St. Augustine's Interpretation of the Psalms of Ascent 0813227038, 9780813227030

Table of contents :
Contents
Acknowledgments
A Note on the Latin and English Texts of the Enarrationes in Psalmos
Abbreviations
Introduction
1. Patristic Exegesis and the Psalter
2. Delivery and Transmission of the Enarrationes
3. The Social, Cultural, and Ecclesial Context of the Enarrationes
4. St. Augustine's Interpretation of the Psalms of Ascent
5. An Exploration of Enarrationes 120–25
Conclusion
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

St. Augustine ’s Interpretation of the Psalms of Ascent

ST. AUGUSTINE’S

Interpretation of the Psalms of Ascent

d

Gerard McLarney

The Catholic University of America Press Washington, D.C.

Copyright © 2014 The Catholic University of America Press All rights reserved The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standards for Information Science—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. ∞ Design and typesetting by Kachergis Book Design Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data McLarney, Gerard. St. Augustine’s interpretation of the Psalms of ascent / Gerard McLarney. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8132-2703-0 (cloth : alk. paper)  1. Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo. Enarrationes in Psalmos. Selections.  2. Bible. Psalms, CXIX–CXXXIII—Criticism, interpretation, etc.— Early works to 1800.  I. Title. BR65.A7282M35 2014 223'.206—dc23  2014020722

subvention provided by Jewish Federation of Greater Hartford

To my family, especially my parents and my wife, for the support to pursue a richer understanding of the faith

Contents Acknowledgments xi A Note on the Latin and English Texts of the Enarrationes in Psalmos xiii Abbreviations xv

d Introduction 1 1. Patristic Exegesis and the Psalter  9 2. Delivery and Transmission of the Enarrationes 69 3. The Social, Cultural, and Ecclesial Context of the Enarrationes 96 4. St. Augustine’s Interpretation of the Psalms of Ascent: The Example of Enarratio 119  123 5. An Exploration of Enarrationes 120–25 151 Conclusion 199

d Bibliography 219 Index 243

Acknowledgments This work is the fruit of years of study and significant revisions to a dissertation completed at Pontifical University, St. Patrick’s College, Maynooth, in 2010. I wish to express my gratitude and thanks to the following. First, Rev. Brendan McConvery, CSsR—who has since retired from the Department of Sacred Scripture, Pontifical University, St. Patrick’s College, Maynooth —for his never failing help, insightful feedback, and guidance throughout the research and writing phases of this work. Gratitude and thanks are also given to the Faculty of Theology of the Pontifical University, St. Patrick’s College, Maynooth, and to the Faculty of Newman Theological College and St. Joseph’s Seminary, Edmonton, for their inspiration for my choosing to study sacred scripture and patristic exegesis. I must not forget, of course, the collegial support from the faculty members of St. Joseph’s College, University of Alberta. Their heartening encouragement has been indispensable. This work is also indebted to the helpful advice and insight offered by Fr. Thomas Norris and Dr. Carol Harrison. And last, but by no means least, I must acknowledge the unwavering encouragement of my family, including my parents, Gerry and Pauline, and my wife, Tracy. Without their love and ceaseless support this book would not be possible.

xi

A Note on the Latin and English Texts of the Enarrationes in Psalmos Latin quotations from the Enarrationes, unless otherwise indicated, are from the Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum (CSEL) series. Five volumes of the CSEL series containing most of the Enarrationes were published successively 2001–5, followed by two further volumes in 2011. The CSEL numbering for the Enarrationes, unfortunately, is somewhat cumbersome. The Enarrationes, for instance, are divided into volumes 93.1, 93.1B, 94.1, 95.1, 95.3, 95.4, and 95.5, rather than into successive volumes or one volume with subdivisions. The published volumes correspond to Psalms 1–32, 51–60, 101–9, 119–33, 134–40, and 141–50. The remaining Enarrationes are yet to be published in the CSEL series but are contained in the Corpus christianorum series latina (CCSL) series volumes 38–40. English citations are taken from the Works of Saint Augustine: A Translation for the 21st Century (WSA) series: Saint Augustine, Expositions of the Psalms (trans. Maria Boulding, 6 vols.: WSA III/15–III/20, Hyde Park, N.Y.: New City Press, 2000– 2004), unless otherwise noted. When quoted, both the volume and page number are given. It may also be noted that numbering for Psalms follows the Latin and Greek numbering Augustine utilized. This numbering also corresponds to the numbering of his expositions.

xiii

Abbreviations Abbreviations of commonly known periodicals conform to the style cited in the Society of Biblical Literature Handbook of Style: For Ancient Near Eastern, Biblical, and Early Christian Studies (Hendrickson Publishers, 1999). Abbreviations that are not included in the Society of Biblical Literature Handbook of Style are included below. AEPHE

Annuaire de École Pratique des Hautes Études

AHIS

Augustinian Historical Institute Series

AJP

American Journal of Philology

Ang

Angelicum

AnTard

Antiquité Tardive

AmiCl

L’Ami du Clergé

AOTS

Augsburg Old Testament Studies

ATTA  Augustine through the Ages: An Encyclopedia. Edited by Allan Fitzgerald. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1999. Aug

Augustinianum

Augana

Augustiniana

AugStud

Augustinian Studies

BAug

Bibliothèque Augustinienne

BBibC

Blackwell Bible Commentaries

BerOl

Berit Olam: Studies in Hebrew Narrative and Poetry

xv

xvi Abbreviations CDT  A Catholic Dictionary of Theology. Edited by H. F. Davis. 3 vols. London: Nelson, 1962. CHB  Cambridge History of the Bible. Edited by Stanley Greenslade. 3 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. CCSL

Corpus Christianorum: Series latina

CSEL

Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum

EAug

Études augustinniennes

ECh  Encyclopedia of Christianity. Edited by E. Fahlbusch, J. M. Lochman, J. Mbiti, J. Pelikan, L. Vischer, G. Bromiley, and D. Barrett. 5 vols. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2002. EDNT  Exegetical Dictionary of the New Testament. Edited by H. Balz, G. Schneider. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990–93. EECh  Encyclopedia of the Early Church. Edited by A. di Berardino. Translated by A. Walford. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. EncJud Encyclopaedia Judaica. Edited by Cecil Roth. 16 vols. Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House, 1972. ESA

Expositions on the Songs of Ascent

ETL

Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses

FC

Fathers of the Church

GOTR

Greek Orthodox Theological Review

IJST

International Journal of Systematic Theology

Int

Interpretation

JAAR

Journal of the American Academy of Religion

JECS

Journal of Early Christian Studies

JR

Journal of Religion

JRS

Journal of Roman Studies

JSS

Journal of Semitic Studies



Abbreviations xvii

JSOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Testament: Supplement Series KMJ

Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch

M&L

Music and Letters

MECL

Music in Early Church Literature

Mils

Milltown Studies

NJPS Tanakh: The Holy Scriptures: The New JPS Translation according to the Traditional Hebrew Text NPNF1

Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series 1

NPNF2

Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series 2

OrChrAn Orientalia christiana analecta PL Patrologia latina. Edited by Jacques-Paul Migne. 217 vols. Paris, 1844–64. PRIA

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy

ProE

Pro Ecclesia

RAM

Revue d’Ascétique et de Mystique

RcAug

Recherches augustininnes

REAug

Revue des études augustiniennes

RHCM

Revue d’Histoire et de Civilisation du Maghreb

RSR

Recherches de science religieuse

RSV

Revised Standard Version

SBLDS

Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series

SLet

toria e letteratura

StPatr

Studia patristica

TAPA

Transactions of the American Philological Association

Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Edited by TDNT  G. Kittel and G. Friedrich. Translated by G. W. Bromiley. 10 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964–76. THLS

Theory of History and Literature Series

xviii Abbreviations THOTC The Two Horizon Old Testament Commentary Series TS

Theological Studies

VSpir

Vie spirituelle

VT

Vetus Testamentum

WBC

Word Biblical Commentary

The Works of Saint Augustine: A Translation for the WSA  21st Century WTJ

Westminster Theological Journal

WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament

St. Augustine ’s Interpretation of the Psalms of Ascent

Introduction

d Much has been written on patristic exegesis, and even more on St. Augustine. After St. Paul, Augustine “has remained the most prominent and most widely studied author in western Christianity,” argues patristic scholar Hubertus Drobner.1 Thinkers such as St. Anselm, St. Thomas Aquinas, Martin Luther, John Calvin, and Rene Descartes have been profoundly influenced by Augustine’s thought, and the late historian of Christian doctrine Jaroslav Pelikan has gone so far as to say that Alfred North Whitehead’s oft-quoted statement, that all of Western philosophy can be read as a “series of footnotes to Plato,” could just as easily be modified to a “series of footnotes to Augustine.”2 Pelikan, of course, has in mind the manner in which Plato and Neoplatonism were transmitted to the West, chiefly in light of the writings of the bishop of Hippo. Yet his assertion may not be entirely overstated, and the sheer volume of research dedicated to Augustine is remarkable. One relatively 1. Hubertus R. Drobner, “Studying Augustine: An Overview of Recent Research” in Augustine and His Critics (ed. Robert Dodaro and George Lawless; London: Routledge, 2000), 18. 2. Jaroslav Pelikan, The Mystery of Continuity: Time and History, Memory and Eternity in the Thought of Saint Augustine (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1986), 140.

1

2 Introduction

recent estimate gauged the number of publications worldwide on the bishop of Hippo at a staggering fifty thousand, with several hundred being added annually.3 That said, Augustine’s exegetical works have not received the same scholarly scrutiny as The Confessions, De Trinitate, or The City of God, and the Enarrationes in Psalmos, the sermons on the Psalms, comprise only a fraction of Augustinian research, perhaps as little as several percent.4 The fact that the first part of a critical edition of the Enarrationes was published in 2001, whereas critical editions of the City of God (1853), The Confessions (1896), or De doctrina christiana (1963), have long been available, indicates the priorities of Augustinian research.5 Nevertheless, a growing body of scholarship on the Enarrationes has amassed in recent times. Some of the most notable literature, in any language, stems from a number of dissertations and follow-up articles and books considering the Enarrationes with respect to figurative exegesis (Cameron), fundamental theology (McCarthy), allegorical interpretation (Byassee), and Augustine’s hermeneutic of the whole Christ, or totus Christus (Fiedrowicz).6 These valuable contributions are but part of a wider scholarly focus on 3. Drobner, “Studying Augustine: An overview of recent research,” 18. 4. Ibid., 19. 5. Kenneth Steinhauser, “Manuscripts,” ATTA: 525. 6. Michael G. Cameron, “Augustine’s Construction of Figurative Exegesis against the Donatists in the Enarrationes in Psalmos” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1996); “Transfiguration: Christology and the Roots of Figurative Exegesis in St. Augustine” StPatr 33 (1997): 40–47; “The Christological Substructure of Augustine’s Figurative Exegesis,” in Augustine and the Bible, ed. Pamela Bright; vol. 2 of The Bible through the Ages, ed. Charles Kannengiesser and Pamela Bright (Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press, 1999), 74–103; “Totus Christus and the Psychagogy of Augustine’s Sermons,” AugSt 36 (2005): 59–70. Michael C. McCarthy, “The Revelatory Psalm: A Fundamental Theology of Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos” (PhD diss., University of Notre Dame, 2003); “An Ecclesiology of Groaning: Augustine, the Psalms, and the Making of Church” TS 66 (2005): 23–48. Jason D. Byassee, “Praise Seeking Understanding: Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos and the Christological Schooling of Biblical Exegesis” (PhD diss., Duke University, 2005); Praise Seeking Understanding: Reading the Psalms with Augustine (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2007). Michael

Introduction 3

premodern exegesis, and intersect with a variety of disciplinary perspectives.7 Their contributions generally consider the Enarrationes as a whole and tend to draw their insights from aspects of Augustine’s Christological interpretation of the Psalter. This current work considers St. Augustine’s exegetical strategy in the Enarrationes with specific to how Augustine interprets the Psalms for his audience. One particular grouping of expositions, the sermons on the Songs of Ascent (Ps 119–33) are considered in detail. A deliberative examination on a focused set of homilies yields numerous dividends. On the one hand, scholars often esteem the Enarrationes as a cohesive composition similar to works such as De doctrina christiana or De Trinitate. Though the Enarrationes were composed over a lengthy period of time like the latter works, such a view, for a variety of reasons, is not warranted. In fact, the perception that the Enarrationes are a linear or coherent oeuvre has led to frequent overstatements characterizing Augustine’s interpretation of the Psalter.8 Beneath the long umbra cast by the totus Christus or vox Christi interpretations glimmer other unique interpretative features, as we shall see in the expositions on the Songs of Ascent. Exploring a limited set of homilies, on the other hand, has the benefit of tracing in detail Augustine’s laborious yet eloquent movement through each word and turn of phrase in the biblical text. Drawing deeply from the Enarrationes, in other words, Fiedrowicz, “Psalmus vox totius Christi: Studien zu Augustins Enarrationes in Psalmos” (PhD diss., Ruhr-Universität, 1997); Psalmus vox totius Christi: Studien zu Augustins “Enarrationes in Psalmos” (Freiburg: Herder, 1997); introduction to Saint Augustine, Expositions of the Psalms 1–32, trans. M. Boulding (Hyde Park, N.Y.: New City Press, 2000), 13–66. 7. As a category, premodern writers are understood here to include early Christian-, medieval-, and Reformation-era thinkers. Calvin, for instance, would be on the outer cusp of premodern writers. The term “premodern” is preferred to “precritical” since it avoids the assumption that these thinkers where in some way inattentive or unquestioning in their reading. 8. See pages 85–87 for discussion.

4 Introduction

need not entail a frenetic survey of each exposition from this unwieldy opus.9 Moreover, the Songs of Ascent themselves are an identifiable unit in the Psalter and thus serve as a useful and logical delimiter.10 The expositions as well appear to have been delivered in succession within a relatively short time frame.11 Further, despite the growing scholarly attentiveness to the Enarrationes, or more broadly, to patristic exegesis as a whole, a detailed examination of these specific homilies is sorely lacking.12 Examining how Augustine performs his exegesis of the Psalms for his audience is also a significant question, particularly in light of recent efforts in biblical studies to engage in “theological exegesis” and move beyond an exclusively or predominately historical interpretation of sacred scripture. There is no agreed-upon definition for this burgeoning approach, but the basic premise of theological exegesis presumes that scripture is fruitfully read in relation to the life and faith of the Christian 9. The Enarrationes span some 1,900 columns in Migne—a staggering amount by any estimation. Maria Boulding’s Expositions of the Psalms (6 vols.; WSA III.15–20: New York: New City Press, 2000–4) is the first complete English translation in 150 years, comprising six sizeable volumes. The saying that anyone claiming to have read all of Augustine is a liar almost seems fit for the Enarrationes themselves! 10. Évode Beaucamp, “L’unité du recueil des monteés: Psaumes 120–134,” LASBF 29 (1979): 73–90. 11. See pages 90–95. 12. There are only two articles on expositions on the Psalms of Ascent, Henri Rondet, “St. Augustin et les psaumes des montée,” RAM 41 (1965): 3–18, and Michael C. McCarthy, “The Psalms of Ascent as Word of God in Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos,” Augustinian Studies 41 (2010): 109–20. Though brief, these informative articles explore various aspects of these sermons. Rondet provides an overview of the content of these expositions while considering historical issues such as their relation to other expositions, the dates of delivery, and location. McCarthy, on the other hand, considers Augustine’s theology of scripture and focuses largely on Enarrat. Ps. 119. See also George Lawless, “Psalm 132 and Augustine’s Monastic Ideal” 59 Ang (1982): 526–39; Thomas Martin, “Nec ascensiones pedibus corporalibus quaeramus (en. Ps. 119.1): Relocating Practice; Augustine on Pilgrimages of the Heart,” paper delivered at the American Academy of Religion Annual Conference, Denver, Colo., November 17–20, 2001. This paper has since been made available online, “Augustine on Pilgrimages for the Heart,” accessed January 9, 2009, http://people.vanderbilt.edu/james.p.burns/chroma/ practices/pilgrimartin.htm.

Introduction 5

Church, which centers on the figure of Jesus Christ.13 That historical criticism cannot be conveniently paired with the spiritual approach characteristic of ancient exegesis comes as little surprise given their disparate starting points and assumptions. In terms of interest among contemporary biblical scholars, it may be useful to cite the experience of Dale Allison and his interpretation of Matthew.14 Although anecdotal, it brings a number of concerns to the fore. Allison began his study of Matthew in the 1970s with specific historical questions in mind such as the author’s identity, the time and place of composition, his use of sources, his relationship to the synagogue, and so forth. Allison continues to wrestle with these questions, but his concerns have broadened to include both the history of interpretation (Auslegungsgeschichte) as well as the ongoing influence of the text throughout history (Wirkungsgeschichte) upon the faith community and beyond. He notes that the exploration of premodern commentary is not simply an antiquarian interest, but is “an integral part of faithful interpretation” crucial in the effort to “pass beyond traditional historical-critical questions and answers and bring Matthew’s text into our present world.”15 As an example, Allison notes that the historical-critical perspective may have little to say about certain passages in Matthew such as 5:8 (“blessed are the pure in heart for they shall see God”) or 12:31 13. Robert W. L. Moberly, Bible, Theology and Faith: A Study of Abraham and Jesus (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 4–6. Some other pertinent works on the topic include Sandra M. Schneiders, The Revelatory Text: Interpreting the New Testament as Sacred Scripture, 2nd ed. (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1999). The efforts of N. T. Wright, L. T. Johnson, and Peter Stuhlmacher are surveyed in Bernd Sixtus, “Bridging the Gap? On Some Suggestions towards Solving the Normative Problem in Ecclesial Exegesis,” SJT 58 (2005): 13–38. For a book by book survey of theological exegesis of the Bible see Kevin J. Vanhoozer, ed., Theological Interpretation of the New Testament (London: SPCK, 2008), and Theological Interpretation of the Old Testament, (London: SPCK, 2008). 14. Dale C. Allison, “Matthew and the History of Its Interpretation,” ExpTim 120 (2008): 1–7. 15. Ibid., 2.

6 Introduction

(“blasphemy against the Spirit”) due to the lack of clues regarding how the author, or the original audience, would have understood the phrases. Premodern interpreters, however, engage in a host of fascinating discussions on topics such as whether or not God has a body, the nature of mystical experience, and so on. Allison also notes that more discoveries are likely to be made in the history of reception than in discerning its meaning in the original first-century context. As well, the history of reception can be “far richer and more theologically suggestive than either its literary or original historical intent.”16 Allison concludes that both historical criticism and engagement with previous interpreters are necessary in the process of interpretation, and suggests that the history of interpretation is also a revelatory source due to the Holy Spirit’s work in past interpretation. In what sense can past interpretation assist in contextualizing current interpretation, or provide a more colourful or theologically meaningful understanding of the nature or scope of the Psalter? Put another way, how can the biblical text become a place of encounter and engagement for critical readers, whether they sit in the pew or in the classroom? The scope of this current research is too limited to detail a comprehensive solution, yet the trends in patristic exegesis and biblical scholarship are worth calling to mind as we analyze how Augustine allows his audiences to enter into the inner dynamism and life of the Psalms. Fittingly, the first chapter seeks to contextualize the reception of the Psalter in the early Church and opens with a closer look at both patristic hermeneutical principles and Psalter commentaries. The Psalter, above all, was a choice text for exegetes in the ancient church, and the bishop of Hippo stands out as a notable commentator of the Psalms. His distinctive herme16. Ibid.

Introduction 7

neutical approaches to scripture and the Psalms are spelt out in conjunction with our survey of patristic exegesis and Psalter commentary. Emphasis is placed on how Augustine reads the Psalms, particularly the Songs of Ascent, with a hermeneutic of alignment. This hermeneutic describes Augustine’s attempt to align or establish continuity between the song of the Psalmist, the Psalmist, and the lives of his readers within an overarching common framework. Very often, it is only after this continuity, or alignment, has been established that Augustine proceeds to interpret the verses of the Psalm at hand. Thus, for Augustine, these Psalms are not simply read, sung, and preached in a North African basilica but are to be experienced and interpreted within the continuously unfolding journey of redemptive history. That is to say, for Augustine the reality of which the text speaks is not restricted to a past era, but continues into the present only to culminate at the end of time. Augustine sets before the eyes of his listeners the ascending Psalmist and other biblical voices, such as the prophets and the Apostle Paul, along with saints in procession, the triumphant martyrs, and all those mounting to Zion above—all the while exhorting, cajoling, and stirring his listeners to participate in the reality of which they sing. Prior to venturing deeply into this hermeneutical approach, our attention necessarily turns to contextualizing the Expositions on the Psalms. Discussion on the delivery and transmission of these Enarrationes forms the basis of chapter 2. Questions pertaining to the mechanics of the composition, recording, and circulation of the expositions, as well as the manuscript tradition of the expositions on the Songs of Ascent, are investigated along with the possible dates and locations of their delivery. The social, cultural, and liturgical milieux of the expositions are explored in the third chapter. Topics include African Christianity in Augustine’s time, the composition of a typical

8 Introduction

audience, and the structure of the liturgy with specific reference to the role of the Psalter. These serve to bring features of Augustine’s expositions such as the prominence of martyrs, the influence of Neoplatonism, the emphasis on spiritual combat, and the import of singing into sharper relief while exposing the immediate physical and liturgical realities in which they were delivered. In the fourth and fifth chapters, we turn to Augustine’s interpretation of the Psalms of Ascent as we plumb his exegetical sermons with the specific question in mind: how does Augustine interpret the ascent motif for his audience? The rhetor-turnedbishop does not perform his exegesis of the Psalter solely for personal benefit but coaxes his audience into the life and dynamism of the Songs. In chapter 4 we explore only the first of his sermons on the Psalms of Ascent, Enarratio 119, in order to describe Augustine’s hermeneutic of alignment at work. More specifically, we consider how rhetorical techniques, theological reasoning, and exegetical arguments enable him to bridge the gap between text and reader, thereby bringing the Psalmist, the scriptural text, the exegete, and the ecclesial community into living communion. Chapter 5 outlines subsequent expositions on the Psalms of Ascent and continues the argument that a major interpretative strategy in Augustine’s interpretation of the ascent motif is to align the audience and text at hand within the same unfolding drama of redemption history. Following our survey of the dynamics at play in the expositions on the Songs of Ascent (ESA), we conclude with points of consideration for how Augustine interprets the Psalter, and, in some small fashion, we hope to abet the significant work in progress centering on patristic exegesis and contemporary theology.

One

Patristic Exegesis and the Psalter

d The Psalms proved to be a choice text for patristic exposition—more so, it appears, than any other book of the Bible including the Gospels.1 The following highlights several underlying features of patristic Psalm commentaries, beginning with an exploration of the early Church’s relationship with the Psalms of David. The second section discusses the overwhelming popularity of the Psalter in the fourth century and what has become known as the psalmodic movement. This popularity, in both monastic and lay contexts, is reflected in our third topic, the attraction of patristic exegetes to the Psalms. Patristic exegetical assumptions regarding the mysterious and sacred writings contained in scripture are further explored with particular emphasis on Augustine’s hermeneutic of alignment. For Augustine, the Psalms are not simply read, sung, and preached in a North 1. Brian E. Daley, “Is Patristic Exegesis Still Usable? Reflections on Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms,” Communio: International Catholic Review 29 (2002): 204. Daley counts at least twenty known partial or complete commentaries by Latin and Greek writers prior to 600 AD, which is more than any other book in either the Old Testament or the New Testament.

9

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Patristic Exegesis

African basilica but are experienced and interpreted within a continuously unfolding reality. The remainder of the chapter delves into specific features of patristic commentaries on the Psalms, such as the significance of the superscriptions and Davidic Association, and briefly wades into the debate surrounding exegetical terminology such as allegory and typology. A cursory overview of hermeneutical and exegetical techniques often associated with St. Augustine, such as the totus Christus or vox Christi, concludes this introduction to patristic Psalm commentary and paves the way for further elaboration upon the Enarrationes in subsequent chapters

The Psalter and the Early Church New Testament Witness

From the Church’s birth to the present day, the Psalter has played a profound and cherished role.2 Whether on the lips of contemporary religious praying the Divine Office, or on the mouths of the faithful gathered for liturgy, the Psalms of Israel have been heard when Christians gather. Although the evidence for their incorporation into first-century synagogue and temple worship is debated, some have argued that at this time the Psalms would have been recited by heart and used as “an aid to personal piety, instruction and devotion” (cf. Ps 1:2) by pious Jews.3 The presence of over thirty manuscripts of the 2. “Not a branch of the Church but uses it, and that in nearly every type of service,” reasons John A. Lamb, The Psalms in Christian Worship (London: Faith Press, 1962), 160. 3. Georg P. Braulik, “Psalter and Messiah: Towards a Christological Understanding of the Psalms in the Old Testament and the Church Fathers,” in Psalms and Liturgy, ed. Dirk J. Human and Cas J. Vos (London: T & T Clark, 2004), 20. See also Pierre Grelot, Le mystère du Christ dans les psaumes (Paris: Desclée, 1999), 249–51. The suggestion that Jesus recited the Psalms in a synagogal context or meditated upon them in private prayer, argues Grelot, is not an arbitrary claim nor one founded solely on imagination, 250–51. In any case, there is no coherent understanding of Jewish



Patristic Exegesis

11

Psalms among the Dead Sea scrolls suggests widespread usage of psalms at Qumran. Psalms, moreover, appear to have been not only utilized in Qumran for liturgical or private prayer but used as sources for instruction and commentary as well as prophetic expectation.4 The witness of the earliest Church (1 Cor 14:26; Eph 5:19; Col 3:16; Jas 5:13; cf. Acts 16:25; Rev 5:8–9) attests to the usage of the ψαλμός (Lat: psalmus) in Christian worship and practice.5 Passing references such as these, nonetheless, provide little rationale for the central role the Psalter came to play in Christian liturgy, devotion, and patristic writings.6 Variliturgy prior to the destruction of the temple, as pointed out by William Holladay, The Psalms through Three Thousand Years: Prayer Book of a Cloud of Witnesses (Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress Press, 1993), 139. John A. Smith’s attempt to distinguish various groups of psalms sung by Levites during Second Temple Judaism remains speculative; Smith, “Which Psalms Were Sung in the Temple?” 71 M&L (1990): 167–86. With the exception of the Hallel psalms (Ps 113–118), the Psalms were omitted from Jewish liturgy in Talmudic times, says Louis I. Rabinowitz, “Psalms, Book of,” EncJud, ed. Cecil Roth ( Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House, 1972), 13:1323. There is speculation that the Psalter was utilized in Palestinian synagogue worship in a triennial cycle but this too is debated. See Lamb, The Psalms in Christian Worship, 14–15. 4. Susan Gillingham, Psalms through the Centuries, vol. 1, Blackwell Bible Commentaries (Oxford: Blackwell, 2008), 9–13. 5. There are a handful of New Testament references to singing (ψάλλω 5 times; ὑμνέω 4 times) and to songs or hymns (ψαλμός 7 times; ὕμνος 2 times). The term ψαλμός can refer to striking chords on a musical instrument, a pious song, or a canonical Psalm; in the context of Luke 24:44 it may refer, in a broader sense, to wisdom writings (cf. Prologue Sir). It is clear that New Testament references to Psalms and hymns are not to secular songs, but to the public worship of God, Monika Rutenfranz, “ὑμνέω,” EDNT 3:392. Nonetheless, there is debate over whether the Pauline references to singing are to canonical Psalms. For instance, Gerhard Delling, “ὕμνος,” TDNT 8:499, argues that Paul does not refer to a canonical Psalm in 1 Cor 14:26 (cf. Eph 5:19; Col 3:16). Notably, Greek and Latin Christian writers as late as the fourth century refer to ψαλμός/psalmus for nonbiblical compositions. Early Christian usage, nonetheless, “would seem to favor interpreting the term as reference to the biblical psalms,” states Robert Taft, “Christian Liturgical Psalmody: Origins, Development, Decomposition, Collapse,” in Psalms in Community: Jewish and Christian Textual, Liturgical, and Patristic Traditions, ed. Harold Attridge and Margot Fassler (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature Press, 2003), 8–9. 6. The Psalter, along with Genesis and Isaiah, are the Old Testament books quoted most frequently in the first three Christian centuries. Liturgical usage “partly

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ous speeches in Acts (1:16; 2:25; 4:25, etc.) and Jesus’ resurrection appearances (Lk 24:44), on the other hand, point directly to the deep-seated and the ultimately mysterious place of the Psalter in the faith of those baptized into the life, death, and resurrection of Christ Jesus. It is the risen Lord himself who places a claim on the words of the Psalms, and the entire Old Testament, as being fulfilled in him (Lk 24:44). Admittedly the term ψαλμός in Luke 24:44 may designate other wisdom writings as well,7 but the basic point remains: intermediaries sent by God, such as the prophets, King David, and other sacred writers, announced and prepared the way for the coming Savior who has now arrived. Furthermore, it is this same Savior, as Pierre Grelot notes, who “becomes the key to interpreting all of the texts that preceded him.”8 Accordingly, the first Christians and New Testament writers look to these sacral texts to shed light upon the death and resurrection (Acts 2:25; Heb 1:8–10, 13) and upon their lived experience (Acts 1:16; cf. 1 Cor 9:9; 1 Cor 10.2; 1 Tim 5:18). It can be said, in other words, that Christ establishes a permanent dialectic between himself and the Old Testament, and this is the primary reason for why the early Church turned to the Old Testament for insight. The Psalter in particular, due in no small part to its Davidic and messianic character, became an area of acute interpretative activity.9 Fittingly, the image we later find in patristic commentaries of the Psalter is a room with many keys, with each Psalm possessing a particular key to unexplains the dominance, but does not account for the motivation,” observes Adalbert G. Hamman, “L’Utilisation des psaumes dans les deux premiers siècles chrétiens,” StPatr 18 (1987): 363. 7. See footnote 5 in this chapter. 8. Pierre Grelot, The Language of Symbolism: Biblical Theology, Semantics, and Exegesis, trans. C. R. Smith (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 2006), 205. See also Grelot, Le mystère du Christ dans les psaumes, 94–98. 9. James Luther Mays, “The David of the Psalms,” Int 40 (1986): 153–54. More is said on David and messianism on in the discussion on Patristic Psalm Commentaries below.



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lock its meaning.10 Saint Augustine, albeit without explicit reference to this analogy, provides his own hermeneutical key to the Psalter. He remarks, “Our Lord’s cross was like a key for opening what was locked away.”11 Such a statement, made several centuries after Jesus’ death and resurrection, underscores the patristic tendency to read the Psalter in light of the Christ event. The Psalter in the Post–New Testament Period

In turning to early non–New Testament Christian writings, there is little surprise to find post–Apostolic Fathers, such as St. Clement of Rome, quoting from the Psalter.12 The postApostolic Church would look to the Psalms to better understand the mystery of Christ, yet unlike the New Testament (cf. Lk 1:46f, 1:68f; Phil 2:6–11; Col 1:15–19; Rev 5:9f ) there is “clear paucity of hymnic sections throughout [their] works.”13 Similarly, turning to first-century Jewish synagogal practices in order to understand early Christian usage of the Psalter yields fewer clues than once thought.14 10. See for instance, St. Jerome, Hom. Ps. 1 (FC 48:3). 11. Enarrat. Ps. 45.1 (WSA 2:310). For comment on this specific quote see H. de Lebac, Medieval Exegesis, trans. Mark Sebanc [translation of Exégèse Médiévale: Les Quatre Sens de L’Ecriture, vol 1] (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1998), 1:239. 12. 1 Clem. 3.5. A list of Psalm citations by the post-Apostolic Fathers can found in TDNT 8:487. 13. Clayton N. Jefford, The Apostolic Fathers and the New Testament (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 2006), 68. This dearth is all the more surprising given that the New Testament itself does not contain collected hymn books as found in the Old Testament (the Psalter), the Dead Sea Scroll Hodayot (1QH), or the Pharisees’ Psalms of Solomon, remarks Raymond Brown, An Introduction to the New Testament (Toronto: Doubleday, 1997), 489. With respect to Christian hymnic material, strong arguments have been made for its presence in the Lukan infancy narratives, John’s Prologue, and Revelation. Brown, Introduction, further remarks that scholarly estimates on the number of hymns found in the New Testament epistles ranges from five to thirty, 491. 14. The classical work emphasizing a continuity between Jewish and Christian liturgy and singing is Eric Werner, The Sacred Bridge: The Interdependence of Liturgy and Music in Synagogue and Church during the First Millennium, 2 vols. (New York:

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Saint Hippolytus of Rome, St. Clement of Alexandria, and later Tertullian and St. Cyprian provide late second- and thirdcentury witnesses to the usage of “psalms” in liturgy or private prayer.15 The significance of these references is difficult to evaluate. Hitherto Christians had been composing hymns, also called “psalms,” for worship. Tertullian, for instance, states that liturgical hymns may be drawn either from the holy scriptures or from free composition.16 Saint Cyprian’s reference to a mealtime song speaks explicitly of singing a “psalm”: “Now as the sun is sinking towards evening, let us spend what remains of the day in gladness and not allow the hour of repast to go untouched by heavenly grace. Let a psalm be heard at the sober banquet [Sonet psalmos convivium sobrium].”17 Since the distinction between canonical Psalms and “psalms” of free composition is not held fast among early Christian writers, the term “psalmos” employed by Cyprian may simply refer to a hymn rather than one of the Psalms.18 Significantly, some have argued, with reason, that up until the latter half of the third century canonical Psalms were viewed as a book of readings rather than as a collection of hymns.19 The rise of Gnosticism and the popularity of hymns composed by heretical leaders such as Valentinus, however, likely led to a tighter definition of “psalm” as well as the curtailment of hymnic composition.20 By the mid-fourth century, a canon from the Synod of Columbia University Press, 1959). For a critical reevaluation of this position, see especially Peter Jeffery, “Philo’s Impact on Christian Psalmody,” in Psalms in Community: Jewish and Christian Textual, Liturgical, and Patristic Traditions, ed. Harold Attridge and Margot Fassler (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature Press, 2003), 148–55. 15. St. Hippolytus, Trad. ap. 25; Tertullian Apol. 39.17, De Amina 9.4, De Or. 28.27; St. Clement, Strom. 7:7. See also Hamman, “L’Utilisation des Psaumes,” 371. 16. Tertullian, Apol. 39:17 17. Cyprian, Ad Donatum 16 (MECL 94; PL 4:222). 18. James McKinnon, “The Book of Psalms, Monasticism, and the Western Liturgy,” in The Place of the Psalms in the Intellectual Culture of the Middle Ages, ed. Nancy van Deusen (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999), 46. 19. See especially ibid., 43–45. 20. Daley, “Finding the Right Key: The Aims and Strategies of Early Christian



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Laodicea explicitly forbade privately composed psalms or noncanonical books from being read aloud in Church.21

The Psalter and the Psalmodic Movement of the Fourth Century Although the above survey of the Psalter within the early Church highlights its usage in the first two centuries of Christianity, it does not make obvious the reasons for the overwhelming popularity of the Psalms with Augustine and other late-fourth- and early-fifth-century expositors. Several factors contributed to this increased interest. First, the curtailment of noncanonical hymns served to augment the popularity of the Psalter.22 Abetting this raised interest was the meteoric rise of monasticism following the conquest of Constantine.23 In the words of American musicologist James McKinnon, this shift, known as the “psalmodic movement,” was “an unprecedented wave of enthusiasm for the singing of psalms that swept from east to west through the Christian population in the closing decades of the fourth century.”24 Its impact was noticeable not only in the liturgy or among the laity and clergy but also in monastic circles. Monks fleeing urban centers and attempting to cultivate a life of prayer turned to the Psalter, which offered a host of spiritual benefits, such as stirring one’s love for God, giving flight to the passions and the devil, teaching wisdom, and fostering reInterpretation of the Psalms,” in Psalms in Community: Jewish and Christian Textual, Liturgical, and Patristic Traditions, ed. Harold Attridge and Margot Fassler (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature Press, 2003), 190. 21. Ibid. 22. Taft, “Christian Liturgical Psalmody,” 10. 23. Daley, “Finding the Right Key,” 190. 24. James McKinnon, “Desert Monasticism and the Later Fourth-Century Psalmodic Movement,” M&L 75 (1994): 506. It is in this article that McKinnon coins the phrase “psalmodic movement.”

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pentance.25 Significantly, in the monastic mindset prayer (oratio) was more than the mere recitation of scripture. The Psalter or other scriptural books could provide the words and the language for expression, but this was to be matched by an interior disposition and spontaneity of the heart. Thus, in one sense, it could be said that monks of the fourth century did not pray the Psalms; rather the Psalms were a means of beginning prayer. Columba Stewart, in his work on John Cassian, elaborates upon prayer in the monastic milieu: “[Prayer] happened when the flow of recited or sung text paused and the heart spoke from its own appropriation of the texts. Offered by each monk in silence and then communally in a prayer by the leader, such prayer arises from, and responds to, the biblical words that have been vocalized.”26 Such prayer, according to Cassian’s theology of prayer, ultimately seeks a transcendence from things seen, thought, or recited in the hopes of encountering God even if only temporarily.27 The manner in which the Psalms permeate and are appropriated in Augustine’s Confessions is entirely fitting when understood within this light. The vocabulary the bishop employs to express his prayers and thoughts, both about God and to God, is formulated largely from the words of the Psalter. He is not quoting the Psalms verbatim so much as drawing two, three, or sometimes four words from a given Psalm. These, in turn, may be spliced with words from another Psalm, or several.28 Augustinian scholar Suzanne Poque rightly points out in her study of 25. Daley, “Finding the Right Key,” 190. 26. Columba Stewart, Cassian the Monk (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 101. 27. Ibid., 99. 28. The line “Tu autem, Domine Deus meus, exaudi, respice et vide et miserere et sana me, in cuius oculis mihi quaestio factus sum et ipse est languor meus” (Conf. 10.33.50), for instance, draws upon Psalms 6.3; 12:4; 24.16–17; 102.2. See Suzanne Poque, “Les Psaumes dans les Confessions,” in Saint Augustin et la Bible, ed. A-M. La Bonnardière (Paris: Beauchesne, 1986), 157.



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the Psalter in the Confessions that Augustine’s heavy borrowing from the Psalms in the work is, on one level, a matter of style.29 For Christians of late antiquity, the Bible, despite its perceived stylistic inferiority to classical literature, served as a model to be emulated, even if it was not quoted at length.30 Yet the usage of the Psalms in the Confessions is not simply ornamental. They are a means to express the longings of a heart in search of rest in God. In short, the words of the Psalter provide the vocabulary for Augustine’s dialogue of prayer with God the Father. Monastic and Cathedral Offices and St. Augustine

Distinction should be made between the monastic recitation of the Psalter and its usage among the laity, particularly in regard to the bishop of Hippo. The monastic office, which developed in Egypt, Cappadocia, and Syria, detailed the practice of reciting the Psalms over the course of a week at fixed intervals. Conforming one’s heart to the word of God was paramount for the monk, whereas ceremony, hymns, feasts, or liturgical seasons were of no interest. Even the Eucharist does not appear to have played an integral role in day-to-day early monastic life.31 The Psalms were often recited aloud by a reader, one by one, in their sequential order while listeners meditatively appropriated the words as their personal prayer. The words served as a mirror of sorts for the listener, who could see his own state reflected in the text and feel remorse or compunction at his sinfulness.32 This ruminating or “chewing” upon the words of scripture, in 29. Poque, “Les Psaumes dans les Confessions,” 155–56. 30. Frances M. Young, Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 2002), 100–103. 31. Taft, “Christian Liturgical Psalmody,” 11. 32. Peter Jeffery, “Monastic Reading and the Emerging Roman Chant Repertory,” in Western Plainchant in the First Millennium, ed. S. Gallagher, et al. (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate Publishing, 2003), 57.

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turn, remedied unclean thoughts and led to a right disposition before God. The cathedral, or nonmonastic office, on the other hand, established morning and evening hours for prayer for the clergy and laity who gathered under the direction of the bishop, or a presbyter in his absence, in the cathedral church.33 This latter office was not a “liturgy of the word” involving a sermon, but consisted of short and memorable selections from a suitable Psalm (such as Ps 140 for Vespers or Ps 62 for Matins). Ceremonial processions, incense, light, and congregational singing likewise accompanied the cathedral office, which centered primarily on the paschal mystery and the worship of God. In contrast to the monastic occupation with the interior life, the prosopological question, which sought to identify the “speaker” or the “voice” of a text, was a traditional concern for nonmonastic audiences.34 Another difference is that the laity, unlike the monks, would not possess a copy of the Psalter or have direct access to it in written form. This, nonetheless, did not preclude familiarity with the Psalms, or other scriptural passages, which were regularly heard at church.35 Saint Basil, for instance, remarks that even lukewarm or indifferent believers “chant the words of the psalms, even in the home, and they spread them around in the market place, and, if perchance, someone becomes exceedingly wrathful, when he begins to be soothed by the psalms, he departs with the wrath of his soul immediately lulled to sleep by means of the melody.”36 Basil’s account, undoubtedly, is idealistic. Nevertheless, the impression that the Psalms of David permeated the 33. Taft, “Christian Liturgical Psalmody,” 17. 34. For further discussion on the prosopological question, see section on Specific Features of Patristic Psalm Commentaries below. 35. Harry Gamble, Books and Readers in the Early Church: A History of Early Christian Texts (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 141. The topic of literacy in relation to Augustine’s audience is explored in chapter 3. 36. Basil, Hom. Ps 1, (FC 46.152).



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lives of fourth-century Christians, to the extent that they were to be found wafting through the air, as it were, around homes and places of work, is found elsewhere.37 With Augustine the influence of both monastic and cathedral practices is evident, which is only fitting given he is a bishop as well as the “Father of North African monasticism”— a fact that is often overlooked.38 His later expositions on the Psalms hold in tension both the concern for the interior life and the prosopological concern of determining the speaker of the text.39 Augustine most often sees the “speaker” of the Psalms as the voice of Christ—and not just Christ, but the “whole Christ” (totus Christus).40 Extrapolating from St. Paul’s theology of the Body of Christ, Christians as well as the martyrs, and all of the 37. Jerome, Ep. 46.12, for instance, speaks of the Psalms being chanted by laborers at the plough, the vine-dresser, the shepherd, or the tiller of the land. Reference and discussion of various reports from Sts. Gregory Nazianzen, Ambrose, Augustine, and Caesarius of Arles can be found in Taft, “Christian Liturgical Psalmody,” 23. Taft further notes that the “reliability of this positive testimony is reinforced by the fact that psalmody was about the only thing for which the fathers of the church praise rather than berate their congregations with regard to their behavior in church,” 23. On the prominence of the Psalter in the Syrian church, see Bryan D. Spinks, “A Note on the Peshitta Psalms and Their Use at Ramsa (Evening Prayer) in the East Syrian Tradition,” in Psalms in Community: Jewish and Christian Textual, Liturgical, and Patristic Traditions, ed. Harold Attridge and Margot Fassler (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature Press, 2003), 207–14. 38. Adolar Zumkeller, Augustine’s Ideal of the Religious Life, trans. E. Colledge (New York: Fordham University Press, 1986), 83. The Regula he tailored for the monastery in Hippo appears to have spread during his lifetime to a monastery near Carthage. Later the Rule was disseminated in Southern Europe, and became one of the sources for St. Benedict’s Rule. Augustine’s rule, noted for its flexibility and later popularity in the Middle Ages, lacks the structured detail for psalm praying found in the Benedictine Rule. See Lawless, “Regula,” ATTA, 707–9. On Augustine’s originating the monastic tradition of lectio divinia in the West see Frederick van Fleteren, “Principles of Augustine’s Hermeneutic: An Overview,” in Augustine: Biblical Exegete, ed. F. van Fleteren and J. C. Schnaubelt (New York: Peter Lang, 2001), 7. 39. Jeffery, “Monastic Reading and the Emerging Roman Chant Repertory,” 62. Jeffery calls the practice of “seeing oneself ” in the reading of scripture “eisoptrological exegesis,” based on the Greek term for “mirror,” 57. 40. On the topic of prosopological exegesis see “The Allegory and Typology Debate” subsection in this chapter.

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faithful throughout time who are one in Christ, join together in voicing the Psalm. Hence, from a prosopological perspective, Christ and all his members can be understood as the “speakers.” If this is the case, then the audience gazing into the mirror of scripture should see not only Christ, their head, but their own reflection as well. Augustine makes this expectation clear in the fourth exposition on the Songs of Ascent (Cantica graduum). In the psalm we hear the voices of jubilant singers; it is the exulting members of Christ who are chanting. But who exults in this world except people whose joy springs from hope, as I have explained? Let this hope be unhesitating in us, and let us sing for you. It is not as though these singers were strangers to us or as though our own voice were missing from this psalm. Listen to it as though you were hearing yourselves. Listen as though you were looking at your own reflection in the mirror of the scriptures. When you gaze into the scriptural mirror your own cheerful face looks back at you. When in your exultant hope you observe the likeness between yourself and other members of Christ, the members who first sang these verses, you will be certain that you are among his members, and you too will sing them.41

In listening to the Psalm, members of the audience gaze across the spatial and temporal limits of this world to the jubilance of the heavenly Jerusalem. That is to say, participation in the Psalm entails joining one’s voice with the voices of those in eternal unison with Christ. As Jeffery understands this telling passage, Augustine is drawing together the basic approaches of eisoptrological exegesis (the monastic tendency to understand the Psalms as a mirror), and prosopological exegesis.42 He may be right on this score, given the emphasis on scripture as a mirror along with the concern to identify the voice, or the speaker, of the Psalm. The injunction to identify those “who first sang these verses” not as 41. Enarrat. Ps. 123.3 (WSA 6:45). 42. Jeffery, “Monastic Reading and the Emerging Roman Chant Repertory,” 523.



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strangers but as fellow pilgrims, nonetheless, points to another interpretative phenomenon in the Expositions on the Songs of Ascent (ESA): aligning the text and audience within the common framework of redemptive history. More is said on this alignment as well as prosopological exegesis below, but prior to looking more closely at these features further background is given on the Psalms as a narrative of the soul’s journey.

The Patristic Psalter Commentary and the Psalms as a Narrative of the Soul Christian Living and Salvation: The Attraction of the Psalms

The Psalter’s prominence in the liturgical and devotional lives of Christians had been well established by the late fourth century, when Augustine first began his expositions on the Psalms. A substantial portion of these expositions, which were later entitled Enarrationes by Erasmus, were delivered within a liturgical context,43 yet his first foray into commentary on the Psalter was produced in the form of written commentary.44 In fact, it was not unknown for budding exegetes to cut their teeth, so to speak, on the familiar verses of the Psalter. The Antiochene exegete Theodore of Mopsuestia, for instance, like Origen before him, wrote his first exegetical work on the Psalms.45 43. Fiedrowicz, Psalmus vox totius Christi, 29. 44. This written commentary covered the first thirty-two Psalms. Though Augustine’s commentary on this portion of the Psalter is somewhat distinct, it is also subsumed under the title Enarrationes. The issue of dating the Enarrationes is taken up in chapter 2. Notably, Augustine’s first extended commentary on a New Testament text is his 393 work, On the Lord’s Sermon on the Mount, although his earliest written commentary appears to be On Genesis against the Manicheans, written sometime around 389, J. K. Coyle, “Genesi adversus Manicheos, De,” ATTA, 378–79. 45. Henri Crouzel, “Origen,” EECh 2: 620. St. John Chrysostom’s commentary

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Why this attraction? As noted, the Psalms were a natural choice for those seeking to plumb the depths of scriptures in attempts to more fully grasp the mystery of Christ. Braulik explains that the “Christology of the early church could to a large extent be described as a Christology of the Psalms, depicting Jesus Christ as being testified to in the Psalms of Israel and also as being interpreted by them.”46 Commentary upon the Psalter, however, was not undertaken merely in the attempt to satiate noetic desires or bolster doctrinal discourse. More fundamental than this, commentary on the sacred text, for both Alexandrian, Antiochene, and Latin exegetes, had, in part, as its object the formation and cultivation of Christian living, which necessitated a certain working knowledge of the meaning of the Psalms. The need for believers to understand the words they sing, for instance, is an attested motivation for commentators. Theodoret of Cyrus provides the following rationale for his exposition on the Psalms: “I wanted to do a commentary on this piece of inspired composition first of all, and offer to discerning investors the profit lying hidden in its depths, so that they might sing its melodies and at the same time recognize the sense of the words they sing, thus reaping a double dividend.”47 Such remarks are crucial in evaluating and contextualizing Theodoret’s commentary, which Robert Hill argues is “principally cognitive” as opposed to pastoral.48 As Theodoret’s preface indicates, however, on the Psalter is not dated, but appears to lack the maturity of his later works, says Robert Hill, introduction to John Chrysostom, St. John Chrysostom: Commentary on the Psalms (Brookline, Mass.: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 1998), 1:5. 46. Braulik, “Psalter and Messiah,” 15. 47. Theodoret, Preface, in Hill, “Theodoret, Commentator on the Psalms,” ETL 76 (2000): 90. 48. Hill goes on to say, “Rarely does he apply the meaning—literal, figurative, historical, eschatological, anagagoical, Christological—to the lives of his readers,” ibid., 91. Hill’s remarks should not be overemphasized. Theodoret’s interpretation of the table, oil, and cup of wine in Psalm 23: 4–5, for instance, reveals an obvious Christological and sacramental interpretation, Comm. Ps. 23.4 (FC 101: 157).



