Social Inclusion and Education in India: Scheduled Tribes, Denotified Tribes and Nomadic Tribes
 2020010832, 2020010833, 9780367202330, 9780429281846

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Title
Copyright
Contents
List of illustrations
List of contributors
Preface and Acknowledgements
List of abbreviations
1 Introduction: tribes in India and their education
2 Tribal education in central India: conditions under colonialist and nationalist moves
3 Uneven growth and a hurdled path: education of the scheduled tribes in Chhattisgarh
4 Strands of educational participation of scheduled tribes: the case of Jharkhand
5 Academic performance of the scheduled tribe students in West Bengal
6 Under the shadow of
prosperity: scheduled tribe students in Gujarat
7 The paradox of education: stereotyping equality of the scheduled tribes in Odisha
8 Invisible discrimination: educational status of the scheduled tribes of Telangana state
9 Outliers in Kerala: educational status of scheduled tribes
10 Educational status of the denotified tribes of Telangana
11 Educational constraints and condition of denotified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes in Rajasthan
Appendix: Method and sample for ST ICSSR–sponsored studies on “education status of scheduled tribes: attainments and challenges” (ICSSR: ESTAC)
Index

Citation preview

Social Inclusion and Education in India

This book examines social inclusion in the education sector in India for scheduled tribes (ST), denotified tribes and nomadic tribes. It investigates the gaps between what was promised to the marginalized sections in the constitution and what has since been delivered. The volume: • • •

Examines data from across the Indian states on ST and non-ST students in higher, primary and secondary education; Analyses the success and failures of education policy at the central and state level; Brings to the fore colonial roots of social exclusion in education.

A major study, the volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of education, sociology and social anthropology, development studies and South Asian studies. Ghanshyam Shah is a former professor of social sciences at the Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. Joseph Bara is a former faculty member at the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi, India.

Social Inclusion and Education in India

Scheduled Tribes, Denotified Tribes and Nomadic Tribes

Edited by Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

First published 2020 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2020 selection and editorial matter, Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Shah, Ghanshyam, editor. | Bara, Joseph, editor. Title: Social inclusion and education in India : scheduled tribes, denotified tribes, and nomadic tribes / edited by Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara. Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020010832 (print) | LCCN 2020010833 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Educational equalization—India. | Social integration—India. | Tribes—India—Social conditions. Classification: LCC LC213.3.I4 S63 2020 (print) | LCC LC213.3.I4 (ebook) | DDC 379.2/60954—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020010832 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020010833 ISBN: 978-0-367-20233-0 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-28184-6 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Contents

List of illustrationsvii List of contributorsxi Preface and Acknowledgementsxiv List of abbreviationsxvi   1 Introduction: tribes in India and their education

1

GHANSHYAM SHAH AND JOSEPH BARA

  2 Tribal education in central India: conditions under colonialist and nationalist moves

32

JOSEPH BARA AND ANUBHUTI AGNES BARA

  3 Uneven growth and a hurdled path: education of the scheduled tribes in Chhattisgarh

56

H. BECK

  4 Strands of educational participation of scheduled tribes: the case of Jharkhand

71

VIJAY BARAIK

  5 Academic performance of the scheduled tribe students in West Bengal

85

JOHN B. TIRKEY AND SUDASH LAMA

  6 Under the shadow of prosperity: scheduled tribe students in Gujarat J.C. PATEL

100

vi Contents

  7 The paradox of education: stereotyping equality of the scheduled tribes in Odisha

117

SASHMI NAYAK

  8 Invisible discrimination: educational status of the scheduled tribes of Telangana state

134

BHANGYA BHUKYA

  9 Outliers in Kerala: educational status of scheduled tribes

148

S. IRUDAYA RAJAN AND S. SUNITHA

10 Educational status of the denotified tribes of Telangana

160

VIJAY KORRA

11 Educational constraints and condition of denotified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes in Rajasthan

176

MADAN MEENA

Appendix: Method and sample for ST ICSSR–sponsored studies on “education status of scheduled tribes: attainments and challenges” (ICSSR: ESTAC)192 Index195

Illustrations

Figures 6.1 Difficulty in understanding the classroom teachings 11.1 Literacy rate of Rajasthan in comparison to the literacy rates of DNTs, NTs and SNTs 11.2 Fall in enrolment of DNT community students in different classes by gender

113 185 189

Tables 3.1 Number of schools under different types of management in Chhattisgarh 3.2 Community profile showing number of villages with various types of schools 3.3 Drop-out rate at the primary level, 2009–10 3.4 Drop-out rate at the upper primary level, 2009–10 3.5 Tribe/caste present family occupation and head-of-family income as reported by student respondents (percentage) 3.6 ST and non-ST student respondents’ involvement in classroom learning (percentage) 3.7 Teachers in primary and upper primary schools 4.1 Distribution of sample students by gender (nos.) 4.2 Sampling criteria and sample districts 5.1 Distribution of student respondents by type of management of school and college (percentage) 5.2 Distribution of students by religion (percentage) 5.3 Main occupation of head of household of school and college students by rural and urban social group (percentage) 5.4 Distribution of student households that hold a type of family ration card (percentage) 5.5 Distribution of completed education of head of household by rural and urban area (percentage)

60 61 63 63 64 66 69 72 73 86 87 89 89 90

viii Illustrations

5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 5.10 5.11 5.12 5.13 5.14 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9 6.10 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5

Distribution of students reporting family members’ relatives that know English (percentage) 91 Distribution of students reporting regular class attendance in the last three months by rural and urban area (percentage) 92 Students’ results in the last year’s annual examinations by rural and urban area, government and private and social group (percentage) 92 Distribution of students of government and private schools having failed at least one examination by rural and urban area (percentage) 94 Distribution of college students by range of marks obtained in higher secondary examinations (percentage) 95 School/college students’ reasons for poor performance in examinations (percentage) 95 Distribution of school and college students’ indication of whether they understand classroom teaching (percentage) 96 Distribution of school and college students studying in government and private institutions and rural and urban residents by level of educational aspiration (percentage) 97 Distribution of ST college students by occupational aspiration and by gender and rural and urban area (percentage)98 Main occupation of the heads of the households (percentage)104 Literacy rate of individual scheduled tribes in 2011 105 Educational status of ST and non-ST families (percentage) 107 GER and NER in India and Gujarat 108 Main occupation of the heads of the students’ households (percentage)110 Any close relative of the students in a government job (percentage)110 Modern assets possessed by students’ families (percentage) 111 Highest education level in the family (percentage) 112 Family background of upper primary students who reported having difficulties in comprehension (percentage) 114 Pupil–teacher ratio in primary schools in tribal areas 115 Sample students at various levels 118 Number of schools by management from primary to secondary level in Odisha 121 Drop-out rate in primary, upper primary and secondary levels 123 Distribution of ST upper primary and secondary students according to their reasons for choice of school (percentage) 124 Distribution of secondary school students by their performance in the last annual examination (percentage) 125

Illustrations ix

7.6

Distribution of households by their expenditure on secondary and senior secondary education (percentage)126 7.7 Pre-matric scholarship (Rs) for ST students 127 7.8 Educational attainments at secondary and senior secondary school examinations 128 7.9 Student, faculty and staff: gender and social representation (percentage) 129 7.10 Educational attainments at secondary and senior secondary school examinations 129 7.11 Distribution of students according to their performance in annual examinations (percentage) 131 8.1 Tribal population in Telangana state, 2011 (excluding the seven mandals transferred to Andhra Pradesh) 135 9.1 Share and decadal growth rate of scheduled tribes in Kerala, 1961–2011 149 9.2 Proportion of population, sex ratio and literacy rate among STs in Kerala, 2011 149 9.3 Literacy and educational level of STs in Kerala, 2011 (percentage)150 9.4 Samples selected for the ST study, 2014 152 9.5 Socio-economic background of the ST households (percentage)153 9.6 Educational background of the household members, 2014 (percentage) 154 9.7 Performance of students in the last year’s examination (percentage)156 9.8 Reasons for poor performances of high school and college students (percentage) 157 10.1 Distribution of sample households by communities and districts (percentage) 162 10.2 DNT households according to reservation status and traditional occupation 163 10.3 DNTs’ settlement patterns in terms of rural and urban residence (percentage) 164 10.4 Possession of basic entitlements by DNT households (percentage)165 10.5 Distribution of households practising traditional occupations (percentage) 166 10.6 Distribution of households by ownership of agricultural land (percentage) 166 10.7 Educational status of members of respondent households (ages 6 to 23) (percentage) 167 10.8 Reasons for never enrolling in school (ages 6 to 23) (percentage)168

x Illustrations

10.9 10.10 10.11 10.12 10.13 10.14 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4

Level of school education at which children dropped out (percentage)169 Level in school and college at which children studied (ages 6 to 23) (percentage) 170 Percentage of children attending government and private schools170 Schools by medium of instruction attended by DNT children (percentage) 171 Respondents reporting the level of study they aspired for their children (percentage) 172 Respondents’ wishes for children’s employment after completion of education (percentage) 173 Category-wise tribes and sample size of the survey 181 Education levels of different communities in the study (percentage)184 Illiteracy rate of parents 186 Literacy rate of children (6 to 17 years) 187

Contributors

Joseph Bara is a former faculty member of the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, Delhi. He was an editor of the Educational Records Research Unit, Jawaharlal Nehru University (1985–2012); was a professorial scholar-inresidence at the Faculty of Tribal Studies, Indira Gandhi National Tribal University, Amarkantak, India (2015–17); and was a Fulbright Fellow at Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, USA (2015). He is the co-author of Report of the High-level Committee on Socio-Economic, Health and Educational Status of the Tribals of India (2014). Besides publishing widely in international journals, he has co-edited books, including Education in Colonial India: Historical Insights, Educating the Nation: Documents on the Discourse of National Education in India 1880–1920 and Development of Women’s Education in India: A Collection of Documents 1850–1920. Anubhuti Agnes Bara is an activist interested in tribal studies with a historical perspective and has just completed her PhD at the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Her doctoral thesis is on the tribes of central India. Vijay Kumar Baraik is working as an associate professor of geography in the School of Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi. His area of interest is regional development and planning. He has published books, research papers and popular articles on the issues of development and disparity, development and deprivation and health and education among the scheduled tribes (STs) in Jharkhand. H. Beck is a professor at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. He has worked on various projects and organizations of national and international stature. His publications include Socioeconomic Status of Scavengers Engaged in the Practice of Manual Scavenging in Maharashtra (2005), The Centre for Environment, Technology and Resource Development. An Initiative for Rural Community Development (2017), and Tribal Health in India: Bridging the Gap and a Roadmap for the Future (2018).

