibliography

163

Index

173

xv

ILLUSTRATIONS Frontispiece: Robert Louis Stevenson . (By Raymond

.

ii

Higuchi)

The Casco

2

(Copyright photograph by C. Bradbury. Courtesy of Edwin J. Beinecke and Frank L. Plead well)

Honolulu Harbor as Stevenson Saw It . (R. J. Baker

.

19

photograph)

Iolani Palace in 1889

19

(R. J. Baker photograph)

Map of Honolulu in 1887 (By Raymond

20 Lanterman)

Kalakaua and Stevenson

37

(Public Archives of Hawaii)

Luau Given by Henry Poor (University

38

of Hawaii

Library)

Stevenson Playing the Flageolet (Public

Archives

of

. . . .

47

Hawaii)

Stevenson, Lloyd, and Robert A. Macfie

.

47

An Evening of Homemade Fun at Waikiki

48

(Public

(Public

Archives

Archives

xvii

of

of

Hawaii)

Hawaii)

The Stevensons on the Lanai (Public Archives

of

Princess Kaiulani as a Young Woman (Courtesy

of Frank L.

Map of Hookena Area

(By Raymond

Pleadwell)

(By Raymond

62 84

. . . .

84

photograph)

Reverend Damien de Veuster, SS.CC. Mont Saint Afitoine,

Receipt given Joseph Frendo (Courtesy

50

Lanterman)

The Leper Promontory Today

(Copyright,

.

Lanterman)

Map of Eastern Molokai

(R. J. Baker

49

Hawaii)

of Frank L.

xvm

.

Louvain)

Pleadwell)

.

102 114

Chapter

One

THE PACIFIC BECKONS

T H E CASCO

The schooner-yacht in which Stevenson came to Hawaii. Natives of Fakarava named it Pahi Muni, which means the "Silver Ship."

Chapter

One

THE PACIFIC BECKONS

T

H E INEVITABLE M O M E N T had come. Thomas Stevenson steeled himself to meet it. As he looked into the fearless brown eyes of his only son, Robert Louis, he realized anew that to force him to continue the Stevenson tradition of lighthouse building in his native Scotland would be to crush him completely. Nor would Louis consider the Presbyterian ministry, for he had already shown a wide divergence of belief from his Scottish forebears. He was twenty; his mind was made up. Thomas listened as his son, with excited gesticulations, poured forth his reasons for not wanting to be a civil engineer. He was so animated in his effort to convince his father that for the moment he possessed a vitality which his frail physique belied. His single ambition was to be a writer. He felt that he had the talent. Would his father consent? Thomas Stevenson, though bitterly disappointed, gave his word on one condition. Louis must study law so that if writing failed him as a means of support, he would still have a profession. Louis continued his studies at the University of Edinburgh in an erratic fashion, and he was admitted to the bar in Scotland in the summer of

3

1875, thus fulfilling his father's wishes to the letter. But instead of practicing law, he spent the next few years traveling. In France he was frequently in the company of his cousin, Bob Stevenson, who was an art student. It was at the picturesque Anglo-American colony at Grez, in the spring of 1876, that he met Mrs. Fanny Osbourne of California, who was studying art and educating her children, Isobel, who was seventeen, and Lloyd, who was eight. She was in mourning at the time because her youngest child, Hervey, had but recently died in Paris. In a short time Stevenson and Mrs. Osbourne were deeply in love. There was a striking contrast between the two. He was frail, idealistic, and imaginative. She was hardy, energetic, and wilful. He had been indulged, protected, and spoiled; she had been reared on the frontier of Indiana, a pioneer girl, away from many of the comforts of life. But they had one thing in common: both were artists. That she was in her thirty-seventh year and he only in his twenty-sixth was of no consequence to Stevenson. But even a civil marriage was out of the question, for although Fanny was estranged from her husband, she had not yet divorced him. After a year and a half of quasi-courtship, she returned to America without anything definite having been planned about the future. Early in the summer of 1879 he received word from California that Fanny had started divorce proceedings and had become dangerously ill as a 4

result. His friends, alarmed at the thought that he might go to her, argued strongly against it. It was folly, they said, to sacrifice his future for a married woman so much older than himself. How could he support her? But nothing could deter Stevenson. When his friends refused him money in the hope that he would be unable to go, he managed to pay his passage. Knowing that his parents would disapprove of his marriage to a divorcee, he left without even telling them of his destination. Desire to be with Fanny made the long, uncomfortable journey bearable; but worry and fatigue sapped his meager physical reserve. Within only a few miles of Monterey, his destination, he fell unconscious. The situation now was reversed. Fanny was much improved; Stevenson was the invalid. Pulmonary complications which had shadowed him since childhood threatened anew. In Monterey it was impossible for him to rest and relax as he should have done, since, for the first time in his life, he was on his own financially. Indefatigably he toiled at his writing, completing half a novel, A Vendetta in the West, and beginning the Amateur Emigrant, the story of his experiences in America. The Pavilion on the Links he finished and sent on to England. Occasionally he contributed to the Monterey Calif ornian, receiving as payment two dollars a week, money which his friend, Jules Simoneau, had collected from those who knew Louis. The kindly editor withheld the truth from him, but Stevenson knew that 5

he had "no style at command for the moment." Still he struggled on, clinging to life with a tenacity of spirit which made living not only possible but beautiful and exciting. In England and Scotland, Stevenson was already a contributor to leading magazines. The editors, Leslie Stephen and William Henley, were his friends. He was a member of the Savile Club in London and was on terms of intimacy with such distinguished writers as Edmund Gosse, Andrew Lang, and George Meredith. Sidney Colvin, Slade Professor of Fine Art at Cambridge University, and other discerning critics gave early recognition to the fresh talent and faultless style of the young writer who signed himself R.L.S. But now he was in America where scarcely anyone knew him. His health still in a precarious state, his funds almost depleted, Louis went up to San Francisco in December to await Fanny's legal freedom. In a single room on Bush Street, in the cheapest roominghouse he could find, he spent his first Christmas in the United States. His coming was unheralded by a single line in the local newspapers. Just living became a problem. On the verge of starvation, his nerves in shreds, and his selfconfidence shaken, he nevertheless worked feverishly at his writing in his stuffy little tenement room. The San Francisco Bulletin offered him employment, but the work was to be so strenuous and the pay so slight that he was forced to decline. To make matters worse, his friends seemed to be 6

losing faith in his ability. Colvin and Henley wrote him sermons and critiques of his work "eloquent in dispraise." When life itself seemed hanging by a thread, they spoke with fraternal concern about his future as a writer if he continued to write such "dull" stories. The sting of their criticism was the keener as he felt powerless to improve his writing in his weakened condition. He had reached the end of his endurance when he wrote to Colvin from San Francisco. " I have to ask you frankly, when you write, to give me any good news you can, and chat a little, but just in the meantime, give me no bad." His apparent improvement in health after coming to San Francisco was followed by a gradual decline and a serious illness which brought him to "a circle of hell unknown to Dante—that of the penniless and dying author." In a mood of discouragement—tempered however by his unfailing sense of humor—when he felt he could not survive the ordeal, he designed his tombstone. He composed a poem for it, but finding it too long, he decided to include only the last two lines in the epitaph: Home is the sailor, home from sea, And the hunter home from the hill.

It was from this sketch that Colvin first heard of the now famous "Requiem." Stevenson added: "Who knows, Colvin, but I may thus be of more use when I am buried than ever when I was alive? 7

The more I think of it, the more earnestly do I desire this." Fortunately he was not entirely without friends. Their tact and delicacy, his own will to live, and the constant thought of Fanny enabled him to return to his writing with energy and zest. The artist, Virgil Williams, and his wife, Dora, welcomed him warmly to their comfortable home. For years Williams had known Fanny and Isobel, both of whom had taken art lessons from him. Fanny and Dora had become intimate friends. An important figure in the educated circles of San Francisco, Virgil Williams possessed intellectual and artistic gifts which made him an ideal companion for Louis. The happy hours spent at the Williams home did much to neutralize the chilling effects of the grim winter. There Stevenson met others in whose pleasant companionship the overhanging thunderclouds silently began to steal away "like Longfellow's Arabs." His indomitable courage still flamed. Elsewhere in San Francisco lived a writer who was to play an important role in shaping Stevenson's destiny—Charles Warren Stoddard. Although he, too, lived in straitened circumstances, there was a romantic touch to his surroundings at 3 Vernon Place, a semi-ruin high on Rincon Hill, which made them more appealing than Stevenson's Bush Street quarters. The "Eyrie" was a large old house half-suspended over a cut in the hill, so undermined by rains that at any moment it might 8

have collapsed with the suddenness of the House of Usher. Here Stoddard was ensconced amid curios and oddities he had picked up in wanderings through remote islands and countries—paddles, battle clubs, rough-hewn stone images, ornaments of threaded shell, coconut bowls and coconut plumes—each reminiscent of some incident or exotic tale. Perhaps Stevenson was introduced to Stoddard by their mutual friend, Virgil Williams, or by Joseph Strong, whom Isobel Osbourne had married in November. Or, as seems probable, they may actually have met in the way Stevenson himself describes fictionally in The Wrecker. The first of these incidents brought me in acquaintance with a certain San Francisco character, who had something of a name beyond the limits of the city, and was known to many lovers of good English. I had discovered a new slum, a place of precarious, sandy cliffs, deep, sandy cuttings, solitary, ancient houses, and the butt-ends of streets. . . . On a steep sand-hill, in this neighborhood, toppled, on the most insecure foundation, a certain row of houses, each with a bit of garden, and all (I have to presume) inhabited. Thither I used to mount by a crumbling footpath, and in front of the last of the houses, would sit down to sketch. The very first day I saw I was observed, out of the ground-floor window, by a youngish, good-looking fellow, prematurely bald, and with an expression both lively and engaging. The second, as we were still the only figures in the landscape, it was no more than natural that we should nod. The third, he came fairly out from his entrenchments, praised my sketch, and with the impromptu cordiality of artists carried me into his apartment.

9

The two soon became warm friends. They must have made an interesting pair—Stoddard, robust, lively; Stevenson, painfully thin, with brown hair shoulder length, framing a face of deathlike pallor. It pleased Stoddard immensely that Stevenson should like his old "Eyrie," for which he paid the colossal rental of ten dollars a month, and it pleased him even more that his new friend should care to return to visit the lord of the manor. One day, after calling several times only to find Stoddard gone each time, Stevenson slipped some verses under the door. When Stoddard returned, he read: O Stoddard! in our hours of ease, Despondent, dull and hard to please, When coins and business wrack the brow A most infernal nuisance thou! 0 Stoddard! if to man at all, T o me unveil thy face— At least to m e — W h o at thy club and also in this place Unwearied have not ceased to call, Stoddard, for thee! 1 scatter curses by the row, I cease from swearing never; For men may come and men may go, But Stoddard's out for ever.

But Stoddard was usually at home when Louis called, and then the two would sit for hours while Stoddard displayed his collection of curious objects and explained their real or imaginary usefulness. From Stoddard, Stevenson heard at firsthand of 10

the brown races of the Pacific, of the simplicity of their culture, and of the delightful climate. Four trips to the Pacific islands made Stoddard an authority on island lore. He had written sketches and essays for the San Francisco newspapers; he had lectured about Oceania; he was the author of South Sea Idyls. Though Stoddard was known among San Franciscans as a peerless raconteur of Pacific tales, seldom had he been accorded such rapt attention. After his first visit, Stevenson returned to his urban solitude with Melville's Omoo and Typee under one arm and Stoddard's own South Sea Idyls under the other. He had fallen under the spell of the Pacific. When he visited Stoddard again, Stevenson had questions to ask about every aspect of life in the Pacific. Probably the subject of leprosy was discussed. Stoddard had visited Molokai in the Hawaiian Islands. He could tell of its wild beauty, the isolation of its leper settlement, the passionate opposition of the lepers to their exile. It seems likely that the wish to visit Molokai was born then in Stevenson's heart. Stoddard and Melville, the two who "had touched the South Seas with genius," opened for Stevenson a magnetic new world of reality which seemed more inviting by far than any Utopia his own daring imagination had been able to create. True, there were aspects of simple island life that were not ideal, but at the moment they seemed insignificant. He pictured incredibly beautiful 11

islands where the leisurely hours were spent in consummate joy and happiness. Perhaps there was such a thing as a modern Eden. He watched the white surf cream over the rocks and the blue Pacific fade into a distant horizon which seemed an infinite bulwark against the advance of civilization and all it represented, and he felt in his soul the fascination of the waters that had lured the explorers of old. In May when his "dear people" telegraphed the message "Count on 2 50 pounds annually," his financial fears were over. Stevenson and Fanny Osbourne were married quietly on May 19, 1880. Immediately afterwards they left San Francisco and went northward fifty miles to the deserted mining town of Calistoga to seek health for Louis in the bracing air of Mount Saint Helena. Fanny's son, Lloyd, accompanied them. Silverado Squatters is the record of their honeymoon in a deserted mining cabin, glorified in retrospect, but poverty-stricken and inconvenient at the moment. Yet it was here that Fanny first showed herself to be the ingenious wife who could transform a shack into a home with scarcely any materials or assistance at her command. Stevenson was a complete invalid, "a very withered bridegroom." His doctors had given him but a few months to live. Galloping consumption was the diagnosis. Yet once more he defied death, rallied, and even survived the shock of having Fanny and Lloyd fall ill with diphtheria. In late July 12

the party of three left California, and on August 7 they sailed from New York to Scotland. Although Stevenson and Stoddard never met again, their interest in each other continued, and they carried on a somewhat spasmodic correspondence through the years. In 188 5 Stoddard published Lepers of Molokat, an account of his second visit to the lazaretto. It told of Father Damien de Veuster, the Belgian priest who labored heroically among the lepers to make conditions livable for them, and then fell a victim of leprosy himself. Stoddard probably sent a copy of his book to Stevenson. A story of such heroism Stevenson would read with more than passing emotion. Undoubtedly it was this book, the only account of Father Damien published before Stevenson himself visited Molokai in 1889, which furnished the initial impulse for his later defense of the leper priest. The first seven years of his marriage brought striking changes in Stevenson's life. His reputation as a writer of romance and as a master of the short story grew rapidly. He became a regular contributor to leading magazines, and with the publication of Treasure Island, The Strange Case of Doctor Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, and Kidnapped, his place of renown in the literature of England and Scotland was assured. But the truly remarkable industry which accompanied his genius had its effect. Heavy colds brought on more and more frequent recurrences of pulmonary complications, and hemorrhages prostrated him for weeks. Writ13

ing had to be done in bed; the slightest imprudence on his part made death imminent. Few writers have lived in such close proximity to eternity. In May, 1887, his father died, and acting on the need of the moment and the change of circumstances, Stevenson's physicians ordered him to a different climate, preferably to America. Louis, Fanny, and Lloyd embarked for the United States on the Ludgate Hill in August. Stevenson's mother and her maid, Valentine Roch, accompanied them. Eight years had elapsed since Stevenson's first visit to New York. A very different welcome awaited him. Reporters sought him out in his cabin before he ever left the ship; they trooped after him into his suite at the Hotel Victoria; they described him minutely with an engaging and often alarming frankness. This vivacious, emaciated, un-British author made good copy. When he returned to New York after a fortnight in Newport, his hotel rooms began to resemble club rooms. Doctor Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, which had just been staged, had achieved instant success. Everyone wanted to meet R. L. Stevenson. Taking advantage of such favorable publicity, his artist friend, Will Low, introduced him to the elect of the publishing world: Charles Scribner of Charles Scribner's Sons, E. L. Burlingame, the editor of Scribner's Magazine, and S. S. McClure, of the McClure syndicate. Dazzling offers were made for his forthcoming work. Burlingame began with an offer of $3,500 for a series of twelve 14

articles for his magazine; McClure proffered $8,000 for the serial rights to his next story; and the New York World topped them all with an offer of $10,000 for weekly articles during an entire year. Burlingame's offer was accepted, and McClure's, Stevenson insisted, should be cut down. But he refused the World's offer. He was never one to write by a time-clock; besides, such an offer bothered his conscience. It was immoral, he said, to pay such a fabulous figure for mere writing. The winter of 1887 was spent near the Canadian border in the severe cold of Saranac in the Adirondack Mountains, where a sanitarium for tubercular patients had recently been established. In the zero weather Stevenson began to regain his health, but Fanny could not endure the climate. Conversation began to center on a cruise in the Atlantic or Pacific. McClure went to Saranac and offered to pay Stevenson a substantial sum if, on a proposed voyage for his health, he would contribute a series of travel sketches for publication by the syndicate. Bundled in furs, the Stevensons and McClure discussed far-off tropical islands, the romance of which Louis would make known in his own inimitable way. They pored over maps, studied atlases, and at last decided on the Pacific, which had always been Stevenson's choice. The difficulty then was to secure a yacht. Fanny, who was still in poor health from the harsh winter, was planning a trip to California to visit her sister. In her capable hands was placed the 15

commission to find a yacht. If she failed, perhaps Stevenson could find one on the Atlantic coast. Six weeks later a telegram arrived from San Francisco which read: "Can secure splendid sea-going schooner-yacht for seven hundred and fifty a month with most comfortable accommodations for six aft and six forward. Can be ready in ten days. Reply immediately." Stevenson answered: "Blessed girl, take the yacht and expect us in ten days." To obviate all delays in financing the trip, Louis drew two thousand pounds, two-thirds of his inheritance from his father; and he received, besides, an advance payment from McClure for the proposed articles. On June 7, 1888, the rest of the party joined Fanny in California. Stoddard no longer lived in San Francisco. Virgil Williams was dead, but his wife, Dora Williams, was there to welcome them. Reporters tripped on each other's heels in their efforts to interview the famous writer—the same Stevenson who had literally starved in San Francisco eight years before. Henry R. Haxton wrote in the Examiner: "It has been the fortune of but few writers to at once attain the book-stall notoriety and win the regard of men of letters enjoyed by Mr. Robert Louis Stevenson. None has plowed the soil more deeply nor garnered a more rich and varied harvest." And against such overwhelming odds! The last arrangements about the yacht were made with the somewhat reluctant Dr. Samuel Merritt, an eccentric multimillionaire, who was 16

the owner of the Casco. H e wanted to talk to all the members of the party; for, as he told Fanny: The yacht is the apple of my eye,—you may think your husband loves you, but I can assure you that I love my yacht a great deal better, and I am just afraid that you will run away with her and never bring her back. Remember, if you do, I'll be after you with a revenue cutter, and when I catch you . . . !

His early doubts about the financial standing of "the crank who wrote books" were dispelled when Mrs. Williams identified the writer at her own bank to enable him to cash a check for ten thousand dollars. Assured of Stevenson's solvency, Dr. Merritt was readily convinced of his sanity, which the unusual appearance of the author had caused him to question. A man who had money must have sense, he argued. Apparently satisfied, he concluded the contract. By its terms Stevenson had the right to name the places to be visited, subject to the approval of the sailing master, and he was to pay a flat rental of $ 500 a month, besides provisioning and manning the vessel. Dr. Merritt, who had reserved the right to name the sailing master, chose for this important task his old friend, Captain Albert H . Otis. It was at the Doctor's home in Oakland that Stevenson and he first met. The Captain was even less impressed than Dr. Merritt had been. Fame meant nothing to him. When he looked at Stevenson he saw only a skeleton-like figure, almost incongruously sprightly and gay, in which the fearless brown eyes seemed the one redeeming feature. It seemed a miracle 17

that such a man could have lived nearly thirtynine years. Although Dr. Merritt and Captain Otis did all in their power to hurry the preparations, it was three weeks more before the Casco was ready to sail. Meanwhile Stevenson spent his afternoons on the yacht, which lay anchored in the Oakland Estuary, and sometimes entertained his friends of the San Francisco Yacht Club, of which he had recently been elected a member. The Casco was a beautiful fore-and-aft schooneryacht with fine lines, spotless canvas, and snowy decks. Dr. Merritt had designed her as a pleasure yacht with a maximum of comfort and beauty. The tiny cabin was lined with mirrors; the crimson fittings of the salon, the chairs cushioned with velvet, and the gleaming brasswork gave her an air of luxuriousness. Captain Otis was lavish in his praise of her splendid sailing qualities, but during the voyage the storms of the paradoxical Pacific were to test the Casco to the limit. On the afternoon of June 28, 1888, when the Casco passed through the Golden Gate, Stevenson glimpsed the beautiful coast of California for the last time. The Pacific claimed him, her mild climate rehabilitating his health, her beautiful scenery captivating his emotions, her politics arousing his partisanship, her colorful past exciting his literary talents. His destiny lay in the Pacific.

18

Chapter

Two

HONOLULU, 1889

PLACES OF INTEREST IN H O N O L U L U ,

(Based on Hawaiian Government Sur

AT THE T I M E OF STEVENSON'S VISITS vey m a p of 1887 by W . W . W a l l )

HONOLULU

HARBOR

AS STEVENSON

SAW

IT

Tall-masted sailing vessels still dominated the scene.

IOLANI P A L A C E IN

1889

T h e low building, left, is the royal bungalow where Kalakaua lived

Chapter

Tw o

HONOLULU, 1889

T

H E Casco M A D E straight for the Marquesas so that Stevenson might see for himself the paradise which Herman Melville had depicted in Typee. A t dawn, after a month at sea, they made their first landfall. Nuka-hiva stood out against the riotous color of the sky—strange, exotic, extraordinarily beautiful. " T h e first love, the first sunrise, the first South Sea Island, are memories a p a r t , " Louis wrote. Such moments of "virginity of sense" can never be repeated. N o sign of habitation, no pilot, could be seen, but fortunately, in the rocks near the southeasterly corner of Anaho Bay, providence had provided a blowhole which marked the anchorage.

The islands proved more beautiful than Stevenson had dared hope, the people just as lovable as Melville had portrayed them. For six months the Casco party lived a dreamlike existence as guests of the native chiefs and the French missionaries. Elaborate feasts were prepared in their honor; they were ceremoniously adopted by a Marquesan f a m ily. Though seemingly at the end of the world, they had not even a chance to be lonely. When the Casco lay anchored in the isolated harbor of 21

Taahauku on the island of Hiva-oa, the Nyanza came breezing in, flying the Union Jack. Captain James Cumming Dewar, Stevenson learned as the two chatted in the cabin of the Casco, was also from County Midlothian. Moreover, the Stevensons had known the Captain's father, Stevenson's mother having been introduced to the Captain himself in the Paddington Hotel in November, 1873. As they talked, the Pacific seemed to shrink to the size of a Scottish loch. Yet, in spite of the royal reception, as the Casco sailed southeastward for the Paumotus on the morning of September 4, 1888, Stevenson felt a sense of disillusion. Disease and famine were exterminating the Marquesan people. Cannibalism had not yet been discarded. Unless these deteriorating forces could be checked, the Marquesans were a doomed race. Polynesia (regrettable fact!) was not a Garden of Eden. The coral atolls of the Low Archipelago contrasted sharply with the islands just left. The Casco carefully threaded her way through the dangerous waters, constantly on the watch for unidentified islets which jutted in clusters starboard and larboard of the craft. Barely above sea level, they seemed like plates and saucers on a giant dinner table. Captain Otis never left the watch. His own taste for adventure and Stevenson's cajoling had enticed him into perilous waters. When they reached Fakarava, the tenseness relaxed. Mr. Donat, acting Vice-Resident, welcomed 22

them and acted as host during their stay. Stevenson examined with care the priceless collection of pearls the Frenchman had accumulated in the famous pearl fisheries of the Paumotus. Their size and color amazed him. Noting the party's interest in the pearls, Mr. Donat presented each of them with rare specimens. But Stevenson was not nearly so interested in pearls as he was in Polynesia itself. His inquiring mind was bent on making an analysis of the native Polynesian. He began comparing the high islands of the Marquesas with the low ones of the Paumotus. After questioning his host about French governmental policy, he sought information from the natives themselves regarding their religion, their employment, and their recreation. With untiring patience, amid physical annoyances, and despite the handicap of language, he endeavored to fathom the inner workings of the native mind. Mere curiosity did not motivate his interest; it was something deeper. What Stevenson really wanted to do was to understand these people thoroughly and to help them as far as it was in his power. He had grown "browner than a berry" as he puttered around in shallow water gathering shells. Sitting on the beach, he recorded in his diary all the fascinating things he had learned about the islands. One hundred and thirty pages in only three months augured well for his new book, and his health was so much improved that a feeling of confidence stole over him. "I still have colds," 23

he wrote to Sidney Colvin. " I have one now, and feel pretty sick too; but not as at home: instead of being in bed, for instance, I am at this moment sitting snuffling and writing in an undershirt and trousers." H e should have known better. In a short time he took a sudden turn for the worse, and Fanny, thoroughly alarmed, wished heartily for his doctor—any doctor. T h e nearest one was in Tahiti. In the midst of a squall, Fanny frantically urged Captain Otis to start for Papeete, but he was forced to refuse to do what would have been suicidal. When in the first week of October the Casco finally reached Papeete, Tahiti, Stevenson's condition was grave. In the crisis the patient alone was undisturbed. Summoning Captain Otis to his bedside, Stevenson quietly instructed him how to dispose of the yacht in the event of his death. Lloyd was called next. The remainder of the day he spent with his wife. Then he astounded the doctor by recovering. A f t e r a few weeks' stay in a cottage near the harbor, the Casco party sailed around to Taravao on the windward side of the island and went overland to the native village of Tautira. In a moment of relaxation after he had taken the yacht out of Taravao by a feat of nerve-wracking navigation, Captain Otis noticed that the maintopmast was out of line. Upon further investigation he discovered the oversight made in San Francisco in the preparation of the vessel. N o one had examined the masts; the masthead of the main mast was almost entirely eaten away with dry rot. 24

Immediate repairs were necessary. The genial Oria-Ori, subchief of Tautira, invited the Stevensons to remain there while the Casco went to Papeete. The interlude proved to be one of the happiest periods of the voyage. On Christmas Day they embarked once more, this time for Honolulu. Stevenson described the voyage as "most disastrous." There were "calms, squalls, head sea, waterspouts of rain, hurricane weather all about." As they drew near to the Hawaiian Islands, the wind died down. For two days they lay becalmed off the shores of the island of Hawaii, north of Kealakekua Bay, until their food supplies, which had been running low, gave out completely. Within sight of their destination, they were reduced to salt beef and biscuit. When the wind did come, it swept them into port with a speed which alarmed the pilot. As they passed the harbor lighthouse they picked up two passengers from a small boat—Isobel and her husband, Joseph Strong—who had come offshore to meet them. Joe easily climbed aboard, but to get Isobel on deck was a difficult feat accomplished amid much laughter and teasing. It was just as well that a light tone should pervade this meeting of mother and daughter, for the Casco had been so long overdue that Isobel had been extremely worried. She had even gone down to meet the Nyanza, she told them, having mistaken it for the Casco. Louis and Fanny exchanged glances. The Nyanza? A second meeting? 25