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he clearly seeks to empower believers to reap “profit” from the Psalter. Karen Torjesen speaks of a similar commonality shared among patristic writers from different locales and eras. From her study of Origen, Eusebius, Didymus, and Augustine, Torjesen concludes, “I have become convinced that, in the understanding of these exegetes, the Psalms record the journey of the soul.”49 Undoubtedly, the Fathers provide differing formulations and conceptions of this ascent, yet “the aim of interpretation is to discover how the Psalm directs the Christian life.”50 The Psalter, it can be said, not only contains a guide for moral living, but itself meditates healing and abets the journey of the soul. Athanasius’s Letter to Marcellinus is a case in point. The letter categorizes various psalms according to their respective content and type. Such categorization is not for mnemonic purposes or to draw attention to the various genres in the Psalter. Rather, the author is assisting the reader in discerning how a psalm applies to a given situation.51 Athanasius points out that any eventuality, any circumstance, and any disposition of the soul has been “measured out and encompassed in those very words of the Psalter.”52 Torjesen’s summation of the Psalter as recording the journey of the soul thus calls to mind the basic monastic reading of the Psalter as a means of inner spiritual renewal and progress. It also bespeaks of the prominent theme of pilgrimage running through the ESA. Rowan Williams expresses Augustine’s understanding of the Psalter as such: It unseals deep places, emotions otherwise buried, and it provides an analogy for the unity or intelligibility of a human life lived in faith. Here is a conversation with God that has a beginning, a middle, and 49. Karen J. Torjesen, “Origen’s Interpretation of the Psalms,” StPatr 17 (1981): 951. 50. Ibid. 51. Khaled Anatolios, Athanasius (New York: Routledge, 2004), 37. 52. Athanasius, Letter to Marcellinus, 30.

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an end. And in the course of that conversation, the human speaker is radically changed and enabled to express what is otherwise hidden from him or her.53

The Psalter is thus conceptualized as a narrative containing the living record of a soul in dialogue with God. It expresses the full gamut of human feeling and aspiration. Within the Songs of Ascent the journey theme is particularly evident, although each individual Song results in differing formulations of the upward journey. An excerpt from Enarrat. Ps. 121.2, highlights this pilgrimage dynamic. The psalm which we have undertaken to study with you today, holy brethren, is a psalm of longing [desiderat] for that Jerusalem. The one who voices the longing is one who in this psalm is ascending, for this is a Song of Steps. As we have often explained to you, beloved, the steps in question are not for going down but for going up. The psalmist is someone who wants to ascend. And whither would he want to ascend if not to heaven? What is there in heaven to attract him? Does he want to climb up there in order to be with the sun and the moon and the stars? No, of course not. In heaven is the eternal Jerusalem, where dwell the angels, our fellow-citizens. For a little while we are absent from those compatriots of ours, while we are journeying on earth. On our pilgrimage we sigh, but in our own city we shall rejoice.54

One readily notices in these introductory words to Enarratio 121 Augustine raising prosopological concerns while also placing stress on the upward journey. The Psalm, for Augustine, is a narrative of its singer ascending to the heavenly Jerusalem. Members of Augustine’s audience, in turn, who sing the song in a liturgical gathering, are not distant observers of the Psalmist and his ascent. Rather, they are coparticipants in the journey, sharing a fundamental longing or desire to seek God and enjoy 53. Rowan Williams, “Augustine and the Psalms” Int 58 (2004): 18. 54. Enarrat. Ps. 121.2 (WSA 6:13; CSEL 95.3:84).



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his presence from the same vantage as their heavenly compatriots, the angels. Unsurprisingly, the bishop does not hide his desire for his listeners to begin the climb. At the close of Enarratio 121, he explains, “I have preached: for the Church, for the saints, for the pilgrims, for the needy, so that they may make the ascent.”55 The purpose of his expositions is laid bare. By and large, Augustine’s sermons on the Songs of Ascent strive to engender the audience’s entry into the inner life of spiritual progress. The Songs themselves not only witness to this unseen spiritual reality but themselves are a vehicle for progress. The clear connection Augustine draws between the reason for his exposition and its effect on the listener provides an apt summary of the Psalter as central to Christian living and salvation in the patristic age. Preaching the Psalms goes beyond noetic curiosity or a concern for understanding words. The text itself gives voice to the innermost desires of a soul longing for the divine, and in singing the Psalter the audience confirms their attempt to ascend.

Contextualizing Patristic Exegesis Exegesis and Interpretative Assumptions

Augustine’s mention of this basic pastoral motive, “that they may make the ascent,” as well as other topics discussed above, such as the Psalms as a scriptural mirror for the audience, or a narrative of the soul, encourages one to question the extent to which the Enarrationes, or the commentaries of Augustine’s counterparts, can be considered as an “exegesis” of the Psalter. That is to say, is Augustine drawing meaning out of the text in his reading, or are the words of the Psalmist lost beneath the efforts to use the Psalter as a means to bolster the spiritual lives of listeners? Several observations are called for. 55. Enarrat. Ps. 121.14 (WSA 6:28).

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The first pertains to the use of the term “exegesis” in reference to patristic writings. Since these writers were not acquainted with historical critical tools they cannot be said to have engaged in “exegesis” as it is now understood.56 Some studying ancient and medieval interpretation refer to exegesis, interpretation, and hermeneutics interchangeably by broadly grouping them together.57 This expanded sense of exegesis is adopted for this research. The second qualification is related to the first. In order to properly contextualize patristic writings, their epistemological, anthropological, cosmological, sociocultural, and educational Sitzen im Leben must be taken into account.58 These overlapping and interrelated historical factors have influence over each Father’s reading of the biblical text. Common hermeneutical assumptions, nonetheless, are shared by most patristic writers: scripture is revelatory, authoritative, unified, containing both multiple meanings and an overall aim, and is to be interpreted within the “rule of faith” of the Church.59 56. In his biography on St. John Chrysostom, J. N. D. Kelly, Golden Mouth: The Story of John Chrysostom, Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995), notes that “neither John, nor any Christian teacher for centuries to come, was properly equipped to carry out exegesis as we have come to understand it. He could not be expected to understand the nature of Old Testament writings,” 94. Robert Hill claims that exegesis may be “too pretentious a term” to be applied to a patristic writer, “Old Testament Questions of Theodoret of Cyrus,” GOTR 46 (2001): 57. A qualified use of the term, nonetheless, is not problematic. John H. Hayes and Carl Holladay, in Biblical Exegesis: A Beginner’s Handbook, 3rd ed. (London: Westminster John Knox Press, 2007), for instance, broadly describe biblical exegesis as a “systematic way of interpreting a text,” in which the goal is to reach “an informed understanding of the text,” 21. When taken in this general sense, the term “patristic exegesis” rightly applies to Augustine’s Enarrationes. 57. See Cahill, “The History of Exegesis and our Theological Future,” TS 61 (2000): 332. 58. The need for contextualization in reading patristic commentaries is underscored by Margaret Mitchell. “Reading Rhetoric with Patristic Exegesis: John Chrysostom on Galatians,” in Antiquity and Humanity: Essays on Ancient Religion and Philosophy Presented to Hans Dieter Betz on His 70th Birthday, ed. M. Mitchell and A. Y. Collins (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001), 333–56. 59. Luke T. Johnson and William Kurz, in The Future of Catholic Biblical Scholar-



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Scripture as a Total Wisdom, a Mysterious Parcel, and a Unity

Much can be said about these interrelated interpretative features. To begin, patristic interpreters operated from an ecclesial milieu, in which doctrinal, liturgical, and devotional uses of scripture guided normative interpretation. Within this ecclesiastical context, says patristic scholar Peter Gorday, creedal confessions served as “a frame by which to order the scriptural message of salvation.”60 That is to say, creeds abetted one’s understanding of the Bible and placed it within a “progressive divine activity beginning with creation and culminating in the christological drama of salvation.”61 As early as St. Irenaeus we are told that there is an aim or plot (ὑπόθεσις) in the Bible that reflects the divine plan or arrangement (οἰκονομία) of the text by its Divine Author.62 The thematic climax of both the Old Testament and New Testament is the cross, death, and resurrection of the Son of God.63 Such an assumption points not only to the unity and authority of both the Old Testament and New Testament (both ship: A Constructive Conversation (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2002), identify five major assumptions. Daley, “Patristic Exegesis,” for his part, speaks of six similar convictions. See also John J. O’Keefe and Russell R. Reno, Sanctified Vision: An Introduction to Early Christian Interpretation of the Bible (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), 11–20; Peter Gorday, Principles of Patristic Exegesis: Romans 9–11 in Origen, John Chrysostom, and Augustine (Toronto: Edwin Mellen Press, 1983), 32–38. For Augustine in particular see Richard A. Norris, “Augustine and the Close of the Ancient Period of Interpretation,” in The Ancient Period, vol. 1 of A History of Biblical Interpretation, ed. A. Hauser and D. Watson (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2003), 380–408. 60. Gorday, Principles of Patristic Exegesis, 36. Italics in original. 61. Ibid. 62. The terms ὑπόθεσις and οἰκονομία are first used by Irenaeus, who borrows them from literary categories of antiquity, Joseph Trigg, “The Apostolic Fathers and Apologists,” in The Ancient Period, vol. 1 of A History of Biblical Interpretation, ed. A. Hauser and D. Watson (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2003), 328. 63. Christopher Hall, Reading Scripture with the Church Fathers (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1998), 191.

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Testaments are authoritative and inspired revelation), but also to the mysterious dialectic between Christ and the Old Testament.64 Thus in approaching the opening verses of Psalm 45, St. Augustine, as noted above, can remark, “our Lord’s cross was like a key for opening what was locked away.”65 In Enarratio 127, Augustine provides a different analogy, that of a wrapped-up parcel, for reading the Psalter. The Psalms have something important concealed. Just as the apostles, the heirs of the prophets, unraveled these mysterious parcels, so too will Augustine and his audience: “Let us now do some shaking out for ourselves, for we do not want to put be put off by the wrappings. If we only feel what is inside without seeing it, we might mistake gold for wood or think that silver was only clay. So please, beloved friends, let us shake all this. The Lord will be helping us so that what is inside may come tumbling out.”66 Deciphering what has been “locked away” in the Law and the prophets, or wrapped-up by the Psalmist as the case may be, is another patristic preoccupation since all passages have been placed in the scriptural text for a purpose.67 In effect, scripture is a “total wisdom,” as Yves Congar remarks.68 Congar elaborates: “It is not enough merely to say that it contains all the truths necessary for salvation . . . it must also be recognized that it contains the secret of creation itself, since it expresses the thought of God, not of a man.”69 Since the very secrets of creation are contained within the Bible, no page or verse can forgo investigation. Obscure passages are particularly deserving of attention. They are to be perceived not as “stumbling blocks,” but as deliberately inspired texts that draw exegetes to a deeper comprehension of scripture.70 Archaic 64. See page 13. 65. Enarrat. Ps. 45.1 (WSA 2:310). 66. Enarrat. Ps. 127.2 (WSA 6:99). 67. See St. Irenaeus, Haer. 5.8.4; Origen, Princ. 4.2.4; Augustine, Doctr. chr. 2.6.7. 68. Yves Congar, Tradition and Traditions: An Historical and a Theological Essay, trans. Michael Naseby (Oxford: Alden Press, 1966), 65. Italics in original. 69. Ibid. 70. Origen, Princ. 3.9



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names, numbers, and paradoxes can thus provide the interpreter with a means of finding the deeper meaning of a text. In De doctrina christiana obscure texts within scripture are likened to a divine medicine.71 Such texts subdue one’s pride through toil and quell the satiety of an intellect overfed on plain passages. In order to prevent a soul from starving, the Holy Spirit, notes Augustine, “has, with admirable wisdom and care for our welfare, so arranged the Holy Scriptures as by the plainer passages.”72 Even when a text appears relatively straightforward, it can be teeming with possibilities. In the prologue to his thirty-two expositions on Psalm 118, Augustine remarks, “The plainer it seems, the more profound does it appear to me, so much so that I cannot even demonstrate how profound it is.”73 The Psalter, in particular, is regarded as a lucrative source of insight by the Church Fathers. This scriptural pinnacle, according to Basil, conceals predictions of the incarnation, the resurrection, final judgment, and the promises of glory.74 In fact, “All things, as if in some great public treasury, are stored up in the Book of Psalms.”75 Thus, if scripture can be said to be a “total wisdom,” then the Psalter is its condensed compendium. Whether the Psalter is spoken of as a treasure house or a wrapped-up parcel containing the mysteries of faith, it also follows that individual terms or phrases are to be interpreted in light of the other scriptural passages. Scripture is a unity. As a result, the words of a biblical writer are not heard in isolation, but in continuity and in accord with a host of biblical voices, 71. Augustine, Doctr. chr. 2.6.7. 72. Ibid., 2.6.8 (NPNF2 1:252). See also J. Patout Burns, “Delighting in the Spirit: Augustine’s Practice of Figurative Interpretation,” in De Doctrina Christiana: A Classic of Western Culture, ed. D. Arnold and P. Bright (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1995), 186–87. 73. Augustine, Enarrat. Ps. 118.1 (WSA 5:342). 74. Basil, Hom. 10.2 (FC 46.153). 75. Ibid.

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and therefore one text can shed light on another. Obscure texts, in particular, are to be interpreted by those that are clearer, says Augustine.76 Augustine’s interpretation of the superscription of Psalm 38, To the end, Idithun’s Song, of David, discussed below, illustrates the interpretive potential of a biblical passage. Even scriptural phrases and themes that are not difficult to understand, regardless of their historical context, are taken to shed light on a given Psalm. In the Enarrationes the writings of Isaiah, the Evangelists, and, above all, St. Paul are brought to bear on the interpretation of the Psalm. Augustine, undoubtedly, can be categorized as an intensive reader in the sense that he pays minute attention to each turn of phrase in the psalm text,77 yet his reading of the text at hand is undertaken with an eye toward the rest of scripture. As the condensed compendium of the Bible, the Psalter leads Augustine to invoke a variety of scriptural passages. This wide range of references calls to mind the title Erasmus coined, the Enarrationes. This is a commentary that runs across the length and breadth of the Bible as it delves deeper and deeper into the text under consideration. The Principle of Consonance and the Movement of the Heart

Another notable hermeneutical assumption, the principle of consonance, accentuates the disposition of the reader.78 For the Fathers, it is assumed that the reader strives for consonance or communion with Christ and with the saints. Correct interpretation of scripture requires the orthodox rule of faith as well as orthopraxy. Put differently, the living out of the Nicene faith is necessary to interpret the Bible. St. Athanasius remarks, 76. Augustine, Doctr. chr. 3.26.37. 77. O’Keefe and Reno, Sanctified Vision, 45–68. 78. This principle is adapted from John McGuckin, “Recent Biblical Hermeneutics in Patristic Perspective: The Tradition of Orthodoxy,” GOTR 47 (2002): 309.



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“What are the requirements for the searching of the Scriptures, and for true knowledge of them? An honorable life is needed, and a pure soul, and that virtue which is of Christ.”79 The Antiochene notion of θεορία (theoria) likewise considers both the historical framework of interpretation and the reader’s moral, spiritual, and psychological state. As one scholar points out, ancient Christian readers strive for “the disposition of mind, the insight, which enabled prophets to receive their vision in the first place.”80 That is to say, in order to understand a prophet, one must be of the same moral and spiritual disposition as the prophet. The scriptural text, in other words, is not so much an object to be analyzed at arm’s length, but itself scrutinizes the interior life of the reader. Put yet another way, reading scripture entails a movement of the heart; thought about God and God’s word is movement toward God. It is both intellectual and spiritual.81 Although the term theoria is a specifically Antiochene concept, the principle of consonance, understood not simply as emulation of biblical writers but as an active attempt to participate in the mystery of which they speak, sheds light on a key dimension of Augustine’s reading of the Psalms of Ascent. In the opening exposition of the ESA, Augustine cautions members of his audience who would attempt an ascent or movement toward God to consider how the Psalmist proceeds. The Psalmist first prays, explains Augustine, for God’s protection against the beguiling tongues of those who would seek to oppose him (cf. Ps 119:1–2). Therefore, anyone ascending should do the same, for “this is what the psalmist did,” says Augustine as he quotes the first verse, “I cried to you, Lord, when I was troubled, and you 79. St. Athanasius, Inc. 57.1–3, in McGuckin, “Patristic Perspective,” 309. 80. McGuckin, “Patristic Perspective,” 309. 81. Andrew Louth, Discerning the Mystery: An Essay on the Nature of Theology (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1983; repr. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 3.

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heard me.”82 After listing a number of possible cunning objections to one set on spiritual progress, Augustine urges his audience to take up the dialogue between God and the Psalmist: “Pray against a tongue like that, if you want to ascend. Say to your God, O Lord, rescue my soul from wicked lips and the guileful tongue. The Lord your God says to you, What is to be given to you, what shall be provided for you, that you may withstand the guileful tongue? What defense will you have, he asks, against the guileful tongue?”83 By appropriating this exchange of words and singing them in the liturgical assembly, the audience is presented with an understanding of scripture as a living voice that invites them into dialogue with the divine other.84 The degree to which the audience is in consonance with this living voice, in turn, is reflected in their external comportment and inward disposition. A mere repetition of words does not suffice. Indeed it might be said that for Augustine, the act of interpretation is not complete until the biblical text comes to fruition in the life of the listener, until it germinates and is embodied in charity. Near the close of Enarratio 119 Augustine remarks: You can test the truth of what you are singing only if you are beginning to act in harmony with your song (nisi coeperitis facere quod cantatis). However, much I say about this, in whatever way I explain it, whatever words I use, the truth will not penetrate anyone’s heart unless he or she has already begun to practice it. Begin to act on it (Incipite agere), and then see for yourselves what we are telling you. Then your tears will flow at every word; then as the psalm is sung your heart will be engaged in what it sings (et facit cor quod in psalmo cantatur).85

The operative analogy for this consonance is the ability to sing, or to “do,” “perform” (facere), or “act” (agere) on what one sings. 82. Enarrat. Ps. 119.3 (WSA 5:501). 83. Enarrat. Ps. 119.4 (WSA 5:502). 84. Michael McCarthy, “ ‘We Are Your Books’: Augustine, the Bible, and the Practice of Authority,” JAAR 75 (2007): 324. 85. Enarrat. Ps. 119.9 (WSA 5:508–509; CSEL 95.3:54).



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When such an engagement takes place, then the cries, tears, and prayers of the Psalmist will truly be given voice by the audience. In the ESA, Augustine frequently correlates singing with ascending, yet the exhortation to be in consonance with the Psalmist or with the living words of the text is found elsewhere. At the commencement of his exposition on Psalm 44, for instance, Augustine remarks that the audience has been joyfully singing the Psalm of a sacred wedding feast. Yet he feels the need to distinguish between those content simply to listen as a form of entertainment without any impact on their behavior with those properly disposed to the Psalm. Such a reader, he says, “takes to heart a word that will not lie there idle, but will germinate, burst into flower, grow, reach perfection, and yield fruit for harvesting.”86 This staccato of descriptive outcomes from an engaged participation in the Psalm goes beyond the enjoyment of listening; it entails a transformation.87 Immediately following these comments Augustine turns to the text itself and begins with the superscription. He notes that “the original children of Korah were historical persons” but “as the title of the psalm indicates, we must be the children of Korah.”88 Korah is related to Calvary since believers are children of Christ, the bridegroom of Psalm 44, reasons Augustine. Based on this connection, the bishop claims “this psalm is written for us (nobis inscriptus est psalmus iste), as its title proclaims.”89 The Hermeneutic of Alignment, History, and the Church

Augustine here touches upon another significant hermeneutical supposition pertaining to the text, its readers, and history. 86. Enarrat. Ps. 44.1 (WSA 2:280; CCSL 44:493) 87. McCarthy, “ ‘ We Are Your Books,’ ” 327. 88. Enarrat. Ps. 44.1 (WSA 2:280). Jerome provides a similar interpretation of Korah referring to the children of the resurrection, Hom. Ps. 84.1 (FC 57:50). 89. Enarrat. Ps. 44.1 (WSA 2:281; CCSL 44:494). Italics added.

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Augustine states that Psalm 44 is written for us (nobis inscriptus est psalmus iste). That is to say, the text finds meaning in the living context of the reading community. With precedent in the Gospels (Mk 14:27; Lk 1:1; 4:21; Jn 17:12), and above all, in Paul’s epistles (e.g. Rom 15:4; 1 Cor 9:10; 1 Cor 10:6, 11), some of the Fathers came to see Old Testament texts, and not in the least the Psalms, as being fulfilled in their present living situation.90 The concern for the ancient exegete, as Daley explains in his overview of patristic interpretation, is not to pry into the Sitz in Leben of a text, so much as to “elucidate its Sitz in unserem Leben.”91 That is to say, the “hearer’s faith was the living context” in which a text was understood.92 “Explaining what the text means in itself was not seen as a separate task from explaining what it has to say to the Church, precisely because the narrative contained in the Bible was not seen as a closed unit, epistemologically distant from the life of its readers and hearers.”93 This hermeneutical bridge created between the text and the reader is not unique to the Fathers. As noted, the phenomenon is manifest in the Apostolic age and earlier in Qumran, but is carried over into the Church’s later life. It allows St. Irenaeus to creatively interpret Levitical dietary laws for the needs of his audience,94 and St. Jerome to argue that the noonday demon of Psalm 90:4 refers to Arius and his heretical allies.95 In contrast to Greek allegorical interpretations of Homer or the Iliad, which sought to explain the questionable behavior of the gods, their respective assertions are grounded in the inspiration of scripture, which has foreseen the needs of the faithful (cf. Gal 3:8). 90. Karlfried Froehlich, “Introduction,” in Biblical Interpretation in the Early Church, ed. Karlfried Froehlich (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984), 8. An analogous phenomenon of interpreting sacral text as being fulfilled in contemporary contexts, is found in the writings of Qumran, notes Froehlich, 5–8. 92. Ibid. 91. Daley, “Patristic Exegesis,” 200. 93. Ibid., 201–2. 94. Irenaeus, Haer. 5.8.4 95. Jerome, Hom. Ps. 90.4.



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Naturally, such an approach runs the risk of a reader-centred interpretation with only passing reference to the text. Augustine, however, does not read the Psalms of Ascent as texts that simply foretell the Church of early-fifth-century Africa. His concern is to see how his audience might participate in the life of the text, rather than how the text conforms to the living situation of the audience. Augustine’s understanding of this dynamic between text and audience is influenced by his understanding of history and the Church. Along with other patristic thinkers, Augustine viewed history in progressive stages. In one formulation there are six stages of a thousand years each corresponding to the six days of creation. The stages are divided into the period of Adam to Noah, Abraham, King David, the Babylonian captivity, Christ, and the Parousia.96 The first five, as sacred history, are recorded in sacred scripture, and hence are accorded, as R. A. Markus notes, a special status given the “privileged status of the writers and of their interpretative judgments on the events recorded by them.”97 Unlike many of his contemporaries, however, Augustine came to view history between the Christ and the Parousia with a certain ambivalence. Without the authority and privilege of sacred writers, observers of the early fifth century are unable to determine the ultimate significance of current events, and hence their status as “sacred history.” In Augustine’s writings, particularly after the sack of Rome in 410, “all history is starkly secular, that is to say, it is incapable of being treated in terms of its place in the history of salvation.”98 Until the escha96. Gen. Man. 1.23.35–24.42; Catech. 22.39; Civ. 22.30.5. 97. Robert A. Markus, Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology of St. Augustine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 15. 98. Ibid., 43. On the use of the term “salvation history” as defined by Oscar Cullmann in relation to Augustine’s conception of time, see ibid., 231–33. Briefly, salvation history (Heilsgeschichte) in Cullmann’s thought does not make the same Augustinian distinction between history as the record of past event, and “sacred history” as past

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ton, the significance of events remains radically ambiguous and their interpretation conjecture. Likewise, membership within the visible Church does not necessitate membership within the heavenly City of God. Only in an eschatological sense are the Church and City of God used interchangeably by Augustine; the Church as it is now, is not identical with what it will be in the eschaton.99 With respect to sacred history, it can be noted that although the expositions on the Cantica graduum were preached several years before 410, we witness sentiments of agnosticism regarding current affairs in them.100 It is not a matter of the text being fulfilled by Augustine’s listeners, so much as the text fulfilling the lives of his audience. Inasmuch as they take up the pilgrimage to Jerusalem above, they participate in the ascent. The story is unfinished and the North Africans, like other visible members of the Church on earth, may or may not be journeying toward Zion. event recorded from the privileged of the position of biblical writers. For Cullmann salvation history continues as the unfolding of the Christ event, Salvation in History (New York: Harper & Row, 1967), 294. Thus all history following the incarnation and resurrection of Christ is salvation history, Cullmann, Salvation in History, 325–26. Cullmann does affirm that the history of revelation, that is to say, the revelation of “the divine plan presented through event and interpretation,” has reached its conclusion in the Apostolic period, 294. The history of revelation as defined by Cullman can thus be paralleled, argues Markus, with Augustine’s conception of “sacred history.” The saving reality of the Christ event continues to unfold, but our ability to distinguish what events detract from or abet this process is blurred. 99. Johannes van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon: A Study into Augustine’s City of God and the Sources of His Doctrine of the Two Cities (New York: E. J. Brill, 1991), 123– 29. The relationship between the Church and the “two cities,” Jerusalem and Babylon, is articulated mostly clearly in Civ., especially books 11–22. Oort further notes that “For Augustine world history was one uninterrupted linear process, directed towards a final destination: the total separation of the two cities. . . . In this present age, the period between creation and the end of the world, the Church as the community of the children of God is in peregrination; she is looking forward to her definitive homecoming in the city of God, the heavenly Jerusalem.” 100. The dating of these expositions is discussed in chapter 3.



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Although Augustine retains a sense of agnosticism toward the ultimate significance of contemporary events, he performs his expositions under the assumption that the unbroken history of redemption is a frame encompassing his interpretation, the lives of his listeners, and the prophets and the apostles. He may not occupy the same privileged position of biblical writers (cf. Lk 1:1), but he does place himself in continuity with the holy writers. Augustine, in the excerpt from Enarratio 127 quoted above, likens scripture to a wrapped-up parcel. Within the immediate context he also speaks of the apostles who “began their mission from the shaking-out of the prophets.”101 The jussive subjunctive that follows, “Let us do some shaking out for ourselves,” explicitly situates his exegesis in line with theirs. Notably, this apostolic interpretative alignment does not appear to be based exclusively on Augustine’s episcopal authority or upon exegetical technique. In the immediate remarks surrounding this excerpt, he appeals for divine assistance in order to undertake the exegesis and makes reference to the martyrs, who are, in a sense, the apostles of North Africa. As living stones (cf. 1 Pet 2:5), the martyrs demonstrate that the communion of faith through the ages, from Abel to Abraham, the prophets, the Psalmist, and the apostles, lives on in North Africa.102 In short, Augustine stands in continuity with the holy writers because the journey of salvation is ongoing; it does not cease in the first century, but continues on into the early fifth century. A major interpretative strategy in the expositions of the Psalms of Ascent, in fact, is to align the listeners and the text within this unfolding narrative. That is to say, Augustine attempts to contextualize the song of the Psalmist, the Psalmist, 101. Augustine, Enarrat. Ps. 127.2 (WSA 6:99). 102. Enarrat. Ps. 118.20.1; 121.4; 128.2. See also Maria Boulding, “St Augustine’s View of the Psalms as a Communion of Faith between Generations,” Downside Review 126 (2008): 125–34.

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and the lives of his readers within a common framework. Very often, it is only after this continuity has been established that Augustine proceeds to interpret the verses of the Psalm at hand. This hermeneutical approach may be aptly described as a hermeneutic of alignment, and examples of this strategy at work in the expositions are detailed in chapter 5. It can be noted here, nonetheless, that the phrase has been applied in other contexts, particularly with respect to the reception and interpretation of the Second Vatican Council. The aforementioned general hermeneutical assumptions, such as the hermeneutic of alignment, consonance, as well as the assumed authority, unity, and multiplicity of meanings in scripture, should not imply that invariable interpretive harmony unison exists among patristic writers. Theodore of Mopsuestia, for instance, warns precisely against locating the meaning of Psalms in the Gospels, let alone in the contemporary Church.103 Moreover, a single writer like Augustine can offer a number of competing interpretations of a single phrase from the Psalter without exceeding the exegetical flexibility allowed by the rule of faith.104 Thus meaning attributed to the text must meet some external norm. Moving beyond these broad hermeneutical premises, we can bring into focus features specific to Psalm commentaries, particularly the significance of superscriptions and Davidic authorship. Before doing so, however, our attention turns to another factor bearing significant influence on Augustine’s understanding of scripture, the rhetorical arts. 103. Theodore of Mopsuestia, Comm. Ps 69.21, in Robert Hill, introduction to Theodore of Mopsuestia: Commentary on Psalms 1–81, trans. Robert Hill, Writings from the Greco-Roman World (New York: Brill, 2006), xxxii. 104. Augustine, for example, proceeds to interpret the controversial verses of Psalm 44:1–2, only to recommence on another acceptable track midway through his sermon Enarrat. Ps. 44.10 (WSA 2:289). Cf. Bryan Litfin, “The Rule of Faith in Augustine,” ProE 14 (2005): 90.



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Augustine and Rhetoric

From his youth Augustine was noted for his eloquence and facility with public speaking,105 and his early career was that of a teacher of the ars rhetorica, the theory and practice of speaking.106 This career would take him first to Carthage, then Rome, and finally to Milan, where he would occupy the prestigious position of professor of rhetoric. While Augustine’s reflections on rhetoric, particularly in book four of De doctrina christiana, which provides an explicit theory of Christian rhetoric, made its own impact on Western thought,107 he writes as one standing in a long-established tradition.108 The formal conception of rhetorical technique is credited to Corax of Sicily, who lived eight hundred years before Augustine’s birth. Formal instruction in rhetoric was further developed by Greek thinkers such as Isocrates and, above all, Aristotle, who distinguished the three types of rhetoric (judicial, epideictic, and deliberative), as well as three modes of persuasion (logos, pathos, and ethos).109 Notably, Plato’s largely negative view of rhetoric as “flattery,”110 in 105. Conf. 1.17.27. 106. Conf. 3.3.6. 107. See for instance, Duane W. Arnold and Pamela Bright, eds., De Doctrina Christiana: A Classic of Western Culture (Notre Dame, Ind.: Notre Dame University Press, 1995). Christopher Schäublin, “A Classic of Western Culture?” in Arnold and Bright, De Doctrina Christiana, 47–67, tempers the importance and reception of De doctrina. Schäublin acknowledges the work is a “classic,” but cautions we “probably must abandon the popular notion that De doctrina christiana, looking ahead of its time, embodies a kind of Magna Carta of Christian education that links old and new, Antike and Christentum,” 55. 108. Henri-Irénée Marrou, Saint Augustine et la fin de la culture antique, 4th ed. (Paris: Éditions E. de Boccard, 1958), 5. Marrou, in fact, sums up culture in late antiquity as such: “On peut la définer en quelques mots: c’était une culture essentiellement littéraire, fondée sur la grammaire et la rhétorique et tendant à realiser le type idéal de l’orateur,” 4 (italics in original). 109. Duane F. Watson, “Rhetoric,” ECh 4:689. 110. Plato, Gorg., 463. Here Plato notes, “The whole of which rhetoric is a part appears to be a process, not of art, but the habit of a bold and ready wit, which knows to how behave in the world: this I sum up under the word ‘flattery.’ ”

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contrast to the value of the universal truths sought by dialectic, was far from universally held.111 By the first century BC, rhetoric was firmly established in Rome, and Cicero, the great Latin orator, provided no less than seven books on the subject.112 Quintilian’s technical treatise on rhetoric, the exhaustive twelvevolume Institutio oratoria composed in the first century AD, emphasizes rhetoric’s role not only in the political arena, but in the education of a Roman. He goes so far as to detail how rhetorical training can be incorporated into each stage of education from childhood to adulthood, whether with respect to grammar, diction, and enunciation, or to the more specific techniques of a skilled adult orator.113 The five basic categories of the rhetorical curriculum follow the stages of preparation and delivery of an oratorical discourse. These include invention, arrangement, style, memory, and performance or action.114 Briefly, invention (inventio) involves the discovery and construction of arguments and strategies appropriate to the given context; such arguments appeal to the logos, pathos, and ethos of one’s listeners. Arrangement (dispositio) concerns the parts of a speech, namely exordium (opening remarks intended to capture attention and the good will of the audience), narratio (introductory comments regarding the subject at hand), propositio (statement of arguments), probatio (elaboration upon the arguments), refutatio (consideration and refutation of opposing views), and finally peroratio (summary and 111. George Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to Modern Times, 2nd ed. (London: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 66. 112. Augustine does not refer to Cicero by name in De doctrina, yet it is through Cicero’s writings that he became acquainted with Aristotle’s thoughts on the subject and with the ars rhetorica in general. On Cicero’s influence see Conf. 3.4.7; Augustine Curley, “Cicero, Marcus Tullius” ATTA, 190–93. 113. Ruth Majerick, “Rhetoric and Rhetorical Criticism,” ABD 5:711. 114. “Inventione, dispositione, elocutione, memoria, pronuntiatione sive actione.” Quintilian, Inst. 3.3.1.



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concluding remarks). Style (elocutio) is the formulation of one’s arguments and strategies into appropriate language, memory (memoria) the memorization of the details and contents of the speech, and finally, performance or action (pronuntiatione sive actione), the practice and cultivation of voice, gesture, posture, and amplification.115 Augustine’s major work on rhetoric, unlike Quintilian’s, is not a technical treatise on rhetoric;116 moreover, Augustine does not uphold formal rhetorical training as the essential for the Christian orator, although he does note its usefulness and power.117 De doctrina essentially is a guide for Christians seeking an intensive engagement with scripture.118 The first three books, as Augustine signals from the outset, concern the “mode of discovering what is to be understood,” in scripture, and the fourth concerns the “mode of bringing forth what has been understood.”119 In other words, the first books deal with discovering the meaning of scripture and the last with how this discovery can be articulated in clear and persuasive language.120 In fact, book four of De doctrina christiana, if we follow John Cavadini’s assessment, is not even a work on rhetoric per se; rather, it is a commentary on the “theory” or “the dynamics of conversion.”121 Cavadini explains that conversion can be seen as a matter of persuasion. 115. Thomas Habinek, Ancient Rhetoric and Oratory (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005), 101–7. 116. Augustine, Doctr. chr. 4.1.2. 117. Ibid., 4.2.3. 118. Arnold and Bright, De Doctrina Christiana, xiv. 119. “Duae sunt res quibus nititur omnis tractatio Scripturarum; modus inveniendi quae intelligenda sunt, et modus proferendi quae intellecta sunt. De inveniendo prius, de proferendo postea disseremus.” Doctr. chr. 1.1.1 (PL 34:19). 120. William S. Babcock, “Caritas and Signification in De Doctrina Christiana 1–3,” in De Doctrina Christiana: A Classic of Western Culture, ed. D. Arnold and P. Bright (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1995), 145. 121. Cavadini, “The Sweetness of the Word: Salvation and Rhetoric in Augustine’s De doctrina christiana,” in De Doctrina Christiana: A Classic of Western Culture, ed. D. Arnold and P. Bright (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1995), 164–65.

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For when we hear that we are distant from God, Neoplatonic wanderers, as it were, from our homeland (patria), and when we hear that what this means is that we are “tangled up in perverse sweetness” (Doctr. chr. 1.4.4) and that our way back to God will not be a “road from one place to another but a road of the feelings [via affectuum]” (Doctr. chr. 1.17.16), we cannot doubt that we have thus been aptly described as subjects ripe for the persuasive power of an eloquent speaking that will disentangle us from perverse sweetness and will delight us with that “sweetness which actually would make us happy.” (Doctr. chr. 1.4.4) . . . Who cannot see that, just as the sweetness of the moderate style is to be used not as a pleasure in itself but to refer us to the final end of conversion, so too we are in the position of needing to be persuaded to transfer willingly our affections’ goal elsewhere? We are in need not simply of a teacher but of a persuasive speaker, a delightful speaker.122

Such an understanding of conversion as persuasion is a key hermeneutical lens by which one can interpret all of De doctrina christiana, he argues. Though debating the merits of this view is beyond the scope of this present discussion, Cavadini’s insight is particularly appropriate for our analysis of Enarrationes and the sermons on Psalms 119–133 in particular.123 If anything, Augustine’s aim in these sermons is the conversion of his audience, so that they may join the Psalmist in pilgrimage to Jerusalem above. It can also be noted that Augustine, though steeped in the art of rhetoric, does not follow the standard arrangement or structure of classical oratory in the exegesis of his sermons.124 122. Ibid., 165–66. For the view that all of theology should be viewed in light of the rhetorical aim of persuasion, see David S. Cunningham, Faithful Persuasion: In Aid of a Rhetoric of Christian Theology (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1990). 123. Cadivini’s position is further developed by Hildegund Muller, “Theory and Practice of Preaching: Augustine, De doctrina christiana and Enarrationes in psalmos,” StPatr 38 (2001): 233–37. 124. On the criticism that Augustine’s sermons, including the Enarrationes, show little sign of care for arrangement, see G. Wright Doyle, “Augustine’s Sermonic Method,”



Patristic Exegesis

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That being the case, one should not be left with the impression that Augustine’s sermons on the Songs of Ascent are meandering or without a discernable pattern altogether. The attempt to establish a fundamental continuity or alignment between the audience and Psalmist typically forms the initial portion of his expositions, while the remainder revolves around each verse of the Psalm. In other words, the structure of the expositions is largely guided by his interaction with the text under his consideration rather than the expectations of classical rhetoric.

Specific Features of Patristic Psalm Commentaries Superscriptions and the Septuagint

There are 116 Psalms in the Hebrew Psalter with superscriptions. These titles indicate a range of meaning such as musical directions, genre (cf. Ps 119–33), historical circumstances, or authorship. The remarkably rich number and variety of technical headings have puzzled interpreters throughout history as they are often shrouded in obscurity. Their meanings, argues Rabinowitz, “were already lost in early times for the Greek translators were generally ignorant of them, even in the days of the Second Temple, and rabbinic literature and medieval commentators present an assortment of interpretations.”125 Part of the reason for this severance of the tradition, Rabinowitz states, may lie in the nature of the technical jargon that was jealously guarded by various guilds of singers and musicians.126 Of WTJ 39 (1977): 236–38; Frederic van der Meer, Augustine the Bishop, trans. B. Battershaw and G. R. Lamb (London: Sheed and Ward, 1983), 338–40. This has been attributed to the fact that many of his sermons were delivered ex tempore. Discussion on the ESA as ex tempore is given in chapter 2 in the subsection The Presence or Absence of Written Prompts during Delivery. 125. Rabinowitz, “Psalms,” 13:1320. 126. Ibid.

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course, the point is debatable. Arie van der Kooij, for instance, argues that at least some liturgical superscriptions originated in Second Temple circles and belonged to the Greek Psalter from the beginning.127 Although the case is not incontrovertible, if true, then some Psalms from the Septuagint (LXX) would reflect an older reading than the Masoretic text. Provenance aside, as a general rule the LXX does not lack any superscriptions found in the Hebrew, with the curious exception of two Psalms of Ascent. Psalms 121 and 123 do not have the heading “to David.”128 A total of twenty-one headings, as well as heading details, are present in the Greek translation in contrast to the Hebrew text. Names, for instance, such as Ezekiel and Jeremiah, (Ps 64), as well as Zechariah (Ps 137–38), are present, while Hebrew terms for musical directions are translated with a new meaning. The heading ‫ תֹוליִהְנַה־לֶא ַחֵצַנְמַל‬from Psalm 5, for instance, is rendered as “to the choirmaster; with stringed instruments” (RSV), whereas the LXX reads “for the end, concerning her that inherits.”129 Similarly, the obscure Hebrew term ‫ תיִתִגַה־לַע‬transliterated as “upon the Gittith” (Ps 8), is translated as “concerning the wine-presses” by the LXX. Importantly, such renderings as “for the end” and “concerning the wine-presses” provided the Fathers with deliciously obscure and eschatological texts. Saint Hilary of Poitiers, for example, examines the heading of Psalm 53, which reads “For the end among the hymns, of the meaning of David when the Ziphites came and said to Saul: behold, is not David hid with us?”130 This cu127. Arie van der Kooij, “On the Place of Origin of the Old Greek of Psalms,” VT 33 (1983): 71–74. 128. Gilles Dorival, “A propos de quelques titres des Psaumes de la Septante,” in Le Psautier chez les Pères, ed. Pierre. Maraval (Strasbourg: Centre d’analyse et de documentation patristiques, 1994), 21. 129. Εἰς τὸ τέλος, ὑπὲρ τῆς κληρονομούσης. The Gallican Psalter, following the LXX, reads In finem pro torcularibus psalmus David. 130. St. Hilary of Poitiers, Tract. Ps. 53.1 (NPNF2 9:419). “In finem in hymnis,



Patristic Exegesis

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rious heading, notes Hilary, possesses a threefold instruction regarding the “scope, time and application” (quatenus et quando et in quem) of the text that follows it. The superscription, in other words, indicates that David’s prayer recorded in Psalm 53 after his betrayal by Ziphites is partially fulfilled in his lifetime (1 Kgs 23:19–20), but “awaits the end for its interpretation, and finds its meaning in the true David.”131 Such an understanding of the ultimate referent of the Psalm is not simply a theological construction or due to the superscription, argues Hilary, but is rooted in the “meaning and force of the words” of the Psalm.132 While Hilary roots his interpretation in more than just the superscription, he, like other Fathers, understands the LXX to be inspired, and even claims that the Greek translators corrected the Hebrew text.133 Saint Augustine requested a fresh Latin translation of the LXX from Jerome, and was cautious about adopting a Hebrew version for public worship.134 The Hebrew version, although original, lacked the prophetic dimension of the Greek translation.135 In regard to the discrepancy between the Hebrew and the LXX superscriptions, it must be added that with the exception of Jerome, and to a lesser extent Origen, the Fathers had little, if any, knowledge of Hebrew.136 That said, even Jerome follows intellectus David, cum venerunt Ziphaei, et dixerunt ad Saul: Nonne ecce David absconditus est apud nos?” (PL 9:107). 131. Ibid., Tract. Ps. 53.2 (NPNF2 9:420). 132. Hilary asks, who for instance, could pray “judge me by thy power”? Tract. Ps. 53.4 (NPNF2 9:420). 133. Hilary, Tract. Ps.118.8.1. See Marc Milhau, “Le grec, une clé pour l’intelligence des psaumes,” REAug 36 (1990): 70. 134. Augustine, Ep. 82.35. 135. See Josef Lössl, “A Shift in Patristic Exegesis: Hebrew Clarity and Historical Verity in Augustine, Jerome, Julian of Aeclanum and Theodore of Mopsuestia,” AugStud 32 (2001): 157–75. 136. Even Fathers who had access to a Greek transliteration of the Hebrew Psalter, such as the Hexapla, lacked sufficient knowledge of the language to benefit from it.

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the LXX rendering of the superscription rather than offer a Hebraic variant. Thus in the case of Psalm 5, the controversialist interprets the Psalm with the heading “for the end, concerning her that inherits.”137 Notably, Jerome also upbraids the “many who insist that the titles do not belong to the psalms.”138 He may have had in mind the likes of Diodore of Tarsus. Not unlike many modern commentators, Diodore argued for a postexilic redaction of the Psalter. It was during this time, he claims, that the inscriptions were added as the “collectors tried to guess the context of the psalms they found.”139 He goes on to say, “but [the collectors] did not treat them according to a scholarly method.”140 Notably, Diodore’s pupil, Theodore (but unlike his fellow student Chrysostom), ignores the superscriptions in his commentary. Theodore’s commentary is hardly representative of patristic writings, but his practice, nonetheless, appears to have had an impact on the Peshitta or Syriac translation of the Bible.141 The superscriptions in the Peshitta Psalter are either absent or completely different from both the Hebrew and Greek texts.142 The bishop of Hippo, by way of contrast, pays very close attention to the superscription and often finds pertinent informaChrysostom, for instance, attempts to explicate obscure passages via reference to the Hebrew but rarely with success. Hill, introduction to St. John Chrysostom, 8. 137. Jerome, Hom. Ps. 5 (FC 46.15). 138. Ibid. 139. Diodore, Psalmos, “Preface” in Biblical Interpretation in the Early Church, ed. Karlfried Froehlich (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984), 85. 140. Ibid. Notably, the Babylonian Talmud (BabaBatra 14b; 15a) sees David as one of ten other authors of the Psalter, yet it also places him as the editor of the Psalter. Braulik, “Psalter and Messiah,” 32. 141. The commentary “runs so entirely against the grain of early Christian (and Jewish) exegesis that it can be characterized as nothing less than shocking,” remarks Harry Pappas, “Theodore of Mopsuestia’s Commentary of Psalm 44 (LXX): A Study of Exegesis and Christology,” GOTR 47 (2002): 57. 142. It is believed that Theodore’s commentary provided the basis of the Peshitta translation of the Psalms. Spinks, “A Note on the Peshitta Psalms,” 208.



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tion within it to guide his overall interpretation of a psalm. The exposition on Psalm 38, for example, opens with the curious phrase “To the end, Idithun’s Song, of David.” Determining the identity of Idithun is a first priority since one would “expect the words of someone called Idithun” to follow, says Augustine.143 The bishop frankly admits the identity of Idithun has likely been lost in generations long past, yet consultation with a compilation of Hebrew name etymologies indicates Idithun means “one who leaps across.”144 The obscure name, Leaping Across, is presumed to have some spiritual import and is understood to signify a soul that does not cling to the things of the earth. Consistent with his teaching on obscure passages, Augustine partly bases his conclusion by contrasting the superscription to another scriptural text, in this case a Song of Ascent. He explains to the audience that certain Psalms contain the Greek term ἀωαβαθμῶν, a term designating steps that go up as opposed to up or down, a distinction that cannot be made with the Latin term graduum. Augustine proceeds to connect the step upward with the leaping across; both are a type of ascent. The Superscription ἀωαβαθμῶν and Augustine’s Usage of Greek and Latin Psalters

While the connection between the superscriptions of Psalms 38 and 119–133 mentioned above seems tenuous at best to contemporary readers, the point remains that Augustine understands the superscription as a means of unraveling the theological and spiritual import of a given psalm. In the case of the Psalms of Ascent, the superscription ‫ תֹו ְַל ַעמַה ר ִיֹש‬is found on fifteen sequential psalms in the Hebrew Psalter.145 The LXX, as noted, 143. Enarrat. Ps. 38.1 (WSA 2:168). 144. Ibid. 145. Notably, minor titular variations in the Psalms of Ascent occur in the Hebrew text. These variations are also reflected in the Greek and Latin translations.

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Psalms 121, 123, 130, 132 according to the LXX numbering, for instance, contain reference to David, and 126 to Solomon. Explanations for why this technical term, ‫ריִֹש‬ ‫תֹולְַעַמַה‬, came to be associated with this particular group of psalms vary. For an overview of interpretations ranging as far back as the Mishnah up until the mid-twentieth century, see Cuthbert Keet, A Study of the Psalms of Ascents: A Critical and Exegetical Commentary upon Psalms CXX to CXXXIV (London: Mitre Press, 1969), 1–17. Three common views are that these psalms are (1) pilgrim songs sung by those “going up” to a feast at Jerusalem (Cf. Ex 23:17; Dt 16:16 ; 1 Kgs 7:28; Mt 10.17; Lk 2:41f ). Keet himself, for instance, associates the Psalms of Ascent with the feast of first-fruits celebrated at the temple during Pentecost. Alternatively, these songs (2) may have been sung by exiles “going up” to Jerusalem from Babylon, or (3) were hymns sung by the Levitical musicians during the ascent of the fifteen steps of the Temple to the court of the Israelites from the court of the women. This ancient interpretation is offered in M. Middoth 2.5; see also M. Sukkah 5.4. “Songs of extolment” is another possible rendering suggested by Mitchell Dahood, Psalms, 3 vols., Anchor Bible 16–17A (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1965–70), 3:195. Another plausible explanation is that the superscription refers to hymnic instruction or to “some peculiar gradational style of musical execution,” Avigdor Herzog, “Psalms, Book of,” EncJud 13:1319. More recent book-length studies have added further to the discussion of the origin and nature of the Psalms of Ascent. Loren Crow, The Songs of Ascents (Psalms 120–134): Their Place in Israelite History and Religion, SBLDS 148 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996), has stressed the unity of this grouping quite apart from the superscription. A number of internal consistencies are found in their length, language, and syntax. Psalms 120–134 average 6.7 verses, or just 5.9 verses if 132 is excluded. Crow suggests that they were composed in a particular dialect due to the frequent use of the particle ‫ ֶׁש‬. Crow’s major criticism of previous scholarship is the attempt to explain these Songs of Ascent by deciphering the superscript rather than commencing with an exegesis of the subsequent verses before returning to the title. Incidentally, Crow downplays any liturgical associations, and argues that the Psalms of Ascent were redacted as a propaganda tool to foster loyalty among Jews to Jerusalem, while associating the city with prosperity and religious identity. Alastair Hunter, Psalms (London: Routledge, 1999), devotes a substantial portion of his study to these particular psalms. In agreement with Crow, Hunter’s study, as well as his more recent An Introduction to the Psalms (New York: T & T Clark, 2008), places the redaction of the Psalms of Ascent within the time frame of Second Temple Judaism, although he allows that some of the material may date back to the monarchial cult. Hunter argues that the Gradual Psalms are to pre-exilic material what Christian hymns are to the Psalter; the former imitates the language, style, and content of the latter. This continuity makes any effort in locating the realistic Sitz in Leben of the Psalms difficult if not misleading. In Psalms, Hunter remarks, “It seems increasingly likely that the form-critical approach initiated by Gunkel, and followed (dare one say, slavishly?) in commentary after commentary, stands in need of radical modification,” 180. Certainly, not all scholars are persuaded by Hunter. Michael Goulder, who has written extensively on the Psalms, argues that the Psalms of Ascent are a Levitical response to Neh 12; see Goulder, The Psalms of the Return (Book V, Psalms 107–150): Studies in the Psalter, IV, JSOTSup 258 (Sheffield, U.K.: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998).



