Social Issues and Policies in Asia : Family, Ageing and Work [1 ed.] 9781443862813, 9781443859523

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Social Issues and Policies in Asia

Social Issues and Policies in Asia: Family, Ageing and Work

Edited by

Raymond K. H. Chan, Lih-Rong Wang and Jens O. Zinn

Social Issues and Policies in Asia: Family, Ageing and Work, Edited by Raymond K. H. Chan, Lih-Rong Wang and Jens O. Zinn This book first published 2014 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2014 by Raymond K. H. Chan, Lih-Rong Wang, Jens O. Zinn and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-5952-4, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-5952-3

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures............................................................................................ vii List of Tables .............................................................................................. ix Notes on Contributors................................................................................. xi Acknowledgements ................................................................................. xvii Chapter One ................................................................................................. 1 Social Issues and Policies in Asia: An Overview Raymond K H Chan, Lih-Rong Wang and Jens O Zinn Part I: Family and Ageing Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 25 Beyond Beveridge: An Analysis of Recent Family Policies in Taiwan Fen-ling Chen Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 41 Risk Assessment and Prevention in a Child’s Contact with Non-Resident Parents: Japan’s Family Law and Practice in Transition Mutsuko Takahashi Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 55 Depopulation /Ageing Regions and Lifestyle Risks: An Approach to Safety/Security through Community Activities in Japan Akiko Kuromiya Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 77 Active Ageing and Senior Volunteering in Hong Kong Yuen Hang Ng

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Table of Contents

Chapter Six ................................................................................................ 97 Social Policies, Retirement Arrangements and Inequalities of Ageing in Taiwan Ruey-Ming Tsay and Li-Hseuh Wu Chapter Seven.......................................................................................... 117 Configuration of Migration and Long-Term Care in East Asia: The Intersection between Migration and Care Regimes in Japan and Taiwan Reiko Ogawa Part II: Work and Social Exclusion Chapter Eight ........................................................................................... 141 How Effective are Labour Market Policies for the Working Poor? The Case of South Korea Yuiryong Jung and Jae-jin Yang Chapter Nine............................................................................................ 165 Including Internal Migrant Workers in the Welfare Reform Trail in Guangzhou: What to Reform Xiaolin Yang Chapter Ten ............................................................................................. 187 Analyzing Female Employment and Gender Occupational Segregation in Taiwan: The Perspective of VoC Approach Ying-Fang Chen and Jen-Der Lue Chapter Eleven ........................................................................................ 215 “Social Capital” as Means of “Social Inclusion”: A Study of the Sri Lankan Plantation Worker Community with Reference to Employment, Education and Housing Dhammika P Chandrasekara Chapter Twelve ....................................................................................... 239 Creating a Non-Disabling Environment in Philippine Rural Areas: Enacting National Policy at the Grassroots Nilan Yu

LIST OF FIGURES

2.1 Number of married and divorced couples in Taiwan, 1971–2011 2.2 The workforce participation rate of married women in Taiwan by their children’s age, 1980–2012 4.1 Population migration in Japan, 1950-2010 (in 10,000) 4.2 Percentage of older people (over age 65) population living alone 4.3 Number of Salons nationwide 4.4 Number of Salons established, by subject 10.1 Educational attainment above junior college of civilian population aged 15 and over by gender (%) 10.2 Occupations as legislators, government administrators, business executives and managers by gender (%) 10.3 Female with higher education qualification and stratification in occupation (%) 10.4 Workers in service sector, by gender (%) 10.5 Workers in total service sector and female labor participation rate (%)

LIST OF TABLES

1.1 GDP real growth rate 1.2 Per capita GDP at PPP (current international dollars) 1.3 Output by economic sector 1.4 Employment by economic sectors 1.5 Urban population as percentage of total population 1.6 Economic globalization index 1.7 Fertility rates 1.8 Population aged 65 and over (% of total population) 1.9 Women labour force participation rate (employed females per 100 employed males) 1.10 Unemployment rates 1.11 Social Protection Index (weighted), 2009 2.1 Marital status by age group in Taiwan 2.2 National Health Insurance policyholders with dependents by gender in Taiwan 2.3 Government policies designed for women in Taiwan 2.4 Data on the Phoenix Project, 2011 2.5 Number of people taking paid parental leave by gender in Taiwan 2.6 Social insurance by gender in Taiwan, 2011 2.7 Child benefits for unemployed parents, 2012 2.8 Beneficiaries in the measure of support for the family in special living conditions, 2009 to 2012 2.9 Gender analysis of housing benefits (number of applicants) 3.1 Divorce and child custody in Japan, 1950 to 2010 3.2 The contents of family court litigations in Japan, 2009 3.3 Litigations for contact and the outcomes of court decisions in Japan, 1999 and 2009 (%) 4.1 Specific contents of sampled salon and salon leaders 5.1 Population size and structure of Hong Kong in 2007-2011 6.1 Status of social dependence (number and %) 6.2 Living arrangement (number and %) 6.3 Summary statistics for living condition 6.4 Ordinal logistic regression analysis on the status of social dependence 6.5 Ordinary least squares regression analysis on quality of life

x

List of Tables

8.1 Economically inactive population, 2000 - 2010 (1,000 persons) 8.2 Variables and measures 8.3 Workfare policy effect - self-reliance benefit 8.4 Workfare policy effect - employment insurance 8.5 Workfare policy effect - EITC 9.1 Welfare and migration regimes in developed countries 10.1 Mother’s work by age of youngest child (%) 10.2 Working mothers’ contribution to household income (%) 10.3 Applications of parental leave, by gender, 2002 - 2009 10.4 Correlation coefficient of employment ratio and EPL., by sector 10.5 Correlation coefficient of male employment and EPL., by occupation 10.6 Correlation coefficient of female employment and EPL., by occupation 10.7 Correlation coefficient of labour with management jobs rate and EPL., by gender 10.8 Correlation coefficient of marital-status, couples’ FTE paid, and maximum length of leaves for women in Taiwan 11.1 Manifestation of social exclusion 11.2 Income (in Sri Lankan Rs.) 11.3 Poverty status (%) 11.4 Educational attainments (%) 11.5 The status of exclusion/ inclusion of the selected family cases

CONTRIBUTORS

Raymond K. H. Chan is Associate Professor at the Department of Applied Social Sciences, City University of Hong Kong; and Research Fellow, Risk Society and Policy Research Centre, National Taiwan University, Taiwan. He received his Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of Essex. His research interests are in risk and social policy, comparative social policy, and family and labour policies. He is the coeditor of Risk and Public Policy in East Asia (Ashgate, 2010). His articles also appeared in the Asian Journal of Political Science, Asian Journal of Social Science, Critical Social Policy, International Journal of Social Welfare, International Social Work, Journal of Asian Public Policy, Journal of Contemporary Asia, Journal of International & Comparative Social Welfare, Journal of Social Work, Social Indicators Research, Social Policy & Administration, and Social Policy & Society. Dhammika P. Chandrasekara is Senior Lecturer at the Department of Architecture, University of Moratuwa, Sri Lanka. He is an Associate Member of Sri Lanka Institute of Architects and a Trustee of National Trust - Sri Lanka. He received his bachelor and master degrees in Architecture from the University of Moratuwa, and postgraduate diploma in Sociology from the University of Colombo. His research interests include social implications of architecture, built environment and social exclusion, housing, social capital and heritage management. He has published articles and books on plantation worker housing and tangible heritage in Sri Lanka. Fen-ling Chen is Associate Professor at the Department of Social Work, National Taipei University, Taiwan; and Research Fellow of Risk Society and Policy Research Center, National Taiwan University, Taiwan. She is a member of the Editorial Board of Journal of Asian Social Science. She received her Ph.D. in Social Policy from the University of Bath; and was a Fulbright Visiting Scholar in Rutgers University in 2007. Her fields of specialty include comparative social policies, political economy analysis of social policies, employment issue, and women welfare. Her recent publications include “Social exclusion experiences of atypical workers: A case study of Taipei” (International Journal of Social Quality, 2012, 2(2));

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Contributors

and “The changing profile of the Taiwanese family and the governmental response” (Journal of Asian Public Policy, 2010, 3(2)). Ying-Fang Chen is currently Ph.D. candidate at the Department of Social Welfare, National Chung Cheng University, Taiwan. Her research interests include labour market policy, comparative political economy, and labour division; and recently, researching on the impact of the financial crisis on Taiwan’s social policies, and the development of capitalism and pension systems. Her publications include “Toward Active Labor Market Policies (1996-2011): The divergence and convergence of partisan preferences in Taiwan” (Taiwanese Sociology, 2013, 26); “Democracy, capitalism and pension development in Taiwan” (Journal of Social Sciences and Philosophy, 2013, 25(1)); and “Financial crisis and social protection reform in Taiwan: Path dependence?” (Social Policy & Social Work , 2012, 16(2)). Yuiryong Jung is Researcher of Institute of Public Affairs, Yonsei University, Seoul, South Korea. He received his Ph.D. in Public Administration from Yonsei University in 2013. His areas of expertise are welfare state theory, social policy, labor policy and policy evaluation. His publications include “Analysis of the effectiveness of workfare policy: Focusing on the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC)” (Korean Journal of Public Administration, 2014, 48(1)), “An empirical research of the underdevelopment of the welfare state” (Korean Political Science Review, 2012, 46(5)), “Relational analysis of welfare expenditure and fiscal soundness: Focused on the social expenditure investment of OECD countries” (Korean Journal of Public Administration, 2012, 46(3)), and “Change and continuity of the Western and Korean welfare states: A fuzzy-set analysis” (Korean Political Science Review, 2012, 46(1)). Akiko Kuromiya is currently Lecturer at the Department of Social Science, Kibi International University, Japan. She received her Ph.D. in Sociology from the Doshisha University, Japan in 2012. Her main research interests are in community welfare in depopulation and aging society, natural disasters and the local community response. Her recent publications include “The present state of small regional network activity: From a questionnaire study with resident volunteers in Fureai Iki Iki Salon as subject”, (Welfare Okayama, 2013, 30); “The subject in locality group’s continuity: Focusing on Fureai Iki Iki Salon” (Progress in Social Welfare Research, 2012, 7); and “Four recovery patterns from the Hanshin-Awaji

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Earthquake: Using the 2001-2003-2005 panel data” (Journal of Natural Disaster Science, 2006, 28(2)). Jen-Der Lue is currently Associate Professor at the Department of Social Welfare, National Chung-cheng University, Taiwan. He received his Dro.rer. in Sociology from University of Bielefeld, Germany. He has been Visiting Scholar to Max-Planck Institute for the Studies of Societies, Germany and expert advisor to UNRISD on research in Taiwan. Currently, he is Director of the Taiwan Sociological Association; and the Chief for Employment and Social Security Unit, Taiwan Think Tank Foundation. His current research areas include globalization and welfare regime in East Asia, welfare attitudes of Taiwan citizens and health care reform in China. His latest publications include, “Promoting work – a review of active labour market policies in Taiwan” (Journal of Asian Public Policy, 2013, 6(1)); “Financial crisis and social protection reform in Taiwan: Path dependence?” (Social Policy & Social Work, 2012,16(2)); and “The great economic transformation: social dilemmas of Chinese capitalism” (Comparative Sociology, 2012, 11(2)). Yuen Hang Ng is currently Ph.D. candidate at the Department of Applied Social Sciences, City University of Hong Kong. She received her Master degree in Applied Sociology, also from City University of Hong Kong. Her major research interests include individualisation, social capital and well-being of older people. Her recent publication includes “Work stress and coping strategies of kindergarten teachers in Hong Kong (Popular Science, 2013, 11). Reiko Ogawa is Associate Professor at the Kyushu University. She has worked as Co-Researcher at National Museum of Ethnology, Visiting Researcher at Kitakyushu Forum on Asian Women, and served as Committee Member at Fukuoka Asian Urban Research Center. Major in sociology and anthropology, her research interest is in transnational migration, care work and popular culture. Her recent publications include co-author of Japan’s Demographic Future: Opportunities and Challenges (Edwin Mellen Press, forthcoming) and Civic Engagement in Contemporary Japan: Established and Emerging Repertoires (Springer, 2012); co-editor of Transnational Migration from Southeast Asia to East Asia and the Transformation of Reproductive Labor: Comparative Study between Korea, Taiwan and Japan (Kitakyushu Forum on Asian Women, 2010); and author of “Globalization of care and the context of reception of

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Contributors

Southeast Asian care workers in Japan” (Southeast Asian Studies, 2012, 49(4)). Mutsuko Takahashi is Professor of Social Policy and Director of Graduate School of Social Welfare Studies, Kibi International University, Japan. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Tampere, Finland in 1995. Her main research interests are early prevention of various social risks and the comparative studies on child custody issues in post-divorce life in different societies. She is the co-editor of Risk and Public Policy in East Asia (Ashgate, 2010). Her publications include “Making sense of the best interest of children in vulnerable family relationships” (International Journal of Public and Private Healthcare Management and Economics, 2011, 1(4)); “The intimate risk as challenge to welfare state – precarious family and human relationships in Japanese risk society” (Journal of Asian Public Policy, 2009, 2(3)); and “Challenges in Nordic childcare policies: with special reference to Finland” (Journal of Comparative Economic Studies, 2008,4). Ruey-Ming Tsay is Professor of Sociology and Dean of Research and Development at Tunghai University, Taichung, Taiwan. He was the editorin-chief of Taiwanese Journal of Sociology, which is the official journal of Taiwanese Sociological Association. His main research areas include social stratification and mobility, globalization and social inequality, ageing society and quality of life, labor market and career mobility. He was the lead researcher for Taiwan’s team participating in an EU FP6 project. He is recently leading a large integrated research project, titled Enhancing the Quality of Life and Living Environment in the Ageing Society, funded by Tunghai University GREEnS Project. He is also working with a team of twenty faculty members on a curriculum development project, funded by the Ministry of Education, Taiwan, for the practice of trans-disciplinary teaching. He has published articles in Current Sociology, Taiwanese Sociology, Taiwanese Journal of Sociology, and Journal of Population Studies. Lih-Rong Wang is Professor of Social Work at Department of Social Work, and Associate Dean for international affairs in College of Social Sciences, National Taiwan University, Taiwan. She received her DSW from UCLA. She has conducted numerous studies in gender, social risk and social policy, such as Gender-based Violence Surveys in Taiwan, Disaster and Community Resilience Research, and Late Marriage Trend and Birth Behavior in Taiwan. She is an advocate and consultant to the

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government on women’s right and human right issues in Taiwan. She is the author of Women and Social Policy (Chuliu, 1995) and co-editor of Risk and Public Policy in East Asia (Ashgate, 2010). Her articles have been published in Asia Women, Children and Youth Services, Development and Society, Global Social Work Practice, IJPPHME, Journal of Asian Public Policy, and Social Indicators Research. She is the editorial board members of Asia Women and IJPPHME; and the chief-editor of NTU Social Work Review from 2006 to 2011. Li-Hsueh Wu teaches sociology at Tunghai University, Taichung, Taiwan. Her research focuses on sociology of the family, sociology of ageing, social stratification and mobility, social statistics and research methods, and with special interest in the social factors in mating process. She also works as a postdoctoral fellow in coordinating an integrated project GREEnS project - funded by Tunghai University, aiming to enhance the quality of life and living environment in an ageing society. She recently received three awards from the Taiwanese Sociological Association, the Population Association of Taiwan, and the Department of Sociology, Tunghai University for her dissertation: How do people choose their spouse? A sociological analysis of educational assortative mating in Taiwan. She has published articles in Current Sociology, Taiwanese Sociology, and Journal of Population Studies. Jae-jin Yang is Professor of Public Administration at Yonsei University, Seoul, South Korea. He received his Ph.D. in political science from Rutgers University in 2000. His areas of expertise are welfare state theory, social policy and comparative government. His publications include “Parochial welfare politics and the small welfare state in South Korea” (Comparative Politics, 2013, 45(4)), and “Korean social concertation at the Crossroads: Consolidation or deterioration?” (Asian Survey, 2010, 50(3)). He is author and co-editor of many books including Work, Retirement, and Pensions in Ageing Korea (Routledge, 2010). Xiaolin Yang is currently a doctoral researcher on internal migration in China in University of Birmingham, UK. She received her Master degree in sociology and Ph.D. in social research methods from the University of Birmingham. Her research interests are social policy development, and diversity in China. Nilan Yu is Lecturer in social work at the University of South Australia. He has been teaching social work and social development for more than 15

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years. His teaching and research interests include social work practice in organisations, disability, labour migration, community work and human rights. He serves as members of the Editorial Committee of the Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work and Development and of the Asia Advisory Board of the Social Work Education. His latest publications include “Social work in Philippines municipalities: A critical organizational study” (Human Service Organizations Management, Leadership & Governance, 2014, 38(1)); “Devolution: Discontinuity and dissonance” (International Social Work, 2013, 56(2)); and “The role of social work in Philippines povertyreduction programs: Ideology, policy and the profession” (Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work and Development, 2013, 23(1)). Jens O. Zinn is Associate Professor in Sociology at the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne. He has founded a number of international research networks on the Sociology of Risk and Uncertainty (SoRU) within the European Sociological Association and the International Sociological Association. His research includes studies on risk perception and management, risk regulation and risk governance as well as social and public policy. He is the editor of Social Theories of Risk and Uncertainty (Blackwell, 2008), and co-editor of Risk in Social Science (Oxford University Press, 2006). His publications also include “Risk, social inclusion and the life course” (Social Policy and Society, 2013, 12(2)); and “Heading into the unknown - everyday strategies for managing risk and uncertainty” (Health, Risk & Society, 2008, 10(5)).

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book is the result of the International Conference on Risk, Life Course and Social Exclusion – A Social Policy Perspective, co-hosted by the Department of Applied Social Sciences, City University of Hong Kong and the College of Social Sciences, National Taiwan University; and supported by the Thematic Group 04 – Risk and Uncertainty, International Sociological Association. It was held at City University of Hong Kong in June 2013. We would like to express our gratitude to the generous financial sponsorship of the conferences from the two Universities. Most of the chapters evolved out of the earlier drafts presented there, which benefited from the intense discussions among the participants and revision made subsequently by all contributors. The book would not be possible without generous support from them. We are also obliged to the funding support received from the College of Social Sciences, National Taiwan University; and the guidance received from the publisher for the preparation of the manuscript.

CHAPTER ONE SOCIAL ISSUES AND POLICIES IN ASIA: AN OVERVIEW RAYMOND K H CHAN, LIH-RONG WANG AND JENS O ZINN

Introduction In the past few decades, societies in Asia have experienced rapid and dramatic changes in their economic, social and political spheres. Given their wide diversity, it is understandable that the manifestation, extent and impact of these changes vary from country to country. Nevertheless, a few general trends can be observed. Globalization has swept across Asia, bringing intensive economic interactions. These interactions reflect a commitment to liberalism and a belief in market capitalism as the best method of resource allocation and distribution. The economic development in Asian countries has involved a reduction of the role of the agricultural sector and a growth in industrialization, and, for some advanced economies, the service sector. Wage labour has become the common form of employment. Individuals, as well as countries, are increasingly exposed to the competitive and uncertain global market. Employment protection, especially for vulnerable labour groups – youth, women, seniors and migrants – has become a pressing issue for most Asian governments. Industrialization and urbanization have had an impact on demographics and family structures. The declining fertility rate has been recognized as a defining feature of a modern society, leading to small families and reducing instances of multi-generational co-residency. Changing family structures have contributed to changes in family values and roles, especially the role of women. Sometimes willingly, sometimes compelled, women are entering the workplace in increasing numbers, particularly as migrant workers. Family duties compete and are often in conflict with the demands of work. The issue of providing adequate and quality care to

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Chapter One

family members has been exacerbated by the fact that Asian societies are ageing. An ageing population poses challenges to families and to society as a whole. It is commonly acknowledged that in Asian societies, personal care and support needs are primarily met by family – immediate and extended – and, to a lesser degree, by community networks. In response to the changes outlined above, governments had gradually established their own social welfare systems in an effort to support economic growth and sustain their legitimacy by meeting certain recognized social needs. The systems have taken various forms: national social insurance schemes (such as pension and unemployment insurance); social assistance schemes to guard against the risks of unemployment and poverty; and social services for families and individuals with caregiving, family, marital or personal problems. The success of these ventures varies across societies, and, naturally, there have been criticisms of the breadth and depth of the provisions. This book addresses the social issues arising from these changes in selected societies representing various Asian regions. It includes studies of the more developed societies of Japan, Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, as well as of societies in the East Asian regions of China, the Southeast Asian Philippine society and the South Asian Sri Lankan society. These societies represent different levels of economic and social development, but they face similar challenges and their social interventions can be usefully compared. This variety of subjects provides us with a more comprehensive understanding of the changes that have occurred, the problems that have emerged and the strategies that have been adopted. We hope to provide insight into ways of addressing social issues in this rapidly changing part of the world.

Economic development: Industrialization, urbanization and globalization Asian countries put economic growth (i.e., the GDP) as their priority. The growth of the GDP is also used to measure the achievement of modernization. The state has an important and active role in facilitating economic development and growth. Its success in delivering its promises will be crucial to its legitimacy. Most countries in Asia, and particularly the seven societies included in this book, have experienced periods of impressive economic growth. The first occurred in East Asia: Japan took the lead, followed by Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong. China experienced dramatic economic development beginning in the 1990s. The Philippine

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has its early industrialization in 1950s, experienced economy growth then, but contracted in 1980s and 1990s and fell behind afterwards. Sri Lanka, in contrast, lagged behind initially but caught up quickly in the 2000s (see Table 1.1). Table 1.1: GDP real growth rate Region / society 1990 1995 East Asia China 3.8 10.9 Hong Kong 3.9 2.4 Korea 9.3 8.9 Taiwan 6.9 6.4 Japan 5.6 1.9 South Asia Sri Lanka 6.2 5.5 Southeast Asia Philippines 3.0 4.7 Source: ADB, 2013a, Table 2.13

2000

2005

2012

8.4 7.7 8.8 5.8 2.3

11.3 7.4 4.0 4.7 1.3

7.8 1.4 2.0 1.3 1.9

6.0

6.2

6.4

4.4

4.8

6.8

In terms of the per capita GDP, Japan, Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong are the high-income areas. The economies in China and Sri Lanka are catching up; together with the Philippines, they rank as middle-income areas (see Table 1.2). Table 1.2: Per capita GDP at PPP (current international dollars) Region / society 2000 East Asia China 2,357 Hong Kong 26,872 Korea 17,197 Taiwan 20,257 Japan 25,914 South Asia Sri Lanka 2,693 Southeast Asia Philippines 2,410 Source: ADB, 2013a, Table 2.2

2005

2012

4,102 36,440 22,783 26,659 30,441

9,210 51,899 30,722 38,961 35,204

3,550

6,247

3,082

4,454

All these societies have turned to industrialization as their primary means of pursuing economic growth. First they adopted the import substitution strategy, and then they branched into exports. Governments

Chapter One

4

have provided support by introducing measures that are favourable and protective of trade. Most of these societies became competitive in the world market by offering comparatively low production costs, at least, in the initial stage. Some, such as Korea, encouraged heavy industries as another source of economic growth. Recently, Hong Kong, Taiwan, the Philippines and Japan have lessened their dependency on industry and increased their investment in the service sector (see Table 1.3). Table 1.3: Output by economic sector Region / society East Asia China Hong Kong Korea Taiwan Japan

Initial year (1975) AgriIndustry culture

Service

32.4 1.7

45.7 33.5

21.9 64.8

27.1 7.6 4.6

29.3 45.8 39.4

43.6 46.6 56.0

South Asia Sri Lanka 30.4 26.4 Southeast Asia Philippines 30.3 35.0 Source: ADB, 2013a, p. 81

Most recent year (2010) AgriIndustry Service culture 10.1 0.1 (2009) 2.5 1.7 1.4 (2009)

46.7 7.4 (2009) 39.3 32.1 26.7 (2009)

43.2 92.5 (2009) 58.2 66.2 71.9 (2009)

43.2

12.8

29.4

57.8

34.7

12.3

32.6

55.1

Economic growth has been accompanied by two prominent social developments: an increase in wage labour and urbanization. An increasing number of peasants have left their farms because their land was sacrificed to urbanization or because they were drawn to better financial prospects offered by the expanding industrial and service sectors (see Table 1.4). This exodus has led to a transformation in the employment picture: wage labour – contractual and informal – is now the primary type of employment. This has, naturally, led to an increased focus on labour regulations, governance, and employment practices and protection, as well as on the consequences of unemployment.