Stevenson scanned the shoreline. Several sailing ships lay at anchor in the harbor, and the piers were teeming with activity. Above and beyond the drab buildings which crowded down to the water's edge, rose lofty green mountains. At three o'clock on Friday, January 24, 1889, the Casco dropped anchor in the stream off the Oceanic Steamship Company's wharf. Even at the crossroads of the Pacific, reporters were on hand to interview the now famous author. A few hours later the Stevenson party were the guests of the Strongs at an aloha dinner at the Royal Hawaiian Hotel. The Strongs had lived in Hawaii for six and a half years and knew many of the hotel patrons. Friends came over to their table to greet them and to be introduced to the Stevensons and to Captain Otis. All were in a gay mood. Roast beef had never tasted so delicious. Each of the five travelers contributed to an animated discussion of the voyage, but Stevenson, with his spirited description of island life and hospitality, kept them all in gales of laughter. Captain Otis, it became increasingly evident, had completely changed his mind about Stevenson. He was filled with admiration for this wraith of a man with such great physical handicaps and such superb courage. This growing esteem for Stevenson extended even to Stevenson's writings, toward which the Captain had at first been a little less than passive. Early in the voyage, when Stevenson's mother had questioned him regarding his opinion 26

of her son's books, he had distinguished himself by his bluntness. Now at the end of the voyage such a change had taken place that Louis wrote to his friend, E. L. Burlingame, asking him to send a complete set of his books to the Captain. That night and for the next few days the Stevensons found a welcome at the home of Mrs. Caroline Bush on Emma Street, where Isobel, Joe, and their eight-year-old son, Austin, lived. Their gracious hostess, though happy to have such distinguished guests, soon saw that her home did not offer sufficient privacy, especially for Louis; so she suggested to her son, Henry Poor, that he let them have his bungalow, Manuia Lanai. At Waikiki, away from the city, Louis would find the seclusion he needed and desired. This district, much of which was crown property, extended for several miles along a white sand beach, its extensive groves of coconut palms and quiet tropical gardens making it an ideal place for those seeking beauty and quiet. There they could bask in the warm sunshine or feel the heady exhilaration of riding the surf. By January 28, four days after their arrival, the Stevensons had removed their treasures from the Casco and set up light housekeeping at Waikiki. Stevenson humorously described the Honolulu of 1889 as a modern town, brisk with traffic, replete with a palace and its guards, a great hotel, and Mr. Berger's band. It bore little resemblance to the Honolulu of today and comprised a much smaller area. Its population, which had already 27

begun to represent a cross section of the world, was between 23,000 and 24,000. Besides the Royal Hawaiian Hotel on Hotel and Richards Streets, there were three other less pretentious hotels; but the hospitality for which Hawaii was famous frequently rendered hotels unnecessary. Very few streets were paved; sidewalks were not considered a necessity. On the mule-drawn tramcars which had been recently introduced into the city, it was possible to ride to the districts of Punch Bowl, Manoa, Nuuanu Valley, Kalihi, or Moanalua for a fare of only five cents. Double fare was charged to go to Kapiolani Park and Waikiki, which were definitely out of the city. Those not content with tramcars could obtain a hack for twenty-five cents a mile. The stables of the Royal Hawaiian Hotel, and the Pantheon, Fashion, and Club Stables did a handsome business. An extensive telephone system was in operation not only within the city but to the other side of the island. Only the year before, the streets of the city had first been lighted by electricity. Two daily newspapers, a weekly, and several monthly magazines kept Hawaii abreast of the times. Iolani Palace, where the King held court, was an imposing building situated on King Street in a beautiful three-acre park. The interior was luxurious, with broad staircases and hallways, spacious vestibules, and wide, well-lighted salons. On the lower floor were the throne room and the royal reception rooms. Above the latter were the King's 28

private apartments and across the hall those of the Queen, but King Kalakaua and Queen Kapiolani actually lived in the bungalow on the palace grounds. The main government building, Aliiolani Hale (now the Judiciary Building), faced the palace across King Street. The Cathedral of Our Lady of Peace, the opera house, Queen's Hospital, the Royal Mausoleum, and the Honolulu Free Library were other points of interest. The broad lanais of many of the low rambling houses were latticed for the sake of coolness. Slender royal palms, graceful fan palms, banana trees, and monkeypod trees lent a tropical luxuriance to the narrow streets, which in the residential districts greatly resembled those of Mexico City. To beautify the bare expanses of their property, enterprising citizens had begun to import types of tropical flora not indigenous to Hawaii. Standing guard over the town was the extinct crater Punch Bowl, behind which rose the verdant green mountains of the Koolau Range. As if in the palm of a giant hand, parted fingers uplifted to the ridge and to the cool, refreshing trade winds, Honolulu nestled securely. The day after the Casco's arrival, Mrs. Dewar was hostess at a reception aboard the Nyanza to which the Stevensons were invited. As Stevenson had an aversion to large social gatherings, he did not attend, but Lloyd Osbourne and Isobel Strong were there. Lieutenant Pears, from the British warship Cormorant, as one of the special enter29

tainers of the evening, watched for a timely moment to talk to Lloyd. While the guests chatted on the artistically illuminated decks, an opportunity presented itself. Could he, Pears asked, arrange a meeting with Stevenson? It would give him untold pleasure to meet his favorite author. Lloyd could and did arrange it. A few days later Pears received a note from Louis asking him to call. The morning after the Nyanza party, Stevenson and Lloyd were formally presented to King Kalakaua at Iolani Palace by J. W. Robertson, Vice-Chamberlain. Before leaving California, Stevenson had been given letters of introduction to the King, though very little introduction was necessary. Stevenson's fame as a story-teller had preceded him to Hawaii, and the King was delighted to make his acquaintance. The King spoke briefly to Stevenson and graciously assured him of his welcome to Hawaii. Kalakaua's command of language, his personal charm, and his prestige of office, combined with a natural kingly dignity, made instant appeal to Stevenson, whose innate Scottish regard for royalty and love for Polynesians made him anxious to know the King intimately. Within a few days the King returned Stevenson's call, and there was a merry party on board the Casco. It was not the first time the King had been entertained aboard the yacht. Nine years before, when Dr. Merritt had visited Hawaii, he had given a special reception for Kalakaua during which the shining, new, forty-thousand-dollar 30

Casco had been exhibited to its best advantage. This second visit was not a purely social call. Kalakaua realized that Stevenson would soon know of the high tension between the Royalists and non-Royalists. A writer of Stevenson's stature would be a powerful ally if he could be induced to espouse the Royalist cause. Stevenson probably guessed the King's intentions, for no one could be in Honolulu for twentyfour hours without hearing the small-town gossip about royalty. As Louis looked at Kalakaua in the full prime of his powers, an unaffected, kindly man of fifty-two, his mind was full of questions. Could this king, so revered by the natives, really be conducting an unrelenting struggle for political power? H o w could a king who had gone to Washington and had been instrumental in furthering the cause of the Reciprocity Treaty, which had brought prosperity to the Islands, be called irresponsible and incapable of ruling? Who or what had inspired his Napoleonic dream of heading a Pacific empire of native peoples? He studied the King. There was no doubt about it: he was charming. Furthermore, his conversation revealed a cultivated mind steeped in Hawaiian history and legend. With a sort of fascination, Stevenson watched the champagne bottles come and go—one, two, three, four, five. The King was drinking him out of house and home! And brandy? Two bottles of it. Yet, perfect composure characterized the conduct of the King. At five o'clock, when he 31

rose to go, he was "perceptibly more dignified," but that was all. Later Stevenson wrote to Charles Baxter, describing the King as "a very fine intelligent fellow, but O, Charles! what a crop for the drink! He carries it, too, like a mountain with a sparrow on its shoulders." What would he have said had he known that Kalakaua completed his day of celebration by having dinner aboard a visiting warship, seemingly unaffected by his earlier drinks and well able to win the applause of the naval officers by a similar drinking marathon! When the Nyanza left Honolulu at one o'clock on January 30, the Stevensons felt more relieved than sorry, for a feeling of jealousy had arisen between the men on the two yachts. It had been somewhat abated, though not altogether extinguished, by the friendliness existing between the Dewars and the Stevensons. Now, with the sailing of the Nyanza, it appeared that the unpleasantness was at an end. But the yacht was hardly out of the harbor when there was a mutiny aboard and it became necessary to return to obtain police protection. Because of disorderly conduct, Captain George B. Holland was relieved as sailing master. The investigation delayed the Nyanza several days. On the day of the Nyanza's departure and return, the Honolulu Bulletin reprinted a letter which had appeared in The Scotsman, December 8, 1888. Written by one of the Stevenson party, it described the meeting of the Casco and the Nyanza in the Marquesas, and the editor of the Honolulu 32

newspaper considered it timely. Unfortunately the Nyanza was referred to, in passing, as an ugly yacht. As a result of this unintentional slight, Captain Otis barely escaped a fight. Although the content and style of the letter seem to stamp it as one of Lloyd's, Stevenson shouldered the blame and wrote to Charles Baxter with evident displeasure for having permitted the publication of the letter in the first place. In May he wrote to try to soften the effect of his remonstrance, but it is plain that the affair still rankled in his memory. Captain Dewar must have felt deeply injured, for in his detailed account of the voyage of the Nyanza he is silent about having met Stevenson in Honolulu. On Sunday, February 3, Henry Poor gave a luau at Manuia Lanai in honor of the Stevensons. The King and Princess Liliuokalani were special guests. The elaborate bill of fare included the delicacies usually prepared for such feasts—baked dog (a favorite with the King), chicken, pig, poi, raw fish, cooked fish, crabs and limu, and roasted kukui nuts. But it was not just the food that made the luau memorable. During the feast, Fanny presented the King with a golden pearl, probably the double oyster shell lined with gold, with a gold pearl attached to its side, which Mr. Donat had given her at Fakarava. It was an unusual pearl, an unusual gift, and the sonnet Stevenson had prepared for the occasion made it doubly acceptable to the King. Stevenson read the sonnet aloud. 33

The Silver Ship, my King—that was her name In the bright islands whence your fathers came— The Silver Ship, at rest from winds and tides, Below your palace in your harbour rides: And the seafarers, sitting safe on shore, Like eager merchants count their treasures o'er. One gift they find, one strange and lovely thing, Now doubly precious since it pleased a king. The right, my liege, is ancient as the lyre For bards to give to kings what kings admire. 'Tis mine to offer for Apollo's sake; And since the gift is fitting, yours to take. To golden hands the golden pearl I bring: The ocean jewel to the island king.

The two walked and talked much together that evening, beginning a friendship which was to color Stevenson's entire visit. Princess Liliuokalani, too, sat with Stevenson for a long time in earnest conversation. Afterwards she was one of the few visitors at Waikiki who could always count on a welcome regardless of circumstances. Arthur Richardson went about during the luau taking pictures. He focused his camera on the King and Stevenson as they sat gravely talking, and later went around to the opening in the latticework of the lanai to snap a picture of the Princess and Stevenson. The evening after the luau, the Hale Naua (House of Wisdom) Society held its annual meeting at Iolani Palace. There were business and scientific reports, dancing, music by the Royal Hawaiian Band, and a sumptuous dinner in the 34

state dining room. This society, started by the King for the advancement of research into scientific problems, was openly scorned by nonRoyalists. "House of Wisdom, indeed!" they cried. "Scientific drivel! The sooner it is disbanded the better." Attendance at one of these meetings was, therefore, an open declaration of political faith. Either the Strongs belonged to the society or the Stevensons received a special invitation from the King, for all were there except Stevenson himself. On February 6 the Pacific Commercial Advertiser carried a notice to the effect that the Stevensons would be at home that afternoon at Manuia Lanai from two until five. The article went on to say that the author had taken Frank Brown's late residence at Waikiki for the remainder of his stay and would be at home there on succeeding Wednesdays. The Brown residence was in reality a set of buildings straggling lazily along the beach. The first was a small house, with a very large lanai, roofed but practically open. Since this was the most comfortable part of the house, it served as living room, dining room, workroom, and den. Fanny used all her ingenuity to give it an atmosphere of the South Seas. All about the lanai and above the latticework were the curiosities they had collected in remote islands—war clubs, idols, pearl shells, stone axes. Decorative tapa cloth and woven mats covered the bare walls. Two bedrooms, a darkroom, and the kitchen completed 35

the bungalow. A balcony extended from the lancii to the rear of the house. The apartments were even smaller than the main house. The next cottage was a somewhat dirty, ramshackle affair, dedicated to the arts. There Fanny wrote, Lloyd painted, and everyone dabbled in photography. The third cottage, called by its charitable occupant "a grim little shanty," served as Stevenson's bedroom and workroom. It was decked with cobwebs, inhabited by cockroaches, scorpions, and friendly mice, and policed by swarms of mosquitoes. Showy pictures from Graphic and Harper's Weekly papered the bare walls. Under such circumstances the casual visitor could not be expected to notice the filthy matting on the floor. Neither did Stevenson. A tall wooden fence lined with oleander surrounded the cottage, cutting it off from the white sand of the beach and from unwelcome visitors. In this flimsy hermitage Stevenson recommenced his wrestling with the incomplete Master of Ballantrae. The greatest concern of the moment was to be rid of the Casco. It was draining Stevenson financially and it would be an even greater liability should anything happen to it while under his charter. He was extremely short of ready cash, yet he managed to pay off the yacht. Captain Otis and the crew remained aboard to insure its safety until it was ready to leave for San Francisco. Stevenson's own plans were to stay in Honolulu a few months, proceed to the Mainland by steamer, 36

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cross the States by train, stay awhile in New York on business, and then go on to England. He had no intention of staying in Honolulu until June. When neither Burlingame nor Baxter sent him money, Stevenson wrote to the former: Not one word of business have I received either from the States or England, nor anything in the shape of coin; which leaves me in a fine uncertainty and quite penniless on these islands. H. M. (who is a gentleman of a courtly order and much tinctured with letters) is very polite; I may possibly ask for the position of palace doorkeeper.

To Baxter he wrote in similar vein. Yet, even if the Stevensons were "impignorate," they would never have allowed their genial friend Captain Otis to depart without an aloha dinner. The "Silver Ship" sailed from Honolulu on February 14. The next day the Pacific Commercial Advertiser carried this friendly comment: Mr. and Mrs. Robert Louis Stevenson did not leave in the yacht, Casco, that brought them here from the South Seas and sailed yesterday for San Francisco. It will afford the community pleasure to learn that the distinguished author will prolong his stay perhaps three months in this Paradise of the Pacific.

After the departure of the Casco, Stevenson settled down to an "ordinary" routine, if an "ordinary" routine can include streams of visitors, constant telephone calls, and the demands of a voluminous correspondence, not to mention writing. It was always a great risk for him to do any work on the lanai. As it was entirely open on one side and only partially enclosed on the other 39

three, he found it practically impossible to disappear gracefully when guests were sighted. True, Wednesday was the appointed day for visitors, but the informality of Honolulu soon overcame not only the letter of the law but also its intent. People called when the spirit moved them, which might be any day at any time. It was Fanny who took it upon herself to protect her husband from guests who came too frequently or stayed too long. She made signs to them over the head of her husband when it was time to leave. And there were times when Stevenson himself, if he were overburdened with work or were especially bored with the artificiality of his guests, would ask them to leave. In his book Recollections, Arthur Johnstone relates such an incident. A society woman, who prided herself on her familiarity with the elite, called on Stevenson when he was at work. The moment she began chatting about literature, he disliked her, so much so that his eyes snapped with anger. His answers to her remarks were dangerously cool. When she failed to take the hint, he said with deliberate frigidity: "Madam, I wish that you would go. I have no time to spare today, and it is very necessary that I should be at my writing." Even then she did not go, thinking perhaps that he could not be serious in addressing such a remark to her. At last he cried out passionately: "Please madam, do go; you bother me and my work, for I cannot write while you remain, and I must write!" Her 40

exit at that point was shorn of all dignity. Not knowing of this incident, the woman's sister visited Stevenson the next day, but she was so different that he liked her at once and was soon deep in conversation. Only occasionally did he treat his guests in a brusque manner, and then only because of his work. Later he was usually remorseful. Stevenson made friends easily. He had a gift for making others feel at ease, a gift which enabled him to understand their idiosyncrasies and enter into their professional interests. With Scotsmen he took on an accent; with judges he became a lawyer; with naval officers he was an old salt; and with ministers he could even manage to be a theologian. He was noted for his refusal to talk about his own work. However, it must be admitted that his attire startled a town accustomed to eccentric dress. At home he sometimes went around in shirt sleeves, but more often he wore cool, comfortable pajamas. It was easier to write that way, especially when he sat in his bunk enclosed by mosquito netting. Still, on formal occasions he did submit to the penance of a velveteen coat and a gaily colored necktie. He seemed to act on the principle that if he must dress in the conventional fashion he should at least maintain his individuality by some personal touch—a blazing tie or a flaming sash. Fanny, who had adopted the muumuu, or Mother Hubbard gown, for the Casco, was right in style ashore. Stevenson's mother, however, 41

abandoned her comfortable muumuu when she left the Casco, for she was a prim little Scottish lady who prided herself on her neatness and the custom of wearing a dainty starched cap on all occasions, even when far removed f r o m civilization. In a cosmopolitan center such as Honolulu it was necessary to maintain even greater dignity. She kept dozens of caps on hand, prepared for any emergency. But she seemed to be the only one who cared. Lloyd dressed with the abandon of a youth on a great lark. A h Fu, the frowzy but devoted Chinese cook whom they had picked up in the Marquesas, added a finishing touch to the colorful household by wearing his Chinese costumes as he pleased. When he waited on table, however, he was spotlessly attired in white, looking very trim and neat with his shaved head and braided queue. A h F u was likely to be disconcertingly colorful in his uninvited remarks as well as in his attire. Stevenson brought none of the complexities of nineteenth-century social usage into his life. Guests adapted themselves to the situation as best they could. A n amusing story is told of Allen Herbert, who lived at Sans Souci not far f r o m the Stevensons in Waikiki. H e had often taken Louis to visit his gardens in Kalihi, where they spent hours discussing the flora of Hawaii. One evening Louis invited him to dinner. Assuming it would be formal, Mr. Herbert came in full evening dress. But on arriving at the house, he was amazed to 42

find Stevenson, pajama-clad, still in his hermitage working. Laughter greeted him when he approached the lanai, and he fled to his carriage for a linen duster to cover his formal attire. The intellectual sparkle and agreeable companionship offered by the Stevensons were absolutely divorced from the dictates of style or any form of superficiality. Another story which has become traditional in Honolulu concerns a dinner invitation which the Stevensons received. They would be delighted to come, they replied, if in the meantime Fanny could find her other shoe. There is no complete record of the friends and acquaintances that Stevenson made in Hawaii, notwithstanding the hundreds who met him and the scores who became his intimates. The circle of friends in which the Strongs moved, of course, adopted the Stevensons. As a friend of Kalakaua, he was welcomed into the royal entourage. Arthur Johnstone mentions Allen Herbert, Henry Poor, Judge McCully, Frank Damon, the Browns, Mrs. Caroline Bush, and Paul Neumann and his daughter Anita. He had friends at the British Club, where he sometimes dined, and a group of friends from the Cormorant always found a welcome at Waikiki. Lieutenant Pears, who became a frequent visitor at Waikiki, took a flashlight picture of a typical evening at music and song with Isobel at the piano and Louis energetically playing the flute. Twice Stevenson and Lloyd were the Lieutenant's guests at luncheon aboard the Cormorant. 43

But the friends Stevenson enjoyed most, with the possible exception of the King and the Princess, were A. S. Cleghorn and his beautiful little daughter, Princess Kaiulani. Mr. Cleghorn was an Edinburgh Scot who had married Princess Miriam Likelike, the sister of King Kalakaua. Their daughter, Kaiulani, who later was declared heir-apparent to the throne, was only thirteen at the time Stevenson knew her. The family estate of Ainahau was close enough for Stevenson to stroll over to chat with Mr. Cleghorn on the lanai or to sit with Kaiulani under the banyan. He told her stories about Scotland and about the Pacific islands south of Hawaii; he made up stories of wild adventures which happened in lands known only to the imagination. Her response to his mood revealed the intelligence and beauty of her young mind, for the Princess already gave promise of the culture and grace which were to characterize her throughout life. Chatting with her never failed to bring rest and reanimation to his tired mind when The Master of Ballantrae weighed heavily on him. Worry about The Master came dangerously near to spoiling the first few months of his visit. Thirteen years before, he had received the initial inspiration for the story when he stayed overnight at Ballantrae while on a tramp through Carrick and Galloway. The name fascinated him. During the winter Stevenson spent at Saranac he really began work on The Master. When he sailed from San Francisco on the Casco, he carried the unfin44

ished manuscript with him, but the lure of the Pacific made work on the Scottish story a spasmodic affair. When he reached Honolulu he was within two chapters of the end, but by that time he definitely had tired of it. Any other story he would have laid aside until he felt like finishing it, but he was saddled with this one, both because of his agreement to finish the book within a certain time and because it had already begun to appear serially in Scribner's. His first letter from Honolulu to E. L. Burlingame deals with The Master with only the briefest preface to the remarks. 1. The Master. Herewith g o three more parts. Y o u see he grows in bulk; this making ten already, and I a m not sure yet if I can finish it in an eleventh; which shall g o to you quam p r i m u m — I hope by the next mail I may also be deceived as to the numbers of The Master now going and already gone; but to m e they seem First Chop, sir, First Chop. I hope I shall pull off that . . . ending; but it still depresses me; this is your doing, Mr. Burlingame: you would have it there and then, and I fear it—I fear that ending.

With the letter he sent enough of the story to take care of the magazine through the August issue. Late in February he caught cold, and although he happily did not develop any catarrhal symptoms, he realized that even Honolulu was too cool for him. He stayed in bed a few days, probably at the insistence of Fanny, who was more solicitous about his health than he was. By March he had made little progress on The Master, a fact which prompted him to write to Charles Baxter: 45

Since I have been here, I have been toiling like a galley slave: three numbers of The Master to rewrite, five chapters of The Wrong Box to write and rewrite, and about five hundred lines of a narrative poem ["The Song of Rahero"] to write, rewrite, and re-rewrite. N o w I have The Master waiting for me for its continuation, two numbers more: when that's done, I shall breathe.

Tuesday, March 19, the Hatvaiian Gazette had the isolated item: "Mr. Robert Louis Stevenson registered at the hotel Thursday." The hotel referred to was probably the old Royal Hawaiian. Perhaps he went there for a little peace and quiet, for even the shack which stood at a respectful distance from the sociable lanai must have been too public for him. April came and went, and still The Master was hanging fire. To E. L. Burlingame he wrote disconsolately: I am quite worked out, and this cursed end of The Master hangs over me like the arms of the gallows; but it is always darkest before dawn, and no doubt the clouds will soon rise; but it is a difficult thing to write, above all in Mackellarese; and I cannot yet see my way clear. If I pull this off, The Master will be a pretty good novel or I am the more deceived; and even if I don't pull it off, it'll still have some stuff in it.

From all this it must not be presumed that Stevenson had noticeably shortened his nose by its application to the grindstone. He still found time for the social amenities, for evenings of homemade f u n with the family, and even for lessons in Hawaiian. With a native teacher, Joseph Poepoe, he read fascinating, wordy tales of Hawaii. It may 46

STEVENSON P L A Y I N G T H E

FLAGEOLET

Stevenson spent many hours practicing. It is said a pet mouse would come out on the shelf to listen and to wait for crumbs.

STEVENSON, LLOYD, AND R O B E R T A . M A C F I E , J R .

PRINCESS KAIULANI AS A Y O U N G

WOMAN

W h e n Stevenson knew her she was only thirteen.

have been Kalakaua who initiated him into the study of the language, as the King was not only fluent both in English and Hawaiian but was also a student of Hawaiian history and legend. In 1888, he had published a collection of legends and myths of Hawaii. It was in this common interest in Polynesian lore and antiquities that Stevenson and the King found their strongest bond. The two pored over the King's notebooks for hours on end. The courage of the early Hawaiians in the face of danger, the legendary beauty of the ancient traditions, the sorrows of a people being rapidly outnumbered —all were communicated to Stevenson's sympathetic heart and mind. Certain historic spots in the Islands took on a new interest for Stevenson. He wanted to see the Kona Coast, especially Kealakekua Bay, made famous by Captain Cook, and Kailua, where the Hawaiian kings had lived and were now interred in the burial cliffs. These Polynesians who had peopled the Islands for more than eleven centuries before the coming of Captain Cook interested him far more than Caucasians. How lost in legend their leaders had become! In late April when he set out for Hawaii, it was this interest which led him to choose the unheard-of village of Hookena in preference to the famed volcano Mauna Loa. For there are some so constituted as to find a man or a society more curious than the highest mountain; some, in whom the lava foreshores of Kona and Kau will move as deep a wonder as the fiery vents that made them what they are.

51

March 3 would be the fifty-third birthday of Mrs. Bush. Remembering her many kindnesses, the Stevensons decided to make it a memorable day. Isobel and Fanny were to choose a suitable gift to which every member of the family would add a smaller one. They selected a length of beautiful soft silk for a holoku. Stevenson was to do his part by composing some fitting verses for the occasion. After a stroll on the beach he wrote the following stanzas, which Mrs. Bush long cherished among her prize possessions. Dear Lady, tapping at your door, Some little verses stand, And beg on this auspicious day To come and kiss your hand. Their syllables all counted right, Their rhymes each in its place, Like birthday children, at the door They wait to see your face. Rise, lady, rise and let them in. Fresh from the fairy shore, They bring you things you wish to have, Each in its pinafore. For they have been to Wishing Land This morning in the dew, All, all your dearest wishes bring— All granted—home to you. What these may be they would not tell, And could not if they would; They take the packets sealed to you, As trusty servants should. 52

But there was one that looked like love, And one that smelt like health, And one that had a jingling sound I fancy might be wealth. Ah, well, they are but wishes still; But lady dear, for you I know that all you wish is kind. I pray it all come true.

When, after only a month or so in Honolulu, Stevenson definitely decided to seek a milder climate, he thought of going to the Madeira Islands, since at that time he still planned on returning to Scotland, or at least remaining somewhat close to his native country. But eventually this plan was dropped and the family began to consider making another trip to the South Seas. Stevenson's mother was not to go. She intended to return to Scotland in early May on account of the illness of her sister, who was very old. Besides, this trip was to include out-of-the-way places on which civilization had not yet breathed, places which could not provide even the minimum of comfort an elderly Scottish lady would require. Neither was Mrs. Strong to go, for Austin, who was only eight, needed schooling and a mother's care. They would join the party later. Joe Strong, however, planned to go with Louis, Fanny, and Lloyd. The enthusiasm with which Fanny entered into the plans, although such a trip would mean months of seasickness for her, was characteristic of her. In late March she wrote to Mrs. Sitwell: 53

It seems a pity to return to England until his health is firmly re-established, and also a pity not to see all that we can see quite easily starting from this place: and which will be our only opportunity in life. Of course there is the usual risk from hostile natives, and the horrible sea, but a positive risk is so much more wholesome than a negative one, and it is all such joy to Louis and Lloyd. A s for me, I hate the sea, and am afraid of it (though no one will believe that because in time of danger I do not make an outcry—nevertheless, I am afraid of it, and it is not kind to m e ) , but I love the tropic weather, and the wild people, and to see my two boys so happy.

Their plans were complete except for one thing: they had no ship. They seem not to have thought of the Casco again, probably because of the exorbitant expense. At the moment, their only hope seemed to lie in the Morning Star, a missionary ship which offered an extraordinarily attractive itinerary among wild and unknown islands, but, from their point of view, an extraordinarily dreary prospect for enjoying life. The Morning Star would be the antithesis of the Casco. Liquor and tobacco would be tabu; there would probably be daily religious services; they would not be free to go to or stay in attractive island groups. In short, they would have to resign themselves to the wishes of the missionary party. Could they? Oddly enough it was a hurricane which solved their difficulty. On April 6 the Oceanic steamer Alameda sailed into Honolulu Harbor bringing the tragic news of a Samoan hurricane three weeks earlier. On board was John Wightman, Jr., who, as news blazed through Honolulu, became the hero 54

of the hour. It was his schooner, the Equator, which had run into the hurricane, braved its fury, and reached Apia safely, only to find twelve vessels, including three American and three German warships, wrecked in the harbor. The Equator sailed at once for Tutuila to advise the Alameda of the tragedy and ask for help. Within an hour and a half the Alameda reached Apia, picked up as many sick and injured sailors as possible, and sailed for Honolulu, with Mr. Wightman on board. A schooner which could brave the fury of a hurricane was just what the Stevensons wanted. Louis must have made arrangements to charter the Equator on the very day the Alameda reached Honolulu, April 6, for that night he wrote to Miss Adelaide Boodle: Fanny, Lloyd, and I push on again among the islands on a trading schooner, the Equator—first for the Gilbert group, which we shall have an opportunity to explore thoroughly; then if occasion serve, to the Marshalls and Carolines; and if occasion (or money) fail, to Samoa, and back to Tahiti. . . . You cannot conceive how these climates agree with the wretched house-plant of Skerryvore: he wonders to find himself seabathing, and cutting about the world loose, like a grown-up person. . . . We had applied for places in the American missionary ship, the Morning Star, but this trading schooner is a far preferable idea, giving us more time and a thousandfold more liberty, so we determined to cut off the missionaries with a shilling.