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provides the translation ἀωαβαθμῶν. More than once Augustine appeals to this Greek term when expounding upon the superscription,146 and he often reminds his audience of the distinction that the steps are for ascending in subsequent sermons.147 The appeal to the LXX raises the question of Augustine’s knowledge of Greek—a much debated topic. The Danish scholar Henrik Clausen, in an 1827 publication, Aurelius Augustinus Hipponensis sacrae Scripturae interpres, argued that Augustine translated his own copy of the Psalms from Greek.148 Clausen’s thesis has not attracted wide support among scholars, although Donatien de Bruyne, in his provocative article, “Saint Augustin reviseur de la bible,” upholds Augustine as a diligent textual critic and editor of various biblical books in Latin, including the Pauline epistles as well as the entire Psalter.149 That said, comparing the plethora of Latin manuscripts in light of the Greek is one task, whereas translating a new copy from the Greek (as Augustine requested from Jerome),150 is quite another. As Marrou points out in his “Retractatio,” Augustine worked primarily with the Latin texts. He goes on to argue that Augustine did not refer to the Greek systematically and that when he did, it was not always with ease or with profit—which is the complete opposite of the thirdcentury African writer Tertullian, who consistently translated his own biblical citations from the Greek while consulting other Latin translations.151 Although Augustine explicitly mentions 146. Enarrat. Ps. 38.2; 119.1. 147. Enarrat. Ps. 120.1; 125.1. 148. Henrik Nicolai Clausen, Aurelius Augustinus hipponensis sacrae scripturae interpres (Hauniae: Schultz, 1827), in Gerald Bonner, St. Augustine of Hippo: Life and Controversies, 3rd ed. (Norwich, U.K.: Canterbury Press, 2002), 394. 149. Donatien de Bruyne, “Saint Augustin reviseur de la bible,” Miscellanea Agostiniana II: Studi Agostiniani, ed. M. Germain and A. Casamassa (Rome: Tipografia poliglotta vaticana, 1931), 578. 150. Augustine, Ep. 71.4. 151. Marrou, Saint Augustine et la fin de la culture antique, 634.

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a dislike for Greek in childhood,152 it should be noted that in adulthood he developed some proficiency in the language. The early-twentieth-century work of Samuel Angus appears to strike a balanced assessment of Augustine’s familiarity with Greek. Angus states that toward the end of his preaching career, Augustine “had a limited working knowledge of biblical Greek, a very slight knowledge of patristic Greek, and apparently no working knowledge of classical Greek.”153 The limit of Augustine’s “working knowledge” of biblical Greek remains an open question. Based on his expositions on the Psalms of Ascent or even upon some of his last Enarrationes, such the series on Psalm 118, we might conclude that his usage of the Greek Psalter was fairly limited. His references to Greek texts are irregular and somewhat hesitant.154 When Augustine does refer to the LXX, he most commonly elaborates upon one particular word. While speaking of the role of bishops in Enarratio 126, for example, he makes reference to the term ἐπίσκοπος and its meaning of “overseer.”155 Examples of Augustine using Greek to shed light upon the syntax of an entire sentence, however, are wanting. The bishop, as mentioned, did make revisions to the Latin texts he worked with. This raises the further question of what version, or perhaps better yet, what versions of the Latin Psalter Augustine utilized.156 In a letter from later in his career, Augustine explicitly states he has not made a translation from the Greek. He continues: 152. Augustine, Conf., I, xiii, 20; xiv, 23 153. Samuel Angus, The Sources of the First Ten Books of St. Augustine’s De Civitate Dei (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1906), 276, cited in Bonner, St. Augustine of Hippo: Life and Controversies, 395. 154. Marrou, Saint Augustine et la fin de la culture antique, 633. 155. Augustine, Enarrat. Ps. 126.3. See also Enarrat. Ps. 3.5; 67.7; 87.7; 89.14 156. David F. Wright, “Augustine: His Exegesis and Hermeneutics,” in Hebrew Bible/Old Testament: The History of Its Interpretation, ed. Magne Sæbø (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000), 720.



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I have no copy of the psalter translated from the Hebrew by holy Jerome. We have not translated it, but we have corrected some faulty places in our Latin copies by comparing them with the Greek. In this way we have perhaps made it into something more suitable, but still not such as it ought to be. We are still making corrections, by comparison of copies, of details which escaped our notice at that time, and which are pointed out by readers.157

Augustine would profit from St. Jerome’s Gallican Psalter, a revision of the Roman Psalter based on a Greek manuscripts made in 392, but he did not have access to his translation until around 415, several years after the commonly accepted dates for the delivery of the expositions on the Songs of Ascent.158 Prior to this Augustine appears to have utilized a variety of sources for the Psalms. Scholars have corrected some of the assertions made by de Bruyne regarding the scope of Augustine’s editorial work on the Psalter. He likely did not revise each Psalm in order to make a new edition of the Psalter.159 It is not clear, however, what Latin sources of the Psalter Augustine used. In De doctrina christiana, Augustine speaks of innumerable Greek-to-Latin translations of the Bible,160 and also mentions his preference for a certain Itala version.161 Thus it is thought that Augustine worked predominately with a Psalter from Italy while perhaps borrowing some vocabulary from older African texts.162 Identifying this Itala version, however, is problematic since it is unclear what manuscript Augustine has in mind. Possible identifications range from a ver157. Ep. 261.5 (FC 32: 261). 158. The topic of dating the Enarrationes is taken up in chapter 2. 159. Pierre Salmon, “Le problème des psaumes: Le texte et l’interprétation des psaumes au temps de S. Jérôme et S. Augustin,” AmiCl 11 (1954): 165. 160. Augustine, Doctr. chr. 2.11.16. 161. Ibid., 2.15.22. 162. Joseph Dyer, “Latin Psalters, Old Roman and Gregorian Chants,” KMJ 68 (1984): 11. The earliest Latin translations fall under the general rubric of “Old Latin Psalter,” and, notes Dyer, these are generally divided into European and African categories based on the translation of certain Greek words. Doxa, for instance, is rendered claritas by African versions, but gloria by the European ones. Ibid., 12.

52

Patristic Exegesis

sion of Jerome’s Vulgate to an earlier translation made in Italy and brought back to Africa by Augustine.163 In short, the question of which Latin Psalter Augustine used cannot be satisfactorily answered. Fortunately, the verses of the Psalm Augustine preached upon are often recorded by the stenographers, as is the case with the ESA. The expositions themselves, in other words, provide the biblical text under question. The question of Augustine’s Greek may be of limited significance for the ESA, yet the term ἀωαβαθμῶν, meaning “gradual upward steps,” and its presence in the superscription of a series of fifteen psalms provides a fertile ground for Augustine’s exegetical imagination. The bishop explicitly informs his audience that he is “considering these [canticles] in order (ex ordine),” signifying the Psalms of Ascent are viewed as a literary unit.164 The common superscription, moreover, indicates a common theme and subject matter: that of ascents (ascensiones). Augustine finds this same word occurs in Psalm 83:6 and frames his basic outline of the ascent from this text: “God arranges ascents in his heart in the valley of weeping (in convalle plorationis), to the place he has appointed.” (Ps 83:6–7).165 This arrangement of steps by God in the interior of the heart as well as the general predicament of humanity mourning in a valley of tears enclosed on all sides (in convalle plorationis), is an essential starting point for Augustine’s overall exegesis of these Psalms. The superscription ἀωαβαθμῶν thus provides a contextual basis for interpretation. Its presence in the titulus, not unlike the rudder of a ship, guides a large portion of his interpretation and exegetical creativity. 163. Wright, “Augustine: His Exegesis and Hermeneutics,” 720. 164. Augustine, Enarrat. Ps. 122.1 (WSA 6.13; CSEL 95.3:107). A similar point is made in Enarratio 125.1, “Since we have been taking this group of psalms in numerical order (ex ordine) you will already be aware that the one we deal with today is the 125th and that it belongs to the collection entitled Songs of Steps, Enarrat. Ps. 125.1 (WSA 6.69; CSEL 95.3:162). 165. Enarrat. Ps. 119.1 (WSA 5:498; CSEL 95.3:37).



Patristic Exegesis

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Davidic Association: The Speaker

Closely connected to the discussion of superscriptions is the relationship of David to the Psalter. The LXX augments the number of psalms “of David” to eighty-five psalms from seventy-three in the Hebrew,166 and the Fathers, like other ancient Jewish exegetes,167 generally attribute Davidic authorship to the Psalms. St. Hippolytus argues that David “was himself the cause” of the Psalter, in that he appointed singers, some of whom sang to him; hence he is not the only author.168 Antiochenes, like Theodore of Mopsuestia and Chrysostom, for their part, assert that all the words of the Psalter are spoken from the person (ex persona) of David, but not all transpired in his personal life.169 Chrysostom notes, “Now, in the first place, not all things spoken in the Psalms by David, are spoken in the person of David. For it is he himself who said, ‘I have dwelt in the tents of Kedar;’ (Ps 120:5) and, “By the waters of Babylon, there we sat down and wept:” (136:1) yet he neither saw Babylon, nor the tents of Kedar.”170 David, in one sense, is the author, yet he prophetically spoke of events specific to the Assyrian, Exilic, and Maccabean periods. Theodore of Mopsuestia develops this ex persona theology further. Pappas notes that with Theodore, David “may assume the role of someone else such as Solomon, 166. Konrad Schaefer, Psalms, Berit Olam: Studies in Hebrew Narrative and Poetry (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 2001), 349–50. The lamed, ‫ל‬, preceding ‫דִוָד‬ in the Hebrew may serve as an indirect object marker, meaning to, or for, as well as indicate possession, meaning his. The LXX translates this title in the genitive τῷ Δαυίδ, suggesting possession. 167. Cf. Babylonian Talmud, Pesahim 117a; BabaBatra 14b, cited in Mays, “The David of the Psalms,” 145. 168. St. Hippolytus, Fr. Ps. 7, in Braulik, “Psalter and Messiah,” 32. 169. More is said on prosopological exegesis in the subsection The Allegory and Typology Debate below. 170. Hom. 1 Cor. 13.4, (NPNF1 12:273).

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Jeremiah, or even God the Father or Christ and speak on his behalf.”171 A qualification must be made then in the patristic understanding of Davidic authorship; this is not a straightforward attribution that ignores the events reported in the Psalms and the events transpiring in the historical life of David. The ramifications of the speaker with David, nonetheless, reverberate much further than debate over historical circumstance. Not unlike the superscriptions, the Davidic superscriptions ultimately point to an interpretative context. David and the Psalter: A Context for Interpretation

The hermeneutical import of Davidic association for contextualizing individual Psalms has been noted in contemporary scholarship.172 For one, the shepherd-king’s story provides a human and dramatic context for the Psalms. It allows the reader to know the life story of the one who appeals to and praises the God of Israel in situations of need, deliverance, lament, and rejoicing. Brevard Childs explains the effect of rooting a Psalm in a historical context related to David’s life: “The reader suddenly was given access to previously unknown information. David’s inner life was now unlocked to the reader who was allowed to hear his intimate thoughts and reflections.”173 Even Psalms without his name “can be studied and sung with the same assumptions as the psalms with specific settings,” argues Mays.174 171. Pappas, “Theodore of Mopsuestia’s Commentary of Psalm 44 (LXX),” 63. 172. Mays, “The David of the Psalms,” 154. Notably, Louis C. Jonker, “Revisiting the Psalm Headings: Second Temple Levitical Propaganda,” in Psalms and Liturgy, ed. D. J. Human and C. V. Vos (London: T & T Clark, 2004), laments the lack of attention given to the headings, specifically in regard to understanding historical-cultic settings, 102. Cf. Peter Craigie, Psalms 1–50, WBC 19 (Waco, Tex.: Word Books, 1983), 30–33. 173. Brevard Childs, “Psalm Titles and Midrashic Exegesis,” JSS 16 (1971): 137–50. 174. Mays, “The David of the Psalms,” 152.



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This Davidic association allows the Psalms without Davidic superscriptions, whether in the LXX or Hebrew, to undergo a “Davidic relecture.”175 That is to say, the entire Psalter can be reread as David’s. A second hermeneutical feature of Davidic association is that it stamps the Psalter with an eschatological and messianic character. Not only do the LXX superscriptions strengthen messianic expectation, but so does the total structure of the Psalter itself (cf. Pss 1–2; 146–50) and the placement of royal psalms at key junctures (Pss 2; 72; 89).176 This future expectation of a royal messiah,177 in addition to the historical and biographical contextualization, allows the Psalter to be read in the present by any reader who chooses to identify with the life experiences of David and the future hopes of Israel. Thus the future orientation and biographical context enables Midrashic interpreters to claim that “the book of Psalms applies to David, to all Israel, and to all times.”178 This threefold designation corresponds to the view of David as “a king of yore and the longed-for Messiah,” in addition to “the Everyman of the present.”179 For patristic writers, who identified Jesus as the royal Messiah and son of David, the Psalms become a prophecy about Christ, prayers to Christ, and even prayers of Christ. This latter understanding of the Psalms as the vox Christi is developed at length by Augustine and undergirds much of his exegesis of the Psalter.180 175. Braulik, “Psalter and Messiah,” 26. 176. For further discussion on the messianic structure of the Psalter, see Braulik, “Psalter and Messiah,” 21–22. 177. For a concise and provoking survey on the development of messianic theology in the Psalter and elsewhere in the Old Testament, see Raymond Brown, “Aspects of Old Testament Thought,” in The New Jerome Biblical Commentary, ed. R. Brown, J. Fitzmyer, and R. Murphy (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1990), 1310–12. 178. Alan Cooper, “On the Typology of Jewish Psalms Interpretation,” in Biblical Interpretation in Judaism and Christianity, ed. I. Kalmi and P. J. Hass (New York: T&T Clark, 2006), 82. See also Brevard Childs, “Psalm Titles,” 137–50. 179. Cooper, “Jewish Psalms Interpretation,” 80. 180. See esp. Cameron, “Transfiguration,” StPatr 33 (1997): 40–47.

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The topic of Christ praying in the Psalter deserves a separate treatment, but it must be emphasized that we do not find a flat “Christo-lization,” as it were, of the Psalter akin to the “Davidization” of all the Psalms. For instance, who is the blessed man of Psalm 1 or the speaker of Psalm 44? Among the Church Fathers, these much debated questions do not yield an uncompromisingly simplistic Sunday-school response: Christ. The all important patristic question of whom a Psalm refers to leads us to the topic of text and referent and the perduring debate over appropriate terms for describing patristic exegesis.

Exegetical Terminology Debating over Words

Much ink has been spilt on distinguishing between the particularities and commonalities of Alexandrian and Antiochene writers, or in identifying their use of allegory, typology, theoria, or the “four senses” of scripture.181 Latin hermeneutics during the patristic age tended to be conservative and developed in its own direction without engaging in Antiochene-Alexandrian polemics.182 Discussion on exegetical terminology, which often involves 181. As noted, Antiochene writers, under the influence of Hellenistic grammar, rhetoric, and Jewish exegesis, generally focused on the historical reality of scripture but allowed for a higher meaning (theoria). Alexandrians, influenced by philosophical thought, likewise sought a higher sense but often appeared to do so at the expense of the straightforward or plain meaning of the text. Despite these contrasting approaches, it is inappropriate to juxtapose Antiochene and Alexandrian exegesis as solely concerned with historical or allegorical exegesis respectively; Trigg, Biblical Interpretation, 32. In regard to the notion of an “Antiochene school,” some qualifications should also be made. Simonetti, “Theodore of Mopsuestia,” in Handbook of Patristic Exegesis: The Bible in Ancient Christianity, ed. C. Kannengiesser, 2 vols. (Boston: Brill, 2004), argues that unlike Alexandria, which had an institution with teachers and administrators, Antioch “must be conceptualized as only a group of exegetes and theologians” who taught and entered into teacher-pupil relationships that were bound by “a common theological and exegetical outlook,” 2:803. 182. Froehlich, Biblical Interpretation in the Early Church, 23. Notably, those who had spent time in the East demonstrate some predilection toward one camp or another



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Antiochene and Alexandrian exegetical practices, nonetheless, has bearing on how scholars conceptualize and evaluate the bishop of Hippo’s exegesis. This subsection examines the applicability of the medieval “four senses” in describing Augustine’s reading of the Bible, the basic premises of the allegorical-typological debate, as well as the notion of “figurative exegesis,” which is a classification commonly used for Augustine’s exegesis.183 The Four Senses of Scripture

First, it can be said that applying the medieval understanding of the “four senses” of scripture, historia, allegoria, tropologia, and anagogia, to Augustine or the Church Fathers is altogether anachronistic.184 These senses may find their roots in the patristic age, but they are not clearly defined categories for Augustine and his predecessors. Admittedly, Augustine does write of the “four ways” Greeks expound scripture “historically, allegorically, analogically, and aetiologically.”185 Augustine speaks of these (such as Ambrose and Hilary with Alexandria, or Jerome with Antioch), yet in Tyconius’s Rules or St. Augustine’s De doctrina christiana no mention of dispute is found. Notably, the Antiochene approach to the Psalter, made accessible through Julian of Eclanum’s Latin translation of Theodore of Mopsuestia commentary, appears to have had influence in the West, particularly on Irish Psalm commentaries during the early Middle Ages. Some Irish commentaries situate all of the Psalms within the lifetime of King David, and thus detect no messianic prophecies in the Psalter; Martin McNamara, “The Bible in Academe and in Ecclesia: Antiochene and Early Irish Exegesis of Messianic Psalms,” Mils 39 (1997): 118. 183. See for instance, Robert W. Bernard, “The Rhetoric of God in the Figurative Exegesis of Augustine,” in Biblical Hermeneutics in Historical Perspective: Studies in Honor of Karlfried Froelich on His Sixtieth Birthday, ed. Mark S. Burrows and P. Rorem (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1991), 88–99; David Dawson, “Figure, Allegory,” in ATTA, 365–68; Elizabeth A. Clark, Reading Renunciation, Asceticism and Scripture in Early Christianity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999); Cameron, “The Christological Substructure of Augustine’s Figurative Exegesis,” 74–103. 184. Augustine of Dacia’s often quoted distich, “Littera gesta docet, quid credas allegoria, moralis quid ages, quo tendas anagogia,” succinctly indicates the basic thrust of each sense. See de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis, 1:22. 185. “Secundum historiam, secundum allegoriam, secundum analogiam, secundum aetiologiam.” Augustine, Gen. imp., 2.5.1 (PL 34:222). See also Util. cred. 3.5.

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four ways at least twice, but the schema has little bearing on his exegesis.186 For one, Augustine’s exegesis and even his understanding of “literal interpretation,” undergoes change from his earliest to his later writings.187 Moreover, the four ways Augustine mentions do not correspond exactly to the four senses as understood in the Middle Ages.188 Aetiology, for example, explains the origins of deeds or sayings but is conspicuously absent in the medieval four senses. This stands in clear contradistinction to Robert McNally’s assertion that “apart from the central dogmas of Christianity, it is hard to find a religious truth on which there is no clearer consensus [regarding the four senses] among the Fathers and Scholastics.”189 Although it is not difficult to discern that such a sweeping statement tends toward caricature, occasionally scholars, without due qualification, speak of Augustine’s exegesis as if he were familiar with the medieval distich. Cameron, for instance, states that Augustine attempted “to assimilate the Church’s traditional language about the four senses of Scripture, but it never was a comfortable fit.”190 Cameron’s remark is made with respect to the aforementioned “four ways” of the Greeks rather than the medieval 186. See Norris, “Augustine and the Close of the Ancient Period of Interpretation,” 1:380–408, esp. 392–93. Norris maintains this fourfold list is mentioned only once in Augustine’s writings. It is found, albeit in different arrangements, in at least two places: Gen. imp. 2.5.1 and Util. cred. 3.5. 187. Roland Teske, introduction to Augustine, Saint Augustine on Genesis: Two Books on Genesis Against the Manichees and On the Literal Interpretation of Genesis: An Unfinished Work, trans. R. Teske, FC 84 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1991), 17. 188. Some writers, notably, hold that there are up to seven senses of scripture, de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis, 1:96. 189. Robert McNally, review of Henri de Lubac, Exégèse Médiévale: Les Quatre Sens de L’Ecriture, TS 22 (1961): 448. 190. Cameron, “The Christological Substructure of Augustine’s Figurative Exegesis,” 79. Cameron also assumes these four senses are traditional categories by the time of Augustine, whereas the crystallization of “four senses” occurs centuries later, and only in the West.



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four senses, yet nowhere does he clarify the difference between the two. Frances Young, in her assessment of patristic exegesis, has argued convincingly that the four senses of scripture attributed to medieval exegesis are less than helpful categories in the analysis of patristic writings.191 Multiple meanings in the exegesis of Origen or Augustine, for instance, are not the result of literal, moral, allegorical, or anagogical concepts, but “are really multiple referents,” Young argues.192 The Allegory and Typology Debate

A second difficultly arises in employing terms that Augustine did use with more frequency in his works, such as figura (Latin for τύπος and τυπικῶς; cf. 1 Cor 10:6, 10) or allegoria (Latin for ἀλληγορέω and ἀλληγορία; cf. Gal 4:24), in order to describe his reading of the Bible. When used by Augustine, figura is most often a general term both for words and for events that are understood figuratively.193 According to Erich Auerbach, figura, which originally denoted “plastic form,” and later the distinction of any nonliteral or indirect form of expression, takes 191. Young, Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture. 192. Ibid., 137. 193. Bernard, “The Rhetoric of God in the Figurative Exegesis of Augustine.” From an etymological perspective, “figurative” exegesis is not substantially different from “typological” exegesis. The former derives from the Latin term figura whereas the latter, coined in the modern period, stems from the “typic” family of Greek words, τύπος, τυπικῶς and τυπικός. In the debate surrounding a nonliteral reading of a text, the terms “figurative” and “typological” are not placed in contrast to each other, so much as with “allegorical.” Indeed, the debate sparked by Daniélou and de Lubac over the nature of typology and allegory in Origen has yet to be quelled. For a succinct overview see Peter W. Martens, “Revisiting the Allegory/Typology Distinction: The Case of Origen,” JECS 16 (2008): 283–318; Clark, Reading Renunciation, 70–103. Clark favors the blanket term “figurative” for exegesis connecting to a higher meaning or sense of a text. See also Cameron, “The Christological Substructure of Augustine’s Figurative Exegesis.” Notably, Cameron proposes a further distinction of anagogic and dramatic figurative exegesis. These categories appear to be too closely connected to Augustine’s earlier exegesis, from 388–98, to be of use for Enarrat. Ps. 119–33.

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on new meaning in patristic writings.194 Thus for Tertullian or Augustine, figura “is something real and historical which announces something else that is also real and historical.”195 With this understanding, Noah’s ark, for instance, is conceptualized as a historical object, but it prefigures the Church,196 just as the human Moses is figura Christi.197 These things, in other words, point toward and find their ultimate fulfillment in a future event, person, or entity. In his reply to Faustus, a Manichee who disparaged much of the Old Testament, Augustine explains that in the Old Testament “temporal things were figures (figuras) of future things which should be fulfilled in us upon whom the ends of the ages are come.”198 The Old Testament is read not to obtain its promises, as Faustus alleged, but because it is a fulfillment of the New, “for the Old bears witness to the New,” says Augustine.199 The historical dimension of figura, according to Auerbach, stands in sharp contrast to the abstraction of allegoria, where historical reality is inconsequential. From an allegorical perspective, for instance, the trees in the garden of Eden can be interpreted spiritually regardless of whether or not they actually existed.200 While Auerbach is correct in pointing out Augustine’s preference for figura over allegoria,201 particularly as his career progressed, his analysis accentuates the difficulty contemporary 194. Erich Auerbach, “Figura,” in Scenes from the Drama of European Literature, THLS 9 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984), 28. 195. Ibid., 29. 196. Augustine, Civ. 15.27 197. Ibid., 10.8. 198. “Sed in illis temporalibus figuras fuisse futurorum quae implerentur in nobis, in quos finis saeculorum obvenit,” Faust. 4.2 (PL 42:218). 199. “Veteris quippe testificatio, fidem novo conciliat,” Faust. 4.2. (PL 42:218). For similar remarks on the figural relationship between the Old Testament and New Testament, see also Serm. 4.8; Civ. 5.18. 200. See Gen. Litt. 8.4. 201. Augustine’s “thinking was far too concrete and historical to content itself with pure abstract allegory,” notes Auerbach, “Figura,” 37.



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scholars face: Augustine is not consistent in his usage of the terms.202 David Dawson has gone as far as to claim that “trying to sort out these terms according to a set of systematically organized categories seems to be an especially futile enterprise.”203 That said, Dawson goes on to provide a number of key distinctions between the terms.204 Underlying the discussion, significantly, is the question of what type of exegesis is acceptable, or what is not. Dawson posits that a nonliteral reading that “draws the reader’s attention to the way the figure relates to fulfillment, and to the way the two together realize the overarching divine intention for the world” is acceptable.205 A fundamental relationship exists, then, between the two poles of figure and fulfillment, and only through a careful reading of the letter of a text is the fulfillment illumined. Central to this process is the overriding divine intention: God is working in history to transform humanity. Thus the scriptural text, often taken from the Old Testament, informs the mission of Christ, the Incarnate Word described in the New Testament, who is transforming, purifying, and reconciling the Christian reader to God. This acceptable nonliteral reading is distinguished from a reading that sets up a binary and subversive opposition between a figure and its fulfillment, says Dawson. Such a reading subverts history and tends toward abstraction. The literal meaning is effaced and supplanted with a universalizing hermeneutic. Dawson labels the former acceptable reading figural and the unacceptable figu202. Augustine, for instance, refers to Paul’s reference to the Exodus in 1 Corinthians 10 as allegoria in Util. cred. 3.8, when allegory, according to Auerbach and most scholars, designates a nonhistorical event. The Exodus, however, is understood by Augustine to be a historical event, and thus the term figura should be expected. A further difficulty is that the Latin Bible utilizes the term figura in 1 Corinthians 10:6, 10, rather than allegoria. See Dawson, “Figure, Allegory,” ATTA, 366. 203. Ibid., 365. 204. Ibid. 205. David Dawson, Christian Figural Reading and the Fashioning of Identity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002).

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rative. Others simply distinguish between figural and bad figural reading.206 For our purposes, we will utilize figurative exegesis in a broader sense. In this case, figurative exegesis denotes interpretation beyond the plain or literal meaning of a text, and most often, if not always, understands the referent to be based on an historical reality, and its fulfilment in the New Covenant. Examples from Augustine’s expositions on the Psalms of Ascent illustrate how the term is an apt descriptor. On this climb, notes Augustine in Enarratio 119, the Psalmist cries out to God for help against false counselors and cunning dissuaders (Ps 119:1–2), he laments the length of his sojourn (5–6), dwells among Ishmael’s hostile descendants, the people of Kedar (5), and ultimately desires the peace of his homeland (7), which is presumed to be Jerusalem. Our psalmist on his upward journey prayed against them [those with iniquitous lips], and he was supplied with destructive coals and the sharp arrows of a mighty warrior, for he still has to live among such people until the whole threshing-floor is cleared at winnowing-time. This is why he complained, I have been dwelling among the tents of Kedar. Ishmael’s tents bear this name, Kedar. Genesis indicates this, for it tells us that Kedar belonged to Ishmael.207

Notably, Augustine does not dwell on the historical setting, but he acknowledges it. The Psalmist, having prayed and received a response from God, is attempting to journey to the city of David but is confronted by hostile nomadic descendants of Ishmael. The historical setting, nonetheless, is only a minor, and at times, tangential concern. Taking his cue from the Apostle Paul (Gal 4:21–29), Augustine distinguishes between the two brothers, Ishmael and Isaac, in conjunction with the promise of the Old and New Covenants. The promises of the former 206. Lewis Ayres, Nicaea and Its Legacy: An Approach to Fourth-Century Trinitarian Theology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 38. 207. Enarrat. Ps. 119.7 (WSA 5: 506).



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Covenant, “when understood in a spiritual sense” (in figura spiritaliter intelleguntur), point not to an earthly Jerusalem, a territorial kingdom, secular power, numerous offspring, or abundant harvests, but to the heavenly city, Jerusalem.208 To seek earthly prosperity from God, even if one is in the Church, is to belong to Ishmael, explains Augustine. Such ones persecute the spiritual, who want to ascend (cf. Gal 4:29). The culmination of the Psalmist’s journey, or more broadly, the fulfillment of this song as well as the other Songs of Ascent, is in Zion above. Notably, the two poles between the Psalm text and its fulfillment encompass Augustine and his listeners, as well as the singer and Isaac and Ishmael—the North Africans, the Psalmist, and those who signify Isaac and Ishmael are found on the threshing-floor of salvation history before it is “cleared at winnowing-time.” Augustine’s figurative reading, it can be said, is not applied haphazardly, nor is it without consideration for what the text itself says. Augustine is aware, for instance, of the tensions that arise in establishing a fundamental connection between the figure of Jerusalem and its fulfillment in the heavenly Zion. Psalm 125:1, as an example, speaks of Zion’s captivity. This is problematic if Zion is a figure of the heavenly Jerusalem. Augustine repeatedly asks, “Which Zion is this?” It appears to be “Jerusalem, the eternal Zion. But how can it be the eternal Zion if it was also Zion the captive?”209 The dilemma is resolved by indicating that the human members of the eternal Zion, as opposed to the angels, have indeed been taken captive under sin. The city of Babylon, and the seventy-year captivity, though real, are symbols of the confusion of this world and the whole of time during which the return transpires. The question “which Zion is this?” brings the discussion from the description of nonliteral reading practices to the standard grammatical practices of antiquity. 208. Enarrat. Ps. 119.7 (CSEL 95.3.52). 209. Enarrat. Ps. 125.3 (WSA 6:70–1).

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Text and Referent and the Vox Christi A technique common to grammatical exegesis in antiquity, including Christian exegesis, is the inquiry into the subject of a given text. This prosopological question, already witnessed in several examples, revolves around what the text refers to, and was most commonly formulated with the question, “who is speaking?” (quis dicit).210 The question, which could be asked in a Homeric passage or other poem, was expected to elicit one (or a combination) of three responses: (1) the subject is obvious given the context; (2) the subject is not obvious. There may have been a silent changing of subjects (mutatio personae), and the subject should be derived from the grammar of the sentence; in some cases the subject (3) may not be any of the characters in the narrative, but the voice is from the author himself who speaks (ex persona sua), or equally any character in or out of the narrative. In such cases grammatical indications, as well as the suitability of the speaker, are weighted.211 This interpretative phenomenon plays a significant role in patristic commentary on the Psalms. In fact, the prosopological question is of such importance that Marie-Josèphe Rondeau’s magisterial investigation of patristic Psalter commentaries focuses on how the prosopological question is approached by different 210. Hubertus R. Drobner, “Grammatical Exegesis and Christology in St. Augustine,” StPatr 18 (1990): 51. 211. It bears mentioning that grammatical exegesis is tied more closely with the plain sense of the text, as opposed to the nonliteral or figural reading. The plain sense, in contrast to the literal meaning, which is often associated in contemporary discussions with the original intention of the author, concerns “the ‘way the words run’ for a community in light of that community’s techniques for following the argument of texts,” Ayres, Nicaea and Its Legacy, 32. In other words, it is the sense a passage had for an ancient Christian reader versed in literary analysis. The plain meaning can be multivalent and open to several legitimate interpretations depending on which figures of speech are understood to be present.



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Church Fathers.212 In general, the Psalmist is said to speak from the person (ἐχ προòώπου or ex persona) of another, be it Christ, humanity, the Church, David, and so forth; the exegete, for his part, attempts to discern the identity of the persona. Brief selections from patristic commentaries highlight the point. Returning to the example of the First Psalm, we find considerable discussion on the referent of the text. Jerome turns his sights on the identity of the “blessed” man. Is this Christ? Or perhaps Joseph of Arimathea, “who did not follow the counsel of the Jews, who did not stand in the way of sinners, and who did not sit in the company of the Pharisees”?213 For Jerome this text applies simply to a just man. Jerome, however, does not spurn figurative interpretation. The fruit of the tree (1.3) is not limited to the product of diligent meditation (1.2), but represents Wisdom, who is Christ, and is the same tree that is found in Eden and that stands on either side of the river flowing from the throne of God (Rv 22:1). For Basil the first Psalm is understood to be a prayer of the historical David to abet the “combatants of true religion” in the ordinary struggles of the holy against the way of the wicked (Ps 1).214 Given this specific contextualization, moralistic overtones prevail throughout the homily. It lacks much of the figurative flare of Jerome’s commentary. Basil is not uncompromisingly rigorous in demanding a single referent, although subsequent Antiochene exegetes such as Diodore, and above all Theodore of Mopsuestia, tended in this direction. Theodore’s homily on the first Psalm, like Jerome’s, begins in discussing the referent of the “blessed man.” He dismisses the possibility of King Josiah as the referent, and argues instead that the Psalm is moral in 212. Marie-Josèphe Rondeau, Les commentaires patristiques du Psautier: IIIe–Ve siècles, 2 vols., OrChrAn 219–20 (Rome: Pontifical Institute of Oriental Studies, 1982– 85), 1:8. 213. Jerome, Hom. Ps.1 (FC 48:4). 214. Basil, Hom. 10.3 (FC 46.154).

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nature. Its referent is not a person, but a disposition and pattern of life.215 The remainder of his comments are based on this categorization of the Psalm as moral. One of Augustine’s major contributions to patristic exegesis is his treatment of the prosopological question in the Psalter. Borrowing from Tyconius’s Rules, particularly his first rule of exegesis, that the reader must discern whether the referent of the text is Christ or his body, the Church (De Domino et corpore eius),216 Augustine searches for the voice present in Psalter. While the Blessed Man (Ps 1:1) is understood to be a simple just man for Jerome, David for Basil, and a way of life of Theodore, for Augustine the most common question is whether the vox Christi and the vox ecclesiae can be discerned in the Psalter. Though the prosopological quest is commonplace in patristic exegesis, Augustine’s originality stems from his synthesis of the voice of Christ and that of the Church, and in his assertion that the voice of the One Christ (unus Christus), or the whole Christ (Christus totus), is heard throughout the psalms.217 The fundamental Pauline connection between Christ and his members (Acts 9:4; 1 Cor 12; Eph 5:30–32; cf. Matt 25:35–40), means that at times both the head of the body, namely Christ, and the members speak with one voice; at other times it is the body, others just the head, and still others the head speaks to the body. Augustine explains it as such: Our Lord Jesus Christ is both head and body, and, having deigned to die for us, he has also willed to speak in us, for he has made us his members. Sometimes he speaks in the person of his members [ex persona membrorum suorum] and at other times in his own person [ex persona sua], as our head. He has some things to say without us, things we can come only from him, but without him we cannot say anything.218 215. Theodore of Mopsuestia, Comm. Ps. 1. 216. Augustine, Doctr. chr. 3.31.44 (CCSL 32:104). 217. Rondeau, Les commentaires patristiques du Psautier, 2: 369. 218. Enarrat. Ps. 142.2 (WSA 6:346; CCSL 40:2061).



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Augustine does not bestow a specific name to his prosopological approach,219 and the varying combinations of the vox can be intermingled, even within a single psalm. Thus a single psalm may speak about God, speak to God, or represent God speaking.220 In many ways the vox Christi or totus Christus is seen as the key to understanding Augustine’s exegesis of the Psalms. Although the prosopological question might be one of erudition for the Antiochene exegete, argues Rondeau, in Augustine it is the heart of the Christian mystery.221 It is not absent from Enarrationes 119–133, but neither is it omnipresent. Augustine does not bring the prosopological question to the fore of his interpretation of the Songs of Ascent. It remains a minor, albeit theologically significant, motif in Enarrat. Pss. 119–33. Ultimately, the prosopological question is a specific manner of addressing a broader, if implicit, patristic concern: “what is the referent of the text?” Whether in St. Justin Martyr’s polemics, Origen’s or Eusebius’s analysis of Isaiah, or Tyconius’s Rules, one discerns the principle of looking for the reference and making crossreferences.222 The different results can be understood as differing approaches to discovering the referent.

Conclusion The popularity of the Psalms in patristic circles is, on one hand, part and parcel of the intimate and organic connection between the Old Testament and the Church’s faith in the person of Christ Jesus. The mysterious dialectic between Christ and the Psalms reflected in the New Testament and witnessed in liturgi219. J. Delamare, “Lorsque saint Augustin expliquait les psaumes,” VSpir 82 (1950): 115–16. Delemare likens Augustine’s many descriptions of the vox, such as unus vir, universes Christus, Christus plenus totusque, unus vir integer, or Christus totus et universalis, to an affectionate mother who does not cease to invent new names for a beloved child, 116. 220. Fiedrowicz, “Introduction,” 45. 221. Rondeau, Les commentaires patristiques du Psautier, 2:370. 222. Young, Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture, 137.

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cal practice provides and ensures a fundamental orientation of the Church toward the Psalter. The usage and popularity of the Psalms, on the other hand, undergoes a period of intensification in the fourth century in both monastic and lay settings. Understanding the Psalms as a vehicle for personal sanctity as well as a mysterious text with a variety of speakers, is appropriated and synthesized by Augustine. Scripture in general, as a sacred text, is inspired and authoritative, containing the secrets of God’s wisdom and creation; the Psalter in particular is to be mined for its lucrative mysteries. Such an endeavor, however, is not a mere intellectual activity, but incorporates the reader’s entire being, and ultimately draws the reader into closer union with the divine and the faith community. For Augustine, the faith community is not simply a parochial entity but is universal in scope. Indeed, the interpretative horizon in which Augustine situates the Psalms is vast, encompassing the Psalmist, other biblical personages such as Isaiah or St. Paul, as well as followers of Christ such as the martyrs. Augustine and his listeners are considered participants in the ongoing drama of the heavenly ascent. A hermeneutic of alignment, it has been suggested, is a driving and guiding factor in Augustine’s interpretation of the Psalms of Ascent. The interpretative features of conflation and consonance further strengthen the dynamic between the text and its audience, which stretches across time and space. More detailed examples have yet to be drawn, but we can also here remark that the superscriptions as well as the Davidization of the Psalter often play a key role in evaluating the historical or figurative meaning of Psalms. Augustine’s contribution to the prosopological understanding of the Psalms lies squarely in his emphasis on the vox Christi. That said, it is not the most important interpretative feature in the ESA, although determining the referent of the Psalm remains paramount. In our case Augustine most often seeks to elaborate and explore the ascent of which the Psalmist sings.

Two

Delivery and Transmission of the Enarrationes

d Two hundred years separate the time from when our North African wordsmith began forging his expositions on the Psalter to the moment when we can date the earliest manuscript of the Enarrationes. This seventh-century palimpsest manuscript, with the Enarrationes written over an effaced version of Cicero’s De republica, was copied out across the Mediterranean, likely from the safety of a monastery in Italy.1 By this time, Augustine’s words were but a faint echo in the continent’s radically altered religious landscape. His voice would continue to reverberate nonetheless, and not just in monasteries, but for successive generations in the churches of Europe with the intent to instruct and “Christianize the Christian people.”2 The purpose of this tripartite chapter is to provide a backdrop for the delivery and transmission of the Enarrationes. First, a survey of the preparation, delivery, and recording of the Enarrationes is given. Here we take a glimpse into the complex ma1. See pages 80–85 for a discussion of the manuscript tradition. 2. Hamman, “La transmission des sermons de saint Augustin,” Aug 25 (1985): 311.

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chinery behind the production of the bishop of Hippo’s writings and the process by which they came to life. The second section examines the manuscript tradition of the Enarrationes and the ESA in particular. To our great benefit, critical editions of more than half of the Enarrationes have been published, including an entire volume dedicated to his expositions on the Songs of Ascent.3 Third, the location and date in which the Cantica graduum were generated is sketched. The expositions were delivered in relatively rapid succession, yet debate still lingers in determining the year and context of these expositions.

Preparing, Delivering, and Recording the Expositions Oral and Written Audiences

Though Augustine’s works total more than 5 million words, it is astounding to consider that he himself may not have written any of them. It was not common practice for writers of antiquity to engage in the physical labor of writing.4 Even authors who wrote easily, like Cicero, most often composed via dictation.5 Augustine’s sermons came into being, either through pri3. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 119–133, CSEL 95.3, ed. Franco Gori (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2001); Enarrationes in Psalmos 1–32, ed. Clemens Weidmann, CSEL 93.1 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2003); Enarrationes in Psalms 51–60, ed. Hildegund Müller, CSEL 94.1 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2004); Enarrationes in Psalmos 141–150, ed. Franco Gori, CSEL 95.5 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2005); Enarrationes in Psalmos 101–109, ed. Franco Gori, CSEL 95.1 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2011); Enarrationes in Psalmos 18–32 (Sermones), ed. C. Weidmann, CSEL 93.1B (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2011). 4. Sharon Crowley and Debra Hawhee, Ancient Rhetorics for Contemporary Students, 4th ed. (Toronto: Pearson Longman, 2009), 405. See also Meer, Augustine the Bishop, 414. Hamman, L’Épopée du livre (Paris: Perrin, 1985), notes that Augustine’s letters at least would have been signed with his own hand, 14. 5. Crowley and Hawhee, Ancient Rhetorics for Contemporary Students, 405.



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vate dictation or through stenography, during the process of oral delivery. Dictated sermons could be circulated for the benefit of the faithful, including those who were unable to hear Augustine in person, or for preachers who were incapable of generating quality sermons of their own.6 Likewise, the words by which the orator drew in, enraptured, and challenged those gathered for liturgy were not left undocumented. Possidius remarks that “anyone who wished and had the means [quisquis, ut potuit et voluit] could have his words taken down by stenographers [notarii].”7 Augustine was conscious of his immediate and future audiences in his expositions on the Psalter. He speaks to both at the commencement of his exposition of Psalm 51: “For these questions [pertaining to the superscription] must not be passed over too lightly, especially since some of our brethren have decided not only to take in what we say with their ears and hearts, but also to commit it to writing. So we have to think of readers as well as hearers.”8 Evidently, the bishop did not think it unusual to satisfy the concerns and queries of an audience not physically present at the moment of delivery. Prior to delving further into the question of how these expositions were recorded for later audiences, we turn to the preliminary matter of preparation. More precisely, we consider whether the Enarrationes existed in a draft form prior to delivery, or whether they were put into written form following the sermon. The question is most significant in trying to determine if the Enarrationes, as they appear in the manuscript tradition, 6. Augustine did not expect preachers lacking oratorical originality to simply regurgitate a sermon; rather they were to memorize them and tailor the delivery according to the needs of their congregants, as he makes clear in Doctr. chr. 4.29. Notably, dictated sermons were not directed toward a private readership, but designed for the wider Christian community gathered in a liturgical context, Goulven Madec, La Patrie et la voie: Le Christ dans la vie et la pensée de Saint Augustin (Paris: Desclée, 1989), 116. 7. Possidius, Vita 7.3 cited in Michele Pellegrino, introduction to Saint Augustine, Sermons I, 1–19, trans. Edmund Hill (New York: New City Press, 1990), 17. 8. Enarrat. Ps. 51.1, WSA 3.13.

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are “substantially” Augustine’s words and if the Sitz in Leben in which they were delivered can be construed. One of Cicero’s finest works, Pro Milone, by way of example, highlights the disconnection a written speech might have from the actual delivery. Cicero rewrote this defense of his friend Milo after the trial had been lost. Upon reading the speech, Milo commented that if Cicero had spoken so well during the trial he would “not now be enjoying the delicious red mullet of Massilia.”9 In this instance the written work not only was of superior quality to the actual speech, but inaccurately reflects the situation in which it was delivered. The Presence or Absence of Written Prompts during Delivery

For a time, scholars assumed that Augustine wrote out many of his sermons prior to delivery. In a landmark study, American scholar Roy Deferrari pointed out that this assumption was based on a faulty text in the last line of the Maurist editon of the Retractationes (2.93.2).10 Instead of reading alios dictatos, the text should read alias dictatas.11 Others had noted the difference in manuscripts, but not the significance of the discrepancy in regard to the delivery of Augustine’s sermons. Deferrari highlights that the meaning switches from “before I began to look over my letters and sermons to the people, some (of the sermons) dictated and others (of the sermons) spoken,” to “before I began to look over my letters and sermons to the people, the former (letters) dictated and the latter (the sermons) spoken.”12 9. Dio 40.54.3 in Dominic H. Berry, Cicero Defence Speeches (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2000), 162. 10. Roy Deferrari, “Augustine’s Method of Composing Sermons,” AJP 43 (1922): 97–123, 193–219. See also Deferrari, “Verbatim Reports of Augustine’s Unwritten Sermons,” TAPA 46 (1915): 35–45. 11. Deferrari, “Augustine’s Method of Composing Sermons,” 98. 12. Ibid.



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The difference is considerable, and based on the correct reading, Deferrari goes so far as to insist that Augustine did not use any written prompts during the delivery of his sermons. Following his train of thought, Eric Rebillard has more recently concluded, “We know for sure that Augustine delivered his sermons without reading from a previously written text.”13 It may be granted that Augustine did not preach from a prepared text, although this practice was not unknown.14 Nonetheless, the question of whether or not Augustine utilized any written prompts is a different matter. On the one hand, plenty of evidence of spontaneity in the bishop’s sermons exists. In support of his argument, Deferrari cites examples such as Augustine’s comments on the chattiness of his audience, their approval or disapproval, their position (whether sitting or standing), and events of the day. Other indicators are the singsong or rhythmical swing of Augustine’s speech created by “short sentences or clauses ending with the same word or syllable.”15 Signs of spontaneity within the expositions on the Songs of Ascent include references to the audience hearing and responding to the Psalm (119.1); apologies for having preached longer than expected (120.15; 121.14); exhortations to join in singing the Psalm (123.3); remarks about previous expositions delivered (124.1; 125.1); promises made to congregants for a future sermon (123.14; 126.13); references to specific events surrounding the feast day (natalis dies) of martyrs (120.1, 15; 127.2); prompts for the audience’s attention (127.7); references to the boredom of the audience (128.1); and playful banter with a fellow bishop who refused to preach to his congregation until after Augustine had done so (131.1). Clearly Augustine was well aware of the needs of his audience and engaged them appropriately. 13. Eric Rebillard, “Sermones,” ATTA: 790. 14. Deferrari, “Augustine’s Method of Composing Sermons,” 217. 15. Ibid., 194.

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On the other hand, the well-crafted Enarrationes have been classified among “the finest of Augustine’s works.”16 Such accolades could not be granted without a certain degree of preparation on Augustine’s part. Meer, in his assessment of Augustine’s preparation for sermons, allows that some of the more loosely constructed sermons were spontaneous. He also surmises that the bishop’s 124 sermons on the Gospel of John were “first set down in writing” due to their meticulous workmanship and profound insight.17 Importantly, the first dozen or more of these tractates were delivered intermittently with Enarrationes 119–33.18 They were delivered in the same city and over a relatively short time span, which means it is not unreasonable to assume a similar preparation and delivery for all 27 sermons. The lack of a previously written draft or notes, nonetheless, as Deferrari carefully points out, does not necessitate unpreparedness. In elaborating upon Augustine’s preparation before a sermon, Deferrari distinguishes between ex tempore delivery (spontaneous with some preparation or meditation beforehand) and strictly ex tempore delivery (with no preparation at all).19 He reasons, in agreement with Meer, that the majority of Augustine’s sermons were delivered ex tempore. Cardinal Michele Pellegrino sums up Augustine’s typical preparation before a sermon as such: His long and diligent frequentation of the sacred books, the prayer and contemplation that were the center of his life, his contacts with a populace whose mentality, needs, and expectations, good will and inconstancy, weaknesses and passions were well known to him, and the 16. They are “les oeuvres les plus belles d’Augustin,” argues Henri Rondet, “Bulletin d’histoire de la théologie: Études augustinennes,” RSR 37 (1950): 628. 17. Meer, Augustine the Bishop, 417. 18. See subsection “A Critical Edition of Expositions 119–133” below on the dating of the Enarrationes. 19. Deferrari, “Augustine’s Method of Composing Sermons,” 110–19.