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Table 1.4: Employment by economic sectors Region / society East Asia China Hong Kong Korea Taiwan

Initial year (1980 or 1981) AgriIndustry Service culture

Most recent year (2010) AgriIndustry Service culture

68.7 (1980/ 81) 1.4 (1980/ 81) 34.0 12.8 (1990) 10.4

Japan South Asia Sri Lanka 48.9 Southeast Asia Philippines 51.8

18.2 (1980/ 81) 50.2 (1980/ 81) 29.0 32.3 (1990) 35.4

13.1 (1980/ 81) 48.4 (1980/ 81) 37.0 54.9 (1990) 54.2

39.6

27.2

33.2

0.2 (2009)

12.4 (2009)

87.4 (2009)

6.6 5.2

17.0 35.9

76.4 58.9

3.7

25.6

70.6

19.9

31.2

33.5

25.8

40.7

15.4

32.8

14.5 (2009)

50.3 (2009)

35.2 (2009) Source: ADB, 2013a, p. 81, Tables 1.11, 1.12 and 1.13

Governments are also concerned with the protection of those with informal employment – the self-employed, participants in family businesses, and part-time and casual wage earners. These workers lack job protection and are not entitled to receive statutory labour benefits such as leave, pensions and social security benefits (ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, 2006). Ofreneo (2010) has noted that in Korea and Japan, there are significant differences in the wage levels, occupational benefits and job protection of regular and irregular workers, with greater protection to the former while the number of irregular workers is increasing steadily. With the industrial and service sectors concentrated in urban or nearby suburban areas, urbanization was inevitable (see Table 1.5). The societies under study have all undergone the process of urban sprawl – the encroachment of the city into peripheral areas. Urbanization also refers to the massive movement of population from rural to urban areas. Rural communities are now populated by the older generation; the youth have gone to the cities to pursue better job opportunities. The demographic profile and social organization of both urban and rural areas have been transformed. The new urban way of life represents a challenge to the simple informal rural communities. The process of urbanization has been particularly far-reaching in China (Skeldon, 2012).

Chapter One

6

Table 1.5: Urban population as percentage of total population Region / society East Asia China Hong Kong

1990

1995

2000

2005

2012

26.4 99.5

29.0 100

36.2 100

43.0 100

Korea

73.8

78.2

79.6

81.3

Taiwan Japan

50.6 77.3

53.1 78.0

55.8 78.6

57.7 86.0

52.6 100 (2010) 83.2 (2011) 59.7 91.1 (2011)

South Asia Sri Lanka

17.2

16.6

15.8

17.8

20.5 (2011)

51.9 48.3 (1993) Source: ADB, 2013a, Table 1.3

48.0

48.0

48.9 (2011)

Southeast Asia Philippines

Of course, migration is not always within a country; there has been a surge of migration across countries and even across regions. Push and pull factors have been cited to explain the increase in migration, both temporary and permanent (Chan & Moha Asri, 1999). Migrant workers usually move from countries with lower economic and social development to more advanced societies, where they fill the gaps in the labour market. They take the “three-D” jobs (difficult, dirty and dangerous) to earn more money than they would be able to make in their native countries. These jobs are in commercial agriculture, construction, labour-intensive manufacturing, domestic service, and cleaning and catering services (Kaur, 2010; UN Women, 2013; Wickramasekara, 2011). Korea, Japan, Taiwan and Hong Kong are among the popular destinations for temporary labour migrants, whereas the Philippines and Sri Lanka tend to export their labour. China also exports migrant workers, but it is also experiencing significant internal labour migration. Recently, attention has been focused on migrants who take caregiving jobs (looking after children or seniors) when family members cannot or will not do so. Given the nature of these jobs, a large number of migrant labour is female (UNESCAP, 2011). Female migrants from the Philippines, Indonesia and Sri Lanka make up between 60 and 80 per cent of all migrants workers (ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, 2006). These shifts in populations are another effect of globalization in Asia.

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Similarly, the surge in capital flow and trade within and across regions reflects the development of a global market and the increasing involvement of these societies. The establishment of intra-regional economic pacts (such as those initiated by ASEAN and APEC) and cross-national economic agreements by bodies such as the World Trade Organization have linked national economies to global prospects. Table 1.6 shows the long-term trend of increasing economic globalization using the KOF Index of Globalization. Table 1.6: Economic globalization index Region / society 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 East Asia China 19.54 19.97 31.71 41.20 51.12 Korea 32.92 40.56 44.04 53.26 59.61 Japan 21.19 23.88 41.55 44.51 44.01 South Asia Sri Lanka ---47.26 40.47 Southeast Asia Philippines 29.83 36.73 45.23 56.45 53.32 Note: This index includes measurements of actual flow of trade, FDI, portfolio investment and income payments to foreign nationals, as well as restrictions imposed by import barriers, mean tariff rate, and taxes on international trade and capital accounts. Hong Kong and Taiwan data are not available in this Index. Source: ETH Zurich, 2013

While Hong Kong and Taiwan are not included in the KOF index, they are both renowned for their freedom of trade and investment. This is especially the case in Hong Kong, which has been ranked the first in the Index of Economic Freedom by the Heritage Foundation for 19 consecutive years. Taiwan was ranked twentieth in the world and fifth in Asia in the latest 2013 ranking (Heritage Foundation, 2013). On the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) scale, Hong Kong ranked the third in the world and Taiwan 54th in 2012, according to UNCTAD (2013). UNCTAD also found that Hong Kong ranked tenth and Taiwan eighteenth in merchandise import and export. On the whole, it can be argued these countries have been benefited from economic globalization: they have attracted FDI and have acquired skills and technology. It is therefore not surprising that Asian countries generally favour liberal free market mechanisms, characterized by globalization, decentralization, deregulation and privatization (Low, 2003, pp. 30-31). Nevertheless, the exposure of national economies to global forces has had negative impacts. The reduction of tariffs has led to

Chapter One

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increasing competition between local and foreign producers, often to the detriment of the former when they are the newcomers to global competition. A country’s capital and stock markets are more susceptible to global market influence, as was evidenced in the series of economic setbacks since the 1997 Asian financial crisis. These societies are still experiencing economic growth, but they have been compelled to cope with the uncertainties and potential risks that characterize the global market. In order to remain competitive, they have introduced industrial advancements and improvements in productivity, but they have also reduced labour protection. These developments have had an impact on local wage earners, especially when the social protection systems of some of these societies offer very little support.

Social changes: Demographic, family and gender trends In the societies under study, two demographic trends have significant implications for families: the declining fertility rate (see Table 1.7) and the ageing population. The dramatic drop in the fertility rate in recent decades has been attributed to heightened competitiveness in an increasingly selfserving society. With fewer children, parents have more time for their own personal and career development. Women, especially, who now receive more education, want more choice in determining their life course and are not willing to consider the traditional pattern (marriage, childbirth, caregiving) inevitable. Low fertility rates also allow parents to direct more focus on their children, which will have a positive impact on human capital. Throughout Asia, the quality of children’s upbringing has taken precedence over the quantity of children (Jones, 2012). Table 1.7: Fertility rates Region / society 1990 East Asia China 2.3 Hong Kong 1.3 Korea 1.6 Taiwan 1.8 Japan 1.5 South Asia Sri Lanka 2.5 Southeast Asia Philippines 4.3 Source: ADB, 2013a, Table 1.17

2000

2010

1.7 1.0 1.5 1.7 1.4

1.6 1.2 1.2 1.1 1.4

2.2

2.3

3.8

3.1

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An inevitable result of the declining fertility rate is that the family has become smaller. The reduction in family size has also been encouraged by socio-economic developments, urbanization and modernization (UNESCAP, 2008). The increase in internal and external migration, in particular, has had an effect on family size. As noted above, the rapid economic development and the concentration of economic activities in urban centres have led to the absorption of massive workforce in cities. In the case of China, large numbers of seniors and their grandchildren live on their own in rural communities while the working adults take up residence in the city (Jones, 2012: p. 95). Migration has also influenced family structure, such as increasing the number female-headed households and breaking down traditional living arrangements and extended families (UNESCAP, 2008, p. 8). As a result, there are smaller families, fewer children, more seniors living on their own and a decline in unpaid caregivers. The ageing population is a major challenge to these Asian societies, particularly highly developed societies, such as Japan, Korea, Hong Kong and Taiwan (see Table 1.8). Calls for retirement protection schemes, health insurance (and long-term care insurance) as well as health and care services are urgent. More and more people are advocates of “active ageing,” which takes a positive view of seniors’ potential and seeks to remove barriers to their social and economic participation. Active ageing also demands respect for the rights of seniors (Chan & Behling, 2013). In general, it provides a positive alternative attitude towards the value of seniors in society. Table 1.8: Population aged 65 and over (% of total population) Region / society 1990 East Asia China 5.8 Hong Kong 8.7 Korea 5.0 Taiwan 6.2 Japan 11.9 South Asia Sri Lanka 5.5 Southeast Asia Philippines 3.1 Source: ADB, 2013a, Table 1.6

2000

2010

6.9 11.0 7.3 8.6 17.2

8.4 12.9 11.1 10.7 23.0

6.3

7.8

3.2

3.7

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Women too have aspirations for alternative courses, especially in recent years when they have more education, higher workforce participation and, therefore, greater economic independence (see Table 1.9). They tend to postpone marriage and, consequently, parenthood. Attitudes towards having children, and the associated direct and indirect economic, social, and opportunity costs have also changed (UNESCAP, 2008). Table 1.9: Women labour force participation rate (employed females per 100 employed males) Region/ society 1991 2000 2012 East Asia China 82.3 82.9 81.4 Hong Kong 59.5 73.2 86.8 Korea 65.8 69.0 71.1 Taiwan 44.4 46.0 50.2 Japan 69.0 68.8 73.2 South Asia Sri Lanka 40.0 46.4 46.0 Southeast Asia Philippines 55.6 59.8 63.7 Note: Taiwan figures are the female labour force participation rate. Source: DGBAS, 2014; UNESCAP, 2013, Table E.1.1

The family has also become destabilized due to the increase in divorces and separations (UNDESA, 2012). On the whole, the rate of divorce in the developed Asian societies is almost comparable to that of the West. For example, the crude divorce rates in Korea, Japan, Hong Kong and OCEDaverage in 2005 were 2.6, 2.1, 2.1 and 2.3, respectively (Census & Statistics Department, 2007; OECD, 2009). Nevertheless, there is no fear that the family has become an outdated concept in Asia as the marriage rates are still remaining stable, but assumptions about family formation, structure, roles and functions have changed. The growth of the divorced/separated population reflects changing attitudes towards marriage and towards divorce, which has until recently been highly stigmatized in Asia. Tolerance for unhappy marriages for the sake of the children and maintaining family honour has decreased, especially among women who are gaining economic independence (Jones, 2012).

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Social issues arising from recent changes In summary, Asian countries are moving in the same direction, though at different paces. Their integration into the global market is manifest in their industrialization (and, in some cases, de-industrialization), their increasing urbanization and their high level of migration. These changes have led to a proliferation of wage workers. One of their major challenges is to provide adequate employment opportunities for the growing number of workers, who are now concentrated in urban areas. The unemployment rates in these Asian countries are far lower than the 8% average of the OECD in 2012. Nevertheless, there is a growing concern about the rise in unemployment, which is evidenced by the most recent data on relatively developed societies (exceptions are Sri Lanka and the Philippines: the former has recently experienced a significant rise in employment, and the unemployment rate of the latter had remained stable at 7.0% as of 2012). Unemployment can be devastating when there is no social safety net. Failure to secure a job, especially among vulnerable groups – youth, older applicants, the disabled, and women – leads to a host of other problems, such as poverty and social exclusion. Table 1.10: Unemployment rates Region / society 1990 East Asia China 2.5 Hong Kong 1.3 Korea 2.4 Taiwan 1.7 Japan 2.1 South Asia Sri Lanka 15.9 Southeast Asia Philippines 8.4 Source: ADB, 2013a, Table 1.9

1995

2000

2005

2012

2.9 3.2 2.1 1.8 3.2

3.1 4.9 4.1 3.0 4.7

4.2 5.6 3.7 4.1 4.4

4.1 3.3 3.2 4.2 4.3

12.3

7.6

7.4

4.0

9.5

11.2

7.9

7.0

Another urgent issue is the protection of labour rights, statutory employment benefits, and laws governing labour dismissal and the power of labour representatives. Overall, there have been improvements in labour governance and protection in Asia (ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, 2013). According to the Global Competitiveness Report, income protection was not significantly weakened in the 2000s, and employment

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protection improved in Hong Kong, Korea and Taiwan during the decade (Chan, 2013). Of course, most of the societies that we are studying prize labour market efficiency, which means less regulation and protection of labour. Flexible workforces and labour practices are the conventional means to maintain a competitive edge in the global market. They were the key strategies adopted after the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s. As a result, irregular forms of employment have proliferated, especially in Korea and Japan, and threaten employment stability. These simultaneous, seemingly contradictory, trends – increasing protection and ensuring flexibility – are evidence that Asian societies are struggling to find a balance between competitiveness and social stability. This balance is constantly challenged by workers’ demands for a “decent job” – one with an adequate income, recognition of rights and effective protection (ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, 2006). The social trends that we have identified – smaller families, ageing population, decreased fertility, lack of informal caregiving offered to their members – have also led to the need for balance: people are balancing the need to provide financial support and striving for personal aspirations in work and personal biography, and the need for caregiving and family commitments. Governments must address the challenges posed by a population forced to maintain this balance, or aspiring for increasing diverse life aspirations. A more fundamental question for us to explore is the meaning and value of family (as well as gender roles). Will the family continue to play a significant role in caregiving, apart from financial support, in the future? If not, how will the current welfare system evolve to meet future challenges?

Welfare systems and arrangements in Asia Given the huge diversity in welfare systems across Asia, it is impossible to provide a typical description. Nevertheless, many comparative studies have pointed out general features that can be used to describe the welfare systems in most Asian countries. Jones argues that Asian governments are “Confucian Welfare States” (1993), characterized by “conservative corporatism without worker participation,” “solidarity without equality; laissez-faire without libertarianism” and a “household economy” (1993, p. 214). Kwon (1997) describes the “East Asian welfare model” in terms of a commitment to low public expenditure, a strong regulatory mechanism and limited income redistribution. Applying the concept of welfare capitalism to Asian welfare models, Holliday (2000)

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uses the term “productivist welfare capitalism” to describe the subordination of social policy to economic concerns. Wilding (1997) also identified several similarities among Asian governments: low public expenditure on welfare; the adoption of a facilitative, regulatory and enabling role by the state; a productivist social policy focused on economic growth; a general dislike of the notion of the “welfare state”; strong residualist elements; a limited commitment to social citizenship; and a reliance on the family. In these systems, individuals must work to receive monetary rewards and must redistribute these resources among their family members. Employment and the income derived from employment are of utmost importance in this welfare arrangement. The family can deploy its resources to purchase services in the private sector. The community will pull together to provide supplementary support to those in need. For those who have to rely on public services, the state will strategically intervene (Chan, 2003). In recent decades, and especially after the Asian financial crisis in the 1990s, there has been a significant expansion of the state’s role in these arrangements. Yet, it is noted that such expansion is not at the expense of other sectors’ roles and contributions. Lin and Chan (2013) point out that until the early 1970s, there were very few social programmes and heavy reliance on traditional informal networks. Asian societies adopted the developmental model and its principles: self-reliance, intra-familial support and community involvement. Since that time, there has been a more productivist orientation, with the state playing a leading role in social and economic initiatives. Social security programs were introduced to meet public demand, compensate for the weakened traditional structure, and ensure a stable supply of qualified and compliant workers through occupational benefits. Lately, the social security systems have incorporated more redistributive elements, with improved social provisions, as a mean to promote stability. ADB has issued the Social Protection Index (SPI), illustrating the level of social provisions in three key dimensions: social insurance (illness, old age and unemployment), social assistance (allowances and benefits for children, the poor, the disabled and the elderly), and active labour market policies (ALMPs, such as skills development, training, and employment coaching). The index assesses the level of provision as a percentage of the per capita GDP (e.g., SPI = 0.1 is equivalent 10% of poverty-line expenditures or 2.5% of GDP per capita). The index does not include Hong Kong and Taiwan. Hong Kong has its own Mandatory Provident Fund, as well as an extensive social assistance and allowance system. Taiwan already has national pension and health insurance schemes. As

Chapter One

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Table 1.11 shows, Japan is well in the lead in the SPI; the other countries lag far behind. Overall, the provisions for social insurance are better than those for social assistance and labour market programs (see Table 1.11). Table 1.11: Social Protection Index (weighted), 2009 Society

SPI overall

SPI (weighted) Social Social insurance assistance

Japan 0.416 0.368 Korea 0.200 0.158 China 0.139 0.117 Sri Lanka 0.121 0.101 Philippines 0.085 0.068 Source: ADB, 2013b, Table A3.4

0.041 0.038 0.017 0.017 0.011

Labour market programs 0.007 0.003 0.004 0.003 0.005

As the SPI indicates, social security programs have been developed and have made some progress. Social insurance schemes are popular in Asian societies (with the possible exception of Hong Kong, which opted for the Provident Fund model), but labour market programs are scarce. It should be noted that social insurance usually covers only those with formal and regular employment; those with irregular or informal employment are often neglected. Though ALMPs have received greater attention in the past decade, investment is still limited (Chan, 2013). It would be unfair to argue that these societies remained unresponsive to social change. Expansion in social services has been implemented, with varying results. Nevertheless, the family remains the primary provider of support. It has been pointed out that private and non-governmental organizations have taken a larger role in the provision of welfare (Gough, 2001; Chan, Soma, & Yamashita, 2011; Ochiai, 2009). Increasingly, support is also offered in an attempt to improve social capital and individual resilience (Grootaert & van Bastelaer, 2002). State intervention is carefully designed to strike a balance between increasing public funding and maintaining the individual and family roles and functions. The pressing question remains: can the modified welfare systems adequately address social issues in this period of rapid change?

Plan of the book This book focuses on two broad areas of concern: those related to the family and ageing; and those related to work and social exclusion. The

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following chapters will cover various issues in the seven Asian societies under study. The first part of the book consists of six chapters on changing family structure, demographics and associated values in these societies. Chen and Takahashi address the changes in the family structure in Taiwan and Japan, respectively, focusing on the impact on women and children’s status and welfare. Chen notes that, in Taiwan, the change in family structure – from the male-breadwinner model to the two-earner model – has not allowed women to abandon their traditional roles. Social welfare policies still do not reflect the changes in the demands on women. Chen argues that women require better job protection, equal access to welfare benefits and due recognition of their economic contribution to society. Takahashi describes the increase in the number of divorces in Japan and examines custodial arrangements, changing family relationships and the recent focus on children’s rights. She stresses the need to prioritize the child’s welfare and safety when negotiating custodial arrangement. Professionals and officials must be aware of the risks inherent in child assessment procedures. The chapters by Kuromiya, Ng, and Tsay and Wu address issues related to the ageing society, but from different perspectives. Kuromiya and Ng adopt a positive view, focusing on the potential contributions of the elderly to society. Seniors are not simply problems; they can be the solution to problems. Kuromiya studies the membership of “Salons” – local, independent networks of seniors in Japan, which offer means to supplement the inadequate services provided by the state. Based on her indepth study of several Salons, she concludes that they play a significant role in meeting the needs of the elderly. The Salons, however, are in jeopardy due to insufficient staff and financial resources, and a lack of appreciation on the part of formal service providers. She suggests that a closer and synergistic relationship between Salons and other existing services should be encouraged. Similarly, Ng draws attention to the contribution, not fully recognized or mobilized, of senior volunteers in Hong Kong. Volunteering benefits seniors by enhancing their own health, psychological well-being, cognitive function and self-development, in addition to benefiting their family and community. She identifies various barriers to senior volunteering – individual characteristics, personal resources and cultural norms – and proposes measures to remove them – job matching, intensive training, appropriate incentives, due recognition and a public awareness campaign against ageism. Kuromiya and Ng advocate active ageing: empowered

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seniors are transformed from dependent/passive spectators to independent/ active participants. Tsay and Wu attend to the retirement arrangements of the elderly. Tsay and Wu investigate the inequalities of ageing in terms of social policies and personal retirement arrangements in Taiwan, and argue that occupation and pension availability are the most important factors shaping an individual’s financial status and quality of post-retirement life. To a certain extent, the inequalities of aging are an augmented reproduction of workers’ status attainment in their earlier occupational lives. Taiwanese workers can pursue a range of careers, but they have fewer options in terms of retirement, since distribution is mainly set by the pension system. In that sense, adequate attention has to be paid to the pension arrangement to avoid the inequalities extend to the retirement life stage. Of course, one cannot overlook the fact that frail elderly people often need care. Ogawa, in her chapter, focuses on the growing phenomenon of migrant workers. She links the caregiving crisis with the changes in family, and explains the rationale that has led to importing migrant care workers to Japan and Taiwan. She argues that it is the institutional framework in the receiving country that defines the nature of care work and determines the entitlements of migrant caregivers. We need to acknowledge these caregivers’ contribution and provide them with adequate care, if we wish to benefit the elderly in our society. The second part of the book, consist of five chapters, is concerned with the issues of employment, poverty, and the social conditions of vulnerable members of society. All chapters touch the problems of marginalization, and exclusion from mainstream society and the labour market due to unemployment or underemployment, or specific inherent features of an individual. Jung and Yang examine whether the workfare policies that support the working poor of Korea have actually proved effective in the labour market. Though Korea has experienced an extended period of economic prosperity, there is still a sizable population of working poor. Jung and Yang found that some expanded workfare policies such as the earned income tax credit (EITC) have had a positive effect, but others such as employment insurance and the self-reliance benefit program have had statistically insignificant or even negative effects on the labour market. They also draw attention to the worrisome trend of welfare dependency: the working poor receiving welfare payments do not return to the labour market but tend to continue to rely on welfare. In response, Korea must strengthen the policies that focus on labour activation.