Stevenson paid a sum down for a voyage of four months, to be prolonged if he desired. At his wish and written demand, the Equator was to stop at any place in its line of trading, for which privilege 55

he was to pay a fixed daily extra price. If Stevenson wished to prolong his stay in any islands where the Equator landed for its own trading purposes, he could do so for three days without any extra charge. When the Equator reached San Francisco from Samoa on May 21, Mr. Wightman ordered renovations to be made for the new passengers. Two bunks were built in the trade room for Lloyd and Joe Strong; the captain's cabin was fitted with an extra bunk and other conveniences to make a comfortable stateroom for the Stevensons. Meanwhile, the Stevensons resumed the normal tenor of their lives. On April 7, the day after he had chartered the Equator, Louis, still in an effervescent state, went to breakfast with the King at the palace. Eight-thirty was the appointed hour. He was an occasional visitor at the palace, but apparently this was the only visit attended by formality. Seated at the table with the Stevenson party at this formal breakfast were the King, Princess Liliuokalani, Prince Kawananakoa, Mrs. Caroline Bush, Henry Poor, and J. W. Robertson, Yice-Chamberlain. The conversation must have centered on the forthcoming trip, for Stevenson would have told the King as soon as his plans had been made definite. They had become very intimate. For reasons which he did not and perhaps could not make clear, and also because of the pressing demands of his work, Stevenson did not write any56

thing regarding the political situation in Hawaii, although he was an avowed Royalist. His essays about Hawaii, which were published later, dealt with a few phases of politics, but they were concerned primarily with his visit to the Kona Coast of Hawaii and his trip to the leper settlement at Molokai. King Kalakaua and he must have reached some amicable solution to this problem, for their friendship did not suffer in the least. Yet he did begin to write about the political situation in Samoa, which the Honolulu newspapers played up to the limit. His sympathy lay with the Samoans as against foreign governmental rule. As both Henry Poor and Joe Strong had spent some months in Samoa with King Kalakaua's delegation, they gave him eye-witness accounts of the deplorable state of affairs. Stevenson felt so strongly about it that shortly after his arrival in Honolulu he wrote his famous letter to the London Times, a step which involved him in a long political discussion. Was he a Don Quixote tilting at windmills? Perhaps, but it would have been impossible for him to respect himself if he had foregone the opportunity to champion the Samoan cause. April brought varied joys and interests. An account of the loss of the Wandering Minstrel at Midway, published in the local newspapers, gave Stevenson the idea for The Wrecker. The thought interested him immensely but lay dormant in his mind for the moment. In early April an oil painting of Pearl Harbor (seven feet by two and one57

half feet) which had been executed by Joe Strong was purchased and hung in the office of the Oahu Railway and Land Company. There must have been a family celebration over this event. The newspaper article which refers to Mr. Strong also mentions the praise that he had recently received in the San Francisco Examiner for the portrait of Charles Warren Stoddard he had done for the Bohemian Club of San Francisco. In less than a month Kaiulani was to leave for England where she would continue her studies. As soon as Stevenson heard that she was loath to go, he did all in his power to make the departure easier. In their rendezvous under the banyan, he told her of the beauty of England, how that country's shores were washed by another beautiful ocean, how her new friends would love her. In her red plush album he inscribed a poem composed especially for her. Forth from her land to mine she goes, The island maid, the island rose, Light of heart and bright of face: The daughter of a double race. Her islands here, in Southern sun, Shall mourn their Kaiulani gone, And I, in her dear banyan shade, Look vainly for my little maid. But our Scots islands far away Shall glitter with unwonted day, And cast for once their tempests by To smile in Kaiulani's eye. Honolulu.

58

Written in April to Kaiulani in the April of her age; and at Waikiki, within easy walk of Kaiulani's banyan! When she comes to my land and her father's, and the rain beats upon the window (as I fear it will), let her look at this page; it will be like a weed gathered and pressed at home; and she will remember her own islands, and the shadow of the mighty tree; and she will hear the peacocks screaming in the dusk and the wind blowing in the palms; and she will think of her father sitting there alone.—R.L.S.

On April 15, the Monday of Holy Week, Father Damien died at Molokai, but, because of the lack of communication facilities between islands, the news did not reach Honolulu immediately. The Pacific Commercial Advertiser, April 22, carried a long account of the self-sacrificing life of the priest, an account taken verbatim from Stoddard's Lepers of Molokai. This death was a great blow to Stevenson. Although it was now too late for him to meet Father Damien as he had long wished to do, his plans for visiting Molokai might still materialize. He could see for himself what this priest of such magnificent spiritual stature had accomplished in his post of voluntary exile. The thought of Molokai ahina exercised a magnetic power over him but a strong fear of contagion simultaneously repelled him. He would have to make a decision soon. It seems likely that Stevenson may have met Edward Clifford, the English artist, who had been in Honolulu following a lengthy visit to Molokai. Mutual interests as well as mutual friends would have drawn them together. Both were close friends 59

of Frank Damon, and both were concerned about leprosy. From Mr. Clifford, Stevenson would have learned about the sufferings of Father Damien in the months preceding his death; for he would have been able to supply all the details Stevenson wished to hear, and it is probable that he did. On April 29 a solemn pontifical Mass for the repose of the soul of Father Damien was celebrated in the Cathedral of Our Lady of Peace by His Lordship, Bishop Herman Koeckemann, SS.CC. The Mass had been postponed to the Monday after the Octave of Easter, since that was the first opportunity for the celebration of a Requiem Mass. The Cathedral was crowded. Besides the laity and the religious, there were official representatives from the Hawaiian government and from other nations who had come to pay tribute to Father Damien. Many non-Catholics heard the touching memorial sermon delivered by the Bishop. Yet, however much Stevenson may have wished to attend, he could not do so. He was on the island of Hawaii. Father Damien was buried by his fellow priests, Fathers Wendelin and Conrardy, in the little cemetery next to the church which he had started to build at Kalawao, Molokai. His body remained there until 1936 when, at the request of the Belgian government, it was taken back to Belgium, and interred with all the honor accorded a national hero. 60

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HEN THE W. G . Hall, bound f o r Maui and H a w a i i , steamed out of H o n o l u l u H a r b o r on Friday morning, April 26, she carried with her t w e n t y first-class passengers, including Stevenson, and about seventy-five deck passengers. Scarcely had the ship left the dock when one of the native sailors, intoxicated and not wishing to m a k e the voyage, furnished a diversion for the travelers by j u m p i n g overboard. U p o n reaching the dock, he was p u t into a small boat and hastened back to the Hall, which had stopped her engines and was waiting in the stream. A rope was lowered over the side f o r him. A f t e r several unsuccessful m a neuvers, he was hauled aboard, and the Hall proceeded on her way. B e f o r e long, western M o l o k a i — b a r e and barren — w a s visible, then the eastern end, where m o u n tains, scored b y deep gulches, cast strong shadows in the a f t e r n o o n light. A thin ribbon of flat land at the base of the mountains, the spire of Kaluaaha C h u r c h , and a f e w houses completed the picture. D i r e c t l y south was the island of Lanai, and due east, the mountains of West Maui. B y sunset the steamer was approaching the port of Lahaina on 63

Maui, the first landing place. The soil, naturally red, glowed in the last rays of the sun, as shore boats plied back and forth from pier to ship. After leaving Lahaina, the steamer ran close to the coast in almost perfectly smooth water until about 8:00 P.M., when she reached Maalaea Bay, now indiscernible in the darkness. Alenuihaha Channel, twenty-six miles of extremely rough water, had to be crossed, and until the steamer ran under the lee of Hawaii a few hours later, the passengers got a fair tossing. In early morning the Hall was running past Kawaihae Bay. The peaks of Mauna Kea, Mauna Loa, and Hualalai were in view but heavily shrouded with clouds. Rounding the point to the south, the Hall dropped anchor at Kailua, which was one of the chief places of North Kona and the summer residence of the King. A number of houses along the shore accommodated him and his attendants. Behind the village rose Mount Hualalai, its lower portions lava-scored, its crest treecovered. After Keauhou and Kealakekua Bay, the scene of Captain Cook's visit and death, the next stop was Hookena, Stevenson's destination. As a whaleboat of intermingled passengers and barrels put off from the Hall, a heavy veil of rain obscured the shore where people were gathered for the weekly treat of meeting the steamer. The white houses, the vivid green palm trees, and the colorful attire of the women stood out in blurred contrast to the somber, jet-black lava cliffs. While the tossing boat poised near a point of reef, the 64

passengers disembarked, only to be submerged to the knees by the next wave. Drenched by rain and sea water, Stevenson waded ashore. As soon as the purser saw him, he introduced him to D. H . Nahinu, an ex-judge, his host-to-be. The old gentleman, "with a hat band of peacock feathers, a face like an old trusty dog's, no eyes, and no English," greeted his guest smilingly with a single remark, "House by 'um by." Resting on his laurels, he led Louis without further speech to a large, open shed which apparently was the village store. Exposed on three sides, on the fourth the shed abutted upon a house which could be reached by ten wooden steps. None of the people in the shop or the house paid the least attention to Stevenson. Only an old woman put some question to Mr. Nahinu, in the answer to which Louis heard the King's name. While waiting, Stevenson amused himself "flirting with a little maid of seven." With the incoming mail came the weekly supply of newspapers, among them the Elele. A middle-aged man reached for a copy, turned straight to the story page, read the current number of the serial, then dropped the paper "like the rind of a sucked orange." This procedure made Stevenson feel very much at home. Hawaii was not unlike Scotland. Meanwhile his host, having finished his business, was ready to take Louis home. He led him round the shore among the mules and donkeys to a cool, comfortable house not far from the landing. 65

Like all the houses of the hamlet, it was on the European, or to be more descriptive, on the American plan. The parlour was fitted with the usual furniture, and ornamented with the portraits of Kamehameha the Third, Lunalilo, Kalakaua, the queen consort of the isles, and Queen Victoria. There was a Bible on the table, other books stood on a shelf. A comfortable bedroom was placed at my service, the welcome afforded me was cordial and unembarrassed, the food good and plentiful. My host, my hostess, his grown daughters, strapping lassies, his young hopefuls, misbehaving at a meal or perfunctorily employed upon their school-books; all that I found in that house, beyond the speech and a few exotic dishes on the table, would have been familiar and exemplary in Europe.

That night, as Stevenson strolled along the beach past the village, his curiosity was piqued by a silent little house which stood isolated in the broken lava. Louis was glad he had not gone on with the party of tourists who were bound for the volcano, glad that he had foregone the thrill of the trip to Kilauea for the privilege of living here for a week with the Nahinus. If it is true, as Judge Monsarrat has said, that Stevenson went to Hawaii for the purpose of seeing that gentleman's ranch (Honomalino Ranch), which he contemplated buying and making his home, he must inevitably have considered what this change in his manner of living would mean to him. Judge Monsarrat, who was a friend of Mr. Nahinu's, must also have been the subject of conversation when such was possible between Stevenson and his host. Stevenson, however, makes no reference in his "Journal" to the ranch, the more to be wondered at since the "Journal" 66

is detailed. H e did not visit it, a fact which the Judge attributes to his ill health. The next day was Sunday. Silence and a sense of rain-washed beauty permeated the village. Stevenson continued his exploratory stroll out above the cliff, smoking and meditating as he had rarely done since his arrival in Honolulu. Here he was "the only white folk in a Polynesian village," where there was no one to interrupt his solitude. N o longer "oppressed with civilization," he reveled in his isolation. That afternoon, no doubt accompanied by Nahinu, he called on Robert Amalu, the school teacher, and his wife, availing himself of this opportunity to learn more about education in the outer islands. The conversation turned to coffee-raising and, with pride, Mr. Amalu told Stevenson that he and a group of Hookena natives had recently purchased a 60,000-acre plantation in the mountains for a sum of $4,000. This news intrigued Stevenson. For natives to sell land was a common occurrence, but for natives to buy land was practically unheard of. They planned a ride for the next day so that Stevenson might see the site of the investment as well as the countryside. Accordingly on Monday morning Stevenson, Mr. Nahinu, and the school teacher set out on horseback for a ride in the forest. Voluble talker that he usually was, Stevenson was silent as they mounted higher and higher from deserts of black lava to "the place of the mist," at last reaching "the region of the gods and goblins," the realm of rain and 67

abundant foliage. Amalu gloried in this opportunity to display his knowledge of the flora of the island, Stevenson in the occasion to learn. Presently they came to a small house in an orchard of papayas. Owned by Nahinu, it was rented to an American who was unsuccessfully trying to earn a living making butter. The man was not at home. Curiosity prompted Stevenson to look through the windows into the three-room house to see how the man lived and to explore the shed where the precious rain water was hoarded. Clark Russell's Little Loo, he noted, furnished half the mental nourishment of the butterman. A plunge into the forest brought them out again on a bridle path which led southward toward Ka'a, skirting the forest on one side and the vast declivity of the island front on the other. The next plunge into the forest led them to the schoolmaster's coffee plantation, in reality a section of forest where coffee bushes had been planted beside the path. Four thousand dollars for this! A plantation enclosed and overarched by the huge, motherly forest! In the next village, besides the usual scattered houses around the Catholic church, there was an imposing residence on the verge of a steep precipice. It stood in radiant whiteness against the green of the forest, its picturesque beauty increased by the shining windows opening on double balconies. Stevenson exclaimed in amazement, but the schoolmaster was unimpressed. "Outside," said Amalu, smiling. The natives, he explained, had 68

spent all their money on the outside. The interior was unfurnished and the family lived on the verandah. Sure enough, except for mats on the floor and colored lithographs on the walls, Stevenson found the house unfurnished. They rested for a while on the lanai, had a glass of cool water, and discussed Stevenson's recent voyage in the South Pacific. Had he met a Hawaiian missionary named Kauwealoha? Indeed he had. H e was doing fine work in the Marquesas. The pictures in island homes were always a source of interest to Stevenson. N o w he was amused to discover that not only was the royal family honored on the walls of the furnitureless house, but also President Garfield and Lord Nelson. Nelson, a character in Hawaiian romance? That night he was to observe that although his guides had seemed unimpressed by the imposing exterior of the home, Nahinu did not fail to mention to his wife that they had stopped to visit at **ka hale nut" He mused over the phrase. "The great house" held excellent possibilities as a setting for a Polynesian tale. Stevenson and his companions rode northward f r o m "ka hale nui" through a gigantic sable wasteland—spires, ravines, and well-holes—devoid of any plant life other than the rose apple and a few hardy shrubs. When they had descended a breakneck path within sound of the sea, a rugged cliff was visible on the landward side. It was streaked with white lichens, laddered with vines, and pierced 69

with the openings to countless caves, the sepulchred catacombs of ancient alii and kahunas, where one dared not enter for fear of displeasing the dead. Somewhere in those subterranean vaults lay the fabled treasure of Kamehameha. Louis recalled the legends that Kalakaua had recounted to him in the cool shade of his Waikiki home. But rain was threatening. Putting their horses to a gallop, they bolted toward home, seemingly on the verge of eternity. Stevenson had been five and a half hours in the saddle. He apparently had begun to lose track of the days in the quiet little village, for the entry in his diary the next day is "Tuesday, May 1," whereas Tuesday was April 30. But he was still energetic. Noting the crowd at the courthouse, he decided to go along with Nahinu to investigate. Even though he had never practiced law, his legal training made him anxious to see that justice was executed, and a case tried in Hookena should be as interesting as it was different. When he entered the building, he found a room furnished with a bench along the wall, two tables, and a few chairs. The judge, an intelligent, serious native, sat at one of the tables taking notes; two policemen stood at attention near him. The plaintiff, a blue-eyed Portuguese storekeeper, had hired Nahinu to represent him for a fee, Stevenson subsequently learned, of only two dollars. His case concerned strayed cattle. Some were mysteriously missing; others were starved. Conse70

quently the Portuguese wanted justice from a neighboring proprietor, whose son-in-law, he thought, was the cause of the trouble. The latter himself appeared in the defense. Suave, dignified, and persuasive, he could easily have won the case for his father-in-law if Nahinu had not kept his wits. Remembering that this artful Hawaiian was a disbarred lawyer, Nahinu made capital of the point of law stating that such a person might conduct a case only for himself or his family. Was one's father-in-law part of one's family? The Hawaiian orator said he was; Nahinu said he was not. As the law was written in both Hawaiian and English, and since the Hawaiian text proved inconclusive, Stevenson was called in, "like Daniel," to interpret the English statute. Evidently he bowed to the legal opinion of his host, for the judge ruled out the defendant as a participant in the case. H e accepted his defeat splendidly, hired a dull lawyer, the only one available, and of course lost the suit. Satisfied that Nahinu was an able lawyer, Stevenson left the courthouse before another case could be called and joined Amalu for a ride up the coast. Through the village they rode, past the courthouse, past the church, past the isolated house which had attracted Stevenson's attention that first night. He saw now that it was occupied and learned that it was a house of detention for lepers. Amalu told him of the escape of one leper who had cut his way through the floor the previous Saturday night. 71

It would be months before he could be located in the mountains. Their way was northward across the shattered lava. Occasionally children greeted the schoolmaster and included Stevenson in their shy remarks. The conversation was not prolonged but informational. "Will you be at school tomorrow?" "Yes, sir." "Do you like school?" "Yes, sir." "Do you like bathing?" "No, ma'am," with a staggering change of sex. At length they turned the corner of a point and emerged on a level section of lava. Over the cliffs "rivers of living lava had once flowed, had frozen as they fell, and now depended like a sculptured drapery." Between the mountains and the beating surf lay a scattered village and an irregular bulk of ruin. The village was Honaunau; the ruin was Hale o Keawe. Hale o Keawe was not the first city of refuge Stevenson had visited. Such temples abound in the South Pacific, but this one was unique in many ways. The high massive walls, now somewhat in decay, enclosed an area of several acres which was divided into two unequal parts, one forming the city of refuge and the smaller one the heiau or temple, the House of Keawe, which served as a depository of royal bones. From the fissures in the walls, coco palms jutted out, shading the temple 72

and painting weird shadow pictures, while the thundering roar of the ocean chanted its message of antiquity and carried on its destruction of the outer wall. The past became more real than the present to Stevenson, legend more real than history. W h a t a king the ancient Keawe must have been, and how frightened the keeper and his wife when in 1829 Keawe, long deceased, appeared to them to warn them not to give his remains to the messengers of Queen Kaahumanu! By torchlight they removed his bones to some unknown crevice or cave—a mystery ever after. The Queen's messengers, who arrived shortly, were given instead the bones of a less honored chieftain. Names had always held a fascination for Stevenson. He would use the name of the famous Keawe some day in a story. As the natives led him through the sanctuary, which in the early days offered not only a temporary refuge, but also relief from all guilt of crime or misfortune, he relived the past and saw Hawaiians marked for sacrifice fall panting with joy—safe—into the arms of the priest of the temple. He visualized its bulwarks in time of war, floating pennants of white tapa, a place of safety for the aged and children. An eager native, pointing out a huge block of lava, recalled him from his reverie. Beautiful Kaahumanu had taken refuge there when Kamehameha the First had aroused her jealousy beyond endurance by the acquisition of twenty-five wives, two of whom were her own 73

sisters. A city of refuge was needful to queens as well as slaves. Late that afternoon, after he had returned from Honaunau, Stevenson saw the capable judge he had greatly admired that morning, riding homeward, portfolio under his arm. He was reminded again of the equity of this court of justice which had been conducted entirely in Hawaiian except for the testimony of the Portuguese. The honesty of the Hawaiian people impressed him. Where but in Hookena could one procure the services of a lawyer for a fee of two dollars? Justice was cheap in Kona! Two days on horseback made Stevenson aware of muscles he had never known he possessed. He was painfully stiff. Noting his discomfort, Mrs. Nahinu offered to initiate him into the secret arts of lomi-lomi, the Hawaiian method of massage. It might hurt a little, she told him, but when it was over he would feel greatly relaxed. He found her words perfectly true. He did feel relaxed, but from the very beginning he found himself wishing it were over. He recalled the Tahitian word for this muscle-pommeling. Taurumi, they called it, but theirs was a mild exercise. Compared to taurumi, lomi-lomi stood "as square-faced gin to an agreeable sedative" Louis thought as he surrendered to the powerful hands of his hostess. Only two days of Stevenson's visit remained. The isolated house on the lava, twice seen and wondered at, drew him irresistibly. In another 74

day the lepers would be on their way to exile. He had to see them first, so for the third time he approached. That morning the police had caught a nineteenyear-old girl who for two years had been hiding with her mother in the mountains. Stevenson saw her black-clad figure crouched miserably in the midst of the family group seated outside the house, the women and children in their usual bright attire. Not far off, the horse was tied. As Louis drew nearer, he was aware of long-drawn lamenting strains of song, for the mother was pouring out her soul in an improvised Hawaiian chant. It was not so much singing as wailing, Mrs. Amalu pointed out later. She sketched for him the probable tenor of the lament: "O my daughter, O my child, now you are going away from me at last." Stevenson wrote: The scene would have killed me when I was younger; today even with the knowledge that I had myself put my head in the lion's mouth, and might even now be carrying the germs of solitude and death in life, I could not but admire the callousness of middle age in my own case; for I saw and heard this horrible and beautiful tragedy with composure.

He turned away from the tragic sight with the plaintive strains of the mother's lament echoing in his ears. The warm tropic breeze, redolent of the ocean, which at any other time would have delighted him, now only reminded him of the stark contrast between the visible misery of the girl and the penetrating beauty of her surroundings. He 75

walked over to the Amalu residence and talked to the schoolmaster's wife, but being too restless to stay, he soon went off by himself. Although his "Journal" gives no clue to his occupation the rest of the day, it is likely that he returned to his writing. Stevenson's biographers seem to concur with the local tradition that The Bottle Imp was written in Kona. If this is true—and internal evidence seems to prove that it is—Wednesday would have been a perfect day from a psychological point of view. The experiences which led to the composition of the story, which became a part of it, were completed by that time. To compose a tale on the spot of the initial inspiration was contrary to Stevenson's usual procedure, but the fact that he took his cue from an old drama by B. Smith may have facilitated the mental process. A glance at the details of the story shows the probability of composition in Kona, at least in first draft. Possibly he completed it in Honolulu, or perhaps even later in Samoa. It remained unpublished until 1891. Borrowed though it was, the plot of The Bottle Imp is typically Polynesian in the telling. It goes beyond a modern fable of a man who risked his soul, first for wealth, then for the girl he loved, and becomes a Actionized synthesis of Stevenson's own experiences. A characteristic of Stevenson's is the inclusion of autobiographical data in works of fiction, but seldom is it so marked as in The Bottle Imp. The extraordinary number of allusions to specific people and places can hardly have been 76

accidental. It is altogether possible that he had a Hawaiian audience in mind when he wrote it. Be that as it may, he has placed his imaginary hero and heroine in a setting from real life, and they possess the qualities of character and mind which he had discovered in the Hawaiians of Kona. tfKa hale nui" is the center of the story. As might be expected, since the sight of the house undoubtedly occasioned the story, the description is practically identical with the original, except that the fancied f(ka hale nui" is beautifully furnished and not merely an "outside." It is located in the same place, not far from Hookena, on a mountain overlooking the sea. Many times Keawe, the hero of The Bottle Imp, rode past the burial cliffs and occasionally he went as far northward as Kailua. Honaunau and Hale o Keawe were familiar territory to him, appropriately too, since undoubtedly Keawe was so named on account of the historic king of the nocturnal visitation. The steps of Keawe were confined to the territory the author had traversed by the end of April, 1889. With hardly an exception, he met the same people, traveled on the same ships, and thought the same thoughts Louis did. He was a friend of Mr. Nahinu. The night he was so anxious to be rid of his companion, Lopaka, who had bought the damning bottle from him, Keawe urged him to seek hospitality at the Nahinu home in Hookena. Keawe went back and forth between the islands on the Hall; he even awaited its arrival in the familiar 77

shed next to the village store. He sailed to California on the Umatilla, the ship on which Stevenson's mother had taken passage for May 10, and from San Francisco left for Tahiti on the Tropic Bird. A bark bearing that name sailed the South Seas at the same time as the Casco, and was severely damaged in a storm which the "Silver Ship" had barely avoided. Stevenson knew the skipper, Captain Burns. When Keawe realized he had contracted leprosy, he immediately began to visualize his exile in Molokai. The thought of Molokai had become almost habitual to Stevenson; yet this description seems less vivid than it would have been, perhaps, if it had been written after Stevenson's own visit to the leprosarium, a fact which seems to point to the composition of The Bottle Imp before the end of May. The story involved the problem of a series of coins of diminishing value. Keawe visited Tahiti when his wife reminded him that the French money included a coin of less value than the United States cent, and he and Kokua rented a house across the street from the British Consul. Stevenson's house in Papeete was in the same location. Stevenson adds a clever touch to the story by referring to Tahiti in the Hawaiian form of Kahiki, and Borabora in the form, Pola-Pola. The memory of these two Society Islands was still fresh. With evident pleasure, he had discussed Kahiki with the owner of the original ff ka hale nui." 78

Keawe was familiar with Honolulu and its environs. He visited a haole on "Beritania" Street and listened to Berger's band at the Royal Hawaiian. He knew of Diamond Head, the extinct volcanic crater on Oahu, and the beach at Waikiki. These references to actual circumstances, persons, and places, as well as the total absence of any allusions to incidents which occurred on Stevenson's subsequent voyages, seem to confirm the theory that The Bottle Imp was written in the Hawaiian Islands. Stevenson considered this story one of his best. He was bitterly disappointed when his publishers decided to include it with stories he prized less highly. To Sidney Colvin he complained: What annoyed me about the use of The Bottle Imp was that I had always meant it for the centre-piece of a volume of Marcben which I was slowly to elaborate. You always had an idea that I depreciated the B. I.; I can't think wherefore; I always particularly liked it—one of my best works, and ill to equal; and that was why I loved to keep it in portfolio till I had time to grow up to some other fruit of the same venue.

He proved to be a discerning critic of his own work. The Bottle Imp is regarded as one of Stevenson's best short stories. Thursday, the last day of his visit, Stevenson rose early. At seven o'clock he and Amalu, under the convoy of a policeman, were back again at the pest house, this time to offer a gift to the poor girl. A small crowd had gathered. In front of the house a pot was boiling over a fire. It was being tended by an old woman in a light green 79

dress who seized and welcomed Stevenson profusely in a "manner very striking in one of her age and at such a place and time." Stevenson extricated himself when the policeman produced a chair at some distance removed from the old lady. The officer and Amalu, having consulted those who knew the circumstances, told Stevenson that nothing other than money was required for the girl. Immediately his hand was in his pocket. He would have presented his offering, but Amalu's pained expression reminded him that a gift has very little value for a Hawaiian unless it is hallowed by oratory. So the two stood up together in front of the two patients (there was an additional leper there when Stevenson returned on Thursday), and Louis made a speech which Amalu translated sentence by sentence. The two lepers did not seem to be especially grateful, merely murmuring "mahalo" in an expressionless sort of way, the girl not even then displaying her face. However, the policeman followed Louis to Amalu's with fervent thanks and that same afternoon asked permission to put the circumstances in the newspaper. Stevenson would have refused, but when he learned that to the policeman he was known only as "Charlie," he withdrew his objection. About nine or ten that morning, the schooner which was to pick up the lepers lay outside, and a whaleboat came ashore. Most of the people of Hookena were on the beach. "The first to come was the older leper quite unattended; behind her, 80

after a little, the girl followed, tricked out in a red holoku and with a fine red ribbon in her hat." This time he could see her face "hugely swollen and her eyes drawn down." The mother, a woman of perhaps forty years, came last, "swinging her hat, rolling her eyes and shoulders to and fro visibly working herself up." Seating herself on the shore where the crowd was thickest, she wailed and lamented as she embraced her friends. All the while the whaleboat rocked on the waves. At length the two lepers and the woman departed for Molokai, the lepers never to return, the woman to remain, if she could, as a clean kokua. As he watched the boat pull away, Stevenson knew that he must go to the "gray island." Stevenson bade aloha to his host and new friends that afternoon and boarded the W. G. Hall again for Oahu. The exciting adventures of the tourists who had been to Kilauea seemed so insignificant in comparison with his own that he found it difficult to appear interested. In the midst of the hubbub, he watched the youngest of the Hawaiian Islands disappear, still shrouded with clouds and veiled in rain. The profile of the island was muffled more assiduously than that of the leper girl. He was never to see it otherwise. For one week he had lived, he told Will Low, as it was perfect to live. The only white person in a Polynesian village, he had drunk "that warm, light vin du pays of human affection" and enjoyed 81

the simple dignity of the Hawaiian people. Only a Melville could have said with such conviction: "I love the Polynesian: this civilisation of ours is a dingy, ungentlemanly business; it drops out too much of man, and too much of the very beauty of the poor beast." The Hall docked in Honolulu on May 3. After an exchange of greetings, the family relayed the week's news to Stevenson. Lloyd had attended a party at the Royal Hawaiian given by Mr. and Mrs. R. A. Macfie, Jr., of Kilauea, Kauai. H e and Captain Nicolls of the Cormorant were among the guests of honor. Fanny had been in every quarter of Honolulu buying things for the forthcoming trip on the Equator; Stevenson's mother had been making final preparations for her departure on the Umatilla. Everyone was bustling. H o w different from the comfort and relaxation of Hookena!