xii Contributors

Bhangya Bhukya is a professor of modern Indian history at the University of Hyderabad. He has authored several books on the history of tribes of India. Recent publications include The Roots of the Periphery: A History of the Gonds of Deccan India (2017) and Subjugated Nomads: The Lambadas Under the Rule of Nizams (2010). Vijay Korra is an assistant professor at the Centre for Economic and Social Studies (CESS), Hyderabad, Telangana. He has published a book, Forgotten Communities of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh: A Story of Denotified Tribes (2019). He is currently working on a major study entitled “Social and Economic Cost of Gulf Migration: A Study of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh”. Sudash Lama is an associate professor in the Department of History, University of North Bengal, District Darjeeling, West Bengal. Madan Meena is a visual artist and cultural researcher. He has worked extensively in crafts and oral traditions. His important publications are Nurturing Walls (2009) and Tejaji Gatha (2011). Presently, he is the honorary director of Adivasi Academy, Tejgadh in Gujarat. Sashmi Nayak is the Ambedkar Chair Professor of Social Work at the National Institute of Social Work and Social Sciences, Bhubaneswar. Her area of work concentrates on anti-oppressive social work intervention and focuses on social inclusion and exclusion. Her current research examines issues concerning manual scavenging, begging, migration, trafficking and forced and bonded labour. J.C. Patel is a professor of sociology, Gujarat University, Ahmedabad. He has published several books, including Tribal Widows in Gujarat (2007), Culture and Change: Tribes of India (2014) and Adivasi Samaj (2017). S. Irudaya Rajan is a professor at the Centre for Development Studies (CDS), Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala. He has published extensively in national and international journals on social, economic, health and demographic facets of ageing and migration over the last three decades. He is the editor of the series India Migration Report and South Asia Migration Report (Routledge). He is also editor-in-chief of Migration and Development published by Taylor &Francis. Ghanshyam Shah is a former professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi, and Centre for Social Studies, Surat. He has authored several books, including Democracy, Civil Society and Governance (2019); Social Movements in India: A Review of Literature (1990, 2004); Economic Differentiations and Tribal Identity (1984); Minorities and Nation Building: A Case of Muslims and Scheduled Tribes in India (1983); Education and Scheduled Tribes: Attainment and Challenges (co-authored, 2020);

Contributors xiii

and Untouchability in Rural India (2007). His edited books include Caste and Democratic Politics in India (2002), Dalit Identity and Politics (2001), Re-reading Hind Swaraj: Modernity and Subalterns (2012), Growth or Development: Which Way Is Gujarat Going (co-edited, 2014) and Development and Deprivation in Gujarat (2002). S. Sunitha is a research associate at the Centre for Development Studies. She received her PhD in demography from the University of Kerala. She has published articles in edited volumes as well as journals on aspects of demography. She is co-author of the book, Education among Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes: Attainments and Challenges in Kerala. John B. Tirkey is an associate professor in the Department of Sociology, Kalipada Ghosh Tarai Mahvidyalaya, Bagdogra, District Darjeeling, West Bengal. He is the author of Health Care Practices Among the Oraons: Study of Continuity and Change (2018).

Preface and Acknowledgements

The present volume is an outcome of the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR)–sponsored projects on “Educational Status of Scheduled Tribes: Attainments and Challenges” and “Socio-Economic Status and Educational Attainment and Challenges of De-notified, Nomadic and SemiNomadic Tribes”. These projects were carried out in different states of India during 2012–14. On the basis of their studies, most of the schedule tribes (ST) state-level project directors prepared research papers and presented in the seminar organized by ICSSR, New Delhi, in 2015. Later, the revised papers were presented in the seminar organized by the Centre for Social Studies, Surat, in January 2016. During the second seminar, we invited some project directors involved in the studies on denotified Tribes (DNT), nomadic tribes (NT) and semi-nomadic tribes (SNT). On the basis of the discussions, the papers in the seminars have been revised, in some cases amounting to rewriting. In the process, a few dropped out. In addition to the spread of education in the respective states, the overall concern was to examine to what extent education has facilitated the process of equality among various communities. Has education empowered them to attain the same equal status and opportunities as others? What hurdles do these communities face while accessing and pursuing education in schools and colleges? Sukhadeo Thorat, the then-chairperson of ICSSR (2011–16), has been the motivating force for the study. He participated in the seminar in 2015 when the papers were first presented. Virendra Kumar Malhotra, the present member secretary, not only encouraged the study but also actively participated in and gave comments during the second seminar at Surat. At various stages of the project we received support from Ramesh Dadhich, the then-member secretary; G.S. Saun, in-charge member secretary; and Revathy Vishwanath, Rachana Jain and Rehman. But for their support, the study would not have been possible. We gratefully acknowledge each of them for their generous support. We also specially thank K. Sujatha (NUEPA), Geetha Nambissan (JNU), V.B. Singh (CSDS), Amresh Dubey (JNU), Dinesh Tiwari (NCAER) and

Preface and Acknowledgements  xv

Vimal Trivedi (CSS) for their guidance at different stages of the study. The project received technical and administrative assistance from research associates, Bharat Rout and Anjali Dash. The second phase of the project was located at the Centre for Social Studies, Surat. We also acknowledge the help of faculty members, particularly Satyakam Joshi, Kiran Desai and support staff, especially Harish Jariwala, Ashish Nikam and Seema Shukla of the CSS, for their valuable administrative assistance. We are thankful to all the contributors for revising and re-revising their papers ungrudgingly. And our apology to those scholars whose papers we could not include in this volume. Ghanshyam Shah Joseph Bara

Abbreviations

AAS AP APL APSWRS AREA ASER BPL CAG CBSE CERD CISCE CTA D&D D&NH DISE DK DNT DPEP DPEPSSA

Affirmative Action Schemes Andhra Pradesh Above Poverty Line AP Social Welfare Residential Schools Scheme Adoption of Right to Education Act Annual Status of Education Report Below Poverty Line Comptroller and Auditor General Central Board of Secondary Education Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination Council for the Indian School Certificate Examinations Criminal Tribes Act Daman and Diu Dadra and Nagar Haveli District Information System for Education Do not know Denotified Tribes District Primary Education programme District Primary Education Programme and Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan ELT English Language Teaching EPW Economic and Political Weekly ESCAC Education Status of Scheduled Castes: Attainment and Challenges EUSP European Union State Partnership GER Gross Enrolment Ratio GoA Government of Andhra GoG Government of Gujarat GoI Government of India GoO Government of Odisha GSDP Gross State Domestic Product HDI Human Development Index HHs Households

Abbreviations xvii

HOA HPHL HSC ICDS ICSSR ICSSR:ESTAC

Habitual Offenders Act High Population-High Literacy Higher Secondary Certificate Integrated Child Development Service Indian Council of Social Science Research Education Status of Scheduled Tribes: Attainments and Challenges Information Communication Technology ICT IIDS Indian Institute of Dalit Studies IIM Indian Institute of Management IIT Indian Institute of Technology IMR Infant Mortality Rate ITDA Integrated Tribal Development Agency ISI Indian Statistical Institute KM Kilometre LPHL Low Population-High Literacy MBC Most Backward Castes MCM Merit Cum Means MDM Mid-Day Meal MHRD Ministry of Human Resource Development MLE Multi-Lingual Education MP Madhya Pradesh NA Not Applicable/Not Ascertainable NCAER National Council of Applied Economic Research NCDNSNT National Commission for De-notified, Nomadic and Seminomadic Tribes NCER National Centre for Education Research NCERT National Council for Educational Research and Training NCF National Curriculum Framework NEP National Educational Policy NER Net Enrolment Ratio NGO Non-Government Organisation NIEPA National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration NIOS National Institute of Open Schooling NISWASS National Institute of Social Work and Social Sciences NHRC National Human Rights Commission Non-ST Non-Scheduled Castes and Tribes NPE National Policy on Education NSS National Sample Survey NSSO National Sample Survey Organization NT Nomadic Tribes NUEPA National University of Educational Planning and Administration OBC (Socially-Educationally) Other Backward Classes

xviii Abbreviations

OBSE OPEPA PDS PMS PPP PTG PTM PTR PTSMA PVTG RMSA RTE

Odisha Board of Secondary Education Odisha Primary Education Programme Authority Public Distribution System Post-Metric Scholarship Public–Private Partnership Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group Parent–Teacher Meeting Pupil–Teacher Ratio Parent–Teacher School Management Association Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act SC Scheduled Castes SESEAC DNSND Socio-Economic Status and Educational Attainment and Challenges of Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes SIS Servants of India Society SNT Semi-Nomadic Tribes SSA Sarva Siksha Abhiyan ST Scheduled Tribes WB West Bengal

Chapter 1

Introduction Tribes in India and their education Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

The present volume is a collection of papers focusing on status of education of scheduled tribes (ST), denotified and nomadic tribes in some of the Indian states. They emerge from the survey of education of these communities sponsored by the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) during 2012–14. In fact, the study on the “Educational Status of Scheduled Tribes: Attainments and Challenges” (ICSSR:ESTAC) is a repeat study of the ICSSR conducted in the early 1970s. The study of education of denotified tribes (DNT), nomadic tribes (NT) and semi-nomadic tribes (SNT) is the first of the kind. Though both sets of studies have a common framework to map out the status of education and socio-economic factors, they differ in their scope and methodology. The latter is an exploratory effort, confined to a household survey of a sample of DNTs, NTs and SNTs. The former (ST) carries out a survey of households as well as upper primary, secondary school and college students (for the sampling method see the Appendix). It may be noted that the 2012–14 ICSSR study on STs does not cover the northeast frontier states of India. The full-fledged state-based reports of the STs are available from the ICSSR. This volume is an attempt to present some of the studies focusing on certain aspects of the educational scenario of these communities based on the survey data collected for the project. Besides mapping out the spread of education by level in these communities and the process of constructing an egalitarian society in a multi-cultural society, it specifically looks at the following: Who is educated and who remains behind? What obstacles do students of these deprived communities face inside and outside educational institutions in acquiring education?