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appeals to the Lord that accompanied at every step his exercise of this ministry–all these were worth more than the immediate preparation which he could not possibly have made.20

While Augustine’s busy schedule would not allow for extensive preparation, we do know of a few cases where the bishop had only moments to gather his thoughts. In such strictly ex tempore sermons Augustine chose, or was forced, to change the topic of his sermon in mid-course of the liturgy.21 In one instance, the lector read a different portion of the Psalter from the one Augustine had selected. Taking the miscue as providential, Augustine proceeded to expound upon the Psalm that was read, to the delight of his audience.22 Augustine was conscious that in the performance of preaching, he was undertaking an exercise of faith in the service of the believing community. He was thus conscious of the need to allow himself to be guided by what he sees in faith as the prompting of the Spirit. Preparation was important, but Augustine “assumed that such profound truth was not within the power of fallen man’s intellect, and that without divine help not even the greatest intelligence could properly comprehend” the depths of scripture.23 For this reason he continually beseeches the audience for their prayers. Augustine’s ability to unravel why Solomon’s name is attached to the superscription of Ps. 126, he tells us, is measured by the extent the Lord graces him with understanding.24 20. Pellegrino, “Introduction,” 17. 21. Augustine, for instance, recounts feeling inspired to change his sermon to the topic of sinning against the Holy Spirit, Serm., 71.8. On another occasion, says Possidius, Augustine changed his sermon to the topic of the Manichean heresy without having any prior intention to do so, Vita, 15. 22. See Enarrat. Ps. 138.1. 23. John W. Rettig, introduction to Tractates on the Gospel of John 1–10, by Saint Augustine, trans. John W. Rettig, FC 78 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1988), 9. 24. Enarrat. Ps. 126.1.

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While Augustine’s sermons, including those on the Cantica graduum, “are literally filled with evidence of spontaneity and extemporization,” as Deferrari has argued, Augustine did have recourse to written aids in some cases.25 In a letter to his friend and fellow bishop Alypius, Augustine mentions quoting from passages of scripture he had prepared before the liturgy.26 These were passed to him by an attendant. Customarily, the bishop preached sitting from the elevated position of the apse, while the audience stood for the Gospel as well as the sermon.27 In the same letter, he recounts being handed the manuscript of Exodus from which he proceeded to read, and use as a guide for warning about the dangers of revelry.28 While it is not clear if this was Augustine’s typical practice, we can affirm that, at minimum, Augustine had access to scripture if needed. Moreover, we know that Augustine had the habit of writing comments in the margins of the Bible, and these too may have served as aids.29 The question of preparation and written prompts also raises the issue of whether Augustine had memorized the Psalter. While rhetors were trained to memorize vast amounts of material, it is unlikely that he memorized the entirety of scripture, or even the Psalter. The suggestion put forth that Augustine memorized all of the Psalms has been convincingly dismissed.30 In sum, it is very possible that Augustine had recourse to notes, or at least the biblical text itself during his expositions on the Psalms of 25. Deferrari, “Augustine’s Method of Composing Sermons,” 193. 26. Ep. 29.4. 27. De catechizandis rudibus 13.19; Serm. 17.2; 95.2; 355.2. See Rettig, “Introduction,” 5. 28. Ep. 29.5. 29. Annotationes in Job, for instance, is a collection of Augustine’s unedited notes on the book of Job. See Steinhauser, “Manuscripts,” 525. 30. Anne-Marie La Bonnardière, “Note critique sur une anthologie des Enarrationes in Psalmos,” REAug 27 (1981): 306–9. Meer, Augustine the Bishop, 415, holds a more moderate position, suggesting Augustine quoted scripture from memory and utilized a codex only when quoting extensive passages.



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Ascent. On the other hand, we can conclude, following Deferrari, that the ESA did not exist in written form prior to delivery. Recording Augustine’s Sermons

Henri Marrou has described the culture of late antiquity as “une culture de scribes.”31 Scribal activity permeated Roman culture as well as church life. Any ecclesiastical official of importance, notes Meer, had at least one notarius at his disposal.32 Eusebius recounts the third-century Alexandrian theologian, Origen, being provided seven stenographers and seven copyists, in addition to calligraphers, by his patron Ambrose.33 The historicity of this statement aside, Eusebius’s remarks illustrate the expectation that a prominent Christian teacher would have access to ample resources to assist him in the process of composition.34 The presence of scribal activity in Augustine’s preaching can be gleaned from numerous references in his works, and even subtle comments by the notarii themselves.35 The notarii formed one of three general categories of people involved in the recording and transmission of works in Augustine’s time. Using shorthand, the notarii recorded either public speech or private dictation for church dignitaries (as distinct from exceptores, who did the same for state magistrates). The librarii, also known as amanuenses or copyists, transcribed shorthand notes into longhand. These were needed for the produc31. Henri Marrou, Histoire de l’éducation dans l’antiquité, 2 vols., 6th ed. (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1981), 2:450. Some caution is warranted in assessing the portion of people trained in the art of reading and writing. Education was not systematically institutionalized as in developed nations today, and the literacy rate did not exceed 10–15 percent of the populace at any period in the Greco-Roman world, notes William Harris, Ancient Literacy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989). 32. Meer, Augustine the Bishop, 414. 33. Eusebius, Hist. eccl., 6.23. Eusebius points out that not all seven scribes recorded Origen at once; they relieved one another when necessary. 34. Kim Haines-Eitzen, Guardians of Letters: Literacy, Power, and the Transmitters of Early Christian Literature (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 4–5. 35. Deferrari, “Augustine’s Method of Composing Sermons,” 122–23.

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tion of longer works or books. The librarii would also submit to the speaker what he had dictated for final correction. Another class of copyists are the scriba. Scriba generally designates copyists who write by either shorthand or longhand.36 As mentioned above, Augustine was fully conscious of the stenographers recording his work as well as his future readership. During public debates, he insisted that the discussion be recorded. This was to ensure orderly proceedings, inform those not present of what was said, and later serve as a memory aid and reference for future dialogue.37 Similarly, designated notarii ecclesiae were present at significant liturgical occasions, such as ecclesial elections.38 Meer has suggested that the notarii were “probably found from among the clerics of [Augustine’s] own household.”39 That said, they did not travel everywhere with Augustine. We hear of a debate with the Donatist bishop Fortunius being stopped short because the designated notarii had refused to take notes for some reason unknown to Augustine. Augustine, wanting to continue, called upon some of the brethren with him to take notes. They were unable to record for long, and soon gave up because of the pressures of the vociferous debate.40 Such anecdotal evidence serves as a reminder that despite living in this “scribal culture” the notarii captured only a fraction of Augustine’s preaching. Some have estimated the total number of sermons Augustine preached around the eight thousand mark.41 This would 36. Ibid., 106–7. For an extensive treatment on the topic see Hans C. Teitler, Notarii and Exceptores : An Inquiry into the Role and Significance of Shorthand Writers in the Imperial and Ecclesiastical Bureaucracy of the Roman Empire: From the Early Principate to c. 450 A.D (Amsterdam: J. C. Gieben Publisher, 1985). See also Meer, Augustine the Bishop, 415–17. 38. Ep. 213.2 37. Ep. 33.4; 44.2. 39. Meer, Augustine the Bishop, 414. 40. Ep. 44.2 41. Andrew Louth, “ ‘Heart in Pilgrimage’: St Augustine as Interpreter of the Psalms,” in Orthodox Readings of Augustine, ed. G. Demacopoulos and A. Papanikolaou (Crestwood, N.Y.: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2008), 293.



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mean the number of extant sermons is about 10 percent of the total number of sermons delivered.42 If his extant sermons, along with the Enarrationes and the tractates on John’s Gospel and First Epistle are included together, the number of surviving sermons climbs to one thousand, or about 12.5 percent of sermons delivered. In any case, his expositions on the Psalter were dutifully recorded over a lengthy period of time, albeit they were not delivered in any discernable order. Revision and Circulation of the Enarrationes

It is known that Augustine habitually revised manuscripts of his work.43 The bishop had planned to revise his letters and sermons in his final years, yet controversy with Julian of Eclanum, a Pelagian and a bishop, prevented him from doing so. Given that the Retractationes makes no specific reference to sermons on the Psalter, it does not appear that Augustine revised them at that time. The possibility remains open that some sort of revision took place before the writing of the Retractationes. Meer states, “It seems probable enough that the bishop undertook some revision of sermons that had been transcribed in his own circle, such as those on the Psalms.”44 We know that copies of Augustine’s sermons on the Psalter were in circulation during his own lifetime, and had reached Jerome as far away as Bethlehem, in or before 404.45 In a letter to Evodius, written in 415, Augustine mentions being unable to revise De Trinitate due to 42. Hamman, “La transmission des sermons de saint Augustin,” 312. 43. That Augustine revised manuscripts is evident “from his adverse comment on the manuscript of De immortalitate animae that was circulated without his approval,” notes Vernon J. Bourke, “Augustine on the Psalms,” in Augustine: Biblical Exegete, ed. Joseph Schnaubelt and Frederick Van Fleteren, AHIS 5 (New York: Peter Lang, 2001), 57. 44. Meer, Augustine the Bishop, 416. 45. Ep. 72.3.5.

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popular demand for further expositions on the Psalter.46 His final series of Enarrationes, surveying Psalm 118, was in fact the response to such demand.47 It follows that demand for expositions on Psalms he had yet to preach on would make sense only if they were being collected in some form, since no one could have possibly been present for each of the Enarrationes. Whether or not the Enarrationes on the Cantica graduum circulated in such a collection is uncertain. The extent of any possible revision is also guesswork. If Augustine chose to revise some of the these particular expositions after their possible circulation, this may explain the bipartite manuscript tradition discussed below.

The Textual Evidence Editions of the Enarrationes

The first critical edition of the Enarrationes has been long in the making. The Corpus Christianorum: Series latina (CCSL), which published the entirety of the Enarrationes soon after its inception as a series in 1953, closely follows the seventeenth-century editions assembled by the Benedictines of St. Maur and reproduced in Migne. Augustinian scholar Vernon Bourke sums up the relationship between the CCSL, the Patrologia latina (PL), and the Maurist edition as such: “Thus we have practically the same Latin text of the Enarrationes in the seventeenth-century Maurist edition, reprinted in Migne’s nineteenth century Patrologia Latina, and now repeated in the Corpus Christianorum, with some variants at the bottom of the page.”48 Eligius Dekkers and Johannes Fraipont, the CCSL editors, note as much themselves, saying, “We have followed [the Maurist] edition above all.”49 To 46. Ep. 169.1. 47. Enarrat. Ps. 118[1].1 48. Bourke, “Augustine on the Psalms,” 57. 49. Eligius Dekkers and Johannes Fraipont, preface to Saint Augustine, Enar-



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their credit, Dekkers and Fraipont made the Enarrationes more widely available, yet the editors did not attempt to sort the family relations and value of the 368 manuscripts (some partial) and earlier editions of the Enarrationes at their disposal.50 Part of the reason for this decision is due to the sheer size of the Enarrationes, in addition to the large number of manuscripts. By comparison, extant manuscripts for the Confessions and De Trinitate number 258 and 233 respectively.51 The quantity of Enarrationes manuscripts also testifies to the influence and popularity of Augustine’s commentary in later tradition, particularly in the medieval monastery. Over a third (147) of the extant manuscripts, for example, are the fruit of the “soaring development of [twelfthcentury] monastic life.”52 While no other century would produce as many manuscripts of the Enarrationes as the twelfth, the large quantity of manuscripts alone cannot explain the delay behind the publication of a critical edition. De civitate Dei, for example, is the only Augustinian writing with more extant manuscripts than the Enarrationes, yet a critical edition of the work appeared in 1853.53 The long wait is perhaps best explained by the expansive size of the Enarrationes, in addition to the relatively small amount of scholarly interest in the Enarrationes until recent times.54 rationes in Psalmos I–L, ed. Eligius Dekkers and Johannes Fraipont, CCSL 38 (Turnholt: Typographi Brepols, 1956), ix: “Primo loco memorantur codices quos adhibuerunt Maurini: eorum enim editionem hic potissimum secuti sumus.” 50. Damasus Trapp, “Augustine and His Influence,” in A Catholic Dictionary of Theology, ed. H. F. Davis (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1962), 1:218. 51. André Wilmart, “La tradition des grands ouvrages de Saint Augustin,” in Miscellanea Agostiniana II: Studi Agostiniani, ed. Germain Morin and Antonio Casamassa (Rome: Tipografia poliglotta vaticana, 1931), 295–315. 52. Ibid., 311. From the ninth-century Carolingian renaissance, by contrast, we are only left with three complete sets and fifteen partial sets, Trapp, “Augustine and His Influence,” 218. 53. Steinhauser, “Manuscripts,” 525. 54. See Drobner, “Studying Augustine,” 19.

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A Critical Edition of Expositions 119–33

It is only more recently that significant progress in dealing with the value and family of manuscripts of the Enarrationes has been made. Under the leadership of Clemens Weidmann, Hildegund Müller, and Franco Gori, critical editions of various sections of the Enarrationes have been successively published for the Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum (CSEL) series.55 The manner in which the editors proceeded is rather amenable for our purposes since one volume has been devoted solely to the Cantica graduum.56 Gori, who edited Enarrationes in Psalmos 119–133, utilized codices dating back to the ninth century, four codices from the eighth century, and one codex, Vaticanus Lat. 5757 (“B”), from the seventh century.57 This last manuscript, mentioned at the outset of this chapter, contains Enarrat. Ps. 119–40. Few of the manuscripts, understandably, contain all of Augustine’s expositions on the Psalter. Nonetheless, just over a dozen manuscripts dating from the eighth to the eleventh centuries contain only expositions on the Psalms 119– 33, and a similar number contain the last third of the Psalter, Psalms 101–50.58 The grouping of Enarrat. Ps. 119–33 together suggests that these expositions, like the Psalms of Ascent them55. See footnote 3 of this chapter. 56. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 119–133. For a discussion on the edition see Franco Gori, “La tradizione manoscritta delle Enarrationes in Psalmos graduum di Agostino: Studio preliminare per l’edizione critica,” Aug 37 (1997): 183–228; Simonetti, “L’editone critica delle Enarrationes in Psalmos graduum (119–33) di Agostino a cura di F. Gori,” Aug 41 (2001): 93–98; Gori, “L’edizione critica delle Enarrationes in Psalmos graduum: Questioni specifiche,” Aug 41 (2001): 99–112. 57. For a detailed listing of manuscripts utilized for the critical edition, see Gori, “La tradizione manoscritta delle Enarrationes,” 186–88. 58. It has been argued that the tripartite division the Psalter into groups of fifties has Celtic origins, although McNamara points out that such a division may go back to the time of Hilary or Augustine, Martin McNamara, “Psalter Text and Psalter Study in the Early Irish Church (A.D. 600–1200),” PRIA 73 (1973): 201–98.



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selves, were viewed by some readers as a unified collection—an assumption consistent with Augustine’s own remarks on the expositions as a unified series.59 Gori hypothesizes that the extant manuscripts can be divided into two main families, “p” and “g.” These two families were transmitted separately prior to the ninth century and are said to derive from a lost archetype. Both the “p” and “g” families contain numerous errors such as repetitions of the same phrase on the same page (saut du même au même), confusion with inflectional suffixes (désinences), the replacement of a word with a synonym, the insertion of clarifying words such as etim or ergo or, less often, the omission of negations.60 Importantly, it is not uncommon for one of the families to contain the correct text where the other deviates. These features have led Gori to surmise that the common ancestor from which the two families derive could be reconstructed. Gori has gone as far as to outline several errors from Enarrat. Ps. 119–33 that he believes stem from an original manuscript.61 Gori’s hypothesis is not inconsistent with the argument that Augustine himself revised the ESA. The existence of an archetype cannot be ruled out, yet Gori’s hypothesis has been cast as overly speculative. Bengt Alexanderson, a Swedish textual critic of patristic works, suggests an alternative explanation for the presence of two families.62 Alexanderson, like Gori, divides the manuscript tradition between the “p” and “g” families but reasons that this division could just as easily be the result of two separate notarii (stenographers) recording Augustine’s expositions by shorthand rather than deviations from an original archetype manuscript. The assumption is plausible since the division between the two families, after all, 59. Enarrat. Ps. 121.1; 125.1. 60. Bengt Alexanderson, “Réflexions sur l’édition récente des Psalmi Graduum de S. Augustin,” Aug 42 (2002): 187–89. 61. Gori, introduction to Enarrationes in Psalmos 119–133, 35. 62. Alexanderson, “ Réflexions sur l’édition récente,” 189–201.

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is based not so much on the style or preference of two different copyists, but upon mistakes, such as the saut du même au même or désinences, which are found in both, but not in the same passages. Alexanderson further states that mistakes in transmission may have occurred in the process of copying as well as stenography. Errors, thus, could have been committed by librarii who misunderstood what the notarius had written or dictated. Alexanderson also raises the question of whether the notarius and the librarius could have been the same person as well. Either way, Alexanderson’s suggestion of two separate stenographers provides a reasonable account for the “p” and “g” manuscript families. Gori’s hypothesis remains a possibility, yet the search for an original manuscript need not detain us here since there is no such document in existence.

Establishing a Date of Delivery for Expositions 119–33 The Background of the Enarrationes

In many ways the Enarrationes are an incredible achievement; these expositions cover the entire Psalter, the lengthiest book the bible boasts. The bishop of Hippo’s first foray into commenting on the Psalter began during his early episcopacy with the dictation of expositions on Psalms 1–32. It is not unfair to say that these initial expositions are brief, “dry,” and stilted in light of his more mature Enarrationes.63 Augustine, perhaps out of dissatisfaction with his preliminary analysis, would later deliver a second exposition on several of these Psalms in a liturgical context.64 While Augustine commenced his expositions at the begin63. Rondet, “Bulletin d’histoire de la théologie,” 629. 64. Enarrat. Ps. 18[2]; 21[2]; 25[2]; 26[2]; 29[2]; 30[2]; 31[2].



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ning of the Psalter, he did not continue in numerical sequence. His last and rather remarkable expositions were reserved for the expansive Psalm 118. The bishop himself explains that he intentionally avoided this lengthy Psalm because of its grandeur and depth. He acquiesced to popular demand for an explanation of its meaning with a series of 32 expositions on this one Psalm sometime after 417.65 Scholars suspect that these 32 sermons were dictated rather than orated, yet these well-crafted expositions resemble nothing like the point form style of Augustine’s opening expositions, which coincidentally also number 32.66 An estimated 123 of the expositions were preached.67 From other writings it can be deduced that Augustine continued to dictate, rather than orate, a number of sermons on the Psalter. For example, in the letter to Evodius mentioned above Augustine states he specifically dictated Psalms 61, 71, and 77.68 Considering the Unity of the Enarrationes

When considering the Enarrationes as a whole, it is not surprising to find the absence of a rigorous uniformity or consistency. The contrast between the initial and final series of expositions highlights the need to contextualize their composition. They span much of Augustine’s thirty-five-year episcopal preaching career, and were composed under differing circumstances. The fact that some of the expositions were dictated while others were preached over a period of several decades strongly suggests that the Enarrationes should not be viewed as a unified work. It bears repeating that the title Enarrationes was not chosen by Augus65. Anne-Marie La Bonnardière, Recherches de chronologie augustinienne (Paris: Études augustinniennes, 1965), 119. 66. Rondet, “Bulletin d’histoire,” 629. 67. Anne-Marie La Bonnardière, “ Les Enarrationes in Psalmos prêchées par saint Augustin à l’occasion de fêtes de martyrs,” RcAug 7 (1971): 73. 68. Ep. 169.1

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tine, but ascribed to these expositions over a thousand years after their creation. Had the Enarrationes been neglected, the lack of a name might be understandable. It goes without saying that the millennium-long absence of a working title is difficult to explain. One plausible explanation, however, is that Augustine (and perhaps a number of his subsequent readers) never regarded his expositions on the Psalms as a systematic treatise like De Trinitate or a book like the Confessions. A new (and even later) title is not needed nor is one being advocated. That said, there is a danger of forgetting that the Enarrationes is a late title for loosely grouped sermons on the Psalms. Doing so can lead to generalizations and overstatements. It is not uncommon, for instance, to find scholars speaking of the Enarrationes as if it were a book with a unified argument. Pontet, by way of example, states, “we could very call the Enarrationes Augustine’s Epistle to the Romans.”69 Even if we allow Romans to be the crowning jewel of St. Paul’s thought, the analogy does not hold. The letter was not written over a course of thirty years, and the Enarrationes are not built upon a series of interlocking arguments. Undeniably, certain unique features or themes can be detected in many of the Enarrationes, particularly the vox Christi. Yet when scholars speak of the vox Christi or unus Christus in relation to the Enarrationes, generalizations are extensive. Rondeau, for instance, sees the vox Christi as the fundamental theme of all Augustine’s expositions.70 Maria Boulding understands Augustine equating the “I” of the voice of the Psalms with Christ as the reason for the perennial applicability and appeal of the Enarrationes.71 The importance of this hermeneutical argument for Augustine’s reading of the Psalms is unassailable, but, as with most generalizations, the emphasis 69. “Il en tire une politique divine et une dialectique de l’histoire universelle; si bien que l’on pourrait appeler les Enarrationes son Epître aux Romains,” Maurice Pontet, L’Exégèse de saint Augustin, prédicateur (Paris: Aubier, 1946), 389. 70. Rondeau, Les commentaires patristiques du Psautier, 2: 365. 71. Boulding, “St Augustine’s View of the Psalms,” 125–34.



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on one particular aspect of an author’s works can risk obscuring or misrepresenting other facets. Andrew Louth, for instance, claims that the major obstacle for Christian readers of Augustine is that “we think we understand him perfectly well already”72— whether one understands the bishop primarily as the author of City of God, or anti-Pelagian and anti-Donatist writings, and so forth. In our case, it is important not to view the ESA simply as the extension of a broader argument or as expositions that ought to be read in light of a general theme or approach. Preliminaries to Dating Expositions 119–33

Attempting to determine the date and location of individual Enarrationes is an enterprise yielding limited success and much debate. This is somewhat surprising since Augustine is one of the best-known men of antiquity. His whereabouts and literary production can be traced, at times, from week to week, and even day to day. Yet areas of uncertainty remain. Significant miscalculations have been made in the past and may remain still.73 One such mistake involves the late dating of the ESA to around 415. As discussed below, scholars now situate these expositions, along with the first dozen In Evangelium Johannis tractatus and the ten In epistulam Johannis ad Parthos tractatus, prior to the Pelagian controversies, which began in 411. The precise year in which they were delivered remains disputed but can be comfortably situated between 405 and 411. The reason for the uncertainty in dating the ESA lies in the fact that Augustine does not make explicit mention of the expo72. Louth, “ ‘ Heart in Pilgrimage,’ ” 291. 73. Pierre-Marie Hombert, Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne (Paris: Institut d’études augustiniennes, 2000), 636. One such mistake involves the late dating of the In Evangelium Johannis tractatus. Notably, the first dozen or more tractates were delivered intermittingly with Enarrationes 119–133, and thus the chronology of these expositions has also undergone considerable revision as discussed below.

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sitions in his works or letters.74 The Retractationes, unfortunately, passes over all the Enarrationes in silence, which renders our task more difficult.75 Moreover, Augustine does not disclose the rationale behind his method of selecting Psalms to preach on. The order of delivery, says Anne-Marie La Bonnardière, was a decision Augustine chose to guard secret,76 and his motivations are, admittedly, anyone’s guess. With the sole exception of Enarrat. Ps 21[2], preached on an Ash Wednesday, none of the Enarrationes coincide with events in the liturgical year. Despite these uncertainties, there are several pieces of the puzzle that help establish a time frame for the ESA. Prominent markers that assist in gauging a possible date include the sequential delivery of the ESA; their overlap with the delivery of the In Evangelium Johannis tractatus and the In epistulam Johannis ad Parthos tractatus; allusions to the Donatist (but not Pelagian) heresy; and mention of the feast days of the martyrs. Individually these clues reveal little about the time of delivery, but when joined together they form a larger piece that can fit in only a number of places in the puzzle of Augustinian chronology. Prior to a closer look at these chronological markers, it should also be added that determining the time frame of delivery does not preclude a fruitful reading of the ESA expositions. Deciphering an approximate time of delivery does, nonetheless, offer a window into other topics or polemical concerns Augustine preached upon contemporaneously, while ruling out others. 74. A letter composed in 412, by way of contrast, reveals that Enarrat. in Ps. 72 was preached on the feast of St. Cyprian of that same year, Ep. 140.13. 75. Mary Bogan, introduction to Saint Augustine, The Retractations, trans. Mary Bogan, FC 60 (Washington D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1968), suggests one reason for the omission is that works preached ex tempore may have carried stenographic errors or unclear passages requiring a “retractatio quite distinct from any felt by Augustine in the case of his carefully dictated libri and letters,” xviii. 76. “Augustin a épuisé peu à peu le Psautier, non pas en suivant l’ordre régulier des Psaumes, mais d’après un choix dont il a gardé le secret,” notes La Bonnardière, “Les Enarrationes in Psalmos prêchées par saint Augustin,” 73.



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The Sequential Delivery

The Psalms of Ascent, as a discrete subsection of the Psalter, possess a number of commonalities. Their relatively brief length, frequent allusions to Zion, and, most notably, common superscription are telling features. Augustine not only viewed these fifteen Psalms as a unity, but also expounded upon them in sequential order. The bishop directly informs his audience that he is “considering these [canticles] in order [ex ordine].”77 The term ex ordine denotes that they were delivered in sequence.78 A similar remark is made in Enarrat. Ps. 125.1: “Since we have been taking this group of psalms in numerical order [ex ordine] you will already be aware that the one we deal with today is the 125th and that it belongs to the collection entitled Songs of Steps.”79 In his fifth exposition on the Cantica graduum, Augustine explicitly comments on previous sermons and assumes a general familiarity with their content on the part of his audience: “This psalm belongs to the group called the Songs of Steps. We have said a good deal about this title in connection with other psalms, and we do not want to repeat it now, or we might wear you out instead of instructing you.”80 Although Augustine makes mention of the superscription in order to unravel its theological and spiritual import for the Psalm in question, his treatment of the Gradual Psalms in numerical order (ex ordine) is of great assistance in establishing a date of delivery. Rather than mapping fifteen individual expositions over Augustine’s preaching career, we have a cluster of sermons preached within a relatively short period of time.

77. Enarrat. Ps. 122.1 (WSA 6.13; CSEL 95.3:84). 78. Martin, “Augustine on pilgrimages for the heart,” n.p. 79. Enarrat. Ps. 125.1, WSA 6:69; CSEL 95.3:162. 80. Enarrat. Ps. 124.1, WSA 6:56

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Connections to the Tractates on the Gospel of John and the First Epistle of John

The scope of sermons under chronological survey is measurably enlarged when the tractates on John’s Gospel, In Evangelium Johannis tractatus (Tract. Ev. Jo.) and 1 John, In epistulam Johannis ad Parthos tractatus (Tract. ep. Jo.), are considered as well. Augustine delivered 124 sermons on the Fourth Gospel, which can be divided into two main groups, tractates 1–54 and 55–124.81 The latter section may have been dictated and intended for others to use as sermons since they are brief and contain few allusions to current affairs. The former were delivered over a lengthy period of time between 405 and as late as 420.82 The overlap between some of these sermons and those on the Cantica graduum has long been recognized. The Maurist editors highlighted this connection—but also viewed the Tract. Ev. Jo. as a unified series of sermons. They dated these tractates along with Tract. ep. Jo. to the year 416, albeit allowing for the possibility of an earlier year.83 Notably, Augustine interrupted his tractates on the Gospel of John in order to preach on 1 John. All ten of these tractates on 1 John were preached during Easter of the same year.84 Augustine makes love a major focus of the sermons, and in Tract. ep. Jo., 7.8 he offers his well-known yet often misunderstood maxim, “love and do what you will” (dilige, et quod vis fac) as a means for Catholics to understand their 81. Rettig, “Introduction,” 24. 82. Allan Fitzgerald, “Johannis evangelium tractatus, In,” ATTA, 474–75. Tractates 1–54 can be further subdivided, as argued by La Bonnardière, Recherches de chronologie augustinienne. She places them into three groups: 1–16 delivered prior to the Conference at Carthage in 411; 17–23 after 418; and 24–54 during the fall or winter of 419–20 or 420–21. 83. Marie-François Berrouard, “La Date des Tractatus I–LIV in Iohannis Evangelium de saint Augustin,” RcAug 7 (1971): 105–7. 84. Fitzgerald, “Epistulam Johannis ad Parthos tractatus, In,” ATTA, 310–11.



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freedom and responsibility not to respond with hatred against those who “left us,” namely the Donatists.85 The Maurist date of 416 for these tractates on John’s Gospel and epistle is largely based on Augustine’s reference to the discovery of St. Stephen’s remains in Tract. Ev. Jo. 120.4.86 Significantly, this dating was not challenged or modified until the twentieth century. An early date for some of the Tract. Ev. Jo. was first suggested by Seraphim Zarb.87 Perceiving the differences in style, polemic, and length of the sermons, Zarb divides them into those preached and those dictated. He argues for winter of 411–12 as a date for those preached based on the references to Pax Ecclesiae and the imperial intervention against the Donatists following the Conference of Carthage in 411. Pelagian references, still possible with this dating, are also detected by Zarb in Enarrat. Ps. 128, and 132, as well as 95. In a later work, Zarb reaffirmed winter of 411–12 for Augustine’s sermons on the Songs of Ascents and included two other expositions, Enarrat. Ps. 95 and 99, to this grouping.88 Most scholars follow Zarb’s inclusion of Enarrat. Ps. 95, due to the mention of Bishop Severus of Milevis. Severus appears to be the bishop Augustine refers to in Enarrat. Ps. 131.1. If this is the case, then Enarrat. Ps. 131 was delivered the day after Enarrat. Ps. 95. The second exposition, Enarrat. Ps. 99, was apparently included because it was preached in Carthage and, like 85. Eoin G. Cassidy, “Augustine’s Exegesis of the First Epistle of John,” in Scriptural Interpretations of the Fathers, ed. Thomas Finan and Vincent Twomey (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1995), notes that this particular phrase “is arguably the most celebrated and without doubt the most controversial of all Augustine’s statements on love,” 215. See also Serge Lancel, Saint Augustine, trans. Antonia Nevill (London: SCM Press, 2002), 293. 86. Augustine learned of this discovery from Paul Orosius in the summer of 416, hence the earlier Tractates would have been preached the year previous. 87. Seraphim Zarb, “Chronologia Tractatum S. Augustini in Evangelium primamque Epistulam Ioannis Apostoli,” Angelicum 10 (1933): 50–110, in Rettig, “Introduction,” 23. 88. Zarb, Chronologia Enarrationum S. Augustini in Psalmos (Valetta, Malta: St. Dominic’s Priory, 1948), in La Bonnardière, Recherches de Chronologie Augustinienne, 19.

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the ESA, refers to public games. As Anne-Marie La Bonnardière notes, however, “allusions to the public games are always, for Father Zarb, proof of a Carthaginian locale.”89 Public games are now understood to be more widespread than the confines of Carthage.90 Other significant connections between the tractates and Enarrat. Ps. 119–33 are drawn out by Le Landais.91 His important contribution lies in delimiting the first dozen Tract. Ev. Jo., as well as the Tract. ep. Jo., to the period when Enarrat. Ps. 119– 133 were preached. Effectively, this means that the delivery of these thirty-six sermons, plus Enarrat. Ps. 95, transpired during the same winter.92 Enarratio 120, preached on December 5th, the feast of St. Crispina, marks the approximate debut of the sermons; Enarrat. Ps. 127 commemorates the martyr Felix and is dated, in accordance with the Carthaginian calendar, to January 14th, the feast day of Felix of Nola. This mid-January date for Enarrat. Ps. 127 would mean the first eight ESA were delivered over a period of about six weeks. The remainder would have been completed prior to Easter. Le Landais, nonetheless, differs from Zarb in favoring Hippo as the location of Augustine’s preaching. He also dates these sermons during the winter of 415–16 based on Augustine’s exegesis of 1 John 1:8 and 3:9, in addition to references made to anti-Donatist laws in Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.8 that are identified with 89. La Bonnardière, Chronologie Augustinienne, 19. 90. Scholars have argued either Carthage or Hippo as the location for Enarrat. Ps. 119–133. No other possible venue has been put forth. For Carthage see Donatien de Bruyne, “Enarrationes in Psalmos prêchées à Carthage,” in Miscellanea Agostiniana II (ed. Casamassa), 321–25. For Hippo, see Anne-Marie La Bonnardière, “La predication d’Augustin sur les Psaumes à Hippone,” AEPHE 86 (1977): 337–42. The evidence is inconclusive. 91. Maurice Le Landais, “Deux années de prédication de saint Augustin: introduction à la lecture de l’In Iohannem,” EAug 28 (1953): 7–95. 92. Enarrat. Ps. 132–33 were preached on the same day and are thus counted by Le Landais as one sermon.



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Emperor Honorius’s declaration on Donatism in June 414 as opposed to the Conference of Carthage in 411.93 Anne-Marie La Bonnardière is the third modern scholar, after Zarb and Le Landais, to make yet a further significant contribution to the chronology of the ESA.94 She follows a number of their conclusions, but includes the thirteenth tractate on John’s Gospel into the group, bringing the tally to thirty-eight sermons. She also limits the window of time the Enarrat. Ps. 119–33 could have been preached between early December and Easter. Significantly, La Bonnardière argues that these “38 sermons” were delivered between 405 and 410, although she favors 407–8.95 She bases much of her argument on the similarity between Augustine’s reference to anti-Donatist laws in Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.23 and Theodotian’s Code of February 405.96 A number of scholars have sided with La Bonnardière’s pre411 dating, but not all of her conclusions.97 Suzanne Poque for instance, insists 406–7 is the year the thirty-eight sermons were delivered.98 Poque reasons that the martyr “Felix” mentioned in Enarrat. Ps. 127 is not Felix of Nola, whose feast day is January 14th, but a certain Felix of Abitinae, who is commemorated on February 12th. Thus, according to Poque, the last of the ESA were delivered just after the Easter Week sermons on 1 John. The only winter such a chronology works is 406–7. 93. See Berrouard, “La dates des Tractatus I–LIV in Iohannis Evangelium. 94. La Bonnardière, Recherches de Chronologie Augustinienne. 95. The number thirty-eight is a conservative count. Bonnardière allows that other Enarrationes may have been preached during this interval. Enarrat. Ps. 120.15, for instance, mentions a promise to the audience made the day before, but no sermon has been identified with this promise, La Bonnardière, Recherches de chronologie augustinienne, 21. See also La Bonnardière, “Les Enarrationes in Psalmos prêchées par saint Augustin,” 92. 96. For a discussion of this reference see also Berrouard, “La dates des Tractatus I–LIV in Iohannis Evangelium,” 107–11. 97. See for instance Berrouard, “La dates des Tractatus I-LIV in Iohannis Evangelium,” 105–68; Suzanne Poque, “Trois semaines de prédication à Hippone en févriermars 407,” RcAug 7 (1971): 169–87. 98. Poque, “Trois semaines de predication à Hippone,” 169–87.

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Poque’s dating is rather precise and, to an extent, speculative.99 Her placement of Enarrat. Ps. 127 to mid-February lengthens the possible window of delivery for the first eight ESA to two and a half months. Her arguments in favor of Felix of Abitinae are persuasive, but not incontrovertible. The Felix Augustine refers to was martyred with a group of other Christians—a fate Felix of Nola did not meet. That said, Felix was a fairly common name in North Africa.100 In fact, Felix of Abitinae was only one of five men named Felix who were martyred together on February 12 in Abitinae.101 In any case, if Poque’s chronology is accepted, it has only limited influence on how we view the spacing between the delivery of the expositions under consideration; rather than averaging one sermon a week on the Song of Ascents, as is the case with La Bonnardière’s dating, Augustine would have produced one about every ten days. Either way, Augustine assumes, as noted above, a consistency among his audience members, and an awareness of what has been preached before.

Conclusion To sum up this overview of the delivery and transmission of the ESA, it can be affirmed that Augustine preached on each of the Psalms of Ascent, in order, over the course of about four or five months during one winter between 406–7 and 410–11. They were most likely preached in Carthage or Hippo. The exact locale, however, has not been determined. This sequential 99. William Harmless, Augustine and the Catechumenate (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1995), 159. 100. The expansive study of names in late antiquity North Africa by André Mandouze, Prosopographie de l’Afrique chrétienne: 303–533, vol. 1 of Prosopographie chrétienne du Bas-Empire (Paris: Éditions du centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1982), lists over a hundred entries under the name Felix. While fewer than twenty of the entries are dated before the start of the fifth century, many of these entries belong to bishops—which hints at the popularity of the name among North African Christians. 101. Ibid., 409–12.



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delivery was interspersed with sermons from the beginning of John’s Gospel as well as 1 John. In total, thirty-eight sermons, including those on the Songs of Steps, can be grouped together during this winter period. Although the precise year is disputed, the delivery of the ESA took place during the ongoing tensions between Catholics and Donatists, but before the Pelagian controversies arose. Moreover, these expositions were not dictated prior to delivery, but recorded by one or perhaps two stenographers in the audience. As such, they substantially reflect what was said by Augustine before his listeners. In terms of the presence or absence of written prompts, Augustine had before him, at most, a codex of Psalms with some notes inscribed in the margins. The bishop’s expositions on the Psalter were circulated during his own lifetime, but were not subject to later revision, unlike some of his other major works. The manuscripts that have been transmitted stem from two different families. Deviations between the families could be the result of an early separation from an original archetype, or simply the result of two different stenographers recording Augustine’s words. Whatever the case may be, a critical edition of the ESA is now available thanks to the efforts of Franco Gori. While basic questions regarding the manuscript tradition, transmission, and delivery of the Enarrationes have been addressed here, the following chapter explores the broader context in which the ESA were preached, with specific reference to the state of North African Christianity, the composition of Augustine’s audiences, and the liturgical setting of the expositions.

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The Social, Cultural, and Ecclesial Context of the Enarrationes

d Having surveyed the mechanics of composition and delivery, we now turn our attention to the context in which Augustine preached the Enarrationes. Much like the Psalms themselves, the popularity of the Enarrationes, which endured well beyond their time of composition, is a strong indicator that they are not inextricably bound to a specific societal and cultural context, but speak to the perduring trials, hopes, and longings of a covenantal people.1 Our cursory glance at the Sitz in Leben in which the Enarrationes, and the ESA in particular, were preached does not negate their lasting appeal or accessibility. Rather, the three major topics of this chapter, African Christianity in Augustine’s time, the composition of a typical audience, and the African liturgy with specific reference to the Psalter, serve to bring features of Augustine’s expositions, such as the prominence of martyrs, emphasis on spiritual combat, and the import of singing, into sharper relief, while exposing the immediate physical and liturgical realities in which they were delivered. 1. Trapp, “Augustine and His Influence,” 209–22.

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African Christianity: Its Origins, Martyrology, and Theological Worldview “The Blood of the Martyrs is the Seed of the Church”

The beginnings of African Christianity are somewhat obscure.2 From its incipient stages the Greek language appears to have enjoyed some prominence, and after a period of bilingualism, the African Church turned exclusively to Latin.3 It is possible that the first Latin liturgies in Rome (c. 380 AD) originated with Africans living in the capital—but unlike Rome, Egypt, or even India, North Africa made no claim to a founding apostle.4 This is not to say that the apostles were unimportant to Africa; the cult of Saints Peter and Paul appears to have been widespread in Numidia and beyond.5 The absence of a di2. African Christianity in the context of late antiquity often refers, rather broadly, to Christianity north of the Sahara including the modern-day regions of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia but excluding Egypt and Ethiopia, Maureen Tilley, “North Africa,” in Origins to Constantine, ed. Frances Young and Margaret Mitchell, vol. 1 of The Cambridge History of Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 381. Of most interest for the purposes of this research is African Christianity in Numidia. The boundaries of Augustine’s Numidia are roughly the same as those of modern-day Algeria. 3. Tertullian, for instance, wrote in both Latin and Greek, yet by the late fourth century the difficulties Valerius, the Greek-speaking bishop of Hippo, encountered with his Latin audience were significant, Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography, rev. ed. (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2000), 131–33. See also Mary Collins, “Language, Liturgical,” in The New Dictionary of Sacramental Worship, ed. Peter Fink (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1990), 653. Notably, the Theoprepia at Carthage, which later became the Donatist cathedral, bears a Greek name meaning Divine Magnificence. It may have been constructed in the second or third century, indicating the influence of Greek at this time, Gareth Sears, Late Roman African Urbanism: Continuity and Transformation in the City (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2007), 4. 4. Joseph Crehan, “African Liturgy,” in A Catholic Dictionary of Theology, ed. by H. F. Davis (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1962), 1:45. On the linguistic diversity of Christians in second-century Rome, see John F. Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship: The Origins, Development, and Meaning of Stational Liturgy, OrChrAn 228 (Rome: Pontifical Institute of Oriental Studies, 1987), 145. 5. William H. C. Frend, “The Memoriae Apostolorum in Roman North Africa,”

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rect apostolic foundation or the uncertain identities of the first Greek missionaries matter little in light of what Africa did have: martyrs. The noted authority on African Christianity, W. H. C. Frend, states that the North African Church “enters the stage dramatically on 17 July 180.”6 On this day a dozen of the faithful from Scilli, a small settlement near Carthage, were tried before Proconsul Vigellius Saturninus under the charge of being Christian. They were found guilty and executed.7 This bloodshed, of course, did not hamper, but accelerated, the spread of Christianity. Tertullian sums up the violent opposition and subsequent reception of the faith in Africa in his famous remark, “the blood of the Christians is the seed of the Church.”8 As Augustine explains in Enarratio 128, the Church has always been under attack from the time of Abel, Enoch, and Noah.9 The successive generations of the prophets, and above all, Christ himself, teach the North Africans how to suffer and endure contempt.10 Fittingly, references in the ESA to the martyrs are not peripheral or didactic but are central to understanding and persisting in the “ascent.”11 The martyrs, like the Psalmist, have understood the parameters of life’s pilgrimage from this valley of tears to the courts of heaven (cf. Ps 83:2–6).12 So Augustine begins his first sermon on the Gradual Psalms.13 The Christians who stood in the basilica of either Carthage JRS 30 (1940): 32–49. For a critique of Frend’s analysis of the Donatist relationship to the cult of Sts. Peter and Paul see Paul-Albert Février, “Martyrs, polémiques et politique en Afrique (4e–5e siècles),” RHCM 1 (1966): 8–18. See also Sears, Late Roman African Urbanism, 35–36 6. Frend. “From Donatist Opposition to Byzantine Loyalism: The Cult of the Martyrs in North Africa 350–650,” in Vandals, Romans, and Berbers: New Perspectives on Late Antique North Africa, ed. Andrew H. Merrills (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2004), 259. 7. Ibid. 8. “Semen est sanguis Christianorum,” Tertullian, Apol. 50.13 (PL 1: 535). 9. Enarrat. Ps. 128.2. 10. Enarrat. Ps. 125.1. 11. See for instance Enarrat. Ps. 120.1–2; 119.1. 12. Cf. Enarrat. Ps. 83.10. 13. Enarrat. Ps. 119.1 (WSA 5:497–98).



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or Hippo listening to his explanation of the Psalter would not have to gaze into the distant past of a long-forgotten world to identify with the stories and lives of the martyrs. Indeed, it is through the martyrs, and because of them, that the Africans can see themselves as actors in the unbroken and unfolding drama of salvation history in which the Psalmist speaks, groans, fears, and prays to God.14 The living context of Augustine’s congregation remains in continuity with the living context of the Psalm; the martyr is essential in making this connection since the martyr not only has experienced the gamut of trials and emotions described by the Psalmist, but also has succeeded in making the ascent to the heavenly Mount Zion.15 Martyrdom, Persecution, and Donatism in North Africa

The specter of persecution was a threat for the first generations of African Christians, and to some extent, for those after Constantine. Actual outbursts of violence, however, were sporadic, dependent on local enforcement, and often concentrated in particular regions. The final persecution under Diocletian was short-lived in the West (303–5). It was also severe, especially in North Africa, having been spurred on by Maximian’s fourth edict in the spring of 304. Shortly after this edict, which required the laity as well as the clergy to offer sacrifice, St. Crispina, a mother and matron from Tebessa, was executed.16 Her memory, like that of the other martyrs, would not fade. When commenting upon her witness and exemplary virtues over a hundred years after her execution, Augustine could ask the rhetorical question, “Is there anyone in Africa who does not know 14. Enarrat. Ps. 119.7; 120.5; 122.3. 15. See pages 157–59 below. 16. “Acta Crispina,” in Acts of the Christian Martyrs (ed. H. Musurillo; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 302–9.

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about these events, brothers and sisters? Scarcely.”17 In short, the memories of the martyrs were etched into the very life of African Christianity. In early-fifth-century Africa we find the corpus of literature commemorating the martyrs well established, and even a provision made for the reading of the passio of a martyr on his or her anniversary.18 Notably, the greatest impact on the African Church may not be in the numbers of members executed or punished during the persecutions. Rather, as one scholar points out, more significant is the “terror inflicted on Christians and the reaction by church leadership in demarcating Christians from the larger world.”19 Thus, in the African psyche, the Church is often portrayed as the idealized Mother of Proverbs 31:4.20 She not only marks her children as distinct from the world, but births, nourishes, and protects them from an unclean world ruled by demonic powers.21 Peter Brown assesses the mindset of African Christianity as such: “The African came to church, less because he was ‘thirsty . . . and heavy laden’, but because he wished to survive in a battlefield: the Psalms of deliverance from the hands of enemies predominate notably in their inscriptions.”22 Other inscriptions found on church buildings include exhortations to sanctity, purity, and separation from the world; motifs of suffering and martyrdom as well as unity, peace, and the universal Church also appear.23 These motifs, notably, are shared by 17. Enarrat. Ps. 120.13 (WSA 5.25). 18. Canon 47 of the Third Council of Carthage provides the canon of accepted biblical books, and concludes with this stipulation that is it permissible to read the passio of a martyr when their feast day is celebrated, Concilia Africae (CCSL 149: 340). 19. Tilley, “North Africa,” 391–92. 20. See for instance St. Cyprian, Unit. eccl. 6 (PL 4:503A): “One is not able to have God as his Father unless he has the church as his mother.” (Habere non potest Deum patrem qui ecclesiam non habet matrem.) 21. Augustine, Serm. 37.2; Ep 34.3. See also Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 207. 22. Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 207. 23. Sears, Late Roman African Urbanism, 35.



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both Catholics and Donatists. The attempt to identify church edifices as either Catholic or Donatist based on these notions of martyrdom, universalism, and suffering have been made, but the themes may be too general to designate ownership.24 In any case, to Augustine the Donatists were schismatics who misguidedly saw themselves as the pure and true Church, but Catholics such as Augustine and the Donatists shared the popular belief that the world was a tiny pocket of disorder beneath the harmony of the cosmos.25 “You are well aware that warfare never ceases,” says Augustine at the conclusion of an exposition delivered on the feast of the martyr St. Felix, “and that the endurance of persecution stems from an unimaginable hope (cf. 1 Cor 2:9).”26 The struggle, he elaborates, is outward against unbelievers and rebels, and inward against the urges and tumults of the flesh.27 24. Ibid. 25. Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 240. Very briefly it can be said the Donatist controversy centered on the validity of the consecration of Caecilian to the bishopric of Carthage by a bishop purported to be one of the traditores who handed over scripture during the Diocletian persecution. As archdeacon of Carthage, Caecilian had been in dispute with a number of Christians awaiting martyrdom in a Carthaginian prison whose bishop had bowed to imperial pressure and turned over sacred texts. The validity of the consecration was not the only issue at stake; tension also resided in determining if authority rested in the bishops (even those bishops who had not remained unyielding under persecution), or if it remained with the martyrs and the uncompromising faithful. Other Catholic bishops outside of Africa, especially the Bishop of Rome, maintained support for Caecilian in the dispute, while dissenting African bishops gathered around a bishop by the name of Donatus, hence the name, “Donatism.” Catholics, such as Augustine, viewed the Donatist schism as motivated by self-guiding interest, treachery, and, above all, a lack of charity. That the factional antagonism remained unabated a century later suggests that political, cultural, economic, and geographical realities may have been factors, although not the ultimate cause of division. For a concise treatment of the subject, see Frend, “Donatism,” in Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World, ed. G.W. Bowersock, Peter Brown, and Oleg Grabar (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999), 417–19; Markus, “Donatus, Donatism,” in ATTA, 284–87. The reminder that both sides of the dispute viewed themselves as the “true” and “Catholic” Church remains helpful, Brent Shaw, “Who Were the Circumcellions?” in Vandals, Romans and Berbers: New Perspectives on Late Antique North Africa, ed. Andrew H. Merrills (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2004), 227. 27. Ibid. 26. Enarrat. Ps. 127.16 (WSA 6.114).