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Chapter

Four

MOLOKAI AHINA

E a s t e r n R n r t k m •/ MOI.OKAI

P L A C E S S T E V E N S O N VISITED ON

ISIAND

MOLOKAI

(Based on Hawaiian Government Survey maps)

T H E LEPER P R O M O N T O R Y T O D A Y

Chapter

Four

MOLOKAI

AHINA

P

RINCESS KAIULANI paid the Stevensons a formal farewell visit the next day, May 4, for she too was leaving on the Umatilla. Her father was to accompany her as far as San Francisco, where she would be placed under the charge of Mrs. Thomas Rain Walker, wife of the British vice-consul. This last visit of the forlorn but dignified little Princess must have touched Stevenson. She was a mere child. Her mother was dead, and now she was to be separated from her father. Kaiulani stayed only a short while, for there were others to be visited that afternoon—the Roman Catholic Sisters, H . R. MacFarlane, G. E. Boardman, W. M. Gifford, J. T. Waterhouse, Sr., and P. C. Jones. There must have been farewell parties for Mrs. Thomas Stevenson during her last week in the Islands, gifts to be bought for those at home, lastminute talks. Louis did not know when he would meet his mother again, for by this time Stevenson had begun to suspect that he might never return to Scotland, although he still argued against that possibility. His mother was very dear to him, and he deeply regretted her going. It was a consolation 85

to know that she and Kaiulani would see each other aboard ship. Then came May 10, sailing day for the Umatilla. The pier was thronged with people bearing leis and other farewell gifts for the Princess. The Royal Hawaiian Band was there in full uniform. The heat, the crowds, the nostalgic music, the depression he felt over his mother's departure left Stevenson exhausted. That night he wrote Charles Baxter about the island of Hawaii: If I could only stay there the time that remains, I could get my work done and be happy; but the care of my family keeps me in vile Honolulu, where I am always out of sorts, amidst heat and cold and cesspools and beastly haoles. W h a t is a haole? Y o u are one; and so, I am sorry to say, am I. After so long a dose of whites, it was a blessing to get among Polynesians again even for a week.

He was still worried about The Master, which at that time was not quite complete, and in only a few weeks the Equator was to come for him. He was weary of being lionized and wished for nothing more than peace and quiet. He settled down to a strict routine of work. Often, however, he found his thoughts straying back to Kaiulani. He wrote to his friend, Will Low: If you want to cease to be a republican, see my little Kaiulani, as she goes through—but she is gone already. You will die a red: I wear the colours of that little royal maiden, Nous allons chanter a la ronde, si vous voulez! only she is not blonde by several chalks, though she is but a half-blood, and the wrong half Edinburgh Scots like mysel'. But, O Low, I love the Polynesian.

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All during the last flurry of finishing The Master, his thoughts were drawn to Molokai. For nine years the isle had obsessed him. Now the recent experience in Hookena impelled him to go there to see the leper settlement for himself. He wished he had not waited so long. Only a month and a half ago he might have met Father Damien, the apostle of Molokai. He dashed off the dedication of The Master, May 17, 1889. It did not take long to complete the other details, and on May 20 he pronounced it finished. He shared the good news with Will Low. I have at length finished The Master; it has been a sore cross to me; but now he is buried, . . . and I forgive him: it is harder to forgive Burlingame for having induced me to begin the publication, or myself for suffering the induction.

He bade a hasty farewell to his friends on the Cormorant, which was to leave Hawaii on May 2 8. Armed with the Board of Health's written permission to enter the leper settlement as a visitor, he embarked on the Kilauea Hou (New Kilauea) in the late afternoon of May 21. It was a coincidence that Father Damien had first approached Molokai on the old Kilauea. Two Sisters of Saint Francis from Syracuse, New York, had also taken passage—Sister Crescentia and Sister Irene. Six months before, Mother Marianne and two additional sisters had gone to Molokai to assist Father Damien in his work, at which time he had pronounced his joyful Nunc 87

dimitth. Now two more were coming to join them in their difficult task. At the pier to see them off and to give them a final blessing were His Lordship, Bishop Herman Koeckemann, SS.CC, and some of the clergy. Stevenson shared in their friendliness, for the priests were fond of him. As Diamond Head was left behind, dully reflecting the deep colors of a tropical sunset, the steamer began to roll heavily in the rough waters of the channel. Good sailor that he was, Stevenson planted himself firmly on deck, talking to the Scottish Captain Cameron and the even more Scottish purser, Archie Gilfillan. That night, in the intimacy begotten of brilliant starlight and the immensity of the ocean, Stevenson and Gilfillan talked for hours—about local politics, haole\Qvsus-kanaka governmental rule, of education in the Islands, but especially about the lot of the lepers on Molokai. Had everything possible been done for the sufferers? Why was more help not available for them? Nothing that Gilfillan could say in his plain, outspoken way could convince Stevenson that the conditions were even remotely ideal. As the hour grew late, the purser invited Stevenson to take his own stateroom, where he would be more comfortable than below. Stevenson felt that the Sisters needed comfortable quarters much more than he did and this generous offer was just what he had been waiting for. Why not offer the stateroom to them? This, Gilfillan refused to do. Stevenson was in very delicate 88

health, and the Sisters seemed strong and vigorous. Stevenson laughed, and when he saw that the purser was adamant, he accepted the offer. Though the accomodations were excellent, he could not sleep. He could hear the Sisters in the next stateroom, agonizingly sick. Early next morning he was on deck again watching the approach to the island. The impassibility of the stupendous cliffs, rising abruptly from the water, made his heart sink. Presently the steamer approached the leper promontory. The little tongue of land, comprising only ten miles of the 261 square miles of the island of Molokai, was washed on three sides by the ocean and cut off on the fourth by a steep cliff 2,100 feet high. Thus all access was impossible except by boat or over the ribbon of a trail that writhed up the sheer cliff. Stevenson measured the pali with his eye and wondered if he would be able to climb the trail. They were coming closer to Kalaupapa now. The scene that met his eye was a gloomy one: . . . lowland, quite bare and bleak and harsh, a little town of wooden houses, two churches, a landing-stair, all unsightly, sour, northerly, lying athwart the sunrise, with the great wall of the pali cutting the world out on the south.

This was Molokai! Since there was no harbor, small boats were lowered when the Kilauea Hou cast anchor as near shore as safety permitted. The first boat carried a dozen lepers, one a child already horribly dis89

figured by the disease. Stevenson and the Sisters were in the second. That night Stevenson wrote to Fanny: I do not know how it would have been with me had the sisters not been there. My horror of the horrible is about my weakest point; but the moral loveliness at my elbow blotted all else out; and when I found that one of them was crying, poor soul, quietly under her veil, I cried a little myself . . .

H e wanted to comfort her, but was hesitant about speaking. Perhaps he could distract her attention. Including the other Sister in his words, he said: "Ladies, God Himself is here to give you welcome. I'm sure it is good for me to be beside you; I hope it will be blessed to me; I thank you for myself and the good you do me." The Sisters did not need comfort, the tears were those of mingled joy and pity, but his words had a remarkable effect upon himself. The first feelings of fear and disgust that he had experienced in the presence of leprosy left him. At the landing-stairs, waiting for them, were hundreds of "pantomime masks in poor human flesh." Every hand was offered. Stevenson had decided that rather than offend the lepers by wearing gloves, he would refuse assistance. In the excited welcome that was given the Sisters, he managed to escape into the crowd, and, carrying his wrap and his camera, he set off on foot across the promontory. As he approached the village of Kalaupapa, where there were so many suffering and so few to help them, he felt himself a useless 90

onlooker, a spy. Thoughts began to well up in his mind of remaining on Molokai, of sacrificing his life for these wrecks of humanity with a generosity similar to Father Damien's. What were the chances of infection for one of his physical disabilities? He would make inquiries. He exchanged alohas with the patients who were coming along the road and stopped to gossip at house doors, discovering to his surprise that the lepers were happy, almost as happy as he. Their initial rebellion at being forced to leave home was soon quelled when they reached the settlement. Here the pain of contrast between the clean and the doomed was gone. Here all were disfigured; none were despised. Peace of mind transformed the lazaretto into a happy home which they wished never to leave. When Stevenson was about halfway over to Kalawao, which lies about two and a half miles from Kalaupapa, the Superintendent, Ambrose Hutchinson, himself a leper, met him with a horse. Stevenson's delight at the prospect of a ride was considerably tempered when he found that the horse was not susceptible to guidance. His efforts to ride it completed his crushing fatigue. Once arrived at the guesthouse, he lay down to sleep, sleeping the entire day and waking only long enough to eat the meals to which Dr. Swift, the settlement physician, summoned him. That evening, in the solitary guesthouse, he wrote to Fanny in detail about the events of the day. 91

It was probably the next day that he visited the Bishop Home. The Sisters and the majority of the patients had gone up the hill guava-hunting, a weekly treat, and only Mother Marianne was left at the Home with those who were seriously ill. Stevenson and she talked for a long time. H e listened in tears to the stories she told him; he met the patients who were at home and marveled at the kindness with which they were treated; he felt the atmosphere of cheerfulness, cleanliness, and comfort which pervaded the Home. He was completely captivated by the warm serenity of Mother Marianne and her Christlike love for the lepers. His first gift was a croquet set for the leper girls, and, since there was no one else to teach them to play, he became their tutor. Every day he rode over from Kalawao to Kalaupapa for a game, regardless of the heat and the precarious state of his health. Of the seven girls who played most frequently, the expert was Waikahi, an eighteenyear-old girl who had been admitted to the Bishop Home only three months before. After a little practice she became a worthy adversary, and often at the end of the game, Stevenson threw down his mallet exhausted. The dainty lunch served him by the Sisters and the pleasant chat with Mother Marianne, which usually followed, revived him sufficiently for his return trip to Kalawao. Later he visited the other patients. He came to know many of them and spent hours yarning with the old, blind, leper 92

beachcombers in the hospital. One in particular, a haole, an old tough as he called himself, had been a sailor for many years in the Pacific. Stevenson relayed to him all the news he had accumulated during his recent travels, largely a chronicle of wrecks. Though he had never met him, Stevenson was a great admirer of Captain John Hart, the American who had initiated the raising of cotton in the Marquesas and in so doing had made a name for himself, and a great deal of money. Thinking the old leper might be interested, he began an account which concerned the loss of one of Hart's ships. When Stevenson reached the climax of the story, the man cried out: "Did he lose a ship of John Hart's? Poor John Hart!" The leper, too, was devoted to Hart. Characteristically Stevenson had found a topic of conversation which would truly interest his companion. In a few days he found an opportunity to question Brother Joseph Dutton about the possibility of remaining in Molokai. As Brother Dutton showed him around the hospital, Stevenson asked him many questions. Mr. Stevenson was highly interested, and showed it in sympathetic feeling and expression. Highly strung organization and temperament, quick to feel, quick to love—a very affectionate disposition. Seemed as if he had not completed his plans. He was looking for a place wherein to end his days—weak—inquired as to danger of contracting leprosy here—how it would be with one advanced with other disease. He knew of course his physical condition, I could judge only partly. His objects

93

were only suggested; but when I knew—later—who he was and more of him, these thoughts seemed more clear—that he was going to put himself away somewhere to spend his dying years.

The thought remained with Stevenson even after he had decided against it, for his essay on the leper settlement ends with a plea. And if a man be musical, cheerful, conversable, nothing of a rigorist, not burdened with a family, and smit with some incurable, perhaps some disfiguring complaint, it might cost him a few deep breaths at the beginning, but I know not where and how else he were so well employed, as ministering to the brief gaiety of these afflicted.

During the eight days that Stevenson spent in the settlement, he lost no opportunity to inquire about Father Damien. In his notebook he jotted down every chance remark he heard. He pictured the priest as Stoddard had described him, and the heroic profile of his life was easily definable. However, such knowledge did not suffice. If Father Damien had faults, Stevenson wanted to know them. Nothing but a three-dimensional likeness would satisfy him. So he sought testimony not only from Catholics but also " f r o m the lips of Protestants who had opposed the father in his life," from those "who beheld him with no halo." Little did he realize then that he was preparing himself for his role as vindicator of the leper priest. After having made himself a willing listener to all possible derogatory remarks, he only revered Father Damien the more. T o Sidney Colvin he described the priest as a "man, with all the grime and pal94

triness of mankind, but a saint and hero all the more for that." If Stevenson had planned to climb the pali in order to reach the free side of the island, as his letters seem to indicate, he was soon convinced of the impracticability of such action. He would never be able to do it in his present physical state. It would be better to board the Mokolii when it called Tuesday morning. The steamer would circle the island as far as Kaunakakai, whence he could easily ride over to the home of Mr. Meyer, the chief luna, or visiting inspector of the leper settlement. Accordingly, on Tuesday morning he rode over from Kalawao, past the little girls who called to him to join their game in the yard of the Bishop Home, down to the landing-stair. He was in the first boat which went out to the Mokolii. Not until he was refused passage because of a flaw in his permit did he suddenly realize how impatient he was to leave the settlement. He had been given permission to enter the leprosarium but none to leave it. In that moment he had time to gauge the measure of heroism it would require for him to remain on Molokai. The steamer had been fined once before for accepting a passenger under similar circumstances, and it was only after urgent persuasion that Stevenson was at last taken aboard. The steamer rounded the promontory and approached Haupu, just beyond Waikolu, proceeding up the coast until, shortly after dinner, it reached Pelekunu, its first port of call. Stevenson 95

witnessed a strange method of mail delivery. A man in the heaving bow of a surfboat passed letters singly to someone poised on a ledge of rock overhead. Beyond Pelekunu, as far as Wailau, the vast face of the mountain plunged into the sea, a formidable, unbroken barrier of green. For Wailau the Mokolii had a passenger, two pigs, three sheep, and some mail, but landing was made impossible by the foaming surf. The passenger had to be satisfied with a distant glimpse of his destination. It was sundown when the steamer reached Pukoo and the passengers went ashore. Captain McGregor and Stevenson mounted horses, Stevenson's such a capital one he would not have loaned it to an apostle. The two cantered down the coast until, about eight, they reached the home of the Irish McCorristons, with whom they were to spend the night. The evening became a mingling of the brogue and the burr, Stevenson's assumed for the occasion. Next morning at about eight-thirty, Louis remounted to proceed farther down the coast. As the Captain had long since returned to his ship, a native named Apaka became his guide. With Maui behind them and Lanai on their left, they rode through a country strikingly devoid of any sign of habitation. Stevenson asked, "Where are the people?" The guide replied, "Pan. Kanaka make " (Done. People dead.) The phrase became a refrain in his ears as he and his guide galloped on and on through a deserted land. 96

Kaunakakai was reached at last. Then they mounted the foothills, for their destination was the mountain home of Mr. Meyer, beautifully situated at the top of the pali Stevenson had wanted to climb. The two dismounted before the trellised veranda. A little beyond, Stevenson had his second glimpse of Kalaupapa and Kalawao, where with a leap of a moment he might have been again. It seemed far more desolate at this great distance. H e felt no wish to return. He spent some time with Mr. Meyer learning more about the leper settlement, its early history, its administration, its problems. Whether he stayed there until he boarded the steamer again two days later he does not say; nor does he mention Kaunakakai as the place where the Mokolii picked him up. On Saturday, June 1, the Mokolii reached Honolulu, with Stevenson aboard. One of the first things he did was to send the girls at the Bishop Home a beautiful $300 Westemayer piano. H e corresponded with Mother Marianne occasionally until his death, but unfortunately the letters have not been preserved. H e had fulfilled his wish and visited Molokai, but little had he dreamed what a grinding and harrowing experience it would be. H e could never recall the eight days and seven nights he spent on the leper promontory without heartfelt thankfulness that he was somewhere else. H e had the deepest admiration for those who remained there dealing daily with physical degeneration. Graham Balfour says: "His interest in 97

Molokai, even apart from Father Damien, always made his heart warm towards priests and Catholic Sisters." The poem which he wrote soon after his arrival, and later dedicated and presented to Mother Marianne, best reveals his feelings. To see the infinite pity of this place, The mangled limb, the devastated face, The innocent sufferers smiling at the rod, A fool were tempted to deny his God. He sees, and shrinks; But if he look again, Lo, beauty springing from the breast of pain!— He marks the sisters on the painful shores, And even a fool is silent and adores. Robert Louis Stevenson Kalawao, May 22nd 1889.

During his twelve-day absence on Molokai, word had come f r o m San Francisco that the Equator would shortly touch at Honolulu. Fanny had been going ahead with preparations while he was gone, but there was still much to be done. Experience had taught them what would be required when they were far from civilization. If Stevenson's humorous remarks to Miss Adelaide Boodle can be credited, they would need, among other things: a duck hammock for each person (the men of the Cormorant had made these), a patent organ like the commandant's at Taio Hae, cheap and bad cigars for presents, revolvers, permanganate of potassium, liniment for the head, sulphur, and a fine-tooth comb. 98

Before their departure there was one last whirl of parties, calls, and excitement. On June 21 the Equator, captained by the youthful Dennis Reid, anchored off the reef outside the harbor, nineteen days from San Francisco. The next morning, as soon as the two-masted eighty-ton schooner lay alongside the Oceanic wharf, the Stevensons came aboard to examine their new home. Additional stores of food and liquor were brought aboard, the Captain vacated his stateroom, and all was put in readiness for sailing on the twenty-fourth. Many of the Stevensons' friends were entertained informally on board, but a farewell luncheon for the King was planned in detail with Thomson Murray MacCallum, the willing but inexperienced cook on the Equator. Probably no one was as happy as he to find out that Ah Fu was to be one of the new passengers. On the twenty-third, King Kalakaua, accompanied by two of his ministers, came aboard for this last festive occasion. Faultlessly clad in white, the King sat making gallant speeches to Fanny and engaging Louis in friendly conversation while the champagne flowed freely though not so copiously as it had the afternoon on the Casco. Perhaps the King's thirst was tempered by regret at the departure of a true and valuable friend. It was on June 24, exactly five months after the arrival of the Casco, that the Equator was ready to leave Honolulu Harbor, carrying with her Louis, Fanny, Lloyd Osbourne, Joe Strong, and Ah Fu. 99

Fanny was the unrivaled queen of the party. Aloha gifts poured in, the Royal Hawaiian Band was there, and just as the schooner was about to weigh anchor, King Kalakaua rode up to the pier with leis for all and for Louis an exquisite little model of a schooner with silken sails bearing the inscription: " M a y the Winds and Waves be Favorable." This final g i f t from Kalakaua marked a turning point in Stevenson's life. It heralded equally close ties with other representatives of the Polynesian race which he so deeply admired. Stevenson would return, but to a vastly changed Hawaii. Kalakaua would be dead; his successor, Queen Liliuokalani, deposed; the monarchy at an end. Hawaii would be in the hands of a Provisional Government which was to pave the way for the Republic and eventual annexation to the United States. In his battle for life, his quest for a more salubrious climate,, Stevenson, whether consciously or not, was retreating before the advancing crest of civilization.

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Chapter

Five

THE DAMIEN LETTER

R E V E R E N D D A M I E N DE V E U S T E R ,

SS.CC.

Chapter T H E

Five

D A M I E N

L E T T E R

S

left Honolulu on the Equator, a story containing additional information about the Wandering Minstrel appeared in the Pacific Commercial Advertiser. Stevenson wrote to Sidney Colvin: HORTLY BEFORE S T E V E N S O N

I am going down now to get the story of a shipwrecked family, who were fifteen months on an island with a murderer: . . . The Pacific is a strange place; the nineteenth century only exists there in spots: all round, it is a no man's land of the ages, a stirabout of epochs and races, barbarisms and civilisations, virtues and crimes.

Once aboard the Equator, he began to consider the wreck as the subject for a story, and before long he and Lloyd began to collaborate on The Wrecker. Stevenson was hopeful for its success because of the novel material he was handling. The story is founded on fact, the mystery I really believe to be insoluble; the purchase of a wreck has never been handled before, no more has San Francisco. These seem all elements of success.

Lying in his bunk, knees drawn up in f r o n t of him, pillows piled behind his head and shoulders, Stevenson molded the character of Loudon Dodd. Into 103

the story he poured incidents from his entire life, including his most recent experiences in the Pacific. The opium dealing in the story is reminiscent of the many arrests in Honolulu and the opium license scandal; storms at sea and unsafe masts and rigging conjure up memories of the voyage on the Casco; the exorbitant cost and difficulties of chartering a vessel remind one of his own difficulties; the rough life of seamen is related with the accuracy of a firsthand observer. People whom Stevenson had known, such as Charles Warren Stoddard, appear in the story thinly disguised. Captain Otis is obviously Nares. The Polynesian race is praised for its fidelity and trustworthiness. Stevenson insisted on accuracy in relating each incident in the story. Writing about the grounding of the Flying Scud, he rehearsed the minutest details with Captain Reid so that every maneuver of the brig would be nautically correct. The exactness of the description and its vivid reality constitute a large part of the greatness of the story. On the whole, however, The Wrecker may be regarded as an experiment with native and haole characters in a Pacific setting. It points forward to greater things. Imagination and reality, civilization and barbarism come to grips in the story, but there is no fusion. Stevenson is not yet the perfect master of his material. After cruising in the Gilbert Islands, the Stevenson party reached Samoa, December 7, 1889. To their amazement they learned from a local news104

paper that a project to erect a memorial to Father Damien was to be abandoned because a Protestant missionary in Hawaii had written a defaming letter about the priest. In the months which followed the death of Father Damien, newspapers and magazines throughout the world had carried accounts of the Christlike devotion of the Belgian priest who for sixteen years had cared for the victims of leprosy, until he himself died of the disease. In England, the Prince of Wales, later Edward VII, told a distinguished gathering: The heroic life and death of Father Damien has not only roused the sympathy of the United Kingdom, but it has gone deeper—it has brought home to us that the circumstances of our vast Indian and Colonial Empire oblige us, in a measure at least, to follow his example. . . .

His listeners, of widely differing beliefs, agreed that their sympathy should take substantial form in a memorial to be erected in honor of the priest. Edward Clifford, who had but recently returned from Hawaii, moved that a monument be erected on Molokai. A Damien Institute for the study of leprosy was to be created and an inquiry made into the condition of the lepers in India and other British possessions. What was happening in England was typical of what was taking place in other parts of the world. But now! Stevenson could hardly believe the news. Stop work on the memorial because of what one of Father Damien's rivals had said? "Too damnable for belief!" he exclaimed. It was not un105

til the following February, when Stevenson was in Sydney, Australia, looking forward to a trip to England, that he came upon a copy of the Sydney Presbyterian which had carried D r . Hyde's letter. The letter had been written in response to a note from the Rev. H . B. Gage, a Presbyterian clergyman of Riverside, California, who had questioned the importance of Father Damien's work on Molokai. In his reply Dr. Hyde cruelly maligned the priest, denied him all possible right to respect and honor as a man and as a priest, refused to recognize that he had any part in bettering the conditions of the leprosarium, and ended by giving credit to his own sect and the Board of Health for all the improvements. The letter was breathtakingly brutal. Fully satisfied with this answer, which he took at face value, the Rev. H. B. Gage had submitted this private letter to the press. It was quoted far and wide. Stevenson's indignation knew no bounds. Intolerance which presumed to revile such a life as Father Damien's should have its answer. With a terrible swiftness, he wrote a philippic that has linked his name forever with that of Father Damien. Unstudied yet convincing, the letter is a masterpiece of retributive justice. It is the only example we have of Stevenson's raw power. Scarcely any revisions were made. This letter is not Stevenson the litterateur polishing his brilliant phrases to higher luster. This letter to Dr. Hyde is a candid shot of Stevenson the man. He began: 106

Sydney, February 25, 1890. Sir,—It may probably occur to you that we have met, and visited, and conversed; on my side, with interest. You may remember that you have done me several courtesies, for which I was prepared to be grateful. But there are duties which come before gratitude, and offences which justly divide friends, far more acquaintances. Your letter to the Reverend H. B. Gage is a document which, in my sight, if you had filled me with bread when I was starving, if you had sat up to nurse my father when he lay a-dying, would yet absolve me from the bonds of gratitude. . . . For it is in the interest of all mankind and the cause of public decency in every quarter of the world, not only that Damien should be righted, but that you and your letter should be displayed at length, in their true colours, to the public eye. . . . I conceive you as a man quite beyond and below the reticences of civility: with what measure you mete, with that shall it be measured you again; with you, at last, I rejoice to feel the button off the foil and to plunge home.

As he wrote, the thought flashed through his mind that what he was saying was libelous; a law suit might follow, he might lose all. Far from deterring him, this thought only stimulated him, for consequences or no consequences, this was a work of honor. He was convinced that Father Damien was innocent; he must demonstrate the truth. N o t pausing to disprove the accusations that Dr. Hyde had made, which he felt were beneath his consideration, he leveled his adversary with a piercing irony and sarcasm seldom surpassed. In justice to his family he paused long enough to secure their approval of his plan to publish the letter. Fanny has given the details: 107

That afternoon he called us together, my son, my daughter, and myself, saying that he had something serious to lay before us. He went over the circumstances succinctly, and then we three had the incomparable experience of hearing its author read aloud the defence of Father Damien while it was still red-hot from his indignant soul. As we sat, dazed and overcome by emotion, he pointed out to us that the subject-matter was libelous in the highest degree, and the publication of the article might cause the loss of his entire substance. Without our concurrence he would not take such a risk. There was no dissenting voice; how could there be? The paper was published with almost no change or revision, though afterwards my husband said he considered this a mistake. He thought he should have waited for his anger to cool when he might have been more impersonal and less egoistic.

A thirty-two-page edition of the Damien Letter was privately printed by the Ben Franklin Printing Company, Sydney, Australia. This was limited to twenty-five copies. A second privately printed edition consisted of thirty copies, of which eighteen were offered for sale. They bore the imprint of Messrs. Constable and Co., Edinburgh. The third issue was published at a shilling by Messrs. Chatto and Windus, London, June, 1890. Stevenson refused to accept any royalties from the sale of the book. Mr. Andrew Chatto, however, very generously sent the author's share of the profits to the Leper Fund, an act which pleased Stevenson enormously. The letter appeared in the Scots Observer, May 3 and May 10, 1890. In Honolulu it was published in a supplement to Ka Elele Poakolu on May 10, 1890 (English edition only). 108

In a study of Stevenson, the Damien Letter is of the utmost importance, for nothing that Stevenson wrote in Hawaii about his trip to Molokai is so revealing of his inner reactions to the "bleak isle." The profound impression made upon him by what he saw, even though it was in great part Catholic and his "sympathies flew never with so much difficulty as towards Catholic virtues," was conveyed to some extent in his letters and in his essays, but never with the clarity of this letter to Dr. Hyde. He wrote to his mother: I have struck as hard as I knew how; nor do I think my answer can fail to do away (in the minds of all who see it) with the effect of Hyde's incredible and really villainous production. What a mercy I wasn't this man's guest in the Morning Star! I think it would have broke my heart.