Scheduled tribes Scheduled tribe is primarily an administrative category created by the government to rule a group of communities. In the nineteenth century, when the colonial government begun enumerating the Indian people through a census, it initially used the terms ‘tribe’ and ‘caste’ interchangeably to classify the natives. For the first time, the Government of India made an effort

2  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

to prepare a list of ‘primitive tribes’, and later the Government of India Act 1935, used the term ‘backward tribes’ for the communities largely residing in the interiors from the plains to hills and forests and who followed cultural practices different from the mainstream Hindu society. The Indian Constitution, 1950, has retained the terminology of the 1935 act, but with a slight alteration, using ‘scheduled’ instead of ‘backward’. Articles 341 and 342 of the constitution empowered the President to specify certain groups as ‘scheduled tribes’. Article 366 (25) defined ‘scheduled tribes’ as “such tribes or tribal communities or parts of groups within such tribes for the purpose of the Constitution”. By the Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) order, 1950, issued by the President in the exercise of powers conferred by Clause (1) Article 342 of the Constitution of India, 212 tribes were declared to be scheduled tribes. Later, by an act of Parliament, several other communities have been included from time to time.1 As of 2017, 645 communities have been considered scheduled tribes. There is no precise sociological definition of the term ‘tribe’ in which all the scheduled tribes have been categorized. Different anthropologists and public policy architects use the term ‘tribe’ differently in different contexts, based on one’s perspective on social processes and development. The western sociologists and anthropologists, such as Lewis Morgan (1818–81) and Herbert Spencer (1820–1901), who subscribe to evolutionary theory, construct various stages of human development. Their construction is based on their perceived socio-economic growth of their own European society to the present ‘modern’ stage. According to them, the present western society is the most civilized, and the others will inevitably follow. In that trajectory, the first stage was that of a band. It was “an association, more or less residential of nuclear families”(Renfrew 1973; Maisels 1990). The second stage is that of a tribe. In this sense, a self-styled civilization looks at tribes as primitive and backward in terms of the trajectory of evolution, and they are required to pass through stages to become civilized qua modern. In Indian languages, including Sanskrit and Prakrit, there is no special word analogous to a tribe. The English-Sanskrit dictionary translates the word ‘tribe’ as jana or jati, which means ‘community of people’. Niharranjan Ray (1972: 5) observes, A careful analysis of long list of janas in epic Buddhist, puranic and secular literature of early medieval times and the context in which they are mentioned makes it clear that hardly any distinction was made until very late in history between what we know today as ‘tribes’ and such communities of people who were known as the Gandharas and Khambojas, Kasi and Kosala, Angas and Magadhas, Kurus and Panchalas, for instance. However, in the contemporary discourse, different STs of the northeast states prefer to be recognized by the name of their tribe or collective as a

Introduction 3

tribe or tribal people. In other parts, they are known as Jan-jati, Adivasis, Vanvasi, Vanyajati, Adimjati, Girijan and Pahari. In some parts, more often than not, the mainstream people look down upon them. In the past, they called them ‘Kaliparaj’ (black people) or ‘uncivilized or primitive’ (Jangali and Pachaat). In the earlier categorization of communities set by the British rulers, geographical location, economic condition and lifestyle of a community were the guiding principles for preparing the list of STs. The Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes posed this question in 1950 to the state governments in 1950: “What criteria [have] they employed to distinguish the ‘tribals’ from the rest of the population?” According to the Assam government, the characteristics of tribals were (a) descent from Mongoloid stock, (b) being members of the Tibeto-Burman linguistic group and (c) the existence of a unity of social organization of the village or clan type. According to the Madhya Pradesh government, the tribals were of ‘tribal’ origin, speaking a ‘tribal’ language and were residents of the forest areas. The Hyderabad government considered those social groups to be tribals who resided in forests; observed an animistic religion; used a social dialect; practiced marriage by force; resorted to hunting, fishing and gathering of forest food as the means of subsistence; etc. (Mamoria 1957). On the basis of the empirical studies carried out by anthropologists and census data, one can say that these are the communities which had been residing in forests and hills with less interaction with the people of the plain region. There are certain common socio-cultural characteristics which, by and large, distinguish them from the non-ST population of their vicinity. Until the ‘modern’ times of the British era, most of them had not become an organic part of the mainstream Hindu society. Their traditional social and religious beliefs, customs, lifestyle and languages/bhashas are different from the followers of institutionalized religion residing on the plains.2 According to the 2011 census, there are 104.2 million STs. Over six decades, their population has increased nearly 3.5 times. They were 30.1 million in 1961. Besides natural fertility growth, new communities have been added from time to time by constitutional amendment. In terms of historical experiences, cultural differences and geopolitical factors, ST can be divided into (a) frontier or northeast tribes and (2) non-frontier tribes spread in the northwest Himalayan region, eastern, central, western and southern part of the country. The northeast region includes Assam, Tripura, Meghalaya, Manipur, Nagaland, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim. Some of these states have a predominantly ST population, varying from 68 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh to 94 per cent in Mizoram. The remaining northeastern states also have significant tribal populations. They together constitute nearly 12 per cent of the STs of the country. Two of the Union territories – Lakshadweep on the southwestern coast and Daman and Diu in the western region, though small in terms of area

4  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

and population, have a sizable ST population of 94 per cent and 54 per cent, respectively. The remaining 85 per cent of the STs are spread in the northwest Himalayan region of Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand, as well as eastern and in a central belt, including West Bengal, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha and Andhra Pradesh, and in western India – Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Goa. Of all the states, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Gujarat and Rajasthan have a sizable ST population which is more than 12 per cent of the state population. The number of STs as identified by the government varies from state to state. Though the number is, by and large, related to the size of the state and ST population, it is not always so. The largest number of tribes (104) is enumerated in Arunachal Pradesh. The total ST population in the state is less than ten lakh. As against that, Madhya Pradesh, with 153 lakh population, has 43 tribes. Odisha has 62 tribes. All Union territories – Dadra, Nagar Haveli, Daman and Diu and Lakshadweep – have fewer than ten tribes. Many of the tribes are not socially homogeneous. In terms of interpersonal social actions, including marriage relationships, they are often divided. Within each state, a majority of them are concentrated in certain blocks and districts. There are 60 districts and 600 blocks where STs constitute more than 80 per cent of the population. On the other hand, they are almost invisible, less than 10 per cent, in the majority of the districts (58 per cent) and blocks/tehsils (60 per cent). The number of villages with more than 90 per cent population has also increased from 59,549 to 63,056 during the last decade. Moreover, the tribal villages, unlike non-tribal villages, are scattered. They are spread over a large area and divided into hamlets. Only 10 per cent of them live in urban areas. In 1961, their urban population was barely 1 per cent. Even today, they constitute only 2.3 per cent of the total urban population. Except in the towns in close vicinity of their concentrated populations, they are almost invisible in the large cities. According to the census, they are almost absent in metropolitan cities like Delhi. It seems that the migrant STs are left out from the enumeration. Among all the STs, a few tribes have been identified as ‘primitive’. They are now called ‘particularly vulnerable tribal group (PVTG)’.3 These groups engaged in hunting and gathering, have zero or negative population growth and have an extremely low level of literacy in comparison to other tribes. Initially, 52 tribes were identified as primitive tribes. Their population was estimated at 7,73,684 persons in 1961. Later some other tribes were added to this category. In 2001 there were 75 such groups. According to the 2001 census, their population is calculated as 2.7 million. They have been identified in most of the states. Their highest number is in Madhya Pradesh. Each tribe has a dialect which they normally speak in the local areas with their community people and also for the exchange of goods in bazaars. Over the last six decades several of their languages have disappeared. According

Introduction 5

to United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) (2017), 197 languages in India are listed as endangered. According to the People’s Linguistic Survey of India, 780 languages are spoken. Of them, 220 have been lost in the last 50 years (www.peopleslinguisticsurvey.org/). Many of these are the languages of various tribal communities.

Denotified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes The Indian Constitution does not refer to categories like ‘denotified’ or ‘nomadic’ tribes. These categories have evolved gradually during the colonial rule. Denotified tribes are those who were once considered under the Criminal Tribes Act, 1871, as ‘hereditary criminals’ and called ‘criminal tribes’. They were subjected to surveillance and confinement. Many of these communities resisted and rebelled against the ‘foreign’ power, be that the British, Moghuls, Marathas or Rajputs, who impinged on their autonomy and rights to natural resources. Most of them were not settled in a particular area. Among the categorized ‘criminal tribes’, many were nomadic communities. The settled communities looked upon them with suspicion because of their nomadic character. After independence, following the recommendation of the All India Criminal Tribes Inquiry Committee report in 1949, the 1871 act was repealed in 1952. These communities became ‘denotified tribes’. But the policy makers of the post-independence India were also not free from their belief of hereditary virtues and vices. Hence, to keep effective control over the so-called hardened criminals, the Habitual Offenders Act was placed in the statute book. The nomenclature changed, but not the attitude of the bureaucracy or mainstream society towards them. Surveillance by the state on their activities continues. They are the victims of discrimination in both public and private spheres by the dominant communities and state bureaucracy. The National Commission for De-notified, Nomadic and Semi-nomadic Tribes (NCDNSNT), 2015, listed 496 tribes as denotified. Their number varies from state to state. They are absent in all the northeast frontier states such as Assam, Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh, etc., and the northwest Himalayan region states such as Jammu and Kashmir, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Lakshadweep, Daman and Diu, Goa, etc. In Tamil Nadu and Rajasthan, 71 and 31 communities, respectively, are listed as denotified tribes. The 1931 census listed several nomadic communities under the rubric of ‘wandering communities’. This was a descriptive category. The first Backward Class Commission, 1955, noted, There are a large number of small communities who eke out a precarious existence in the countryside. They have no fixed place of residence and they move from place to place in search of food or employment. They often rear pigs and poultry, hunt wild animals to satisfy their

6  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

hunger and collect forest produce to make a living. They live in thatched sheds or gunny tents, and move in groups. They believe in witchcraft. Because of the insecurity of their life, some of these communities are given to crime. However, until 2005 no effort had been made by the central government to look into their problems and evolve programmes for their welfare; different state governments, though, prepared lists identifying nomadic or seminomadic communities/tribes in their respective states for welfare measures. The state government lists of ‘De-notified and Nomadic Tribes’ however do not follow any well-defined criteria for their classification. It has been observed that the inclusion and exclusion of communities in such lists was done on ‘political considerations rather than on fair and uniform criteria’  (Renke 2008:17). Moreover, it is difficult to differentiate between nomadic and seminomadic categories, as one finds the same characteristics in several tribes within the members of the community. Notwithstanding these problems, the second NCDNST in 2015 prepared a draft list of ‘De-notified Tribes, Nomadic Tribes and Semi-Nomadic Tribes’. It is based on the earlier reports, the state government lists, some social activists’ lists and studies. It listed 496 DNTs, 914 NTs and 139 SNTs. The list carries an overlapping of names. Some names are synonymous, with spelling variations for the same tribes and lack of uniformity between English and Hindi lists prepared by some states (2008: 53–56). There is so far no systematic enumeration and survey of these communities. Hence, we get different guesstimates about their numbers. According to the estimate of the first NCDNST (Renke 2008), there are 109 million people belonging to denotified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes in India. Some of them find a place under the SC or ST or OBC category in different states, but there are several anomalies in terms of inclusion. The studies on Telangana and Rajasthan by Korra and Meena, respectively, in this volume (Chapters 10 and 11) also point out such anomalies. However, according to the NCDNST 2015, 22 per cent of these communities are part of the ST, SC or OBC category. Hence, a majority of them are not covered under any ‘reserved’ category to receive special welfare benefits. Most of the STs live in a contiguous geographical area of a region, and they have some kind of socio-cultural and physical proximity with each other. But this is not the case with DNTs, NTs and SNTs. Most of them live side by side with the non-tribals, the so-called mainstream communities. Some of them are mobile. More often than not, they have more interaction with the mainstream society of the vicinity than with other denotified or nomadic communities. Unlike the STs, most of these communities have interactions with services and business with the settled mainstream communities. Though they were not organically related, as the SCs, with the

Introduction 7

dominant communities, they were not isolated like STs. They share many cultural beliefs and social customs with the communities with whom they interact. Misra aptly identifies that “ecological conditions, the culture of the neighbouring settled population are of great significance in determining the various social, economic, political and religious features of a nomadic population” (1982: 16–19). They possess a complex combination of tribal characteristics, traditional untouchability and nomadic traits (Lokur 1965: 16). There is very little communitarian bond across the members of different communities. There has not been so far any notable mobilization of these communities to bring them under one umbrella for a common identity and purpose.