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The exclusion, marginalization and segmentation of specific groups of labourers are the subject of the chapters by Yang, and Chen and Lue. Yang pays special attention to the internal migrant workers in China and provides an analysis of their position in the hukuo (household registration) and welfare systems. She concludes that internal migrant workers are facing social exclusion. On the basis of a detailed examination of the reforms introduced in the city of Guangzhou in southern China, Yang argues that there are two prevailing approaches – exclusive and inclusive. Adoption of whichever approach depends on the regional social and economic diversity and the specific national-local government relations. While the diversity factor explains context of the policy, the later factor explains the autonomous (and duty assigned) that local governments are able to determine their own policy orientations and scope of social provisions. Chen and Lue adopt the Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) approach in their analysis of occupational segregation and female employment in Taiwan. As suggested by VoC approach, in unravelling the gendered implications of some of the key institutions, rational employers will also consider their institutional comparative advantages when hire female workers. As a result, same institutions will affect men and women differently. Chen and Lue conduct an empirical analysis to see whether the VoC approach can be applied to Taiwan. Their findings suggest that, while gender segmentation is not as pronounced, there is still horizontal segregation for women, whose jobs are concentrated in the service sector. While women with higher education do enjoy some upward mobility, men with equal qualifications are still more likely to be promoted to management. Chandrasekara looks at the social exclusion of the plantation workers in Sri Lanka from the perspective of social capital. He observes that these workers and their families are suffering financially and socially. His research shows that improving education (cultural capital), housing conditions (an improvement in social image), and especially a better grasp of the resources and opportunities available will help alleviate the problem of social exclusion. Among the various types of social capital, “bridging” social capital is particularly critical to combat exclusion. Unfortunately, it is not always available and accessible to those who require it. Yu also deals with the problem of social exclusion but in the context of disabled groups in the Philippines. He argues that the physical environment is mainly designed for the able-bodied, and the needs of disabled are neglected. Drawing attention to policy initiatives in two rural municipalities, which depended on input from disabled groups, Yu sees the potential for substantial progress. He argues that simply issuing a

18

Chapter One

national law is not enough to promote this initiative: real headway in the creation of inclusive social and physical environments can only be achieved by engaging local governments and disabled persons. The case studies show that advocacy and coordination of national and local levels of government are also essential. Attention to the physical environment leads to access to basic and life-sustaining resources and opportunities, such as education, employment, health care and housing.

The Way Forward Obviously, Asian societies are experiencing dramatic changes, though they differ in degree and sometimes in kind. New problems have emerged or intensified in the areas of caregiving and family arrangements, work and unemployment, and poverty and social exclusion. New risk groups have also been identified, such as the international and internal migrant workers. Changing attitudes toward the family, and the role and status of seniors and women require corresponding policy. Welfare systems also must be updated to meet the new challenges. The failure to do so is bound to result in tension and social conflicts, as well as poverty, marginalization and social exclusion. As this book shows, different societies have adopted various initiatives in response to these changes and challenges. The initiatives described in these chapters can be divided into three categories. The first consists of institutional changes, such as rewriting the laws governing family. The second is state funding, regulation and participation. Government efforts must be increased and have clear goals, such as in improving employment and reducing exclusion. The third is individual initiatives to improve the standard of living (e.g., the Salon, senior volunteering, input from the disabled and the pursuit of social capital). While there are changes in the part of the state, roles and contributions of individual, family, community and market are still there and occupy significant shares. The current situation is a new welfare mix, trying to address to the challenges resulted from structural changes at the macro level, as well as changes in the individual micro level. Looking to the future, we should monitor the impacts of globalization, urbanization, and social and economic restructuring processes in Asian societies. We must make sure not to neglect the effects on vulnerable groups such as women, the elderly and the disabled, who often cannot enjoy the fruits of development and have difficulty adapting to rapid change. We hope the chapters in this book provide the reader with a sound

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understanding of the recent changes and challenges, and the direction of current and future policy responses.

References ADB. (2013a). Key indicators for Asia and the Pacific, 2013. Manila: Asian Development Bank. —. (2013b). The social protection index: Assessing results for Asia and the Pacific. Manila: Asian Development Bank. Census & Statistics Department. (2007). Feature article: Marriage and divorce trends in Hong Kong, 1981 to 2006. Hong Kong: Census & Statistics Department. Chan, R. K. H. (2003). The sustainability of the Asian welfare system after the financial crisis. Asian Journal of Social Science, 31(2), 172–197. —. (2013). The welfare-work nexus in East Asia – A comparison of contexts, paths and directions. Journal of Asian Public Policy, 6(1), 99-113. Chan, R. K. H. & Behling, F. (2013). Senior Employment: Current Condition, Challenges and Prospects. Journal of State and Society, 14, 1-54. Chan, R. K. H. & Moha Asri, A. (1999). Foreign labor in Asia: Issues and challenges. New York, NY: Nova Sciences. Chan, R. K. H., Soma, N., & Yamashita, J. (2011). Care regimes and responses: The East Asian experiences compared. Journal of Comparative Social Welfare. 27(2), 175–186. DGBAS. (2014). National statistics, R.O.C. (Taiwan) – Labor force participation rate by sex, education attainment. Retrieved from http://www.stat.gov/tw/public/data/dgbas04/bc4/timeser/table25.xls. ETH Zürich. (2013). KOF index of globalization [data file]. Retrieved from http://globalization.kof.ethz.ch/ Gough, I. (2001). Globalization and regional welfare regimes: The East Asian case. Global Social Policy, 1(2), 163-189. Grootaert, C. & van Bastelaer, T. (Eds.). (2002). The role of social capital in development: An empirical assessment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Heritage Foundation. (2013). 2013 Index of economic freedom: Promoting economic opportunity and prosperity. New York, NY: The Wall Street Journal. Holliday, I. (2000). Productivist welfare capitalism: Social policy in East Asia. Political Studies, 48, 706-723.

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ILO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific. (2006). Labor and social trends in Asia and the Pacific 2006: Progress towards decent work. Bangkok: ILO. —. (2013). Asian decent work decade resource kit: Labor market governance (2nd ed.). Bangkok: ILO. Jones, C. (1993). Pacific challenges: Confucian welfare state. In C. Jones (Ed.), New perspectives on the welfare state in Europe (pp.198-217). London: Routledge. Jones, G. (2012). Changing family sizes, structures and functions in Asia. Asia-Pacific Population Journal, 27(1), 83-102. Kaur, A. (2010). Labour migration in Southeast Asia: migration policies, labour exploitation and regulation. Journal of the Asia Pacific Economy, 15(1), 6-19. Kwon, H. J. (1997). Beyond European welfare regimes: Comparative perspectives on East Asian welfare systems. Journal of Social Policy 26, 467-484. Lin, K. & Chan, R. K. H. (2013). Repositioning three models of social policy with reference to East Asian welfare systems. International Social Work, DOI: 10.1177/0020872813503857. Low, L. (2003). Social protection in the “new” economy. In L. Low, N. V. Lam, T. Wattanapruttipaisan, T. Kay, P. S. Mehta, S.-D. Wang, & M. Yari (Eds.), Bulletin on Asia-Pacific perspectives 2002/03 – AsiaPacific economies: Sustaining growth amidst uncertainties (pp. 29– 36). Bangkok: UNESCAP. Ochiai, E. (2009). Care diamonds and welfare regimes in East and SouthǦEast Asian societies: Bridging family and welfare sociology. International Journal of Japanese Sociology, 18(1), 60-78. OECD. (2009). Society at a glance 2009: OECD social indicators. Paris: OECD. Ofreneo, R.E. (2010, November). Labor law reforms in globalizing East Asia. Paper presented at the 2010 Manila Biennial Conference of the Asian Society of Labour Law, Manila, Philippines. Skeldon, R. (2012). Migration and Asia: Reflections on continuities and change. Asia-Pacific Population Journal, 27(1), 103-118. UNCTAD. (2013). UNCTAD STAT [data file]. Retrieved from http://unctadstat.unctad.org/ReportFolders/reportFolders.aspx UNDESA. (2012). World marriage data 2012 [data file]. Retrieved from http://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/publications/datase t/marriage/wmd2912/Data/UNPD_WMD_2012_MARITAL_STATUS .xls.

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UNESCAP. (2008). Social services policies and family well-being in the Asia and Pacific region. Bangkok: UNESCAP. —. (2011). Statistical yearbook for Asia and the Pacific, 2011. Bangkok: UNESCAP. —. (2013). Statistical yearbook for Asia and the Pacific, 2013. Bangkok: UNESCAP. UN Women. (2013). Managing labour migration in ASEAN: Concerns for women migrant workers. New York, NY: UN. Wickramasekara, P. (2011). Labour migration in South Asia: A review of issues, policies and practices. Geneva: ILO. Wilding, P. (1997). Social policy and social development in Hong Kong. Asian Journal of Public Administration, 19, 244-275.

PART I: FAMILY AND AGEING

CHAPTER TWO BEYOND BEVERIDGE: AN ANALYSIS OF RECENT FAMILY POLICIES IN TAIWAN FEN-LING CHEN

Introduction The 1942 report of Sir William Beveridge led to the establishment of a new welfare state in Britain and influenced the welfare systems in many countries. In Taiwan, the welfare system and income maintenance schemes have followed Beveridge’s model. It is a model based on a traditional family where men are the breadwinners and women receive benefits by virtue of their dependant status within the family as wives and mothers. Unlike Western countries, however, Taiwan adopted this traditional model not because it addressed women’s needs or social problems but because it encouraged economic development. Families were expected to be the main welfare provider. Until recently, Taiwan has provided little welfare support to families. In risk societies, however, governments must confront new and unexpected social problems. Taylor-Gooby (2004) applied the concept of risk to the study of welfare states and identified four main risk factors associated with the advent of new technology: more women enter the labour market and men’s jobs become less secure; the population is aging; the labour market has changed dramatically due to the relocation of businesses in the global economy; and the provision of governmental welfare is declining. Those new risks have led to changes in the welfare model in Taiwan and have transformed the relationship between the government and the family. Since the mid-1990s, Taiwan introduced a number of welfare schemes for families as a response to widespread unemployment and economic recession. This chapter explores these recent family-oriented welfare schemes and the changes in the government’s welfare model. It will also

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Chapter Two

look at the theoretical and gender-related implications of these policy changes.

The Beveridge Report and its impact The 1942 Beveridge Report led to the establishment of a social security system in post-war Britain. The importance of the report was not confined to Britain; it represented a milestone in the history of social welfare development. Nowadays, many countries still follow the welfare model proposed by Beveridge if not literally at least in spirit. The aim of the report is a unified universal social insurance system that covers all groups in need. Beveridge regarded that the social security systems must be achieved by co-operation between the State and the individual. In his report, people were divided into seven groups: employees, the selfemployed, housewives, those below working age, those above working age, those incapable of work, and others of working age (Thane, 1996, p. 232) Beveridge relied on the male-breadwinner model of the family. He assumed that married women do not have paying jobs and that their main role is taking care of children. At the time of the report, many married women were outside the protection of social security system. As a result of the report, they could access family allowance or social assistance as the dependants of men. Married women’s social and financial needs were provided through their husband’s contributions to social insurance. It was assumed that if men were able to access social welfare systems, women and children, by extension, would receive needed help (Pascall, 1997, p. 200). Contributions to social insurance would promote a sense of solidarity by signalling “that men stand together with their fellows” (Beveridge, 1942, p. 849). In the social assistance system, means testing takes into account the combined incomes and financial resources of husband and wife. According to the Beveridge Report, mothers have “vital work to do to ensure the adequacy continuance of the British race and of the British ideal in the world” (Beveridge, 1942, p. 117). Still, married women could not access any benefits on their own, even if they were abandoned or deprived of money by their husbands (O’Brien, 2010). Some women welcomed Beveridge’s recognition of women’s unpaid work in the family. Members of Parliament supported the rise in status which made the role of housewife equal to any profession (Dale, 1986). However, many women, including the members of the Women’s Freedom League, criticized Beveridge’s failure to treat women as full and

Beyond Beveridge: An Analysis of Recent Family Policies in Taiwan

27

independent citizens (Lister, 1998). The National Council of Women argued that marital status should be irrelevant for insurance purposes (Dale, 1986). Fifty years after the Beveridge Report, scholars found little evidence that British women’s status in the social security system had improved (Colwill, 1994). Many modern industrialized societies have been threatened by new social risks. Taylor-Gooby (2004) applied the concept of risk to the study of welfare states and drew attention to four main risk factors that have accompanied the advent of new technology: increased participation of women in the labour market, increased insecurity of men’s employment, an aging population, and dramatic changes in the labour market. Beveridge believed that security for women could be ensured through their marital status, but he did not envisage the economic risks women face during the course of their life. Using Taiwan as a case study, we will argue that Beveridge’s social security plan for women is increasingly vulnerable. We will review the changing profile of the family in Taiwanese society and the transformation of marriage and women’s lives. Since the 1990s, the government of Taiwan has introduced some policies to address women’s lower economic status. Those policies depart from the ideology that informed the Beveridge Report. Taiwan’s case illustrates the need to reform welfare policies in order to address the new risks for society.

The changing profile of the Taiwanese family Taiwan is a typical patriarchal society. The old civic law supported the patriarchy: men take precedence over their wives. In Taiwan, the wife must live in husband’s house, the wife must assume the husband’s family name after marriage, and the husband has the right to manage all the family finances, including the wife’s property. The husband also has the final word regarding his children’s lives according to the old civic law. If a couple have a difference of opinion about their children, the husband prevails. Children take the father’s name, and the father has custody in the case of divorce. Since the mid-1980s, the old civil law has been challenged by women’s organisations. In 1985 Taiwan introduced a revised civil law, which is more flexible in terms of family norms and supports gender equality. Unfortunately, the social reality may not reflect the advanced views of the new legislation. The Taiwanese follow the teaching of Confucius: the family is the primary provider of welfare and women have a secondary status. Scholars describe the Taiwanese welfare system as “familism.”

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With the economic prosperity of the late 1960s and the increased democratization of the late 1980s, the Taiwanese model of the family and its associated values have undergone change. Old assumptions about marriage and employment have been discarded in recent decades. Marriage is no longer a long-term guarantee of social security for women. The stability of marriages has decreased since 1980, as shown in Figure 2.1. Although many people chose to marry, many are also choosing to separate. The percentage of divorced couples has leapt from 8% in 1980 to 48.9% in 2011. Figure 2.1: Number of married and divorced couples in Taiwan, 1971–2011 marry pair

Pair

divorce pair

200,000 150,000 100,000 50,000

Į 1971 1975 1979 1983 1987 1991 1995 1999 2003 2007 2011 Year

Source: Household Registration Department, Ministry of the Interior, 2012

Some women are choosing to divorce and others are opting to delay marriage or remain single. More than one-third (37.8%) of women aged 20 to 24 were married in 1982. This number dropped to 4.6% in 2012. In 1982, marriage was the common state of women over thirty: 88.7% of women aged 30 to 34 were married. Now only about half of the women in this age group are married (see Table 2.1). The Taiwanese still regard marriage as a precondition to having children, and a woman’s fertility is often a prerequisite of marriage. Women over the 35 often do not find it easy to get married and have children. The Beveridge Report would exclude these women from social assistance.

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Table 2.1: Marital status by age group in Taiwan Age cohort

Married women (%) 1982 1992 2002

20–24 37.8 23.7 11.9 25–29 77.7 63.3 42.9 30–34 88.7 81.6 69.4 Source: Ministry of the Interior, 2013

2012 4.6 25.1 53.2

Change (%) 198119921991 2002 -37.3 -49.8 -18.5 -32.2 -8.0 -15.0

20022012 -61.3 -41.5 -23.3

Women now have many more opportunities to find work, which offers greater financial security than marriage. In contrast, men’s jobs have become increasingly insecure in the new global economy. In Taiwan, the participation of men in the workforce was 78% in 1965 and 63.8% in 2012. For women, participation leapt from 36% in 1965 to 48.8% in 2012. In the 1980s, women generally left their jobs after marriage; now married women with children often remain employed. Figure 2.2 shows that a growing number of married women who have no children or young children are employed. In 1980, only 28.9% of married women with children under six worked; by 2012, that figure rose to 63.89%. For married women without children, workforce participation was even higher - 74%. The two-earner family has become commonplace in Taiwan, especially among the younger generation.

Policy reform in Taiwan Policy schemes influenced by the Beveridge Report As noted, Beveridge’s idea of social security affected not only Britain but also the rest of the world. Inspired by the Beveridge Report, the Taiwanese government introduced many social security systems and welfare schemes based on the dependant status of married women. Before 1985, the Civil Code gave the husband control of the family economy, including his wife’s property. Couples submit only one revenue form even if they both have occupations; in every family, only one person is not considered a dependant.1

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Figure 2.2: The workforce participation rate of married women in Taiwan by their children’s age, 1980–2012

Ħ

80 60 40 20 year

0 1980 1984 1988

1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012

with children all aged 6 years & over with children aged under 6 years no children Source: DGBAS, 2013

National Health Insurance (hereafter NHI) is based on the same principles. NHI is the first and only welfare scheme to offer universal service to all citizens of Taiwan. For the purposes of National Health Insurance, a family has only one breadwinner, usually the husband. Coverage for wives and children is as dependants of the policyholder.2 NHI has provisions for people who are not in the workforce: they can join and pay the same premiums as dependants of policyholders. NHI premiums are linked to salary: in a family with two earners, the children usually join the NHI as the dependants of their mothers since mothers generally have a lower salary. Even so, more male insurees than female insurees have dependants in Taiwan (see Table 2.2). The income maintenance system in Taiwan also limits married women’s right to access social assistance. Follow the principles of the Beveridge Report and the Poor Law in the Britain, a couple’s income is calculated when one of them applies for assistance from the Taiwanese government. Although many married women live in poverty after fleeing domestic violence or being abandoned by their spouse, they still must

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declare their partner’s income, so they are ineligible for assistance. This is yet another example of women’s loss of individual rights after marriage. Table 2.2: National Health Insurance policyholders with dependents by gender in Taiwan Year Male 2009 53.40% 2010 52.75% 2011 52.35% Source: Bureau of Health, 2012

Female 46.60% 47.25% 47.65%

Historical Review of policies affecting women workers Taiwanese policies affecting women workers reflect the changes in the country’s ideology. Before 1999, the government did not encourage married women to stay at home to take care of children, nor did it urge them to join the workforce. Some government publications seem to suggest that married women should take care of children and work at the same time, given the opportunities afforded by family factories and the creation of handcrafts at home (Chen, 2000; Hsiung, 1996). Still, for the most part, the government did not interfere with the family structure or depend on the employment of married women. Before 2000, state policies were based on the male-breadwinner model and seldom designed for women. The few policies directed towards women were mainly for widows and female breadwinners. In 1992, the government passed the Employment Services Act, which allowed families to hire foreign maids for housecleaning and childcare. The policy failed in its intention—to encourage more women to enter the workforce. Soon the government ceased to allow foreign maids, but did allow foreign nannies. Since 2000, more policies have been introduced to support independent businesswomen and allow disadvantaged women to enter the workforce. For the first time women became the main target of labour policies. New schemes included business start-up classes, access to business consultants, and start-up loans offered by the Wild Geese project and the Phoenix Micro-business, among others. Some projects were designed to give women new skills, such as the digital training courses offered in rural areas to help women create websites to sell their goods. The introduction of the Gender Equality in Employment Act, protecting women workers from gender discrimination, was also an important milestone.3

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Beginning in 2008, policies were created to address Taiwan’s low fertility rate. Cash benefits were given to families with young children. Although these policies were not designed solely for women, women were the main beneficiaries (see Table 2.3). In recent years, the policies tend to encourage women workers to leave their workplace temporarily upon the birth of a child. The government offers women benefits if they stay at home as full-time mothers, as is the case in corporate welfare regimes (Esping-Anderson, 1990). Table 2.3: Government policies designed for women in Taiwan Period Before 1999

Labour policies Women’s Vocational Training Programs

20002008

2000m, Allowances for Women in Special Living Conditions (start-up loans 2002, Wild Geese Project 2002, Gender Equality in Employment Act 2007, Phoenix Micro-business Start-up Loan and Consulting Plan 2007, Digital Training Courses for Women Employment assistance programs for foreign spouses and Mainland spouses 2010, Women’s Employment Promotion Plans

2008now

Welfare policies 1996, Living Allowance for Special Targets (female breadwinners) 1992, Foreign Attendants, Foreign Maids Policy in the Employment Services Act 2000, Measure of Support for Women in Special Living Conditions 2005, Employment Promotion Plan for Special Targets (women in special conditions)

2008, Nanny subsidy(meanstested) 2009, Parental leave subsidy 2012, Child benefit (meanstested) 2013, Tax deduction for young children (means-tested)

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Policies targeting women since 2000 Since 2000, many of Taiwan’s policies reflect the fact that the malebreadwinner family model is no longer prevalent. The two-earner family is now more common. Women can be economically independent for their entire adulthood. Reflecting these new realities are three types of policies to support women. 1. Support for women’s business Two projects, the Wild Geese Project in 2002 and the Phoenix Project in 2007, focus on training women to start a small business. These start-up projects offer free courses, access to consultants, and business loans with low interests. As those policies were intended to benefit women primarily, women are more likely to be recipients. Table 2.4 shows details of the Phoenix Project in 2011. There are more female applicants and more female enrollees in the courses and counselling services. Women also received a greater number of the loans. Table 2.4: Data on the Phoenix Project, 2011 Types of provision Male Feale Loan Number of applicants 1,014 3,672 Number of approvals 559 2,597 Number of loans 506 2,412 % of approval 55% 71% % of success 50% 66% Services Number of course participants 12,726 53,719 Counselling 3,873 15,437 Number of start-up businesses 1,994 6,181 % of start-up businesses 15.70% 11.50% Note: This plan has been available to male applicants since 2009. Source: Chen, 2012

Total 4,686 3,156 2,918 67% 62% 66,445 19,310 8,175 12.30%

2. Support for parental leave As more women have entered the workforce and no longer consider marriage their only option, the fertility rate in Taiwan has declined dramatically. In the early 1970s, the average fertility rate was 3.7 children. By 2011, this number had dropped to 1.07 children for women between the ages of 15 and 44. In an effort to encourage population growth, the Taiwanese government introduced paid parental leave in 2009. Parents

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who have children under two can take paid parental leave for six months at 60% of their salary. As Table 2.5 shows, across the board, mothers have been the more likely parent to take the parental leave. From 2009 to 2011, 82.9% of applicants were female. Table 2.5: Number of people taking paid parental leave by gender in Taiwan Recipients Total Male Female

2009 29,182 4,973 24,209

2010 37,929 6,803 31,126

2011 44,387 7,285 37,102

Employment insurance recipients

Total Male Female

26,472 4,808 21,664

34,218 6,500 27,718

40,498 6,928 33,570

Recipients of government employees' and school staff’s insurance Recipients of army insurance

Total Male Female

2,710 165 2,545

3,619 287 3,332

3,739 332 3,407

Total Male Female

-

92 16 76

150 25 125

Total 111,498 19,061 92,437 (82.9%) 101,188 18,236 82,952 (81.9%) 10,068 784 9,284 (92.2%) 242 41 201 (83.1%)

Source: Ministry of Labour, 2014

3. Women as the main beneficiaries of new welfare schemes In Taiwan, there have been a few insurance schemes that consider husband and wife independently: Farmer’s Health Insurance (1989), Unemployment Insurance (1999), and National Pension Insurance (2008). As Table 2.6 shows, women are usually the applicants. When women have independent access to social security, they do not experience discrimination in the social welfare system. If, however, payments are commensurate with wages, women are vulnerable because their wages are usually lower than men’s.