His one regret, as he considered his letter, was that it would be extremely painful to Dr. Hyde's colleague, Frank Damon. Before he published it, he wrote to Mr. Damon trying to prepare him for the shock, because to hurt his friend was the last thing in the world he wished to do. It was on this account that Stevenson later said he was sorry that he had treated Dr. Hyde so harshly; but he never regretted his defense of Father Damien. The Damien Letter was successful in forestalling the abandonment of the memorial. Dr. Hyde's letter had confused people all over the world; Stevenson's answer reassured them in their belief in the heroism of Father Damien. 109

Although Dr. Hyde did not plan to bring suit against Stevenson, Louis could not be sure of this for months. On July 13, 1890, he wrote to E. L. Burlingame from the S. S. Janet Nicoll, asking him whether or not he was considered an outlaw and a bankrupt. N o t until late in the year was he certain that he was not to be beggared by the injured Dr. Hyde, who was content to take the harmless vengeance of calling him a "Bohemian crank." This was acting the part of a gentleman, but one wonders why he did not do his obvious duty of retracting his slanders. Stevenson had made the calumniating character of Dr. Hyde's letter unmistakably clear. There were others, less famous but no less well informed, who proved Father Damien innocent, using the positive approach. This positive evidence was placed at the disposal of Dr. Hyde. Against such overwhelming testimony it is regrettable that Dr. Hyde did not withdraw his statements. His attitude is strange since he, unknown to Stevenson, had met Father Damien when he had gone to Molokai in 188 5 to dedicate a church there, and on his return had published an account of his visit in which he praised the priest highly. His son's words shed light on his subsequent refusal to retract. . . . it sometimes happened that where his opinions conflicted with those of other men he was extremely loth to abandon the position which he had taken. There is a saying in the family that what is merely firmness in a Hyde would be obstinacy in anyone else. 110

It is fortunate, perhaps, that Dr. Hyde and Stevenson did not meet again. The summer of 1893 Dr. Hyde and his wife spent in Europe, and it was not until November 4, 1893, that they returned aboard the Australia. Stevenson, who had been in Honolulu from late September until October 27, 1893, had, by that time, returned to Samoa. Immediately after writing the Damien Letter, Stevenson became very ill, and all plans for returning to England had to be abandoned. The tremendous exertion put upon him by the writing of the letter may have brought on the illness. At all events, Stevenson was finally convinced that his destiny lay in the Pacific and that to return home would mean virtual suicide. He and Fanny began another voyage, this time on the Janet Nicoll, with the hope that the sea air would help him to recover his health as it had before. His hopes were not wholly realized. After their return to Sydney, Fanny and he sailed for Samoa, while Lloyd proceeded to England to arrange their affairs and bring the furniture from Skerryvore for their yet unbuilt house on the mountain at Apia. In January, 1891, Louis went alone to Sydney to meet his mother, who was to arrive there from Scotland. When Stevenson received word that King Kalakaua had died in San Francisco, January 20, 1891, and that Princess Liliuokalani had been proclaimed Queen on January 29, Stevenson wrote to the Queen offering both sympathy at the death of her 111

brother and congratulations (with a bit of advice) on her accession to the throne. Apia, Samoa, 1891

[March}

Your Majesty:— I heard with sorrow of the death of the late King, which was only tempered by the satisfaction with which I learned your Majesty's accession to the throne. The occasion is a sad one but I hope and trust the event is for the ultimate benefit of Hawaii. From what I learned of your Majesty's character in conversation and of your Majesty's good works by current report, I augur hopefully for Hawaii, where so much is to be hoped for. So much is sure to be effected by a firm, kind, serious and not harsh sovereign. Brief as were my occasions to become acquainted, I have ventured to count myself among your Majesty's friends and admirers and it is with much more than conventional meaning that I congratulate your Majesty on your Majesty's accession and Hawaii upon her sovereign. I have the honor to be your Majesty's obedient servant, Robert Louis Stevenson

By the end of April, the Stevensons had moved into Vailima, their Samoan home. Additions to the household included not only Mrs. Thomas Stevenson, but also Isobel Strong and her son, Austin. In early 1893, Stevenson paid a visit of several weeks to Sydney, and in September of the same year he came to Honolulu with Graham Balfour, his cousin and biographer, who was returning to England. This second visit to Hawaii he made for the sake of the voyage, intending to go home on the next steamer. H e did not foresee that Honolulu would hold him for five weeks. 112

Chapter

Six

HONOLULU, 1893

Chapter H O N O L U L U ,

S

Six 1893

accompanied by their friend, S. S. Goold, reached Honolulu aboard the S. S. Mariposa on September 20, 1893. Louis was glad that the Oceanic Line permitted its through passengers to stay over in Honolulu and continue their journey on the next ship, for that gave him the pleasure of Balfour's company for another week, at the end of which Balfour would go on to California and he would return to Samoa on the Alameda. A minor calamity had befallen them. Talolo, Stevenson's Samoan servant, had contracted the measles. To induce the Board of Health to allow him to land called for the exercise of the most skilled diplomacy, and permission was granted with the utmost reluctance and only on condition that the boy would be isolated until contagion was no longer likely. As soon as quarantine was lifted, the Stevenson party was driven to Sans Souci by-theSea at Waikiki with a hack driver named Quinn, an old favorite of Stevenson's, at the reins. Talolo sat with him on the driver's seat. Sans Souci was one of Stevenson's former haunts. He had been there many times visiting Allen TEVENSON AND G R A H A M B A L F O U R ,

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Herbert. In 1893 he found it the same rambling beach hostelry nestled among coconut palm trees, with no pretense at modern luxury, but on all sides surrounded with beauty. George Lycurgus was the proprietor, T. A. Simpson the manager. Stevenson's first act was to install Talolo under guard in Windmill Cottage, so named because of its proximity to the windmill which dominated the grounds. Then he strolled around, noting improvements in the cluster of buildings. The main building, a ramshackle wooden structure, consisted of an enormous lanai which served in the double capacity of lounge and dining room and to which the kitchen and offices were attached. Stevenson examined with interest the panel decorations on the walls of the lanai, many of which had been done by Isobel and Joe Strong. The guests occupied miniature thatched bungalows about ten feet by twelve, in which the principal article of furniture was a bed. Stevenson chose Bella Vista Cottage, and without more ado established himself in his sanctuary. This week in Hawaii, Stevenson thought, would be one of pure relaxation and pleasure. The only business matter he had to settle was that of making a new will, which was a comparatively simple process as the contemplated changes were but few. When that was done, he would introduce Balfour to the beauties of Oahu. To Stevenson the political upheaval which had taken place since 1889 was not so surprising as 116

tragic. Queen Liliuokalani, now deposed and living unhappily at Washington Place, her home, was still Stevenson's friend. Her sorrows only cemented the bond more firmly. Stevenson called on her soon after he arrived, to assure her of his sympathy and unfailing support in all that might aid in her restoration as sovereign. It seems apparent that Stevenson thought she had been wrong in her policies as Queen; nevertheless, he felt that the mistakes of an individual were insufficient cause for the overthrow of the government. It was not timidity which prevented his taking sides openly, for he made no secret of his leanings toward the Royalist cause, but conviction that the situation was beyond remedy. Her hope for restoration lay with the United States. Stevenson hoped for the best and meanwhile scorned the Provisional Government, which had established itself at Iolani Palace. Stevenson immediately renewed his friendship with Allen Herbert and A. S. Cleghorn. These men, in turn, introduced him to many new friends. Louis took advantage of his leisure—no Master of Ballantrae to torment him now—to visit with his friends at the Royal Hawaiian Hotel, at the Pacific Club, or on the lanai at Sans Souci, where the distant view of the Waianae Range purpling the azure of the tropical sky was a constant delight to him. Almost before Stevenson had recovered his land legs, William Frederick Wilson, Daniel Logan, and another Scotsman presented themselves at Sans 117

Souci as a committee of three to urge Stevenson to address the Scottish Thistle Club in its rooms on Merchant Street, just back of the Mclnerny Store which fronted Fort Street. With unaffected courtesy Stevenson received them, and without a moment's hesitation accepted their invitation. The Scots of Honolulu held a special place in his heart. September 27, the night before his intended departure, was set as the date. His subject was to be of his own choosing. When, on the night of the lecture, he appeared in the gaily decorated clubrooms, dressed in an unconventional suit of brown corduroy brightened by the inevitable red sash, those who saw him for the first time and those who had not seen him since 1889 were struck by his emaciated look, his nervous air. But as he engaged their attention with his enthusiastic and personalized recital of great moments in Scottish history, they forgot his peculiarities. The hall, crowded to capacity with 2 50 brother Scots and friends, rang with his voice. Stevenson was Scottish history itself. His lecture was his personal interpretation of vanished centuries. He ended on a poignant note. I received a book the other day called "The Stikit Minister," •with a dedication to myself which affected me strangely, so that I could not read without a gulp. It was addressed to me in the third person, and made me remember those places "Where about the graves of the martyrs the whaups are crying, His heart remembers how!"

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Now when I think upon my latter end, as I do sometimes, especially of late years when it seems less imminent, I feel that when I shall come to die out here among these beautiful Islands, I shall have lost something that had been my due—my native, predestinate, and forfeited grave among honest Scots sods. And I feel that I shall never quite attain to what Patrick Walker calls, in one of those pathetic touches of which I have already spoken, my "resting grave," unless it were to be upon one of our purple hillsides, under one of our old, quaint, and half-obliterated table-tombstones slanting down the brae, and "Where about the graves of the martyrs the whaups are crying, My heart remembers how!"

There was a moment of hushed silence; then the people crowded up to meet him. It was almost midnight when he reached Sans Souci after what he considered one of the most joyous evenings he had spent in Honolulu. Balfour had left for the Coast on the Oceanic only the day before. On September 28, his own departure day, Stevenson breakfasted bright and early and awaited Quinn, who was to drive him into town for a few last visits. In due time, Quinn arrived, driving a new horse in honor of the occasion. Perhaps it took a spontaneous dislike to the author, but no sooner was Stevenson seated in the hack than the horse bolted, and for eight minutes the two men faced impending death as the horse raced down the narrow, winding road. Fortunately there was no mishap and neither was injured. During more than a mile and a half of the run the hackman did not catch a glimpse of his passenger, so dangerous was the 119

course, and it was not until he felt the horse weakening that he dared to turn his head; but when he did, Stevenson sat erect and grim on the back seat, white as any ghost, and grasping the bows of the carriage-top on either side It was not until they had left the park far behind and had come abreast of the old sunny south resort, about two miles from town, that Stevenson said, in his usual quizzical way when commenting on outre happenings, "Quinn," he said, leaning forward and smiling—"O Quinn, brave and witty jehu, I don't like this new animal of yours; I have an idea that he is a bit of a politician, like yourself, and is apt to take his bit in the teeth; and Quinn, I don't altogether think he is safe. Now, you held him beautifully, and the ride was all that could be desired, unier the circumstances; but don't you think, as a politician, Quinn, that we had better drive to the stable and exchange him for an author's horse before we return to Sans Souci?"

As a result of the excitement and physical shock, he was so ill that his physician, Dr. Trousseau, forbade him to leave Honolulu. Louis sent word to Fanny, knowing full well that she would hasten to be with him. On that same day the unfortunate Quinn took to bed with measles caught from Talolo the day of his arrival. For fifteen days Stevenson was confined to bed, seriously ill. Some authorities say pneumonia resulted. Meanwhile, Talolo had recovered from the measles and was able to take care of his master, to whom he was completely devoted. With careful solicitude Dr. Trousseau observed his patient's recovery, gauging his condition somewhat by the animation of his repartee. The two were fond of each other. They had met during Stevenson's 120

first visit, probably through King Kalakaua's recommendation, as Trousseau was the royal physician; now they held long conversations upon local politics and literary topics. Other friends, too, visited Stevenson, when they could slip in unknown to the doctor. One of these friends was Robert Catton, who had met Stevenson through Allen Herbert. Mr. Herbert had brought Stevenson to Catton's office at Catton, Neil & Co., anticipating the pleasure an introduction would afford both men. In a few moments they were examining the branches of their family trees and mentally roaming over Scotland in search of familiar places. Yes, Stevenson knew of Catton's native village, Aberdour, directly across the Firth of Forth from his own home. When the conversation turned to Stevenson's books, Stevenson fell silent, and Mr. Catton said how much he had enjoyed The Beach of Falesa and other works of the author. At that time David Balfour was appearing in the weekly Scotsman. It pleased Stevenson to know that Catton could not enjoy it properly in serial form, for it was one of his pet theories that a book which satisfies in weekly installments is a poor one. After they had chatted for some time, Mr. Catton closed his office and the three strolled down the street past Iolani Palace. Members of the Provisional Government were in evidence and drew from Stevenson the sarcastic remark that each one reminded him of Case in The Beach of Falesa. The three smiled as they 121

thought of the smooth villain and his crooked dealings with the natives, but Stevenson's wry grin did not betoken much mirth. Now that Stevenson was ill, Mr. Catton wanted to know what he could do to make his illness less irksome. Could he bring him some books? Carlyle's Essays? They sounded good to Stevenson, who was in fact very little pleased with his physical disabilities. Very well, Carlyle it should be. Mr. Catton was well rewarded for his thoughtful offer. As Stevenson read, he made witty annotations in the margin at points where he found himself at variance with his fellow Scot. When, on October 19, 1893, Fanny arrived from Samoa on the Monowai, she and Mr. Catton became warm friends, and this friendship continued long after the death of her husband. His stimulating lecture to the Scottish Thistle Club had been such a glowing success that the members decided at their meeting of October 2 to ask Stevenson to give another informal talk as soon as his health improved. He willingly accepted. It was to be at four o'clock, October 21, at the Y.M.C.A. Hall. This time tickets were sold and the proceeds were to be used for the purchase of books for the club library. Stevenson, however, reckoned without the watchful Fanny. No sooner had she arrived than she and Dr. Trousseau insisted that he cancel his engagements. Dr. Trousseau was delighted to have someone share his views. Now he and Fanny constituted a somewhat for122

midable majority in the trio. Rather than allow her husband to imperil his life by lecturing, Fanny offered to pay the sum the lecture was likely to bring in, but her offer was not even considered. Mock-heroically Stevenson acquiesced and sent a notice to that effect to the editor of the Pacific Commercial Advertiser: Will you please to state—this note is not for the public—that, owing to an interference of Providence abetted by my French doctor, the talk announced to take place to-morrow afternoon must be indefinitely postponed. I do not believe the effort would seriously hurt my health, and, as you know, I would rather take a wee risk than to disappoint so many of my friends in Honolulu; but Dr. Trousseau and Mrs. Stevenson are insistent, and I must yield. Perhaps they are right, but I hope not. . . .

Fanny's coming had a salutary effect on Stevenson's daily schedule, notably by increasing his hours of sleep, a change to which he offered little objection. Shortly before Fanny's arrival—in fact the first time after his illness that he had felt well enough to walk around the grounds—Stevenson had discovered two rooms at the eastern end of the Luce Cottage which pleased him. As they were unoccupied, Mr. Simpson told him he might have them. He would have the rooms prepared and send over his guest's things immediately. As far as Stevenson was concerned they seemed sufficiently prepared, and since he liked the rooms well enough to stay, he simply threw a blanket on the bed, considered it made, and lay down to rest, declaring 123

that if he had his cigarettes he would be perfectly comfortable. These were the rooms he occupied during the rest of his stay. It was there that Allen Hutchinson, the English sculptor, took the cast for the bronze bust of the author. The details of how Hutchinson came to do the bust are not clear. In a letter to Sidney Colvin, Louis remarks noncommittally, "I am being busted here by party named Hutchinson. Seems good." Mr. Hutchinson had been a friend of Joe Strong's, and in 1893 he lived with Daniel Logan, one of the members of the Scottish Thistle Club. Either circumstance may have brought his work to Stevenson's attention. For several years Hutchinson had lived in Honolulu, recognized as a clever young sculptor whose career seemed promising. In Stevenson's cottage Hutchinson established his turntable and bucket of clay while his famous subject, in shirt sleeves, propped up with pillows on the bed, entertained visitors. He was not a good sitter, for he went back and forth like an excited canary, but at least he was not self-conscious. After every few excursions from the bed to the gradually evolving clay model, Hutchinson would laughingly tell him to mind his own business, namely, that of entertaining his guests. Although these remarks never seemed to bring any permanent results, when anyone else would stop to comment on the progress made, Stevenson would remark solemnly: "Look you must of course—'a cat can look at a king'—but don't say a word: Hutchin124

son is a terrible fellow and if you utter a syllable, he will throw you out; I am not even allowed to look." The last sitting was the day before Stevenson left for Samoa. A t the time the bust was executed, Hutchinson took a cast of Stevenson's right hand. A f t e r the death of her husband, Mrs. Stevenson tried to purchase it but was unsuccessful. Apparently the bust, also, remained in the sculptor's possession. One of the ten pieces Hutchinson contributed to the Kilohana A r t League show in May, 1894, was the bust of Stevenson, which was offered for sale for the nominal sum of thirty-five dollars. It was not sold, and apparently it was not exhibited again in the Islands. Six months after Stevenson's death, Hutchinson sent the bust to England to be cast in bronze. It was exhibited at the New Gallery, London, during the Summer Exhibition of 1895. It attracted a good deal of attention since it and the Augustus St. Gaudens medallion were the only likenesses of Stevenson in plastic art which had been executed during his lifetime. (Thirty-one years later, Hutchinson removed the bust from a storeroom in his brother's home and displayed it a second time at the 1926 Spring Exhibition of the N a tional Academy of Design in New York. That same year it was also shown at Knoedler's Galleries and at Scribner's in New York. The original bronze bust was purchased in 1927 by the President of the Stevenson Society of America.) 125

No one ever stood in awe of Stevenson. Even his servants found him approachable and thoughtful. For his Samoan boy, Talolo, Stevenson had a very real affection, which showed itself in the thoughtfulness of his requests, in his refusal to call the boy when he had gone swimming or was sleeping, and in other more delicate attentions. Talolo, it will be remembered, had the measles when they arrived; hence, he saw nothing of Honolulu. By the time he had recovered, Louis himself had taken ill. Fearing that Talolo might not have an opportunity to see the sights of Honolulu, Stevenson, sick as he was, wrote a short note to W. F. Reynolds, asking him to arrange for a sight-seeing trip for the boy. Sans Souci, Waikiki Dear Sir, As I am still abominably out of sorts, I have taken the desperate step of chucking my Samoan cookboy (he is the bearer) at the head of total strangers! Can you find nobody who would be a guide to him? A boy of ten or so would suit best; and I want him to see Punch Bowl, and the railway, and Pearl Lochs, and all the Raree Show. I am perfectly willing to pay for him in reason. If you cannot help him to this, somebody that would take him out and bring him back sober; well, talk a little to him an [sic] you love me!—and talk slow. Yours truly, Robert Louis Stevenson. W . F. Reynolds, Esq.

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Talolo was shown everything there was to be seen in Honolulu. Stevenson often sent the boy on errands which he thought might have interesting aspects. The Pacific Commercial Advertiser of October 13, 1893, states that it was commonly reported that Talolo would call on ex-Queen Liliuokalani that day. When Louis heard that the boy coveted a ring to take home with him to Samoa, he went to Thomas Lindsay, a prominent jeweler, and ordered a ring to suit the boy's savage taste. However, it had to be of the very best quality—nothing cheap for Talolo. For the same amount, and Talolo would have been blissfully ignorant of the fact, he might have bought a whole box full of cheaper rings. Another instance of Stevenson's kindness is shown in his assistance to Joseph Frendo, the cook at Sans Souci. Hearing that Mrs. Frendo was visiting her parents in Samoa and needed money to return home, Stevenson offered to take the money to her. Frendo gave him fifty dollars. Even when he became ill and was unable to leave, Louis made provisions to forward the money to Lloyd Osbourne who gave it to Mrs. Frendo. Osbourne sent a receipt to Stevenson so that he might assure Mr. Frendo that the transaction had been completed. After the author's address to the Thistle Club, Arthur Johnstone, in an editorial in the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, gave Stevenson high praise both as lecturer and writer: 127

To hear Mr. Stevenson talk is like turning a new page in a favorite volume, or uncorking a long kept bottle of rare wine. His pleasant personal appearance, his fine nervous development and his masterful command of the language of civilization—the English—at once bring him into confidential contact with his audience and give an insight into the secret of that magic charm which he throws around his writings, never forgotten once read.

As soon as he could, Stevenson called at the editor's office to thank Mr. Johnstone for his words of commendation. The two sat talking for a long time about journalism and authorship in general. Writing about Pacific island subjects, they agreed, was a difficult art, for among haole readers there was not sufficient interest in native subjects to warrant writing about them exclusively. T o hold the interest of the reading public, a story had to have a strong haole flavor. The Beach of Falesa seemed to have just the right proportions, whereas The Isle of Voices showed a deficiency of the civilized ingredient. The purely native "Song of Rahero," however, although an almost exact retelling of an island legend, was successful largely because of its poetic form. The poem and the essay lend themselves more readily than other forms of writing to the reproduction of native stories and legends. In this conversation Johnstone was voicing conclusions reached over a period of years. At Mr. Johnstone's urgent request for a poem about Honolulu, Stevenson wrote the lines entitled, " T h e High Winds of Muuanu," for publication in the Pacific Commercial Advertiser. 128

THE H I G H W I N D S OF N U U A N U Within the famous valley of that name, Now twice or thrice the high wind blows each year, Until you hear it pulsing through the gorge In spiteful gusts: sometimes it comes with bursts Of rain, in fiercer squalls; and, howling down the glen, It breaks great tropic fronds like stems of clay. Lo! then, the unbending palms and rugged dates, Loud-whistling, strain in each recurrent blast, Like things alive!—or fall, with roots uptorn, The feathered algarobas, as the gale Treads out its wasteful pathway to the sea! Thus twice or thrice Nuuanu's high winds rage, Threshing the vale till quakes the Island's heart! Ten other months are filled with nerveless rest, Mid cooling breezes and down-dropping showers; At night the dark-blue vault arching the vale, Studded with stars innumerable and bright! While fleecy clouds outdrifting to the sea, Make shadows in the moonlight on the sward. Here dwell the Islanders in peace, until The blasts again sweep down from Northern seas.

Such was Nuuanu Valley in 1893—a treeless expanse where the winds from the mountains swept down with hardly an obstacle to break their ferocity. Stevenson knew the district firsthand. Mr. Johnstone states that Stevenson took a cottage in the central part of the valley for a short time in the early summer of 1889. There is no evidence to support his assertion. There is, however, every likelihood that Stevenson would have visited the Strongs after they moved from the home of Mrs. Bush on Emma Street to a cottage in Nuuanu 129

loaned to them by the Rev. Henry Parker. The structure, which is no longer standing, formerly was located on the mauka-ewa corner of Nuuanu and Kuakini Streets. As Stevenson intended to add a few more lines to the poem, it was not published immediately in the Pacific Commercial Advertiser. The addition was never made, for Stevenson soon after became ill and no more thought was given to the matter. Mr. Johnstone later published the poem in his own book, Recollections of Robert Louis Stevenson in the Pacific. Not long after he became ill, Stevenson was much annoyed by criticism of Sans Souci, and to vindicate the hotel he wrote a letter to Mr. Johnstone for publication in the Advertiser. His cordial dislike for telephones, of which he stood in some awe, is shown in this amusing document. Waikiki, Honolulu, H.I., 6th October, 1893. To the Editor of the Advertiser. Sir, Will you allow a harmless sick man, who has just made out eight days of sickness here, to express his amazement and his wholesale disapproval at the nick-name recently tacked upon it in the papers: A Disorderly House? My bedroom is now in the heart of the establishment, opening upon all the public rooms. N o one can arrive, no one can depart, by day or night, but I must hear them. I have had a high fever: you will regard it as an obvious rider that I was in a state to be easily annoyed. Will you believe it, sir, the only annoyance that has befallen me 130

in this Disorderly Establishment was two nights ago, when the Telephone broke out bleating like a deserted infant from the nigh dining room; I dare never, from a variety of prudential considerations, approach this interesting instrument myself; I had no choice but to summon others who should prove more bold; and for a considerable interval in the gaunt midnight, the telephone bell and I performed a duet. At length Mr. Simpson came to the rescue, fearlessly tackled the apparatus, and learned that the Adams was demanding her Chief Engineer. If this be disorder—well, I will agree. The introduction of the Telephone into our bed and board, into our business and bosoms, partakes of the nature of intrusion. But one house in Honolulu is not more private than another. And to me, who pass my days listening to the wind and the waves along the reef, I can but say that I desire to find no quieter haven than the Sans Souci; and may well add, with the poet, "In a more sacred or sequestered bower, nor nymph nor Faunus haunted." I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Robert Louis Stevenson

For the moment the critics of Sans Souci were silenced. Stevenson was a welcome guest at the home of the Hon. Paul Neumann. One morning when he called he found Miss Anita in a pensive mood over some verses she had just received. Amused at this incipient love affair, Louis asked the name of her admirer, but she could not say. That afternoon, on returning to his nearby cottage, Stevenson composed a charming poem which he hoped would amuse Anita. In it he refers to her anonymous young lover as Number One and to himself as Number Two. 131

FROM NUMBER T W O TO ANITA NEUMANN I see where you are driving, dear, And haste to meet your views. The nameless man was Number One— And here is Number Two's. What special charm shall I select To honour in the Muse? Your mind—your heart, Anita! dyed In early morning blues, With just a hint of fire to warm Its cold amoral hues? Your grey eyes, or your slender hands? In faith I may not choose! An angel inexpert, untried, Lingering as angel's use— Too nice to wet your perfect feet In merely earthly dews. The day shall come—it is not far— When life shall claim its dues, And fair Anita to fair love Her hand no more refuse. Alas! the rhyme is nearly out I was so rash to choose! Anita, with my right goodwill, Take this of Number Two's. R. L. S.

In early October, when the Scottish Thistle Club asked Stevenson if he would be willing to accept the office of Honorary Chieftain in the society, he was delighted, and wrote immediately to W. F. Wilson to assure him of his willingness. His letter was dated October 18, 1893. Accordingly, at the meeting of October 2 3, the formality of an election 132

took place, and Stevenson was elected chieftain to replace the late Hon. J. S. Walker. Probably there would have been an installation ceremony had he been in better health. As it was, he planned to leave for Samoa in a few days. On the day of his departure, when he stepped into the store to bid farewell to Thomas Lindsay, his friend surprised him by pinning on the lapel of his coat the emblem of the society, a beautiful little silver thistle pin. Stevenson, touched by his thoughtfulness, said: "Mr. Lindsay, I will never part with it; it is near enough to my heart now to be buried with me. Good-bye and—God bless you." His words were prophetic. The pin which he had valued so highly in life, Fanny did not presume to remove in death. It was buried with him in Samoa. As a further token of remembrance the Edinburgh edition of Stevenson's works is shown as the Thistle Edition. He lunched that last day with Mr. Cleghorn at the Pacific Club. His courtesy call on the exQueen he had discharged on October 23. He had said good-by to almost everyone, but late in the afternoon Mr. Cleghorn and Daniel Logan went to his stateroom on the Mariposa for a final chat. It was a difficult parting, especially for Mr. Cleghorn and Stevenson. As his guests rose to go, Stevenson grasped Cleghorn's hand in a warm grip and spoke earnestly, "Now, Cleghorn, if I can be of any service to the royalist cause in Hawaii, just drop me a line, and I will come right back here." This was Stevenson's last meeting with Kaiulani's 133

father, but two years later, while in Edinburgh, Mr. Cleghorn and the Princess called on Mrs. Thomas Stevenson, who received them most kindly. The Mariposa, one day overdue because of having waited in San Francisco for the English mails, sailed on Friday, October 27, 1893. Stevenson was to have pleasant company for his trip home. Aboard the steamer were Judge Henry C. Ide, the new Chief Justice of Samoa, his three daughters, and William Lee Chambers, a member of the Land Commission for Samoa. The P. G. band under the direction of Professor Berger, which usually made the departure of foreign steamers especially festive, was not there to play. A t six o'clock the steamer quietly pulled away from the pier. In the local papers the following Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, Sans Souci carried as an advertisement a note that Stevenson had inscribed in the hotel register: If anyone desire such old-fashioned things as lovely scenery, quiet, pure air, clear sea water, good food, and heavenly sunsets hung out before his eyes over the Pacific and the distant hills of Waianae, I recommend him cordially to the "Sans Souci." Robert Louis Stevenson T. A. Simpson, Manager.