Sources of livelihood All the tribes do not enjoy similar economic status. A few, called primitive, are still at the food-gathering stage, fewer are hunters and a small proportion of them follow shifting cultivation. By now, most of them are settled cultivators. All those who are cultivators do not necessarily have ownership right in government records, as ‘ownership’ is still an alien concept. According to the 2011 census, 49 per cent of the STs are ‘workers’ engaged in economic activities for a living. Of them 41 per cent are cultivators and 31 per cent are landless labourers. A majority of the ST households in Jammu and Kashmir, Goa, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh are landless. However, the proportion of landless ST households is very insignificant in Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Jharkhand. Most of them are small and marginal farmers. Around 70 per cent of the ST households own less than one hectare of land. Only 3 per cent possess four or more hectares of land. Such households are more in Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh than in other states. Nine per cent of the ST households in Uttarakhand, 6 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4 per cent in Chhattisgarh fall in this category. They are nearly 1 per cent in most of the other states. It may be noted that their land is, by and large, barren and rocky and without irrigation. Most of the irrigation dams have been constructed upstream of rivers where the ST population is concentrated, but more often than not, ST cultivators are the last to get the benefit of irrigation. They do not have required inputs for agriculture production. Consequently, an average productivity of food grains and other crops in tribal areas is far less than in the non-tribal regions (NSSO report, 1999–2000 cited in Xaxa 2014: 143). According to the ICCSR household survey that we carried out, 7 per cent of the heads of ST households reported self-employed as their main occupation. Except for a very few who are forest contractors, most of them are petty shopkeepers, engaged in basket and rope making, tool making (iron and wooden), spinning and weaving, metal work, iron work, etc. Their proportion is relatively high in Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Gujarat,

8  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

Karnataka and Goa. Around 12 per cent of the head of households are white-collar employees, mostly in the government sector, including the forest department, teaching, etc. A few are in the private sector. Except for a few of them, they are employed in the lower category, class III and IV, as a clerk or peon. Only 1 per cent of the heads of ST households are professionals (Shah et al. 2020). In the course of six decades of economic growth, STs have increasingly lost their natural resources and a very tiny section has gained the benefits of ‘development’. They are uprooted from their environment. They constitute nearly one-fourth of the seasonal migrant labour on farms, saltpans, plantations, mines, the urban informal sector of road and building construction, etc. Among the people living below the poverty line, STs are the highest. Every second ST household lives below the poverty line. In some states like Odisha, nearly 70 per cent of them live below the poverty line (Nayak: Chapter 7 [of this volume]). The infant mortality rate was 62 per 1000 live births. Systematic socio-economic information on DNTs, NTs and SNTs, however, is not available, despite a caste census in 2011. According to a Renke Commission report, most of them do not own land, livestock, a homestead, a house or consumer durables. A recent study sponsored by ICSSR on ‘Socio-Economic Status and Educational Attainment and Challenges of Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes’ (SESEAC DNSND) in a few states shows that there is a great deal of diversity in terms of occupations among these communities (Kannabiran et al. 2017). The study on Rajasthan and Telangana, as well as the Renke Commission, give a rough picture of their occupation pattern. Their occupations include (a) pastoralists, mainly shepherds, cowherds and hunters; (b) artisan nomads such as blacksmiths, stone workers, weapon makers, etc.; (c) entertainers, dancers, gymnasts, wrestlers, snake charmers, monkey trainers, etc.; and (d) religious performers, ascetics, devotional singers, minstrels and astrologers. With the increased urbanization and changed nature of social relationships and consumption patterns, many of their occupations have become either redundant or with a small number of clients. Many of them work in the informal sector in rural and urban areas. Most of the denotified and nomadic community members face an abuse of human rights by law enforcement authorities, realtors, politicians, landlords and the village communities (Renke 2008; Jay 2015).

Formal education Formal institutionalized education, coupled with scripted tribal language, seems to have begun with Christian missionaries in the nineteenth century who started working among the tribals with a view to ‘civilize’ them. Occasionally the colonial rulers did talk about ‘mass’ education, but there was

Introduction 9

hardly any effort, as Bara and Bara show in the next chapter, to impart education to the lower strata of society. Sometimes to pacify resistance of the tribals against their rule, the British government established ‘Anglovernacular’ schools in tribal regions such as Ranchi in eastern India (Bara 2002 and Chapter 2). The objective of the missionaries and the colonial administration was to retrieve the tribals from ‘bestiality’ to ‘civilized’ persons. The nationalist leaders and a few of the native rulers also made efforts to educate the tribals with a view to reform and make them ‘civilized’ like upper-caste Hindus. Such efforts of the Christian missionaries, British administration and nationalists were isolated. According to the 1931 census, there was a less than 1 per cent literacy rate among the tribals. In 1951, the literacy rate of the STs was only 3.46 per cent. It increased to 9 per cent in 1961. It reached 59 per cent in 2011, which is more than six times in the last six decades. There is no uniform rate and growth of literacy among the STs in all parts of the country. The STs in the northeast frontier states have a very high rate, outpacing not only the national literacy rate of the STs but also the all-India level, which is 74 per cent. The ST literacy rate in Mizoram is 92 per cent and in Nagaland 80 per cent. Among other states, more than 70 per cent of STs are literate in Himachal Pradesh, Uttrakhand and Goa. These are the states that have higher literacy than the national average, and the literacy level of STs in these states is also higher than the national average literacy level of the STs. Conversely, most of the states that have a lower literacy rate among the STs than the national average also have an overall lower literacy rate than the national average. But at the same time, the literacy rate among the STs in Gujarat, Maharashtra and Kerala has not moved as fast as non-STs in the respective states. There are a number of states where the literacy rate of STs is lower than their national average, i.e. below 59 per cent. Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Jammu and Kashmir are lagging behind the other states. Like other communities, notwithstanding the overall gender equality in tribal society, the rate of literacy among females remains lower than among males. While the male literacy rate was close to 41 per cent in 1991, the same figure for females was only 18 per cent. Similarly, in 2001, the male literacy rate was 59 per cent compared to 35 per cent for females. By 2011, the male literacy rate had improved to 68 per cent compared to 49 per cent for female STs. Female literacy lags behind males in all the states. In the northeast states, the gap between male and female literacy rates is relatively narrow – around four points. However, there is a high gap of above twenty points in literacy between the genders in Dadra and Nagar Haveli. The gap is the highest in Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. There is an uneven growth in literacy among the tribes in all the states. A few tribes have a very high literacy rate – above the state and national average. In fact, there are STs, though small in number, with an almost 100 per cent literacy rate. On the other hand, there are several tribes in each

10  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

state which lag far behind the state average, with a less than 40 per cent literacy rate. For instance, in Andhra Pradesh the Rona, Thoti, Valmiki, Pardhan, Konda Kapus, Hill Reddis, etc., have a more than 60 per cent literacy rate, whereas the rate of literacy among Nakkala and Kondhs is below 30 per cent. Similarly in Chhattisgarh the tribes such as Sahariya, Halba, Sonr, Pardhan, etc., have above a 70 per cent literacy rate as against the below 40 per cent among Majhwar, Korwa and Birhul. Such a gap is found in all the states, although to different degrees. The uneven literacy rate reflects the varying level of education among the tribes which the studies in this volume on Gujarat, Chhattisgarh, West Bengal and Telangana point out (Census of India 2011, Series A-10, State Primary Census Abstract for Individual Scheduled Tribes). We do not have similar data on literacy rates of different DNTs, NTs and SNTs. Two studies presented in the volume show the dismal picture of education among these communities. These studies validate the following observation of the Renke Commission: Education is a mirage to the De-notified and Nomadic communities. It is no wonder that these communities are largely illiterate and those who are educated are educated mostly up to tenth class. The community survey clearly reflects that the De-notified and Nomadic communities have poor access to education due to the problem of livelihood security and sustenance. Children are initiated into income earning activities at a very tender age. They are not motivated to attend schools due to the perception that education does not ensure any livelihood and the educated children will be a liability as they will not take to their traditional calling once educated. Poverty and lack of citizenry rights deny them access to basic rights. . . . In case of de-notified and Nomadic population it is not the question of low-income but a question of no-income. Under the prevailing circumstances, one cannot expect any substantial improvement in the literacy levels unless some serious efforts are made by the government to ensure sustainable livelihoods to the members of these communities. The enrolment and drop-out rates are very high, as observed in the community survey undertaken by the Commission. (Renke 84)

Post-independence tribal education policy and programmes The Indian Constitution and a few of its architects were not only committed to the universalization of education, but they also advocated revolutionizing the education system. But the exercise for the formulation of education policy for the country was not undertaken in the 1950s.4 An Education Commission was formed in 1964, headed by D. S. Kothari. The commission

Introduction 11

considered education a major instrument for peaceful economic, social and political transformation (Kothari 1966: 29–33). With significant change in the ‘existing’ (colonial) educational system, it was hoped ‘the socio-economic and political revolution’ that society needed would also be ‘automatically triggered off’. It called for universal elementary education on a priority basis. For that it strongly proposed a ‘common school system’. The commission argued: The existing educational system reflects the socio-economic differences between the well-to-do classes and the poor masses. It has a system of high quality good institutions at all levels which are used by the children of the rich and socially or politically important groups while the bulk of the educational institutions provided by the State are of poor quality and are the only ones available to the vast bulk of havenots or marginal people. This segregation is highly undesirable from the point of view of social and national integration. The national system of education should therefore adopt the common school system, which abolishes this segregation and enables all children to avail themselves of a common system of schools, which maintains comparable standards. In particular, it should adopt the neighbourhood school model at the primary stage where all children, irrespective of caste, race, religion, sex or colour, attend the common elementary school established for the locality. (Naik 1982: 18) The commission further asserted that one of the important social objectives of education is to equalize opportunity, enabling the backward or underprivileged classes and individuals to use education as a lever for the improvement of their condition. . . . This is the only guarantee for the building up of an egalitarian and humane society in which the exploitation of the weak will be minimized. (Kothari 1966: 203) It emphasised that the school system should pay special attention to children from the underprivileged groups through the provision of day-study centres or boarding houses. Further, in order to mitigate gender and social inequality between the advanced classes and the backward ones – the SCs, the STs, DNTs and NTs – the commission emphasized a need for special efforts. The commission was not comfortable with the term ‘tribe’ and pleaded for adopting ‘a suitable alternative phrase to describe’ these communities. This ‘alternative phrase’ has never been spelled out, and actually not even attempted in the education system. The commission acknowledged the disadvantageous position of these communities, but did not pay enough