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Table 2.6: Social insurance by gender in Taiwan, 2011 By gender

1989, Farmer’s Health Insurance

Male insurees 50.83% Female insurees 49.16% Male applicants 44.12% Female applicants 55.87% Male applicants ($) Female applicants ($) Source: Bureau of Labor Insurance, 2012

1999, Unemployment / Employment Insurance 51.31% 48.68% 46.85% 53.14% 51.53% 48.47%

2008, National Pension Insurance

47.8% 52.2% 45.2% 54.8%

-

A few welfare schemes introduced in recent years are aimed to help families cope with childcare and other problems. Although both men and women can apply for aid, the schemes were originally designed for disadvantaged women. In 2012, a cash benefit was introduced for parents who cannot return work because they are caring for children aged 0 to 2. This benefit is means-tested, but it is available to wider population than low-income families. As of 2012, 68% of the beneficiaries were female (see Table 2.7). Table 2.7: Child benefits for unemployed parents, 2012 By gender

By numbers of children Male 105,962 Female 97,864 Total 203,826 Source: Executive Yuan, 2014

% 52 48 100

By numbers of parents (beneficiary) 59,338 126,460 185,798

% 32 68 100

Following the enactment of Family Violence Law in 1999, the Support for Women in Special Living Conditions Law was introduced. Women from broken homes and women who have suffered from domestic violence often pay a severe financial penalty. The Support for Women in Special Living Conditions Law offers allowances to disadvantaged women with children who cannot meet the requirement of the Social Assistance Law. This legislation was amended in 2009 to provide support to all caregivers of children at risk. As of 2012, 88.77% of the beneficiaries were women (see Table 2.8).

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Table 2.8: Beneficiaries in the measure of support for the family in special living conditions, 2009 to 2012 Beneficiary Male

2009 2010 2011 32,681 28,229 25,327 (21.34%) (14.98%) (13.40%) Female 120,494 160,204 163,660 (78.66%) (85.02%) (86.60%) Total 153,175 188,433 188,987 Note: This plan was extended to all caregivers in 2009. Source: Bureau of Statistics, Ministry of Interior, 2013

2012 (Sep) 13,020 (11.23%) 102,925 (88.77%) 115,945

Table 2.9: Gender analysis of housing benefits (number of applicants) For adults Subsidized interest on house loans

Subsidized interest on loans for home renovation

Rent subsidies

For youth Subsidized interest for house loan

Female Male Total % of Female % of M Female Male Total % of Female % of M Female Male Total % of Female % of M

Female Male Total % of Female Rent subsidies Female Male Total % of Female Source: Executive Yuan, 2014

2009 2,777 2,168 4,945 51.16 43.83 871 821 1,692 51.48 48.52 13,826 9,356 13,182 59.64 40.36 2009 1,579 2,433 4,012 39.36 3,910 2,808 6,718 58.2

2010 2,630 2,092 4,722 55.7 44.3 712 685 1,397 50.97 49.03 28,161 18,744 46,905 60.03 39.97 2010 2,338 3,264 5,602 41.74 5,344 3,276 8,620 61.99

2011 2,367 1,850 4,217 56.13 43.87 646 649 1,295 49.88 50.12 34,090 22,695 56,785 60.03 39.97 2011 2,437 3,697 6,404 38.05 4,239 2,743 6,982 61.43

The situation is some families is so dire that they are threatened with homelessness. Housing benefits have been launched in recent years. A rent subsidy is especially helpful to disadvantaged women. In 2011, 60% of all

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female adults and 61.43% of young female adults took advantage of this benefit (see Table 2.9).

Conclusion Social changes in the years following the Beveridge Report put pressure on welfare systems that treated women as dependants. Welfare policies can no longer be based on the assumption that people will get married or stay married. Marriage may end with the death of a spouse or through separation, and nowadays many women choose to remain single. Where once governments based their policies on a traditional family model, they now must take into account the fragmentation of this model in a risk society. If women only exist as dependants of men in governmental policies, women in exceptional circumstances will often be left without a social security net. “The family” is not necessarily the source of social welfare; it can also be the root of social problems. In the case of Taiwan, where traditional families follow Beveridge’s patriarchal model, the government was forced to recognize the problem posed by women who lose their place in the family or who refuse to be treated as means of reproduction. Since 2000, the government has accepted the model of the two-earner family and created policies to support it. Women are encouraged to be both workers and mothers. Some women—immigrants and women whose husbands are unemployed—are encouraged to be the family breadwinner. Still, the policies do not fully recognize the value of the unpaid caregiving duties women perform, and they often refer to a woman’s status as a mother rather than as an individual citizen. Many social problems may remain unsolved. Women’s economic contribution to the society must be more highly valued and their access to jobs must to be protected. The state must ensure women’s equal right to welfare benefits and must treat married women as independent citizens. Welfare typology studies reflect the transformation of the welfare states due to the advent of social risks. Gauthier classifies family policy according to four categories: pro-family/pro-natalist, pro-traditional, proequalitarian, and pro-family but non-interventionist (Millar & Haux, 2012). The family policy in Taiwan belonged to the last category before 2000; it became pro-equalitarian in the period between 2000 and 2008, and in recent years, it has tended to be pro-natalist. According to Aspalter (2006), the changes in welfare policies in Taiwan and South Korea were the result of party politics and challenges to legitimacy. Political ideologies have played a critical role in the design of policies affecting

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women and families. Many scholars view East Asian countries as productivist welfare states or models of welfare capitalism (Aspalter, 2006; Holliday, 2000). However, in the present risk society, governments have been forced to deal with many emerging problems. An economically oriented government may be required to reform its welfare provisions. Huber and Stephane (2001) argue that in the time of welfare retrenchment, welfare states will reduce their welfare benefits as has been the case in Western welfare states. However, in the case of Eastern Asia, the role of state is crucial. Recent policies targeting women and families reveal a commitment to a productivist welfare state, which is intended to promote high levels of economic growth and social development at the same time. As Wilding (2008) notes, Taiwan is a hybrid welfare state rather than a single productivist welfare state.

Notes 1. Couples, who are required to fill in a family revenue forms, must pay higher taxes as a result of marriage due to Taiwan’s progressive tax rate. The courts decided that this violated the commitment to equality declared in Constitution and the marriage penalty was abolished in 2014. 2. If both husband and wife have jobs, they join the NHI separately in their workplace. However, their dependants—children or parents—will be included under one of the parents. 3. The Gender Equality in Employment Act includes provisions for maternity and family leave, the prohibition of all kind of gender discrimination in the labour market, and the prevention of sexual harassment. In Taiwan, the most common form of discrimination is towards expectant mothers: after announcing their pregnancy, women have been forced to quit their jobs. Sometimes this marks the end of their participation in the labour market.

References Aspalter, C. (2006). The East Asian welfare model. International Journal of Social Welfare, 15(4), 290-301. Beveridge, W. (1942). Social insurance and allied services. London: HMSO. Bureau of Health. (2012). Report for promoting gender mainstreaming Year 2012. Taipei: Bureau of Health. Bureau of Labor Insurance. (2012). Gender statistics. Retrieved from http://www.bli.gov.tw/sub.aspx?a=RCqTE3bbebI%3d. Bureau of Statistics, Ministry of the Interior. (2013). National report, Week 22, Year 2013. Retrieved from:

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http://www.moi.gov.tw/files/news_file/week10222.pdf. Chen, F.-l. (2000). Working women and state policies in Taiwan: A study of political economy. London: Palgrave. —. (2012). Analysing macro-business policies in Taiwan. Taipei: Promoting Women’s Right Foundation. Colwill, J. (1994). Beveridge, women and the welfare state. Critical Social Policy, 14, 53-78. Dale, J. (1986). Feminists and the development of the welfare state - Some lessons from our history. Critical Social Policy, 6, 57-65. DGBAS (Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics, Executive Yuan). (2013). Report on the manpower utilization survey. Retrieved from http://www.dgbas.gov.tw/ct.asp?xItem=32738&ctNode=3580&mp=1. Esping-Andersen, G. (1990). The three worlds of welfare capitalism. Cambridge: Polity. Executive Yuan (2014). CEDAW 2nd National Report. Taipei: Executive Yuan. Holliday, I. (2000). Productivist welfare capitalism: Social policy in East Asia. Political Studies, 48(4), 706-723. Household Registration Department, Ministry of the Interior. (2012). National statistics. Retrieved from http://www.ris.gov.tw/zh_TW/346. Hsiung, P.-C. (1996). Living room as factories: Class, gender, and satellite factory system. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Huber, E. & Stephane, J. D. (2001). Welfare states and production regimes in the era of retrenchment. In P. Pierson (Ed.), The new politics of welfare state (pp. 107-146). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lister, R. (1998). Vocabularies of citizenship and gender: The UK. Critical Social Policy 18(3), 309-331. Millar, J. & Haux, T. (2012). Family policy. In P. Alcock, M. May, & K. Rowlingson (Eds.), Student’s companion to social policy (pp. 166172). Oxford: Blackwell. Ministry of the Interior. (2013). Year report of population in the R.O.C. Retrieved from http://www.ris.gov.tw/. Ministry of Labour. (2014). Gender statistics. Retrieved from http://www.bli.gov.tw/sub.aspx?a=RCqTE3bbebI%3D. O’Brien, M. (2010). The Beveridge Report: Its impact on women and migrants. Socheolas, 2(2): 21-38. Pascall, G. (1997). Social policy: A new feminist analysis. London: Routledge.

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Taylor-Gooby, P. (Ed.) (2004). New risks, new welfare: The transformation of the European welfare state, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Thane, P. (1996). Foundations of the welfare state. Essex: Addison Wesley Longman Ltd. Wilding, P. (2008). Is the East Asian welfare model still productive? Journal of Asian Public Policy, 1(1), 18-31.

CHAPTER THREE RISK ASSESSMENT AND PREVENTION IN A CHILD’S CONTACT WITH NON-RESIDENT PARENTS: JAPAN’S FAMILY LAW AND PRACTICE IN TRANSITION MUTSUKO TAKAHASHI

Introduction Despite such popular sayings as “a child is the pledge of affection”, human relationships among family members are becoming fluid along with the individualisation of family in post-industrialised societies. To have and raise children no longer always means to nurture parenthood and to reinforce family ties. Divorce or separation of a couple with children is followed by a complicated aftermath with profound influence over the lives of all those who used to live together as a family, as well as those who are close to this family, and relatives such as grandparents. Any policy response to the issues of child custody after divorce has long-term impacts on the overall life of children as well as that of adults. Policy failure in the matters of child custody, on the other hand, is associated with the grave risk of causing adverse childhood experiences for many innocent children. Their mental health might seriously be damaged which would overshadow more than one generation, as several child psychiatrists have pointed out. Faced with the present realities in which couples with children in Japan divorce more often than previously, how can we secure the children’s healthy attachment, development, and well-being after the separation of their parents? Decision- and policymakers need to consider carefully the consequences of their decisions and policies in the long-term as well as in the short term. Children keep growing up no matter what their living environment and family

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relationships are like, and when they have grown up, most likely they themselves will be involved in family life. One of the most essential points to start with when considering child custody is that “the best parenting arrangement can depend on the individual circumstances of each family”.1 In short, it is a risky presumption that one size fits all, regardless of whether the custody system in family law in each society is single or joint. In this sense, I regard it very important for Japan to examine carefully parts of its current legal and social frameworks in which the well-being of children is not strongly secured. In English terminology, “custody” refers to legal custody as well as physical custody in post-divorce child-parent relationships. It has been discussed for years, among leading Japanese researchers of family law, whether Japan should introduce the joint custody system like most industrialised societies have done. Some strongly support the replacement of single custody with joint custody, others seem ambivalent to such a reform.2 However, the strengths and weaknesses of both the single custody system and joint custody system need be scrutinised taking into consideration Japanese social realities, rather than adopting joint custody simply in order to follow the West. Moreover, it is important to bear in mind the current Japanese situation, that is, a shortage of sufficient human and financial resources necessary for supporting children after divorce. This discussion has nothing to do with the misandry that would unfairly treat men in parental responsibilities on childcare. The main concern of this research is the well-being of children, that is, the question of how to make sure a secure life and sound development of children is possible, even within vulnerable family relationships after divorce or separation of their parents. The reason why I raise this issue is not only that children tend to be in a vulnerable position, but often remain unheard. Rather, the focus is on the quality of social policies for children, which has crucial impacts on the quality of life of adults of the next generations and the near future of society. Children are future citizens. The discussion, here, begins with reflections over the structural risk concerning the child’s contact with the non-resident parent.

Child custody: Contents and different practices The concept of child custody itself has the broad contents concerning the whole life of the child and his/her healthy development, and the focus in current debates on the custody system in Japan is often on the contact of the non-custodial (non-resident) parent with the child. In this context, there

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is the risk that the contact with the child and the best interests of the child are mixed up, and that the child’s right to contact with his/her parents is replaced by the parental right to contact with the child. In the Japanese debates about child custody, the perspective on parental “responsibilities” regarding child care after divorce is not necessarily prevalent, and there is the risk of prioritising parents’ self-centred wishes over the needs of the child. The adults-centred approach to childcare and children is still dominant in Japan, although this approach is becoming out of date in light of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. On the other hand, several Japanese scholars specialised in family law have been discussing the legal nature of child custody for decades, and some have characterised child custody as parental responsibilities rather than parental rights (see, for example, Ninomiya, 2004, p. 338). This view of emphasising parental responsibilities instead of parental rights has not yet gained enough broad support in Japan. At first glance, to underline parental responsibilities for children appear similar to the prevalent notion of “parental responsibilities” in some Western societies, including Britain. However, once referred to in the Japanese context of the child’s contact with the non-resident parent under a court decision, the parental responsibilities mainly mean the responsibility of the resident parent (often the mother) for preparing the child for contact. In other words, in the case that the child is strongly reluctant or even refuses to meet the non-resident parent (often the father) despite the court’s decision, it will be the fault of the resident-parent that the court’s decision is not respected. The hierarchical view of parents-child relationships in the Japanese family is still dominant; and has prevented the promotion of the rights of the child and the protection of the child against the risks of adverse childhood experiences. To respect a child’s dignity and opinion and to treat a child as an individual are rather incompatible with the agehierarchy embedded in parents-child relationships. In particular, in the Japanese legal context children under 12 are regarded as “not qualified”. In addition, under the circumstances where there is little awareness of the boundaries between individuals, between the child and parents, and where the child is regarded as such an immature citizen-to-be whose opinion, will, and wishes are not to be taken seriously, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child remains an empty statement. The Japanese Government ratified this Convention in 1994, but has not done much to improve the position and treatment of the child. The ultimate goal of post-divorce child custody is to ensure the sound development of the child despite the divorce or separation of his/her parents. It is the child, not those adults such as parents or other relatives as guardians, who is entitled

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to “post-divorce contact”, as Japanese scholars of family law (part of the Civil Code) have generally agreed (Ninomiya, 2004).

Structural risk as a threat to the child’s safety and well-being It is true that several industrialised societies have incorporated the joint custody system in their family law since the early 1990s, soon after the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child came into force in 1990. However, it has been recently reported that the joint custody system has been facing challenges in its implementation, because the realities in parents’ collaboration for the best interests of the child after divorce or separation have not fully met what was originally expected from “joint” custody (see, for example, Fehlberg, Smyth, Maclean, & Roberts, 2011). In the meantime, those who welcome joint custody in Japan have selectively provided the positive information on joint custody without referring to the critical reviews on joint custody among Western scholars. For instance, Australia is one example of growing cautiousness of the child’s safety. In 2006, the Australian family law was amended so that joint childcare was the most appreciated, and that always both of the parents should be included in childcare. This attempt to seek equal parenting has not been so successful, and in 2011, the family law was again amended with more focus on the child’s safety and well-being, not only parental equality. Moreover, in Sweden family law has also been reviewed and amended since 2006 in the direction of prioritising the safety of the child, whenever the child’s post-separation life, including the child’s contact with the nonresident parent, is considered. It is not only ‘joint’ childcare and gender equality but also the child’s best interests from the child’s perspective, not adults’ perspective and interests. Until the late 1990s, “joint care” for the child was highly valued in Sweden as well as Finland, because it nicely fits into the gender-sharing model in accordance with the gender equality that has been emphasised in practices of social policies in these Nordic societies. However, some Swedish scholars in social policy and social work have pointed out that the promotion of gender equality does not automatically endorse the child’s rights to safe and sound development as well as to participate in such decisions that affect the child (see, for example, Eriksson, 2011). What the change in Sweden implies is that to give joint childcare in post-divorce/separation life is a difficult job for those highly acrimonious parents who cannot sort out things amicably, but also tends to trouble or

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endanger the child’s life. It is noteworthy that in Sweden multi-professional support has been developed for the child and family’s welfare: before consulting with attorneys or going to court,3 divorcing/separating parents attend interview sessions with family social workers in order to prepare for mutual agreement on financial affairs and child custody. Those who cannot reach an agreement at this primary stage go to an attorney’s office in order to request the district court to make a decision. In Finland, which has a framework for child custody similar to that of Sweden, divorcing/separating couple usually, make an agreement on postseparation arrangements before the municipal family social worker, who endorses the agreement as official. In most of cases, the child’s contact with the non-resident parent is included in this agreement with a concrete description of frequency, place(s), duration, methods of communication, and so on. In highly acrimonious cases, a district court is requested to make a decision on child custody (mainly child’s contact). In handling the disputes on child custody, the judge requests municipal family social workers to conduct investigations on the child’s condition and family relationships. Based on the investigation report the judge will make a decision. Tentative (about six months) court decisions about child custody are being made more often than before. Even for well-trained judges it is difficult to make a long-term decision concerning a child. In cases where domestic violence has been recorded, the child’s contact with the (violent/abusive) non-resident parent is usually allowed under a tentative court decision and carried out in supervised settings where the meeting between the child and non-resident parent is monitored and documented. The report of the meeting is submitted to the district court judge for further consideration.4 In the Japanese discourse on post-divorce childcare, these most recent developments in Sweden and Australia have not been acknowledged, and especially some scholars in favour of (Western-style) joint custody seem to ignore the updated research outcomes by overseas researchers.5 In contrast to Sweden and Finland, it is clear that the Japanese legal discourse on child custody and the child’s contact with the non-resident parent has substantially neglected the collaboration with professionals in other sectors other than legal. Under the name of equality before the law, Japanese family courts are isolated and do not incorporate the most updated scientific insights in child development and attachment. Not only court practices, but also the structural division of academic disciplines cause such unexpected negligence that are connected with harmful misperception, for example, on childhood, child’s development, and early childhood/infant attachment. Concretely speaking, those experts,

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both legal practitioners (attorneys, court mediators, court inspectors, judges, and so on) and researchers hardly share the sophisticated insights in the field of infant/child psychiatry but are ready to give court decisions. Similarly, even though cross-sectional collaboration among professionals with different backgrounds has been recognised as important, barriers have not been fully overcome and there is still a long way to go before reducing the distance between these “planets”6 of different specialists such as family law (family court), child protection, and domestic violence/abuse.

Legal remedies for the child’s contact with the non-resident parent In Japan, the amendment of Article 766 in April 2012 is important, as it explicitly refers to the maintenance of proper relationships with children by both resident and non-resident parents and to the cost sharing of child maintenance expenses (payment by the non-resident parent to the resident parent) as well as to the highest priority of the best interests of the child when considering solutions for divorce disputes. [Before amendment]7 Article 766. (1) If parents divorce by agreement, the matter of who will have custody over a child and any other necessary matters regarding custody shall be determined by that agreement. If an agreement has not been reached, or cannot be reached, this shall be determined by the family court. (2) If the family court finds it necessary for the child’s interests, it may change who will have custody over the child and order any other proper disposition regarding custody. (3) The rights and duties of parents beyond the scope of custody may not be altered by the provisions of the preceding two paragraphs. [After amendment, valid as of the 1st April 2012]8 Article 766 (1) If parents divorce by agreement, the matter of who will have custody over a child, visitation and other means of contact between the child and his or her mother or father, of child-support payment and any other necessary matters regarding custody shall be determined by that agreement. In such situations, the best interests of the child should be accorded the highest priority. (2) If the agreement referred to in the preceding paragraph cannot be reached, or discussions are not possible, a family court shall decide the matters referred to therein. (3) If the family court finds it necessary, it may change the determination made pursuant to the provisions of the preceding two paragraphs and order any other proper disposition regarding custody.

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(4) The rights and duties of parents beyond the scope of custody may not be altered by the provisions of the preceding three paragraphs.

The basic contents of a “divorce agreement” between the couple on child custody that are referred to in the amended Article 766 address the interests of three parties — the resident parent who hopes to receive proper child-support payment from the non-resident parent; the non-resident parent who hopes to maintain regular contact with the child; and, the best interests of the child. The text appears to attempt to balance the wishes and needs of both parents and the framework of the best interests of the child. Still, it is often difficult for the child to enjoy literally the best interests of the child, mainly because the child is not recognised as a fully-fledged person in the legal context. The child’s wishes and opinions tend to be neglected at several phases of important decision making, including the family court that handles the petitions on the child’s contact with the nonresident parent. Once a married/cohabiting couple break up their relationship and no longer live in the same household, most usually either of them lives with her/his child as the resident parent. Yet, when the question concerns the child’s contact with the non-resident parent in post-divorce life, how to seek an amicable solution tends to be controversial because to realise the child’s contact with the non-resident parent is based on the precondition that the resident parent would be collaborative with her/his former partner. As anticipated, it is not easy for separated couples to be collaborative—if no longer too friendly—with each other, that is, to be good parents for their children. Moreover, the voice of the child is not necessarily given enough attention, when adults plan the frequency, duration, places, and other concrete settings for the contact between the non-resident parent and child. In fact, most of the divorcing couples do not immediately go to family court in Japan, but instead opt to negotiate only between themselves informally, because court mediation or decision is not mandatory for the grant of divorce. 87.6% of divorce cases in 2010 relied on informal negotiation between the separating couple. The statistical data about the ratio of divorce by informal mutual agreement has not so much changed for the last five decades, staying in the range of 91.2% in 1960, 89.6% in 1970 and 91.5% in 2000 (Ministry of Health, Welfare & Labour, 2010) (see Table 3.1).