Long after Stevenson had left Hawaii, he was remembered and admired for his amazing industry, his unfailing humor, and his valiant spirit. H e had given much to the Islands in terms of friendship and loyalty, and Hawaii had given much to him. 134

Stevenson came to the Pacific with visions of an earthly paradise, of islands where time stood still, where the "noble savage" lived a supremely happy life far from civilization. He was bitterly disappointed. He found, instead, beautiful islands populated by natives ravaged by famine, disease, and contact with the less desirable elements of civilization. Time had not stood still. But in place of the paradise he failed to find, he discovered something else—something valuable to him as a craftsman. He discovered conflict—conflict between man and nature, between the savage and the white man. In Hawaii, the frontier of civilization, he found the clash between the new and old most clearly evident. These opposing forces he incorporated into his stories. He steeped himself in the culture of Pacific peoples, and studied in detail their struggle for survival. Everything he heard, read, or saw he utilized in his writing. Experiences far removed from the workaday life of Europe replenished his reservoir of story material, fired his imagination, and found expression in such works as The Bottle Imp, The Wrecker, "The Song of Rahero," The Isle of Voices, and The Beach of Falesa. To the master technician of atmosphere, adventure, and romance, the Pacific provided more material than he could ever hope to use. Stevenson spent six and a half years in the Pacific, including his six-month and five-week visits to Hawaii. His many friends—fellow Scots135

men of the Thistle Club, Mother Marianne, Princess Kaiulani, Princess Liliuokalani, King Kalakaua, and others—provided him with priceless material for stories of the South Seas. Had he lived until his genius came to full flower, his fame as a writer would probably rest on his contribution to Pacific literature. The friendliness of a large circle of acquaintances created a climate congenial to his artistic development and growth. These people genuinely appreciated his genius, and while acknowledging his superiority as a writer, they unobtrusively helped him to master the technique of handling Pacific material. They gave him the praise and recognition which, in the midst of his physical afflictions, were the breath of life to him. In Hawaii he assumed almost heroic stature. The will to live brought Stevenson to the Pacific and kept him there, a happy prisoner. His love of life reached its peak in Hawaii—strangely enough at the Molokai leper settlement. It was more than a momentary reaction when he wrote: "I never admired my poor race so much, nor (strange as it may seem) loved life more than in the settlement." Molokai ahina furnished tangible proof that nobility of heart and mind, but not savagery, was a requisite for happiness. There, he abandoned once and for all the theory of the noble savage and began instead to take spiritual soundings in the depths of his soul. When he left the Eight Islands for the last time, he had slightly more than a year to live. 136

NOTES AND REFERENCES

NOTES AND REFERENCES The following supplementary information is keyed to the text of the book by chapter, page, and line. The first citation in Chapter One, for example, refers to the quotation on page 6, line 1, beginning "No style." Complete information on the reference, Letters, will be found in the Bibliography.

CHAPTER ONE 6 : 1 — N o style: Letters, I, 307. 6:7—Leslie Stephen was editor of Cornhill Magazine and W . E. Henley was editor of London. 7:2—eloquent in: Letters, I, 316. 7:10—I have: Letters, I, 311. 7:17—a circle: Letters, I, 334. 7:25—Home is: Letters, 1,328. 8:20—like Longfellow's: Letters, I, 318. 8:24—Charles Warren Stoddard (1843-1909) was born in Rochester, New York, but his family moved to California while he was still a boy. Early in life he showed a remarkable gift for writing. He spent much time traveling in the South Seas, in Europe, and in the Holy Land; and his best work is to be found in his travel sketches, especially South Sea Idyls. In 1867, soon after his first visit to the South Seas, he was received into the Catholic Church. The story of his conversion is related in his book, A Troubled Heart. The Diary he kept during his second visit to Molokai in 1884, during which he met Father Damien, contains the earliest and perhaps the best description ever written of the leper priest, who at that time was unaware of his affliction. Much of his Diary he incorporated in Lepers of Molokai, which was pub139

lished in 1885 while he was teaching at Notre Dame University. From 1889 to 1902 he taught at the Catholic University of America in Washington, D. C. He died at Monterey, California. 9:11—Joseph Dwight Strong, Jr., ( 1 8 5 4 - 1 8 9 9 ) was born in Westport, Connecticut. His father, who was a Congregational minister, served in various cities, and the family moved rather frequently. Joseph spent his early childhood in Honolulu, to which he later returned, where his father was pastor of the Fort Street Church. From there they returned to San Francisco and later to Connecticut. Joseph's artistic ability attracted so much attention that he was sent abroad to have the advantage of studying under Carl Piloty. In November, 1879, he married Isobel Stuart Osbourne. A son, Austin, was born April 18, 1881. They moved to Honolulu in September, 1882, and they were living there when the Stevensons arrived in January, 1889- Mr. Strong was the artist of the expedition which King Kalakaua sent to the South Seas to propose Polynesian federation. When the Stevensons continued their journey on the Equator, Mr. Strong accompanied them, and Isobel and Austin joined them in Apia, Samoa, in 1891. While living in Samoa the Strongs became estranged and were divorced. Mr. Strong returned to San Francisco, where in 1898 he married Elizabeth Haight. He died in San Francisco, April 5, 1899. Isobel Strong also remarried; Mr. Field was her second husband. She now resides in California. Austin Strong, landscape architect, gave up his profession in 1905 for play writing. Plays written by him include The Exile, The Little father of the Wilderness, The Drums of Oude, The Toymaker of Nuremburg, Rip Van Winkle, Le Bon Petit Diable, Three Wise Fools, Seventh Heaven, A Play Without a Name, Liberty, and The North Star. 9 : 1 5 — T h e first: Stevenson, The Wrecker, pp. 145-146. 1 0 : 1 3 — O Stoddard!: Stoddard, Exits and Entrances, p. 27. 12:10—dear people: Letters, I, 334. 12:26—very withered: Letters, I, 330. 13:8—Joseph de Veuster was born in Tremeloo, Belgium, on January 3, 1840. On Feb. 2, 1859, he was received into the

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Congregation of the Sacred Hearts at Louvain and made his vows on Oct. 7, I860, assuming the name of Damien. When his brother Pamphile, who had been appointed to go to Hawaii to serve in the Missions, took typhoid fever, Damien, who had not yet been ordained, was allowed to go to Hawaii in his place. He arrived there March 19, 1864, where he was ordained a priest on May 21, 1864, at the Cathedral of Our Lady of Peace. Following his ordination, he labored in Hawaii at Puna, Kohala, and Hamakua until May 4, 1873, when he offered to go to Molokai at the request made by Bishop Maigret for volunteers. On May 10 he arrived at the leper settlement, where he remained until his death. Amid untold hardships and privations he labored for the lepers, who numbered more than eight hundred and for whom the proper provision of food, shelter, and clothing had not been made. Through his efforts, conditions were made livable for the victims of the disease. He himself died of leprosy on April 15, 1889. 15:27—It would be interesting to know if Stoddard had sent Stevenson a copy of his book, A Trip to Hawaii, which was published by the passenger department of the Oceanic Steamship Company in San Francisco, February, 1885. 16:4—Can secure: Osbourne, Intimate Portrait, p. 86. 16:16—Virgil Williams died in 1886. 17:3—The yacht: M. I. Stevenson, From Saranac to the Marquesas, p. 55. 17:17—According to the contract, the Casco was chartered for seven months for a monthly rental of five hundred dollars. An initial payment of two thousand dollars was made and the balance of fifteen hundred dollars was to be deposited at the Banking House of Laidlow and Co., New York, to the credit of the Oakland Bank of Savings for the account of Dr. Samuel Merritt. Stevenson was also to man and provision the vessel. (Fanny, in giving the rental as seven hundred fifty, was probably estimating the total amount per month.) Furthermore, should any unusual expenses be incurred on the voyage, Stevenson was to be held responsible. Cf. Pleadwell, "Cruise of the Silver Ship."

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CHAPTER TWO 21:7—The first: In the South Seas (Swanston ed.), p. 6. 22:14—Melville, too, had found evils existent in the Marquesas. Cannibalism, once the danger of his becoming a victim was removed, did not seem repulsive to him, but he deplored the fact that the native customs were passing and diseases had been introduced by foreigners. It was against these foreigners that his chief fury was directed. The native Marquesan to him was a symbol of man's original innocence suffering from the introduction of the evils of modern civilization into his island home. 23:24—browner than: Letters, III, 79. 23:31—1 still: Letters, III, 79. 25:8—most disastrous: Letters, III, 115. 25:12—They were becalmed for two days according to Stevenson's mother. It was nearly a week according to Lloyd Osbourne, but Lloyd Osbourne's accuracy is often open to doubt. 2 5 : 2 1 — C f . Johnstone, Recollections, p. 48. Mrs. Strong (now Mrs. Field) states that it was she and her son Austin; but Mrs. Field's statements about the Hawaiian interlude are often inaccurate. (Cf. Isobel Field, This Life I've Loved, p. 222.) 27:13—Henry Poor (1856-1899) was Secretary to the Hawaiian Embassy which King Kalakaua sent to Samoa to propose Polynesian federation. While serving in this capacity Poor became friends with Joe Strong, who was the artist of the expedition. On their return to Honolulu, Strong, with his wife and son Austin, moved into the home of Poor's mother, Mrs. Caroline Bush, who was a woman of considerable social prestige. The Strongs were soon included in her circle of friends. Mrs. Caroline Bush lived at 40 Emma Street. 27:26—Stevenson's description of Honolulu: Stevenson, The South Seas, p. 23. 29:9—Although Pearl Harbor had not yet been developed, it had already received recognition as one of the finest harbors of the world. The dredging of the sand and coral reef which closed the entrance would make available an anchorage of

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1,500 acres of water from fifteen to twenty fathoms deep. The United States had under consideration the plan of bearing the cost of the improvements in recompense for the privilege of using the port as a coaling station. In such a haven hundreds of the largest steamers could lie at one time. An amendment to the renewal reciprocity treaty which was ratified by King Kalakaua in October, 1887, gave the United States "the exclusive right to enter the Harbor of Pearl River, in the Island of Oahu, and to establish and maintain there a coaling and repair station for the use of vessels of the United States." However, not until the United States annexed Hawaii did our government take advantage of its treaty rights to use the "Pearl River Harbor." 30:13—When Queen Kapiolani and Princess Liliuokalani went to England for the celebration of Queen Victoria's fiftieth anniversary as Queen, Isobel Strong, who had been living in Hawaii for several years, wrote to her mother asking her to try to see the Hawaiian visitors as they were her personal friends. Fanny wrote to Sidney Colvin to ask him about the procedure to be followed. I wish to see the Honolulu Queen or the Princess, preferably the latter. Now how shall I direct a note to either or both of them? The princess is an intimate friend of Belle's, and has been told by Belle that I will go to see her. But Belle has no idea of the dignity that doth hedge a queen, in England, at least. The princess is also called Mrs. Dominis, though I don't know how to pronounce the name. Belle gives a very amusing account of how she and the king designed all the fine clothes the queen is to wear at the jubilee, while she, poor soul, stood by weeping bitterly at the idea of having to wear them, declaring that nothing would induce her to go to any jubilee. You, who associate with duchesses and such like aristocracy, might also tell me how I should address the dusky Princess. (E. V. Lucas, The Colvins and Their Friends, p. 176.)

Evidently Fanny and Stevenson never met the Queen and the Princess, for if they had, they would hardly have accepted letters of introduction to the royal family, as they did while they were in San Francisco. 30:27—Arthur Johnstone (p. 53) states that Stevenson on Feb. 8, 1889, the day after the party, wrote to Charles Baxter

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describing King Kalakaua's visit. ( C f . Letters, III, 112-113.) But Johnstone also says that the King visited the Casco a few days after the presentation. This would place the visit earlier, as Stevenson was presented to the King on January 26. 32:3—a very: Stevenson, Letters, III, 113. 33:4—An unidentified person who signed himself "Nautical" very politely rebuked the writer of the letter for misspelling, incorrect French, misinformation about the Marquesan people, and undue pride in the Casco. Honolulu Bulletin, January 31, 1889. 33:10—The editorial note prefacing this letter to Charles Baxter states that Stevenson remonstrated about the publication of one of his own letters, but the facts seem to prove that such was not the case. It was Lloyd Osbourne's letter which called forth Stevenson's remonstrance and later remarks. I am appalled to gather from your last just to hand that you have felt so much concern about the letter. Pray dismiss it from your mind. But I think you scarce appreciate how disagreeable it is to have your private affairs and private unguarded expressions getting into print. It would soon sicken any one of writing letters. I have no doubt that letter was very wisely selected, but it just shows how things crop up. There was a raging jealousy between the two yachts; our captain was nearly in a fight over it. However, no more; and whatever you think, my dear fellow, do not suppose me angry with you or ; although I was annoyed, at the circumstance—a very different thing. Letters, III, 140.

33:15—Dewar, Voyage of the Nyanza, pp. 171-174; 254-281. 33:16—There is some disagreement about who gave this luau. Mrs. Field in This Life I've Loved, p. 234, states that Mrs. Bush helped the Stevensons to give a luau in honor of King Kalakaua and Princess Liliuokalani. Johnstone in Recollections, p. 53, says that the King gave it and Stevenson was the guest of honor. The Pacific Commercial Advertiser, Feb. 5, 1889, credits Henry Poor with the luau. The King and the Stevensons were the guests of honor. It seems logical to accept the newspaper account, as it is not reminiscence, and besides it is reasonable to assume that Sevenson was being entertained

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rather than preparing a native feast for others. Mrs. Lola Hopkins, Honolulu, the daughter of Mrs. Bush and halfsister of Mr. Poor, states definitely that Mr. Poor gave it and that her mother prepared the food. 34:1—The Silver: Stevenson, Ballads, XVI, 234. 34:5—"Sea fairies" in the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, Feb. 5, 1889, where it was first published. The punctuation was somewhat different also. 34:27—These and other pictures of the group turned out so well that when Stevenson sailed for Samoa he took the original plates with him. Mr. A. Gartenburg obtained a set of the pictures from Mr. C. S. K. Hopkins, whose wife was a halfsister of Henry Poor's. Several years later he turned in his copies to Guerrey's, Ltd., in Honolulu and had new plates made. The original plates are now thought to be in the possession of the Rothschilds of England. 35:13—In 1889 Henry Poor held a lease to Lot 134 adjoining Kapiolani Park. Manuia Lanai was located on this property. Although Henry Poor and his mother, Mrs. Caroline Bush, lived in Honolulu (40 Emma Street), they often spent weekends and vacations at Waikiki. Stevenson lived at Manuia for a short time. He then moved to the former residence of Frank Brown, not far from Manuia. Frank Brown until April, 1888, held a lease for Lots 137, 138, 139, 140. At the time of Stevenson's visit in 1889 this lease was owned by James Love; however, as Frank Brown was well-known and had lived at Waikiki for many years, the property was still referred to for purposes of identification as Frank Brown's. This property is presently owned by the Territory and has been converted into a park. 36:8—a grim: Letters, III, 137. 39:4—E. L. Burlingame was the editor of Scribner's Magazine, in which The Master of Ballantrae was appearing. Stevenson was also under contract to write a series of twelve articles for the magazine for which he was to be paid $3,500. Charles Baxter was one of Stevenson's closest friends in Edinburgh. Louis had placed his private business as well as his publishing arrangements in the hands of Baxter, who was a capable lawyer.

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39:6—Not one: Letters, III, 110. 40:17—Johnstone, Recollections, p. 70. 41:29—The muumuu and the boloku were introduced into the South Sea Islands by the missionaries. The muumuu is a long, sack-like garment, reaching to the ground (as it takes the place of a petticoat), and frequently edged by a flounce. The holoku is the same type of garment, but usually attached to a yoke with open or hanging sleeves. Very often it has a train. Since neither garment is confined in any way, both are costumes not only cool and comfortable, but graceful and becoming, and in the brilliant shades familiar in the tropics, exceedingly colorful. 44:5—Princess Miriam Likelike was born on Jan. 13, 1851. She died on Feb. 2, 1887. Her daughter, Princess Kaiulani, was born Oct. 16, 1875, although this date is variously given as 1874 and 1876. Queen Liliuokalani was deposed in 1893. Kaiulani, although deprived of the throne on account of the Revolution of 1893 and subsequent legislation, throughout her life retained the dignity and bearing of her queenly station. She was deeply loved by all the people. She died of pneumonia at Ainahau, March 6, 1899. 44:12—This banyan tree, under which Princess Kaiulani loved to play, was planted by her father, A. S. Cleghorn, on the grounds of Ainahau. At his death, Nov. 1, 1910, Cleghorn willed Ainahau to the Territory with certain restrictions to be used as a park—Kaiulani Park. A bill to accept the gift was passed by the Senate, but it was killed in the House. In 1917 Ainahau was sold to James W. Pratt for $60,000 and was subdivided into lots. Tusitala Street in this section of Waikiki commemorates Stevenson. On this short street stood the banyan. The lot on which the tree stood was acquired by Mr. Samuel Wilder. It was, in time, deeded to the Daughters of Hawaii, not outright, but to be used as a park. Should the organization find it impossible to carry out the conditions, the property was to be offered to the City and County of Honolulu. On October 16, 1930, in a beautiful ceremony, a bronze plaque, designed by Mr. Earl Schenck, was attached to the tree. A banyan tree, in low relief, dominated the whole, and

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a single peacock graced the lower lefthand corner. On it were inscribed these words: THIS TABLET WAS PLACED BY THE DAUGHTERS OF HAWAII IN MEMORY OF PRINCESS KAIULANI 1874-1899 "THE DAUGHTER OF A DOUBLE RACE. HER ISLANDS HERE, IN SOUTHERN SUN, SHALL MOURN THEIR KAIULANI GONE, AND I, IN HER DEAR BANYAN SHADE, LOOK VAINLY FOR MY LITTLE MAID." WRITTEN TO KAIULANI BY ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON WHO OFTEN SAT HERE WITH HER. (The correct date of Princess Kaiulani's birth is 1875.) The residential district of Waikiki expanded rapidly, and the over-hanging branches of the huge banyan began to endanger adjoining homes, especially in times of great wind; furthermore, the tree became infested with rats and termites. In consequence of the many complaints, the Daughters of Hawaii offered the property to the City and County. When it was refused, the Wilder Estate cleared the deed to enable the society to sell it. Mr. J. Donovan Flint, Honolulu, purchased the fifty by forty-nine foot lot for $2,200 in September, 1948. In early 1949 the tree was cut down. As this book goes to print other plans for a memorial are being made by Mr. Flint. The plaque is to be attached to the large rock ("Chiefs' Rock," according to Hawaiian tradition) which is to the left of the spot where the banyan tree formerly stood. The stone seat under the banyan, where Stevenson and Kaiulani often sat, has been moved to a position closer to the rock. The grass shack which is presently located on the grounds of the Waioli Tea Room in Manoa Valley was originally purchased as a gift for the Salvation Army Home by James W. Bergstrom. Stevenson never lived in it. It was a part of Ainahau, the home of Princess Kaiulani, where Stevenson was a frequent guest.

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45:10—The Master of Ballantrae, illustrated by William Hole, was first published serially in Scribner's Magazine from November, 1888, to October, 1889. It appeared in book form August, 1889, published by Cassell and Co., Ltd., London, Paris, New York, and Melbourne. 45:13—The Master: Letters, III, 108, 112. 46:1—Since I: Letters, III, 120. 46:3—The Wrong Box was first published by Longmans in June, 1889. It was reprinted in July and August, 1889, June, 1892, and January, 1893. In the process of composition it was twice rechristened. When Lloyd Osbourne began the story at Saranac Lake in October, 1887, he called it The Finsbury Tontine. When Stevenson began to collaborate on it, its title was changed to A Game of Bluff. In January, 1889, it received its third title, The Wrong Box. By March it was finished, though not without much toil and trouble. It never had the success of The Wrecker, another story Stevenson wrote in collaboration with his stepson. 46:4—"The Song of Rahero" was published in Ballads (Chatto and Windus, London, 1890.) Included in the volume with this poem were "The Feast of Famine," "Ticonderoga," "Heather Ale," and "Christmas at Sea." 46:19—1 am: Letters, III, 133. 51:5—His Hawaiian Majesty Kalakaua, Legends and Myths of Hawaii. Edited by Hon. R. M. Daggett, former U. S. minister to the Hawaiian Islands (New York, 1888). 51:28—For there: In the South Seas (Swanston ed.), p. 189. 52:1—Mrs. Caroline Bush was bom March 3, 1836, and died Jan. 27, 1914. Her daughter, Mrs. Lola Hopkins, resides in Honolulu. 52:12—Dear Lady: Johnstone, Recollections, pp. 305-306. The original poem is in the possession of Mrs. Bush's daughter, Mrs. Lola Hopkins. 53:25—They arrived in Samoa to be with the Stevensons, May 23, 1891. Vailima at that time was still unfinished. 54:1—It seems: Letters, III, 123-124. 54:27—The hurricane which struck Apia, Samoa, on March 15, 1889, was unusual in its ferocity and in the damage inflicted, for twelve vessels, including three American and three Ger-

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man warships, were disabled in the harbor. Ordinarily at that time of the year when storms were to be expected these vessels would have anchored outside the reef since there was no real harbor at Apia and the imminent coral reef made it a dangerous anchorage. Or at least they would have steamed out of the harbor at the barometer's timely warning. At this particular time, however, the atmosphere was so charged with jealousy among the ruling nations that German, American, and English ships were all berthed in the so-called harbor, refusing to move, and there almost all were wrecked. Only the British ship, Calliope, under the command of Captain Kane, steamed out of the harbor in the teeth of the storm and was saved. The trading schooner Equator, owned by Wightman Brothers, San Francisco, braved the storm at sea and reached Apia after great peril only to see the terrific damage done in the harbor. John Wightman, Jr., who was aboard making an inspection tour of the Wightman trading posts, offered the services of his schooner to the American Admiral Kimberly. Ten cadets were taken aboard, and the Equator sailed to Tutuila to advise the Alameda of the tragedy. Mr. Wightman also decided to take passage on the steamer as he had finished his inspection and would save much time in returning to San Francisco. The Alameda sailed out of her course to pick up forty-two sick and injured men at Apia. On April 6, 1889, when the ship reached Honolulu, Wightman was the hero of the hour and the Equator had made a name for herself. Stevenson greatly admired the conduct of Admiral Kimberly in this catastrophe and he wrote to Will Low regarding him: "Long live your fine old English admiral—yours I mean—the U.S.A. one at Samoa; I wept tears and loved myself and mankind when I read of him: he is not too much civilized." Letters, III, 143. 55:5—In several accounts of the chartering of the Equator some singular errors have been made. The Equator was not in Honolulu at the time. According to the Harbor Master's Record (Captain A. Fuller, Harbor Master), this schooner was not in Honolulu during the period from March to June,

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1889. It is first listed on June 22, 1889. Stevenson must have made the arrangements with Wightman himself the day the Alameda arrived in Honolulu from Samoa, for that night he wrote the news to Adelaide Boodle. Stevenson may have been on hand seeking news of the hurricane and may by chance have learned that Wightman was part owner of the Equator, or he may already have known of the Wightman trading posts in the South Pacific and have arranged for an appointment. Henry Poor received letters giving details of the hurricane and he, too, probably shared his information about the Equator with Stevenson. However that may be, it was with Wightman that the arrangements were made. Furthermore, even had the Equator been in Honolulu at this time, the youthful Captain Dennis Reid would hardly have been empowered to charter the craft without the owners' consent. 55:13—The Equator was launched about 1883. Wightman Brothers sold her, after many years of successful island trading, to the Alaska Packers. Alaska Packers used her in coast trade until 1915, when she was sold to the Puget Sound Tug and Barge Company. They used her for wire drag work and for tow work. In 1917 her lofty masts were cut off, and in the summer of 1920 the steam plant was replaced by a 200 H. P. semi-diesel. The hull was partially renewed. From the main deck down there has been no change in her lines. (This information was given by George R. Cary of the Puget Sound Tug and Barge Company in 1933. At that time he expected her to be going strong in 1950.) Cf. Thomson Murray MacCallum, Adrift in the South Seas, p. 321.