12  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

attention to the diversity of tribal culture and way of life. The implicit assumption was the eventual ‘integration of tribals’, albeit ‘assimilation’ with the dominant culture. There was hardly any effort to spell out the nature of integration of the tribals who have a different historical trajectory, cultural ethos and way of life. It seems the commission was aware of the complexities of tribal culture and the role of education for their ‘development’. The commission divided STs into two categories for providing them educational facilities and protection. A small proportion of STs live in ‘small pockets’, in close proximity with the non-tribals, and an overwhelming number of them are concentrated in remote areas – in forests and on hills. For the case of the former, the commission recommends that the special attention be paid to their needs ‘to ensure that they receive a fair share of the benefits of educational development’. For the education of the vast majority of STs, the commission emphasized developing communication, an agriculture economy “including care of forests, improved systems of shifting cultivation, settled cultivation and pasture’ and development of an education system related to their economic and social development responsive to the cultural and economic needs of the people” (Kothari 1966: 226). The commission also emphasized that at the initial stage, tribal children should be taught in their language (dialect). For that, the teachers in tribal areas “should be invariably conversant with the tribal languages” (Kothari 1966: 228). The shift in medium to a regional language may be made gradually. It also recommended that not only the timings of the schools but also vacation and holidays need to meet the requirements of the local tribal communities’ social and economic life. Moreover, the introduction of work experience and an emphasis on art education would attract the tribal children as would the teaching of folk songs, stories and riddles which are so popular with the tribal. Tribal games and archery as well as tribal music and dances should be introduced as extracurricular activities.5 The Education Commission also drew attention to the education needs of the nomadic and semi-nomadic communities. The commission recognized that it was not easy to provide education facilities to mobile communities. They therefore emphasized improving the communities’ economic situation so that they could get settled. Simultaneously, efforts on the part of the government need to provide meaningful work, marketing of forest products and their crafts, health and educational facilities in a mobile form. The commission recommended the provision of hostels where the children of these communities “can live and grow up in a proper atmosphere [which] is probably the best solution in the long run” (Kothari 1966: 226). The government accepted the commission’s report, acknowledging its recommendations as “essential for [the] economic and cultural development of

Introduction 13

the country, for national integration and for realizing the ideal of a socialistic pattern of society” (Kothari 1966:XII). While endorsing the recommendation of the commission, the Parliamentary Committee asked for its immediate implementation (Naik 1982:79). In 1968, the National Policy on Education was formulated. The main principle of this policy was to provide ‘free and compulsory education’ and arrest the drop-out rate of the students from the studies. In 1976, education was placed on the concurrent list to develop an overall national policy and also for its effective implementation through the states. With this amendment the Union government accepted a larger financial responsibility and also evolved the new National Policy on Education (NPE) 1986 for “the national and integrative character of education, to maintain quality and standards”. The policy, as modified in 1992, emphasized the expansion of educational facilities and also equalization of educational opportunities by attending to the specific needs which have been denied equality so far. It specifically focused on the removal of disparities among women, STs and SC communities. It reiterated the policy for universalization and a common schooling system. However, civil society’s campaign for universalization of education continued unabatedly, irrespective of the parties in power. Despite new NPE 1986, the governance continued as usual. Education was not and is not on the agenda of any political party. At the same time assertion of the upwardly mobile and vocal sections of different social groups, including various shades of feminists, for their inclusion in educational opportunities mounted. Public interest cases were filed in courts demanding universalization of education. The Supreme Court of India held in Mohini Jain v. State of Karnataka (1992)6 that “the right to education is concomitant to fundamental rights enshrined under Part III of the Constitution”. The government, following the Structural Adjustment Programme in the economy, on the one hand, and rising identity politics in the post-Mandal period on the other, tweaked the NEP in 1992. The policy took note of the ‘considerable expansion in educational facilities’ and granted that neither normal linear expansion nor the existing pace and nature of improvement can meet the needs of the situation. In 1994, the central government launched a scheme called the District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) to achieve the objective of universalization of education. Later, in 2002–03 the government launched Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) as its flagship programme for the same purpose. A need for opening a primary school within 1 km walking distance for the tribal habitations with a population up to 200 was reiterated by the National Commission of Scheduled Tribes in 2006. With the similar mission, the central government launched ‘Rashtriya Madhyamik Shikhsa Abhiyan’ and ‘Rashtriya Uchchatar Shiksha Abhiyan’ for strengthening secondary and higher education. All these missions do mention the ‘special’ needs of the tribals.

14  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

At the same time, the main thrust of the policy in the Twelfth Five-Year Plan was the privatization of education. The policy promised to facilitate private investment directly or through a public–private partnership (PPP) model for establishing and managing educational institutions and to develop large education hubs on government land in different parts of the country (Tilak 2009). Simultaneously, the policy reaffirmed the principle of ‘equalisation of educational opportunities’. Later, ‘inclusion’ gained a focus in policy documents. Needless to say ‘inclusion’ is sine qua non of equality. But inclusion is not equality. It may be a starting point, but it does not necessarily mean that inclusive policy moves in the direction of equality. With the focus on inclusion, the revised NPE focused on the social groups – women, SCs, STs, religious minorities and other socially and educationally backward communities and the physically handicapped. The policy specifically mentioned that the new thrust in elementary education would emphasize three aspects: (a) universal access and enrolment, (b) universal retention of children up to 14 years of age and (c) a substantial improvement in the quality of education to enable all children to achieve essential levels of learning. To meet this objective, the policy also promised to take effective measures in the direction of the Common School System as recommended in the 1968 policy. But no effort was made in that direction. Thanks to the sustained campaign by civil society for right to education as a fundamental right, some political parties put the issue on their agenda. The Constitutional Amendment Bill for the inclusion of education as a fundamental right was moved in the Parliament. The bill was passed in 2002 as the 86th Amendment Act. Subsequently the bill, with specific provisions, was placed before the Parliament in 2005. The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act (RTE) was passed by the Parliament in 2009. The bill became an act in 2010. Accordingly, Every child of 6 to 14 years shall have the right to have free and compulsory education in neighbourhood school till the completion of elementary education and no child shall be liable to pay fees or charges or expenses which may prevent him or her from perusing and completing elementary education. The act also makes a provision that all private schools have to admit 25 per cent of the total students from poor and disadvantaged communities.7 To enhance access to secondary education and improve its quality, the government launched the Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan in 2009. It planned to provide secondary schools to all students within a 5-km distance from their residence. The scheme planned a special enrolment drive for weaker sections and to remove gender and socio-economic barriers. It also recommended that there be at least one middle school in tribal areas

Introduction 15

within a radius of 3 km and at least one higher secondary school within a radius of 5 km in tribal areas. The central government, since the early 1950s, has provided pre- and post-matric scholarships and doctoral and post-doctoral fellowships to ST students. It has also evolved different incentive schemes to support ST students. Various state governments have introduced different schemes at different levels, from primary to higher education, providing incentives to the ST students and their parents so as to increase their enrolment and retention. Over and above this, in order to provide quality education, coupled with ‘social justice’, in 1986 the central government put forth a plan for establishing a model school – Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas – on the pattern of the central schools in predominantly SC and ST districts. These schools provide reservation of seats to STs and SCs. Moreover, in 1997–98, using the same model, the government decided to start 100 Eklavaya Model Residential Schools for ST students. These schools are affiliated with the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) and follow its syllabus. It has been expected that education in these schools would enable tribal students to avail themselves of the facility of reservation in higher and professional educational courses, as well as in higher-level jobs in the government and public sector. In 2008–09, the central government started Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya for girls from SC, ST, OBCs and Muslim communities. Before that, in 2006, the government enacted the Central Educational Institutions (Reservation in Admission) Act, providing 15 per cent of reservations to SCs and 7.5 per cent for STs and 27 per cent for OBCs in Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs), central universities, etc. Despite several policy enunciations by Nehru, Dhebar and others for preserving and encouraging tribal culture, no effort was made to include them in the education system in general and in the curriculum in particular. This is despite the dearth of textbook materials and of advanced knowledge on the tribes. Wherever the subject finds some space, the tribals are depicted as quaint and exotic people. The rich cultures, history and dynamics of the tribal society are not touched upon. There is, thus, the need to establish study centres that focus on tribal studies. The old state institutes that are reduced to an extension of the respective government tribal welfare departments need to be rediscovered.

The significance of state studies Different regions and federal states have different proportions of tribal populations, as well as ethnic communities with varying cultural traits and relationships with the non-tribal communities. The tribal communities also have their own trajectory of social movements resisting the dominance of nontribal authority and hegemony. Moreover, although the central government

16  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

policy and programmes apply uniformly to all states, different states and regions also enjoy autonomy to pursue their own education policy, programmes and modus operandi for tribal development. During the colonial period, education was a state/province subject. And it continued under the Indian Constitution until mid-1970s. As mentioned, the constitutional amendment in 1976 placed education on the concurrent list. Under the new arrangement, the central government accepted a larger financial responsibility and evolved a policy for ‘the national and integrative character of education, to maintain quality and standards’. It introduced, as discussed earlier, several centrally sponsored programmes for primary and secondary education. Nevertheless, school education (from primary to higher secondary) continues to be largely the responsibility of the state governments. Different states spend a different proportion of their gross state domestic product (GSDP) on this, which varies from 2 per cent to over 8 per cent. In 2011–12, Gujarat spent Rs. 13,377, whereas Himachal spent Rs. 27,073, Maharashtra spent Rs. 21,002, Uttarakhand Rs. 20,596, Jharkhand Rs. 6,031 and Chhattisgarh Rs. 12,160 per student (Dongre et al. 2014). Each state has a reservation policy and quotas for STs proportionate to their population in that particular state. The reservation policy entitles STs to admission in certain professional courses in state-run educational institutions. Though there are several common schemes across the states for the welfare of ST students, some states have also evolved special schemes. Some states like Maharashtra, Gujarat (since 1947) and Kerala (since 1958) already had a legal provision for ‘free and compulsory’ primary education. Moreover, the state governments are generally responsible for the governance of primary and secondary schools, either directly or through the local governments. They prescribe curricula, medium of instruction and textbooks and formulate rules for the recruitment of teachers, their service conditions and their training. Each state has its own secondary school board for conducting class X and XII examinations. Consequently, the state governments’ approach and priority to education and other aspects of human development also shape the status of education of the STs. This volume primarily focuses on the federal states to get a somewhat micro-state picture. Before we examine the empirical situation on the education status of STs in the twenty-first century in different states, the next chapter provides a historical analysis of the development of formal education in predominantly tribal regions in general and central India in particular, which constitutes nearly one-third of the tribal population of the country. Joseph Bara and Anubhuti Agnes Bara, in Chapter 2 analyse development of the colonial western education system and tribal society in central India. It argues that the colonial education was not only imposed from above to serve British interests but also controlled by upper castes. The nationalists’ intervention in providing education to tribals had an upper-caste perspective. And that continued in post-independence India. The next six chapters