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Table 3.1: Divorce and child custody in Japan, 1950 to 2010 Divorce and 1950 1970 1990 2000 custody Total number 83,689 95,937 157,608 264,246 of divorce Divorce rate 1.01 0.93 1.28 2.10 Divorces 47,984 56,683 98,818 157,399 involving (100) (100) (100) (100) children (%) Divorced 23,376 22,805 22,389 24,445 fathers with (48.7) (40.2) (22.7) (15.5) custody for all children (%) Divorced 19,315 28,902 70,554 126,334 mothers with (40.3) (51.0) (71.4) (80.3) custody for all children (%) Others with 5,293 4,976 5,875 6,520 custody (%) (11.0) (8.8) (5.9) (4.1) Note: Divorce rate refers to the occurrence of divorce per 1,000 children refers to those below 20 years of age. Source: Ministry of Health, Welfare & Labour, 2010

2010 251,378 1.99 147,120 (100) 19,017 (12.9) 122,619 (83.3) 5,484 (3.7) residents, and

Due to lack of data collection or surveys, overall details of informal mutual agreements at divorce have remained in the dark. In Japan, according to social practice concerning divorce, most of the divorcing couples dare not to speak about their personal matters to outsiders. However, very little is known or has been studied about what has been agreed or disagreed in the informal sphere because there is no documentation. What is known about the aftermath of divorce is the lowincome level of one-parent (mother) households, which holds a risk of child poverty. The economically difficult situation of many divorced mothers implies disagreement (or absence of agreement) on maintenance payment or non-fulfilment of maintenance payment based on the agreement. Absence of experts’ (e.g. family social workers) advice or help at the stages of making and fulfilling a mutual agreement leads to ‘costs’ for the society in various forms. In the current Japanese social security system, without the social security and tax number for each individual citizen there is no means to subsidise the childcare and life maintenance cost for resident parents when non-resident parents do not take care of the payment. Individual tax numbers will be introduced nationwide in 2016, and this administrative

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reform may to some extent help to charge the non-resident parents who escape from payment by identifying their residence, workplace, and income. Table 3.2 shows specific features in terms of gender distribution of petitioners. In total number of cases, women/mothers are the vast majority, whereas the majority reverses when the question is about contact with the child after divorce. The total number includes those cases in which mothers living with the child ensure ex-husbands pay for childcare and life maintenance cost. On the other hand, according to the survey report published in 2011,9 the number of family court litigations concerning contact with the child has rapidly increased from 1,969 cases in 1999 to 6,349 in 2009, and the majority of petitioners are fathers who have become non-resident parents. Table 3.2: The contents of family court litigations in Japan, 2009 Item Total number of court cases concerning marital relationships % of mother as petitioners % of father as petitioners

Number / % 55,901 68.2 31.8

Litigations on contact in post-divorce life % of mother as petitioners % of father as petitioners Source: Tanamura, 2011, p. 301

6,349 32.9 66.8

Actually, family courts recommend ex-spouses to sort things out more amicably through mediations rather than immediately filing court petitions. During mediations, it is the family court mediator, instead of a judge, who meets the parties, often including the attorney too. The official statistics show the similar development regarding petitions in terms of the increase in the number of mediations concerning contact of the nonresident parent with the child: 8,714 new applications were received in 2011; the number of applications tripled during one decade. In short, regarding disputes between ex-spouses, on the child’s contact with the non-resident parent, both court mediations and litigations have respectively tripled in number during the first decade of the 21st century. Table 3.3 addresses the relatively poor outcomes of the court decisions about the child’s contact with the non-resident parents. The ratio of full or partial realisation of the child’s contact has not been so high, despite court orders. After court decisions are made that favour the contact of the child with the non-resident parent, it is not court personnel who carry out the

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order. The family court may charge the resident parent who fails to fulfil the contact the penalty fees for non-fulfilment; however, there is no penalty for the non-resident (and non-custodial) parent who does not keep contact with the child. Most usually, the “resident/custodial parent” is made responsible for contact of the child with the non-resident parent. There are insufficient social resources that would be helpful for realising this contact. Table 3.3: Litigations for contact and the outcomes of court decisions in Japan, 1999 and 2009 (%) Contact Contact fully realised Contact partially realised Contact not realized Other/Unknown Number of litigations on contact (cases) Source: Tanamura, 2011, p. 301

1999 36.1 18.5 40.3 5.0 1,969

2009 27.7 15.2 40.7 16.1 6,349

Under such circumstances, the Japanese Supreme Court has expressed its views on fulfilment of the contact of the child with the non-resident parents through the views it expressed on indirect enforcement of court decisions in three cases, in March 2013.10 The indirect enforcement for realising a court order on contact is regarded as lawfully legitimate, which means the resident parent should be billed JYP 50,000 for every negligence of a court order on contact.

Concluding remarks Social and cultural settings in which the best interests of the child tends to be overridden by the voices of adults—parents, attorneys, court inspectors, mediators, and judges may not be limited to the situation in Japan. According to Judith Wallerstein, divorced mothers mainly pay attention to child-support payment by former husbands, and divorced fathers are most interested in their contact with the child. It is pointed out that neither of these two groups of adults, with conflicting interests, seems to remember the crucial need of adolescent children to gain financial support in order to have access to higher education (Wallerstein, Blakeslee, & Lewis, 2001, pp. 360–367). Indeed, higher education in the United States of America (U.S.A.) is so expensive that the children will not be able to have access to colleges or universities without the support of both parents. Japan shares a similar

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school policy as part of its social policies, which is a striking difference from the Nordic welfare system that provides an inexpensive school education system. Based on her pertinent research on children of divorced families, that have followed the lives of those children for 25 years, Wallerstein et al. (2001) states: More American fathers have been aware of their role in family life as father in charge of child custody, and fathers are encouraged to spend more time with the small child. However, none of the pamphlets published by fathers’ rights groups refer to the needs of older children, especially financial support for ensuring children’s opportunities to receive higher education (p.367).

Very likely, this is the case of the children of divorced parents in Japan too. The neo-liberalist welfare regime to which the U.S.A. and Japan belong holds such a long-term risk of troubling the life of children from divorced families. To secure post-divorce safety of the child and well-being requires much private and public resource in the short-term as well as in the longterm. Professionals with different expertise, ranging from legal experts, social welfare services, medical doctors, practitioners of mental health, and so on, need to coordinate better in order to prevent adverse childhood experiences. However, as mentioned above, family law and courts focus on legal equality and the legal order. Family law regulates ‘contracts and deals’ between the parties involved. From such a legal perspective, it appears as if the divisions of labour in childcare could be handled within the legal order. This fits well into the current direction of the gender equality discourse that has emphasised gender-equal commitment to childcare in recent years, and more fathers have expressed their willingness and desire to share various tasks in childcare. On the other hand, children’s rights provide different aspects to the position of children in child-parent relationships, although children do not directly represent themselves in court. Once a couple’s relationship collapses, parental collaboration is difficult in reality. The issue of the child’s contact with the non-resident parent often unveils the tension between gender equality in parental responsibilities and the conflicting interpretations of the best interests of the child. In the meantime, the latest scientific insights in child attachment and development that are common sense in the field of infant mental health and neuroscience are not shared between legal experts and researchers. This is the limit of the onedimensional approach for considering complex and transient human relationships, and family law and legal practice in Japan are facing

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structural limits. The legal approach of “contract and deals” represents only one side of the issue of the child’s contact with the non-resident parent. From the perspective of family courts in Japan without sufficient human resources despite the increasing work burden, the principle of enforcement of contact between the child and the non-resident parent, following the opinion of the Supreme Court, is convenient, as family courts no longer have to take too much time in reaching a decision. From other perspectives, this may be a risky and even costly solution, once more and more children need to be cared for by mental health experts as consequences of lawful but enforced contact. As far as post-divorce life is managed in a friendly manner, there is no need for legal remedies. More discussion is necessary on the core question about who the family law serves — either those who are vulnerable or those who are in a good position when making deals.

Notes 1. The statement was made by Sharon Witherspoon, Deputy Director of the Nuffield Foundation, in May 2011. Retrieved from http://www.nuffieldfoundation.org/news/shared-parenting-legislation-notinterests-children. 2. Not a few scholars of family law in Japan nowadays seem to support the introduction of joint custody (see, for example, Tanamura, 2011; Tanase, 2009), whereas more cautious or critical views have also been addressed against joint custody (see, for example, Kajimura, 2008). 3. In Swedish and Finnish court system there is no family court. Therefore, it is district court where disputes of parenting are legally considered and judged. 4. The information on the Finnish situation is based on the interviews with researchers and experts by the author in August 2012. 5. For example, Yoshizumi (2013) seems more or less aware of the recent Swedish debates on limits of joint custody and on the security of children in contact to non-resident parents, but does not explicitly include this Swedish trend in her discussion about child custody after divorce. 6. As for European discourse, see European Commission (2006, p. 6). 7. English translation provided by the Japanese Government, and retrieved from http://www.japaneselawtranslation.go.jp/law/detail/?ft=1&re=01&dn=1&x=34 &y=17&co=01&ky=%E6%B0%91%E6%B3%95+776&page=2. 8. Translated into English by the author. As for the original Japanese text, see http://www.moj.go.jp/content/000070716.pdf. 9. This survey research was conducted with research grant by the Ministry of Justice and the chief investigator was Professor Masayuki Tanamura, Waseda University. 10. As for the details of the decisions by the Supreme Court (March 28, 2013), please to the details in these internet resources:

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http://www.courts.go.jp/search/jhsp0030?hanreiid=83152&hanreiKbn=02; http://www.courts.go.jp/search/jhsp0030?hanreiid=83153&hanreiKbn=02; http://www.courts.go.jp/search/jhsp0030?hanreiid=83151&hanreiKbn=02.

References Eriksson, M. (2011). Contact, shared parenting, and violence: Children as witness of domestic violence in Sweden. International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family, 25(2), 165-183. European Commission. (2006). The Four Planets – framing the report, Co-ordination on Human Rights Violations: The justice system as an arena for the protection of human rights for women and children experiencing violence and abuse: Final report. Retrieved from http://www.cahrv.uniosnabrueck.de/reddot/CAHRVreportJusticeSyste ms%283%29.pdf Fehlberg, B., Smyth, B., Maclean, M. & Roberts, C. (2011). Caring for children after parental separation: would legislation for shared parenting time help children? Family Policy Briefing 7, Department of Social Policy and Intervention, University of Oxford. Kajimura, T. (2008). Kazoku hogaku to katei saibansho (Family law studies and family courts). Tokyo: Nippon kajo shuppan. Ministry of Health, Welfare & Labour. (2010). Demographic census 2010. Retrieved from http://www.e-stat.go.jp/SG1/estat/List.do?lid=000001082332. Ninomiya, S. (2004). Mensetsu kosho no gimusei – bekkyo, rikon go no oyako, kazoku no koryu no hoshô (The nature of contact and visit as parental duties: securing the contact between parents and child and between family after separation and divorce). Ritsumeikan hogaku (Legal Studies Bulletin of Ritsumeikan University), 6, 309-356. Tanamura, M. (2011). Oya-ko no menkai koryu o jitsuzen saseru tameno seido to ni kansuru kenkyû hôkokusho (Research report on the systems for realizing parent-child contact). Retrieved from http://www.moj.go.jp/content/000076561.pdf. Tanase, T. (2009). Ryôshin no rikon to kodomo no saizen no rieki. Menkai kôryû funsô to Nippon no kasai jitumu” (Divorce of parents and the best interest of child. Conflicts over contact to child and the legal practices in Japanese family courts). Jiyu to seigi (Liberty and Justice), December, 9-27. Wallerstein, J., Blakeslee, S., & Lewis, J. (2001). Soredemo bokura wa ikiteiku – rikon, oya no ai o ushinatta 25-nenkan no kiseki (We continue our life anyway – divorce, life course for 25 years of children without parents’ love). , Tokyo: PHP kenkyûjo.

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Yoshizumi, K. (2013). Ribetsu to kyodo yoiku: Sueden no yoiku sosho ni miru “kodomo no saizen” (Separation and joint child care: the child’s best seen from childcare litigations). Kyoto: Sekai shisôsha.

CHAPTER FOUR DEPOPULATING/AGEING REGIONS AND LIFESTYLE RISKS: AN APPROACH TO SAFETY/SECURITY THROUGH COMMUNITY ACTIVITIES IN JAPAN AKIKO KUROMIYA

Introduction In 2010, after adoption by the public broadcasting station NHK (Japan Broadcasting Corporation), the phrase “Society of Isolation (muen shakai)” became a major topic of discussion in Japan. This phrase was coined to denote an aspect of Japanese society characterized by an increasing number of single households and weakened family or regional ties. The ageing population, rising rate of divorce and unmarried people, collapse of the lifetime employment system, and long-term recession are cited as causes for this Society of Isolation. As a result, there is the social problem of an increased number of “lonely deaths (kodoku shi)”, i.e., passing away alone without being discovered (NHK Society of Isolation News Crew, 2010). In March 2011, the Great East Japan Earthquake occurred, and the situation worsened further. People again clamored for renewed interpersonal connections and regional mutual assistance. As the postmodern age and urbanization progress, what risks does the lack of connection because of individualization of livelihoods entail? How can Japanese society overcome these risks? According to a 2010 National Census, as announced by the Japanese Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (2011), the percentage of population over the age of 64 is rising in Japan(see Figure 4.1). The ageing rate is 24.1, and four in one people in the Japanese population is over the age of 65. This percentage is expected to increase further (Cabinet

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Figure 4.1: Population migration in Japan, 1950-2010 (in 10,000)

Source: Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, 2011; Cabinet Office, 2012 Figure 4.2: Percentage of older people (over age 65) population living alone

Source: Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, 2011; Cabinet Office, 2012

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Office, 2013). As for household trends, the number of seniors in single households is rising even further, with 1 in 10 men and 1 in 5 women over the age of 64 living in single households (see Figure 4.2). Thus, the ageing population and household singularization necessitate various local approaches to prevent the withdrawal and isolation of people who require support. Japan introduced a public nursing-care insurance system in 2000; however, since it already lacks funding, society as a whole is being asked to ensure safety and security for lengthening the at-home life of the older people.

Lengthening at-home life of older people and “selfassistance, mutual assistance, and public assistance” In 2008, the Japanese Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare’s “Research Society on the Upcoming State of Community Welfare” presented a report titled “Seeking ‘New Ways to Support Each Other’ LocallyíA New Welfare from Cooperation of Residents and Administration.” This report states that the meaning and role of community welfare, relationship between residents’ welfare activities and administration, and conditions for promoting community welfare and condition improvement policies indicate the direction of future community welfare. As its background, the report states that in the past, various residents’ livelihood issues were dealt with through mutual assistance from family members or regional collectives. However, with social changes such as the progression of the nuclear family, industrialization, and urbanization, the capacity for mutual assistance within the family or neighborhood has gradually become more fragile. Therefore, the necessity of residents striving for “creation of a meeting place” in their daily lives increases every day in Japanese society. This “creation of a meeting place” refers to concretely constructing a place where residents within the same region can meet together. The purpose of constructing a “meeting place” in modern Japanese regional society, where connections between people are weakening, is to form new interpersonal relationships within the region and strengthen the relationships that have weakened. To support the lengthening of the at-home livelihood of older people, mere formal social resources are insufficient; informal efforts by family, acquaintances, and neighborhood residents are crucial. Here, “selfassistance (ji jyo)” refers to self-help or help from one’s family. “Public assistance (kou jyo)” refers to lifestyle support based on formal roles, including those of the state or municipality. “Mutual assistance (kyou jyo)” refers to regional mutual support. All of these constitute an attempt to

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reconstruct the “regional mutual support and assistance” that the Japanese society had earlier abandoned. This chapter discusses mutual assistance by conducting a study on “small regional network activities (shou-tiiki net-wa-ku katsudou)” that have recently received particular attention among the practices of Japanese social welfare. Among these activities, “Fureai Iki Iki (lively interaction) Salon activity” (referred to here simply as Salon activity) is discussed in particular. A study was conducted on residents who perform and manage Salon activity within their regions, verifying the current status and issues of their mutual assistance approach to provide some suggestions for the future depopulating/ageing regional society and society as a whole.

Small regional network activities as a practice of mutual assistance Small regional network activities, as the research subject, refers to the development of monitoring activities or livelihood assistance activities by the people of the neighborhood, for each vulnerable person in a unit of a small region (daily living sphere or within walking distance). The Osaka Metropolitan Area’s Council of Social Welfare (2012) defines a small regional network activity as follows: A small regional network activity is a monitoring/support activity performed with the cooperation of health care/welfare/medical officials and residents, intended for each vulnerable person in a unit of a small region (generally, an elementary school district), to develop mutual support/aid activities by regional residents, so that older people who are living alone or are bedridden can live in security without being isolated in the region; to develop the well-being of the region; and promote the creation of a better region to live in. (Osaka Metropolitan Area’s Council of Social Welfare, 2012, para. 1).

Shibuya (2007, pp. 788-789) defined small regional network activities as “monitoring or conducting minute lifestyle support by residents” in a unit of a small region and explained them by categorizing their functions as follows: 1) “planning interpersonal relationship maintenance in the region”, 2) “monitoring and discovering livelihood needs”, 3) “connecting minute lifestyle support and needs to professionals”, and 4) “discussing/ regulating residents’ lifestyle needs”. Furthermore, Shibuya (2007) stated that Salon activities and the like had functions similar to those of small regional network activities.

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The reason small regional network activities are currently being stressed in Japanese society is that supporting the at-home livelihoods of residents, particularly older people, requires informal efforts from family and neighborhood residents, as well as at-home welfare services. Specific examples of small regional network activities include “monitoring of vulnerable persons (yo-engosha mimamori katsudou) by neighborhood residents”, “safety confirmation (anpi kakunin) activities”, and “meal delivery services (haishoku sa-bisu) by resident volunteers” as individual support activities and Salon activities are representative of group support activities. An itemized explanation will be given of how Salon activities, as a small regional network activity (particularly conducted by regional groups), are specifically implemented (The Osaka Metropolitan Area’s Council of Social Welfare, 2012).ġ

“Fureai Iki Iki Salon” as a practical example of small regional network activities: activities and issues Salon activities began when Japan National ġ Council of Social Welfare (zenkoku shakaifukushi kyougikai) called upon local residents throughout Japan to conduct activities that secure places where people can belong. Pioneered in various locations, Salon activities are defined as “enjoyable friendship-making activities based locally, in which residents and volunteers cooperate to make plans, select contents, and manage together”. Because these Salons could be opened easily and locally, their numbers grew, and by 2009, they had surpassed 50,000 nationally (Japan National Council of Social Welfare Community Welfare Promotion Committee Editorial, 2010, p. 38) (see Figure 4.3). There are three major reasons that Salons can be opened easily. The first is that any resident can partake in Salon activities (regardless of age or attributes). The second is that these Salons are held in the neighborhood, which makes it an environment conducive to participation (typically community centers or assembly halls, though individual houses may work in some cases). The third is that they are eligible for subsidies for activities, though the amount may be small (from city councils of social welfare, etc. though the amount varies by municipality). Although these Salons are truly very diverse, at least 80% of Salon activities focus on older people (see Figure 4.4). The second-most common are Salons for parents and guardians engaged in child-rearing. Child-rearing salons are said to be effective in preventing individualization of child-rearing and social isolation, as well as abuse prevention.

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Figure 4.3: Number of Salons nationwide

Source: Japan National Council of Social Welfare, 2010 Figure 4.4: Number of Salons established, by subject

Source: Japan National Council of Social Welfare, 2010

The Salon management methods (e.g., number of participants, location and frequency of meeting, and opening program) are basically left to the residents managing individual Salons, so the nature of each one truly varies. Although the activity contents also vary, in many cases, the regionality, residents’ characteristics, and their needs are expressed in the activities themselves. For instance, if the Salon activity is held in a region where the rate of older people living alone is extremely high, since there are many older people who eat alone on a daily basis, they may make lunch at the Salon around twice a month, and enjoy a meal together with

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conversation. Also, if it is held in a bedroom community in the suburbs of a major city with many people moving in and out, a Salon may open as a place for mothers who have no chances to converse with anyone throughout the day to allow their children to play with other children their age, and for the mothers to casually discuss their worries of child-rearing. The amount of assistance required for these activities varies by municipality; however, it is never great. In the majority of cases, activities are managed by charging the participants, such as tips. The following six types of effects are quoted as examples of the specific achievements of community Salon activities: 1) enjoyment/ purpose in life/social participation; 2) exercising reasonably (incorporating things such as calisthenics, which are held nearby or within walking distance into the program); 3) moderate mental stimulation (through meeting and talking with people); 4) developing habits of health and nutrition awareness (implementing blood pressure measurements, for example, at the Salon), 5) bringing variety into the daily lives of participants by assuring regular chances to leave the house (e.g., going to the Salon the first Wednesday of every month), and 6) preventing withdrawal (e.g., ensuring periodic chances for outings) (Japan National Council of Social Welfare Community Welfare Promotion Committee Editorial, 2010). In particular, since the review of the nursing-care insurance system in 2005, Salon activities opened in daily life spheres (within walking range) have increasingly gained attention as one of the activities responsible for preventive care for older people. There are many cases where a district welfare officer is involved in Salon management, and this often facilitate earlier understanding of the needs of residents of concern or those who require support in the region. Although Salon activities are increasingly expanding throughout Japan, various issues have arisen since its emergence. In particular, the following three factors can affect their continuation. The first is the burden put on the activists. Although Salon activities are effective in “creating places where people can belong”, they are independent activities centered on volunteers. Thus, in many cases, the Salon becomes a burden for the managers, and therefore, maintaining the activity becomes difficult. The burden for the managers described here is that continuing the Salon activity for too long can result in getting stuck in a rut. Also, while they may work their hardest to accomplish the content of the activity, many come to have a sense of burden from centrally bearing the salon activities due to difficulties such as being denied participation in the salon. Secondly, there are everincreasing needs because of ageing of the participating residents. With the rapid regional ageing population, the age of Salon participants rises, and

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their Activity of Daily Living (ADL) gradually declines, thereby increasing the number of cases in which participants require individual support because of difficulty in walking to the venue alone or the venue not being barrier free. Thirdly, there is tendency of decline in the collaborating relationship between regional group/organization and the Salon. In many cases, the Salon cooperates with other regional groups, such as Senior Citizens Clubs; however, the number and membership of Senior Citizens Clubs (roujin kurabu) is currently declining gradually (Kuromiya, 2010). I will describe the findings of a study conducted with resident volunteers of a Salon activity in City A, Okayama Prefecture. Through the findings, I will discuss the state of effective mutual assistance, particularly in regions with ageing populations.

The study Sample and sites of fieldwork data collection The study was conducted in August 2011, in District B of City A in Okayama Prefecture. The population of City A is about 40,000, with an ageing rate (the percentage of individuals who are older than 64) of about 27% (as of 2013). For information, the ageing rate of Okayama Prefecture is 26.2%, and that of Japan as a whole is 24.1% in 2013 (Cabinet Office, 2013). There are currently more than one hundred Salons in the City A. The respondents were three representatives (two male, one female) of three Salons, located in different housing complexes of the same District B. Mr. C (60s, male) has about nine years of Salon experience, Mr. D (70s, male) has about 13 years of experience, and Ms. E (70s, female) has about eight years of experience. The three respondents were referred to the author after expressing the desire to the A City Council of Social Welfare to conduct an interview with Salon leaders. Also, since Mr. C and the author had met a few times before, and were acquainted, he readily accepted my interview request. The survey was conducted in the premises of the City A’s Council of Social Welfare, a non-government organization established in municipality, to plan and promote social welfare and conduct business related to community welfare. The Council of Social Welfare characteristically conducts activities with high publicness. A characteristic of the District B is that the three Salons are in one of the many residential regionsíhousing complexesíestablished during Japan’s post-war economic miracle. Housing complexes are apartment

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districts constructed artificially and systematically. Consequently, they differ from regions where strong communities exist through ties between families based on, for instance, blood relationships. All three respondents moved into the housing complexes where they currently reside at around the same time (1970s). Currently, in Japan, Nakazawa (2008) mentions that the decline and ageing of the population in housing complexes cause a serious problem such as lonely deaths (kodoku shi).ġ

Data collection methods and interview guide A semi-structured interview method using a focus group, which lasted for approximately two hours, was chosen as the data collection method. Interviewing in a focus group was chosen because deeper narratives could be obtained through the group dynamics among multiple survey subjects than from subjects surveyed individually. All verbal data was voicerecorded with a voice recorder, and later transcribed for further analysis. The four major items discussed in the focus group interview were: 1) current overview of Salons (characteristic of the area, chronology of activity, and number and age of the participant), 2) role of Salons in the region, 3) relationships between Salons and other regional groups and organizations, and 4) issues for Salon activities and future prospects.

Ethical review Informed consent was obtained from the three respondents who understood that the study was for scientific purposes, and that their identity would not be traceable. In addition, acknowledgement was obtained from City A’s Council of Social Welfare that the anonymity of the study location and respondents would be ensured when the findings were published.

Results and discussion The following sections present findings based on the interview data with residents managing Salon activities in the region. The purpose is to depict the new “mutual assistance” as a policy and the actual status of its implementation by residents.

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Operation (the participants) and activities offered Specific contents of each Salon’s activities are summarized in the Table 4.1. The Salon events were held either around once a month (Mr. C, Mr. D), or 7 times a year (Ms. E). Furthermore, on a national level, the frequency of Salon events are once a month at most. The participants’ ages were in the 70’s and 80’s, and the number of participants was around 15 to 20. As for what events or activities are held, an activity plan was formed based on seasonal events (e.g. cherry blossom viewing in spring, maple-viewing in autumn). Table 4.1: Specific contents of sampled salon and salon leaders Leader (age) Mr. C (60s)

Leader residential status Lives in a housing complex of approximately 160 units.