55:17—Fanny, Lloyd: Letters, III, 134-135. 57:26—Even the unimaginative newspaper account was vibrant with possibilities for a story. When Captain C. Johnson had anchored his schooner, Norma, at Midway Island for shark fishing on March 17, 1889, he had found Captain F. D. Walker of the wrecked bark, Wandering Minstrel, with his family and crew in bad condition from want of food. For fourteen months they had been shipwrecked. The Wandering Minstrel had arrived at Midway and had anchored in Welle's

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Harbor on January 9, 1888. On February 3, all had been forced to abandon the ship because of a furious storm, and scarcely any provisions were saved. To add to their distress there was a man named Jorgensen living on the island, a dangerous fellow who had been abandoned when his own shipwrecked crew of the schooner General Seigel had been rescued. Captain Walker was only prevented from shooting the man in self defense by the entreaties of Mrs. Walker. Birds' eggs were one of their chief sources of food. Two of the men died of an obscure disease, and one was drowned while fishing. On October 13, 1888, John Cameron, who was the first mate, and a Chinese lad left with Jorgensen for Honolulu in a boat well-fitted with sails, water, and provisions. Evidently they arrived safely, for Cameron was said to be keeping a saloon in Tacoma, Washington, at the time the others were rescued. When the Norma arrived, Captain Walker chartered her to bring the wrecked people to Honolulu. The Norma left Midway on March 26, but even then there was tragedy. Two days later Edward David Dawson, one of the crew, died of scurvy. The others reached Honolulu and were charitably cared for there. The Norma reached Honolulu on April 6, 1889. Cf. Pacific Commercial Advertiser, April 8, 1889, and June 13, 1889. 58:20—Forth from: Stevenson, Ballads and Other Poems, XVI, 235. 59:24—Molokai ahina—gray Molokai. The name is derived from the mist which usually surrounds the top of the mountains. It frequently implies a figurative meaning, too, because of the leper settlement. 59:29—Edward Clifford left Honolulu on the S.S. Zealandia, March 9, 1889. He was bound for England via San Francisco. CHAPTER THREE 64:23—A section of Hookena was destroyed by the lava flow from Mauna Loa, June, 1950. 65:6—with a: Stevenson, "Journal," p. 147. Stevenson kept

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a diary during his stay on the Kona Coast. He made use of the material he collected when he wrote his essays about the island of Hawaii. 65:19—flirting with: "Journal," p. 148. 65:24—like the: "Journal," p. 148. 66:1—Like all: Stevenson, In the South Seas (Swanston, ed.), p. 191. The essays which Stevenson wrote about his voyages in the Pacific, 1888-1891, were first published in the New York Sun, February 6 to December 19, 1891, and almost simultaneously in Black and White in England. Selections from these letters were later published in book form under the title In the South Seas, but the essays about the Hawaiian Kingdom were not included because Stevenson had expressed some dissatisfaction with them. In 1911 when the Swanston Edition of Stevenson's works was published, the essays about his trip to the island of Hawaii (five in all) were inserted in the volume, In the South Seas, but those about his trip to Molokai were not included. In the Vailima Edition (1912) the South Sea letters appeared in book form "complete and entire as first written," under the title The South Seas. The paragraphing of the Hawaiian essays differs from that of the Swanston Edition and the five essays on the trip to Hawaii are arranged as three. The paragraph in which Stevenson gives his reason for making the trip to the Kona Coast is omitted in the otherwise "complete" Vailima Edition of the letters, and occasional phrases have been added or deleted. The four essays about Molokai appear in this edition. 66:17—A curious error is made by J. A. Hammerton, who states that Stevenson's health was so bad that on his way to Kilauea he was forced to get off the steamer at Hookena and to await the return of the other sightseers. Cf. J. A. Hammerton, Stevensoniana (London, 1903), p. 96. This is not the case, for Stevenson never intended to go to the volcano, and on the passenger list of the W. G. Hall he is listed with those bound for Kona. His health was so good while he was in Kona that he spent five and a half hours in the saddle one day, a feat he would never have been able to accomplish 152

had he been in ill health. He was, as he said in his essay, "The Kona Coast," too busy to see everything. His choice was Hookena in preference to the volcano. 66:21—Eleanor Rivenburgh, "Stevenson in Hawaii," Bookman, XLVI (November, 1917), 301-305. A number of statements in this article are inaccurate. 67:16—In his published essays about the island of Hawaii, Stevenson avoids mentioning the name of the school teacher. In his "Journal" the name is given although, at first glance, rather ambiguously. On Sunday he visited "the Roberts." On Monday he went for a ride in the forest with "Mr. Robert." On Tuesday he visited Honaunau with "Mr. Robert." But on Thursday he visited the leper house with "Robert Amalu." A careful comparison of the essays with the "Journal" indicates that in every instance the school teacher and his wife are referred to. It will be remembered that the early Hawaiians often dropped their surnames, and in some cases did not even know them. Even now this custom prevails to some extent. When the school teacher was introduced to Stevenson, no doubt it was by the name of Mr. Robert. Only later did he discover that the man's real name was Robert Amalu. This interchange of names is found to exist also in Husted's Directory of the Hawaiian Kingdom. For 1889 there is no Directory. In the issue for 1890-1891, the school teacher is listed thus: "Robert T. K. teacher, res. Hookena." In 18921893 the record is: "Amalu T. K. R. teacher Government School and general merchandise, Hookena, Kona." Therefore, Stevenson's use of the two names is quite understandable. To avoid confusion, throughout this chapter the school teacher has been referred to as Robert Amalu. 67:30—the place: In the South Seas (Swanston ed.), p. 197. 70:14—In his "Journal," the entry for this day is "Tuesday, May 1st." However, in 1889 Tuesday fell on April 30. This is a very easy mistake to make. The dates on the following days are also wrong, as they follow this lead. The last entry for Hawaii is made on "Friday, May 3." He could not have been on Hawaii on May 3, for he docked in Honolulu on that day, following an overnight trip. Perhaps he lost track of the days in the quiet little village, or he may have inserted 153

these dates after his return to Honolulu with consequent errors. 72:8—Will you: In the South Seas (Swanston ed.), p. 204. 72:16—Rivers of: In the South Seas (Swanston ed.), p. 204. 72:21—This is to be made a national park. Cf. Honolulu Advertiser, Jan. 21, 1950, and also April 9, 1950. 73:22—In ancient Hawaii certain families were set aside for human sacrifice. The offering usually took place on the tabu days, and except on those four days each month, the victims were at liberty, even enjoying a special license in behavior. This freedom often engendered boldness and the victims would be seen abroad on the forbidden days. To make the capture easier the pagan priest who was to offer sacrifice would lie in the bushes and feign injury by crying out. When the victim came to aid him in his pretended extremity, the priest would pounce on him. If the victim could reach the city of refuge he was safe. Thus the race became a matter of life or death. Fleeing from the priest who sought his life, he would fall panting with joy—safe—into the arms of the priest in the temple. For additional information regarding Hale o Keawe, cf. John F. G. Stokes, "Burial of King Keawe," Hawaiian Historical Society Papers, No. 17 (Sept. 30, 1930), pp. 63-72. 74:26—as square faced: Stevenson, "Journal," p. 161. 75:4—The identity of this nineteen-year-old leper girl in whom Stevenson showed such interest has not been ascertained. The records of the Bishop Home for Girls in Molokai show the admittance of no patients from Hookena previous to October 11, 1896. The early records filed at the main office of the leper settlement were destroyed by fire. Stevenson does not refer to meeting her when he visited the settlement in late May, although he says he thought of her. 75:16—O my: "Journal," p. 162. 75:19—The scene: "Journal," p. 161. 76:22—The Bottle Imp was first published in Black and White, March 28, 1891-April 4, 1891. It was reprinted in American Notes, Part III, No. 10, (1891) and in Island Nights' Entertainments (1893). In May, 1891, a translation of this story was commenced as a serial in O le Sulu Samoa, a missionary paper printed

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monthly in the Samoan language at Apia, and continued in seven installments until December, 1891. It is said that this was the first serial story ever read by the Samoans in their own language, and that as a result of its publication the natives ever afterwards called Stevenson "Tusitala"—"the teller of tales." The Rev. Mr. Newell was the editor of O le Sulu Samoa. The Samoan title of The Bottle Imp was O le Fagu Aitu. 79:15—What annoyed: Letters, IV, 168. 80:2—manner very: Stevenson, "Journal," p. 162. 80:30—The first: Stevenson, "Journal," p. 163. 81:3—hugely swollen: Stevenson, "Journal," p. 161. In The South Seas, p. 180, Stevenson says her face was "scarce horribly affected." 81:6—swinging her: "Journal," p. 164. 81:14—Kokua—clean assistant, or helper. 81:30—that warm: Letters, III, 143. 82:3—1 love: Letters, III, 142-143. CHAPTER FOUR 86:11—If I: Letters, III, 141. 86:26—If you: Letters, III, 142. 87:11—On May 29, Joe Strong was one of the pallbearers at the funeral of the artist, Jules Tavernier. Mr. Allen Hutchinson, at that time a newcomer in Honolulu, who had but recently moved his studio in with that of Tavernier in the Mclnerny block, was also among the mourners. He and Joe Strong often met. It may have been the triangular friendship, Strong, Tavernier, Hutchinson, which won for Hutchinson the commission to do a bust of Stevenson when he returned in 1893. 87:13—1 have: Letters, III, 142. 87:22—There has been some confusion about this date. Mrs. Stevenson in a letter to Sidney Colvin, dated May 21 (Letters, III, 146), makes the statement: "To-day he goes to Molokai, the leper island." This date is further verified by the Honolulu Daily Bulletin, May 21, 1889, which mentions the departure of Sister Irene for Molokai. Stevenson refers to the presence of the Sisters on the ship in his letter to Fanny (Letters, III, 147), and in his essay on Molokai (The South Seas, p. 194). 15*

May 21 obviously is the correct date. Other dates which have been given for arrival in Molokai are May 6 (Howard D. Case, ed., Joseph Dutton, His Memoirs, p. 8 5 ) , May 8 (Sister Leopoldina's "Diary," Chapter X X I V ) , and May 9 ( J . V. Jacks, Mother Marianne of Molokai, p. 1 0 0 ) . 89:22—lowland, quite: Letters, III, 147. 9 0 : 4 — 1 do: Letters, III, 148. 90:12—Ladies, God: Letters, III, 148. 90:22—pantomime masks: Letters, III, 148. 90:28—Unfortunately, none of any pictures he may have taken are now available. 92:20—Waikahi died December 18, 1896. Records, Bishop Home, Kalaupapa, Molokai, T. H. 9 3 : 1 4 — D i d he: The South Seas, p. 68. 93:20—Brother Joseph Dutton belonged to no religious community. He was without vows. The title, Brother, is merely one of respect. 93:24—Mr. Stevenson: Rosaline Masson, ed., I Can Remember Robert Louis Stevenson (London, 1 9 2 2 ) , pp. 2 2 2 - 2 2 3 . 94:7—And if: The South Seas, pp. 198-199. 94:23—from the: Prince Otto. Island Nights' Entertainments. Father Damien, p. 424. 94:25—who beheld: Prince Otto. Island Nights' Entertainments. Father Damien, p. 419. 9 4 : 3 1 — a man: Letters, III, 153. 96:28—Pau Kanaka: The South Seas, p. 202. 97:5—George McCorriston, Honolulu, testified that Sevenson stayed overnight at the McCorriston home at Kamalo, Molokai, 6 miles from Pukoo. The McCorriston brothers, Daniel and Hugh (George McCorriston's father), operated the sugar mill at Kamalo and their home served as a guest house for all distinguished visitors. Stevenson refers to the McUrstens (The South Seas, p. 2 0 1 ) , but Mr. McCorriston states that there were no McUrstens in that vicinity. Evidently Stevenson failed to inquire about the spelling of the name. Captain McGregor, who was Stevenson's companion, and Apaka, his guide the following day, were both well-known to the McCorristons. In a letter to Sidney Colvin (Letters, III, 1 5 3 ) , Stevenson boasts that he rode 2 0 miles the day after he left

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the settlement. From Kamalo it was 10.5 miles to Kaunakakai. It would be 8 or 10 miles farther to the home of Mr. Meyer, Stevenson's destination. 97:17—The Mokolii had two passengers, Stevenson and the Hon. F. H. Hayselden from Lanai. To the immense pleasure of Stevenson, on the trip Hayselden related one of Stevenson's own stories without knowing of its identity. 97:31—His interest: Graham Balfour, Life of Robert Louis Stevenson, abridged and revised edition, pp. 310-311. 98:6—To see: Archives of Franciscan Sisters, Syracuse, N. Y. The poem to Mother Marianne is dated May 22, the day of his arrival. According to his letter to Fanny, he had not yet visited the Sisters at that time. He probably was introduced to Mother Marianne that morning at the landing stairs, but he had no opportunity to talk to her. It seems probable that he wrote the poem in a rush of overwhelming admiration for the Sisters, and later when he did meet Mother Marianne, he dedicated it to her as the Superior and because he had a deep regard for her personally. The original of the poem to Mother Marianne is filed in the Archives of the Motherhouse of the Franciscan Sisters, Syracuse, New York. 99:15—For an interesting account of Stevenson aboard the Equator, see MacCallum, Adrift in the South Seas. CHAPTER FIVE 103:6—1 am: Letters, III, 153-154. 103:17—The story: Letters, III, 169. 105:12—The heroic: John Farrow, Damien the Leper, p. 201. 106:3—Sydney Presbyterian, Oct. 26, 1889107:1—Sir,—It: Father Damien, pp. 413-415. 108:1—That afternoon: Stevenson, Father Damien: An Open Letter to the Rev. Dr. Hyde of Honolulu (New York, 1916), pp. 51-52. 109:7—Sympathies flew: Letters, III, 152. 109:12—1 have: Letters, III, 189. 110:4—Mrs. Stevenson in The Cruise of the Janet Nichol uses a different spelling—"Nichol."

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110:27—it sometimes: Henry Knight Hyde, Charles McEwen Hyde: A Memorial, p. 89. 112:4—Your Majesty: Honolulu Advertiser, January 11, 1925. CHAPTER S I X 1 1 8 : 2 5 — I received: Johnstone, Recollections, pp. 118-119. 119:19—Graham Balfour left for San Francisco aboard the S. S. Oceanic on September 26, 1893. Cf. Official Passenger List, S. S. Oceanic. Public Archives of Hawaii, Honolulu, T. H. 119:31—During more: Johnstone, Recollections, pp. 122-123. 123:8—Will you: Johnstone, Recollections, p. 120. 124:8—1 am: Letters, IV, 253. 124:10—See above notes, Chapter Four, 8 7 : 1 1 , page 155. 124:15—It is commonly thought that Hutchinson was the first to discover the vein of modeling clay on the island of Oahu, but it was not written up at the time, and he has never been given official recognition for it. This clay is now used in the making of Hawaiian pottery. 124:30—Look you: Allen Hutchinson, "Stevenson's Only Bust from Life," Scribner's Magazine, L X X X (August, 1 9 2 6 ) , 140. 125:10—Allen Hutchinson was one of the four pioneers to inaugurate the Kilohana Art League, of which he became the Secretary, in the early spring of 1894. The purpose of the Society was to encourage art in Hawaii by giving young artists the opportunity to display their paintings, sculpture, and pen work. When the first exhibition was held on May 5, 1894, in the small back room of the art store at King Brothers on Hotel Street, the receipts were $14.25, whereas the expenses were $48.95. Still, from the standpoint of interest, it was a success. One of the ten pieces Hutchinson contributed to the art show was the bust of Stevenson, which was offered for sale at $35.00. It was not sold. The Kilohana Art League was formally disbanded at the meeting of April 4, 1913. Catherine E. B. Cox was the last Secretary. 125:17—Hutchinson does not state where the bust was cast in bronze, but in all probability it was done in England, as 158

there were practically no facilities for such work in Hawaii at that time. The Honolulu Academy of Arts has a copy of the bronze bust of Stevenson. It was purchased from Allen Hutchinson, 25 Dongan Place, New York, in June, 1927, by Mrs. Charles M. Cooke, Sr., who presented it to the Academy. Due to casting costs, the price of future bronze copies of the bust was to be increased from $185.00 to $300.00. 126:19—As I: Johnstone, Recollections, p. 276. 127:17—This information about the money was given by Lloyd Osbourne in a letter from Paris, Dec. 12, 1936; and by George Lycurgus, writing from the Volcano House, Hawaii, Sept. 18, 1936. (Courtesy of Frank L. Pleadwell, Honolulu, T. H.) 128:1—To hear: Pacific Commercial Advertiser, September 28, 1893. 129:1—Poem, "High Winds of Nuuanu." Johnstone, Recollections, pp. 307-308. 130:3—Mauka means inland, towards the mountains; ewa means in the direction of Ewa (west). 130:23—Will you: Johnstone, Recollections, pp. 108-109. The letter seems to infer that during his illness he occupied a bedroom in the main building at Sans Souci. 132:1—Poem, "From Number Two to Anita Neumann." Johnstone, Recollections, pp. 306-307. This poem is now in the possession of Mrs. George Sumner, 178 Dowsett Ave., Honolulu, T. H. Mrs. Sumner is the daughter of Mrs. Charles Lloyd, the former Anita Neumann. Mrs. Lloyd, in recalling the incident 57 years later, states that at the time the pleasantry about the poem occurred she was unaware of the identity of her admirer. She had but recently returned from school abroad. Anonymous poems were not unusual to a girl of 17, but this was the first she had received in English. Her father made great sport of the effusion, even going so far as to read it aloud in the dining room. Mrs. Lloyd was living at Sans Souci at the time, for her father had taken a cottage there. She often met Stevenson and afforded him much pleasure by playing his favorite selections from Schubert and Schumann. 133:11—Mr. Lindsay: Johnstone, Recollections, p. 143. 159

133:28—Now, Cleghorn: Johnstone, Recollections, pp. 141— 142. 134:9—It was to Annie H. Ide that Stevenson, in that singular document of June 19, 1891, had transferred his birthday of November 13. As she had been born on Christmas Day, she felt that her birthday never received a special celebration. (Cf. Letters, III, 324-325; 361-363.) 134:15—It seems strange that Stevenson's name is not given on the passenger list in the newspapers, nor even on the Official Passenger List signed by Captain Hayward for the harbor authorities, now filed in the Public Archives of Hawaii, Honolulu. He may have been the guest of Captain Hayward, and hence was not listed. The following day, October 28, 1893, the Honolulu Daily Bulletin made the announcement of his departure. 134:20—If anyone: Honolulu Daily Bulletin, October 30, 31, November 1, 1893. 136:23—1 never: Letters, III, 152.

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SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY I.

P R I M A R Y SOURCES A.

JOURNAL

STEVENSON, ROBERT LOUIS. "Journal of a Voyage in the South Seas." Unpublished manuscript. Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, San Marino, California. H. M. 2412. Pp. 147-165. B.

COLLECTED WORKS

Thistle Edition. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1897. 2 4 vols. Ballads and Other Poems. X V I . In the South Seas. A Footnote to History. X I X . The Master of Ballantrae. I X . Prince Otto. Island Nights' Entertainments. Father Damien. IV. Quotations from the Damien Letter are from this volume with the exception of one. See below for 1916 edition with note by Mrs. Stevenson. Vailima Letters. X V I I . The Wrecker. X . The Wrong Box. The Ebb Tide. X I . Biographical Edition. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1911. Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson. Edited by Sidney Colvin. A new edition rearranged in four volumes with 150 new letters. Vailima Edition. New York: P. J . Collier and Son Co., 1912. 9 vols. The South Seas. I X . Letters from Samoa; Father Damien; and other papers. This volume contains the essays about Hawaii and Molokai known as "The Eight Islands," but not designated as such in this volume. In the South Seas, Swanston Edition, vol. 18 (London: Chatto and Windus, 1912, 25 vols.) also contains these essays about the island of Hawaii.

163

The ordinary editions of In the South Seas do not include the Hawaii chapters. father Damien: An Open Letter to the Rev. Doctor Hyde of Honolulu. With Mrs. Stevenson's description of the writing, and related passages from Stevenson's correspondence. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1916. II.

BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIDEAUX, COLONEL W . F., C.S.I. A Bibliography of the Works of Robert Louis Stevenson. London: Frank Hollings, 1903. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1903. III.

SECONDARY SOURCES

A. BIOGRAPHY, CRITICISM, DIARIES, LETTERS, REMINISCENCES

Life of Robert Louis Stevenson. Abridged edition, revised and illustrated. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1915. 364 pp. BROWN, GEORGE E. A Book of R.L.S. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1919. 298 pp. CARRÉ, JEAN MARIE. Robert Louis Stevenson, The Frail Warrior. Translated from the French by Eleanor Hard. New York: Coward-McCann, Inc., 1930. 297 pp. CATTON, ROBERT. A Little Bit of R.L.S. Edinburgh: Andrew Elliot, Darien Press, 1916. 45 pp. CHESTERTON, GILBERT KEITH. Robert Louis Stevenson. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., Inc., 1928. 211 pp. DAICHES, DAVID. Robert Louis Stevenson. Norfolk, Connecticut: New Directions Books, 1947. 196 pp. DEWAR, JAMES CUMMING. Voyage of the Nyanza. London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1892. 466 pp. FIELD, ISOBEL. This Life I've Loved. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1937. 353 pp. This book contains a number of inaccurate statements regarding the visit to Hawaii. FIELD, ISOBEL (STRONG), and LLOYD OSBOURNE. Memorie s of Vailima. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1902. 228 pp. HAMILTON, CLAYTON M. On the Trail of Stevenson. New York: Doubleday, Page, and Co., 1915. 151 pp. BALFOUR, GRAHAM.

164

Stevensoniana. New York: Mansfield, 1900. Edinburgh: John Grant, 1907 and 1910. 350 pp. HARTMANN, CAPTAIN HOWARD. The Seas Were Mine. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., Inc., 1935. Pp. 153-175. H E L L M A N , GEORGE SIDNEY. The True Stevenson: A Study in Clarification. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1925. 253 pp. ISSLER, A N N E ROLLER. Happier for His Presence. San Francisco and Robert Louis Stevenson. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1949. 178 pp. JOHNSTONE, ARTHUR. Recollections of Robert Louis Stevenson in the Pacific. London: Chatto and Windus, 1905. 327 pp. LUCAS, E. V. The Colvins and Their Friends. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1928. 354 pp.

HAMMERTON, J O H N ALEXANDER.

MACCALLUM, THOMSON MURRAY. Adrift

in the South

Seas.

Los Angeles: Wetzel Publishing Co. Pp. 211-324. MCCLURE, SAMUEL SIDNEY. My Autobiography. New York: Frederick A. Stokes Co., 1914. 266 pp. MASSON, ROSALINE, ed. I Can Remember Robert Louis Stevenson. Edinburgh: W. and R. Chambers, Ltd., 1922. 369 pp. Life of Robert Louis Stevenson. Edinburgh: W. and R. Chambers, Ltd., 1923. 292 pp. OSBOURNE, KATHERINE. Robert Louis Stevenson in California. Chicago: A. C. McClurg and Co., 1911. 112 pp. OSBOURNE, LLOYD. An Intimate Portrait of R.L.S. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1924. 155 pp. Excellent for color, but not strictly accurate. RALEIGH, SIR WALTER ALEXANDER. Robert Louis Stevenson. 2nd ed. London: Edward Arnold, 1896. 79 pp. STEUART, J O H N ALEXANDER. Robert Louis Stevenson, Man and Writer. London: Sampson Low, Marston and Co., Ltd., 1924. 2 vols. STEVENSON, MRS. MARGARET ISABELLA. From Saranac to the Marquesas and Beyond. Edited by Marie Clothilde Balfour. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1903. 313 pp. Letters from Samoa, 1891-1895. Edited and arranged by Marie Clothilde Balfour. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1906. 340 pp. 165

STEVENSON, MRS. ROBERT LOUIS.

The

Cruise

of

the

Nichol among the South Sea Islands. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1914. 189 pp.

STODDARD, CHARLES WARREN. Exits and Entrances.

Janet

Charles

"Stevenson

in the South Seas." Boston: Lathrop Publishing Co., 1903. Pp.11-37. B. MOLOKAI, THE LEPER SETTLEMENT, AND FATHER DAMIEN

CASE, HOWARD D., ed. Joseph Dutton, His Memoirs. Honolulu: Honolulu Star-Bulletin Press, 1931. 242 pp. CLIFFORD, EDWARD. Father Damien—A Journey from Cashmere to His Home in Ha-waii. London: Macmillan Company, 1889. 176 pp. DUTTON, CHARLES J .

Samaritans

of Molokai.

Dodd, Mead and Co., Inc., 1932. 286 pp. FARROW, JOHN. Damien the Leper. New York: Ward, Inc., 1937. 230 pp. HYDE, HENRY KNIGHT. Charles

McEwen

Hyde.

New York:

Sheed and

A

Memorial.

Ware, Mass.: Eddy Press, 1901. 135 pp. JACKS, L. V. Mother Marianne of Molokai. New York: Macmillan Company, 1935. 203 pp. STODDARD, CHARLES WARREN. Diary of a Visit to Molokai

in

1884. Introduction by Oscar Lewis. San Francisco: Book Club of California, 1933. 52 pp. Lepers of Molokai. Notre Dame, Ind.: Ave Maria Press, 1885. 80 pp.

YZENDOORN, REV. REGINALD, SS.CC. History

of the

Catholic

Mission in the Hawaiian Islands. Honolulu: Honolulu StarBulletin, Ltd., 1927. 254 pp. C.

HAWAIIAN HISTORY, LEGEND, AND TOURIST GUIDES

ARMITAGE, GEORGE T.

Hawaiian

Hawaiian Service, 1943. 93 pp.

ASHDOWN, INEZ MACPHEE.

Queeriosities.

Mystical

Molokai.

Honolulu: N.p.,

1949.

pp. GODFREY, FRANK. Pertinent Points for Pilgrims to the Paradise of the Pacific. Honolulu: F. Godfrey, 1893. 10 pp. 34

166

Legends and Myths of Hawaii. Edited by Hon. R. M. Daggett. New York: Charles L. Webster and Co., 1888. 530 pp. KUYKENDALL, RALPH S., and A . GROVE DAY. Hawaii: A History. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1948. 331 pp. LILIUOKALANI, QUEEN. Hawaii's Story. Boston: Lothrop, Lee, and Shepard Co., 1898. 409 pp. PRATT, J . W . Expansionists of 1898: The Acquisition of Hawaii and the Spanish Islands. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1936. 393 pp. STEVENS, S. K . American Expansion in Hawaii, 1842-1898. Harrisburg, Pa.: Archives Publishing Co., 1945. 320 pp. STODDARD, CHARLES WARREN. A Trip to Hawaii. San Francisco: Passenger Department of the Oceanic Steamship Co., 1885. New edition, 1890. 46 pp. TAYLOR, ALBERT P. Under Hawaiian Skies. Honolulu: Advertiser Publishing Company, Ltd., 1922, 1926. 607 pp. THURSTON, LORRIN A. Memoirs of the Hawaiian Revolution. Edited by Andrew Farrell. Honolulu: Advertiser Publishing Company, Ltd., 1936. 664 pp. W H I T N E Y , H E N R Y M . , ed. Tourists' Guide through the Hawaiian Islands. Honolulu: Hawaiian Gazette Co., 1890. 176 pp. KALAKAUA, HIS HAWAIIAN M A J E S T Y .

D.

UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPTS

History of the Kilohana Art League. Hawaiian Historical Society, Library of Hawaii, Honolulu, T. H. Minutes of Kilohana Art League. Vol. I. Hawaiian Historical Society, Library of Hawaii, Honolulu, T. H. PLEADWELL, FRANK L. "The Cruise of the Silver Ship." An

account of Robert Louis Stevenson's voyage in the Casco. SISTER M. LEOPOLDINA, O.S.F. Diary kept during her years at the Leper Settlement in Molokai. Chapter XXIV. STROVEN, CARL. "Charles Warren Stoddard." Unpublished doctoral thesis. Duke University, 1939. E.

TERRITORIAL DOCUMENTS

Harbor Master's Records. Honolulu, 1889 and 1893. Territorial Archives, Honolulu, T. H.

167

Official Passenger Lists signed by the captains of the vessels arriving at and leaving Honolulu, January-June, 1889, and September-December, 1893. F.

NEWSPAPERS

Complete coverage of the following newspapers published in Honolulu from January 24 to the end of June, 1889, and from September to the middle of November, 1893: Honolulu Daily Bulletin Pacific Commercial Advertiser Hawaiian Gazette Hawaiian Star (September-November, 1893). The following articles from Honolulu newspapers: "Ainahau, Cleghorn Estate and Spot Loved by Stevenson, Sold for Lots," Honolulu Star-Bulletin (Jan. 19, 1917). "Among the Famous Poets Who Have Sung of Hawaii," Pacific Commercial Advertiser (June 17, 1912). CASTLE, MABEL W I N G . "Robert Louis Stevenson," Pacific Commercial Advertiser (April 14, 1902). CATTON, ROBERT, SR. "Memories of R . L. Stevenson," Honolulu Advertiser (Nov. 15, 1931). "City of Refuge to Be Part of National Park," Honolulu Advertiser (Jan. 21, 1950). CURTIS, W I L L I A M E. "Robert Louis Stevenson," Pacific Commercial Advertiser (Nov. 18, 1908). "Death Calls the Princess," Hawaiian Gazette (Mar. 7, 1899). DEVLIN, ANN-MARY. "Robert Louis Stevenson in Honolulu," Honolulu Advertiser (July 19, 1936). DOTY, REV. J. LAMB. "Tell Strange Stories of Stevenson at Anniversary," Honolulu Advertiser (Nov. 28, 1934). Father Damien Letter, Elele Supplement (May 10, 1890). "Former Home of R.L.S. Sold," Honolulu Star-Bulletin (Mar. 3, 1920). "Home Placed on Market," Honolulu Star-Bulletin (Feb. 21, 1920). "Homes in Honolulu," Honolulu Star-Bulletin (Oct. 22,1927). "Homes, Two of Stevenson's in Honolulu," Honolulu Advertiser (April 27, 1927). 168

"Is the Star of R.L.S. Fading Fast?" Honolulu Star-Bulletin (Feb. 14, 1920). "Kaiulani Banyan," Honolulu Advertiser (Oct. 17, 1930). "Kaiulani Park," Pacific Commercial Advertiser (Nov. 13, 1910). LAWSON, EDNA B. "Recollections of R. L. S.,"

Honolulu

Advertiser (Nov. 10, 1940). "Locations in and around Honolulu Associated with Stevenson's Visits," Honolulu Advertiser (June 5, 1930). N E U M A N N , PAUL, JR. "Robert Louis Stevenson," Honolulu Advertiser (Jan. 17, 1926). O ' B R I E N , TOM. "Refuge City Is Urged as National Shrine," Honolulu Advertiser (April 19, 1950). Photographs of R. L. Stevenson, Pacific Commercial Advertiser (April 27, 1913). Photographs of Stevenson, Story of, Honolulu Star-Bulletm (Feb. 21, 1920). "Recollections of Stevenson," Pacific Commercial Advertiser (May 12, 1912). "Recollections of Stevenson's Visit," Pacific Commercial Advertiser (Feb. 23, 1912). "Stevenson's Poem to Princess Kaiulani," Honolulu Advertiser (Feb. 18, 1925). Trousseau, Dr. George, obituary, Hawaiian Gazette (May 8, 1894). Pacific Commercial Record, San Francisco. Special number dealing exclusively with Hawaii (May 1, 1892). G.

PERIODICALS

ADEE, DAVID GRAHAM. "Memories of Honolulu," United Serv-

ice (May, 1884), 461-486. J., S.J. "Stevenson's Catholic Leaning," Catholic World CLVI (Nov., 1942), 208-212. FISHER, W I L L E., JR. "Robert Louis Stevenson in Hawaii," Paradise of the Pacific XLVII (Mar., 1935), 7-12. GREENE, C. S. "California Artists, II. Joseph D. Strong, Jr.," Overland Monthly XXVII (May, 1896), 501-510. HAYNE, J U L I E N D. "The Truth as to Rev. C. M. Hyde," The Hawaiian (May, 1895), 46-49.