Introduction 17

analyse the status of contemporary education of tribals in different states located in different parts of the country. Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand, with a large ST population (more than one-fourth of the state population), located in central and eastern India, came into existence as federal states only in 2000. Earlier, the former was a part of Madhya Pradesh and the latter was a part of Bihar. They had a chequered history of tribal movements asserting their identity and demanding separate autonomous states (Sharma 1976; Mundra and Mullick 2003). Odisha and Gujarat, in eastern and western India, fall in the middle range in terms of ST population: 23 and 15 per cent, respectively. West Bengal in the north and Telangana in the south having a 6 and 7 per cent ST population, respectively. All these six state studies have been a part of ICSSR:ESTAC. We have added Kerala, which has only a 1.5 per cent ST population, in this volume. This has been done with a view to locate the status of STs in the state, which occupies a top position among Indian states in the Human Development Index (HDI 2017).8 The study was sponsored by the Kerala government, and the researchers followed by and large the same framework of the ICSSR:ESTAC project. In HDI, among 36 Indian states and Union territories, Gujarat and Telangana occupy middle positions, at 21 and 22, respectively, and the rest are below the country’s average – West Bengal (28), Chhattisgarh (31), Odisha (32) and Jharkhand (34). In terms of economic growth, Gujarat and Telangana are at the top and the rest, except Kerala, are at the bottom. All the chapters compare the socio-economic conditions of ST as well non-ST students in the respective states and inquire into who among them are able to reach a higher level. All the studies ascertain the aspirations of the students and their parents in terms of education and a future occupation. Chapters 10 and 11 explore the education conditions among the denotified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes in Telangana and Rajasthan. They are explorative studies, as no systematic primary or secondary data on their education and socio-economic status are available. These studies inquire into constraints that the students of these communities encounter in everyday life while pursuing their studies. They also analyse the institutional environment and difficulties they face in schools and colleges.

The spread of education Enrolment in educational institutions During the last two decades, enrolment of children overall, including the deprived communities of STs as well as SCs, has certainly increased at all levels – the primary, upper primary and secondary school levels. But in comparison to other communities, the rate of growth in the gross enrolment rate (GER) of STs is low. Enrolment of girls in general and of STs has also increased both at the primary and upper primary level. In the year 2000–01,

18  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

the GER for STs at the primary level was 101 per cent, with a huge gap in male and female GER. The average national GER for STs went up to 117 per cent in 2010–11 compared to 101 per cent in 2000–01. The rise in GER for STs was also evidenced with minimizing gender gaps – with a relatively higher proportion of ST females enrolled in primary education compared to their male counterparts in 2010–11. The GER for STs at the upper primary level in 2014–15 was 94 per cent compared to 90 per cent in 2010–11 and 60 per cent in 2000–01. While the average GER for STs at the secondary level during 2010–11 was 53 per cent, this went up to 72 per cent by the year 2014–15. The rise in GER for STs at the secondary level also indicates closing up the gender gap in terms of access to secondary education (MHRD 2014). Drop-out trends among ST students Though enrolment figures have relatively improved over time, registration of one’s name in school records does not necessarily mean that students attend classes regularly. Even those who attend classes regularly do not complete the respective stage of education. Thanks to various campaigns like Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, launched in 2001, the drop-out rate in the last decade, as per government data, has considerably declined. At the same time, the rate from class I to V is fluctuating. In 2005–06, the drop-out rate was 25.6 per cent. It declined to 24.33 per cent in 2008–09 and increased to 28.86 per cent in 2009–10. On average, more than 35 per cent of ST students dropped out from primary education in 2010–11, compared to an 8 per cent dropout rate in 2014–15. The drop-out rate particularly among nomadic and semi-nomadic and denotified tribes in states that reported higher than STs as Chapters 10 and 11 show, is alarming. Among the ST students, the percentages of drop-outs compared to the national average were high in Gujarat, Tripura, Rajasthan, Arunachal Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, among others, in 2010–11. Barring a few states, in most of them the dropout rate of ST girls was higher compared to ST boys (MHRD 2014). Sashmi Nayak, in her study on Odisha (Chapter 7), shows that it is more so at the secondary level than in primary school. The overall trend in India and also some state studies – Gujarat and Maharashtra – presented in the volume suggest that exclusion from educational institutions increases from primary to secondary levels and above. All those who get enrolled at the upper primary level, the VI standard, do not necessarily complete class VIII. The same is the case with those who pass class VIII. This pattern applies to all social groups and genders. But the proportion of those who are left out, as Tirkey and Lama show in their study on West Bengal (Chapter 5), is higher among SC, ST and OBCs than upper castes. Among the major marginalized communities, the rate of survival needed to reach the level of higher education is lower among the STs than

Introduction 19

SCs and OBCs. The situation among denotified, nomadic and semi-nomadics is dismal. The two studies in Chapters 10 and 11 show that less than 1 per cent of students from these communities achieve higher education. At the higher education level, a majority of the students (56 per cent) of all social groups get enrolled in arts – humanities and social sciences – and science faculties. More often than not, they join these courses because they do not get admitted to other courses of their choice. It is ironic that these courses are not in demand in the market, yet a very large number of students get enrolled for these courses. The proportion of girls, STs and SCs is higher in these courses. On the whole, fewer STs than non-STs join professional courses, though their proportion varies in different states. Educational attainment level of ST students According to the 2011 census, nearly 35 per cent of the ST population were below the primary level in education compared to 28 per cent who studied up to the primary level and 17.5 per cent up to middle level of education at the all-India level. On the other hand, those STs who completed secondary education are a little above 9 per cent compared to the 6.29 per cent who completed higher secondary education. STs that completed a graduate and above degree are 3.4 per cent compared to 0.04 per cent who completed a diploma/certificate course. According to the 2011 census, around 3 per cent of STs have completed a bachelor degree. However, their proportion is high in a few states – 10 per cent in Uttarakhand, 8 per cent in Manipur and between 6 and 7 per cent in Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland. On the other hand, the proportion of STs who completed a bachelor degree course is very meagre in states like Tripura, Odisha and MP, among others. More than one-third of STs have a primary level or lower education. Their proportion is as high as 40 per cent in Meghalaya and West Bengal and less than 20 per cent in Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Manipur and Andaman and Nicobar.

Who moves up and who falls off the education ladder? The studies on the DNT, NT and SNT of Rajasthan by Meena, and Telangana by Korra (Chapters 10 and 11), show that nearly 15 per cent of schoolage children (6 to14 years) in these communities are not even enrolled in schools. The situation is not much different among STs in Chhattisgarh (Beck, Chapter 3) and Jharkhand (Baraik, Chapter 4). The proportion of such students is large in some communities like Paharia, Korwa, Banjara, Baiga and Birhor in Jharkhand. The studies of STs of Kerala (Rajan and Sunitha, Chapter 9), Gujarat (Patel, Chapter 6), West Bengal (Tirkey and Lama, Chapter 5), Chhattisgarh (Beck, Chapter 3) and Odisha (Nayak,

20  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

Chapter 7) point out that a sizable proportion of students leave their studies without completing the seventh standard. Chronic poverty – low wages, irregularity of work and seasonal and/or daily migration in search of livelihood – has been the main cause of irregular attendance and dropping out from school. The children of such families are forced to look after their younger siblings when the parents go to work and/or to assist parents in economic activities to get a square meal. The situation in urban areas is not much different, as most of them work as casual labourers in the informal sector (Srivastava 2005:74–75). In their everyday struggle for survival, notwithstanding their aspirations for a better future for their children, the poor are unable to sustain their efforts in providing schooling to their children, since it requires continuous care and a long-term commitment (Jha and Jhingran 2005: 291). A majority of the children of landless and small and marginal farmers are forced ‘to join the workforce to supplement their household income’ at an early age. This is true for all social groups, depending upon the size of the vulnerable strata. The proportion of poor in post-higher secondary education has declined from 3.18 per cent in 1993–94 to 2.18 per cent in 2004–05 (Dubey 2009). Seasonal migration for work among the STs, DNTs, NTs and SNTs interrupt the studies of the students. For instance, the Bakarwals and Gujjars of Jammu and Kashmir move to higher altitudes in summer and return to lower altitudes in winter. Although some of them could return to the same school after their families return from seasonal work, they have by then missed half a year of classes and are therefore unable to keep up with their studies (Mir 2015). Among different tribes, in every state a few tribes are ahead in starting their education than others. Earlier we noted the uneven growth of literacy across the tribes. This is also reflected in the level of education. For instance, the study on STs of Chhattisgarh (Chapter 3) shows that although the Gond tribe constitutes a majority among STs, their numbers are found to be decreasing with increasing educational levels – 55 per cent, 54 per cent and 30 per cent at the primary, secondary and college stages, respectively. The Uraon tribes are more or less constant, between 16 per cent and 20 per cent, at all three educational levels. But the Dhruvas have decreased by 7 per cent, 9 per cent and 29 per cent, respectively, at the corresponding educational levels. Among the major tribes, Uraons have the highest proportion of matriculates, whereas Bhattras have the lowest proportion of matriculates, preceded by Gonds. It may also be noted that there are considerable Christian tribals at the upper primary (12 per cent), higher secondary (10 per cent) and college level (16 per cent) compared to non-Christian tribals, whose number is insignificant. Similar variations are found in other states as well. The reasons for such variations could be many. One of them is historical, where a few tribes had early exposure to modern education because of their proximity to mainstream society and/or the efforts of Christian missionaries or other similar agencies providing education facilities to the