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Augustine’s Inward Ascent

Augustine, to be sure, differed sharply from rigorist Donatists in a number of ways, particularly in directing the spiritual struggle inward. As noted, the ascent toward heaven is made in the geography of the heart; Augustine returns to this point with predictable frequency in the ESA.28 The Psalter itself explains that “God arranges ascents in his heart, in the valley of weeping (in convalle plorationis), to the place he has appointed” (Ps 83:6–7).29 The convallis, a valley enclosed on all sides, is where the Psalmist, as well as the audience and all of humanity, find themselves. Pilgrims [peregrine] mount upward from the valley of tears, in spite of cunning dissuaders and the trials of prolonged exile.30 Loving God is to ascend and loving the world is to fall.31 At first blush, these parameters of ascending and falling appear simplistic. Augustine, as noted, frequently repeats the concept of the ascent, particularly when considering the superscription common to the Psalms of Steps. But his presentation continually encapsulates this longing for union with the divine in ways that are suited to the particular words of a given Song of Ascent. In other words, each sermon is a unique engagement with the biblical text. Platonism and the Interior Theater of Spiritual Life

If anything, the notion of a pilgrimage to a heavenly realm is not a simple extension of African belief but is colored by thirdcentury Neoplatonism. Plotinus’s Enneads, edited notes of lectures arranged by Porphyry, cover a range of topics that appear 28. “But our ascent must be made in the heart, by a good intention, in faith and hope and charity, in a desire for eternity and everlasting life. That is what the ascent is.” Enarrat. Ps. 120.3 (WSA 5:511); See also 119.3; 120.3; 121.2; 122.2; 123.9; 124.2; 125.7; 126.6. 29. Enarrat. Ps. 119.1.9–10 (WSA 5:498; CSEL 95.3:37). 30. Ennarat. Ps. 119.3, 6 (WSA 5:501, 504). 31. Ennarat. Ps. 126.1 (WSA 6:83).



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to have influenced Augustine’s understanding of the soul, beauty, divine illumination, theodicy, time, and the Trinity, and even his articulation of the mystical experience shared with Monica at Ostia.32 Debate has raged over the extent to which Neoplatonism influenced Augustine’s Christian theology.33 Very briefly it can be said that Augustine may share with Plotinus a fundamental premise that the soul desires to ascend, but the nature of the soul itself, as well as the destination of the journey, and, above all, the way one arrives at this union are radically dissimilar.34 When Augustine, for example, comes to the verse “Our soul is like a bird escaped from the fowlers’ net” (Ps 123:7), he roots his interpretation soundly in the Christian tradition: the martyrs are the escapees, and the Lord the rescuer.35 Plotinus, moreover, cannot affirm, as Augustine does elsewhere, that the enmeshed soul seeks “fellowship with the angelic citizens of the eternal Jerusalem,”36 or more precisely that we are traveling to Christ, through Christ, “the king of our homeland [who] has made himself our way.”37 Michael Cameron, an authority on the Enarrationes, stresses the Christological dimension of the reoccurring theme of the love (caritas) in expositions on the Songs of Ascent. Platonic associations, and even aspirations, are undeniably present, but the love Augustine speaks of is “not a dis32. Anne-Marie Bowery, “Plotinus, The Enneads,” in ATTA, 656. 33. Despite nearly a century of study devoted to Platonic influence on Augustine, “many of the issues” remain unresolved, notes Robert Crouse, “Paucis mutatis verbis: St. Augustine’s Platonism,” in Augustine and His Critics, ed. R. Dodaro and G. Lawless (London: Routledge, 2000), 37. Crouse offers a concise overview of various scholarly approaches to understanding the interactions between Platonism and Christianity in Augustine’s thought. 34. Platonic influence is not doubted, but it must be added that the Platonism of the Fathers “is deeply affected and substantially modified by the liturgy, spirituality and doctrine of the patristic church,” Gorday, Principles of Patristic Exegesis, 33. 35. Enarrat. Ps. 123.12–13 (WSA 6:53–54). 36. Enarrat. Ps. 121.1 (WSA 6:13). 37. Enarrat. Ps. 123.2 (WSA 6:44).

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embodied principle but is bound to Christ, specifically to the humility of his incarnation and crucifixion.”38 Put another way, God’s presence is not abstract or inert, but actively present,39 and most importantly, our ascent is made through him who first descended, the Incarnate Word of God.40

The Audience: Who Came to Hear Augustine Preach? Starting Points for Investigation

Any reconstruction of a typical audience gathered to hear Augustine preach is faced with a number of challenges. Pauline Allen, in her attempts to examine the dynamic interaction between St. John Chrysostom and his audiences, outlines the information needed to understand the congregation-homilist dynamic of late antiquity.41 A methodologically sound investigation of such a dynamic, notes Allen, ought to evaluate factors such as the size, age range, ecclesial status (whether clerical, monastic, or lay), gender, educational level, biblical literacy, and attentiveness of the audience. The continuity of the congregation from homily to homily, or lack thereof, in addition to pertinent information such as the time of the year, attractions impacting attendance like the theater or other festal activities, and even the interaction between presbyter and audience outside of the liturgy, should be weighed. Allen proposes an examination of the sermons, above all, as a means for obtaining this information. But in almost the same breath, she acknowledges that a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between homilist and congregation in the East and West is currently impossible due 38. Cameron, “Enarrationes in Psalmos,” in ATTA, 292. 39. Eugene TeSelle, Augustine (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2006), 19. 40. Enarrat. Ps. 122.1 (WSA 6:29). 41. Pauline Allen, “John Chrysostom’s Homilies on I and II Thessalonians: The Preacher and His Audience,” StPatr 31 (1997): 3–21.



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to the volume of surviving homilies, lack of critical editions, and local variations. Given these problems, Allen suggests “it appears more realistic to concentrate on one homilist.”42 Notably, in the article describing this approach, she hones her research on a series of sixteen homilies believed to be delivered by Chrysostom in the same locale over a concentrated period of time. While Allen’s proposal would benefit by bringing a variety of other historical documents into consideration, as done by Claude Lepelley in his landmark study Les cités de l’Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire, sermons are undeniably the primary means of construing who came to hear a bishop like Augustine preach.43 While Allen places significant weight on sermons as informational sources, some scholars have viewed sermons as a means of measuring not only Augustine’s understanding of his audience but also the audience’s thoughts and reactions to him.44 The scope of the present research is more modest and is limited to outlining what is known about the composition of the audiences, their literacy, socioeconomic status, and numbers. Pertinent comments Augustine makes about or toward the audience during these sermons are also detailed below. Given the uncertainty as to the location and precise winter of the expositions on 42. Ibid., 8. 43. Claude Lepelley, Les cités de l’Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire, 2 vols. (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1979–81). For an extensive bibliography of works on homilies as a window into the quotidian life and worldview of Christians in late antiquity see Allen, “John Chrysostom’s Homilies,” 3. See also Ramsay MacMullen, “The Preacher’s Audience,” JTS 40 (1989): 40. Wendy Mayer generously assesses MacMullen’s work as “ground-breaking” in her own contribution to the topic, Mayer, “Who Came to Hear John Chrysostom Preach? Recovering a Late Fourth-Century Preacher’s Audience,” ETL 76 (2000): 73–87. 44. David Kleinberg, “De Agone Christiano: The Preacher and His Audience,” JTS 38 (1987): 16–33. Eric Rebillard, “Interaction between the Preacher and his Audience: The Case-Study of Augustine’s Preaching on Death,” StPatr 31 (1997): 86–98. One suspects that Rebillard’s cogent analysis of Augustine’s sermons on death is perhaps too sanguine in what can be gleaned about the thoughts and feedback of the audience from Augustine’s indirect speech and imaginative dialogues.

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the Songs of Steps, the social contexts of both Hippo Regius and Carthage within the time frame of 405–10 are considered. The Composition of a Congregation Augustine’s Pluralistic Context  Saint Jerome, writing from Bethlehem, could state in 404 that Augustine’s fame has spread throughout the world.45 Undeniably, substantial name recognition surrounded this convert, author, and able rhetor, but it is important not to depict the bishop of Hippo as a larger-thanlife figure within the confines of the Roman world, or even more locally within the boundaries of Numidia. Despite great personal prestige and his installation as bishop, Augustine’s influence in Hippo was limited.46 Caution is therefore required not to confuse Augustine’s later influence on Western culture with the influence he had on his own culture, or to see his theology as a direct reflection of late Roman culture. Augustine’s vision of the Catholic Church as the ideal of society, for instance, would have shocked his contemporaries. Not only was the division of society into two simple classes, the good people (boni) and one’s enemies (mali), incongruous with the structures of the highly stratified late Roman society, but Christians, and above all Catholics, did not represent an overly significant portion of the African demographic and political landscape.47 Paganism, in particular, was far from a spent force or antiquated worldview in early-fifth-century North Africa. Christianity and Paganism  Paganism experienced numerous changes in the fourth century but did not cease to be a significant societal influence. Constantine placed restrictions on pa45. St. Jerome, Ep. 112.5. 46. Lepelley, Les cités de l’Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire, 1:119. 47. Augustine, Civ. 19.17; Ralph W. Mathisen, “Society, Social Thought,” in ATTA, 803–6.



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ganism, such as prohibiting public sacrifice, and Theodosius I banned both public and private pagan worship across the empire in 391.48 The ramifications of such declarations, however, were often latent. Patristic scholar Gerard O’Daly notes that at the political level “no radical change in the organization of imperial, provincial, and local government” transpired.49 Even if the open practice of paganism was proscribed by law, this did not entail the abandonment of traditional religious beliefs or even the pagan cult. Augustine mentions several instances, which do not seem to be isolated, of virulent encounters between pagan factions and Catholics. He writes, for example, in disgust, at the death of sixty Christians after the statue of Heracles was overturned in Sufes, a Roman colony 100 kilometers east of Tebessa.50 We also hear of a church in Calama attacked three times in the first two weeks of June of 408 and finally plundered despite Christian appeals to the local authorities. The initial strife erupted when pagan festivities included dancing outside a church—an offense, notes Augustine, not even committed in the time of Julian.51 In Carthage, not only aristocrats but the general population was offended when Christians, taking advantage of Theodotian’s decree, laid claim to an eminent Carthaginian temple in 421. An outcry over the matter led to civic intervention, and a tribunal declared that the temple would not remain in Christian hands but be razed and its grounds converted into a cemetery.52 The outcome of the dispute is not insignificant. As Lepelley explains, 48. Henry Chadwick, The Early Church, rev. ed. (Toronto: Penguin Books Canada, 1993), 168–69. On the term “pagan” see ibid., 152. 49. Gerald O’Daly, “Thinking through History: Augustine’s Method in the City of God and Its Ciceronian Dimension,” AugStud 30 (1999): 46. 50. Augustine, Ep. 50. Augustine, incidentally, agrees that the Christians would pay full recompense for the loss of the statue—but only if the lives of the sixty were also restored. 51. Ep. 91.8. 52. Lepelley, Les cités de l’Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire, 1:43.

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“This event, first of all, demonstrates the resilience of paganism in Carthage over a quarter of a century after Theodotian’s decree. Pagans maintained an influence that cannot be underestimated; there was fear, undoubtedly, of public disturbances and the authorities were anxious to avoid any provocations.”53 Christian-pagan relations, it should be added, were not inimical at all times, and may not have been as harsh and universal as the written sources indicate.54 Some Christians even appeared to view coexistence with paganism as not only inevitable, but palatable—or even saw paganism as a legitimate means of encountering the divine.55 Augustine’s worries, moreover, were not limited to pagans. As he notes, they are the ones who do not humble themselves before the Lord, and thus words should not be wasted on an unreceptive audience.56 Augustine and His Audience  At times, Augustine’s own congregation, more so than pagan listeners, proved to be unreceptive. During one of the tractates on John’s Gospel, preached over the same period as the ESA, Augustine cut short his explanation of the wedding feast of Cana due to the suspicion that large numbers of the finely dressed congregation were in attendance simply to partake in the festivities of the day.57 Augustine expresses his reservations as such:

53. Ibid. 54. Robert Dodaro, “Augustine’s Secular City,” in Augustine and His Critics, ed. R. Dodaro and G. Lawless (London: Routledge, 2000), 241. Marrou’s thoughtprovoking Retractatio at the conclusion of Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique reminds readers of the continuity and discontinuity between Augustine and the early Middle Ages. Pagans and Christians alike from late antiquity shared techniques of expression, cultural points of reference, educational processes, and so forth that were not directly transmitted to later medieval West, but remain part of the spirit of a unique age, Marrou, Saint Augustin, 690–99. 55. Chadwick, “New Sermons of St Augustine,” JTS 47 (1996): 90. 56. Ep. 91.10. 57. Tract. Ev. Jo. 8.13 (FC: 78.193).



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All these things need to be discussed, but you must not be burdened. . . . If, therefore, my holy people, it pleases you, what pertains to the mystery of this deed let us put off until tomorrow, and let us not burden either you or my weakness. For perhaps there are many today who have come because of the day’s solemnity and not to hear a sermon. They who will come tomorrow, let them come to hear, that we may neither cheat those eager to learn nor burden those without relish for it.58

With this note, Augustine ends his sermon. Granted, his voice was weak, and perhaps he did not want to compete with their chattering, but Augustine expresses his disappointment frankly.59 Needless to say, Augustine was not afraid to confront questionable behavior or lifestyles. Another revealing statement about those gathering for the thirty-eight sermons is made in Enarrat. Ps. 127.11. While expounding upon the topic of those who bear fruit (cf. Ps 127:3), Augustine frankly remarks: “But in whom is this vine fruitful? We see many barren people within these walls; we see many come within them drunk, many who are money-lenders or slave-dealers, others who consult soothsayers, and those who run to enchanters or enchantresses when they have a headache. Is this the vine’s fertility? Is this the ample progeny of Christ’s wife? It is not.60 Augustine explicitly directs these remarks toward members of his flock. That is to say, he is speaking of those who call themselves Christian.61 NonCatholics, of course, may have been present as well. Donatists, Manichees, pagans, and the curious could be found listening to Augustine.62 Just a decade or so before the delivery of the ESA, 58. Ibid. 59. Tract. Ev. Jo. 8.13 (FC: 78.193). See Meer, Augustine the Bishop, 413. 60. Enarrat. Ps. 127.11 (WSA 6:108). 61. Ibid. (WSA 6:109). Adherence to Christianity “in no way reduced the popularity of divination and astrology; amulets and sortilege were almost universal,” notes Chadwick, “New Sermons of St. Augustine,” 90. 62. Pontet, L’Exégèse de S. Augustin, 55.

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dispute over the heterogeneity of African congregations must have been raised, since canon 84 of the Council of Carthage in 398 explicitly prevented bishops from refusing entry to pagans, heretics, and Jews.63 Candid remarks about the interior disposition and way of life of Catholics, nonetheless, indicate that their attitudes and behavior were not necessarily radically different than those of their neighbours. The Theater, Public Games, and Festivities  In this predominately oral culture, the theater was not only a popular form of entertainment but an important social activity. In Roman cities of late antiquity pantomime and mime shows replaced the earlier scripted performances of tragedies and comedies.64 The allurement of the theater and public games proved to be a point of contention between preachers and their audiences in late antiquity.65 Bishops such as Augustine were not always successful in dissuading Christians from attending, and the occasional mockery of Christian faith and ritual further exasperated the situation. While Augustine might preach on more than one occasion during the week, the theater was opened daily.66 It was not unknown for Augustine to preach on the Psalter in order 63. Concilia Africae (CCSL 149:351). 64. Pantomime actors were mostly male and wore masks; choral singing accompanied performances that often were inspired by mythological narratives. Tertullian and Cyprian are the first Christians to denounce theatrical performances, although not the first critics (they used established pagan critiques against the theater), but also added concerns of idolatry and the arousal of passions among watchers, Richard Lim, “Theatre,” in Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World, ed. G. W. Bowersock, Peter Brown, and Oleg Grabar (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999), 719. 65. Christian writers were not the only critics of the theater. A generation before Augustine’s episcopate, Julian the Apostate forbade pagan priests from attending the immoral plays, associating with dancers, actors, or musicians, Johannes Quasten, Music and Worship in Pagan and Christian Antiquity, trans. Boniface Ramsey, 2nd ed. (Washington, D.C.: National Association of Pastoral Musicians, 1983), 135–36. 66. Hamman, La vie quotidienne en Afrique du Nord au temps de Saint Augustin (Paris: Hachette, 1979), 149.



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to divert Catholics from pagan attractions, albeit this was usually done in conjunction with specific pagan feasts.67 In any event, the competition between the pulpit and the theater for attendees can be noted as a background concern in Augustine’s preaching, including his expositions on Psalms 119–33. Those attending a sermon, regardless of their affiliation with the spectacles, expected to be entertained. Robert Wilken, in his assessment of St. John Chrysostom, Augustine’s Attic contemporary, elaborates that if a high-quality sermon, equal to what audiences enjoyed in the theater, was not forthcoming they were liable to boo and hiss. If delighted, they clapped and shouted.68 While today one might nod with approval while following the train of thought of a speaker, audiences in late antiquity tended to provide claps and verbal affirmations to indicate they understood the argument at hand. Such audiences, moreover, were up close and personal, and could encroach around the pulpit. Allen likens this encounter to “crowds around a soap-box orator, looking up at the speaker, often close enough to touch him.”69 From here the skillful rhetor could, in turn, move the emotions of his listeners at will. Literacy, Socioeconomic Status, and Attendance Literacy  Were Augustine’s listeners sufficiently literate to comprehend the language of the “Ascent,” or the thought-world of the Psalmist, or again the incredibly rich matrix of biblical references interwoven in the Enarrationes? The lengthy process of 67. La Bonnardière, “La Bible ‘liturgique’ de Saint Augustin,” in Jean Chrysostome et Augustin: actes du colloque de Chantilly, 22–24 septembre 1974, ed. Charles Kannengiesser (Paris: Éditions Beauchesne, 1975), 159. La Bonnardière identifies Enarrat. Ps. 84, 99, 147, 103, 80, 146, 102, 66 as such. 68. Robert L. Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the Late 4th Century (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983), 105. 69. Allen, “Homilies on I and II Thessalonians,” 16.

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Romanization, which many North Africans embraced, especially since the second century AD, meant that all gathered would listen to Augustine preach in Latin.70 Whether or not all understood is another matter. As Chadwick notes, fluency in Latin was far from universal in Numidia.71 In terms of literacy, some caution is warranted in overestimating the reading levels of late antiquity; few comparisons can be made with institutionalized and public educational systems in developed nations today and schools in Augustine’s time. That said, Augustine does assume some literacy among his listeners. During one exposition he remarks that the excuse “I have no time to read, no leisure to listen” is no reason to be deafened to the word of God.72 Biblical codices could be purchased in stores as well.73 In one of the ESA Augustine speaks of the need to repeat himself “for those unable or unwilling to read.”74 Significantly, adds Augustine, he himself will serve as a codex for both groups.75 His comment about needing to repeat himself supports the presumption that the expositions were made widely available for those with the ability to read. It also suggests an expectation that audience members who missed an exposition would avail themselves of a transcript, or otherwise become familiar with the contents of the expositions. Socioeconomic Status  These anecdotal remarks on reading reveal that some segments of the audience came from a privileged educated minority. Some scholars have asked whether wealthy Christians formed a significant, if not predominant, segment of 70. Gilbert Picard, Carthage, trans. Miriam Kochan and Lionel Kochan (London: Elek Books, 1964), 176. 71. Chadwick, “New Sermons of St Augustine,” 71–72. 72. Enarrat. Ps. 66:10 (WSA 3:322). Elsewhere Augustine states, “I beg you, brothers and sisters, to study our scriptures,” Enarrat. Ps. 39.28 (WSA 2: 221). 73. Chadwick, “New Sermons of St Augustine,” 82. 74. Enarrat. Ps. 121.8 (WSA 6:22). 75. Enarrat. Ps. 121.8.18



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Christian audiences in late antiquity. MacMullen, for instance, claims that “it was a distinctly upper-class audience,” who would be present in either East or West—at least on important occasions or feast days.76 Augustine, he admits, does refer to the poor (pauperes) in his sermons. But, argues MacMullen, unlike in Italy, the term pauperes in Hippo or Carthage is employed by Augustine with reference to small landowners who own good property (bonum peculium).77 In an exposition, Augustine tells a parable of a poor man (pauper homo) who is short on cash. This poor man, however, is well-off enough to own property.78 It can also be noted that elsewhere Augustine speaks of himself as a poor man (homo pauper) born of poor parents (de pauperibus natus), but he too was from the ruling curial class.79 Along with MacMullen, some have been convinced that Augustine’s audiences, or at least those of late antiquity, were formed predominately by the wealthy and elite.80 MacMullen, 76. MacMullen, “The Preacher’s Audience,” 510. 77. Sermo 107.9 (PL 38.631); MacMullen, “The Preacher’s Audience,” 509. 78. Enarrat. Ps. 39.28 (CCSL 38:445–6). 79. Serm. 356.13 (PL 39, 1579–80). On the imprecision of Latin terminology for describing the “poor,” see Edwin A. Judge and James Harrison, The First Christians in the Roman World: Augustan and New Testament Essays, WUNT 229 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008), 20. For a discussion on Augustine’s upbringing and social status, see Brent Shaw, “The Family in Late Antiquity: The Experience of Augustine,” Past and Present 115 (1987): 3–51. The assumption of Augustine’s “poverty” may be based not only on a literal reading of the above quote, but also on Patricius not having enough money to pay his son’s tuition (Conf. 2.3.5). As Shaw points out, a shortage of cash even for moderately wealthy landowners is common in agrarian economies. He concludes, “We must therefore remove Augustine from the ranks of the poor,” 9. On the topic of Christians from the curial class, see especially Claudia Rapp, Holy Bishops in Late Antiquity : The Nature of Christian Leadership in an Age of Transition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005). Rapp places Augustine among other curial bishops of late antiquity, but, curiously, offers no explanation or discussion for this categorization, 184. 80. Mayer, “Who Came to Hear John Chrysostom Preach?” for instance, considers only three types of possible preacher-audience relationships for Chrysostom: “that of élite male preaching predominantly to élite male; of élite male preaching to a more diverse audience, including perhaps the less well educated; and of a male preaching largely to the élite, but who is himself not an elitist,” 74.

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however, overstates his case. Augustine speaks of the poor (pauperes) not only as the lower echelons of the ruling class but also as those without homes—or at least as those who have no ceilings over their heads.81 Peter Brown, in an analysis of the role of bishop and the poor in highly stratified cities of late antiquity, aptly demonstrates that the “destitute poor are a constant presence in Augustine’s preaching in Hippo and Carthage.”82 Church Attendance  While MacMullen’s conclusions regarding the socioeconomic status of the congregation can be called into question, he is quite right in affirming the limited size of potential audiences.83 No church structure in the entire empire could accommodate all the Christians of a given city.84 The capacity of the Lateran basilica built in the post-Constantine era, for example, is estimated to be three thousand.85 A wealth of epigraphic as well as archeological material from late antiquity Carthage exists, but no cathedral, temple, or other major buildings like the forum can be definitely located in the center of the city in the fourth and fifth centuries.86 On the outskirts of Car81. Enarrat. Ps. 127.16 (WSA 6:113). 82. Peter Brown, Poverty and Leadership in the Later Roman Empire (London: University Press of New England, 2002), 63. Italics added. On the wealth of Augustine and the clergy at Hippo, see Rapp, Holy Bishops, 213–15. 83. “It was a selection that came to worship, just as it had always been a selection (quite tiny) that attended Roman popular assemblies,” states MacMullen, “The Preacher’s Audience,” 510. 84. Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship, 260. 85. Ibid. 86. Sears, Late Roman African Urbanism, 37. This of course does not mean their existence can be ruled out, especially since there was a significant Christian presence in the city from the third century onward, notes Sears, 45. In some ways, these findings are not surprising. As late as the 380s, it was not uncommon to find a complete absence of prominent Christian buildings in the center of a city, Béatrice Caseau, “Sacred Landscapes,” in Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World, ed. G. W. Bowersock, Peter Brown, and Oleg Grabar (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999), 38. Basilicas in a city like Carthage appear only at the end of the fourth century, and these were often of modest means, Noel Duval, “L’état actuel des recherches archéologiques sur Carthage chrétienne,” AnTard 5 (1997): 313.



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thage, however, a number of Catholic and Donatist basilicas, in close proximity to the city’s burial grounds, have been identified. Fourth-century basilicas immediately north of the city include the basilica of St. Monica and the basilica maiorum. The former was originally linked to the cult of St. Cyprian, while the basilica maiorum appears to be connected to Perpetua. The Damous elKarita basilica, a fifth-century building, was closer to the city, and stood at a spectacular 65 meters long by 45 meters wide.87 Augustine may have preached in any or all of these. Indeed, worship was not confined to one building. Baldovin, in his study on stational liturgy in late antiquity, explains that the dynamic between audience and preacher extends beyond the sermon, or the liturgy, and even the confines of the church building: Churches, shrines, and martyria were privileged centers of worship, often richly adorned with art and precious metals. But, however privileged these cult centers were, they were not the only loci of Christian worship. Since the civitas itself was holy, the public places and streets of the city were fit places for worship as well. Even the marginal extraurban territory which contained cemeteries and villas were integrated into the urban life of worship.88

Whether or not the ESA were preached in Hippo or Carthage, it appears as though at least some, if not the majority, of the ESA were preached in a basilica.89 Augustine makes explicit mention of his environs in Enarratio 121. “Look at the lofty, spacious basilica all round you. It was raised by physical work and, because it was a matter of bodily labor, the builders laid the foundations underneath.”90 He does not, however, name this lofty basilica. The ESA were likely preached too early in the fifth century for 87. Sears, Late Roman African Urbanism, 44. See also Duval, “L’état actuel des recherches archéologiques sur Carthage chrétienne,” 338–41. 88. Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship, 266. 89. See subsection Connections to the Tractates on the Gospel of John and the First Epistle of John in chapter 2 regarding the locale in which the ESA were delivered. 90. Enarrat. Ps. 121.4.24–6 (WSA 6:16).

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the Damous el-Karita basilica in Carthage to have been constructed, although the possibility of this as a location cannot be ruled out. In short, it must be admitted that determining an exact figure of those gathered to hear Augustine preach on the Songs of Ascent is impossible. That said, Augustine appears to have reserved at least some of his ESA for important feast days, such as the feasts of St. Crispina and St. Felix. On these occasions, it is not unreasonable to suppose an audience of several hundred, if not more.

The Liturgical Context of Augustine’s Preaching A most descriptive portrait of a Sunday morning audience is sketched by Meer. He imagines those gathered for Sunday worship in Hippo: fishermen, sailors, business folk, and strangers, as well as their children. Their eyes are focused upward, on the apse, where a company of priests sit.91 Augustine, flanked by deacons, occupies the cathedra. The congregation, for its part, is divided by gender as is the custom of the theater.92 Both dedicated virgins and widows in dark veils, as well as the penitents and catechumens (who must leave after the sermon), have their designated sitting areas. Sitting in front, of course, are the silkenclad curiales of the city and other notables with their domestic entourages. The ornate and long-sleeved dress of the rich and powerful stands in sharp contrast to the shabby-looking artisans, as well as the semi-Romanized Berbers who are also to be found in the congregation.93 Meer’s portrait is not far-fetched but does involve a certain amount of creativity. Difficulties exist in reconstructing the lit91. Meer, Augustine the Bishop, 389. See also Enarrat. Ps. 66.10 (WSA 3:323). 92. Chadwick, “New Sermons of St Augustine,” 77. 93. Meer, Augustine the Bishop, 388–97.



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urgy, let alone the dress of the congregants, because Augustine, unlike many other patristic writers, did not write a systematic treatise on the liturgy.94 Some aspects of the liturgy, nonetheless, can be recovered from allusions and asides in various works. The commencement of the liturgy was less formal than one might expect. According to Geoffrey Willis, there was no chant to mark the opening of the ceremony. Rather, the beginning of the liturgy in St. Augustine’s time was more like a board meeting today than the opening of a Mass. All members are present prior to the appointed hour and order is called to signal the beginning.95 The deacon issued the call for silence with the formal greeting “the Lord be with you [Dominus vobiscum].” The congregation responded “and with your spirit.” The readings immediately followed. In the basilica pacis in Hippo, the audience stood facing west during the course of the readings and the sermon. Augustine preached from the cathedra, and on certain occasions he makes clear references to standing while preaching.96 With the words conversi ad Dominum, both Augustine and the audience turned in prayer to the East at the conclusion of a sermon.97 This was followed by the offertory and celebration of the Eucharist, during which the sound of the congregation singing hymns could be heard.

94. Pier Franco Beatrice, “Christian Worship,” in ATTA, 156. Since Meer’s account of Augustine’s pastoral activities, there has been no single comprehensive overview of Augustine’s liturgy, only studies on particular elements or themes from the liturgy. This void is largely due to the fact that Augustine’s references to the liturgy are allusive and dispersed over a number of works, ranging from sermons and letters to polemical writings. 95. Geoffrey Willis, St. Augustine’s Lectionary (London: SPCK, 1962), 1. 96. Augustine, Enarrat. Ps. 126.3. “We stand in this elevated position as your instructors, but we are your fellow-students in this school under our one teacher,” (WSA 6:86). 97. Martijn Schrama, “Prima lectio quae recitata est: The Liturgical Pericope in Light of Saint Augustine’s Sermons,” Augana 45 (1995): 145.

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The Readings, the Lector, and the Lectionary Determining the Readings  The readings for the liturgy, including the Psalm, were selected by Augustine even though he did not proclaim any of them; this duty fell to lectors and deacons. The lector was a minor order universally established in the African churches and was regarded as a member of the clerical order.98 It bears noting that the position of the lector was not easily filled. Unlike contemporary reading practices, in antiquity lectio itself involved interpretation. The reader had to distinguish where words and sentences began and ended, and provide proper pronunciation as well as inflexion.99 As such, Augustine considered the roles of the lector and the expositor to be complementary; once the former announced the word of God, the latter followed.100 Lectors were responsible for proclaiming the first or second reading as well as the Psalm, but not the Gospel, which was read by a deacon.101 The rudimentary lectionary present in North Africa during Augustine’s episcopate was undergoing a transition from four readings (Old Testament, Epistle, Psalm, and Gospel) to three (Epistle, Psalm, and Gospel).102 The former was practiced in Rome and in Egypt on Saturdays and Sundays.103 In Hippo, four readings were reserved mostly for high feast days, such as Easter, Ascension, and Pentecost, or the com98. Concilia Africae (CCSL 149:38–39). 99. Marrou, Saint Augustin, 21. See also Doctr. chr. 3.2.2. 100. Elisabeth Paoli-Lafaye, “Les ‘lecteurs’ des textes liturgiques,” in Saint Augustin et la Bible, ed. Anne-Marie La Bonnardière (Paris: Beauchesne, 1986), 62. See also Enarrat. Ps 79.9, where Augustine distinguishes between the offices of the expositor, that of the lector, and the duty of the laudator, the listener who expresses himself or herself in praises. 101. Schrama, “The Liturgical Pericope,” 148. 102. The count changes from three to two if the psalm is not counted as a “reading.” 103. Schrama, “The Liturgical Pericope,” 149.



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memoration of notable saints.104 In the ESA we find reference to a reading from the Old Testament proclaimed on the feast of St. Crispina. Invariably, one of the Psalms was read or sung prior to the Gospel, and never between the first and second readings if all four were read. The bishop also retained a great deal of flexibility in selecting the readings. Much to the ire of his congregants, Augustine included passion readings not just from Matthew but from all four Gospels during one Good Friday liturgy, as was the custom at Rome.105 The decision by Augustine as well as the strong reaction of his audience highlights the flexibility afforded to the bishop in determining the lessons, as well as the expectations of fixed readings on a solemn occasion. As explained above, a reading from the passio of a martyr could also be heard on his or her feast day in North African liturgies. Augustine appears to have followed this practice.106 Augustine does not explicitly mention the passio of either St. Crispina or St. Felix in Enarrat. Ps. 120 and 127, but the possibility of a passio reading cannot be ruled out. Thus, on the feasts of martyrs, the congregation in Hippo could expect the number of readings to increase from four or five. The Lector and Singing  While psalms were typically proclaimed by the lector, on certain occasions they were sung. In such instances, the basilica would be filled with the sound of a clear-voiced young boy, somewhere between six and ten years old.107 In order to correspond with their adult counterparts, these young boys were given the ecclesial office of lector.108 The practices of singing and as well as of reading psalms were 104. For a compilation of readings, see Willis, St. Augustine’s Lectionary, 24–57. 105. Serm. 232.1. 106. For a complete list of references to the passio of a martyr being read, see La Bonnardière, “La bible ‘liturgique’ de Saint Augustin,” 158. 107. Paoli-Lafaye, “Les ‘lecteurs’ des textes liturgiques,” 64. 108. Ibid., 64–67.

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both known to Augustine.109 The same holds true for the ESA. The bishop opens his first exposition on the Songs of Ascent with the words “This psalm we have just heard, and to which we have sung our response, is a short one, and very profitable for our instruction.”110 Such a statement is not insignificant. Augustine acknowledges that the Catholic Africans were not adept at singing, yet he was an advocate of singing and introduced congregational singing in Hippo as a response to the proclamation of a psalm.111 This response would be sung first by the cantor and repeated by the audience following each psalm verse the cantor completed.112 The practice of congregational response singing is evident in several of the ESA.113 At other times the Psalm is said to have been “sung” to the audience, and presumably the congregation offered a spoken response.114 A clear example of the audience listening to the Psalm being sung follows: If we are willing we can hear the singer’s voice with our ears [si volumus, aure audimus cantantem] and sing along with it in our hearts. If we refuse, we shall be like the buyers and sellers in that temple of old, seeking our own selfish ends: we may come into this church, but not for any purpose that is pleasing in the sight of God. Let each one of you, then, consider how he or she is listening.115

The singer’s voice, to which the bishop alludes in the above quotation, belongs to the lector present in the assembly as well as the Psalmist. The Gradual Psalms, after all, are songs of pilgrims, and the Psalmist who sings them, notes Augustine, “is someone who wants to ascend.”116 The very words the Psalmist 109. Enarrat. Ps. 84.3; 138.1. 110. Enarrat. Ps.119.1 (WSA 5:497). 111. Ep. 55.18.34. 112. La Bonnardière, “La Bible ‘liturgique’ de Saint Augustin,” 156. 113. References to the audience singing a response or portions of the psalm include Enarrat. Ps. 120.5; 122.2, 3; 128.1; 129.1. References to the audience being urged to sing the psalm include 124.3, 4; 125.2, 4, 15. 114. Enarrat. Ps. 123.1; 127.1; 130.3. 115. Enarrat. Ps. 130.3, (WSA 6:140; CSEL 95.3:268–9) 116. Enarrat. Ps. 121.1 (WSA 6:14).



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sings are to be appropriated as the deepest convictions of the congregation. Accordingly, to sing is to ascend, and Augustine’s exhortations to “sing,” admittedly, likely have a double meaning: they sing with their voices and in their hearts by mounting. The Liturgical Context of Expositions 119–33  While the above assumes that the Enarrationes on the Psalms of Ascent were preached in a Eucharistic context, it is worth noting that some have questioned whether this was in fact the case. La Bonnardière, in particular, notes that this group of expositions, like the tractates from the First Epistle of John that were delivered at the same time, follows the practice of lectio continua.117 The practice of systematically expounding upon a given biblical book or series of chapters over a period of time was not uncommon in the patristic period due in part to the primitive state of the lectionary. Regarding the ESA, La Bonnardière has raised the possibility that this lectio continua may have occurred outside of the Eucharistic liturgy, perhaps during afternoon conferences.118 If so, the implications are of some significance for this study, particularly with respect to the composition of the audience. Is this a typical audience, comprised of a cross-section of social and ecclesial members, or is the audience composed of the more enthusiastic and devoted North African Catholics? The internal evidence of the expositions in question does not immediately suggest a non-Eucharistic context. Nowhere does Augustine speak of a second liturgy or ecclesial gathering from the same day, and the references made to past or future sermons always refer to another day.119 Although these references to other days do not rule out the possibility that the ESA were part of a lectio continua held in addition to a Eucharistic gathering, they certainly do not support the speculation. 117. La Bonnardière, “La prédication d’Augustin sur les Psaumes à Hippone,” 337–42. See also Fiedrowicz, Psalmus vox totius Christi, 29–32. 118. Ibid. 119. Enarrat. Ps. 120.15; 131.1.

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Conclusion This brief survey of the cultural, social, and liturgical context in which Augustine preached and likely delivered his sermons on the Songs of Ascent provides a general idea of Augustine’s congregation. We note, firstly, that the tumultuous origins of the North African Church had a lasting impact on how the Christian viewed the outside world and Mother Church. The martyrs’ idealized attachment to Christ over things of this world and the active commemoration of their sacrifices attests to their importance. Although they enjoyed imperial favor, Catholics were not a hegemonic group in Numidia. Both pagan and Donatist groups, among others, vied for power and control. Augustine himself was well known, but his personal authority was limited. Based on references in his sermons, as well as what can be deduced from archaeological and other literary sources, it appears that Augustine preached some, if not the majority, of the ESA in a sizable basilica. Whether in Carthage or Hippo, those who gathered, perhaps in the hundreds, comprised a wide scope of socioeconomic backgrounds, including the elite as well as the destitute. During Eucharistic liturgies one of the Psalms was read, or more likely, sung by the lector and a response voiced by the congregants. Following the Gospel reading Augustine began his sermons from his cathedra, where he taught, moved, and delighted his listeners. Most importantly, it is through these expositions that we come closest to the bishop of Hippo and his audience. As Louth has suggested, “Here [in Enarrationes that were preached], I think, we find the heart of Augustine.”120 Louth has good reason for his claim, for it is here that we find Augustine face-to-face with his flock, and it is here that we find the interpreter of the Psalter heart-to-heart with those with whom he is prepared and preparing to ascend to Mount Zion. 120. Louth, “ ‘ Heart in Pilgrimage,’ ” 294.

Four

St. Augustine’s Interpretation of the Psalms of Ascent The Example of Enarratio 119

d Having outlined some of Augustine’s hermeneutical presuppositions, the dating and transmission of the ESA, as well as the broader cultural and ecclesial context of delivery, we now turn to how Augustine interprets the Psalms of Ascent. The following discussion is undertaken with a specific question in mind: how does Augustine interpret the motif of ascent in the Psalms of Ascent for his audience? It will be argued that a major interpretative strategy within these expositions is to align the text and the audience within a common narrative. That is to say, Augustine seeks to establish a context in which the audience is understood not simply as readers, listeners, or singers of the Songs of Ascent, but as coparticipants with the Psalmist and the saints who embark on the ascent, whether patriarchs, prophets, apostles, or martyrs. Examples illustrating this hermeneutic of alignment, which involves not just exegesis but rhetoric and theological reasoning, will be taken from a range of homilies on the Psalms 123

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of Ascent, beginning with Enarratio 119. This chapter explores Enarratio 119, which serves to introduce key exegetical practices such as Augustine’s analysis of the superscription in light of other biblical references, rhetorical techniques like the use of phrases fictives or conflation, and his theological arguments pertaining to the fallen nature of humanity and the inner ascent to Jerusalem above. Just as exegesis, rhetoric, and theology overlap in the expositions, so do they in the following analysis since any attempt to highlight these interwoven elements in isolation would be somewhat artificial as well as repetitive. Identifying the exegetical, rhetorical, and theological features of these expositions, nonetheless, facilitates the exploration of Augustine’s interpretation of the ascent motif for his North African listeners. Sustained analysis of Enarrationes 119–25, which explore the theme of ascent at length, follows in the subsequent chapter. The theme of ascent is not as prominent in the remaining expositions on the Songs of Ascent, nor is Augustine’s hermeneutic of alignment. Reasons for this, as well as the implications, are taken up following our exploration of Enarrationes 119–25.

Enarratio 199 The Structure of the Exposition

The overall structure of the exposition is provided below.1 While Augustine’s sermons have been noted for their lack of structure, a look at the structural outline may help in discerning the flow of Augustine’s thought and direction of the exposition as a whole.2

1. All numbering of the expositions follows Gori’s critical edition, CCSL 95.3. 2. Doyle, “Augustine’s Sermonic Method,” 213–38.



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Structural Outline of Exposition 119 1. Exordium

1.1–3

2. Exploration of the ascent

1.3–3.17

a. Etymology of the superscription

1.4–6

b. The nature and scope of the ascent

1.6–60

i. Ascent is from the heart

1.9–31

ii. Ascent is from the valley of tears through the Word made flesh

1.31–45

iii. Ascent is from Christ’s humility to divinity

1.46–60

c. Summary of the ascent; directive to sing from heart

2.1–2

d. Distinction between ascent and descent

2.2–72

i. Example of Jacob’s ladder

2.3–8

ii. Adam’s fall

2.9–14

iii. St. Paul’s ecstasy and descent

2.15–57

iv. Isaiah’s descent

2.58–72

e. Exhortation to visualize the ascent

2.73–77

f. Address to would-be climber

3.1–17

3. Verse-by-verse commentary upon Psalm 119

3.18–9.47

a. Verses 1–2: Prayer dialogue of Psalmist

3.18–4.25

i. First refutation of the guileful tongue 4.4–8 ii. Second refutation

4.8–22

iii. Third refutation

4.22–26

b. Verses 3–4: God’s response and provision “for you”

5.1–61

i. Resolution of textual difficulty in Ps 119:4

5.7–44

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(1) Desolatoriis (destructive) 5.10–18 (2) Vastatoribus (all-devouring) 5.19–44 ii. Explanation of carbo (coals): enkindling the conversion of the climber 5.45–61 c. Verses 5–6: The voice of one in exile

6.1–8.15

i. Summary of previous commentary

6.1–4

ii. The Psalmist’s exile from Jerusalem

6.5–7.1

iii. The Voice of the Church

7.2–71

(1) Hebrew etymology of “Kedar”

7.23–27

(2) Distinguishing Isaac and Ishmael 7.27–71 iv. The long ascent from Kedar

8.1–15

d. Verse 7: Appeal to Dontatists, those who hate peace

9.1–64

i. Exhortation to internalize the ascent

9.1–12

ii. The voice of the authentic wheat grains 9.13–23 iii. Comparison of Donatist and Catholic voices

9.24–64

(1) Augustine’s voice in Psalm 119

9.42–47

Clearly, this exposition does not follow the five-part arrangement of rhetorical argumentation. A discernable pattern, nonetheless, is evident in this exegetical homily. The first major section is devoted to the exploration of the ascent theme. Moreover, it prepares the context in which the text and audience can be understood in relationship. The second essentially follows the text of Psalm 119 verse by verse.



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Establishing an Interpretative Context for Psalm 119 (Sections 1.3–3.17)

The introductory words or scene of a composition are often indicative of key leitmotifs in the overall work, and Enarratio 119 is no exception. The first in a series of fifteen expositions preached in order, the homily opens with Augustine commenting on the immediate interpretative context in which he and the audience are situated: “The psalm we have just heard, and to which we have sung our response, is a short one, and very profitable for our instruction. Listening to it will not be too long a job for you, and when you put it into practice your labor will [laborabitis] not be unfruitful.”3 Speaking in the first-person plural, Augustine notes that the whole congregation has just heard and sung a response to the short Psalm. Not only have the walls of the basilica echoed with the words of the text, but the Psalm itself, Augustine makes clear, has bearing on the lives of the singers. It is very profitable and will not be unfruitful when put into practice. The use of the future tense “your labor will” (laborabitis) makes explicit the fundamental assumption that those gathered do not simply listen and sing a psalm or hear a homily; they are to work out the implications of the text upon exiting the liturgical assembly. Starting From the Top: Augustine’s Exegesis of the Superscription (Section 1.4–6)

Having identified the text, labeled it as beneficial, and situated it in relation to the lives of those listening and singing, Augustine proceeds to put forth an interpretive framework for 3. Enarrat. Ps. 119.1.1–3 (WSA 5:497).

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understanding the text of Psalm 119, as well as the entire series of Gradual Psalms, with an elaboration upon the superscription, “A Song of Ascent” (canticum graduum). So important is the title that the first quarter of the sermon revolves around the subject. Augustine’s exegesis commences with etymology. The Greek term ἀωαβαθμῶν, he explains, designates steps that go up as opposed to up or down. This appeal to the Greek serves as a clarification since the distinction of direction cannot be made with the Latin term graduum. Augustine further points out that the steps within these Psalms “signify ascending.”4 The common superscription, in other words, indicates a common theme and subject matter for the Songs of Ascents. Ascent from the Valley of Tears: Two Fundamental Theological Premises (Section 1.6–45)

Shifting away from etymology, Augustine turns to the questions of where the steps begin and lead. Only after establishing a context for the ascent will he begin to delve into the subsequent verses of the Psalm. Thus, rather than turning to the text at hand, Augustine draws attention to a related term, “ascent,” in another portion of the Psalter, Psalm 83:6–7. The appeal to another scriptural passage for guidance seems fitting in this instance since the superscription by itself can provide only a limited amount of interpretative insight. Given the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, inner-biblical references are assumed to be just as pertinent as references within the literary unit of the Psalms of Ascent themselves. It is Psalm 83, contra Rondet, that frames 4. Enarrat. Ps. 119.1.7. The participle “ascending” (ascendentes) can be understood as a substantive. In such as case, the text would be translated as the steps that “signify people ascending.” Boulding translates ascendentes this way, but it is unlikely that it is the intended meaning given that Augustine’s discussion concerns the nature of the steps, as opposed to those mounting them.



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his basic outline of the ascent.5 It reads, “God arranges ascents in his heart in the valley of weeping, to the place he has appointed.”6 The arrangement of steps by God in the interior of the heart and the general predicament of humanity mourning “in the valley of weeping” (in convalle plorationis), in a valley of tears enclosed on all sides, are two fundamental theological premises for Augustine’s overall exegesis of these Psalms. In another exposition the bishop notes, “Were we to forget that this must be our starting-point we would be getting things upside down.”7 It is not a bodily pilgrimage, but a journey that takes place in the geography of the heart, where God has arranged the steps. At times, Augustine’s terminology may change; Enarratio 129, for instance, speaks not of the valley of weeping, but of the deep (profundo) from which the singer begins to ascend. Our soul groans until it reaches him, until the image of God stamped upon human beings is released by God himself. In these deep places God’s image, imprinted upon men and women at their creation, is so roughly tossed about and worn away by the onslaughts of the waves that, unless it is rescued by God and renewed and restored by him, it remains sunk in the depths [profundo] for ever, because though men and women were able to effect their own downfall, they cannot bring about their own resurrection. Yet even as they cry out from their deep place [profundo] they begin to rise from it, for their very plea saves them from the most abysmal place of all.8 5. Rondet, “St. Augustin et les Psaumes des montées,” 3–18. Rondet argues that Psalm 38 provides the genesis for Augustine’s interpretation of the Psalms of Ascent. 6. Enarrat. Ps. 119.1.9–10. This verse is repeated in nine different intervals in the ESA, Enarrat. Ps. 119.1; 119.2; 120.1; 120.2; 120.3; 120.5; 120.14; 125.15; 126.5–6, notes La Bonnardière, Recherches de chronologie augustinienne, 60. Significantly, Augustine associates this verse with the Psalms of Ascent from relatively early on in his episcopate. Two of the three occurrences of Psalm 83:6–7 in the Confessions (Conf. 4.12.19; 9.2.2; 13.9.10) are in relation to the Psalms of Ascents. 7. Enarrat. Ps. 120.1 (WSA 5:510). 8. Enarrat. Ps. 129.1.19–25 (WSA 6:126–27).

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Though every soul seeks to return to the Creator, the frail human condition is subject to temptations, temporality, and hostilities. The words of the Psalter, importantly, are the means by which ascending from this lowly state and being renewed in God’s image begins since, for Augustine, humanity relies on created signs, like the words of the Psalm, in order to know God.9 Thus humanity is not without hope despite our precarious condition. Like any good speaker, Augustine is not content to mention his fundamental points only once. Returning to the discussion of this opening homily, we witness the bishop prodding his audience to consider the contours of the interior ascent with a few quick questions. “Where?” (Ubi?) In the heart. “From where?” (Unde?) The starting point is the valley of tears.10 This line of interrogation not only serves the rhetorical purpose of directing the thoughts of the audience toward the question at hand, but also provides an exegetical rationale for Augustine to search the Bible for further insights on the nature of the ascent. The Conflation of Narratives: Salvation History and Fifth-Century North Africa

Prior to remarking on Augustine’s inner-biblical referencing, another significant, if subtle, interpretive phenomenon present in these opening remarks, namely conflation, deserves mention. “Conflation” is the term utilized by Frances Young to describe the implicit interplay between two situations or “narratives” from different times and places.11 In Young’s case, she examines St. John Chrysostom’s homilies on 1 and 2 Corinthians. The em9. Michael McCarthy, “Creation through the Psalms in Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos,” AugStud 37 (2006): 197. 10. Enarrat. Ps. 119.1.10–11. 11. See Young, Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture, 253. Although her discussion pertains to St. Chrysostom, it can also be applied to his episcopal counterpart in Hippo.