Salon’s participant About 20 participants which is relatively male dominated.

Mr. D (70s)

Lives in a housing complex of approximately 100 units.

About 15 to 20 participants, approximately 72 to 73 years old on average; and are comprised of approximately half men and half women.

Ms. E (70s)

Lives in a housing complex of approximately 80 units.

About 20 participants which does not have much male participants (approximately 1/3); and some participants who are married couples.

Salon’s activity and programmes Events are held 12 times per year, include outings for cherry blossom viewing and multigenerational gatherings which actively involve children. Events are held 12 times per year, include men being in charge of cooking which take place several times per year. More and more people are stopping to drive which makes it difficult for them to participate in the outings. Events are held approximately seven times per year. While the number of events is quite limited, the participants are always looking forward to the events.

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Motives for becoming Salon leader When the three leaders were asked for why they became the representative of the Salon, they each provided the following responses. [After retiring from work], in 2002, I was told by the previous mayor that Our Housing Complex was the only complex without a Salon, and since my wife was a welfare commissioner (fukushi iin), she suggested we open (a Salon) together, and that is how I started. (Mr. C) I inherited the Salon the year before the previous representative passed away. I retired from work and entered (the Salon activity) thirteen years ago. I was involved in the (Salon) office then, but I now represent the Salon. (Mr. D) I was a community welfare commissioner at first, when the local government began (encouraging the opening of a Salon), so I began one year later than Mr. C’s district. (Ms. E)

  Among these, Mr. C and Ms. E launched their Salons themselves, while Mr. D inherited that role from the previous representative. We can also tell that Mr. C and Ms. E’s impetus for starting the activity was not autonomous, but that there was great pressure from the local government.

Salon leader’s role consciousness and state of activities After retiring from his job, one of the respondents, Mr. C (60s, male), began managing a Salon with his wife, who was already a committee member for welfare activities in the region. He is extremely active and is trusted by Salon leaders in other regions. While many of his professional tasks involve using a computer, he conducts Salon management and administration by using Microsoft Excel, and occasionally PowerPoint. When asked by the researcher what he felt about the Salon activity, Mr. C answered, “Because it’s fun. I don’t know what I would do without this [Salon activity]”. Although Mr. C started out being almost forced to help with the Salon activity; he began experiencing a sense of fulfillment from it. He could amply exhibit the techniques and communication skills he had learned through work experience in community activities. Generally, in many Salons, women are the major participants gathering for activities. On the other hand, there has been no increase in the number of male activists, and men generally do not play a central role in the activities. However, great

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possibilities exist for activities that make particular use of men’s work experience. Mr. D’s next short statement clearly expresses this notion. Compared to when we were working, (community activities, including Salon activities) are like trash (small, and light). I handled money in my job, and this is nothing (very easy) compared to that. (Mr. D)

Ms. E (70s, female) had served as a former community welfare commissioner (minsei-iin), and hence was well acquainted with various welfare systems, and experienced in counseling local residents. Ms. E recalled her earlier impression and experience in initiating Salon activity. Ever since I felt that lateral connections (person to person) were being cut off because we lived in a housing complex, I thought that it would be good to have a Salon because I was concerned about how older people living alone in the unit next to me was doing. There are people who look forward to coming, and that is always good to hear. When people participate and say they had fun today, I think to myself that this was worth doing. (Ms. E)

Housing complexes are not characterized by ancient regional ties. Housing complexes in particular are artificially constructed regions. Salons are expected to affect connections within a region. Ease of living differs because neighborhood fellowship must be formed by the residents themselves. In fact, Mr. C expressed this situation when he mentioned “having to actively create connections myself.” Mr C further commented that,  There are two or three places where men who come to the Salon will gather to chat. It feels very lonely when your neighbors pretend not to know you or do not greet you. But intimacy arises between people who come to the Salon. (Mr. C)

Furthermore, in response to the author’s honest question of whether a Salon can create connections between residents within the region, even if it is held once a month, Mr. D answered as follows. It certainly can. Over half the people who attend our Salon are living alone, but they say that since they are already old, that we do not have to pass around notices (for information on the next Salon), and they will not be going to the Salon again. Still, they know about the enjoyable atmosphere of conversation (before at the Salon). That’s why when a month passes by, a number of residents ask “Is there a Salon this month?” They say, “I didn’t get the notice, did you skip me (skip passing the notice to my house)?”

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Preparing for livelihood risks: Salons as monitoring and supporting bases The role of Salons expanded when people are alone during the daytime and also becomes a crucial factor in small regional network activities as the following statements indicate: Some people do not live alone and have family living with them; however, since they are alone during daytime, they (older participants) look forward to coming. While they would rather talk to themselves if they were alone, they say they would enjoy talking with others because they are alone during the day. (Ms. E) Because they live close enough to walk [to] the meeting ground, if they do not come, everyone can share their concerns about them. The people who do come can create lateral connections, so they can develop intimacy, and naturally greet each other when they meet. (Ms. E) If it becomes a local event, then people living alone or in isolation can be freed from a sense of isolation. (Mr. D)

 Also, Ms. C’s following statement explains that the Salon provides monitoring not only for older people, but also for children in the region. Because of these associations (between residents through the Salon), we don’t mind if someone else scolds our grandchildren. It’s a little offensive when someone I don’t know scolds (my grandchildren), but if they’re one of the resident I regularly meet at the Salon, I say “Thanks, you gave my grandchild a good scolding!” (Ms. C)

In addition to all of the above, Japan is a nation where multiple natural disasters occurred, and recently, earthquakes in particular have occurred frequently. Currently, there is concern over the damage from the NankaiTonankai Earthquakes and the accompanying tsunamis, centered on West Japan. The predicted damages in Okayama Prefecture where this study took place have been clearly cited by the state and municipalities. Thus, autonomous disaster prevention organizations are being established in various locations. When older people live alone or are alone most of the time, and particularly if they have difficulty walking or have disabilities, they are likely to find it too strenuous to go to a nearby evacuation area alone. Therefore, it is crucial that residents provide mutual evacuation

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support. In the Salons, such specific approaches to residents’ needs were also discussed by the study’s subjects: There are disaster prevention organizations set up (currently in District B) that think of who will look after [residents who would have difficulty evacuating alone] in case something happens [and come up with some form of approach]. But these discussions are not limited to such organizations and come up when people come to the Salon as well. They can say things such as “He may need some help (physically handicapped), so you will have to look after him” there. (Mr. C)

Of course, regional disaster responses cannot function well in an emergency if plans have not been pre-arranged during normal times. In addition, preparations must include smaller emergencies that arise during normal times, not just during a disaster. Unfortunately, municipal public assistance cannot know, for instance, who lives where, who is elderly or disabled, and who is living alone, and so on. However, Salon leaders in particular can be aware of local residents’ conditions on a daily basis. Ms. E, probably because of her previous community welfare commissioner experience, was strongly aware of the need for monitoring: There are many people whom I want to come (to the Salon). I will have to give them attention in a different location. (Ms. E)

A community welfare commissioner is like an adviser to the regional residents. Community welfare commissioners are commissioned by the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare to provide counsel and advice to people who require assistance, so they can life an independent everyday life. A community welfare officer is both a resident of the region but also a practitioner of welfare at the same time. By community welfare commissioners being involved in Salon activities, not only does the Salon become a place for connections between residents, but can also become a place equipped with welfare functions. Naturally, some residents do not attend the Salon even under insistent pressure. On one hand, this can lead to a result that the number of participants of the Salon might not increase. However, daily exchanges among residents who do attend the Salons can be considered quite useful in comprehending the latent livelihood needs of residents and in their understanding of each other’s livelihood issues. If a number of meeting places exist, with the Salon as the starting point, the residents’ information comes naturally to the Salon leaders’ awareness. However, the doubt that arises here is whether the “effects” felt by the leader centrally bearing the

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Salon activity is also felt by the other residents participating in the Salon. This point will need to be verified at another opportunity.

Current and future role of Salon in mutual assistance The respondents stated the following in response to a question on the future of Salons. I guess we are trying to do something the neighborhood council cannot do. I believe housing complex residents are becoming more and more isolated. The least we can do is to get people to come out and talk together. (Mr. D) I think it would be good to join the neighborhood council and call in more people to give all kinds of care and do fun things at least once a year (at the Salon). (Ms. E)

An established autonomous organization in Japan, the neighborhood council is an old and particularly active entity; however, its participation rate is presently declining. Therefore, Salon leaders are aware that the Salon is needed to fill the gap and complement future community activities. Furthermore, after meeting the other Salon representatives, Mr. C commented about the future of Salon activity, This is exactly what my objective and goal is. I would like the community Salon, through Mr. D / Ms. E’s network, to become the center of support and to be able to give more support to troubled people than we are currently giving. But that is rather difficult. (Mr. C)

Mr. C’s statement emerges from a strong sense of community belongingness, because he lives there, he wants to do something for troubled residents as a bearer of the responsibility for mutual assistance.

Conflict on the role and function in promoting mutual assistance between Salon and the community stakeholders The Salon leaders’ statements concerning the role of Salon activity in relationship with the traditional neighborhood council express some of the issues raised: I feel the Salon makes up for what the administration cannot see. (Mr. D)

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The Salons keep an eye on the region’s troubles that the administration or specialist organizations cannot identify. The Salon leader gains awareness through the activities that the hole is being filled by the other residents. However, the following answers were given when the respondents were asked about the kind of presence the Salon activity has in the region. Young people think of the Salon as an assembly of older people. (Ms. E) I wonder if they understand why we have a Salon when there is a Senior Citizens Clubs. (Mr. D)

In the region, the younger generation does not understand the Salon activity’s role or contents or the importance of Salon leaders’ and members’ awareness of residents’ needs. Salon activists generally feel that most residents within the region, including different generations, have a vague impression of “Older people gathering to do something”. Therefore, when conducting activities locally, cooperation with neighborhood or town councils is critical. To change the impression that “Salon equals gathering of older people,” the Salons’ purpose, activity, and impact on the region must be shared with the entire region, and more broadly, the entire society. Furthermore, Mr. C’s following statement uses the word “conflict” to describe the lack of cooperation between the Salon and the neighborhood council, and explains: There would be conflict with the neighborhood council if we asked them to contribute, but we do not, so there is no conflict. However, there may be no conflict with them, as the goal of our activity is to form and revive networks to enrich them. Yet, when they perceive to be so, we have a conflict. (Mr. C)

This comment reveals that such cooperation is not functioning effectively in reality.

Issues regarding the continuation of Salon activities The respondents gave the following opinions when asked about various issues concerning Salons. First, we mentioned that the number of Salon participants is not increasing in some region (Kuromiya, 2010) and asked whether this is the case in City A and District B.

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The decline (in participants) is because of people not coming for physical reasons. We come to invite them several times, but they say it is tiresome to walk or to stay sitting. There is a decline in those people. (Mr. C) Those kinds of people (those stop participating in the Salon) stop coming when they turn 85 or 86. (Mr. D)

Some Salon participants, particularly around the age of 80 (with ADL conditions), hesitate to participate in the Salon or have physical difficulty walking to the venue. Such a situation becomes a hurdle for Salon representatives and volunteers because this is the very segment of the population that newly developing Salon activities aim to reach. Although the Salon leaders sensed the good effects of Salon activity, the issue of successor ship is of great importance, as revealed by the respondents: I have to find new people who will be retiring in 2 to 3 years and who will be returning (to a lifestyle centered in the region). There are 5 or 6 people like that and 2 who were in the same company as me, so I have kept my eye on them, but they don’t seem like they will do it. (Mr. C) If I quit, I don’t think anyone would do it [the Salon activity]. I think it would come to nothing. (Mr. D) I wish there were men who would take a central role. That is the issue. I wish there were someone who would be ready and willing to continue the group. (Ms. E)

These statements reveal Salon leaders’ anxiety about the future, particularly regarding successor ship. People like Mr. C, in particular, are very active, so they are widely acknowledged. However, enthusiasm for a Salon actually raises the difficulty of the activity’s contents; thus, resistance to taking over at the same level of activity is a factor in successor ship. Furthermore, the generation conducting the activity is changing. As mentioned above, generally, there are more women leaders in charge of the Salon. The current generation is in their 60s, the so-called Baby Boom generation, will soon be the core target group of community activities in Japan. Now, men generally have occupations outside the area where they live, and many women also have occupations. After these people retire, separated from their workplace and has their residential community as their major area of activity, realistically, it is rather difficult for them to

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rebuild close community network. It will also be unrealistic to expect them to commit, not to mention actively, in volunteering activity in the region.

Conclusion This study conducted focus group interview with three active volunteers and leaders, each managing a Salon locally. The study also examined the current status and issues concerning the future of Salon, especially from the perspective of mutual assistance.

Mutual assistance as complementary to self-assistance Many citizens have come to place high trust in and expectations for public assistance and institutional service, that is, after 2000, when the care insurance system started in Japan. However, demand for nursing-care facility for older people far outnumbers its supply. In any case, selfassistance and its potential complement, mutual assistance, cannot be ignored. Those active leaders of Salon interviewed in this study started offering Salon activities when they recognized the existing shallow neighborhood ties in the community. They realized that residents themselves should be responsible for building neighborhood ties and maintaining the safety and security of the community. Although the participants in the Salons in their late 80s were gradually unable to visit the Salons, the present study revealed that the leaders still attempted to follow and monitor them continuously. Thus, the Salon activity effectively provided an accessible base for gathering and strong foundation established for mutual assistance in the community, where ageing and isolation were rapidly progressing.

Relationships among groups and organizations that assume mutual assistance: Salon leaders’ struggle Mutual assistance in the community is assumed by various groups and organizations, such as residents’ associations, neighborhood associations, volunteer organizations such as NPOs and the Salon. Cooperation among organizations that assume mutual assistance is an important subject for investigation. The current interview revealed that other residents, including those in residents’ associations, expressed concerns, such as “aged people gather and do something” and “there’s likely no difference between Salons and Senior Citizens Clubs.” As stated before, Salons only began spreading nationally in the 1990s, and it is still hard to say that

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everyone knows of them. In explaining the differences between Salon and Senior Citizens Clubs, as mentioned above, Salon allows people to become members, regardless of age and attributes. In contrast, Senior Citizens Clubs is limited to older people only (roughly 60 years and over). The history of Senior Citizens Clubs’ activities commenced in the 1920s during postwar Japan and then spread nationwide (Japan Federation of Senior Citizens Clubs, 2013). Senior Citizens Clubs was given the status of “an undertaking for the promotion of welfare for the aged” in accordance with “Act on Social Welfare Service for Elderly (roujin fukushi hou)”. It has federations in each of Japan's prefectures, municipalities and districts. Generally speaking, Senior Citizens Clubs receives higher subsidies than Salon and its goal is to promote organized activities at community. As a result, the binding force of its activities is greater than that of Salon. However, the activities and participants in both Salon and Senior Citizens Clubs essentially overlap in some regions, therefore making it difficult for the general resident to discern the differences and objectives between the organizations of Salon and Senior Citizens Clubs. The Salon activity, which is a relatively new local activity, is not fully understood in the community. Despite its meaningful contribution, the Salon is still thought to be “a group which is similar to Senior Citizens Clubs” from the viewpoint of traditional organizations, such as residents’ associations. As mentioned above, Salon activities are voluntarily conducted by community volunteers. It was revealed through interviews that there exists an issue of "insufficient leaders” for such activities, since volunteers bear the responsibility for leading the activities themselves. This issue of “insufficient leaders” is believed to be connected with “insufficient recognition” or “some kind of misunderstanding” of Salon within the regions. Such lack of knowledge or misunderstanding of Salon activities leads to the creation of an environment where it becomes difficult for residents (particularly, the Salon leaders), who play a central role in shouldering responsibility for these activities, to feel the “urge” to continue these activities, or to feel a sense of “pride” or “meaning” in the belief that these activities are benefiting the regions. Unless all residents share a broad knowledge of both the specific activities being conducted by respective community organizations within the regions, and the functions that such activities serve for local residents, it is likely that it will become difficult to organize mutual assistance in the future. It is considered critical to the organic coordination amongst organizations that we create opportunities for the various community organizations, which shoulder the burden of

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providing assistance, to be able to mutually share information on their activities’ respective merits and benefits.

Importance of cooperation between mutual assistance and public assistance: Toward the effective continuation of the Salon activity Residents with knowledge of the welfare system, such as Ms. E, being a former community welfare commissioner, can provide additional function and value to the Salon activity: support the administrator (specialist of welfare and health), paying home visits to those older members requiring daily care. Further cooperation among Salons that help public assistance in the community, the city social welfare council, and administrative organizations would contribute to the early determination of residents’ needs. Moreover, the city social welfare council is often able to subsidize the Salon activity, albeit not fully. The Salons, which could be often in a rut, could then be at the stage where they cooperate with public assistance and generate concrete and effective agenda. In other words, organic cooperation between mutual assistance and public assistance could promote the efforts for ensuring the safety and security in the community where ageing is rapidly progressing. The Salon in District Y, City X, Okayama Prefecture, which the author previously visited, held their meeting once a week. Originally, the Salon was held about once a month; however, the residents gradually requested for more frequent meetings. By holding the Salon every week at an appointed time and place, older people living in that region had more variety in their routines. Activities at the weekly Salons, apart from scheduled activities, also include measuring and recording all members’ blood pressure. This idea came from a Salon volunteer who had worked as a public health nurse. Next, if a resident had not come to the Salon for a long time, another member would phone the absentee’s house to invite them to come, or checking the absentee’s physical condition. This procedure is a natural form of monitoring made possible by neighborhood residents already acquainted with each other, as well as a typical example of the Salon functioning as a base for small regional network activities. While Salon is still a relatively new component of the self-organizing community based initiative, there are needs to have more research, include gathering the opinions of residents actually participating in the Salon and those of welfare specialists laterally supporting the activity, on its operation, effects and future development. A larger scale of survey will be helpful to generate an overall view of the Salons. While ageing societies is

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unavoidable to Japan and other East Asian countries, the issues currently facing Japanese society will also be experienced by other societies. We need to explore the practicality of the approach; especially those rely heavily on formal public assistance. There is need to explore the role of this type of initiative, promoting mutual assistance at a very local level, provided by the residents themselves.

Acknowledgement This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI (Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research) Grant Number 22310163(Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research B) and 25870978 (Grant-in-Aid for Young Scientists B).

References Cabinet Office. (2012). Kourei shakai hakusho (Annual report on the aging society). Tokyo: Insatsu tsuuhan. —. (2013). Kourei shakai hakusho (Annual report on the aging society). Tokyo: Insatsu tsuuhan. Japan Federation of Senior Citizens Clubs. (2013). Roujin kurabu towaroujin kurabu no ayumi (What is senior citizens clubs, History of senior citizens clubs).ġ Retrieved from http://www.zenrouren.com/about/index.html. Japan National Council of Social Welfare Community Welfare Promotion Committee Editorial. (2010). Fureai Iki Iki Salon no tebiki: jyuumin ga tsukuru tiiki kotsudou no ba (Manual for Fureai Iki Iki Salon: place of local communication created by local residents). Tokyo: Japan National Council of Social Welfare Community Welfare. Kuromiya, A. (2012). Fureai Iki Iki Salon katsudou no keizokusei to sono kadai (The subject in locality group’s continuity: Focusing on Fureai Iki iki Salon ). Progress in Social Welfare Research, 7, 135-137. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. (2011). Kokusei chosa jinkou shuukei kekka (The prompt sample tabulation of the 2010 National Population Census). Retrieved from http://www.stat.go.jp/data/kokusei/2010/. Nakazawa, T. (2008). Danchi to kodoku shi (A housing complex and lonely deaths). Tokyo: Chuo-houki Publishing. NHK Muen Shakai Project Shuzai Han. (NHK Society of Isolation News Crew). (2010). Muen shakai (Society of isolation). Tokyo: Bungeishunju Ltd.

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Osaka Metropolitan Area’s Council of Social Welfare. (2012). Hirogare shoutiiki network (Expand the small regional network).ġ Retrieved from http://osakafusyakyo.or.jp/chiiki/shonettop.html. Shibuya, A. (2008). Shakai fukushi no jouhou 3 Fukushi needs jouhou no haaku 2 shoutiiki network katsudou (Social welfare info: 3 understanding welfare needs, 2 small regional network activities). In T. Okamoto, M. Tabata, I. Hamano, K. Furukawa, & K. Miyata (Eds.), Encyclopedia shakai fukushi gaku (Encyclopedia of social welfare studies) (pp. 788-789). Tokyo: Chuo-houki Publishing.

CHAPTER FIVE ACTIVE AGEING AND SENIOR VOLUNTEERING IN HONG KONG YUEN HANG NG

Background of Hong Kong Hong Kong is experiencing inevitable population ageing due to longer life expectancy and a decline in fertility rates. According to the 2011 population census, the total population of Hong Kong increased to 7.1 million in 2011 from 6.7 million in 2001. The proportion of older inhabitants (aged 65 or above) increased from 11.1% in 2001 to 13.3% in 2011, and is projected to increase to 28.7% by 2036 as baby boomers gradually move into the older age group (Census and Statistics Department, 2012). The dependency ratio increased from 154 in 2001 to 177 in 2011, and is projected to reach 467 in 2036 (Census and Statistics Department, 2012; Population Census, 2011) (see Table 5.1). Table 5.1: Population size and structure of Hong Kong in 2007-2011 Indicators

2001

Population aged 65 747,052 and above Total population of 6,708,389 Hong Kong Proportion of aged 11.1 population (%) Elderly-dependency 154 ratio Source: Population Census, 2011

2006

2011

852,796

941,312

2036 (estimated) 2,400,400

6,864,346

7,071,576

8,337,200

12.0

13.3

28.7

168

177

467

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This will incur enormous financial costs for Hong Kong’s health and social care services. Government expenditure on social welfare and health care is increasing each year. For example, the cost of health care and social welfare was HK$78.8 billion in 2009-2010, comprising approximately 25.6% of total government expenditure. This reflected a 2.7% increase since 2008-2009 (Census and Statistics Department, 2012). However, the members of Hong Kong’s current aged population have greater social and human capital, more skills and higher levels of education than their counterparts in previous years (Morrow-Howell, Hong, & Tang, 2009; Mui, Glajchen, Chen, & Sun, 2013). For instance, the proportion of older people with secondary and higher education increased from 18.4% in 2001 to 31.0% in 2011 (Population Census, 2011). Ageing can be perceived as either a social burden, due to older people’s reduced economic productivity and increasing need for personal and medical care, or an invaluable resource if older people are mobilised to engage in productive activities and provide services (Mui et al., 2013). Despite the numerous challenges that result from population ageing, such as high medical and social care costs, the Hong Kong government has shifted its policy focus from a sole attention on dependency, frailty and poor health to an emphasis on active ageing. The promotion of active ageing kills two birds with one stone. First, it has the potential to enhance older people’s quality of life. Second, it may save the government money by reducing the cost of medical and social welfare. The many challenges that arise from population ageing can be addressed by policies that promote active ageing (World Health Organization, 2002).