Introduction 21

tribals. The nature of economic activities like land ownership also contribute to their educational attainments. An asset, such as land, in a rural agrarian economy is an important means with which to meet the minimum expenses for education. The proportion of children of landless farm labourers in schools sinks at the upper primary and secondary levels. A majority of the students at the secondary level belong to families who are engaged in farm and/or non-farm labour or are poor peasants. This level reduces further at the higher secondary and college level. At the same time, a tiny section of children of ST landless labourers, as the study on Gujarat and West Bengal (19 per cent of rural areas) shows, also go to college. This has been made possible for them due to government support in the form of a post-matric scholarship, free hostel accommodations, exemption from college fees and other facilities. At the same time, among the STs, children of landowners have attained higher education more than those of landless families. This has opened the doors to white-collar jobs for them. The presence of children of white-collar employees, government and private or self-employed and urban-blue collar workers increases in secondary and higher secondary levels of education. Among the ST college students, their proportion is high in Chhattisgarh and West Bengal but not in Gujarat. In some states, like West Bengal, STs in urban areas are in a more advantageous position (Chapter 5). Education breeds education. When any member of a family goes to school and studies to some level, she or he encourages children and siblings in the family to get educated. Such educated parents, and more so fathers (in a patriarchal structure), tend to prioritize schooling of their children. In West Bengal more than 50 per cent of rural ST secondary school students are first-generation learners in their families to have reached that level. An overwhelming proportion of college students, 97 per cent in Kerala and 90 per cent in rural West Bengal, are the first generation in their families pursuing higher studies. However, in the case of West Bengal, urban ST college students, nearly 50 per cent, are second-generation college students. Most parents not only wish for their children to get a higher education and then a better job, they also motivate them to study. Recent years have seen an increasing trend towards English-medium education among all social groups, including STs. ST college students who had studied in the vernacular medium at the primary and secondary levels experienced a sense of inadequacy because of this. English as a medium of instruction in schools has increased, around 10 per cent, in the last decade in all the states. Between 2008 and 2014, it increased around 25 per cent in Goa and Andhra Pradesh, 13 per cent in Karnataka and 7 per cent in Odisha. ST parents also prefer to send their children to English-medium schools, provided a school is available in the vicinity of their place of residence and they can somehow afford to spend more money. The proportion of ST students studying in the

22  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

English medium has increased from 6.8 per cent in 2007–08 (61st National Sample Survey [NSS] Round) to 11.9 per cent in 2014 (71st Round), compared to a 15 per cent rise, from 27.8 per cent to 42.6 per cent, among upper-caste classes (non-Muslim) during the same period (Borooah and Sabharwal 2017). The trend towards English-medium education is more among collegeeducated parents. But since nearly 70 per cent of ST households have no member who has achieved a secondary education, they are unable to teach them at home. Moreover, except for a small section, most neighbourhoods of STs consist of the same caste members. Most of them are not educated enough to provide guidance to children going to school or college. A few of them, within their meagre means, send their children to private schools with a hope of getting a ‘good’ education. They also pay for private coaching. The out-of-pocket expenditure of the poor households who send their children to either public or private schools doubled after 2000 (Tilak 2009). According to the ICSSR survey in 2012–14, ST households on an average spent Rs. 4774 per annum, compared to Rs. 6919 per annum of non-SC/ST households, for the primary and upper primary education of their children (Shah et al. 2020).

Institutional structure, ethos and outcome A majority of ST and other poor students study in government or government-aided institutions. Seventy-six per cent of the primary and 46 per cent of the secondary schools are managed by local and/or state governments. Six per cent of upper primary and 23 per cent of the secondary schools are aided by government grants (British Council 2014). A few of the government schools are directly or indirectly managed by the central government. They are ‘model’ institutions, like Eklavya Vidhyalaya and Jawahar Vidyalaya. These schools are meant for a selected few. The governmentaided schools and colleges are managed by non-government organizations. Their curricula, admission policy and procedures, recruitment policy and service conditions of teachers follow government rules and regulations. These institutions take tuition and other fees from the students. Though ST students are exempted, as their expenses are paid by the government, one way or another they are required to pay some charges. The number of private schools has increased in the last two decades. However, their proportion is less in tribal-dominated areas. Hardly any private school in several blocks has a majority ST population. Moreover, there is a great deal of variation among the private schools in their approach to education, physical and human infrastructure and pedagogy. They can be broadly divided into two: (a) elite schools and (b) commoner schools. The former schools charge very high fees and cater to a tiny section of the population. Some of them evolve a different pedagogy for their students. The second type of

Introduction 23

private schools charge relatively smaller fees. Most of the elite schools are well equipped in terms of human and material infrastructure. A handful of them are committed to the common good and admit students from ST and other deprived communities, along with others, on humanitarian grounds. Except for these, most elite schools are meant for the rich and upper middle class. They are primarily for-profit schools started by educational entrepreneurs. Their fees vary from 20,000 rupees to 60,000 and above per year for the upper primary and secondary level. The commoner schools cater to the rising educational aspirations of the lower, middle and poor strata of society. Fees in these schools vary from 50 rupees to 300 rupees per month. The majority of the private schools are located in urban areas to cater to those with the capacity to pay. Many of them lack an adequate physical infrastructure and qualified teachers. More than 85 per cent of the private primary schools are unrecognized by the government. They account for 38 per cent of all primary schools and 42 per cent of the total enrolment (Ahluwalia 2010). A few, including the poor ST families in almost all the states in the study, send their children to private unaided schools with an expectation of receiving a ‘good-quality’ education. Though the government has accepted a norm to provide primary and upper primary schools within 1 km from residences of the ST families, still in Jharkhand 48 per cent of students have to walk more than 1 km to reach school (see Chapter 4). More than one-fifth of the ST upper primary students travel more than 3 km to reach school. They spend a good deal of their time and money in commuting six days a week. The distance has been a major factor in terms of never enrolling or discontinuing their education. Several schools in rural areas do not have enough rooms and other infrastructure facilities. In several parts of the tribal regions, there are still schools without proper drinking water and toilets. Most secondary schools do not have a library. Even among those with a library, many are without librarians. Students are rarely encouraged to use the library. Computer and other modern aids are not commonly used for teaching. Except in a few schools, the students are hardly encouraged to use computers (Shah et al. 2020). All the state studies in the volume reveal that a significant section of upper primary and secondary ST, as well as non-SC/ST students, varying from 50 per cent to over 70 per cent, at all levels reported that they faced difficulties in comprehending classroom teaching. These included the children, as the Gujarat study (see Chapter 6) shows, of the ‘educated’ families in which heads of households were graduates. Some of these students reported that they asked the teachers questions when they did not understand, but they were hardly satisfied with the answers. Many, however, never asked questions. It was partly because out of fear that the teacher might reprimand them, partly out of shyness and partly also considering such efforts futile because they felt that the teacher would repeat the lessons rather than explaining to help them understand. This was also true of the aided and

24  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

private schools, although in varying proportions. Language was a major barrier at the early stage, though the Education Commission, 1966 insisted on teachers being familiar with local tribal dialects. But this has not been seriously undertaken by all the state governments. The Odisha study (see Chapter 7) shows that the state government made some efforts in that direction but did not seriously pursue it. Moreover, as the Gujarat study points out, the Ashram Shalas (residential schools) did not pay attention to English language and subjects like science and mathematics. Consequently, like other students, ST students found these subjects difficult to comprehend at a secondary level. Hence, they felt that the ashram model of education had restricted their chances of competing with the non-tribals for new opportunities. A study on Odisha reports that multi-lingual education may be able to achieve its objective of increasing enrolment and retention of tribal children in primary schooling; however, these children do not have the required proficiency in Oriya or English to survive the demands of an upper primary or middle school. Due to this, drop-outs in the middle school, which is during the compulsory period of elementary schooling, are common. As a large proportion of the secondary and college students are the first generation from families to reach that level, there is hardly anyone in their family to guide them in their studies. Even parents with a college education are not able to teach all subjects to their children at home. A sizable number of students complaining about poor comprehension come from families with members who went to college or secondary school. And this applies to non-ST students also. This indicates the problem with the classroom environment, teaching method and teachers’ competence. The survey conducted by Pratham, a non-governmental organization, in 2014 reveals that nearly one-third of the students of class II could not even recognize letters and 25 per cent of the class VIII students were not able to read class II–level texts. Only 25 per cent of the children of class III could do two-digit subtraction. And only 44 per cent of the class VIII students could correctly solve a three-digit by one-digit division problem. Just 47 per cent children in class VIII could read simple sentences in English. This was the scenario of all students – non-STs and STs. A teacher is the soul of a school. The Kothari Commission (1966) emphasized not only improving the quality of teachers and their training but also adequate numbers in every school. It also stressed “a radical alteration in the methods of teaching and in the training of teachers”. The commission observed, “Nothing is more important than securing a sufficient supply of high quality recruits to the teaching profession, providing them with the best possible professional preparation and creating satisfactory conditions of work in which they can be fully effective” (1966:74). But over time the training and orientation of teachers have been neglected. Vimala Ramachandran and others rightly note, “Despite the idealised vision of the teacher contained in education policy documents, the education system treats teachers

Introduction 25

as lowly recipients and implementers of instructions and content designed elsewhere, rather than as actively engaged participants in a creative and dynamic process” (2008). At the primary as well as secondary school level, the student–teacher ratio has increased over time. This is true for all states, but more so in the tribalpopulated regions. The student–teacher ratio at the primary level varies from 1:40 to 1:60. According to the Ministry of Human Resource Development’s calculation in 2012, there was a vacancy of 12.59 lakh teachers in government primary and upper primary schools. A number of schools in tribal areas are one-teacher schools. Most of the teachers are commuters and have very little acquaintance with the local tribal dialect. At the secondary level, the situation is not any better in any of the four states under study. Often, vacant positions are either not filled or filled with the appointment of teachers on ad hoc basis. Not all teachers are not properly ‘qualified’. The teachers in tribal areas are not familiar with tribal culture. Many of them look down upon the tribal way of life as ‘backward’. Moreover, in places, there is a mismatch between the teacher’s specialization and the subject she or he is asked to teach. They are also overburdened with administrative and teaching work. Though the teachers are asked to be creative and expected to develop pedagogy suited to the students, more often than not they are evaluated on the basis of whether they complete the syllabus on time. Moreover, during the last two decades the system of school inspection has deteriorated. One of the reasons for this trend is the declining number of school inspectors. The situation in colleges for undergraduate classes in terms of infrastructure and teaching is worse in predominantly tribal areas. Even institutes created by the central government for ‘excellence’ and ‘worldclass’ education do not have the optimum number of teachers. The medium of instruction being the regional language and/or English is also a stumbling block at all levels. It is more so at the primary level, as a different language is used in the school than one spoken at home and this creates a problem. The studies on the DNT, NT and SNT of Rajasthan and Telangana highlight this problem. At the college level, most students, including STs, are not at ease with other students from the English medium, having studied in the vernacular medium at the pre-university level. They believe that ‘teachers pay more attention to students from English medium’, ‘felt ignored in the class’, ‘teachers did not care about their involvement in the class’ and ‘were most of the time mute spectators’. Many ST students chose subjects based on their poor command of the English language, thus impacting both their academic performance and their personal confidence level (Sabharwal and Malish 2016). It is expected that schools and colleges conduct remedial as well as Englishlanguage coaching classes for weak students in general and ST/SC students in particular. But except for a few, most of the institutions have not taken this seriously. Most of the teachers hardly take the time to help ST/SC students