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pathy the early-fifth-century bishop of Constantinople shares with the Apostle Paul generates an implicit connection between the Corinthians and Chrysostom’s audience. They share similar shortcomings and aspirations; they are called holy in Christ yet still do not understand the wisdom of God. Through skillful imitation, Chrysostom is able to recreate the drama of pastoral care evidenced in the Corinthian letters for his own audience. According to Young, there is a conflation, an interpenetration or inter-illumination, between the situation of Chrysostom the preacher and his audience in Constantinople, with the Apostle in first-century Corinth. Notably, unlike typology, as defined by Auerbach, conflation lacks the dialectic of type-antitype fulfillment. Young explains: [In conflation] the sense of prophetic sign and fulfilment is missing, but not the perception of intertextual connection, or the sense of each implied narrative being ‘real’. One is not the “pretext” for the other. Allegory may treat a text as a pretext for moral or spiritual paraenesis; what Chrysostom is doing gives both textual context and exegetical context its own integrity and validity, yet the one resonates with the other.12

Our situation is somewhat different. The Songs of Ascent lack the specific pastoral concerns common to Pauline epistles, and the immediate context in which the Psalmist ascends is assumed to be fulfilled in the pilgrimage to the heavenly Jerusalem. Were Augustine dealing with a New Testament pericope the situation might be closer to that of Chrysostom’s interpretation of Corinthians. That said, the primary setting of prophetic fulfillment for the Songs of Ascent is not in fifth-century North Africa. Indeed, it is somewhat difficult to pinpoint as Augustine is not concerned to draw a direct line between King David and the New David, or between the Psalmist and the African Church. 12. Ibid., 254.

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Rather, his approach is holistic. He assumes one continuous narrative encompassing Adam, the patriarch Jacob, King David, the prophet Isaiah, Christ, the apostles, and the martyrs in addition to those gathered to hear him preach. This is the narrative that Augustine assumes the text ultimately points toward. The phenomenon of conflation, nonetheless, is still evident in Augustine’s homilies. He continually points his audience toward the ascent of the Psalm, yet whether the North Africans will begin the journey is another matter. As stated previously, it is not a question of listeners bringing about the fulfillment of the Psalm so much as being drawn into and transformed by the text.13 The pilgrimage is a possibility, not a given. Conflation, or the interpenetration of the two narratives, entails empathy between the Psalmist and the North Africans, as well as dissonance. In order to truly sing this song a transformation of heart is required.14 Augustine by no means assumes his Catholic congregation is without need of conversion. Rhetoric and Conflation: Elision between the Third and Second or First Person

Conflation, as well, involves not just the theological assumption that humanity is journeying to the city of God, but rhetorical techniques. One subtle technique is the elision from description in the third person to remarks with personal implications in the second or first person. As a result of this elision the listeners are placed within the rhetorical intent of the text. An example of this practice can be seen at the commencement of Enarratio 119 with Augustine’s use of the first-person plural in the statement, “We too are to ascend, but we must not try to 13. See discussion on pages 33–38. 14. On the notion of transformation in the Enarrationes, see Cameron “Transfiguration: Christology and the Roots of Figurative Exegesis in St. Augustine,” 40–47.



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climb with our bodily feet.”15 Again, the shift to the first-person plural is not incidental but allies Ps 119 with the lives of the audience. This elision does not seek to efface the Psalmist from the text or superimpose, as it were, the lives of the audience upon the narrative of the ascent. If the referent of the Psalm was simply collapsed into the lives of the audience, there would be no need to mention that they too ought to ascend nor any of the other paraenetical remarks that follow. Rather, the practice of elision, in addition to the more general phenomenon of conflation, is just the opposite. It assists Augustine in opening up the referent and the scope of the ascent to bear upon his audience. The ethical injunctions, moreover, suppose a lack of correspondence between the biblical narrative and the North African one. Other Rhetorical Techniques: Phrases Fictives

Inner-biblical references provide another means of establishing a context for the interpretation of Psalm 119. Recalling the words of the Apostle Paul read during the liturgy, Augustine draws attention to the term “ascended” or “risen” used in 1 Corinthians 2:9. At first blush, the statement “nor has it risen into the human heart” appears not only to contradict Augustine’s base text for interpreting the ascent, Psalm 83:6–7, but also to undercut any elaboration whatsoever on the nature of the ascent. In order to clarify the matter, Augustine returns to the Psalmist. The bishop reiterates a portion of Psalm 83:7, “To the place he has appointed,” in order to show its compatibility with 1 Corinthians 2:9, and follows with an intriguing series of phrases fictives or “imaginative statements.”16 Phrases fictives, also known as sermocinatio, involve the generation of imagined statements, conversations, 15. Enarrat. Ps. 119.1.7–8 (WSA 5:510). 16. On the use of this term, see Judit Kecskeméti, “Exégèse chrysostomienne et exégèse engagée,” StPatr 22 (1989): 138–47.

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soliloquies, or thoughts of the person concerned.17 These statements are issued as if the person in question where speaking to the audience at the given moment. Augustine, for instance, notes the following concerning the Psalmist in his opening remarks on Psalm 119: The psalmist, through whom the Holy Spirit was speaking, seems to say, “What else can I tell you about it? That we are going to a place like this . . . or like that . . . ? Whatever I say to you, you will think in earthly terms, you who crawl along the ground with your burden of flesh, for the corruptible body weighs down the soul, and this earthly dwelling oppresses a mind that considers many things (Wis 9:15). To whom will I speak? Who will hear?”18

It would seem that the bishop’s attempt to understand the Psalmist in light of St. Paul leads him to put words in the Psalmist’s mouth.19 Undoubtedly, the congregation understands their bishop is the one speaking and that he has momentarily adopted the persona of the Psalmist while claiming to be his interpreter. These phrases fictives, perhaps underscored with a shift in the tone of our orator’s voice, allow for clarification of the ascent in light of other biblical references, as well as a more direct communication between the Psalmist and the North Africans. Through Augustine the Psalmist speaks to them, and does so with a sense 17. Heinrich Lausberg, Handbook of Literary Rhetoric: A Foundation for Literary Study, ed. David E. Orton and R. Dean Anderson, trans. Matthew T. Bliss, Annemiek Jansen, and David E. Orton (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 367; Mary I. Bogan, The Vocabulary and Style of the Soliloquies and Dialogues of St. Augustine, The Catholic University of America Patristic Studies 42 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of American Press, 1935), 157–59. This technique sought to enliven a discourse or elucidate a concept, Thomas F. Martin, “Vox Pauli: Augustine and the Claims to Speak for Paul: An Exploration of Rhetoric at the Service of Exegesis,” JECS 8 (2000): 257. 18. Enarrat. Ps. 119.1.18–23 (WSA 5:497) 19. Although Boulding’s translation inserts quotation marks, it captures the thrust of Augustine’s point in the context of grasping for descriptors from the Psalter. It is not that Augustine himself has nothing more to tell the audience (as translations without quotations marks like Clarke’s as well as Wilken’s imply), but the language of revelation itself in scripture only yields so much about the topic.



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of exasperation. The purpose of the phrases fictives is not the invention of novel information. Rather, they add color and a tone to the text as the emotions and thoughts the Psalmist might display are drawn out. Notably, flowing from Augustine’s words of intimation is a quote from Wisdom emphatically clarifying that the ascent is not a bodily or earthly pilgrimage. A reader can easily spot the quotation given the chapter and number reference, but the effect for the listener is quite different. The words ebb and flow, but one is not entirely sure if their origin lies in the Psalmist, the Holy Spirit, Solomon, or Augustine. According to ancient literary convention, the imitation, allusion, and adaptation of classical works, such as Homer, or in the case of Patristic exegetes, the Bible, was common practice. Texts, moreover, were not often quoted at length but emulated in a manner that called them to mind, and reference to a biblical text was carried out not so much for the purpose of style, but in order to enlist its authority.20 It is difficult, if not impossible, to construe how these allusions, quotations, and phrases fictives would be sorted in the minds of a listener, but one basic impression remains: it is as if the whole of scripture is concerned with the ascent. Christ and the Way of Humility: A Third Fundamental Theological Premise (Section 1.46–60)

The subsequent references in section one of the exposition to John 1:14 and Lamentations 3:30, as well as John 1:1, Isaiah 2:2, and Matthew 20:22, further illustrate this inner-biblical connection with the ascent. Whereas the Psalmist’s “quotation” of Wisdom regarding the soul and the mind being weighed down by the human condition, along with previous emphasis on the interior pilgrimage, appear well-disposed to a Neoplatonic worldview, the subsequent biblical references bring a Christological 20. Young, Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture, 130.

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interpretation to the fore. Mixing metaphors, Augustine explains Christ is the mountain one ascends, just as the descent of the Incarnation and the suffering of the passion are the valley from which one climbs. In short, “He is the starting point of your ascent and the goal of your ascent; you climb from his example to his divinity. He gave you an example by humbling himself.”21 To be sure, there are not two different journeys of humility and exaltation. Evading, somehow, the valley of tears would also entail evading the route to high dignity that begins with Christ’s humility. This last stress on the humility of Christ, or the way of humility (via humilitatis) provides a brief summation of Augustine’s initial remarks on the context and nature of the ascent that began with mention of the valley of weeping from Psalm 83:6.22 It is interesting to note that Augustine builds up to this Christological interpretation, rather than begin with it. Implicit as well is the assumption that the listeners will appropriate the virtue of humility exemplified in their savior. The paradoxical reciprocity between humility and ascent is not an abstract concept, but stems directly from the example of Christ. The subsequent imagery drawn from Jacob’s vision of the ladder (Gn 28:12) or Isaiah’s steps from wisdom to fear (Is 11:2), further illustrates how the bishop does not stop offering non-Christological analogies, nor does he offer a narrow one-to-one correspondence between Christ and the ascending Psalmist. Transition to Section Two: Summary and Exhortation to Sing from the Heart (Section 2.1–2)

Just as the contextual remarks on the nature and starting point of the ascent, the inner-biblical interpretation of the superscription, the use of conflation, elision, and phrases fictives, orient 21. Enarrat. Ps. 119:1.46–48 (WSA 5:498). 22. Enarrat. Ps. 119.1.51.



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the audience and the text within the overall narrative of redemption history, the examples drawn from Jacob’s dream, Christ’s decent, St. Paul’s ecstasy, and Isaiah’s theophany in section two provide more detailed models for imitation. Notably, the contextual pronoun that begins this section (Itaque), has a broader sense than “and so” or “therefore” in English.23 It brings all of Augustine’s opening remarks to bear on the following section, and not simply the immediately prior statement regarding humility. The subjunctive jussive “let us sing” and the first-person plural “let us ascend,” further reinforce the expectations the narrative brings upon its listeners. The bidding “let us sing” appears to have several functions: recollecting the text that was sung during the liturgy; possibly urging the audience to repeat it during the sermon; or encouraging the audience to “sing” the Psalm in the manner they conduct their lives. In any case, the direct exhortations are brief and the discourse abruptly shifts to the “descent”—as if the bishop, upon hearing his own exhortation, suddenly recalls and pursues the complimentary topic of descent. The Living Drama of Descent and Ascent (Section 2.2–72)

The bishop assumes Christ, St. Paul, and Isaiah interact on an ongoing basis with the North African audience. Christ is said to have descended “right down to our level” (ad nos).24 Many holy people imitate Christ, says Augustine, by “descending to us, and have done so in the past.”25 This emphasis on what has happened “to us” (ad nos) is reinforced by the apposition of the present tense “descending to us” with the perfect “and have done so in the past. 23. Enarrat. Ps. 119.2.1 (WSA 5:499) reads, “Therefore [Itaque], my brothers and sisters, since we are to ascend in our hearts, let us sing this psalm about ascending.” 24. Enarrat. Ps. 119.2.2 (WSA 5:499; CSEL 95.3:40). In this instance, Boulding’s translation, perhaps in an attempt to convey the dramatic juxtaposition between ascending and descending, exceeds the Latin, which could simply be rendered as “to us.” 25. Enarrat. Ps. 119.2.14–15 (WSA 5:499).

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Descent continues to occur presently, though descent has been completed in the past. Similarly, the quotations and allusions to St. Paul that follow immediately suggest the Apostle belongs to the former, who continue to descend. The discourse between the Apostle and the Corinthians, if we restrain ourselves, it is for you (2 Cor 5:13), along with the repetition of the Apostle speaking in the second person, create some ambiguity with respect to the intended audience.26 Is St. Paul addressing the Corinthians or the North Africans, or both? The inter-illumination between two narratives is intensified with the phrase fictive “We speak in a fashion you can understand.”27 Augustine wades into the conversation between the Apostle and the Corinthians, speaking, as it were, in tandem with St. Paul. This conflation is another example of the North Africans being included in the biblical story of salvation. Significantly, St. Paul’s “descent” is not isolated. Christ too is said to have become flesh “for you” (pro te); the usage of the second-person singular accentuates the personal connection of the incarnation as an act on behalf of the faithful. Isaiah is also described as a teacher who has descended “to us” (ad nos).28 If Isaiah is the pedagogue of wisdom descending from fear of the Lord, then it follows that the North Africans are his students, albeit they ascend in the reverse order, from fear to wisdom. Says Augustine, “As [Isaiah], your teacher, descended from wisdom to fear, so you, the learner, must ascend from fear to wisdom if you are to make progress.”29 The parallelism of the descent from wisdom to fear and ascent from fear to wisdom serves as a parenthesis for the injunction to his listeners: presently they are learning, and progress in the ascent lies directly before them if they wish to follow in Isaiah’s steps, or more precisely, climb the Isaian steps 26. Enarrat. Ps. 119.2.22, 24, 25, 26, 27. 27. Enarrat. Ps. 119.2.27 (WSA 5:499). 28. Enarrat. Ps. 119.2.57, 64. 29. Enarrat. Ps. 119.2.69–71 (WSA 5:500).



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of the seven gifts of the Spirit. Thus it is not just St. Paul’s but Isaiah’s words as well that directly address Augustine’s assembly. Choruses of biblical voices, moreover, are invoked by the bishop with the oft-repeated axiom “The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom” (Ps 111:10; Prv 1:7; 9:10; Sir 1:16).30 In short, demonstrating the continuity of the motif of ascent, as well as descent in this case, across the scriptural canon is a major emphasis in this second section of Enarratio 119. The examples drawn, at times interwoven with Neoplatonic language, illustrate an overarching narrative within scripture with Christ as a central and very tangible figure. Voices of patriarchs, prophets, and the Apostle, moreover, continue to speak to the present situation of the North Africans. The drama of the ascent and descent of which Augustine preaches, far from being abstract, continues to unfold in the immediate moment. In short, establishing an alignment between the scope of the ascent and the living context of the audience is integral to Augustine’s interpretation of the text at hand. Visualizing the Panorama of the Ascent (Section 2.73–77)

Having drawn out these thoughts upon the ascent, Augustine proceeds to engage the text in section three. Before making the transition from establishing the interpretive context of what it means to ascend, Augustine sums up main points while preparing his audience to imagine the ascent: “Listen now to the psalm. Let us picture to ourselves a man or woman called to make the ascent. Where will it take place? In the heart. What is the starting point? Humility, the valley of weeping. Whither is he to ascend? To a reality that cannot be put into words, of which another psalm says, To the place God has appointed.”31 The imperative “listen now” and the injunction to place the sub30. Enarrat. Ps. 119.2.71–72 (WSA 5:501). 31. Enarrat. Ps. 119.2.73–75 (WSA 5:501).

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ject matter before “our” eyes have obvious rhetorical purposes; the audience is invited to encounter the Psalm afresh, albeit not only with their sense of hearing, but with sight as well. This stress on visuality is also found in writings about pilgrimage to holy sites from the late fourth century. Christian pilgrims often spoke of experiencing the divine through the sense of sight. As one scholar notes, “these travelers drew the divine not only in the eyes, but also before the eyes, conjuring the biblical past.”32 The importance of a pilgrimage, in other words, was not simply to set foot in a holy location, but to set one’s eyes upon the place. The eyes, in fact, were a means of participating in what had taken place previously at a holy site.33 In this instance, Augustine is not focusing the audience’s sight on a particular shrine, but on the contours of the ascent. Notably, Augustine speaks in the third person; audience members are asked to imagine not themselves, but the Psalmist. Distancing the Psalmist, as it were, from the audience enables the bishop to uphold him as a normative example. In fact, no descriptor other than “a man or woman” is given, implying the man or woman ascending could be anyone. Harkening back to his earlier remarks, Augustine replies once again to his opening questions, “Where?” and “From where?” His replies cue the audience to visualize the entire panorama of the ascent, from the heart, to the valley of tears, unto that ineffable place. The Song of Ascent is not simply an ancient, albeit sacred, text; we can picture it taking place before our very eyes. And by seeing, one is thought to experience the ascent. 32. Georgia Frank, “The Pilgrim’s Gaze in the Age before Icons,” in Visuality before and beyond the Renaissance, ed. R. S. Nelson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 98. 33. This notion is, in part, due to the ancient understanding of optics. It was believed, following Plato and others, that the mind projected light toward an object. The object, in turn, is touched by the viewer and printed on his or her soul. Under such a theory of sight, there is a fundamental connection and continuity between viewer and object in the act of seeing. Margaret Miles, “Vision: The Eye of the Body and the Eye of the Mind in Saint Augustine’s De Trinitate and Confessions,” JR 63 (1983): 125–42.



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Beyond the Superscription: The Remainder of Psalm 119 (Sections 4–9)

It is worth recalling that up until this point in the homily Augustine has gone no further than the superscription. Each of the following sections of the exposition, from four through nine, corresponds more or less to one verse of Psalm 119. Briefly summarized, the exposition points out that the Psalmist cries out to God for help against false counselors and cunning dissuaders (Ps 119:2). The dialogue is continued with the Lord himself asking in return what will be given to the climber (3), and responding to his own question with the answer: sharp arrows and burning coals (4). The arrows and coals are taken to refer to God’s love; the Psalmist making progress is furbished with these arrows along with the purifying coals of conversion. As he progresses, he becomes more aware of the intermingling of the wicked and the good, like tares and wheat in a field, and so cries out from his place of exile (5). This is a cry heard throughout the earth, and is, says Augustine, the cry of “the whole Church.”34 The hostile descendants of Ishmael, the people of Kedar (5), intriguingly, can be within or without the Church, yet those who hate peace (7) are taken to be members of another unnamed Church, a clear allusion to the Donatists. The exasperation of the Psalmist about his situation and those who have waged war without justification (7) establishes yet another connection between the audience and the narrative of the text while crystalizing North African empathy for the Psalmist. Space does not permit a detailed look at Augustine’s interpretation of each section of the exposition. If, as it is here argued, a major interpretative strategy within these expositions is to position the text and audience within a common narrative, Augus34. Enarrat. Ps. 119.7.6.

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tine has already laid crucial groundwork for the task. Several features of particular note, which continue to foster a lively dynamic between the text and the audience, are explained here. These include Augustine’s address to potential climbers, the appropriation of the prayer dialogue between the Psalmist and God, and the recognition of the voice of the whole Church in the Psalm. Addressing Would-Be Climbers and Anticipating the Psalmist’s Words (Section 3.1–17)

As mentioned above, section three marks a transition from Augustine’s preliminary comments on the ascent, to further verseby-verse commentary. Having asked the audience to imagine a man or woman making the ascent, the bishop begins to comment on what it means for a Christian to take up such a journey: “Let anyone begin to move forward, begin to want to make the ascent, begin to scorn earthly, perishable, temporal things and to set little store by the prosperity this world offers; let such a one begin to think of God alone, disdain to gloat over his gains or lament his losses; let him even resolve to sell all he owns, give the proceeds to the poor, and follow Christ.”35 At first blush, the cautions, adversities, and aims Augustine issues regarding those who would impede or subvert progress appear to be common-sense suggestions with seemingly little to do with the exegesis of the first verse, “I cried to you, Lord when I was troubled, and you heard me.”36 In asking the audience to look at how a man or woman making progress has to put up with the “talk of people who try to pull him back, who raise all kinds of objections, and—what is worse—attempt to turn him away from salvation,” Augustine is also appealing to common personal experience.37 Certainly some, perhaps the great 35. Enarrat. Ps. 119.3.6–11 (WSA 5:501). 36. Enarrat. Ps. 119.3.18–19. 37. He notes, “It is more a matter of our listening together, and reflecting on our own experience” (WSA 5:501).



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majority, of those gathered to hear the sermon could relate to these difficulties of the spiritual life. Thus, the prompt to imagine the would-be climber has a direct pastoral purpose. At the same time, the description is not just a generic account of a person attempting the ascent, but an anticipatory portrayal of the Psalmist himself. He, in fact, is the very one who has experienced lying and deceitful tongues, and who has cried out to God in his troubles. As well as a pastoral purpose, it has an exegetical aim of establishing how to interpret the opening cries of the Psalmist. Once again, Psalm 119 itself is incredibly brief and contains scant information on the circumstances in which the Psalmist sings his song of steps. His experience of wicked lips and guileful tongues is ultimately where Augustine derives his account of trials for would-be-climbers. The man in the Psalm, in other words, could be anyone in the congregation seeking the ascent. The reverse, however, does not hold true. Audience members can identify with the Psalmist only inasmuch as they participate in the ascent. Establishing an alignment, as well as tension, between the story of the Psalmist and the listener, once again, are seen to be a clear concern for Augustine. Joining in the Conversation: The Prayer Dialogue of the Psalmist and Your God (Sections 3.18–4.25)

If anyone wishes to attempt the ascent, they “should therefore pray to God first of all for protection against such tongues,” says Augustine.38 Just as the example of the would-be-climber fosters consonance between the text and audience members, the prayer dialogue of the Psalmist with the Lord provides another means for personal connection and conformity with the biblical narrative. Significantly, the prayer “I cried to you” and the response “you heard me” of the opening verse are in the perfect 38. Enarrat. Ps. 119.3.17 (WSA 5:501).

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tense. Seeking to clarify this past context, Augustine rhetorically asks in what circumstances this mysterious communication between the Psalmist and his God took place: “How did the Lord hear him?”39 He posits that God has answered the Psalmist by placing him on the steps of ascent.40 Augustine continues with his interrogation: “What does he now pray?” “What are lying tongues?”41 Answers are supplied as Augustine imagines what objections potential interlocutors would raise. The sly tongue questions the sincerity and feasibility of the ascent, and offers misleading praise. Augustine warns, “The speaker may sound like an adviser, but he is a snake, with a guileful tongue, and venomous. Pray against a tongue like that, if you want to ascend. Say to your God, O Lord, rescue my soul from wicked lips and the guileful tongue.”42 These cautions about the guileful tongue and the snake connect the Psalmist’s opponents to the diabolic adversary of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. The remedy the bishop prescribes in the imperative, “pray against a tongue like that,” could be directed to either the Psalmist or the audience. The ambiguity, perhaps deliberate, underscores the common plight of those attempting the ascent despite diabolic opposition. That said, the plea is not inclusive of all audience members. Only those who want to enter into the narrative of the ascent ought to pray the prayer of the Psalmist. We notice again that the audience is invited to identify with the Psalmist, but the force of the imperatives “pray” and “say” that highlight such identification requires conviction. Augustine also tells his would-be climbers to speak to “your God” (deo tuo). This personal address is a conspicuous reminder that they share not only the same problems as the Psalmist, but the same Lord and 39. Enarrat. Ps. 119.3.19 (WSA 5:501). 40. Enarrat. Ps. 119.3.20. 41. Enarrat. Ps. 119.4.1, 3 (WSA 5:501). 42. Enarrat. Ps. 119.4.24–26 (WSA 5:502).



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helper as well. They are not only listeners or admirers of the one ascending but can appropriate his heartfelt pleas. In doing so, they are not simply repeating the words of the Psalm or imitating a man who ascends but are entering a prayerful dialogue with their personal God. The Voice of the Church (Section 7.2–71)

A final feature highlighted in this Enarratio, the voice of the Church (vox ecclesiae), is only briefly touched upon closer to the conclusion of the sermon.43 The bishop succinctly states that the cry of the Psalmist, “How long-drawn-out is my exile!” is the voice of the Church struggling on earth.44 The assertion occurs within the immediate context of Augustine considering what it means to be a wanderer longing to return to the Jerusalem. Psalm 119 relates that the Psalmist has taken up burning arrows and destructive coals, and while attempting to ascend he begins to notice the intermingling of the good and the wicked in this life. The destination is the great Fatherland, and those estranged from it are wretched indeed.45 This miserable condition, nonetheless, is not specific to one sole individual but is a shared experience. Appealing to Psalm 60:3, “From the ends of the earth I have called to you,” Augustine further reasons that only the entire Church can plead from all corners of the world. The universality of the Catholic Church, which Augustine will stress when interpreting the Psalms, has much currency in polemics against the schismatic Donatists, and he will pick up on this difference further on. He first elaborates upon the vox ecclesiae by appealing to another text, Psalm 2:8, “Ask of me, and I will give you the nations as your inheritance, and the ends of the earth 43. Enarrat. Ps. 119.7.2 44. Enarrat. Ps. 119.7.1–2. 45. Enarrat. Ps. 119.6.35.

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for your possession.” 46 He continues, “Christ’s domain extends to the furthest bounds of the earth; all the saints are his possession; and all the saints form a single person in Christ because the Church is a holy unity. Therefore it is this single person who laments, From the ends of the earth I have called to you as my heart was wrung with pain.”47 Augustine’s emphasis on the scope of Christ’s sovereignty and the Church as a single and holy unity adds weight to the claim that “this single person speaks from the experience of the Church. Importantly, if Christ’s reign stretches throughout the world, it also encompasses the whole of time. The double repetition of “all the saints” reinforces the universal scope of redemption history. The procession of the saints is not limited only to the horn of North Africa, or to the fifth century. Listeners are encouraged to see the ascent and their own spiritual progress within a broader framework. Some caution bears repeating with respect to the alignment between the Psalm and the Church or to Augustine’s audience. As noted, the bishop is not implying a one-to-one correspondence between his audience and the Psalm. The Church below, as well as his congregation, contains weeds and wheat, the good and the evil. Likewise, as Augustine will point out, those who dwell in Kedar, or the darkness, with their minds set on this world, also currently belong to the Church. To reinforce the incongruity between the lives of the North Africans and the ascent, Augustine advises: You can test the truth of what you are singing only if you are beginning to act in harmony with your song. However much I say about this, in whatever way I explain it, whatever words I use, the truth will not penetrate anyone’s heart unless he or she has already begun to practice it. Begin to act on it, and then see for yourselves what we are telling you.

46. Enarrat. Ps. 119.7.7–9. 47. Enarrat. Ps. 119.7.9–12 (WSA 5:505).



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Then your tears will flow at every word; then as the psalm is sung your heart will be engaged in what it sings.48

The bishop emphatically and frankly urges the audience to interiorize the text, or more precisely, to sing the Song of Ascents. It is not the quantity or quality of the orator’s words, but the comportment and behavior of the audience that is the sure test determining whether or not they are genuinely entering into the narrative of the ascent. Only in such circumstances can the heartfelt tears, cries, and prayers of the Psalmist described in Psalm 119 be truly articulated, or sung, in the hearts of the audience. This rather direct admission bears obvious pastoral concerns, but these extend into, or rather, complement, Augustine’s exegetical goals of enabling the audience to view themselves as coparticipants with the Psalmist and “all the saints” in the ascent. Following the logical conclusion of his assertion that the voice heard in this Psalm is that of the Church, Augustine concludes by remarking on the Catholic-Donatist disputes. “We point out these things to those who hate peace. We say to them, I have dealt peaceably with those who hate peace. Who are the ones who hate peace? Those who tear our unity apart.”49 The audience is not only to have empathy with the Psalmist, but the Psalmist, in turn, is able to speak directly to the situation of the North Africans. The recollections of Donatist attempts “to kill us,” set traps, and lay ambushes are, in all likelihood, indirect references to Augustine’s own near-death experience at the hands of the Circumcellions.50 The lived experience of the 48. Enarrat. Ps. 119.9.2–8 (WSA 5:507). 49. Enarrat. Ps. 119.9.24–26. 50. Enarrat. Ps. 119.9 (WSA 5:509). Possidius, Vita Augustini, 12, recounts the Donatist plot to assassinate Augustine. The plot was foiled due to the providential error of Augustine’s guide, who took the wrong route to their destination.

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Catholic Church and the bishop himself lends legitimacy to his exegesis and facilitates an affirmative response to his underlying assertion, “can we not recognize our own voice in the psalm?”51 The pleas of the Psalmist, in short, have immediate value for Augustine and the North African Catholic Church and become much less abstract when considered in light of the broiling schism. Not only charitable works, but persecution for the sake of charity also enables the audience to enter into the narrative of the ascent and sing from the heart, “I have dealt peaceably with those who hate peace.” Here the Psalm speaks directly, and forcefully, to the immediate concerns of the listeners.

Summary of Enarratio 119 It has been argued that a major interpretative strategy employed by Augustine in this Enarratio is to enable his audience to see themselves as coparticipants in the process of redemption history. A key aspect of this hermeneutic of alignment is establishing a context for the text at hand in the opening sections of the exposition. More specifically, Augustine emphasizes that the Songs of Ascent, including Psalm 119, speak of a pilgrimage to the heavenly Jerusalem. The bishop’s rationale is based upon his interpretation of the superscription, and other biblical references, in addition to his theological presumptions about the fallen human condition, the interiority of the ascent, and the salvific descent and ascent of Christ. Though one may be frail and subject to hostile forces, Augustine maintains that singing the song is the commencement of a journey toward the divine. The virtue of humility, exemplified by Christ, and love of neighbor are essential practices for progress in the ascent. Augustine does not state this matter of factly, but employs rhetorical tech51. Enarrat. Ps. 119.9.45–46 (WSA 5:509).



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niques, such as elision and phrases fictives, and appeals to the thoughts and experiences of his listeners in order to garner a sense of affinity between the Psalmist and any who would attempt the ascent. His emphasis on God’s action on the behalf of humanity, such as Christ’s descent “to us,” as well as the examples of the prophet Isaiah and St. Paul, and the appropriation of the prayer-dialogue of Psalm 119, underscore the conviction that Augustine’s listeners may also participate in the narrative of salvation history. Once this fundamental commonality has been established, Augustine then proceeds to interpret, verse by verse, the text at hand. Though the establishment of this contextual framework is key to his exegesis, the text itself guides and informs Augustine’s construction of a narrative common to both the Psalmist and the North Africans. The anticipation of the Psalmist’s cries, for instance, guides Augustine’s address to would-be climbers, just as the superscription informs his construal of the ascent. This dynamic between contextualization and interpretation also generates a certain tension between the listeners, who are not understood as the fulfillment of the text, but begin to fulfill the ascent as they grow in holiness and charity toward God and neighbor. This tension is developed further in the following expositions, but it may be noted here that the exhortation to embark on the ascent is not an abstract injunction. Augustine’s ability to demonstrate that he can join his voice to the Psalmist’s as well as the voice of the entire Church is not based simply on rhetorical tropes or theological reasoning; his own personal witness and experience as bishop and near-martyr are essential ingredients. If Augustine is able to personalize the Psalmist he must also be able to sing the Psalmist’s song. His charity toward aggressors is thus a criterion for validating his exegetical arguments. The next sermon appeals to the memory of St. Crispina, whose faithfulness in the face of persecution

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is an example par excellence of this witness to charity. St. Crispina’s example, moreover, underscores the connection between the narrative of ascent and the present situation of the North African Church.

Five

An Exploration of Enarrationes 120–25

d Enarratio 120 In continuing to probe Augustine’s interpretation of the ascent theme for his audience in the Psalms of Ascent, we turn to six subsequent Enarrationes, beginning with Enarratio 120. One does not have to look far in order to sense that a major interpretative concern for Augustine is the alignment between the text and the audience within an overarching narrative of redemption. As evidenced in the prior exposition, establishing a proper interpretative framework is crucial to Augustine’s efforts in situating the North Africans and the Psalmist within inter-illuminating narratives. The opening remarks of Enarratio 120 contain familiar theological, exegetical, and rhetorical features such as the discussion on the meaning of the superscription, inner-biblical referencing, the elision from third to second or first person, and the assumption that the ascent is an interior journey beginning from the valley of tears. A notable difference is the occasion of the sermon; it was delivered on the natalicia,

151

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or birthday, of the martyr St. Crispina.1 An outline of the structure of the exposition is given, followed by a brief overview and summary remarks. Structural Outline of Exposition 120 1. Exordium 1.1–3 2. Commentary on the ascent

1.3–3.4

a. The nature and scope of the ascent: interior journey from valley of tears

1.3–7

b. On properly understanding the ascent

1.8–2.11

i. Example of the cross

1.10–12

ii. The understanding of martyrs

1.12–2.11

(1) Proof from Psalm 126

2.2–2.11

c. Summary of the ascent

3.1–4

i. Intention of exposition explicated

3.4

3. Scriptural digression

3.5–4.2

a. Gospel reading (Mt 24) on vigilance before unexpected hour

3.5–34

b. Eschatological references from St. Paul

3.34–4.2

4. Verse-by-verse commentary on Psalm 120

4.3–14.42

a. Verses 1 and 2 i. Vigilance urged by Psalm 120

4.3–11

ii. Interpretation of mountain analogy

4.11–22

b. Verses 3 and 4 i. Exhortation to appropriate text (Ps 120:3)

5.1–4

1. Enarrat. Ps. 120.13. St. Crispina was executed some hundred years before the exposition, on December 5, 304. The vivid memory of St. Crispina a century after her death is evidenced in this exposition, as well as Enarrat. Ps. 137, which was also delivered on her feast day. See “Acta Crispina,” in Herbert Musurillo, ed., Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 302–9.



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ii. Danger of dislodging one’s foot

5.4–39

(1) Pride of the devil

5.4–9

(2) Insight from Psalm 35:8–13 (a) Humility of sons of men

5.10–30 5.10–21



5.21–30

(b) Who can fall from light

iii. Clarification of two voices speaking

5.31–6.14

(1) God’s first reply to Psalmist (120:3) 5.37–39 (2) Responses of Psalmist

6.1–6.6

(3) God’s second reply (120:4)

6.7–14

iv. Definition and etymology of Israel

6.15–63

v. Augustine’s response to carnalminded audience members

6.64–70

c. Verse 5 i. Reply of Psalmist to audience

7.1–5

ii. Interpretation of Psalmist’s awkward phrase “better than the hand of your right hand” 7.6–10.40 (1) Christ cannot slumber in you

7.20–35

(2) Right and left hand clarified in scripture 8.1–55

(a) Matthew 6:3

8.1–13



(b) Psalm 143:11–14

8.13–31



(c) Job 1

8.31–46



(d) Psalm 143:8, 15

8.47–8.55

(3) Interpretation confirmed in Song 2:6

9.1–9.20

(4) Further scriptural examples

10.1–40

iii. Right hand is a gift, the power of God

11.1–40

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d. Verse 6 i. Augustine acknowledges that the audience finally understands, proceeds to v.6

12.1–6

ii. The Lord protects us from scandals figuratively pertaining to the sun and moon

12.7–65

e. Verses 7–8 i. The Lord protects from scandals

13.1–12

ii. Example of this in St. Crispina’s martyrdom 13.12–33 iii. Prayer of Psalm: May God protect your soul

13.33–40

f. Verse 9 i. God protects from “coming” into temptation 14.1–29 5. Summary of interpretation of entire Psalm

14.30–42

6. Apology for lengthy sermon of the short Psalm

15.1–10

a. Analogy of drinking too much

15.3–10

Opening Remarks on the Psalm and the Correct Understanding of the Ascent (Section 1.1–15)

The bishop begins by noting the title and genre of Psalm 120. The text in question belongs to the Songs of Ascent and is the second in this series of Psalms.2 Augustine takes for granted that the audience is familiar with the ascent motif and his previous commentary. Estimating an accurate or even an approxi2. Enarrat. Ps. 120.1.1–2.



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mate percentage of those present in both instances is impossible, although the address in the second person as well as the context of Augustine’s remarks suggests a significant portion of overlap.3 The assumption of familiarity indicates that the exegetical findings of the previous Enarratio need not be repeated in full. Augustine is not beginning, as it were, from scratch. That said, our astute orator does not presume too much of his audience’s memory, and so briefly reiterates salient points from his previous exposition. He recalls that this collection of Psalms signifies “our upward climb”—an ascent “made in our hearts, as we mount toward God through the valley of weeping.”4 These Psalms, moreover, speak not just of any ascent, but of “our ascent,” the one upon which audience members can engage in the interiority of their hearts. Augustine elaborates upon the sunken valley (convallis) from which singers mount in further detail: The ascent can succeed for us only if we are first humbled and remember that it is from this valley that our climb must begin. A valley is a sunken region of the earth: just as high areas are called mountains, so is a lowly place called a valley. Were we to forget that this must be our starting-point we would be getting things upside down and seeking exaltation before the proper time; and then we would not ascend but fall headlong. The Lord himself taught us that there can be no ascent except from the valley of weeping. For our sake he graciously willed to be humbled even to death on a cross and to suffer. Let us not neglect his example. The martyrs understood [intellexerunt] about the valley of weeping. How did they gain understanding? You ask how? [Unde intellexerunt? Unde?] By mounting in their turn from the valley of weeping, to receive their crowns.5

As noted, Augustine situates the commencement of the ascent in the convallis, the valley of tears, and in the inner heart. The 3. Enarrat. Ps. 120.1.3. 4. Enarrat. Ps. 120.1.3–4 (WSA 5:510). 5. Enarrat. Ps. 120.1.5–15 (WSA 5:510; CSEL 95.3:57–8).

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ascent motif is explained, once again, in light of Psalm 83:6–7, although it is not quoted directly. This base text is seen as an apt descriptor of the lowly human condition, and Augustine juxtaposes it with Christ’s humility. Of course, it is not Christ alone who ascends; the bishop and his audience are also called to be participants in this story as the repeated use of the firstperson plural in these opening remarks makes evident.6 Augustine speaks of Christ not only as a model of humility and suffering, but also as a teacher. His cross is the example by which one learns how to ascend. This corresponds with his emphasis on the need not to forget the proper starting point of the ascent lest the audience get “things upside down.” The martyrs, by contrast, have properly understood (intellexerunt) the nature of the ascent. Seizing on this juxtaposition between understanding and misunderstanding, Augustine reinforces his point and opens it up to further clarification with the quick questions: “How did they gain understanding? You ask how?” (Unde intellexerunt? Unde?) The short answer, as indicated in the block quote above, is that they gained understanding from Christ their teacher by mounting from the valley of tears. Significantly, Augustine speaks in the third-person perfect (intellexerunt) with respect to the martyrs. “They” are the students who have grasped the cross in dramatic fashion. Although Augustine desires his audience to see themselves as coparticipants in the ascent described in the Psalm, he is careful to create tension between his audience and the narrative of the Psalmist, Christ, and the martyrs. The transition to the third person as well as the perfect tense underscores this dynamic as the exposition begins to unfold.

6. Enarrat. Ps. 120.1.3, 5, 6, 9, 12.



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The Martyrs and the Songs of Ascent (Section 2.1–11)

Having construed a common starting point of ascent for all of humanity, and identified Christ as the pedagogue of ascending, the bishop further details the context of the martyrs. Although the listener might expect discussion regarding the second Song of Ascent, Augustine opts to expand upon the relationship between the martyrs and the Songs of Ascent with this quotation from the sixth Psalm in the series: “They went on their way weeping, as they scattered their seed” (Ps 125:6).7 The seeds are understood as good works amid trials; they are scattered by tears. This scriptural passage, Augustine solemnly states, speaks of the martyrs.8 Notably, in this instance, Augustine does make an explicit and direct connection between the text and its fulfillment in the Church, or more precisely in its martyrs. In order to underscore the rapport between the martyrs and this text, Augustine invites his audience to consider the following line, “When they come back they will come leaping for joy, carrying their sheaves.”9 Regardless of hardships, they were not deterred from doing good works, and now reap the rewards. Augustine does not have to heap laudatory statements upon their memories or use the aside as an opportunity to delve into the details regarding St. Crispina. Only much later in the exposition will he ask the rhetorical question, “Is there anyone in Africa who does not know about these events [pertaining to St. Crispina], brothers and sisters?”10 Rather, the connection drawn between scripture and Africa’s saints effectively sends the message that the ascent is accessible, the journey is possible, and both the Psalm text and the martyrs are before us. In 7. Enarrat. Ps. 120.2.2–3 (WSA 6:510). 9. Enarrat. Ps. 120.2.11 (WSA 6:510).

8. Enarrat. Ps. 120.2.2. 10. Enarrat. Ps. 120.13 (WSA 5:524).

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other words, the text speaks not only of a generic ascent, or of an ascent in a distant land, but of one that encompasses North Africa, and the conviction of the martyrs bears witness to this alignment. Paradoxically, the martyrs also serve to distance the audience from the narrative of the Psalm. Affinity between the present audience and the martyrs remains conditional. Audience members have yet to ratify their faith with their entire existence, and Augustine readily reminds those listening that “our” ascent might end in the disaster of collapse or ruination. The expositor thus draws his audience into the life of the Psalm, but at the same time remains wary of an unconditional connection. Emphasis is placed on the incongruity between the listeners and those who are participating in the ascent. Whatever the correspondence, or lack thereof, between the lives of the North Africans and the ascent, Augustine remarks on how fitting or appropriate (congruit) it is that a Psalm of Ascent is expounded upon for the feast day of a martyr.11 With measured exaggeration, the bishop declares “these songs have only one thing to teach us, brothers and sisters, and that is how to ascend.”12 Once again the analogy of teacher and student is used. Just as this collection of the Psalmist’s sacred songs points toward the eternal homeland, it is fitting (congruit), says Augustine, that he explain in what manner one is to ascend.13 This play on the word congruit also highlights the alignment or cor11. Enarrat. Ps. 120.2.1–2. Congruit et hodierno diei psalmus iste Canticum Graduum (CSEL 95.3:58). In terms of Augustine’s selection process for delivering the Enarrationes, one must recall La Bonnardière’s statement in “Les Enarrationes in Psalmos,” “Augustin a épuisé peu à peu le Psautier, non pas en suivant l’ordre régulier des Psaumes, mais d’après un choix dont il a gardé le secret,” 71. That said, the bishop, for all intents and purposes, had free rein in selecting the readings for a liturgical gathering, and it is not simply conjecture to assume Augustine chose Psalm 120 especially for St. Crispina’s feast. 12. Enarrat. Ps. 120.3.1–2 (WSA 5:511). 13. Enarrat. Ps.120.3.4.



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respondence between the text and the martyrs. The referent of the text is not in question. This Psalm, and indeed the whole collection of Gradual Psalms, is presumed to speak of upward spiritual progress, and the martyrs are formidable witnesses of this journey. Rather, the task at hand, as Augustine sees it, is explaining how his listeners can ascend like the Psalmist and the martyrs. They too can, as it were, enter into the song. The variant reading of Enarrat. Ps. 120.3.4, that Augustine “learn” (discere) rather than “explain” (dicere) how to ascend, adds a further element of solidarity between the expositor and his listeners in that he also learns how to ascend from the Psalter. As the bishop continues to interpret the text, the means by which his listeners can ascend will, presumably, become more lucid. At this point Augustine is setting the stage for the interpretation of Psalm 120; the details of the ascent are yet to be unraveled. The Interpretation of the Text (Sections 4.3–14.42)

From these preliminary remarks, Augustine begins to interpret the text at hand. The overall exposition is rather lengthy despite the relative brevity of the Psalm.14 At first blush, much of section three appears to be an aside about the Gospel reading from the liturgy. Taken from Matthew 24, the reading speaks of the “terrifying things” regarding the sudden hour in which the Son of Man will return.15 This eschatological text, and the parallel references from the apostle Paul (1 Thes 5:2–5; Eph 5:8) in particular, provide vivid contrasts between night and day, darkness and light. It is within this web of biblical references that Augustine returns to the opening verse of Psalm 120, “I have lifted my eyes to the mountains, from where comes help for me. My help is from the Lord, who made heaven and earth.”16 The 14. Enarrat. Ps. 120.15.1–2. 16. Enarrat. Ps. 120.4.3 (WSA 5:512).

15. Enarrat. Ps. 120.3.3 (WSA 5:511).

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mountains are symbols of notable people, such as John the Baptist (Mt 11:11; Jn 1:16) or of the scriptures, yet the light is from the Lord himself ( Jn 1:9), says Augustine. Since unmediated contact with God is not yet possible, one’s eyes are to be lifted to the mountains “through the scriptures” in order to be illumined by the Lord.17 References to eschatological New Testament passages clarify that it is not the mountains, but ultimately the Lord, the true light, from whom one’s help comes. Whereas Augustine’s basic construction of the ascent from the valley of tears accentuates the precarious and fragile circumstances of human life, these passages also add a sense of temporal urgency to the ascent. The tension of uncertainty between the narrative of the ascent and the lives of the listeners is thus heightened. Augustine also comments explicitly on how he understands the interaction between the Psalm, the ascent, and the audience: “Well then, sing the next verses of the psalm. If you want to hear how to set your feet very firmly on the steps, so that you will be in no danger of either growing tired in the climb or slipping and falling, say the next verse, “Do not let my foot be dislodged.”18 The text speaks of the ascent, and to reiterate this song is to partake in the upward journey. The following verse, “Do not let my foot be dislodged,” is the voice of the would-be climber, the Psalmist, while the latter half of this verse, “Neither let him grow drowsy, your guardian,” is understood to be a reply from God. Once the dialogue between the Psalmist and the Lord is established, it can be more fully understood by the present singers. Says Augustine: The would-be climber who does not wish to fall in his ascent has heard this lesson aright. He wants to make progress from his starting-point in the valley of weeping, and not faint or fail through swollen pride. 17. Enarrat. Ps. 120.4.21 (WSA 5:512). 18. Enarrat. Ps. 120.3.5 (WSA 5:513).



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He prays to God, “Do not let my foot be dislodged.” And God replies, “Neither let him grow drowsy, your guardian.” Consider this carefully, beloved. Two voices speak, but they are saying almost the same thing. The human speaker is climbing up and singing his song of ascents: “Do not let my foot be dislodged”; and God seems to be answering him, “You are making your plea to me, Do not let my foot be dislodged. But add a further plea: Neither let him grow drowsy, your guardian, and then your foot will not be dislodged.”19

Just as Augustine began his exposition with the analogy of teaching and learning, he continues with this motif, although proper learning, or in this case listening, is applied not to the audience or the martyrs, but to the Psalmist. The lesson the Psalmist had heard is a reference to Psalm 35:9–13, and concerns pride, charity, and humility. One’s foot is dislodged, argues Augustine, through pride but to “see light” in the Lord’s light (Ps 35:10) requires humility. That is the crux of the Psalmist’s prayer in Psalm 35, and the bishop detects similar diligence in the spiritual life of the climber in Psalm 120:3. The second voice, the Lord’s, provides further direction and guidance to the Psalmist. The text, then, is not just a prayer but contains guidance from the Lord himself for would-be climbers. Augustine continues along a similar approach of interpreting the text as a dialogue between the climber and the Lord, imagining potential questions arising in the mind of the Psalmist, and the subsequent replies from on high.20 Although the remainder of the exposition is not detailed here, it should be noted that Augustine himself does not pass over the text swiftly. Situating the general referent of the Psalm in line with the lives of the martyrs and the ascent from the valley of tears provides a means of opening up the meaning of the text for his audience, 19. Enarrat. Ps. 120.5.31–39 (WSA 5: 513–14) 20. Enarrat. Ps. 120.6.5, 10.

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but each phrase and verse is given particular attention. The latter half of the phrase, “The Lord will be your defense, better than the hand of your right hand,” creates considerable interest for the bishop.21 As Boulding comments, the phrase “better than the hand of your right hand” is a literal translation from the LXX, but is essentially meaningless.22 Augustine, for his part, finds the phrase to be a great source of intrigue, and he devotes the better part of sections seven through eleven to unraveling the phrase, and weaves his findings into the rest of the exposition. The Lord’s protection is unparalleled and unfailing, and for this reason he guards the humble who mount from the valley of tears “henceforth and for ever” (Ps 120:8).23 In his closing remarks, the bishop admits, with only a slight sense of apology, to having prolonged the sermon longer than expected by drinking too deeply from the scriptural fount.24 Summary Remarks

Within the opening comments of the exposition, it is evident that the expositor is attempting to establish a number of connections between his listeners and the Psalm. Augustine’s theological assumption regarding the distress of the human condition provides a starting point for empathy between the Psalmist and the Africans. They both have a share in the tribulations of this life. The good news for the Africans is that they are not alone in this journey. Not only the Psalmist, but Christ and the martyrs too have lived through the valley of tears. Moreover, the words of scripture, and Psalm 120 in particular, provide a means of discerning how to ascend from this state. It is not an impossible task for African Christians, Augustine implies, since Christ 21. Enarrat. Ps. 120.7.4–5 (WSA 5:516). The Latin reads, “Dominus tegumentum tuum super manum dexterae tuae” (CSEL 95.3:67). 22. WSA 5:516, fn 19. 23. Enarrat. Ps. 120.14.38. 24. Enarrat. Ps.120.15.