The concept of active ageing “Active ageing” is “the process of optimizing opportunities for health, participation, and security in order to enhance quality of life as people age” (World Health Organization, 2002, p.12). It comprises a number of gerontological theories, such as activity theory (Havighurst, 1963), disengagement theory (Cumming & Henry, 1961) and structureddependency theory (Townsend, 1981). The concept of active ageing was developed by the World Health Organization and various governmental and non-governmental organisations during the 1990s. It is structured by a policy framework that emphasises the connections between activity, health, independence and active ageing (Walker, 2002). The purposes of active ageing are to extend healthy-life expectancy and to enhance the quality of life of older people, including those who are frail, disabled and in need of care (World Health Organization, 2002). Active ageing has a broader

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scope than the related concepts of “healthy ageing” and “productive ageing”, and unlike the latter approaches it places greater emphasis on society than on individuals (O’Shea, 2006). Active ageing is designed to fashion a society in which everyone is treasured and has opportunities to engage in community activities (Walker, 2002). In terms of participation, it has a broader scope than productive ageing, which focuses narrowly on economic participation and productivity (Walker, 2002). Whilst both active ageing and healthy ageing emphasise the optimisation of health, active ageing is also designed to optimise quality of life by encouraging participation and upholding security (World Health Organization, 2002).

Active ageing in Hong Kong In 1997, the Hong Kong government established the provision of care for older people as one of its three main policy objectives. The purpose of this objective is to improve older people’s quality of life by providing them with “a sense of security, a sense of belonging, and a feeling of health and worthiness” (Policy Address, 2001, p.32). The Elderly Commission was established in the same year to advise the government on policies and services for older people. The Commission identified continuum care, “ageing in place”, financial support and active ageing as the government’s key policy initiatives. It adopted and modified the World Health Organization’s policy framework for active ageing (World Health Organization, 2002). According to Chan and Liang (2013), the three main components of this framework are as follows: 1) ensuring life security, which entails individual and governmental efforts to meet the physical and financial needs of older people; 2) maintaining health, which requires both a personal emphasis on healthy living and the government’s provision of comprehensive and accessible healthcare services; and 3) promoting social participation, which requires individuals to engage actively and the government to supply an environment that mobilises older people to participate in community-based and civic activities. These fundamental components are inter-related (Chan & Liang, 2013). Ideally, policies corresponding to each of the three components would be launched simultaneously with assistance from the government to build a supportive environment that enabled older people to engage actively in community activities. In practice, however, the government of Hong Kong first introduced policies to encourage the active participation of older people and raise social awareness of population ageing, with less initial attention to security and the maintenance of health. A project named “Opportunities for the Elderly” was designed to gradually build a positive

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public image of older people. Next, the “Elderly Academy” scheme was established to support the lifelong learning and physical and psychological well-being of older people by continuously engaging them in learning activities. This scheme was first introduced at primary and secondary level and subsequently extended to tertiary level for integration with more academic and in-depth learning programmes. In 2008, the “Neighborhood Active Ageing” project was launched by the Elderly Commission to promote the long-lost qualities of harmony and support in local communities (Chan & Liang, 2013). An essential component of this framework and the attendant schemes is volunteering, which is defined as an individual’s undertaking by choice an activity that is unpaid (or with a minimum stipend to offset the costs incurred in the volunteering process), organised by an organisation and directed towards a community concern (Cnaan, Handy, & Wadsworth, 1996). As this is an effective means of supporting active ageing (Chong, 2010; Greenfield & Marks, 2004; Lum & Lightfoot, 2005), the Hong Kong government has emphasised volunteering in its promotion of activeageing policies, especially in recent years.

History of senior volunteering in Hong Kong The provision of services to older people has increased significantly since 1981, when Hong Kong’s population-ageing trend was first noted. However, the government’s early senior-volunteering policies were rendered ineffectual by a lack of distinct aims and focus, as well as a lack of understanding of the development of senior volunteering. In addition, no practical plans were established to promote and develop senior volunteering. This responsibility was left to the third sector, namely nongovernmental organisations. In the mid-1990s, with policy-makers’ new emphasis on active ageing as a means of enhancing the well-being of older people, the Hong Kong government began to pay more attention to senior volunteering. In 1995, eight District Elderly Community Centres (DECCs) were subsidised by the Social Welfare Department to launch a two-year pilot project, the “Older Volunteers” programme, to promote senior volunteering. In 1998, the “Opportunities for the Elderly” project and the “Neighborhood Active Ageing” project were consecutively launched to promote a sense of self-worth among older people by mobilising them to engage actively in and provide services to their communities. In these projects, older people are encouraged to take on volunteer work (Chong, 2010). The DECCs and Neighbourhood Elderly Centres are required to develop senior volunteering. Attached to each DECC is a Support Team

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for the Elderly, which is responsible for motivating older people to engage in volunteering. Finally, residents and religious groups are increasingly involved in promoting senior volunteering (Chong, 2010). Senior volunteers serve not only their peers but also people of all ages and from different backgrounds, such as new immigrants and children. Their services have a variety of goals. As a result, their work can also promote social cohesion within communities. Senior volunteering schemes under the “Older Volunteers” programme have engaged older people as partners and givers in the community, and have created relationships with various benefits. According to gerontological studies, senior volunteering has numerous advantages not only for individual volunteers but also for their families, the recipients of the services provided and their communities at large (e.g., Morrow-Howell et al., 2009; Mui et al., 2013). This may in turn help to enhance quality of life within an ageing population.

Benefits of senior volunteering Volunteers Numerous studies have documented the significant positive effects of volunteering on senior volunteers’ health (Fried et al., 2004; MjeldeMossey, Wu, & Chi, 2007; Morrow-Howell et al., 2009; Tan et al., 2009). The similar findings of Chan (2012) conducted in the Chinese context were consistent with those of previous studies. Several studies have shown senior volunteers to be more physically active than elderly people who do not volunteer (Fried et al., 2004; Rodlescia & Cohen, 2013; Tan, Xue, Li, Carlson, & Fried, 2006; Tan et al., 2009). Lum and Lightfoot (2005) showed that senior volunteering improved the physical functioning of older people. In a study of senior-volunteering programmes (Fried et al., 2004) with senior volunteers assisted children in public elementary schools, the follow-up assessment after 4 to 8 months revealed significant improvements to the volunteers’ levels of physical activity and their strength in particular muscles. Tan et al. (2006) reported similar results. Notably, senior volunteers who self-reported a low level of baseline physical activity experienced a more significant increase in physical activity than volunteers in the control groups. Physical activity and social activity were each indirectly and diversely associated with morbidity (Tinetti et al., 1994). For instance, Fried et al. (2004) suggested that the risk of hypertension may be reduced by types of volunteering that involve physical activity. The results of a longitudinal study conducted by Burr,

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Tavares and Mutchler (2011) indicated that senior volunteers were at a lower risk of hypertension than elderly people who did not volunteer. Moreover, a moderate amount of commitment was found to be associated with a lower risk of hypertension. Rodlescia and Cohen (2013) reported similar findings, which clearly indicated that senior volunteers who engaged in volunteer work for at least 4 hours per week were less likely to develop hypertension. In other words, senior volunteering has been shown to decrease morbidity (Van Willigen, 2000), thus lowering the risk of mortality among older people (Brown, Nesse, Vinokur, & Smith, 2003; Rodlescia & Cohen, 2013). According to many studies, volunteering enhances psychological wellbeing in a variety of ways, such as increasing life satisfaction (Van Willigen, 2000) and happiness (Mui et al., 2013) and increasing individual self-esteem (Thoits & Hewitts, 2001) and collective self-esteem (Fraser, Clayton, Sickler & Taylor, 2009). Researchers investigating volunteers at two zoos found that senior volunteers at the Bronx Zoo exhibited a high level of collective self-esteem due to the valuable collective identity of “zoo volunteer”. The participants explained that volunteering at the zoo provided them with opportunities to connect with nature, fulfilled their desire to give back to their communities through voluntary activities and created a sense of group integration that in turn validated members’ shared concerns and social priorities. In addition, the volunteers reported experiencing fewer depressive symptoms (Musick & Wilson, 2003). A number of scholars have offered explanations for the role of volunteering in enhancing psychological well-being, particularly among older people. For instance, Greenfield and Marks (2004) examined the associations between volunteering, purpose in life, major role-identity absences and psychological well-being. The findings suggested that compared with senior volunteers, younger volunteers may not experience such high levels of psychological well-being due to volunteering, as they have experienced fewer major losses of role identity. Volunteering was found to strengthen older people’s sense of role identity by offering them goals to pursue and an ongoing sense of purpose and meaning in life (Li & Ferraro, 2005; Van Willigen, 2000), which may in turn improve their psychological well-being. In particular, the study showed that volunteering offered senior volunteers with a lack of perceived role identity the opportunity to develop more meaning and purpose in their lives (Greenfield & Marks, 2004). Few relevant studies have been conducted in the Chinese context. During the “Phone Angel” programme, a pilot volunteer project created by Mui et al. (2013) for older Chinese immigrants in New York City, 18 older Chinese people were trained as

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volunteers to provide support to family caregivers with ill relatives. The findings indicated improvements to the senior volunteers’ psychological well-being. Carlson et al. (2008) found that senior volunteers who engaged in an “everyday-activity” programme received significantly more cognitive benefits than the individuals in the control group. In general, the senior volunteers exhibited improvements in executive function and memory. In addition, the role of senior volunteer offered greater access to social, psychological and physical resources, which gave the participants a sense of empowerment and fulfilment (Morrow-Howell et al., 2009; Mui, 2013). Greenfield and Marks (2004) stated that the volunteers involved in their study were particularly motivated to build up their knowledge and learn when training and learning were included in the volunteer work. Studies have shown that volunteering benefits not only senior volunteers themselves, but also their families and communities.

Volunteers’ families and communities In a review by Morrow-Howell et al. (2009) of 13 senior-volunteer programmes, two-thirds of the senior volunteers involved stated that volunteering was beneficial to their families, who had become less worried about their older relatives and gained access to information and resources through the participants’ volunteering work. Mui et al. (2013) found that 90% of the senior volunteers involved in the “Phone Angel” programme used the skills they had learned during training to improve their communication with their own families. In addition, a number of studies have documented the positive effects of senior volunteering on the recipients of these services (Fried et al., 2004; Gattis et al., 2010; Zedlewski & Butrica, 2007), especially in relation to children’s academic achievement (Rebok et al., 2004). In a review of a senior-volunteering programme designed to support the needs of 1194 K3-grade children in public schools, teachers described significant improvements to the children’s academic achievement and behaviour in class, with no additional burden placed on school staff (Rebok et al., 2004). Fried et al. (2004) reported similar findings. When adolescents with behavioural problems and learning difficulties were mentored by senior volunteers as part of an intergenerational programme, they were observed to exhibit increased class attendance, more positive attitudes towards learning and a decrease in substance abuse (Roger & Taylor, 1997). After “Family Friends” programmes during which senior volunteers provided home-visit services, the hospitalisation rates of chronically ill children

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were significantly reduced and the well-being of family caregivers was improved (Rinck & Naragon, 1995). In a study in which pairs of senior participants experiencing mentalhealth difficulties received support from pairs of trained senior volunteers in a 10-week intervention, the participants’ symptoms of depression decreased, although their symptoms of anxiety were unaffected. Notably, the participants with symptoms of both depression and anxiety showed improvements in health and functioning, as measured by quality-of-life indicators (Chapin, Sergeant, Landry, Leedahl, Rachlin, Koenig & Graham, 2013). Mui et al. (2013) found that caregivers who received care support from senior volunteers as part of the “Phone Angel” programme experienced less stress. Peel and Warburton (2009) stated that despite the absence of direct evidence, a fall self-efficacy programme with a repeatedmeasure, single-group design facilitated by senior volunteers (Healy, Peng, Haynes, McMahon, Botler, & Gross, 2008) achieved outcomes comparable to those of the original programme conducted by professional staff, which had previously been found to be effectual (Tennstedt, Howland, Lachman, Peterson, Kasten, & Jette, 1998). In a review of 37 programme models, Wheeler et al. (1998) found that 85% of the individuals served by senior volunteers showed significantly better outcomes than the recipients of services provided by volunteers in other age groups (cited by Zedlewski & Butrica, 2007). In addition, senior volunteering has been shown to be economically beneficial to communities. Wheeler, Gorey and Greenblatt (1998) found that seniors aged 65 or above contributed an average of 223 hours’ volunteering work per year: a contribution greater than that of any other age group. In Canada, senior volunteers contributed approximately 372.8 million hours (Volunteer Canada, 2013). In the United States, seniorvolunteering activities were valued at US$44.3 billion in 2002. An estimated US$161.7 billion has been contributed to society annually by senior volunteers (Zedlewski & Butrica, 2007). This shows that senior volunteering has the potential to contribute significantly to community finances. No equivalent statistics have been compiled for Hong Kong. However, if each of its 0.94 million older people (aged 65 or above) were to volunteer for one hour, this would be equivalent to approximately 0.94 million hours or 117,500 working days (if one working day is assumed to comprise eight working hours). As a result of these benefits and efforts made by the Hong Kong government to develop relevant policies and creative volunteer programmes, the number of senior volunteers in Hong Kong has increased continuously since the mid-1990s.

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Participation rate among senior volunteers The number of registered senior volunteers in Hong Kong has increased significantly, from 35,671 in 1998 to 146,939 in 2013 (Volunteer Movement, 2013). However, this number is still lower than that for other age groups in Hong Kong and other developed regions. A study carried out by the Agency for Volunteer Services in 2009 indicated that 31.6% of people aged 15-24 had volunteered in the past 12 months, while the corresponding rates for people aged 40-54, 55-64 and 65 or above were 19%, 13.8% and 5.8%, respectively. Those aged 15-24 and 65 or above had the highest and lowest volunteering rates respectively (Agency for Volunteer Services, 2009). According to comparative studies of senior-volunteering rates in six developed countries, the proportion of volunteers aged 65 or above in the previous 12 months was approximately 40% in Australia in 2004, 32% in England and Wales in 2001, 27% in Japan in 2001 and 24% in the United States in 2003. All of these figures reflect much higher participation rates than those in Hong Kong (about 4% in 2001-2002) and Singapore (about 4% in 2004) (Chau & Woo, 2008). These results suggest that although an increasing number of seniors in Hong Kong are engaging in voluntary activities, the Hong Kong government and stakeholders should aim to promote volunteering more effectively. It is necessary for them to understand why some older people engage in senior volunteering and others do not. The main cultural and personal barriers that deter older people in Hong Kong from volunteering are discussed in the following section.

Major barriers hindering seniors from volunteering Personal characteristics Although volunteering enhances psychological well-being, senior volunteers are also vulnerable to work stress and burnout, which have an adverse influence on both their mental health and the services they provide to clients (Yan & Tang, 2003). Yan and Tang (2003) investigated the roles of individual, interpersonal and organisational factors in mitigating burnout among senior volunteers in Hong Kong. The findings showed that the best predictors of burnout during voluntary work were a lack of perceived benefit and a lack of satisfaction at work. Therefore, volunteers who carry out repetitive chores and monotonous tasks may be less likely to gain a sense of personal achievement (Yan & Tang, 2003). Chong (2010) stated that older people, particularly those with low self-esteem, are more

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likely to choose monotonous and repetitious tasks, and may thus be predisposed to burnout. The results of a qualitative study carried out by Chan (2008) in Hong Kong indicated that a negative perception of one’s own health is one of the main barriers preventing older people from volunteering. A number of the participants in Chan’s study felt that they would not be able to provide the required services, especially services that are physically demanding, and thus preferred to meet socially with their peers than to engage in volunteering activities (Chan, 2008). These findings are consistent with the results of a study by Li and Ferraro (2005). Mjelde-Mossey, Chi and Chow (2002) conducted similar research with ageing Chinese professionals in Hong Kong, and found that health was in no way identified as a major barrier to senior volunteering. However, as the participants in this study were professionals aged 45 or above, they were more likely to report better health (Rudkin & Markides, 2001).

Personal resources A self-perceived lack of knowledge and ability is another of the most frequently reported barriers to senior volunteering (Chou, Chou, & Chi, 2003; Mjelde-Mossey et al., 2002). A number of older people in Hong Kong had no opportunity to receive formal education in their earlier lives, due to war, famine and relocation to Hong Kong from their homelands (Chong, 2010). Although the percentage of people aged 65 or above with no schooling or pre-primary education alone is continuously decreasing, it was equivalent to nearly one third (31.7%) of the population in 2011. This constituted 17.4% of older men and 44.2% of older women in Hong Kong (Population Census, 2011). The difference between the genders is attributable to the traditional cultural belief that women need not receive education. Older people may thus have lower self-esteem, especially given the respect traditionally afforded to education and scholars (Chong, 2010). According to Chou et al. (2003), a lack of financial resources may also deter older people from volunteering. People aged between 45 and 59 with the intention of becoming senior volunteers tend to have made better financial preparations, such as saving money, purchasing insurance and creating retirement funds and pensions, than those who are averse to volunteering (Chou et al., 2003). A number of subsidy programmes have been launched to supplement the transport and living expenses of older people. The Public Transport Fare Concession Scheme for the Elderly subsidises transport expenses, and the living expenses of eligible individuals aged 65 or above are supplemented by the Eligible Persons

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with Disability scheme and the Old Age Living Allowance. However, one in three older people in Hong Kong (about 296,600 in 2012) still live under the official poverty line, indicating that a large number of older people in this region still lack financial resources. Mjelde-Mossey et al. (2002) identified a lack of awareness of seniorvolunteering opportunities as another barrier to engagement. This may be due to ineffective recruitment. Various recruitment strategies, namely word-of-mouth recruitment, recruitment by organisations and public campaigns, have been implemented. However, although public campaigns have the potential to recruit a wide range of participants and promote altruism within society, as confirmed by a number of scholars, it seems that older people in Hong Kong have not been successfully mobilised to engage in volunteering (Cheung & Kwan, 2000). Despite the effectiveness of word-of-mouth recruitment, its coverage is very limited. Cheung and Kwan (2000) found that social workers and existing senior volunteers are able to recruit new volunteers through personal invitation, which indicates the importance of personal contact. However, the chance of being invited may not be high, as the number of existing volunteers, especially senior volunteers, is low. A lack of spare time is another key barrier to volunteering in Hong Kong and other regions of Asia (Mjelde-Mossey et al., 2002). First, as approximately half of all older people in Hong Kong live with their adult children (Population Census, 2011), familial commitments such as caring for grandchildren and other family members, running errands and doing chores (Mjelde-Mossey et al., 2002) may leave them with no spare time to volunteer. Second, adherence to Chinese tradition may make less time available for volunteering, as explained in the following section.

Culture Older Chinese people are less likely to engage in senior volunteering due to their adherence to a number of Chinese cultural norms (Wu, Tang & Yan, 2005). Chong (2010) suspected that familial obligations may discourage older people from volunteering, as Chinese tradition requires individuals to prioritise support for their families over contributing to the community. In addition, older people may be deterred from engaging in volunteering by the ethical principle of filial piety. As explained by disengagement theory, Chinese culture emphasises the benefits to older adults of reducing their activity levels, taking up passive roles and prioritising self-contemplation over social interaction (Hooyman & Kiyak,

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2011). Many older Chinese thus consider later life to be a time to rest and receive assistance from others rather than remaining active within the community (Mjelde-Mossey et al., 2002). Senior volunteering may be perceived by the volunteers’ families as shameful. The decision of an older relative to work after retirement, even without pay, may be interpreted by others as a sign that his or her family provides insufficient support, which runs counter to the cultural belief that helping others brings good luck, improves one’s after-life prospects (Wu et al., 2005) and confers blessings on the next generation (Yan & Tang, 2003). Chong (2010) found that only a few older people received encouragement from their adult children to volunteer, which may be due to their children’s lack of knowledge about senior volunteering and their consequent concerns that their parents would have accidents, feel exhausted or take on too much work.

Proposed interventions Personal characteristics Job matching is essential, because volunteers generally depend on symbolic and intrinsic rewards as sources of personal accomplishment and satisfaction (Black & DiNitto, 1995). In particular, providing senior volunteers with voluntary activities that suit their preferences is more likely to increase their perceived benefit and work satisfaction, which in turn makes them less likely to experience burnout (Yan & Tang, 2003). There are a number of platforms for job-matching in Hong Kong (e.g., the Hong Kong Youth Women’s Christian Association). As senior volunteers in Hong Kong are well educated and physically able, they may be capable of organising platforms to identify and allocate volunteering opportunities. Indeed, senior volunteers in Hong Kong have already led such platforms and matched types of voluntary activities to service recipients (the services is provided by the Hong Kong Society for the Aged). Alternatively, centres for the elderly could be established to identify jobs that suit the existing abilities and skills of older volunteers. For example, older people involved in local volunteer programmes in Hong Kong, organised by Hong Kong Christian Service, have been responsible for teaching Cantonese to Indian children and making traditional Chinese food.

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Personal resources As mentioned, one of the major barriers to senior volunteering is a lack of knowledge and skills. Therefore, senior volunteers should be provided with training, especially as mastering the required skills is likely to enhance their self-perceived competence (Chong, 2010; Greenfield & Mark, 2004). These skills may help them to interact with their families and to deliver volunteer services (Morrow-Howell et al., 2009). In addition, a greater range of voluntary activities could be made available for trained senior volunteers. Therefore, a well-designed programme is essential. Providing a tangible incentive in the form of financial remuneration may attract more older people to volunteer, especially those experiencing financial difficulties. However, this suggestion is controversial, as it may be considered to violate the definition of volunteering (Gisore et al., 2013). Alternatively, therefore, a pseudo-monetary system could be established to provide incentives. In Japan, a system whose name translates to “Caring Relationship Tickets” is used to “bank” the hours spent by volunteers with older or disabled people in individual time “accounts” (Cox, 2011). The credit received, namely the number of hours “banked” in one’s account, varies according to the kinds of tasks performed. The “banked” hours are available for use either immediately or later in life; they can be exchanged for services or transferred to others (Lietaer, 2004). The system was developed further in 2010: individuals who help older people in their neighbourhoods now receive credit that can be used to ‘pay’ for care services for their own parents in other regions of the country. In addition, those who help older people in care and nursing homes earn points that can be offset against their own long-term care insurance contributions (Cox, 2011). In this way, volunteering releases volunteers from financial constraints by enabling them to obtain services in kind rather than receiving direct monetary subsidies. In addition, it promotes volunteering within communities and helps people, especially the younger generation, to create better financial plans for their later lives. Retaining senior volunteers is a real challenge, as they tend to drop out after a short trial (Chong, 2010). Apart from ensuring that voluntary jobs match volunteers’ preferences and abilities, intangible incentives should be provided in the form of proper recognition schemes that sustain senior volunteers’ engagement. Although a number of recognition schemes are already in place, larger-scale programmes or more frequent recognition events should be organised. For instance, the National Service Knowledge Network (2013) provides a wide range of meaningful and creative recognition events from a “Breakfast of Champions” to an event named “Volunteers are Everyday Heroes”. These activities are refreshing and fun,

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and provide senior volunteers with a renewed sense of significance. Largescale recognition schemes designed specifically to honour senior volunteers, such as the Retired and Senior Volunteer Program Awards and Recognition scheme (2009), not only ensure that the work of senior volunteers is recognised despite the limitations and physical constraints of age, but also raise public awareness of the value of volunteering.

Culture Programmes should be launched to promote favourable public attitudes towards senior volunteering by explaining its potential benefits for individuals, families and communities. This could be done in the form of seminars, lectures and sessions in which senior volunteers share their personal experiences, and the relevant information and video clips could be uploaded to a designated e-platform. According to the Chou et al. (2003), older people with lower levels of academic attainment and lower economic status are less likely to volunteer, so seminars, talks and sharing sessions should be held more frequently in the areas in which these individuals live, such as Kwun Tong, to develop these untapped resources. As mentioned, Chinese cultural beliefs may cast senior volunteering in a negative light. In response, social policies could be implemented to adjust cultural norms and promote volunteering (Mjelde-Mossey et al., 2002). In Japan, volunteering is now considered by most to be a respectable activity due to policies emphasising the development of social identity, including volunteering, over the last decade (Nakano, 2000). In Germany, volunteers were once perceived as low-skilled personnel, but volunteering has since been reconceptualised as a high-status form of social participation (Anheier & Salamon, 1999). Therefore, the Hong Kong government is advised to implement social policies to change the public perception of volunteers.