ASHE, REV. MATTHEW

169

"A Chapter on Hawaiian Morals: Father Damien's Good Name," The Hawaiian (Dec., 1895, Jan., 1896), 618-652. HUTCHINSON, ALLEN. "Stevenson's Only Bust from Life," Scribnet's Magazine LXXX (Aug., 1926), 140-143. ISENBERG, DORA R . " R . L. Stevenson in Hawaii," The Friend XCVII (Nov., 1927), 241-242. MASSON, ROSALINE, "Religion of Robert Louis Stevenson," The Friend CIII (April, 1933), 88. PEARS, SIR EDMUND RADCLIFFE. "Some Recollections of Robert Louis Stevenson," Scribner's Magazine LXIII (Jan., 1923), 3-18. "R. L. Stevenson at Sans Souci," Paradise of the Pacific LV (Sept., 1943), 22-24. RIVENBURGH, ELEANOR. "Stevenson in Hawaii," Bookman XLVI (Oct., 1917), 113-124; (Nov., 1917), 295-307; (Dec., 1917), 452-461. Inaccurate in a number of statements. "Robert Louis Stevenson," Hawaii Quill Magazine IV (Nov., 1930), 1-53. University of Hawaii student publication. The entire issue is dedicated to Stevenson. STOKES, JOHN F. G. "Burial of King Keawe," Hawaiian Historical Society Papers, Number 17, 63-72. TAYLOR, A. P. "Kaiulani's Banyan Tree," Hawaiian Historical Society Papers, Number 17, 8. "Thirst and Charm of R.L.S.," Paradise of the Pacific LV (Aug., 1943), 20. ZACHRISSON, CARL. "Robert Louis Stevenson's Grass Shack," Paradise of the Pacific LI (Dec., 1939), 32.

170

INDEX

INDEX A Aberdour, 121 Adams, ship, 131 Adirondack Mountains, 15 Adrift in the South Seas, Thomson MacCallum's, 150, 157 Ah Fu, Chinese cook, 42, 99 Ainahau, Cleghorn estate, 44, 146 Alameda, ship, 54, 55, 115, 149, 150 Alaska Packers, 150 Alenuihaha Channel, 64 Aliiolani Hale (Judiciary Building), 29 Amalu, Robert (T. K. Roberts), 6 7 - 6 8 , 71, 75, 76, 79, 80, 153 Amalu, Mrs. Robert, 75, 76, 153 Amateur Emigrant, 5 American Notes, 154 Anaho Bay, Nuka-hiva, Marquesas, 21 Apaka, guide, 96, 156 Apia, Samoa, 55, 111, 140, 149, 154 Australia, ship, 111

B Balfour, Graham, 97, 112, 115, 116, 119, 157, 158 Ballads, 145, 148, 151 Banking House of Laidlow & Co., 141

banyan, Kaiulani's, 44, 58—59 Baxter, Charles, 32, 33, 39, 45, 86, 143, 144, 145 Beach of Falesa, The, 121, 128, 135 Belgium, 60 Bella Vista Cottage, Sans Souci,

116

Ben Franklin Printing Co., 198 Berger's Band, see Royal Hawaiian Band Bergstrom, James W., 147 Bishop Home for Girls, Molokai, 92, 95, 97, 154 Black and White, 152, 154 Board of Health, 87, 106, 115 Board man, G. E., 85 Bohemian Club, San Francisco, 58 "Bohemian crank," Stevenson, 110 Boodle, Adelaide, 55, 98, 150 Borabora, Society Islands, 78 Bottle Imp, The, 7 6 - 7 9 , 135, 154, 155 Brown, Frank, residence at Waikiki, 3 5 - 3 6 , 145 bungalow, royal, on Palace grounds, 29 Burlingame, E. L., 14, 15, 27, 39, 45, 46, 110, 145 Burns, Capt., skipper of the Tropic Bird, 78 Bush, Mrs. Caroline, 27, 43, 52, 56, 129, 142, 144, 145, 148 Bush Street lodgings, San Francisco, 6

173

bust of Stevenson by Allen Hutchinson, 124-125, 155

c California, 4, 15, 16, 30, 78 Calistoga, 12 Calliope, ship, 149 Cambridge University, 6 Cameron, Captain, of the Kilauea Hon, 88 Cameron, John, 151 cannibalism, 22, 142 Carlyle's Essays, 122 Caroline Islands, 55 Cary, George R., 150 Casco, yacht, 27, 41, 42, 44, 78, 99, 104, 141, 144 arrival in Honolulu, 26 chartering of, 17—18 comparison with Morning Star, 54 description of, 18 leaves Honolulu, 39 in Marquesas, 21 in Paumotus, 22 party on board for Kalakaua, 30-32 repairs in Tahiti, 24—25 telegram about, 16 Case, Howard D., 156 Case, in The Beach of Falesa, 121 cast of Stevenson's hand, 125 Cathedral of Our Lady of Peace, 29, 60, 141 Catholic Sisters, 85, 88-89, 90, 92, 98, 155 Catton, Robert, 121-122 Catton, Neil & Co., 121 Chambers, William Lee, 134 Chat(o, Andrew, 108 Chatto and Windus, publishers, 108, 148 Charles McEwen Hyde: A Memorial, Henry Knight Hyde's, 158

"Chiefs Rock," 147 city of refuge, see Hale o Keawe Cleghorn, A. S., 44, 85, 117, 133— 134, 146 Cleghorn, Mrs. A. S. (Princess Miriam Likelike), 44, 146 Clifford, Edward, 59, 60, 105, 151 Club Stables, 28 coffee-raising, 6 7 - 6 8 Colvin, Sidney, 6, 7, 24, 79, 94, 103, 124, 143, 155, 156 Colvins and Their Friends, The, E. V. Lucas', 143 Constable & Co., 108 Cook, Captain James, 51, 64 Cooke, Mrs. Charles M., Sr., 159 Cormorant, British warship, 29, 43, 82, 87, 98 Cornhill Magazine, 139 County Midlothian, 22 court case in Hookena, 70—71 Cox, Catherine, E. B., 158 croquet set, gift to leper girls, 92 Cruise of the Janet Nichol, M. I. Stevenson's, 157 "Cruise of the Silver Ship," Frank L. Pleadwell's, 141

D Daggett, Hon. R. M., 148 Damien de Veuster, Rev., SS.CG, 13, 87, 94, 139, 140-141 body removed to Belgium, 60 buried at Kalawao, 60 death, 59 Hyde's letter re, 105-106 Mass for, 60 memorials planned for, 105 Molokai monument to, 105 Stevenson's interest in, 9 4 - 9 5 Stevenson's defense of 106—108 Damien Institute, plans for, 105 Damien Letter, 106-111, 157 Damien the Leper, John Farrow's, 105, 157

174

Damon, Frank, 43, 60, 109 David Balfour, 121 Dawson, Edward David, 151 Daughters of Hawaii, 1 4 6 - 1 4 7 de Veuster, Joseph, see Damien de Veuster, Rev., SS.CC. de Veuster, Pamphile, 32, 140 Dewar, Captain James Cumming, of the Nyanza, 22, 32, 33, 144 Dewar, Mrs. J. C., 29 Diamond Head, 79, 88 Diary, C. W. Stoddard's, 139 diary, Stevenson's, 23 Directory of the Hawaiian Kingdom, The, Husted's, 153 divorce, Fanny Osbourne's, 4, 6 Doctor Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, The Strange Case of, 13, 14 Donat, Mr., 2 2 - 2 3 , 33 Dodd, Loudon, in The Wrecker, 103 Dutton, Brother Joseph, 93, 156

G

E Edinburgh, Scotland, 108, 134 Edinburgh, University of, 3 Edward VII, Prince of Wales, 105 Eight Islands, the, 136 Elele, newspaper, see Ka Elele Poakolu Emma Street, Honolulu, 27, 142 England, 58, 143 epitaph, Stevenson's, 7 Equator, schooner, 55, 56, 82, 86, 98, 9 9 - 1 0 0 , 103, 140, 149, 150, 157 "Eyrie," Stoddard's, 8, 10 Exits and Entrances, C. W. Stoddard's, 140

F Fakarava, Paumotus, 22, 33 Fashion Stables, 28

Father Conrardy, 60 Father Damien, see Damien de Veuster, Rev., SS.CC. Father Damien: An Open Letter to the Rev. Dr. Hyde, Sevenson's, 106-111, 157 Father Wendelin, 60 Field, Isobel Osbourne Strong, see Isobel Strong Firth of Forth, 121 Flint, J. Donovan, 147 Flying Scud, ship, 104 Fort Street Church, 140 France, 4 Frendo, Joseph, 127 Frendo, Mrs. Joseph, 127 "From Number Two t;o Anita Neumann," poem, 132, 159 From Saranac to the Marquesas, M. I. Stevenson's, 141 Fuller, Captain A., harbor master, 149

Gage, Rev. H. B„ 106, 107 Gartenburg, A., 145 General Seigel, schooner, 151 Gifford, W . M„ 85 Gilbert Islands, 55, 104 Gilfillan, Archie, 88 Golden Gate, San Francisco, 18 Goold, S. S„ 115 Gosse, Edmund, 6 Graphic, 36 grass shack at Waioli Tea Room, Honolulu, 147 "the great house," see "ka hale nut" Grez, France, artist colony at, 4 Guerrey's, Ltd., 145

H Haight, Elizabeth, 140 Hale Naua (House of Wisdom) Society, 3 4 - 3 5

175

Hale o Keawe, city of refuge, 72-74, 77, 154 Hall, W. G., steamer, see W. G. Hall Hamakua, Hawaii, 141 Hammerton, J. A., 152 Harper's Weekly, 36 Hart, Captain John, 93 Haupu, Molokai, 95 Hawaii, island of, 25, 63, 64-82, 140, 152, 153 Hawaiian Gazette, newspaper, 46 Hawaiian Islands (Hawaii), 11, 25, 26, 28 Hayward, Captain, 160 Haxton, Henry R., 16 Hayseldon, Hon. F. H., 157 Henley, William, 6, 7, 139 Herbert, Allen, 42-43, 116, 117, 121 "High Winds of Nuuanu, The," poem, 128-129, 159 Hiva-oa, Marquesas, 22 Hole, William, 148 Holland, Captain George B., sailing master of the Nyanza, 32 holoku, 41-42, 146 Honaunau, Hawaii, 72-74, 77 Honolulu, city of, 25, 31, 32, 33, 40, 42, 53, 82, 97, 103, 104, 111, 112, 115 description of, 2 7 - 2 9 Honolulu Academy of Arts, 159 Honolulu Advertiser, see Pacific Commercial Advertiser Honolulu Daily Bulletin, „newspaper, 32, 144, 155, 160 Honolulu Free Library, 29 Honolulu Harbor, 54, 63, 99 Honomalino Ranch, Hawaii, 66 Hookena, Hawaii, 51, 64—70, 77, 82, 87, 151, 152, 153, 154 Hopkins, Mrs. Lola Bush, 145, 148 Hotel Street, Honolulu, 28 Hotel Victoria, New York, 14

Hualalai, Mount, Hawaii, 64 hurricane, Samoan, 54—55, 148— 149 Hutchinson, Allen, 124-125, 155, 158, 159 Hutchinson, Ambrose, 91 Hyde, Rev. Charles McEwen, 1 0 5 111 Hyde, Henry Knight, 110, 158

I I Can Remember Robert Louis Stevenson, Rosaline Masson's, 156 Ide, Judge Henry G., 134 Ide, Annie H., 160 In the South Seas, 142, 148, 152, 153, 154 Indiana, 4 Iolani Palace, 28-29, 30, 34, 117, 121

Island Nights' Entertainments, 154 Isle of Voices, The, 128, 135

J Janet Nicoll, ship, 110, 111 Johnson, Captain C., 150 Johnstone, Arthur, 40, 43, 127— 128, 129, 130, 142, 143, 144 Jones, P. C., 85 Joseph Dutton, His Memoirs, Howard D. Case's, 156 "Journal," Stevenson's, 66, 70, 75, 152, 153, 154, 155

K Ka Elele Poakolu, newspaper, 65, 108 "ka hale nui," 68-69, 77, 78 Ka'a, Hawaii, 68 Kaahumanu, Queen, 73 Kailua, Hawaii, 51, 64, 77

176

Kaiulani, Princess, 44, 58-59, 8 5 86, 133-134, 136, 146-147 Kalakaua, King, 29, 43, 57, 66, 70, 121, 136, 140, 142, 143, 144 as author, 148 gives breakfast for Stevensons, 56 death of, 111 gift to Stevenson, 100 knowledge of Hawaiian legends, 51 at luau, 33 poem to, 34 and political situation, 34—35 Stevenson is presented to, 30 visits Casco, 30-32 visits Equator, 99 Kalaupapa, Molokai, 90, 91, 92, 97 Kalawao, Molokai, 60, 91, 92, 95, 97, 98 Kalihi, Honolulu, 28, 42 Kaluaaha Church, Molokai, 63 Kamalo, Molokai, 156, 157 Kamehameha the First, 70, 73 Kamehameha the Third, 66 Kapiolani, Queen, 29, 143 Kapiolani Park, 28, 145 Kau, Hawaii, 51 Kaunakakai, Molokai, 95, 97, 157 Kauwealoha, missionary, 69 Kawaihae Bay, Hawaii, 64 Kawananakoa, Prince, 56 Kealakekua Bay, Hawaii, 25, 51, 64 Keauhou, Hawaii, 64 Keawe, in The Bottle Imp, 7 7 - 7 9 Keawe, legendary king, 73, 77 Kidnapped., 13 Kilauea, Kauai, 82 Kilauea, ship, 87 Kilauea, volcano, Hawaii, 66, 81, 152 Kilauea Hou (New Kilauea), ship, 87, 89 Kilohana Art League, 125, 158

Kimberley, Admiral, 149 King Street, Honolulu, 28, 29 Knoedler's Galleries, New York, 125 Koeckemann, Bishop Herman, SS.CC, 60, 88 Kohala, Hawaii, 141 Kokua, in The Bottle Imp, 78 kokua, helper, 81, 155 Kona, 51, 57, 76, 77, 152 "Kona Coast, The," 152 Koolau Range, Oahu, 29 Kuakini Street, Honolulu, 130

L Lahaina, Maui, 63, 64 Lanai, island of, 63, 96 Lang, Andrew, 6 Leper Fund, 108 leper settlement, Molokai, 11, 57, 87, 88-99, 154 lepers at Hookena, 71-72, 75, 7 9 81 Lepers of Molokai, C. W . Stoddard's, 13, 59, 139 leprosy Stevenson's fear of contagion, 59 Stevenson's interest in, 11, 60, 74-75 Letters, 139, 140, 142, 144, 145, 148,149,150,155,156,157, 158, 160 Life of Robert Louis Stevenson, Graham Balfour's, 9 7 - 9 8 Liliuokalani, Princess, 44, 56, 100, 127, 136, 143, 144, 146 at luau, 33—34 proclaimed queen, 111 Stevenson's letter to, 112 Stevenson's visit to, 117, 133 Lindsay, Thomas, 127, 133, 160 Little Loo, Clark Russell's, 68 Lloyd, Mrs. Charles (Anita Neum a n n ) , 43 131-132, 159 Logan, Daniel, 117, 124, 133

177

lomi-lomi, 1A London, magazine, 139 London Times, newspaper, 57 Lopaka, in The Bottle Imp, 77 Love, James, 145 Low, Will, 14, 81, 86, 87, 149 Luce Cottage, Sans Souci, 1 2 3 124 Lud gate Hill, ship, 14 Lunalilo, King, 66 Lycurgus, George, 116, 159

M Maalaea Bay, Maui, 64 MacCallum, Thomson Murray, 99, 150, 157 McClure, S. S., 14, 15, 16 McClure Syndicate, 14 McQorristons, 96, 156 McCully, Judge, 43 MacFarlane, H. R., 85 Macfie, Mr. and Mrs. R. A., Jr., 82 McGregor, Captain, of the Mokolii, 96, 156 McUrstens, 156 Madeira Islands, 53 Maigret, Bishop, 141 Manoa, 28 Manuia Lanai, 27, 33, 35, 145 Mariposa, ship, 115, 133, 134 Marquesas Islands, 21-25, 32, 42, 69, 93 Marshall Islands, 55 Masson, Rosaline, 156 Master of Ballantrae, The, 36, 4 4 46, 86, 87, 117, 145, 147, 148 Maui, island of, 63, 64, 96 Mauna Loa, mountain, Hawaii, 51, 64, 151 Mauna Kea, mountain, Hawaii, 64 Melville, Herman, 11, 21, 82 medallion, Augustus St. Gaudens, 125 Meredith, George, 6

Merritt, Dr. Samuel, 16-17, 18, 30, 141 Meyer, Mr., 95, 97, 157 Midway Island, 57, 150 Miriam Likelike, Princess, see Mrs. A. S. Cleghorn Moanalua, Honolulu, 28 Mokolii, ship, 95, 96, 97, 157 Molokai, island of, 11, 13, 57, 59, 63, 78, 81, 82, 87, 89, 90-98, 105, 136, 139, 141, 152, 154, 155, 156 Molokai ahina (gray Molokai), 59, 136, 151 Monsarrat, Judge, 66 Monterey, California, 5, 140 Monterey Californian, newspaper, 5 Morning Star, ship, 54, 55, 109 Mother Marianne, 87, 92, 97, 98, 136, 156, 157 Mount Saint Helena, California, 12 muumuu, 41—42, 146

N Nahinu, D. H„ 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 77 Nahinu, Mrs. D. H., 74 Nares, in The Wrecker, 104 National Academy of Design, Spring Exhibition, 1926, 125 Neumann, Anita (Mrs. Charles Lloyd), 43, 131-132, 159 Neumann, Paul, 43, 131 New Gallery, London, 125 New York, 14 New York World, newspaper, 15 New York Sun, newspaper, 152 Nicolls, Captain, of the Cormorant, 82 non-Royalists, 31 Norma, schooner, 150, 151 North Kona, 64 Nuka-hiva, Marquesas, 21 Nuuanu Avenue, Honolulu, 130

178

Nuuanu Valley, Honolulu, 29, 128-129 Nyanza, yacht, 22, 25, 29, 30, 32, 33, 144

o O Le Sulu Samoa, newspaper, 154— 155 Oahu, island of, 116 Oahu Railway and Land Co., 58 Oakland Bank of Savings, 141 Oceania, 11 Oceanic, ship, 115, 119, 158 Oceanic Steamship Co., 26, 141 Omoo, Herman Melville's, 11 opera house, 29 opium dealing in Honolulu, 104 Ori-a-Ori, Tahitian sub-chief, 25 Osbourne, Fanny, see Mrs. R. L. Stevenson Osbourne, Hervey, 4 Osbourne, Isobel, see Isobel Strong Osbourne, Lloyd, 4, 12, 14, 24, 36, 42, 54, 99, 142, 144, 148, 159 breakfast with king, 56 collaborates with Stevenson, 103 dinner at Royal Hawaiian, 82 to England, 111 guest on Cormorant, 43 letter of, 33 party on Nyanza, 29—30 transacts business for Joseph Frendo, 127 Otis, Captain Albert H., of the Casco, 17, 18, 22, 24 2 6 27, 33, 36, 39, 104

P Pacific Club, Honolulu, 117 Pacific Commercial Advertiser, newspaper, 35, 59, 103, 123, 127, 128, 130, 144, 145, 151, 154, 159

Paddington Hotel, 22 Pantheon Stables, 28 Papeete, Tahiti, 24, 25, 78 Paris, 4 Parker, Rev. Henry, 130 Paumotus, 22—23 Pavilion on the Links, The, 5 pearl, gift t,o Kalakaua, 33-34 Pearl Harbor, 142 Pearl Lochs, 126 Pears, Lieutenant, 29, 30, 43 Pelekunu, Molokai, 95, 96 pictures of Stevensons, 34, 43 Pleadwell, Frank L., 141, 159 poems, personal to Mrs. Bush, 52 to Princess Kaiulani, 58—59 t;o King Kalakaua, 34 for Charles Warren Stoddard, 10-11

Poepoe, Joseph, 46 Pola-Pola, in The Bottle Imp, 78 political situation in Hawaii, 31, 34-35 political situation in Samoa, 57 Polynesia, 22, 23 Polynesians, Stevenson's love for, 23, 30, 82, 86 Poor, Henry, 27, 33, 43, 56, 57, 142, 144-145, 150 Pratt, James W., 146 Prince Otto. Island Nights' Entertainments. Father Damien, 156 Provisional Government, 100, 117, 121 Puget Sound Tug and Barge Co., 150 Pukoo, Molokai, 96 Puna, Hawaii, 140 Punch Bowl, Honolulu, 28, 29, 126

Q Queen's Hospital, 29 Quinn, hack driver, 115, 119-120

179

R Recollections of Robert Louis Stevenson in the Pacific, Arthur Johnstone's, 130, 142, 144, 146, 148, 158, 159 Reciprocity Treaty, 31, 143 Reid, Captain Dennis, of the Equator, 99, 104, 150 "Requiem," poem, 7—8 Requiem Mass for Father Damien, 60 Reynolds, W . F., 126 Richards Street, Honolulu, 28 Richardson, Arthur, 34 Rincon Hill, San Francisco, 8 Riverside, California, 106 Roberts, T. K., see Robert Amalu Robertson, J. W., Vice-Chamberlain, 30, 56 Roch, Valentine, 14 Royal Hawaiian Band, 27, 34, 79, 86, 100 Royal Hawaiian Hotel, 26, 28, 46, 79, 82, 117 Royal Mausoleum, 29 Royalists, 31, 57, 133 Russell, Clark, 68

s St. Gaudens, Augustus, 125 Samoa, 55, 56, 57, 104, 111 San Francisco, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 36, 44, 56, 78, 85, 103, 134, 140, 143 San Francisco Bulletin, newspaper,

6

Francisco Examiner, newspaper, 16, 58 Sans Souci, 42, 115-116, 117, 119,126,130-131,134,159 Saranac, New York, 15, 44, 148 savage, noble, theory of, 136 Savile Club, London, 6 schooner, model, gift from Kalakaua, 100 San

Scotland, 3, 6, 13, 44, 53, 65, 85 Scots Observer, maga2ine, 108 Scotsman, The, weekly, 32, 121 Scottish Thistle Club, Honolulu, 118-119, 122, 124, 127, 132, 136 Scribner, Charles, 14 Scribner's Magazine, 14, 45, 145, 148, 158 Scribner's Sons, Charles, 14, 125 "Silver Ship," (Casco), 34, 39, 78 Silverado Squatters, 12 Simoneau, Jules, 5 Simpson, T. A., 116 Sister Crescentia, 87 Sister Irene, 87, 155 Sister Leopoldina, 156 Sisters, see Catholic Sisters Sisters of St. Francis, 87, 157 Sitwell, Mrs., 53 Skerryvore, 55, 111 Smith, B., 76 "Song of Rahero, The," 46, 128, 135, 148 South Sea Idyls, C. W . Stoddard's, 11, 139 South Seas, The, 142, 152, 155, 156 Stephen, Leslie, 6, 139 Stevenson, Bob, 4 Stevenson, Margaret Isabella (Mrs. Thomas), 2 6 - 2 7 , 53, 78, 82, 112, 141, 157 apparel of, 4 1 - 4 2 Kaiulani visits, 134 meets Captain Dewar, 22 returns to the Pacific, 111 to Scotland, 8 5 - 8 6 to United States, 14 Stevenson, Fanny Osbourne (Mrs. Robert Louis), 8, 15, 24, 35, 36, 40, 41, 43, 55, 82, 98, 99, 120, 125, 141, 143, 155 describes writing of Damien Letter, 1 0 7 - 1 0 8

180

Stevenson, Fanny Osbourne (Mrs. Sydney, Australia, 106, 108, 111, Robert Louis) —continued 112 divorce proceedings, 5 Sydney Presbyterian, newspaper, 106, 157 gift of pearl to Kalakaua, 33 gift to Mrs. Bush, 52 Lpuis' letter from Molokai to, T 90, 91 Taahauku, Hiva-oa, Marquesas, 22 marriage to Louis, 12 meeting with Isobel in Hono- Tahiti, 24, 55, 78 Talolo, Samoan servant, 115, 116, lulu, 25 meets Louis, 4 120, 126-127, 128 Stevenson, Robert Louis Taravao, Tahiti, 24 apparel of, 4 1 - 4 3 taurumi, 74 determination to be a writer, 3 Tautira, Tahiti, 24, 25 friends of, 43, 117, 121, 131, Tavernier, Jules, 155 135-136 telephone, 28, 130-131 Hawaii's influence on, 135-136 This Life I've Loved, Isobel Field's, and politics, 57, 116-117, 1 2 1 144 122 Thistle Club, see Scottish Thistle growing reputation, 13-14 Club studies Hawaiian language, 4 6 - thisde pin, gift to Stevenson, 133 47 Treasure Island, 13 and visitors, 3 9 - 4 1 Tremeloo, Belgium, 140 Stevenson, Thomas, 3, 14 Trip to Hawaii, A, C. W . Stod"Stevenson in Hawaii," Eleanor dard's, 141 Rivenburgh's, 153 Tropic Bird, bark, 78 Stevenson Society of America, 125 Troubled Heart, A, C. W . Stod"Stevenson's Only Bust from Life," dard's, 139 Allen Hutchinson's, 158 Trousseau, Dr., 120, 121, 122 Stevensoniana, J. A. Hammerton's, "Tusitala," Stevenson, 155 152 Tusitala Street, Honolulu, 146 Stickit Minister, The, 118-119 Tutuila, Samoa, 55 Stoddard, Charles Warren, 8 - 1 3 , Typee, Herman Melville's, 11, 21 16, 58, 59, 94, 104, 139-140 Strong, Austin, 27, 53, 112, 140, 142 Strong, Isobel Osbourne, 4, 8, 9, Umatilla, ship, 78, 82, 85, 86 25, 26, 27, 29, 35, 43, 52, United States, 117, 143 53, 112, 116, 129, 140, 142, 143, 144 V Strong, Joseph Dwight, 9, 25, 26, 27, 35, 43, 53, 56, 57, 58, Vailima, 112, 148 99, 116, 124, 129, 140, 142, Vendetta in the West, A, 5 Victoria, Queen, 66, 143 155 Voyage of the Nyanza, Dewar's, Sumner, Mrs. George, 159 144 Swift, Dr., 91

u

181

West Maui, 63 Wightman, John, Jr., 5 4 - 5 5 , 56, 149, 150 Wilder, Samuel, estate, 146, 147 Williams, Dora, 8, 16, 17 Williams, Virgil, 8, 9, 16, 141 Wilson, William Frederick, 117, 132 Windmill Cottage, Sans Souci, 116 Wrecker, The, 9, 57, 103, 104, 135, 140, 148 Wrong Box, The, 46, 148

W

W. G. Hall, ship, 63, 64, 77, 81, 82, 152 Waikahi, girl at Bishop Home, 92, 156 Waikiki, Honolulu, 27, 28, 79 Waikolu, Molokai, 95 Wailau, Molokai, % Waianae Range, Oahu, 117 Walker, Captain F. D., 150, 151 Walker, Hon. J. S., 133 Walker, Mrs. Thomas Rain, 85 Wandering Minstrel, ship, 57, 103, 150 Washington Place, 117 Waterhouse, J. T., Sr., 85

z Zealandia,

ship, 151

PRODUCTION NOTE Stevenson in Hawaii has been set entirely in Linotype Garamond except for inset capital letters, which are 48 point Bodoni, and the title, which is 30 point Bodoni. Chapter headings and half-titles are 18 point; the body of the book is 14 point solid, quotations 11 point, leaded one point; appendices are 11 point solid, quotations 9 point, leaded one point; the index is 9 point solid. Sixteen pages, including all pages with halftones, have been printed by offset, the remainder by letterpress. Paper stock is Butler Brands substance 70 "Natural Dresden Pamphlet." Endpapers are Curtis Paper Company substance 65 "Tweedweave, Laid, Wine." Covers were manufactured by S. K. Smith Co., Chicago, of Joanna-Western Mills "Duro Impreglin, Natural." Cover sketch was by Raymond Higuchi. The book was designed by William S. Ellis. FIRST P R I N T I N G , N O V E M B E R , 1 9 5 0 : 2 , 0 0 0 C O P I E S

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