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gave his life on the cross, and the martyrs, such as St. Crispina, have “understood” and succeeded in the journey. As tangible examples of those who have lived faithfully to the end, the martyrs play a crucial role in establishing a hermeneutic of alignment in this exposition. They function as bridgebuilders between the biblical narrative and the African Church, since they can be claimed as Africans who have truly sung, with understanding and from the heart, the Songs of Ascent. Augustine’s explicit connection between their memory and the ascent, confirmed in Psalm 125:6–7, serves to both bring near and make concrete the ascent for his listeners. Paradoxically, as noted above, the martyrs not only align the audience with the narrative of the Psalmist but also distance the listeners from the narrative. The martyrs have returned carrying their sheaves, but the audience members are still on pilgrimage. The carefully created tension between the narrative of the Psalmist ascending and the narrative of the listeners can thus be said to have both rhetorical and exegetical goals. Emphasis upon the contingency of the ascent based on the daily living of the North Africans has a clear rhetorical effect on the listeners who wish to ascend like the martyrs. Their living patterns ought to reflect their pilgrimage. This tension with the audience, but direct continuity with the African martyrs who are in no need of conversion, allows the words of the Psalmist and his song to be placed at a distance—yet not so great a distance that they remain abstract or remote. This tension and continuity also facilitates Augustine’s exegesis of the Psalm. Only once this is established does he proceed to the text and unravel it verse by verse. The text, in turn, interpreted as an intimate dialogue between the one ascending and his Lord, also brings the ascent near to the living situation of his audience. The direct address to “you” by the Psalm reinforces that the Lord is untiring in his

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vigilance (Ps 120:3), and better than your right hand (4); he will protect you from scandal (6), your soul from evil (7), and will guard you from temptation (8). In short, the Psalmist’s words are interpreted in light of his upward pilgrimage to Jerusalem, but also serve as a pastoral guide for would-be climbers.

Enarratio 121 This third exposition on the Songs of Ascent continues to develop the theme of ascending and provides further examples of how the bishop interprets this theme for his audience. Close attention is paid to the opening of the sermon, where Augustine outlines the fundamental contours of the relationship between listener and text. As the structural outline detailed below indicates, Augustine proceeds to engage in verse-by-verse commentary after an alignment between text and audience has been established. Augustine’s attention is drawn particularly to Psalm 121:3, which reads, “The Jerusalem that is being built like a city that shares in the Selfsame.”25 His treatment of the text brings into question whether his construal of the ascent within an overarching narrative of redemption history is supported by the text itself. In other words, we consider whether Augustine’s treatment of the Psalm following his contextual observations is a genuine engagement with the text or simply the product of a hermeneutical framework congenial to his pastoral and theological needs. Also detailed is Augustine’s striking interaction with the Psalmist and St. Paul toward the end of the sermon. As Augustine leads up to the conclusion, the voices of these two biblical witnesses are blended into one voice. This moving finale offers a unique example of conflation between Augustine, the Apostle, and the Psalmist who, with one voice, preach the ascent by means of love. 25. Enarrat. Ps. 121.5.3–5.



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Structural Outline of Exposition 121 1. Prologue: On impure and holy love

1.1–24

2. Commentary and summary of the ascent

2.1–12

3. Verse-by-verse commentary on Psalm 121

2.12–14.7

a. Verse 1

2.12–36

i. Recollection of earthly African pilgrimages 2.13–22 ii. Holy love and heavenly pilgrimage

2.22–36

b. Verse 2 i. How to interpret “our feet were standing” in Jerusalem

3.1–33

(1) To stand is to find joy in God

3.1–14

(2) Audience must keep eyes on Jerusalem 3.14–20 (3) “ Which Jerusalem?”: distinguishing Jerusalem above and below

3.21–33

c. Verse 3 i. Verse 3 confirms referent is to Jerusalem above

4.1–5.4

(1) This Jerusalem is “being built”

4.1–31

(2) Consideration of opposing, material view

4.32–45

(3) First refutation: “like a city” cannot be literal city

4.45–54

(4) Second refutation: “being built” signals growing edifice

4.54–5.4

ii. Interpretation of “a city that shares in the Selfsame”

5.5–6.40

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d. Verse 4 i. On the ascent of the tribes

7.1–8.62

(1) Identification of the tribes of Israel

7.1–7.21

(2) Identification of the tribes of the Lord

7.21–8.13

(3) Interpretation of “Israel”

8.13–54

(4) Motive of tribes for ascending

8.54–62

e. Verses 5 and 6 i. Interpretation of difficult phrase: “the seats sat in judgment”

9.1–67

(1) Consideration of Greek Psalter

9.2–9

(2) Inquiry into other biblical usages 9.9–53 (3) Conclusion: The saints will sit in judgment

9.53–67

ii. Interrogation by the saints who ask what makes for the peace of Jerusalem (Ps 120:6)

10.1–11.25

f. Verses 7–9 i. Love that is stronger than death (Cant 8:6) is strength of the city

12.1–29

ii. Interrogation of the Apostle Paul

12.29–13.3

iii. One voice preaches ascent to Jerusalem 13.3–14.7 4. Remark on length of the exposition; exhortation to pluck its fruit

14.7–9



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The Prologue: The Two Loves and the Soul of the Psalmist (Section 1.1–24)

Enarratio 121 commences in an unusual fashion. Rather than addressing the audience, acknowledging the genre or number of the Psalm, or providing some preliminary comments regarding the text, Augustine begins with a rumination upon two loves. Impure love lures the soul on a destructive downward path, whereas holy love raises the soul heavenward.26 Both loves inflame, but they lead in opposing directions. The exposition concludes by elaborating upon love in action,27 and the charity exemplified in the final verse of Psalm 121, “for the sake of my brethren and kin I spoke always of your peace. For the sake of the house of the Lord my God I have sought your good.”28 The abrupt and seemingly disjointed opening, when considered in light of the overall exposition, is more readily understood; in all likelihood the commencement is inspired by the last words of the Psalm, the last verses that rang out in the basilica and entered the mind of Augustine before the sermon. Whatever the inspiration for this opening, the discourse on the two loves is consistent with Augustine’s attempts to establish a context for the text and its author in light of the ascent motif. As he speaks of the nature of love, Augustine acknowledges its power or energy.29 The soul of a lover (anima amantis) cannot be idle.30 Moreover, its upward or downward direction can be discerned. Says Augustine: A soul enmeshed in earthly love has sticky wings and is unable to fly. But once it is cleansed from filthy, mundane attachments its wings can 26. Enarrat. Ps. 121.1.1, 3. 27. Enarrat. Ps. 121.13–14. 28. Enarrat. Ps. 121.13.16–14.1 (WSA 6:28). 29. Enarrat. Ps. 121.1.6. 30. Enarrat. Ps. 121.1.6–7.

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spread freely. The two commandments of love—love of God and love of neighbor—are like a pair of wings, and as soon as they are disentangled from every impediment the soul flies. And whither does it fly? Where else but to God? It mounts to God in flight because it mounts by love. Before it gains the power to do this, it groans on the ground, if the longing to fly is already in it. Who will give me wings, as though to a dove? Then I will fly away and find rest (Ps 54:7), it moans. Whither shall it fly? Away from the hindrances that surround it, the hindrances that evoke the sighs of the psalmist. He longs to fly away from them, from this place where he is mixed up with bad people, from the place where the grains of wheat are mingled with the straw. He longs to fly to a place where he need no longer suffer close contact and association with any impious person but may live in holy fellowship [sancta societate] with the angelic citizens of the eternal Jerusalem.31

As this elaboration on the discernment of love’s direction unfolds, Augustine develops a context in which the soul of a lover is understood in relation to the soul of the Psalmist. The goal of love, as stated in the above quote, is God, and love of God and neighbor is the means of obtaining this goal. The soul that has not reached its goal is subject to groaning on the ground here below. Drawing from another passage of the Psalter, Augustine has the Psalmist give voice to this common plight (cf. Ps 54:7), and the innate condition of the soul is understood by Augustine in light of the Psalmist’s sighs. His sighs and hopes are taken as normative. He seeks to be separated from the company of the iniquitous, as wheat from tares, in order to live in holy communion (sancta societate) with the angelic citizens of the heavenly Jerusalem. The bishop next turns to the very words of the Psalmist in his ascent to Jerusalem, as if to further unravel what a believer experiences when making the pilgrimage.

31. Enarrat. Ps. 121.1.10–23 (WSA 6:13).



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Summary of the Ascent and Interpretative Presuppositions (Section 2.1–10)

In this first section following the prologue, Augustine begins to address his audience directly regarding the text at hand. In quick succession Augustine lays out key interpretative assumptions. Psalm 121 speaks of desire for that Jerusalem. The steps in the Psalm are for mounting, not descending. Fittingly, the Psalmist is one who wills to ascend. He ascends to no other place than heaven. He explains, “In heaven is the eternal Jerusalem, where dwell the angels, our fellow-citizens. For a little while we are absent from those compatriots of ours, while we are journeying on earth. On a pilgrimage we sigh, but in our own city we shall rejoice. Yet even while we are still on the journey we find companions who have already seen that city and they invite us to run toward it.”32 While describing the parameters of the ascent, the underlying referent of the text, and the desires of the Psalmist, Augustine is careful not to entirely exclude his target audience from the discussion. The subtle switch to speaking in the first-person plural emphasizes the connection between the listeners and the Psalmist. Augustine, for instance, speaks of “our fellow citizens,” adding that “we are absent,” “we are journeying,” “we shall rejoice,” and “they invite us to run toward it.” The ascent is not just the privilege of the Psalmist; the audience members have the angels as their fellow citizens. Communion exists between the citizens above and “us” below, says Augustine. This theological claim is reflected in the bishop’s very choice of words. The phrase “on a pilgrimage we sigh, but in our own city we shall rejoice,” in particular, underscores the tension between the present reality of Augustine and his listeners with the future 32. Enarrat. Ps. 121.2.7–12 (WSA 6:14).

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experience of their destination. The elaboration between those who have seen the city and those on the way further adds to this eschatological tension. Later on in this same section, Augustine distinguishes those who have seen the city, such as the apostles, from those who continue the journey there.33 The first group he calls priores, whereas those journeying are the posteriores. Despite our separation, Augustine notes, these compatriots also beckon us to run toward them. Interpretation of the Text Verse by Verse (Sections 2.12–14.7)

It bears remarking, once again, that for all of this preliminary discourse—the claims laid upon the nature of love, the motives of the Psalmist, or the desires of angels—Augustine has yet to comment upon or directly mention a verse from Psalm 121. His preamble, nonetheless, is not superfluous; it serves to contextualize the words of the Psalm, particularly the opening verse, “I rejoiced over those who told me, We are going to the Lord’s house.” Augustine interprets the verse accordingly. Those encouraging the speaker are understood to be the citizens above. They are the ones who spoke to the Psalmist. Notably, the future active indicative “we are going” is in the first-person plural, which suggests a group of some sort is preparing for pilgrimage. The bishop’s audience, it is implied in the exposition, is included among those who will go on pilgrimage with the Psalmist. The voice of those speaking to the Psalmist, on the other hand, as Augustine soon makes clear, belongs to the chorus of citizens who have seen the heavenly fatherland, the priores. This other voice in the Psalm represents those who have completed the ascent, and includes the prophets and apostles. Augustine notes, “The apostles have seen it, and they exhort us, ‘Run, walk, fol33. Enarrat. Ps. 121.2.29–30 (CSEL 95.3:85).



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low: we are going to the Lord’s house!’ And what do we reply, everyone of us? ‘I rejoiced over those who told me, We are going to the Lord’s house.’ I rejoiced over the prophets and I rejoiced over the apostles, for all of them have told us, We are going to the Lord’s house.”34 The ascent, in other words, is not simply the narrow concern of select psalms, but all of scripture, and indeed all the citizens of heaven, enjoin the audience to mount. Understanding “Jerusalem That Is Being Built Like a City” (Sections 3.21–6.40)

Again, a clear concern of Augustine is to establish a locus of interpretation that not only explains the Sitz in Leben of the text or the speaker, but places this Sitz in Leben in relation to the audience. Whether the text at hand supports this construal is another matter. Augustine himself is not unaware of this problem. A substantial portion of the remaining exposition grapples with the question of whether the text refers to pilgrimage to the eternal Jerusalem, or the city of Jerusalem, in Palestine. While it comes as little surprise that Augustine understands the Psalm as referring to the heavenly Jerusalem, the bishop’s extensive reasoning for his position is telling of his close attention to the text. In other words, a brief look at Augustine’s argumentation assists in determining if he is content to simply establish a hermeneutical framework that conveniences his needs, or if he seeks genuine engagement with the text before him. Augustine first raises the question “which Jerusalem?” in the middle of section three of the exposition.35 The rhetor begins by issuing an argument much along the lines of how Anselm would formulate his ontological argument: which one is better, the city 34. Enarrat. Ps. 121.2.30–36 (WSA 6:140). 35. Enarrat. Ps. 121.3.21.

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standing in heaven or the one that has fallen into ruin? The answer is self-evident. He then appeals to authorial intent. Would the Holy Spirit, or perhaps the Psalmist, posit particular greatness to the city that, as Christ remarked, kills the prophets and stones those sent to it (cf. Mt 23:37)? The bishop also enlists the support of the Apostle. The ardor and impatience of the Psalmist would certainly be more inclined toward the mother city, which is “eternal in the heavens” according to 2 Corinthians 5:1.36 Following these preliminary arguments, Augustine turns to the text. The Psalm itself, in fact, appears to anticipate the dilemma of determining which Jerusalem, and with confidence Augustine remarks, “But don’t just take my word for it; listen to the next verse.”37 The Psalm states this Jerusalem is “being built” (aedificatur), and is like a city (ut civitas).38 The fact that what is being built is like a city, but is not itself a city, is paramount for Augustine. He argues a figural interpretation is needed and makes the connection to the apostolic claim that Christians are to be built “like living stones, into a spiritual house” (1 Pt 2:5).39 He presents his argument in chiastic form: “Just as they are like stones, but not actually stones, so the heavenly Jerusalem is like a city, but not actually a city.”40 Moreover, the Psalmist’s use of the term “being built” in the present passive indicative suggests an ongoing process. The choice is deliberate on the part of the Psalmist.41 The force of the verb does not support the view that the city in question is the city of David since it was already built at the time of the Psalm’s composition. 36. Enarrat. Ps. 121.3.32–33. 37. Enarrat. Ps. 121.4.1 (WSA 6:16). The next verse reads, “The Jerusalem that is being built like a city that shares in the Selfsame.” 38. Enarrat. Ps. 121.4.30–31. 39. Enarrat. Ps. 121.4.9–10. 40. Enarrat. Ps. 121.4.53–55. This translation is mine. 41. Enarrat. Ps. 121.4.57–58. “The psalmist indicates that he means us to think of an actual place by using the verb is being built” (WSA 6:17). Augustine also raises, via an imagined interlocutor, a number of objections that support David envisioning the rebuilding of Jerusalem after the exile before promptly dismissing them.



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Indeed, further support, perhaps the most convincing to Augustine’s mind, is found in the remainder of the verse, “a city that shares in the Selfsame.”42 The last word of the verse, “Selfsame” (idipsum), a literal translation of αὐτό from Psalm 121:3 of the Greek Psalter, is seen as a title for God.43 Taken out of context, the Latin term for Selfsame, idipsum, can be translated as “it itself ” or “the thing itself.”44 Augustine marvels at how the ineffable can be considered and begins with a number of metaphysical qualifications.45 Idipsum as a title does not define God, says Augustine, but describes the one who is immutable, eter42. Enarrat. Ps. 121.5.4–5 (CSEL 95.3:90). 43. In the LXX Psalm 121:3 reads Ἱερουσαλημ οὶκοδομουμένη ὡς πόλις ἧς ἡ μετοχὴ αὐτης ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. Augustine touches upon idipsum a number of times in the Enarrationes, such as Enarrat. Ps. 4.9; 18[2].10; 97.8; 121.5 and in other works, Ver. rel. 21.41; Conf. 9.10.24; 12.7.7; 12.15.21; 12.17.25. Berrouard in Saint Augustine, Homélies sur l’Évangile de Saint Jean I–XVI (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1969), claims that with respect to the Enarrationes only Enarrat. Ps. 4.9 and 121.5 are references to the divine title of God, although a case can be made for the other two references. Regardless, it is only here, in Enarrat. Ps. 121.5, that Augustine elaborates upon the title at length. See also JeanLuc Marion, “Idipsum: The Name of God according to Augustine,” in Orthodox Readings of Augustine, ed. G. E. Demacopoulos and A. Papanikolaou (Crestwood, N.Y.: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2008), 167–90; James Swetnam, “A Note on idipsum in St. Augustine,” Modern Schoolman 30 (1953): 328–31. 44. Another suggestion is “the identical,” Marion, “Idipsum,” 176. The term idipsum poses a number of difficulties for translators of Augustine given its association with another metaphysical concept for being, ipsum esse. Augustine’s notable threefold usage of idipsum in the Confessions, “Itaque, tu Domine, qui non es alias aliud et alias aliter, sed idipsum et idipsum et idipsum, ‘sanctus, sanctus, sanctus, dominus Deus omnipotens.” (PL 32:829) for instance, is translated into English in a variety of ways. The “one and the same, the very same,” “the Selfsame very being it self,” and “Being itself,” are the respective translations of R. S. Pine-Coffin, Saint Augustine: Confessions (Harmondsworth, U.K.: Penguin Books, 1961), 284; Henry Chadwick, Saint Augustine: Confessions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 249; Maria Boulding, The Confessions (New York: New City Press, 1997), 315. Boulding most often renders idipsum as Selfsame in the Enarrationes, although she uses “Being itself ” on occasion (WSA 6:18, 20). In one instance she even renders the question Quid ergo est idipsum? with a threefold translation of the term, “What is Being-Itself, Absolute Being, the Self-Same?” (CSEL 95.3:90; WSA 6:18). 45. What follows “is a miniature tractate on St. Augustine’s philosophy of God,” Swetnam, “A Note on idipsum in St. Augustine,” 329.

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nal, and exists in the highest sense.46 Idipsum is also equated with the one who revealed his name to Moses (cf. Ex 3:14), as well as with the Word who became Incarnate in Christ.47 Augustine urges his audience to comprehend this mystery in the following manner: You cannot take it [the Selfsame] in, for this is too much to understand, too much to grasp. Hold on instead to what he whom you cannot understand became for you. Hold onto the flesh of Christ, onto which you, sick and helpless, left wounded and half dead by robbers, are hoisted, that you may be taken to the inn and healed there. Let us run to the house of the Lord, run all the way to that city, so that our feet may stand there, in that place which is being built like a city, which shares in the Selfsame. To what am I telling you to hold fast? Hold onto what Christ became for you, because Christ himself, even Christ, is rightly understood by this name, I Am Who Am, inasmuch as he is in the form of God. In that nature wherein he deemed it no robbery to be God’s equal, there is Being-Itself. But that you might participate in Being-Itself, he first of all became a participant in what you are; the Word was made flesh so that flesh might participate in the Word.48

Strands of inner-biblical references tie Augustine’s various thoughts together. Augustine reads the words of the Psalm in light of Christ the Good Samaritan, followed by familiar quotations from the apostles Paul and John. In doing so, he recalls the situation of the pilgrim on earth below and points to Christ as the healer. Although he omits mention of the name “Jerusalem,” perhaps since movement of the traveler away from Jerusalem to Jericho distracts from Augustine’s point, it remains clear that it is Christ who allows pilgrims to participate in idipsum, for he himself is idipsum. The city that participates in the Selfsame therefore must be the eternal Jerusalem. 46. Enarrat. Ps. 121.5.13, 15, 16. 47. Enarrat. Ps. 121.5.18, 25. 48. Enarrat. Ps. 121.5.23–35 (WSA 6:18).



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The Interrogation of St. Paul and the One Voice Who Preaches (Sections 12.29–14.7)

The conclusion of Enarratio 121 revisits the theme of love, albeit not in terms of the two opposing loves but in the charity and free love exemplified by the citizens of the heavenly Jerusalem. The final three verses of the Psalm are understood as the Psalmist’s address to Jerusalem.49 Augustine has argued that those ascending to the heavenly Jerusalem will be judged by Christ as well as by the saints and apostles.50 This judgment, moreover, will be based on their works of mercy.51 Thus the strength of Jerusalem is love and its abundance the multitude who are welcomed into the tents of eternity in order to sit at Christ’s right hand and participate in idipsum.52 Augustine, of course, does not leave his audience pondering a majestic celestial image of this city, but begins his conclusion by asking the practical question “But who has charity, brothers and sisters?”53 The bishop immediately turns to the Apostle Paul as an exemplar. Instead of heaping praises upon the Apostle, however, Augustine plays the devil’s advocate as if he were one of the judges of Jerusalem sitting in judgment: Listen to what he tells us: Try to appease everyone in all circumstances, as I too make myself agreeable to all in every respect. What has become of the claim you made elsewhere, Paul? You said, If I were still out to please men, I would not be Christ’s servant, yet now you say that you try to mollify others, and you exhort your disciples to do the same! But 49. These read, “May peace reign in your strength and abundance in your towers. For the sake of my brethren and kin I spoke always of your peace. For the sake of the house of the Lord my God I have sought your good.” Enarrat. Ps. 121.12.1, 20–21, 13.1–3, 14.1–2 (WSA 6:26–28). 50. Enarrat. Ps. 121.9.43–58. Cf. Is 3:14; Lk 16:9; Mt 25:34–40. 51. Enarrat. Ps. 121.10.8–11. 52. Enarrat. Ps. 121.12.21–27. 53. Enarrat. Ps. 121.12.28 (WSA 6:27).

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in denying that he tried to please men he omitted to mention the object some have in making such efforts; they curry favor with others for their own advantage, not for the promotion of charity.54

This exchange is notable for several reasons. For one, it is a sermocinatio in which Augustine has Paul defend himself with quotations from his letters. Augustine’s purpose for the interrogation, however, is not to better understand Paul or to prove a doctrinal point as seen in other sermons involving a sermocinatio with Paul.55 Rather the Apostle is an example of one who is not self-seeking, of one who can stand in the courts of Jerusalem. Most remarkable is what follows. This excerpt is rather lengthy, but captures the dynamic interaction between Augustine and Paul, as well as a third person, the Psalmist. But Paul elaborates: Try to appease everyone . . . as I too make myself agreeable to all in every respect, seeking not my own advantage but the profit of the many, that they may be saved. The psalmist has been speaking about charity, and in the same vein he continues, For the sake of my brethren and kin I spoke always of your peace. O Jerusalem, you are the city that shares in Being-Itself, but I am still in the midst of this life on earth, a pilgrim poor and groaning. I do not yet enjoy your peace, but I preach of your peace to others. I preach it not for my own gain, as do the heretics who seek their own advancement as they say, “Peace be with you,” when in truth they do not have the peace they preach to the peoples. If they had, they would not tear apart the unity of the Church. But I, says the psalmist, I spoke always of your peace. From what motive? For the sake of my brethren and kin, not to win a reputation for myself, not for money, not even to save my life, for life to me is Christ, and death is gain. But I spoke always of your peace for the sake of my brethren and kin. He was longing [variant: I was longing] to die and to be with Christ, but this man who preached peace to his brethren and kin knew that it was unnecessary for them that he remain in the 54. Enarrat. Ps. 121.12.29–34 (WSA 6.27–8). 55. For a discussion, see Martin, “Vox Pauli,” 237–272.



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flesh. For the sake of my brethren and kin I spoke always of your peace. For the sake of the house of the Lord my God I have sought your good. I have sought good things indeed, but not for myself, for then I would have been seeking good not for you but for me, and I would not even have gained any good myself, because I was not seeking it for you. No, it is for the sake of the house of the Lord my God that I have preached: for the Church, for the saints, for the pilgrims, for the needy, so that they may make the ascent. To them we say, We are going to the Lord’s house. It is for the sake of the house of the Lord my God that I have sought your good. This exposition has been rather long, brothers and sisters, but it was necessary. Pluck fruit from it, eat, drink, grow strong, and seize the prize.56

So ends Enarratio 121. Most noteworthy within this striking passage and the dizzying array of textual references is the blending of voices into one speaker. The oscillation between quotations from St. Paul and the Psalmist is interspersed, or better yet, woven together, with commentary in the first person, thereby creating a unity between these biblical witnesses.57 In one sense, the identity of the speaker is entirely ambiguous.58 Boulding’s English translation employs the term “psalmist” on two occasions, perhaps for the purpose of clarification, but the Latin does not demand it nor does the context suggest it. Granted, upon first hearing it would appear that the Psalmist should be understood as the speaker of the quotation from Psalm 121:8. Yet the motive for this effort is supplied from Philippians 1:23. It is as if blessed Paul can give voice to the Psalm because of his selfless example, 56. Enarrat. Ps. 121.12.35–14.9 (WSA 6.27–8). 57. For instance, Augustine remarks, “I am still in the midst of this life on earth, a pilgrim poor and groaning. I do not yet enjoy your peace, but I preach of your peace to others. I preach it not for my own gain . . . I have sought good things indeed, but not for myself . . . I would not even have gained any good myself, because I was not seeking it for you.” Italics added. 58. The variant cupiebam for cupiebat (Enarrat. Ps. 121.13.14) in certain manuscripts suggests that even some copyists experienced difficultly in keeping track of who was speaking.

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while the Psalmist’s expression of charity for his brethren can be interpreted in Pauline categories of self-sacrifice. As mentioned above, this usage of Paul’s voice is not to bolster Augustine’s interpretation of scripture. Augustine’s personal voice, as well, is minimal in this passage. The use of the first-person singular “I preached” does not point to Augustine as speaker. The references to “I” are tied directly to the words from St. Paul or the Psalm, and the context does not suggest Augustine is claiming these for himself. Further, though the term “preach,” employed four times in this passage, was used as a technical term pertaining to the duties of the bishop or priest in the fourth century, it never lost its spiritual sense of referring to a living message.59 Indeed, the amalgamation of quotations in this excerpt not only blurs the identity of the one climbing to Jerusalem, but broadens the scope of Jerusalem’s citizenship. In one sense, it is neither the Psalmist nor the Apostle nor the bishop of Hippo speaking. Anyone who loves in Christ and seeks the good of the other preaches peace. Similarly, all those who hear this message and ascend to Jerusalem are included in the wide spectrum of the Church: the saints, the pilgrims, the poor, as well as the brethren and “you.” The anaphora, or repetition of “for the sake of ” (propter) at the beginning of successive clauses, reinforces the diversity of those to whom the preaching is directed.60 Closing Remark (Section 14.7–9)

As Augustine concludes his exposition on the Psalm, he turns to address his audience, the brethren, directly. The ascent has been laid before Augustine’s audience, as it were, and a finale of imperatives succinctly captures the thrust of the sermon. The selection of imperatives, “pluck fruit from it, eat, drink, grow 59. Christine Morhmann, Études sur le latin des chrétiens: Latin chrétien et médiéval, SLet 87 (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1961), 66–67. 60. Propter is repeated ten times in the last eleven lines of the expositions.



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strong, and seize the prize,” relates strongly to the physical touch and the five senses. They call to mind the memorable imperatives that Augustine recounts hearing in his garden experience (Pick up! Read!), or the more familiar imperatives of the Eucharistic liturgy (take, eat).61 The bishop, in turn, beseeches his audience to ingest and be transformed by what has been set before them. It is as if the Psalm, through Augustine’s exposition, has ripened and now awaits consumption. Summary Remarks on Enarratio 121

It has been argued that a chief interpretive strategy for Augustine is to orient his audience and the text under consideration within a common background. The abrupt prologue on the two loves at the beginning of this exposition establishes important connections between the desires of the Psalmist and the experience of love by the North African audience. Noticeably, by the conclusion of the opening section, Augustine is no longer speaking of love in general terms, but of rather specific desires attributed to a particular person, the Psalmist. He is said to be seeking fellowship with the angels, and presumably, the eternal Jerusalem is the city to which all souls tend. This transition from love in general to the climb of the Psalmist can be understood within Augustine’s hermeneutic of alignment. It allows the bishop to establish a fundamental connection between the human experience of his listeners and those of the Psalmist as expressed in the Psalter. Both the audience and the Psalmist have experienced love’s own force and share the common plight of those on the ground here below. Accordingly, the souls of both are assumed to share a common means for mounting, and the Psalmist, particularly in Psalm 121, provides a common end for their pilgrimage: Jerusalem. 61. Conf. 8.12.29; Margaret Miles, Desire and Delight: A New Reading of Augustine’s Confessions (New York: Crossroad, 1992), 43.

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A fine eschatological balance is also evident in Augustine’s hermeneutic of alignment. He is careful not to confuse the priores with the posteriores but places the pilgrims and the triumphant, in heaven, within a common framework, and pushes the eschatological tension of their communion to its limit. Despite the separation between the two groups, those in heaven can cheer and cajole those seeking to ascend, and the pilgrims can sing as if their feet were standing in Jerusalem. The Psalmist, and the words of the Songs of Ascent in particular, thus serves as a key intersection in the alignment between heaven and earth, future glory and present pilgrimage. With respect to Augustine’s engagement with the text, it can be seen that he does not pass over the words lightly. In fact, he goes to considerable length in determining whether the referent of Jerusalem is the city on earth or the city above.62 The force of the verb “being built” and the conjunction “like a” before “city” are seen as clear indicators that the author intended his readers to think of the Jerusalem above. Mention that this Jerusalem participates in the Selfsame further assures the bishop of his reading. In other words, Augustine’s exegesis of the Psalm, as far as he can demonstrate, is consistent with his construal of the ascent. The text is not swept up into an overarching narrative and made to say whatever suits the bishop, but is engaged as it is understood. The question also arises as to whether Augustine’s translation of the Psalter unduly affects his reading of the Psalm, particularly the term idipsum. A number of scholars have commented that the overly literal translation at Augustine’s disposal has laid him victim to a mistranslation.63 Of course any critique of Augustine’s exegesis must be based on information available to Au62. Here the observation of Louth, “Augustine’s method of exegesis is always to follow the words closely, to interrogate them,” “Heart in Pilgrimage,” 295, comes to mind. 63. See Marion, “Idipsum,” 179.



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gustine; he cannot be faulted for failing to take into account the Hebrew text since he did not have access to it. It bears noting, however, that Augustine did have access to the Greek text, and at a later point in the exposition he does in fact make reference to it for the purposes of clarifying his Latin version.64 Marion, for his part, argues that Augustine’s reading is supported by the Greek text: “The verse describes the solidity and the coherence of Jerusalem and concludes that taking part in it, participating in it, constitutes the thing itself—what one desires, what needs to be achieved. And therefore, by isolating aujtov, translated as idipsum, St. Augustine is able to understand this ‘thing itself in which one must participate’ as a de-nomination of God.”65 The extent of Augustine’s Greek, of course, is difficult to gauge, and the matter may not be as clear as Marion would like.66 The goal of participation in the eternal Jerusalem, as the conclusion of the exposition makes clear, is not just the concern of the bishop but is equally voiced by the Psalmist, and other biblical writers, particularly St. Paul. The conflation of their voices at the culmination of the sermon is not simply rhetorical flourish. Through aligning his own voice with those of the Psalmist and the Apostle, Augustine summarizes the thrust of Psalm 121, as he understands it, and places all those who give voice to its words squarely within the continuing journey of salvation history. The ascent is voiced, as it were, by all of scripture, and the members of the Church, in turn, receive this proclaimed message. The repetition of “for the sake” highlights the diversity of this group as well as the characteristics of those who ascend; they are the saints, 64. Enarrat. Ps. 121.9. Here Augustine is attempting to make sense of the puzzling statement in Psalm 121:5 that “there the seats sat in Judgment.” 65. Marion, “Idipsum,” 179. 66. See pages 49–52. Marion’s claim that “the Augustinian expression [of idipsum as a name for God] is directly based on a biblical exegesis (that of Ps 121),” 179, is somewhat overstated. It may be more accurate to say that it is an expression of exegesis based on the biblical text available to Augustine.

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the pilgrims, and the poor. Augustine is not simply providing his audience with insights into a Psalm, but situates his listeners within the horizon of all those who participate in the ascent to Jerusalem. Although Augustine does not address his audience directly in the conclusion of the sermon until his very last words, they are not treated as casual observers. They are invited, and even exhorted, to seize the fruit of the preached word. Though “long and necessary,” Augustine’s exegesis culminates with the invitation to actively encounter the divine. This encounter is not an esoteric experience, but as the imperatives, ranging from eating to running and understanding suggest, it involves one’s entire disposition and way of life before God.

Points of Continuity among the Ascent, the Psalmist, and the North Africans: Enarrationes 122–25 The overview of the following expositions specifically considers Augustine’s attempt to establish an alignment between the ascent which the Psalmist sings about and the lives of the North African audience. A very brief summary of the Psalm is offered, followed by highlights of Augustine’s interpretation. Enarratio 122

Psalm 122, a relatively short psalm, speaks of a supplicant’s prayer to the Lord above (122:1). The dominant metaphor is that of a slave offering supplication to the Lord, and the inclusion of both male and female slaves (122:2) impresses upon the reader that all members of the community look to heaven for the mercy or grace of God (122:3).67 In previous expositions, Augustine’s opening comments have 67. Robert Alter, The Book of Psalms: A Translation with Commentary (London: W. W. Norton, 2007), 441.



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served to connect the Psalm and Augustine’s listeners. A similar pattern is found here, but in this case Augustine’s reference to the plight of the human condition and the interior ascent gives way to another interpretative key, the “one Christ” (unus Christus). Echoing his rumination on the two loves,68 Augustine begins the exposition by stating that humanity ascends by love but has fallen due to sinful desire.69 Speaking in the first-person plural, he acknowledges that “we” have the opportunity to ascend through Christ. The one Christ (unus Christus) has both descended and ascended, and we must join his body in order to ascend.70 This is the same Christ who cried out, “Saul, Saul, why are you persecuting me?” (Acts 9:5), and the same person in whom Christians are now raised to heaven (cf. Col 3:1–3). Seizing upon this paradox, Augustine states, “He is still down here, and we are already up there. He is down here by compassionate charity, and we are on high by hopeful charity.”71 Christ has descended by charity and we ascend by hopeful charity. Notably, this human-divine exchange is a present reality. Augustine will also highlight, through emphasis on Psalm 60:3, the dissonance, or lack of unity, Christians experience by not living their lives with Christ.72 Also notable is the appropriation of the Psalmist’s words through the one Christ (unus Christus). At the commencement of section two, for instance, Augustine exhorts the Psalmist, in the third-person 68. See Enarrat. Ps. 121.1. 69. Enarrat. Ps. 122.1.3, 5. 70. Enarrat. Ps. 122.1.11–12. 71. Enarrat. Ps. 122.1.35–37 (WSA 6:30). The thrust of the statement is somewhat difficult to capture in translation, particularly since the sense of movement upward and downward is emphasized by word order. Clarke’s translation comes close to the Latin, “He is still here, therefore, and we are now there: Through the compassion of love He is here, through the hope of love we are there.” Mary T. Clarke, trans., Augustine of Hippo (New York: Pauline Press, 1984), 249. 72. Enarrat. Ps. 122.2.8–9. “From the ends of the earth I have called to you, as my heart was wrung with pain” (WSA 6:30). Psalm 60:3, mentioned already in Enarrat. Ps. 119.7, itself is quoted only twice in section two of the current exposition, but its meaning is recalled a number of times.

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singular, to ascend, but by its conclusion, he has situated the audience as copilgrims with the Psalmist, and addresses them in the second person.73 As the excerpt below indicates, Augustine describes the situation of his audience with a progressive anadiplosis, climaxing with the first verse of Psalm 122.74 “Groaning you seek it [the happiness promised by Christ], seeking it, you long for it; and as you long, you ascend, singing this Song of Steps. You sing, To you have I lifted up my eyes, you who dwell in heaven.”75 The very words of the Psalm, in other words, are interpreted as the expression of the fundamental desires of the Christian seeking union with God. What Augustine reads in the Psalter, and hears during the liturgy, speaks of a reality that encompasses both the lives of the congregation and the life of the Psalmist. Having situated the Psalm and his audience in relation to one another through a Christological framework, Augustine proceeds to interpret the remainder of the Psalm. The unus Christus motif is particularly suitable for this Psalm, given the oscillation in the Psalm between the first-person singular (Ps 122:1) and the first-person plural (122:2, 3). Augustine continues to pay close attention to the text, noting the peculiarity of the Psalm speaking as a slave to a master, as well as from the male and female perspectives. To speak to God as a slave, says Augustine, need not stand in contradiction to other scriptural passages (e.g, Jn 15:15; Gal 4:7), because all creation serves God, and even the Apostle refers to himself as a slave (Rom 1:1). Similarly, the image of a maid is apt since the Church is Christ’s bride, while Christ can be a mistress since he is the wisdom of God.76 The cry for mercy and mention of the proud (Ps 122:3–4) are understood as the basic plea of the human race under Adam, and warnings regard73. Enarrat. Ps. 122.2.1. 74. Lausberg, Handbook of Literary Rhetoric, nos. 623, p. 279. 75. Enarrat. Ps. 122.2.27–31 (WSA 6:30). 76. Enarrat. Ps. 122.5–6.



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ing wealth are issued.77 The Christian must realize the poverty of his or her situation, since true wealth is only in “our heavenly abode in Jerusalem.”78 Although this is the first ESA that draws, to some extent, from the unus Christus motif, a hermeneutic of alignment is still evident. In fact, the appeal to the unus Christus at the commencement of the exposition not only corresponds suitably to the various speakers in the text, such as the slaves and the handmaid, but is consistent with previous attempts to contextualize the text and audience in relation to a common narrative prior to the act of interpretation. Further examples of this pattern are found in the following exposition, albeit with some variation. Enarratio 123

Psalm 123 calls upon Israel to recount the Lord’s protection (Psalm 123:1). Without this divine assistance, says the speaker, Israel would have fallen prey to the wrath of men who rose up like a sweeping torrent or raging waters (3–5).79 Praise is offered to the Lord, the creator of heaven and earth, who has saved Israel (6–8). Unlike the other expositions on the Gradual Psalms, Augustine begins by explicitly situating the text and audience in relation to the ascent rather than building up to it.80 He states, “A Song of Steps is a song about our ascent.” Augustine does not backtrack from this opening claim. Perhaps he feels the connection has been sufficiently demonstrated elsewhere.81 It would appear, however, that he does not want to give the impression 77. Enarrat. Ps. 122.6–9. 78. Enarrat. Ps. 122.12.17 (WSA 6:41). 79. The image of the Psalmist’s human opponents, says Dahood, is likened to that of an insatiable monster representing death, Psalms, 3:211. 80. Enarrat. Ps. 123.1.1–2 (CSEL 95.3:128). 81. He notes, “We have pointed this out to you very frequently, and it is not a good idea to repeat it too often,” Enarrat. Ps. 123.1.3–4 (WSA 6:43).

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his claims are arbitrary or illogical. That the song is about “our ascent” has been confirmed in the liturgy.82 Moreover, Augustine recalls the unus Christus hermeneutic that was developed in the previous exposition. One voice may sing, or many, but all belong to Christ. What do these members of Christ sing, asks Augustine?83 They sing out of love, out of longing, in their troubles, and in hope they sing. By turning to the unus Christus motif, Augustine is able to qualify the audience’s relation to the ascent. In this case, it is the body of Christ who aligns the audience and text together within a common framework. Importantly, Augustine speaks of the singers in the third-person plural. The Psalm may speak of the ascent, but the audience cannot fully appropriate its words before reaching Jerusalem above.84 Augustine consistently plays off this tension between realized and future eschatology and the tension between the narrative of which the text speaks with the lives of his listeners in the exposition. Yet an earnest desire to have his audience not only see themselves in relation to the text, but embody it, comes to the fore, particularly in section three: It is not as though these singers were strangers to us or as though our own voice were missing from this psalm. Listen to it as though you were hearing yourselves. Listen as though you were looking at your own reflection in the mirror of the scriptures. When you gaze into the scriptural mirror your own cheerful face looks back at you. When in your exultant hope you observe the likeness between yourself and other members of Christ, the members who first sang these verses, you will be certain that you are among his members, and you too will sing them.85 82. “The song you have just heard being sung to you is headed . . . A Song of Steps,” Enarrat. Ps. 123.1.5–6 (WSA 6:43). 83. Enarrat. Ps. 123.2.1–2. 84. “Our joy is not realized yet but is already ours in hope,” Enarrat. Ps. 123.2.7 (WSA 6:43). 85. Enarrat. Ps. 123.3.4–10 (WSA 6:45).



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As noted in previous discussion, Jeffry suggests that Augustine is blending monastic and cathedral approaches to the Psalter within this passage.86 His listeners are urged to see themselves in the mirror of scripture while identifying their voices with those in the text. Eisoptrological and proposological concerns, as Jeffery labels them, should not be dismissed, but there is more behind Augustine’s remarks. As evidenced by the comments that immediately follow, the bishop is attempting to situate his audience and the text within the backdrop of salvation history. In this specific instance Augustine picks up on the notions of rejoicing and escape found in the Psalm (123:1, 6–7), and situates the North Africans who would sing the Psalm along with the “holy martyrs” and the “triumphant heroes,” the priores spoken of in Psalm 121:2. Augustine exhorts his listeners to join this chorus of voices, “Let us all sing together and say, If the Lord has not been in us . . .”87 He continues: This psalm sets the escapers before our eyes—those, that is, who have escaped already. Let us too set up these triumphant heroes in our hearts and exult as though we were in their company, in the spirit of another psalm that sings, Our feet were standing in the forecourts of Jerusalem. The people who sang that were not yet there, but they were on the way, and so great was their joy as they hastened onward, so strong their hope of arriving, that even while still struggling along the road they felt as though they were already safe at home. The same conviction should be in us. Let us see ourselves included in the triumph to be celebrated in the world to come, when we shall taunt death, defeated now and swallowed up in victory. What has become of your strife, O death? Where, O Death is your sting? We shall be united with the angels and rejoice with our king, who willed to be first to rise again, although not the first to die; for many died before him, but none rose to eternal life before he did. We are there already in hope and in our hearts, so let 86. See subsection Monastic and Cathedral Offices and St. Augustine in chapter 1. 87. Enarrat. Ps. 123.3.21 (WSA 5.45).

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us rejoice with him and reflect on our escape from the scandals and the distress of this world, from persecutions by all the pagans, from the deceitful ploys of heretics, from the enticements of the devil and our conflicting lusts.88

Developing the continuity between the past and present and gazing forward to the last day, Augustine, or rather, the Psalm itself, presents the picture of a saintly procession of those “who have escaped.” The mention of “triumphant heroes” is not a direct biblical quote, but calls to mind Hebrews 11:1–12:1, and the cloud of witnesses, ranging from Abel to Rahab to David, who lived by faith. These glimpses of heaven, as it were, are juxtaposed with the imagery from Psalm 121:2. The audience is urged not only to marvel at heavenly heroes but to imitate the strong hope of those singing during their pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Here Augustine enjoins the African Christians to envision the redeemed. Despite long marches along the road of life they continued on “as though they were already safe at home.” The text refers not only to triumphant saints and to faithful pilgrims of old, but also to the current situation of Augustine’s listeners. The bishop goes on to state that they are to visualize themselves “included in this triumph.” The matrix of images drawn from these biblical allusions fuses here with a secular scene, that of a Roman military in triumph. In such a triumph defeated leaders were mocked. The enemy defeated is none other than death, as Augustine calls to mind St. Paul’s elation at the victory of Christ’s resurrection (1 Cor 15:55). The resurrection, however, is not a theoretical concept or a conquest belonging only to Christ or Paul. The African Christians are to visualize themselves one day participating in the taunt of death. The creative imagery cultivated by Augustine in these brief lines continues on, climaxing with the entry of the angels and 88. Enarrat. Ps. 123.4.2–19 (WSA 5.45–46).



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“our king.” The image of being “united” with heavenly angels and “our king” strongly parallels the dramatic scene of believers uniting with the Lord at his return in glory to earth in 1 Thessalonians 4:15–19 and other eschatological New Testament texts.89 The taunt of death image is superseded by a description of “our king” as Augustine further elaborates on the central figure of the faith. He is the king who “who willed to be first to rise” and who rose to everlasting life before the many that died before him. These words are a near paraphrase of 1 Corinthians 15:20–23, and also resonate with numerous biblical passages.90 With these last references Augustine’s exposition takes on an obvious Christological character. In returning to the verse at hand, this Christological dimension is accentuated as he urges the congregation to sing, “If the Lord had not been in us.” This is the same Lord Jesus to whom the “escapers” set before the eyes of the audience have fled. As the sermon progresses Augustine spontaneously returns to this verse, imploring the audience to voice it as a refrain. “Let Israel sing this now, and sing it exultantly, without fear,” he exhorts.91 Such chanting would not only give the orator pause for breath but would congeal the matrix of biblical imagery in the hearts and minds of the congregation as they magnify their Lord. This lively exposition continues to draw heavily upon the example of the martyrs as Augustine elaborates upon other images of Psalm 123 in light of the ascent. The mention of the fury of men breaking over us, for instance, is understood as the next step in the pilgrim’s journey. Just as guileful and wicked tongues sought to thwart the Psalmist’s ascent (Ps 119:2), so too will the faithful experience the fury of others opposed to their 89. Cf. Mt 25:31; Mk 13:27; 1 Cor 15:23; 2 Thes 1:8–9. 90. E.g., Gn 3:22; Rom 5:8; Col 1:15–18. 91. Enarrat. Ps. 123.5 (WSA 6.47).

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progress.92 Similarly, the overwhelming waters are likened to the mighty forces of this world that one’s soul must cross over. Escape from these oppressive forces, or from the allure of life’s traps, of course, is impossible without the help of the Lord (Ps 123:7–8), says Augustine, and he concludes by emphasizing the need for humility.93 Returning to the excerpt above, a few more comments can be made on Augustine’s appeal to visuality, particularly when the exposition is considered in light of the ascent motif and the hermeneutic of alignment. In this particular case, Augustine enlists the words of the Psalm, as well as a range of other biblical passages, as a vehicle for visualizing the ongoing pilgrimage. As noted, to see a holy site is to have it impressed on one’s soul.94 The destination, however, is not to a shrine or geographical locale. There is a transcendent thrust within this array of images. The dynamic of the ascent is opened up before the eyes of the audience to the horizon of another world. Their vision is honed not on an earthly locale, but on another reality. That is to say, from the text stems a ground of existence beyond words where saints in procession, ancient pilgrims, the taunt of death, and the triumphal entry of Christ and his angels become tangible. The biblical text has come alive to Augustine and his listeners, and, paradoxically, is relativized as text. It has become a living reality. Through faith the song is made present in the liturgical assembly and appropriated in the hearts of exultant believers. Believers are brought in faith to the threshold of a reality where words fail (cf. 1 Cor 2:9). Augustine thus has not only aligned his audience and the text within salvation history—he has enabled that mysterious reality to be become present in their midst. As Augustine’s repeated injunctions to sing “If the 92. Enarrat. Ps. 123.6. 93. Enarrat. Ps. 123.13 94. See Visualizing the Panorama of the Ascent subsection in chapter 4.



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Lord had not been in us,” suggests, the appropriate response for one who would wish to participate in this unfolding reality is to take the words of the ascent upon one’s lips and glory in and at God’s presence. Enarratio 124

Psalm 124 compares those who trust in the Lord to Mount Zion (Ps 124:1). These mountains, as symbols of stability and security, encourage trust in the Lord and stand in stark contrast to the “rod of sinners,” from which the Psalmist prays for protection (124:3). Reminiscent of Psalm 1, the last two lines contrast the upright of heart with those who commit iniquity.95 Though prolix, Augustine’s opening comments in this exposition are consistent with his strategy of aligning the text and his audience within a common framework. In this particular instance, Augustine begins with familiar observations on the nature of the ascent while claiming the Psalm “teaches us to pay no attention to the prosperous folk of this world.”96 Although he does not explicitly say as much, Augustine here has in mind the last verse of the Psalm.97 The bishop quickly digresses into elaborating on how the faithful are easily impressed by the rich, and draws examples from Psalm 72. His references to Psalm 72, however, appear to confuse the audience, and perhaps himself, regarding the subject matter at hand.98 Augustine’s main point, nonetheless, is that to envy the riches of sinners can cause one’s feet to slip. This is not to be taken as Augustine’s own personal observation; the Psalmist himself is said to have experienced as 95. Geoffrey Grogan, Psalms, THOTC (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 2008), 203. 96. Enarrat. Ps. 124.1 (WSA 6:56). 97. “But to those who turn aside into tortuous paths the Lord will allot a place with the workers of iniquity,” Enarrat. Ps. 124.10 (WSA 6:66). Enarratio 121 is another exposition that appears to begin with the last verse of the Psalm in mind, see Enarrat. Ps. 121.1. 98. Twice he feels the need to clarify which portion of the Psalter he is speaking about, Enarrat. Ps. 124.2.