Conclusions This chapter has shown that Hong Kong is facing significant challenges as a result of population ageing. The cost of social and health care provision is projected to increase drastically. However, rather than perceiving the problem as an enormous burden, the Hong Kong government is determined to promote active ageing to mobilise older people to engage actively in the community. According to Walker (2002), active ageing brings citizens of all ages and backgrounds together within their communities, which promotes social inclusion by strengthening intergenerational

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relationships. It also empowers older people to contribute economically to their communities, thereby addressing the financial challenges that arise from population ageing. Furthermore, it enhances all citizens’ quality of life, which in turn increases economic sustainability. Of the three main components of the concept of active ageing, active participation in the community has thus far been prioritised by the Hong Kong government. Senior volunteering, a major channel for active participation, is regarded as a key means of promoting active ageing, because volunteering benefits older people by enhancing their physical health, psychological well-being and cognitive function, providing them with access to various resources and building their knowledge, among other advantages. In addition, senior volunteering may also benefit the volunteers’ families, as senior volunteers may use the skills they gain in training to improve their communication with their families. Furthermore, family members gain knowledge from senior volunteers to which they would not otherwise have access. At the community level, the recipients of senior-volunteering services obtain significant advantages, such as improvements to children’s academic attainment, more positive attitudes among adolescents and a decline in depressive symptoms among older people. In terms of monetary contributions, services that would otherwise cost communities millions of dollars can be provided by senior volunteers for free. However, although the rate of participation in volunteering has increased among older people in Hong Kong, it is still lower than that of other age groups, and lower than the equivalent rates in other developed countries such as Japan and Australia. A number of barriers to senior volunteering in the categories of personal characteristics, personal resources and cultural norms have been identified, and corresponding interventions with concrete examples are proposed to further develop senior volunteering in Hong Kong. Active ageing shifts the focus of policy-makers from sole attention to dependency, frailty and poor health to an emphasis on enhancing older people’s quality of life through active engagement in the community. We will all benefit from this approach, as we are all inevitably ageing. Senior volunteering, which brings numerous benefits in various areas, has considerable potential to foster active ageing in Hong Kong.

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Rebok, G. W., Carlson, M. C., Glass, T. A., McGill, S., Hill, J., Wasik, B. A., Ialongo, N., Frick, K. D., Fried, L. P., & Rasmussen, M. D. (2004). Short-term impact of Experience Corps participation on children and schools: Results from a pilot randomized trial. Journal of Urban Health: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 81(1), 79-93. Retired and Senior Volunteer Program Awards and Recognition. (2009). RSVP Awards and Recognition. Retrieved from http://www.nevadaruralrsvp.org/ Rinck, C. & Naragon, P. (1995). Family Friends Evaluation. Kansas City, KS: UNKC Institute for Human Development. Rodlescia, S. S. & Cohen, S. (2013). A prospective study of volunteerism and hypertension risk in older adults. Psychology and Aging, 28(2), 578-586. Rogers, A. & Taylor, A. (1997). Intergenerational mentoring: a viable strategy for meeting the needs of vulnerable youth. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 28(1 & 2), 125–140. Rudkin, L. & Markides, K. S. (2001). Health and socioeconomic status. Journal of Mental Health and Aging, 7, 53-66. Tan, E. J., Rebok, G. W., Yu, Q., Frangakis, C. E., Carlson, M. C., Wang, T., Ricks, M., Tanner, E. K., McGill, S., & Fried, L. P. (2009). The long-term relationship between high-intensity volunteering and physical activity in older African American women. Journals of Gerontology Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 64B(2), 304-311. Tan, E. J., Xue, Q.-L., Li, T., Carlson, M. C., & Fried, L. P. (2006). Volunteering: A physical activity intervention for older adults—the Experience Corps program in Baltimore. Journal of Urban Health: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 83(5), 954-969. Tennstedt, S., Howland, J., Lachman, M., Peterson, E., Kasten, L., & Jette, A. (1998). A randomized, controlled trial of a group intervention to reduce fear of falling and associated activity restriction in older adults. Journals of Gerontology: Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 53(6), 384-392. Thoits, P., & Hewitt, L. (2001). Volunteer work and well-being. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 42, 115-131. Tinetti, M. E., Baker, D. I., McAvay, G., Claus, E. B., Garrett, P., Gottschalk, M., Koch, M. L., Trainor, K., & Horwitz, R. I. (1994). A multifactorial intervention to reduce the risk of falling among elderly people living in the community. New England Journal of Medicine, 331(13), 821-7.

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Townsend, P. (1981). The structured dependency of the elderly: A creation of social policy in the twentieth century. Ageing and Society, 1(1), 5-28. Van Willigen, M. (2000). Differential benefits of volunteering across the life course. Journals of Gerontology: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 55B(5), S308–S318. Volunteer Canada. (2013). Volunteering and Older Adults. Retrieved from http://volunteer.ca/content/volunteering-and-older-adults-final-report. Volunteer Movement. (2013). Homepage of Volunteer Movement. Retrieved from http://www.volunteering-hk.org/tc/aboutvs/vs_intro/vs_stat. Walker, A. (2002). A strategy for active ageing. International Social Security Review, 55, 121-139. Wheeler, J. A., Gorey, K. M., & Greenblatt, B. (1998). The beneficial effects of volunteering for older volunteers and the people they serve: a meta-analysis. International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 47(1), 69-79. World Health Organization. (2002). Active ageing: A policy framework. Retrieved from http://www.who.int/ageing/publications/active_ageing/en/index.html. Wu, M. S., Tang, S. K., & Yan, C. W. (2005). Post-retirement voluntary work and psychological functioning among older Chinese in Hong Kong. Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology, 20(1), 27-45. Yan, C.-W. E. & Tang, S.-K. C. (2003). The role of individual, interpersonal and organizational factors in mitigating burnout among elderly Chinese volunteers. International Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry, 18(9), 795-802. Zedlewski, S. R. & Butrica, B. A. (2007). Are we taking full advantage of older adults’ potential? Washington DC: Urban Institute.

CHAPTER SIX SOCIAL POLICIES, RETIREMENT ARRANGEMENTS AND INEQUALITIES OF AGEING IN TAIWAN RUEY-MING TSAY AND LI-HSUEH WU

Introduction Pension reform researchers have uncovered abundant evidence showing how various pension frameworks contribute to the consequences of social and economic distributions in different societies. Pension systems are strongly affected by the regulations of individual labor markets (Binstock & George, 2011; Kohli & Arza, 2011; Quadagno, 2011). Researchers have studied working conditions and work-life balances to evaluate the quality of life among various worker populations (Drobnic, Beham, & Prag, 2010). In most cases, what determines whether a job is considered good or bad are the workplace conditions. However, according to current globalization trends and the consequences of population movement, workers in many societies, including Taiwan, are facing multiple challenges tied to labor market and retirement arrangement uncertainties—problems made larger by extended life spans. Thus, definitions of good/bad jobs must take retirement packages into account. In Taiwan, problems associated with conflicts between the labor market and retirement packages pose serious questions regarding notions of fairness and the country’s supposed meritocracy. Taiwan is an ageing society undergoing a rapid demographic transition. A significant increase in life expectancy is placing a heavy burden on the country’s health care and long-term care systems, both of which rely on a mix of public and private pension and insurance funds (Hu, Chen, & Chen, 2000). Recent financial crises tied to underfunded pension systems have triggered heated debates about whether retirees are receiving adequate support, and what senior workers need to do to

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maintain an acceptable quality of life in retirement. The pension issue, once rarely noticed by the public, has become a major debate topic in political arena. One of the important issues is the request for the Taiwanese government is to establish secure, fair and positive living environments for its elderly citizens. Over the past half-century, various retirement pension programs have been tailored to the perceived needs and demands of various social groups, including civil servants, military personnel, public school teachers/staff, and private sector workers (Fu & Lu, 2009). However, due to various political and economic considerations, in particular, favors yielded to the elite groups, a large gap exists between public and private sector pension benefits (Deyo, 1989). Not only do public employees receive life-long employment guarantees and annuity options, their generous benefits are several times greater than those received by private sector employees, the large majority of whom have not been eligible for any annuities until very recently.1 During the country’s authoritarian era (1950-1980), the national government put into place a retirement pension system providing minimum benefits to private-sector workers, plus restrictions on their movement among employers. Any career change meant the loss of one’s previous accumulated benefits and the recalculation of pension amounts.2 The absence of employment security and the lack of job protection might explain the popularity of self-employment among Taiwanese workers (Shieh, 1993). Pensions were generally overlooked during the country’s pursuit of rapid economic development starting in the 1960s. Until recently the state provides pension to workers in the labor market, not to those who were not employed. That is, the pension benefits only provide to insured employed workers. Since employment is a prerequisite for pension benefits, certain groups, such as unemployed, self-employed workers and women are adversely affected by current policies. Since women tend to work parttime and/or unofficially in family-run firms, they are less likely to be covered by national pension insurance plans (cf. Ku, 1997, 1998). Like their counterparts in many other countries (Buchholz, Hofacker, & Blossfeld, 2006), self-employed workers in Taiwan are less likely to have social pension coverage without having to pay large amounts of out-ofpocket contributions. Thus, the pension system strongly affects career mobility patterns and wages (Tsay, Yeh, & Chuang, 2009; Tsay & Lin, 2002). It is clear that social insurance systems have been designed to provide a guaranteed income to certain groups rather than to all retirees. Retirement pension systems are both occupation- and sector-based, thus

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contributing to the unequal distribution of retirement benefits among different professions. Our motivation in this paper is to investigate quality of life among the elderly in Taiwan from the perspective of social policies, with the distribution of pension benefits being the main issue. As in many Asian countries, fiscal crises in Taiwan are being triggered by the unexpected impacts of globalization, with the state investing heavily in infrastructure while trying to reduce business taxes so as to maintain competitiveness in global markets. In Taiwan, political competition has pushed all political parties to promise voters policies that provide good benefits, but at the cost of rapidly increasing governmental fiscal burdens (Chen, Lue, & Yeh, 2014). Insufficient retirement pensions will likely force more workers to postpone their scheduled retirements, meaning that the transition from career employment to full retirement is becoming a long-term process affecting worker welfare in the final phases of their lives (Doeringer, 1990; Tsay, Wu, Hsieh, & Yeh, 2013). Retirement timing, a complex decision for individuals, is variously affected by social policies, labor market and family dynamics, and personal characteristics. Many factors are involved in the decision that might affect quality of life for the elderly in their retirement. The most important ones are social and economic well-being. In Taiwan, the first entails social networks that affect elderly people’s activities, especially in terms of living arrangements: in Chinese/Taiwanese culture, living alone is not considered adequate for supporting important social relationships among elderly citizens. The second entails the basis for satisfying one’s material needs, which also affects the quality of senior citizens’ social environments. The Taiwanese social security system only provides sufficient benefits to certain groups. Majority of the senior adults have to rely on private funds and family’s support. Furthermore, although financial independence and economic status are crucial to the elderly, psychological and social supports are also important. Recent studies show that Taiwanese elders who living alone has a lower quality of life than their counterparts who living with others (Lin, Yen, & Fetzer, 2008). Studies in other Chinese societies, such as Hong Kong and China, show similar results that the elderly tend to have a better quality of life with extensive social supports (Chyi & Mao, 2012; Lou, 2010).

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Research questions and hypotheses We will address several research questions in this paper. Do personal characteristics affect quality of life during the later stages of one’s life course? Who has greater advantages in terms of quality of life in their retirement years? Do pension options affect quality of life among the elderly? Do social environments, including living arrangements, affect quality of life among the elderly? We will analyze retirement arrangements for purposes of evaluating the extent of intersecting inequalities among senior Taiwanese workers, and examining changes in their quality of life at certain life stages, assuming that the analytical results will support policy suggestions for revising the current social security system. We will test six hypotheses regarding to Taiwanese elders: H1: Compared to females, males have greater financial independence and quality of life during their retirements. H2: Education exerts a positive effect on financial resources and quality of life as workers age. H3: Occupational career, and not living arrangements, has greater effects on a retiree’s financial resources and quality of life. H3.1: Living arrangements affect one’s financial resources and quality of life. H4: Since financial independence provides financial security, it also improves quality of life for the elderly. H5: Better economic status results in increased quality of life among senior adults. H6: Higher social support brings a better quality of life for the elders.

Measurement and methods Data Data were drawn from the Health and Living Status of the Elderly in Taiwan (HLSET) longitudinal survey, which has been conducted periodically since 1989. Specifically, we used data from the panel sample, supplemented with a representative sample of respondents between the ages of 50 and 66 in 1996. To take full advantage of the datasets, we partially pooled data from the first (1996) and follow-up years (1999, 2003 and 2007). After removing respondents with missing values for relevant variables and respondents who never participated in the labor market, the

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final sample consisted of 1,629 individuals between the ages of 61 and 77 in 2007.

Dependent variables The social dependence status was measured according to responses to a question on primary financial sources during the preceding twelve months. The four classifications (in order of least-to-most dependent) were market income or family support, social insurance (public or private pension), social allowance, and social assistance.3 The quality of life was measured by a self-evaluation life satisfaction scale consisting of ten questions.4 Responses were recorded as “agree” or “disagree.” “Agree” answers were scored as +1 and “disagree” as -1. Scores for the ten items were summed to obtain quality of life scores ranging from -10 to +10, with higher scores representing better life quality.

Independent variables Social support was measured by three questions addressing the degree to which family members, relatives, and friends listen to the respondents, how much they felt that their family members, relatives, and friends cared about them, and how satisfied they were with the care they received from family members, relatives and friends. Responses were recorded on a scale of 1 to 5. Values for the three items were summed to achieve social support scores ranging from 3 to 15. Higher scores indicated perceptions of greater support. To prevent bias from an unclear direct relationship between health status and quality of life, health status was measured in terms of differences in the respondents’ self-evaluated health conditions between 2003 and 2007. Higher scores indicated better self-perceived health status between the two survey waves. Similar to the self-evaluated health status variable, we measured the self-evaluated economic status in terms of difference in economic condition between 2003 and 2007. Higher scores indicated better perceived economic status between the two survey waves. The four categories for the variable of living arrangement were living alone, living with spouse, living with children, and living with other relatives.5 Living arrangement was operationalized as a dummy variable, with living alone serving as the reference category.

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For the socio-economic status variables, education and occupation were operationalized to measure the respondents’ social economic status. The four education categories were less than 7 years, 7-9 years, 10-12 years, and more than 12 years, with the first serving as a reference category in our regression models. Occupation categories (i.e., longest occupation in pre-2007 work history) were white-collar, blue-collar, selfemployed, and farmer, with the first serving as a reference group. The personal characteristic variables included gender (1 for male, 0 for female); age cohort (61 to 65, 66 to 70, 71 to 78, with the first serving as a reference category); marital status in 2007 (married or cohabitating, divorced or separated, widowed, unmarried, with the first serving as a reference category).

Analytical results Characteristics of social dependence status (four major financial sources) for the respondents in our sample are shown in Table 6.1. Significant differences in financial sources were noted for all of the factors: female respondents were less dependent than males on public and private pensions and more dependent on social allowances; members of older cohorts were more reliant on social insurance and social allowances than on markets or family members; married respondents were more dependent on profits from markets and family support; and occupation exerted effects on various financial sources during the later stages of the respondents’ lives. It is worth noting that the self-employed respondents were more likely to depend on support from either their families or current employment. Among the job categories, white-collar workers were the most likely to have pension benefits. A high percentage of farmers in the sample said that they relied on social allowances, primarily the National Annuity for Elder Farmers. Similar associations were noted between both education and occupational positions and financial sources. Respondents with more education were more likely to rely on pension benefits than on social allowances.

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Table 6.1: Status of social dependence (number and %) Items Gender Male Female Age cohort 61-65 66-70 71-77 Marital status Married Divorced or separated Widowed Unmarried Occupation Whitecollar Blue-collar Selfemployed Farmer Education < 7 years 7-9 years 10-12 years > 12 years Total

Market or family

Social insurance

Social allowance

Social assistance

X2

484 (58.81) 426 (52.85)

190 (23.09) 52 (6.45)

133 (16.16) 309 (38.34)

16 (1.94) 19 (2.36)

152.57***

394 (81.74) 291 (52.34) 225 (38.07)

46 (9.54) 73 (13.13) 123 (20.81)

39 (8.09) 175 (31.47) 228 (38.58)

3 (0.62) 17 (3.06) 15 (2.54)

221.49***

710 (58.48) 16 (43.24) 181 (50.42) 3 (15.79)

193 (15.90) 7 (18.92) 35 (9.75) 7 (36.84)

293 (24.14) 11 (29.73) 134 (37.33) 4 (21.05)

18 (1.48) 3 (8.11) 9 (2.51) 5 (26.32)

102.30***

213 (51.95) 284 (58.92) 112 (84.21) 301 (49.83)

141 (34.39) 81 (16.80) 1 (0.75) 19 (3.15)

50 (12.20) 107 (22.20) 19 (14.29) 266 (44.04)

6 (1.46) 10 (2.07) 1 (0.75) 18 (2.98)

318.92***

681 (55.87) 98 (61.64) 81 (55.10) 50 (48.08) 910 (55.86)

106 (8.70) 37 (23.27) 49 (33.33) 50 (48.08) 242 (14.86)

402 (32.98) 21 (13.21) 16 (10.88) 3 (2.88) 442 (27.13)

30 (2.46) 3 (1.89) 1 (0.68) 1 (0.96) 35 (2.15)

218.17***

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Significant differences were also found in terms of living arrangement (see Table 6.2). The majority of respondents (>60%) reported that they lived with their children; just over 20% lived with their spouses. Females, with longer life expectancies, were more likely than males to be living alone, and less likely to be living with a spouse at the time they completed the survey. Regarding age cohorts, older respondents tended to live alone or with spouses, but not with their children. As expected, divorced/ separated and widowed respondents were more likely to live alone. The majority of widows stated that they lived with their children, but divorced/separated respondents were less likely to be living with their children. Few differences were found in terms of occupation and living arrangements, although self-employed respondents were more likely to be living with their children, and white-collar workers were more likely to be living with their spouses. Last, respondents with more education were more likely to be living with their spouses and less likely to be living with their children. A summary of statistics on the topic of living conditions is provided in Table 6.3. A significant difference was noted in the relationship between personal characteristics and living conditions. Weaker relationships were noted between personal characteristics and both health and economic status, while a stronger relationship was noted between social support and quality of life. The data also indicate that unmarried elders had more health problems as they aged. Regarding variation in economic conditions, our results indicate that the economic situations of the self-employed respondents declined with age—a reflection of the lack of economic security from social insurance and social allowances that individuals in this category receive. Regarding social support, married respondents and those with more education stated that they received greater social support from their social networks; the self-employed respondents were more likely to rely on social assistance, to live alone, and to lack social support. Last, the data indicate positive links between quality of life and health status, economic status, and social support (i.e., low level of social dependence). Male, married, better-educated, younger, and white-collar respondents all described themselves having a better quality of life.

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Table 6.2: Living arrangement (number and %) Items Gender Male Female Age cohort 61-65 66-70 71-77 Marital status Married Divorced or separated Widowed Unmarried Occupation Whitecollar Blue-collar Selfemployed Farmer Education < 7 years 7-9 years 10-12 years > 12 years Total

Alone

With spouse

With children

With other

X2

61 (7.41) 81 (10.05)

217 (26.37) 152 (18.86)

523 (63.55) 553 (68.61)

22 (2.67) 20 (2.48)

15.03***

26 (5.39) 47 (8.45) 69 (11.68)

106 (21.99) 124 (22.30) 139 (23.52)

341 (70.75) 371 (66.73) 364 (61.59)

9 (1.87) 14 (2.52) 19 (3.21)

17.71***

24 (1.98) 13 (35.41) 91 (25.35) 14 (73.68)

369 (30.40) 0 (0.00) 0 (0.00) 0 (0.00)

798 (65.73) 19 (51.35) 258 (71.87) 1 (5.26)

23 (1.89) 5 (13.51) 10 (2.79) 4 (21.05)

483.21***

36 (8.78) 45 (9.34) 4 (3.01) 57 (9.44)

116 (28.29) 93 (19.29) 31 (23.31) 129 (21.36)

243 (59.27) 334 (69.29) 98 (73.68) 401 (66.39)

15 (3.66) 10 (2.07) 0 (0.00) 7 (2.81)

24.87***

114 (9.35) 12 (7.55) 10 (6.80) 6 (5.77) 142 (8.72)

238 (19.52) 48 (30.19) 40 (27.21) 43 (41.35) 369 (22.65)

841 (68.99) 96 (60.38) 90 (61.22) 49 (47.12) 1076 (66.05)

26 (2.13) 3 (1.89) 7 (4.76) 6 (5.77) 42 (2.58)

45.71***

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Table 6.3: Summary statistics for living condition Items Gender Male Female Age cohort 61-65 66-70 71-77 Marital status Married Divorced or separated Widowed Unmarried Occupation Whitecollar Blue-collar Selfemployed Farmer Education < 7 years 7-9 years 10-12 years > 12 years

Health status

Economic status

Social support

Quality of life

-0.19 (1.07) -0.17 (1.10)

0.02 (1.05)+ 0.11 (0.99)

12.33 (1.99)+ 12.51 (2.13)

3.71 (4.56)*** 3.06 (4.99)

-0.22 (1.11) -0.14 (1.06) -0.19 (1.09)

0.04 (0.99) 0.05 (1.01) 0.09 (1.06)

12.42 (1.99) 12.42 (1.97) 12.41 (2.21)

4.01 (4.55)*** 3.16 (4.90) 3.11 (4.83)

-0.20 (1.08)* -0.11 (1.02) -0.09 (1.09) -0.79 (1.18)

0.03 (1.03)+ 0.05 (0.94) 0.16 (1.01) 0.37 (1.01)

12.55 (1.95)*** 11.19 (2.58) 12.17 (2.25) 11.11 (3.00)

3.73 (4.65)*** 0.00 (5.58) 2.70 (4.95) 1.32 (4.32)

-0.16 (1.07) -0.22 (1.09) -0.21 (0.98) -0.15 (1.12)

0.03 (0.98)** 0.05 (1.04) -0.16 (1.00) 0.14 (1.03)

12.51 (1.98)* 12.37 (2.18) 11.95 (2.04) 12.50 (2.01)

4.29 (4.47)*** 3.26 (4.85) 3.74 (4.39) 2.80 (4.94)

-0.19 (1.11) -0.21 (1.02) -0.04 (1.09) -0.24 (0.95)

0.07 (1.03) 0.05 (0.99) -0.05 (0.98) 0.14 (0.99)

12.35 (2.11)* 12.36 (2.07) 12.76 (1.93) 12.75 (1.64)

3.02 (4.96) *** 3.94 (4.35) 4.72 (3.69) 4.95 (3.97)

Retirement Arrangements and Inequalities of Ageing in Taiwan Status of social dependence Market or -0.18 0.06 Family (1.09) (1.02) Social -0.24 -0.05 insurance (1.03) (1.03) Social -0.18 0.13 allowance (1.09) (1.02) Social 0.23 0.06 assistance (1.31) (1.06) Living arrangement Alone -0.04 0.11 (1.13) (1.02) With -0.15 0.08 spouse (1.10) (1.07) With -0.20 0.05 children (1.08) (1.01) With other -0.33 -0.05 (1.10) (1.01) Health status 1 0.149* Economic 1 status Social support Note: +p