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much, at least according to Psalm 72:1–3, 11–13.99 Psalm 72, in fact, “is a psalm in which you observe a soul in peril and feet on a slippery slope.”100 The solution, as the Psalmist suggests, is to be of straightforward heart, and, as Augustine adds, to trust in the Lord.101 These comments appear, at best, to be indirectly related to Psalm 124 or to the audience. Yet Augustine’s remarks on the plight of the Psalmist allow the North Africans to identify with the Psalmist’s struggles, while outlining a moral and existential disposition amenable to the ascent. Psalm 72, for instance, presents the Psalmist as a fallible pilgrim, and the bishop makes him even more approachable by having him think aloud, “Did I perhaps make a big mistake when I resolved to live justly and act towards others in a spirit of innocence, when I know that people who make no attempt to preserve such innocence enjoy good fortune and mock the just by doing wrong and getting away with it?”102 Augustine is able to draw out a moral from the Psalmist’s experience: to be of straightforward heart is to find no fault in God. Turning his attention from the Psalmist, Augustine brings the audience, as well as Psalm 124 into discussion: Even though we cannot see [God’s] plan or understand why he has done this in one way and that in another, it is good for us to be submissive to his wisdom and believe that he has acted well even if we do not yet know why he has done so. Then we shall have straightforward 99. Psalm 72:1–3 reads, “How good God is to Israel, to those of straightforward hearts! But as for me, my feet had all but slipped, my steps very nearly slid out of control because I envied sinners, seeing the peace that sinners enjoy.” Psalm 72:11–13 reads, “How does God know? Is there any knowledge in the Most High? Look, they are sinners, yet they have won abundant wealth in this world. Is it then to no purpose that I have justified my heart, and washed my hands in innocence?” (WSA 6:56–57). 100. Enarrat. Ps. 124.2.7–8 (WSA 6:57). 101. “How good God is to Israel, to those of straightforward hearts” (Ps 72:1; WSA 6:57). Cf. Psalm 124:4, which reads, “Deal kindly, O Lord, with the good, and those of straightforward hearts.” (Enarrat. Ps. 124.9; WSA 6: 65). 102. Enarrat. Ps. 124.25–28 (WSA 6:56).



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hearts and be disposed to rely on the Lord and trust him. Then our feet will not slip, and as we make our ascent the first verse of the psalm we are studying will be verified in us: Those who trust in the Lord will be like Mount Zion, they shall not be moved for ever.103

Augustine’s claim that the Psalm is happening or occurring “in us” appears to be somewhat abrupt despite the circuitous introduction.104 Most remarkable is that Augustine sets up the conditions for understanding the first verse of the Psalm within the lives of his audience. The ascent is ongoing, and the audience is free to enter into its dynamic. Conversely, through their participation in the ascent the reality to which the text points can be exhibited. The text and the lives of the audience members who ascend, in other words, are interlaced within the background of salvation history. Augustine quickly diverts the discussion away from the audience.105 He goes on to interpret the mountains surrounding Jerusalem in terms of the revelation through human agency, as well as the problem of how unjust rulers can wield the rod of authority.106 Most significant for our purposes is that the first two sections of the exposition lead up to the remark about the verification of the Psalm in the lives of the believers. This finding is consistent with the argument that Augustine’s interpretative strategy is to set up the conditions in which he can intersect the text with the lives of the audience. Once this meeting point has been established, he turns to the remaining verses of the text. A similar strategy is employed in the following Enarratio.

103. Enarrat. Ps. 124.2.43–44 (WSA 6:57). 104. Boulding renders this in the future tense “will be verified” but nevertheless captures the sense of the phrase. 105. He immediately directs their attention to discerning whether the referent is to the earthly or the heavenly Jerusalem. 106. Enarrat. Ps. 124.3–5, 7–8.

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Enarratio 125

Psalm 125 narrates the joy of the people of Jerusalem after the Lord brought them out of captivity (Ps 125:1–2). Like Psalm 123 and 124, it is a communal prayer, and contains a number of repetitious elements. The title “Lord,” for instance, is repeated in each of the first four verses, and verses 1 and 4 both speak of captivity. The last three verses, however, refer not to past events, but to the future reward of those who sow seeds (5–6).107 Consistent with what we have seen in other expositions on the Songs of Ascent, Augustine’s interpretative strategy in this Enarratio involves orienting the audience and the text within the drama of salvation history. The first two sections in particular develop a context in which the North African listeners can view themselves as participants in the ascent to Jerusalem who give voice to Psalm 125. The remainder of the exposition reflects upon each phrase of the Psalm in light of this alignment. A brief synopsis follows. As his listeners have come to expect, Augustine begins the exposition with a few comments on the text in question. According to the superscription, it is a Song of Steps, and is voiced by those who ascend to Jerusalem above.108 After distinguishing the earthly from the heavenly Jerusalem, the bishop turns to the ontological condition of humanity. In this life we are on pilgrimage and in misery we hope to return to that city. By speaking in the first-person plural, as well as employing the pronoun “us” extensively, Augustine stresses that those in his hearing are not to be excluded from the human plight. He remarks: “But our fel107. On verses 1–3 referring to the past, see John Goldingay, Psalms, 3 vols., Baker Commentary on the Old Testament: Wisdom and Psalms (Grand Rapids, Mich: Baker Academic, 2006), 3:490. The NJPS translation, for instance, renders not only verses 5–6 but also 1–3 in the future. 108. Enarrat. Ps. 125.1.4.



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low-citizens, the angels, have not forsaken us during our exile, for they announced to us that our king would come in person. He came to us, but he was despised among us and by us, and since that time he has been despised with us. He taught us how to endure contempt by being himself the object of contempt; he taught us how to endure, because he endured; he taught us how to suffer, because he suffered; and he promised that we shall rise again, because he rose. He showed us in himself what we must hope for.”109 The repetition of the first-person plural also links Augustine’s audience, in a rather personal fashion, to Christ. God’s salvific activity in history is essentially described by what has been done to us, among us, for us, in spite of us, and so forth, as if the audience could not be omitted from the narrative of his saving intervention. Developing the relationship between “us” and Christ further, Augustine shifts his attention to the audience with a series of rhetorical questions. He asks, “But where were we? . . . Where were we held?”110 This redemption is said to have occurred in the past, and thus the listeners should know the answers. The Lord redeemed us from Satan and his angels by giving his own blood for us, says the bishop.111 Significantly, Augustine does not wish to give the impression that his way of understanding the relationship between Christ and those listening is conjecture. Augustine calls as a witness none other than the Apostle Paul. He states, “Let us question the apostle Paul to find out how the human race had fallen captive, for Paul himself groaned louder than most others in his captivity as he longed for the eternal Jerusalem.”112 Drawing on Paul, the bishop notes that all creation groans, as do God’s children (cf. Rom 8:23–24) since they have been sold under sin 109. Enarrat. Ps. 125.1.10–16 (WSA 6:68). 110. Enarrat. Ps. 125.1.23–25. 111. Enarrat. Ps. 125.1.28. 112. Enarrat. Ps. 125.2.1–2 (WSA 6:69).

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(Rom 7:14). Through the shedding of innocent blood, however, humanity has been redeemed.113 Having established this context of debt and redemption, Augustine turns to the first verse of the Psalm. “They on whose behalf innocent blood was given have been redeemed. As they turn away from their captivity, let them sing this psalm. When the Lord turned Zion’s captivity around, we became like people comforted.”114 Once again, the text is introduced in such a way that it can be understood within the narrative of salvation history, a narrative to which the audience claims membership. In this particular case, however, Augustine notes a major difficulty in ascribing captivity to the heavenly Jerusalem. If this is the eternal Zion, how can it have been held captive?115 His response is twofold. First, he posits that in this case Jerusalem refers to all of humanity. Jerusalem was taken captive in humanity, although some of its citizens, namely the angels, were not taken captive. The return of the Jewish people from Babylon thus foreshadows the return of humanity from confusion in this world to the peace of the heavenly city. This line of argumentation may not seem convincing, and Augustine introduces a second argument once he reaches verse four and five.116 The turning of Zion’s captivity, in this verse, is spoken not as a past but as a future event. Augustine notes that future events, such as Christ’s passion, are sometimes referred to by scripture in the past tense as in Psalm 22. The past tense in the opening verse is just the opposite. The intent of the Psalmist in the first verse was to point to future events; this is confirmed by his explicit use of the fu113. For a concise overview on the “devil’s rights” in patristic literature, see C. William Marx, The Devil’s Rights and the Redemption in the Literature of Medieval England (Rochester, N.Y.: D.S. Brewer, 1995). 114. Enarrat. Ps. 125.2.61–3.2 (WSA 6:70). 115. Enarrat. Ps. 125.3.3–5. 116. Enarrat. Ps. 125.10.1–2, 11.1–2 “Turn our captivity around, O Lord, like a torrent in the south wind. Those who sow in tears will reap with joy” (WSA 6:76, 78).



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ture tense in verse five.117 In short, captive Zion described in this Psalm can still be understood, reasons Augustine, as the eternal Zion, albeit with some qualification. Zion’s captivity, at least in terms of her being taken captive in humanity, has been turned around through the death and resurrection of Christ. In this case it is through the cross that the audience members can see and understand the text, and its relation to their lives. This saving event is the backdrop in which the text and its singers are given meaning.

Conclusion A major interpretative strategy for Augustine is to intersect the text and his audience within the ongoing narrative of salvation history. Augustine’s approach in each exposition varies to some extent, yet this common pattern has been duly noted above. That said, we do not find this hermeneutical approach as a major strategy in all of the expositions on the Psalms of Ascent. While each exposition has an unique life of its own, so to speak, several reasons can account for this finding. Firstly, not all of the Gradual Psalms lend themselves to the ascent motif. Despite the superscription and the frequent mention of Zion, the theme of ascent is not readily obvious in passages that speak of the blessing of children and a fruitful family life (126:3–5; 127:3–6), or in passages that offer curses upon those who hate Zion (128:5–9), or laud the joys of living in unity (132:1–3).118 Secondly, some variation on the part of the interpreter must be 117. Enarrat. Ps. 125.10.20–22, “When these events were first celebrated in song they were still future, though for us they are present and plain to see. The psalmist had ostensibly been singing about past happenings but in fact envisaging the future; and in this verse he explicitly prayed with regard to things yet to come.” 118. Notably, Crow, in The Songs of Ascents (Psalms 120–134), argues that Psalms 119 and 122–30 were originally taken up with agrarian and communitarian concerns and only after a process of redaction became associated with pilgrimage.

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allowed. Augustine is not writing a commentary series, or systematically developing an argument, but preaching over a period of several months. Not every exposition can be expected to have the same amount of preparation or quality. As Rondet points out, Enarrat. Ps. 128 “isn’t all that remarkable,” and Enarrat. Ps. 129 “is lacking in grandeur.”119 Rondet further remarks that the final exposition, which examines both Psalm 132 and 133, concludes “without flare, without any heroic finale.”120 It can also be added that while the theme of ascent is not developed by Augustine in his exposition on Psalm 129, the De profundis, he nonetheless unravels the Psalm by situating the audience and the text in relation to salvation history. The same can be found in other expositions on Psalms lacking the canticum graduum superscription. Employing the hermeneutic of alignment is not, in other words, wholly dependent on the theme of ascent. 119. Rondet, “St. Augustin et les psaumes des montées,” 13–14. 120. Ibid., 17.

Conclusion

d Sustained analysis of Augustine’s expositions on the Songs of Ascent has yielded a number of insights regarding Augustine’s interaction with the Psalter and how he interprets the ascent motif for his audience. To begin, it can be said that the Psalter, an overwhelmingly popular scriptural book among both lay and monastic audiences in Augustine’s time, proved to be a rich source for introspection and preaching. For most patristic writers, and particularly for Augustine, the Psalter is a witness to the intimate and organic connection between the Old Testament and the person of Christ Jesus. It is also a vehicle for personal sanctity as well as a mysterious text with a variety of speakers. Interpreting the Psalter, moreover, is not a mere intellectual exercise for the patristic exegete; it incorporates the reader’s entire reality and leads him or her into closer union with the divine and the faith community. For the bishop of Hippo, the faith community is not simply a parochial entity found in Hippo or Carthage, but is universal in scope. Indeed, the interpretative horizon in which Augustine situates the Psalms is vast. Stretching across time and space, it encompasses the Psalmist and other biblical personages such as Isaiah or the Apostle Paul, as well as the followers of Christ in North Africa, such as mar199

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tyrs like St. Crispina. Augustine and his listeners, for their part, are considered to be more than singers of the Psalter: they are understood as participants in the ongoing drama of the heavenly ascent. With respect to the expositions on the Psalms of Ascent, it can be said, with a fair degree of certainty, that they were preached in sequential order over the winter and early spring of 406–7 or 407–8. Recorded by stenographers (notarii), these expositions were delivered before audiences in either Carthage or Hippo intermittently with tractates on the Gospel and First Letter of John. The expositions on the Gradual Psalms were likely circulated during the bishop’s own lifetime, but, unlike some of his other major works, they were not subjected to later revision. Nearly four hundred manuscripts containing complete or partial sections of the Enarrationes, the earliest dating back to the seventh century, stem from two major families, “π” and “γ.” Whether these derive from a lost archetype is disputed, and the distinction between the two families is based not so much on the style of copyists but upon mistakes, such as saut du même au même or désinences, that are present in one family but not the other. While a critical edition for all of the Enarrationes is still in progress, a critical edition on the ESA was prepared by Franco Gori in 2001. Whether in Carthage or Hippo, those who attended the expositions came to hear the local bishop of Hippo. They comprised the educated elite as well as fishermen, sailors, business people, and the destitute. Though pagans, Jews, and Donatists were not barred from attending the liturgy, we must imagine Augustine’s predominately Catholic audience as members of a small minority in Numidia. At the time of the delivery of the expositions they enjoyed imperial favor, yet the tumultuous origins of the Church in North Africa and the ongoing tensions with pagan and Donatist groups impacted how Catholics



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viewed the outside world and their Church. The martyrs, of whom we hear frequent mention in the expositions, were upheld as witnesses who idealized attachment to faith in Christ over things of this world. The reading of the passio of a martyr on his or her feast day alongside scriptural passages from the Old Testament, an epistle, Psalm, and Gospel (or, alternatively, from an epistle, Psalm, and Gospel) attests to their importance in the African Christian psyche and the strong connection between their witness and the biblical narrative. The readings, it can be added, were selected at the discretion of the bishop, and Augustine reserved some of the expositions on the Psalms of Ascent specifically for the feast days of martyrs. During the liturgy, the Psalm was read or sung by the lector and a response voiced by the congregants. Following the Gospel reading Augustine began his sermons sitting on the cathedra as he engaged his listeners, who expected to be taught, delighted, and moved. Prominent within these expositions is Augustine’s hermeneutic of alignment. This hermeneutic describes Augustine’s attempt to contextualize the song of the Psalmist, the Psalmist, and the lives of his readers within a common framework. Very often, it is only after this continuity, or alignment, has been established that Augustine proceeds to interpret the verses of the Psalm at hand. Thus, the text, when read as a witness to the Psalmist’s experience of ascending to the Zion above, not only provides a window into the trials, groanings, and joys of the pilgrim singer, but points to a reality that encompasses a chorus of voices from the prophet Isaiah to St. Paul to St. Crispina. The ascent of which these Psalms speak, in other words, involves more than the ancient past for it continues to unfold in fifth-century North Africa. Demonstrating this continuity is a key interpretative concern for Augustine, and he employs theological reasoning, such as the ontological plight of humanity in the convallis plorationis, rhetorical tropes such as phrases fictives and elision, and exegeti-

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cal argumentation regarding the superscription or the referent of Jerusalem in order to locate the text within salvation history, and thereby establish a rapport between the text and the audience. Augustine’s reading of these Psalms, assuredly, is colored by his presuppositions regarding the text, such as his understanding of inspiration, the prosopological referent, in addition to his Neoplatonic and, above all, Catholic Christian view point. Nevertheless, Augustine consistently attempts (and sometimes strains) to demonstrate that his claims upon a given Psalm are not arbitrary, but are supported by the Psalm itself. His discussion of which Jerusalem the text refers to amply demonstrates this concern. The text, in other words, is not superfluous but entirely necessary for understanding the ascent. The alignment of the text and the audience within the framework of redemptive history, it should be added, does not imply that the audience is the fulfillment or the terminus of the text. Rather Augustine crafts a tension between the life of the Psalmist and his listeners. They may have taken up the Psalmist’s song in the liturgy, but that does not mean they have truly appropriated the words. The hostile descendants of Ishmael, the people of Kedar, as Augustine points out, can be within or outside the Church. At times he refers to “us” mounting to Jerusalem, yet in other places he perceptibly speaks of the Psalmist or the martyrs in the third person. There is a conflation or inner-illumination between the North African narrative and the biblical narrative, yet dissonance as well. The African narrative does not supplant but complements the biblical one, provided the audience sings from their hearts through love of God and neighbor. An alignment between the ascent and the audience is necessarily conditional. The martyrs are integral to maintaining the connection between the biblical narrative and the North African experience. They are held up as tangible examples of North Africans who



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have lived out the ascent. It is not simply the recollection of their passio, but their self-sacrifice that ratifies, as it were, their connection to the Songs of Ascent. They have understood the ascent (intellexerunt) and thus it is fitting (congruit) to learn to sing the Psalmist’s songs in light of their example. The martyrs, paradoxically, also serve to distance the text from all those in the audience whose lives do not conform, with complete devotion, to the Gospel. Thus they bring the text near to the North Africans, yet reinforce the conditions required for one to see him- or herself joining in the ascent. Augustine’s ability to bring about this alignment also involves his personal witness. The reference in passing at the conclusion of Enarratio 119 to his personal experience of persecution, for instance, implies that he in fact is striving, like the Psalmist, among those who hate peace (Ps 119:7). His vocation as bishop and shepherd of his listeners also means he has a vested interest in his audience’s participation. If Augustine’s oratorical or exegetical performance fails to resonate with his listeners, they are left, at least, with Augustine’s personal witness as a means to understand what it means to sing the Songs of Ascents from the heart. The bishop, to be sure, attempts to show in these expositions that the listeners need not “take my word for it,” since the prophets, the Psalmist, and the apostles all appear to speak with one voice regarding the climb to Jerusalem. The personal witness of the Psalmist, the prophets, or the apostles, underscored by Augustine, highlights that if the individual listener ascends, he or she does so in the company of the communion of believers.

Venturing Forth This exploration of Augustine’s interpretation of the ascent motif in the Gradual Psalms has focused extensively on a core group of expositions and the hermeneutic of alignment present

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within them. Delving deeply into a select grouping of sermons, on the one hand, has the benefit of yielding insights on the dynamism present in Augustine’s exegesis. It raises, on the other hand, a number of avenues for further inquiry beyond this particular interpretative approach. Eight such topics of interest are listed below. Reading Other Sections of the Enarrationes

As a preliminary observation, we may consider the insights this analysis offers in reading other sections of the Enarrationes. These Psalms alone contain the superscription “Songs of Ascent,” but the exegetical strategy of establishing a hermeneutic of alignment can be found in other expositions, such as Enarrat. Ps. 21[2]. Even in this celebrated Ash Wednesday sermon, however, Augustine’s attempt to establish a fundamental rapport between the lives of his audience and the narrative of the Psalmist, in order to exegete the text, wanes as the latter half of the sermon becomes progressively preoccupied with anti-Donatist polemic. A similar ebb and flow, as noted, can be found in the latter half of the ESA, in which the hermeneutic of alignment is significantly less prevalent. Other expositions, such as Enarrat. Ps. 100, demonstrate no concern to establish any continuity between text and audience prior to exegesis but, without preamble, commence with an immediate analysis of the Psalm. In the final analysis, Augustine does not appear to be wedded to one particular method of engaging the text and his audience. The Voice of the Apostle

Augustine’s appeal to the prophets and apostles, especially the Apostle Paul, is another crucial dimension in what we are describing as a hermeneutic of alignment. Augustine not only has Paul and other forebears in the faith add their scriptural



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voices to that of the Psalmist, but he allows them to show their personal attempt to ascend. A host of studies have explored the vox Christi or the totus Christus in the Enarrationes, but one voice in particular, often peripheral to discussion on the Enarrationes, is that of the Apostle Paul—a voice that could also be heard echoing in Hippo’s basilica pacis during the proclamation of the scriptural lessons. Though the vox Pauli is by no means the key for Augustine’s interpretation of the entire Psalter, the dynamic manner in which Augustine employs the Apostle’s voice to interpret the Psalmist’s words, and vice versa, highlights how Paul serves as an exegetical partner, a living witness, and a model of conversion in the Enarrationes. For Augustine, Paul is much like a coworker in the field of exegesis. His words bear authority and bring clarity to the mysterious text that is the Psalter.1 They both speak, but ultimately, it is the one Holy Spirit who inspires their words. This means that the words of a biblical writer are heard not in isolation, but in continuity and in accord with a host of biblical voices. One author can shed light on another.2 An example of dynamism between the Apostle and the Psalmist generated by Augustine is found within the ESA themselves. As seen, Augustine plumbs the bible in order to flesh out what it means for one to ascend (ascendit) at the commencement of the initial exposition on the Songs of Ascent. Augustine notes that the letter from Paul read during the liturgy underscores the inscrutability of their heavenly destination (1 Cor 2:6): the Psalmist, in full agreement, has chosen his words accordingly 1. On Augustine’s appeal to Paul in order to support his exegetical reasoning and conclusions, see Isabelle Bochet, “Augustin disciple de Paul,” RSR 94 (2006): 357–80. 2. Obscure texts, in particular, are to be interpreted by those that are clearer, Doctr. chr. 3.26.37. Just scratching the surface of the Enarrationes, for instance, turns up examples of Augustine turning to Paul in order to better understand the Psalmist, and vice versa. See for instance, En. Ps. 3.7; 3.9; 4.2; 5.17; 6.7; 6.8; 6.12–13; 7.1; 7.8.

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by not elaborating upon the “appointed” place (cf. Ps 83:6–7). In fact, Augustine has the Psalmist respond with a sense of exasperation to the inquiring audience before exhorting them to hope in the “place beyond all telling.” Paul then, anticipates, or better yet echoes, the thoughts of the Psalmist, which are amplified and placed accordingly on his lips by the bishop. In other Enarrationes, like the aforementioned Enarrat. Ps. 100, Augustine listens to Paul singing the words of the Psalter in attempts to add color and a tone to the text. The Psalmist’s cries do not remain abstract but are found to resonate in Paul’s life, which, in turn, serves as an exemplar for Augustine’s North African listeners. This dynamic between Paul, the Psalmist, and Augustine’s exegesis is certainly an area that may bear fruit in future studies of the Enarrationes, especially in light of the strong emphasis on the vox in the Enarrationes.3 The Rapport with the Tractates on the Gospel and First Epistle of John

Given the relative certainty with which we can date these expositions, further comparisons and connections with other works composed at this time are wanting. One immediate question raised is what resonance, for instance, does Augustine’s hermeneutic of alignment in the ESA have with other sermons delivered at this period, particularly the tractates on John’s Gospel and John’s First Epistle? An analysis of significant depth on these other sermons is beyond our scope, yet it can be noted that we do see in these sermons an overlap of certain features, such as the use of the analogy of light and mountains in describing the notion of divine revelation (e.g. Tract. Ev. Jo. 1.2.2–7.6; Enarrat. Ps. 120.4; cf. Jn 1:6–9; Ps 120:1). Augustine also refrains 3. See, for instance, Gerard McLarney, “Voice of the Apostle in the Enarrationes in Psalmos,” Downside Review 129 (2011): 1–15.



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from elaborating upon the immutability of the Eternal Word in his exegesis of John 1:2 since he has just described what the divine designation idipsum entails in Enarrat. Ps. 121 (Tract. Ev. Jo. 2.2.2). Such an overlap, it would seem, is more incidental than fundamental to Augustine’s exegetical strategy. Indeed, it can be argued that the tractates do not possess the features specific to what we have described as the hermeneutic of alignment. In the tractates, for instance, Augustine seeks to uncover the meaning of the Johannine texts, but does so without an attempt to orient his audience and the text within a common narrative of redemptive history. Why Augustine would prefer one interpretive approach over another is uncertain, though several suggestions can be proffered. This may be due to the genre. Pilgrim songs of ancient Israel may have seemed more foreign to the North African audience than the Gospel texts and therefore required further interpretive “bridging.” This distinction may also be due to content. Hymns of ascent lend themselves more readily to a continuum involving a spectrum of heavenly pilgrims than do the Johannine texts. The liturgical proclamation of the texts may be another influential factor. If the congregation was expected to sing portions of the Psalm and thereby give voice to it (the deacon proclaimed the Gospel), then exegeting the Psalm in light of the “voice” of the audience and the “voices” within the Psalter is commonsensical. The Totus Christus and the Donatists

The relative certainty of the time frame for the delivery of expositions on the Psalms of Ascent also raises a number of points of interest regarding the development of Augustine’s exegesis and polemics, particularly with respect to Donatism. The bishop of Hippo does not explicitly mention the name “Donatist” within these expositions, but does offer clear allusions to these schis-

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matics who “hate peace.”4 Michael Cameron has drawn attention to the transition in Augustine’s reading of the Old Testament during the decade of the 390s and its relation to Donatist polemic. Following his baptism (386) and fairly rapid ascension to the priesthood (391), and then the episcopate (394–95), Augustine undergoes “change through the accumulation of insights” to his exegesis.5 This change, as Cameron points out, is not due to Augustine’s thought being fraught with uncertainty and oscillation, but is from a mind “cumulatively changing by addition and qualification.”6 Cameron specifically examines the decade between 388 and 398 and applies Thomas Kuhn’s language of “paradigms” to Augustine. Cameron argues for a transition from a “spiritualist” paradigm to an “incarnational” paradigm. This transition indicates a deepening reflection on the relationship between signs (signum) and things (res) in Augustine’s thought, especially in light of the Incarnation. Augustine’s reading of scripture leads him to see a conjunction, rather than a disjunction, between temporal signum and the Incarnate res, Christ Jesus. That is to say, Augustine came to what we may now call a more historical and “typological” exegetical approach rather than a Platonic and allegorical one.7 Cameron, following Auerbach, thus sees Augustine blending “the two major strands of early Christian exegesis,” namely, allegory and typology, under the rubric of figura.8 The 4. Enarrat. Ps. 119.9. For other references or allusions to Donatists in the ESA, see Enarrat. Ps.120.6; 121.12–13; 122.1; 124.5; 126.13; 127.13; 128.13; 130.1, 13–14; 131.4, 13–14, 27; 132.3, 6. 5. Cameron, “The Christological Substructure of Augustine’s Figurative Exegesis,” 74–103. 6. Cameron, “Augustine’s Construction of Figurative Exegesis against the Donatists in the Enarrationes in Psalmos,” 14. 7. On the difficulties involved in the semantics of typology, allegory, and figura, see the subsection “The Allegory and Typology Debate” in chapter 1. 8. Cameron, “Augustine’s Construction of Figurative Exegesis against the Donatists in the Enarrationes in Psalmos,” 24. Auerbach and the semantics of figura are also discussed in the subsection “The Allegory and Typology Debate” in chapter 1.



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change Cameron identifies is categorized as a move from an anagogic perspective to a dramatic one. While this exegetical evolution transpires some ten to fifteen years prior to the ESA, Cameron’s arguments regarding Augustine’s Incarnational or Christological exegesis of the Psalms are germane to our topic. Cameron notes, for instance, that Augustine’s figurative interpretation of the Old Testament against the Donatists was entirely dramatic in that it concerned the historical relationship of prophecy and fulfillment in Christ and the Church. He suggests Donatism may have been seen as a “diachronic heresy” that misconstrued prophecy as well as Christ and the Church’s historical career.9 The totus Christus hermeneutic, by contrast, emphasizes the unity, holiness, and universality of the body of Christ. The hermeneutic of alignment, seen in this light, takes on further significance. It is an exegetical approach that takes as its starting point the entire panorama of salvation history and subsumes all those who have and who would ascend. And it, too, attempts to illustrate the unity, holiness, and universality of the Church.10 In other words, the ascent of which Augustine preaches neither is limited to the terrain of North Africa nor lacks an organic connection with the African martyrs, the historic Church, the saints of times past, the angels, and all who dwell in the holy fellowship (sancta societas) of heaven. More is said regarding these historic and ecclesiological connections below, but a notable point of divergence with Augustine’s predominately Christological exegesis of the Psalter requires mentioning. The attempt to discover the voice of Christ in the Psalms of Ascents is not the most prominent exegetical feature in the expositions examined, nor does Augustine take it 9. Ibid., 379. This stands in contrast to Augustine’s figurative polemic involving Old Testament passages against the Manicheans, which tended to be anagogic. 10. See for instance, Enarrat. Ps. 119.9.

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as his starting point for interpreting the ascent motif. The hermeneutic of alignment, in other words, is not a variation of the totus Christus but appears to be relatively independent of, albeit compatible with, it. This point deserves some consideration, for as Cameron argues in a more recent work, the totus Christus is more than a theme or a central aspect of Augustine’s preaching. “It rather forms the very atmosphere of the sermons, a subterranean stream of ever-flowing experience. That is the reason he often begins his sermons by putting people in mind of their communion in Christ’s body,” says Cameron.11 While Cameron speaks of Augustine’s sermons, he includes the Enarrationes in this group and frequently references them while making his case. Although we do not propose to make claims on all of the Enarrationes, let alone the rest of Augustine’s sermons, it can be added that Augustine most frequently references the contours of the ascent when commencing his sermons. In fact, he feels the need to caution his listeners that his reiterations will not prevent him from delving into new subject matter12—or even worse yet, bore the audience.13 Thus if one were to apply Cameron’s analogy to the expositions examined, we could just as well say that the ascent motif is a “subterranean stream of ever-flowing experience” in which biblical reality is not a past reality but also encompasses the lives of Augustine and his listeners. In sum, it may be that the hermeneutic of alignment seeks to achieve parallel outcomes to the totus Christus approach but does so via an alternative exegetical strategy. Further consideration of the dynamic between these approaches, as 11. Cameron, “Totus Christus and the Psychagogy of Augustine’s Sermons,” 65. 12. “We have pointed this out to you very frequently, and it is not a good idea to repeat it too often, for we need to reserve time for the topics of which we have not yet spoken” (WSA 6:43). 13. “This psalm belongs to the group called the Songs of Steps. We have said a good deal about this title in connection with other psalms, and we do not want to repeat it now, or we might wear you out instead of instructing you” (WSA 6:56).



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well as the search for other potential exegetical strategies in the Enarrationes and other sermons, may be of benefit. Continuity between the Pre- and Post-Constantinian Church

The ecclesiological import of the hermeneutic of alignment, it is fair to say, has broader concerns than the local Donatist schism. It also points to the issue of continuity for the postConstantinian Church. As Robert Markus has noted, the sharp delineation between the Church and the world becomes gradually effaced in the fourth century with the ascendancy of Constantine and Theodosius’s reign. Though these developments were greeted with much favor among Christians, the Church was unprepared for its new rapport with the world. During this period, says Markus, “the world was flowing into the Church, being taken over wholesale by the Church.”14 While much has been written about Augustine’s progressive turn away from Eusebian triumphalism, particularly after the events of 410,15 it can be noted here that the hermeneutic of alignment is very much conducive to this attempt at articulating the unity of the fourthcentury Church with that of the first centuries. Markus identifies three specific focal points—the martyrs, ecclesial history, and the ascetic movement—that were highlighted in order to ensure continuity with the past. Augustine’s efforts within ESA, likewise, take great pains to underscore the reality of the present local church within the ongoing drama of salvation history. As a visible and sacramental sign of Christ’s presence on earth, the Catholic Church in North Africa is far from a governmental in14. Robert Markus, Christianity and the Secular: Blessed Pope John XXIII Lecture Series in Theology and Culture (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006), 23. 15. See the subsection “The Hermeneutic of Alignment, History, and the Church” in chapter 1.

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strument; its members are like the Psalmist, the one who “longs to fly to a place where he need no longer suffer close contact and association with any impious person but may live in holy fellowship with the angelic citizens of the eternal Jerusalem.”16 Far from being identified with the world, the one who ascends does so by an interior pilgrimage sustained by love of God and neighbor. Notably, one of Augustine’s fundamental premises is to orient his listeners in the in convalle plorationis, within the enticements and turpitude of the world.17 A sharper relief between the Church and the world is difficult to fathom, and may be frequently employed to circumscribe believers from their environs. Seen in this light, the hermeneutic of alignment can be understood to have a dual purpose; it reinforces the unity of the fifth-century Church with its ecclesial past and martyrs while also demarcating the faithful from the surrounding world. It at once establishes unity and disunity. The dissonance Augustine generates between those who mount and those who fail to do so further serves to remind his listeners that explicit membership in the Church is by no means sufficient to unite oneself with the sancta societas and to be separated from the world below. Augustine’s Fundamental Theological Premises

There may be merit in exploring the relationship of the “valley of tears” (convalle plorationis) and the two other fundamental theological premises identified as instrumental to Augustine’s hermeneutic of alignment in his writings. The other two premises consist of the arrangement of steps by God in the interior of the heart, and the way of humility (via humilitatis) as the route 16. Enarrat. Ps. 121.1 (WSA 6:13). 17. It bears recalling that Augustine remarks, “Were we to forget that this must be our starting-point we would be getting things upside down,” Enarrat. Ps. 120.1.



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to exaltation, as demonstrated by the descent of the Incarnation, the passion, and the resurrection. These interrelated premises find a number of parallels with Augustine’s broader thought. The Enchiridion, for instance, a “handbook” on faith, hope, and love, written late in Augustine’s career, takes as its starting point the insufficiency of the human condition in light of God’s being (Enchir. 1); later, Augustine elaborates how the pride of humanity is cured through the humility of God (Enchir. 108). Similarly, in book 7 of the Confessions, written some twenty years earlier, Augustine describes his inward turn toward the light of God and draws a clear contrast between pride and humility; the glory of the Lord is revealed in the interiority of a humbled heart.18 Twice in the Confessions Augustine explicitly refers to the “convalle plorationis” (Conf. 4.12.19; 9.2.2) in connection with ascending. His passing remark on being equipped with “sharp arrows” and “destroying coals,” against deceitful tongues (Conf 9.2.2) anticipates his remarks in Enarrat. Ps. 119. Though such explicit overlap between the ESA and the Confessions is subtle and sparse, it should not distract from the more general portrait Augustine offers of himself—and by extension, humanity as a whole. He is tossed to and fro by the ebb of his passions, and it is within the torrent of his tears that God speaks to him (Conf. 8.12.28–9). His tears, of course, do not cease in the garden, but are shed again at his baptism, and are actively repressed at Monica’s funeral (Conf. 9.12.31). In short, the locus of the faith journey Augustine describes in his Confessions is grounded squarely in the convalle plorationis. It is the ground of existence from which he ascends—and from which all wanderers must ascend. This ascent transpires in the 18. So strong is this contrast between pride and humility in book 7 that even the Neoplatonist who lent Augustine the “books of the Platonists” is described as having the “most monstrous pride.” He stands in marked contrast to the example of Christ (cf. Phil 2:6), which is utter humility (Conf. 7.9).

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interiority of the heart, and is modeled on the humble example of Christ (cf. Phil 2:6). We have offered the hermeneutic of alignment as a mechanism to understand Augustine’s exegetical approach to a select group of Psalms, but Augustine’s attempt to establish a fundamental rapport with his listeners becomes more readily noticeable if we consider the effect reading or listening to his words has on his readers. The three theological premises identified, all ontological claims on the human condition, make this fundamental connection between orator, text, and listener concrete. We share a similar lot, a similar destination, and the same vehicle for reaching our shared goal. As one scholar notes, Augustine’s Confessions can be seen as a microscopic expression of a macroscopic experience.19 Augustine assumes every person participates in a shared narrative—a narrative of creation, sin, fall, redemption, conversion, and re-creation. This does not mean Augustine believes everyone moves through the same stages as he does, or in the same way that he does, but he is convinced that a general pattern exists. The role of the preacher, in the end, is to draw our attention to our participation in this narrative and to the solution to our shared plight. The “Enarrationes”

The very term Enarrationes, it should also be added, deserves further qualification. A new title is hardly needed, but grouping Augustine’s expositions under a blanket term, as is often done, can give the impression that a particular unity or systematic method of interpretation is at play. The unity of these expositions derives more from the fact that they were delivered or dictated by a single person and discuss one particular book of the bible as opposed to a monolithic hermeneutical approach. 19. Carl G. Vaught, The Journey toward God in Augustine’s Confessions, Books 1–6 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003), 1.



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In any case, these expositions are not, as Pontet claims, Augustine’s Letter to the Romans.20 The Voice of Augustine in Biblical Exegesis

Finally, recalling the discussion on current interest in patristic exegesis and contemporary biblical hermeneutics, a final remark may be offered on the call for a constructive conversation between biblical scholars and premodern exegetes. While it is not intended that the many issues pertaining to this dialogue be resolved here, one may ask if Augustine’s expositions on the Psalms of Ascent have much to contribute to the conversation. A crucial first step is to acknowledge the limits of what can be expected of Augustine. To oppose Augustine’s analysis of the Gradual Psalms, on the one hand, with that of critical exegesis as it has developed under the umbrella of historical criticism, on the other, is unhelpful and somewhat disingenuous regarding their respective aims. That is to say, if Augustine’s interpretation of the Psalms is probed for what it has to offer historical critical concerns, there is little to find, and his expositions can be promptly passed over. Cuthbert Keet’s treatment of Augustine in A Study of the Psalms of Ascents is a case in point.21 This book-length treatment of the Psalms of Ascent passes over the analysis of Athanasius, Augustine, and Rashi in short order. Their mystical exegesis, though edifying and dainty, “cannot be treated seriously from the standpoint of scientific criticism,” says Keet.22 Even if Augustine is given voice or read in light of the categories of ancient (and not modern) exegesis, his starting points 20. Pontet, L’Exégèse de saint Augustin, prédicateur, 389. See the subsection “Establishing a Date of Delivery for Expositions 119–33” in chapter 2. 21. Keet, A Study of the Psalms of Ascents. 22. Ibid., 9.

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for interpretation quickly diverge with much of contemporary biblical scholarship. An inferior Latin translation and an antiquated rationale for obscure passages as well as the composition and authorship of the Psalter, for instance, significantly curtail the extent to which contemporary exegetes can dialogue with Augustine on issues that concerned them. John Goldingay provides an interesting example of this. His three-volume Psalter commentary cites Augustine on a frequent basis (as much as recent writers like Mays or Dahood) and takes the bishop of Hippo’s ruminations on the division of the Psalter as a starting point for considering scholarship’s focus at the end of the twentieth century on the arrangement of the Psalms.23 He begins discussion on the theological arrangement of the Psalter by turning to Augustine and some of his comments on the topic. It is a question to which Augustine devotes some attention, but his concerns and conclusions are part of a discussion with rather different parameters. Not surprisingly, Goldingay is obliged to turn quickly to other contemporary writers to further flesh out the topic. The discussion, in other words, between premodern and contemporary exegetes can be rather short-lived, depending on the topic of conversation.24 Theological developments subsequent to the fifth century, such as the understanding of the devil’s rights, or the relationship between Judaism and Christianity, also mean Augustine’s interpretation can be distasteful or problematic to the contemporary 23. Goldingay, Psalms, 3:11. 24. The work of another contemporary scholar on the Psalms which gives more than lip service to premodern interpreters is Harry P. Nasuti’s Defining the Sacred Songs: Genre, Tradition and the Post-Critical Interpretation of the Psalms, JSOTSup 218 (Sheffield, U.K.: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999). Nasuti, in his exploration of the genre identification of the Penitential Psalms, turns to the likes of Augustine and Cassiodorus in order to gauge their reading of the Psalter and their impact on subsequent genre identification, Defining the Sacred Songs, 33–41. Nasuti, notably, explicitly states in the subtitle to his work that his study is undertaken within a postcritical context— which perhaps indicates his willingness to listen to premodern voices.



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reader. In the instances where Augustine’s interpretation veers toward supersessionism or casts Judaism in a dim light, several considerations can be offered. Byasse, for instance, proposes that one apply Augustine’s own technique of dealing with imprecations in the Psalter to areas of anti-semitism in the Enarrationes.25 Just as important is the suggestion of Robert Wilken, writing about St. John Chrysostom and Judaism: one can acknowledge the stylistic conventions of the era in which opposing views were cast, yet one need not appropriate objectionable material.26 With this acknowledgment of the limits of what Augustine has to offer, several features of expositions on the Songs of Ascent can be considered as points of further discussion. First and foremost, Augustine’s hermeneutical entry point for interpreting the Ascent motif is the liturgy. The liturgical context lends itself to engaging the listener from a specifically theological viewpoint. Contemporary commentary series can also appeal to readers of a given (or general) ecclesial background(s), yet there is a different dynamic and relationship at work within a sacramental worship setting. Furthermore, a written medium cannot be a substitute for being present in person before a live audience, particularly one’s own congregation. As bishop and rhetor, Augustine can exhort, cajole, joke, and sing with his audience; such a rapport is difficult, if not impossible, to generate with a written audience. The ESA, of course, have been preserved in written form, yet, as noted, they were first preached in a basilica and retain their spontaneous and liturgical character, which contributes to the dynamic of making the text come alive. More fundamentally, the expositions have a particular rhetorical and pastoral aim suited 25. Byasse, Praise Seeking Understanding, 149–93. 26. Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews, 164. On Augustine’s understanding of Judaism in light of his societal and cultural context and in relation to other Patristic writers, see especially Paula Fredriksen, Augustine and the Jews: The Story of Christianity’s Great Theologian and His Defense of Judaism (New York: Doubleday, 2008).

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to the preaching of a pastor: conversion. Thus Augustine’s rhetorical, theological, and exegetical goals coincided due to the unity between their oratorical, liturgical, and interpretive milieus. It is perhaps for this same reason that the Enarrationes retain much of their appeal. Although Augustine is an enigma from a time and place long ago, we find in his expositions, particularly those on the Psalms of Ascent, a thinker engaged with the Psalter who, in turn, seeks to engage others with what he reads. The bishop himself, in a frank address to his audience at the conclusion of Enarratio 119, would have his listeners believe as much: However much I say about this, in whatever way I explain it, whatever words I use, the truth will not penetrate anyone’s heart unless he or she has already begun to practice it. Begin to act on it, and then see for yourselves what we are telling you. Then tears will flow at every word; then as the psalm is sung your heart will be engaged in what it sings.27 27. Enarrat. Ps. 119.9.3–8 (WSA 5:07–8).

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Index African Christianity, 7, 95–98, 100 African liturgy, 96, 97n4 agnosticism, 36–37 Alexandrian exegesis, 22, 56–57, 77 allegory, 10, 19n40, 53n169, 56–57, 59–61, 131, 208 Antiochene exegesis, 21–22, 31, 53, 56–57, 65, 67 Auerbach, Erich, 59–61, 131, 208 Boulding, Maria, xi, 3n6, 4, 37n102, 86, 128n4, 134n19, 137, 162, 173n44, 177, 193n104 Byasse, Jason, 2 Cameron, Michael, 2, 55n180, 57n183, 58–59, 103–4, 132n14, 208–10 Carthage, 19n38, 39, 90–94, 97–98, 100–101, 106–8, 110, 112–16, 122, 199–200 Chrysostom, St. John, 21–22, 26–27, 46, 53, 104–5, 111, 113n80, 130–31, 133n16, 217 Cicero, 40, 69–70, 72, 107n49 Circumcellions, 101n25, 147 City of God, 2, 36n99, 87, 107n49 Confessions, 2, 16–17, 81, 86, 129n6, 140n33, 173n44, 179n61, 213–14 conflation, 68, 124, 130–33, 136, 138, 164, 181, 202 consonance, principle of, 30–33, 38, 68, 143 conversion, 41–42, 126, 132, 141, 163, 205, 214, 218 Crispina, St., 92, 99, 116, 119, 149–50, 152, 154, 157–58, 163, 200–201

Davidic association, 10, 12, 38, 53–55 descent, 125, 136–39, 148–49, 213 De Trinitate, 2–3, 79, 81, 86, 140n33 Donatists, 2n6, 91, 95, 101–2, 109, 141, 145, 200, 207–9 eisoptrological interpretation, 19n39, 20, 187 Enarrationes: chronology, 87n73, 88, 93–94; dating, 21n44, 74, 82, 87, 91, 94; figural interpretation, 172; liturgical context, 21, 71n6, 84, 116, 121–22, 217; manuscript tradition, 7, 70–71, 80, 83, 95; stenographers, 52, 71, 77–78, 83–84, 95, 200; structure of the exposition, 43, 124, 152 Enchiridion, 213 Expositions on the Songs of Ascent, 8, 21, 23, 31, 33, 52, 68, 70, 77, 83, 87–88, 92–96, 98, 102, 108–9, 112, 115–16, 119–21 ex tempore delivery, 43n124, 74–75, 88n75 figurative exegesis, 2, 57–59, 62–63, 65, 68, 132n14, 208–9 Greek: Augustine’s knowledge of, 47, 49–51, 57–58, 128, 181 hermeneutic of alignment, 7–9, 33, 38, 68, 123–24, 148, 163, 179–80, 185, 190, 198, 201, 203–4, 206–7, 209–12, 214 Hippo, 1, 2, 6, 17, 19n38, 46, 49–50, 53, 57, 70, 84, 92–94, 97n3, 99–101, 106, 113–22, 130, 178, 183n71, 199–200, 205, 207, 216

243

244 Index humility, 104, 125, 135–37, 139, 148, 153, 156, 161, 190, 212–13 idipsum interpretation, 173–75, 180–81, 207 Jerusalem, 20, 24, 36, 42, 48n145, 62–63, 103, 124, 126, 131, 145, 148, 164–66, 168–69, 171–72, 174–76, 178–82, 185–88, 193–96, 202–3 La Bonnardière, Anne-Marie, 16n28, 76n30, 85n65, 88, 90–94, 111n67, 118–21, 129n6, 158n11 Lectionary, 117–19, 121 love: holy, 165, 167; impure, 167 Markus, Robert, 35–36, 101n25, 211 martyrs, 7–8, 19, 37, 67–68, 73, 88, 92–94, 96–101, 103, 115, 119, 122–23, 132, 149, 152, 154–59, 161–63, 187, 189, 201–3, 209, 211–12 Meer, Frederic van der, 43n124, 70n, 74, 76–79, 109, 116–17n94 Neoplatonism/Platonism, 1, 8, 102–3 New Testament/Post–New Testament, 10, 12–13, 27, 61, 67, 131, 160, 189 Paul, Apostle, 1, 7, 19, 30, 34, 49, 62, 66, 68, 86, 97, 125, 131, 133–34, 137–39, 149, 152, 159, 164, 166, 174–78, 181, 188, 195, 199, 201, 204–6 phrases fictives, 124, 133–36, 149, 201 Possidius, 71, 75n21, 147n50 pray/prayer, 10–11, 14–18, 31–33, 45, 55–56, 62, 65, 74–75, 99, 117, 125, 142–45, 147, 149, 154, 161, 182, 191, 194 proposological interpretation, 187 psalmodic movement, 9, 15 psalms, xi, 2–4, 6–7, 9–23, 25, 28–29, 34, 38, 42–44, 46–49, 51–56, 64, 66–68, 76, 79–80, 82, 84–86, 88–89, 95–96, 98, 100, 102, 111, 119–20, 122, 198–200, 203, 209, 215–16

Psalms of Ascent, 4n12, 8, 31, 35, 37, 44, 47–48n145, 50, 52, 62, 68, 82, 89, 94, 121, 197, 200–201, 207, 209, 215, 218 rhetoric, 8, 38–43, 99, 123–24, 126, 130, 132–33, 140, 144, 148–49, 151, 157, 163, 181, 195, 201, 217–18 Rondeau, Marie-Josèphe, 64–67, 86 Rondet, Henri, 4n12, 74n16, 84–85, 128–29n5, 198 salvation history, 35–36, 63, 99, 130, 149, 181, 187, 190, 193–94, 196–98, 202, 209, 211 scripture: four senses of, 56–59 Septuagint, 43–44 sermocinatio, 133, 176 spiritual combat, 8, 96 superscription, 10, 30, 33, 38, 43–49, 52–55, 68, 71, 75, 89, 102, 124–25, 127–28, 136, 141, 148–49, 151, 194, 197, 198, 202, 204 theological exegesis, 4–5n13, 151 totus Christus, 2–3, 10, 19, 67, 205, 207, 209–10 Tractates on the First Epistle of John, 79, 87–88, 90, 82, 115n89, 200, 206 Tractates on the Gospel of John, 74–75, 79, 87–88, 90–93, 108, 115n89, 121, 206–7 typology, 10, 19n40, 53n169, 55–56, 59, 131, 208 unus Christus, 66, 86, 183–86 valley of tears, 52, 98, 102, 125, 128–30, 136, 140, 151–52, 155–56, 160–62, 212 vox Christi, 3, 10, 55, 64, 66–68, 86, 205 vox ecclesiae, 66, 145 Young, Frances, 17n30, 59, 67, 97, 119, 130–31, 135