26  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

in their studies. There are instances showing a sympathetic and helpful attitude of teachers towards ST students. At the same time, opposite instances are also present, where the teachers directly or indirectly make ST students feel humiliated, asking them to follow their community occupation instead of studying (Subrahmanian 2005). It is observed that the behaviour of college teachers, particularly in professional courses, is more discriminatory than teachers at the primary/upper primary level towards tribal students (see Chapter 6). The contents of the syllabus generate indifference and disinterest amongst the tribal students, as they do not understand the relevance of what is taught. So at the primary levels of schooling, the children are at a cultural loss. Teaching through books is alien to most of them. This is often evident from the marks that they obtain in their tests. Sashmi Nayak, in her study on Odisha (see Chapter 7) argues that the present educational system is discriminatory to a large extent as through standardized procedures it disables protective and preferential measures for the development of the STs and perpetuates their marginalization and disempowerment in society. The process exposes a paradox: in the process of equalizing, education deepens differences between the STs and other groups in society. Bhangya Bhukya, in his study on the education situation in Telangana (Chapter 8), argues that there is no mechanism to address the problems of the ST students. He asserts that the system is designed in such a way that the ST students find it really difficult to survive in it. The school as a public institution provides a platform for students of different communities to intermingle with one another and develop common bonds. And this is happening to a certain extent. Students of different communities do sit side by side and participate in classroom discussions, as well as in other extracurricular activities like cultural programmes, sports, picnics, study tours, etc. Some ST and non-ST students become friends; share books, notes and experiences; and visit one another’s homes. With increasing privatization of schools, however, this process has been somewhat halted. Government schools are increasingly seen as places only for the poor and the deprived. Students of the non-deprived communities in general and upper castes in particular are shifting to private schools. Instances of overt discrimination of ST students in schools are not many. This is more so in the predominantly tribal areas. However, subtle discrimination continues to prevail. The children of NTs are often the worst victims. A micro study observes: In several schools that we visited, we learned that the camp children are explicitly excluded from school. In most reports by camp residents and other observers, camp-dwellers’ children were not welcome in such schools and were often humiliated by the local teachers. (cited in Jay 2015)

Introduction 27

This is more noticeable during mid-day meals. The perception and experience of discrimination of ST students increase as students move to higher classes. As students from deprived communities are often the first in their families to go to college, particularly in the professional courses in elite institutions, they hardly have any one to guide them. In addition, they frequently face negative comments denigrating their dignity and reminding them of their social status. They often feel alienated on campuses (Chandru et al. 2016). There were at least 18 cases of SC/ST student suicides between 2007 and 2011 from such elite professional institutions. While analysing some of these cases in detail, Anup Kumar Singh (2013) observes, What these cases show is that elite professional institutions are places where caste prejudices are so firmly entrenched that it has become normal. Because the stakes involved here are very high, there is a lot of unthinking resentment against SC and ST students regardless of the academic standing of these students. Teachers, students and administration are all usually biased against them, though the intensity and manner in which it is expressed may differ. (Singh 2013: 202) The Government of India’s High Level Committee on Socio-economic, Health and Educational Status of Tribal Communities of India, 2013 (Xaxa 2014) observes: To stop the tribals’ entry, various ways are adopted. In this respect, the case of M.Phil admission at the premier institution, Jawaharlal Nehru University, was in the news recently. In the year 2011–2012, several departments meticulously planned to grant very low marks in viva-voce to tribal students who were among the best scorers in the confidentially corrected national level written tests. Once the tribal students manage to take admission, they are humiliated in various ways so that they are demoralized. Thus, in June 2011, certain ‘etiquettes’ for the tribal and other weaker section students appeared at the Indian Institute of Technology, New Delhi. Derogatory names given to tribal students from the North-East is well-known. The Government takes several measures to protect the tribal students. But, in most of the cases, the measures are poorly implemented. Instead of according full sympathy to the tribal students who come from a different cultural background, they are taken as quaint and unwanted. Anti-tribal psyche is stronger in higher technical institutes. This is revealed by reports of various Government enquiry committees. (Quoted in Rao 2013)

28  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara

Overview Since independence, our education policy has paid lip service to the rhetoric of equal opportunity, cultural plurality, justice and respect for each other’s way of life. It promised to develop critical thinking, rationality, and the potential of everyone. But all these promises are hardly translated into the contents of the textbooks and classrooms. The diversity of tribal cultures and ways of life do not find a place in the educational curriculum. More often than not, tribal students are cajoled to imitate and compete with students of the upper dominant strata on the latter’s terms and conditions. The milieu of the educational institutions alienates tribal students. Hierarchy and inequality as core values of the dominant cultural system are not questioned. Patriarchal norms and differential gender roles are, more often than not, reinforced and legitimized. ST students, like all other students, gradually imbibe these values inside and outside the educational institutions. ST females who otherwise enjoy an equal position in their social milieu become victims of patriarchy within and outside their social milieu and education system. Almost as a rule, predominantly tribal areas/blocks in the non-frontier states are backward in terms of basic amenities – education and health. Chronic poverty is the main stumbling block leading to non-enrolment and irregular attendance in schools. The programmes like the mid-day meal, free uniforms, etc., attract children to classes to some extent, but they are not enough to sustain their interest. Moreover, all students do not have schools closer to their residence. There are still several primary and upper primary schools without basic infrastructure like drinking water, toilets, blackboards, etc. There are still several schools with one teacher. Most of the teachers are not familiar with the local tribal dialect. And not all of them are qualified and interested in teaching. However, over time, the quest for education among a section of the STs has increased. Despite constraints, they are catching up with the upper castes. A few of them have attained positions of power and status. At the same time, their pauperization and deprivation continue. The process of elimination of the poor STs, like all poor of the deprived communities, starts with non-enrolment and drop-out right at the primary stage. Among those who manage to complete the primary stage, more get eliminated by the seventh and eighth standards. Of the remaining, a large number leave school either with or without achieving secondary education. As the education level moves up from the secondary to the higher stage, the place for the poor and deprived communities sinks. A very small proportion get access to higher education. The institutions of higher education divide them as per the demand of the market. Criteria for the bifurcations more often than not are aspirant’s ability to pay, performance in terms of marks and access to social capital. As most of the STs do not possess these proprieties, they are confined to ‘general’ courses in average government colleges. They are left to pursue studies in whatever courses are available, hoping for a degree

Introduction 29

and a ‘better’ job. A tiny segment, however, succeeds in getting admitted to well-established accredited institutions, where they become victims of discrimination.

Notes 1 Having found several anomalies in the list, the Government of India appointed the Advisory Committee in 1965 to “advise on the proposals received by the Government for the revision of the existing list of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes”. The committee, however, did not make any major revisions. It made ‘nominal’ changes by adopting local names and synonyms and altered the spelling of some castes and tribes (Lokur 1965:23). 2 The First Backward Classes Commission, 1955, observed that they are listed as scheduled tribes because “they lead a separate, excluded existence and are not fully assimilated with the main body of the people. The Scheduled Tribes may belong to any religion. They are listed as Scheduled Tribes because of the kind of life led by them” (cited in Lokur Committee 1965: 7). 3 In 1960–61 the Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Areas Commission, chaired by U.N. Dhebar, observed that there were some tribes who were more backward than others. During the Fourth Five-Year Plan a sub-category within STs was created to identify tribes having a ‘lower’ level of development. 4 The University Education Commission (Radhakrishnan Commission Report), 1948, and the Secondary Education Commission (Mudaliar Commission Report), 1953, emphasize equality of opportunity but do not touch upon the place of tribals in higher education and secondary education. 5 The Dhebar Commission (1960–61) also recognized the pedagogical ingredients in tribal culture and wanted to make use of tribal language and cultural resources, such as folklore, songs and history in teaching. 6 In 1989, Mohini Jain, a resident of UP, applied for admission to a private medical college in Karnataka. The college asked the student to pay Rs. 60,000 under the state government notification, which prescribed fees in private medical colleges for seats other than the ‘government seat quota’. The student filed a petition in the Supreme Court challenging the notification. The court raised an important question:“whether [the] right to education is guaranteed to the Indian citizen under the Constitution of India”. 7 For how the issue became contentious, see August 8, 2006. “Private Schools in India Wriggle Out of 25% Seats for the Poor”, The Economic Times, Singh, S. October 22, 2006. ‘Right to Education Only on Paper’, The Statesman, See also, Seethalakshmi, S. and M. Seshagiri. August 8, 2006. ‘Private Schools Have the Last Laugh’, The Times of India, available at http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/ articleshow/1874504.cms. 8 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Indian_states_and_territories_by_Human_ Development_Index.Last date of access February 2020.

References Ahluwalia, Isher Judge. (2010). ‘Social Sector Development’. In Shankar Acharya and Raakesh Mohan (eds.) Indian Economy: Performance and Challenges. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Bara, Joseph. (2002). ‘The Tribal Education, the Colonial State and Christian: Chhotanagpur 1839–1870’. In Bhattacharya Sabyasachi (ed.) Education and

30  Ghanshyam Shah and Joseph Bara the Disprivileged: Nineteenth and Twentieth Century India. Hyderabad: Orient Longman. Borooah, Vani K., and Nidhi Sabharwal. (2017). English as a Medium of Instruction in Indian Education: Inequality of Access to Educational Opportun. New Delhi: Centre for Policy Research in Higher Education (CPRHE) NEUPA. British Council. (2014). Indian School Education System: An Overview. New Delhi: British Council. Chandru, K., G. Shah, and G. Wankhede. (2016). Report of the People’s Tribunal on Caste Discrimination and Police Action in University of Hyderabad. www.academia. edu/28717795/Report_of_the_Peoples_Tribunal_on_Caste_Discrimination. Dhebar, U.N. (1961). Government of India, Report of the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission, Volume I: 1960–61. New Delhi: Government of India Press. Dongre, Ambrish, Avani Kapur, and V. Tewary. (2014). How Much Does India Spend Per Student on Elementary Education? New Delhi: Accountability Initiative, Centre for Policy Research. Dubey, Amaresh. (2009). ‘Determinants of Post-Higher Secondary Enrolment in India’. In UGC (ed.) Higher Education in India: Issues Related to Expansion, Inclusiveness, Quality and Finance. New Delhi: University Grants Commission. HDI (2017) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Indian_states_and_territories_by_ Human_Development_Index (Access date: 3/10/2018). Jay, Anna. (ed.). (2015). Beyond the Margins, Stigma and Discrimination Against India’s Nomadic and Denotified Tribes. New Delhi: Human Rights Law Network. Jha, Jyotsna, and DhirJhingran. (2005). Elementary Education for the Poorest and Other Deprived Group. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers and Distributors. Kannabiran, Kalpana, Mishra Sujit, Vinayan Soumya, and K. Jafar. (eds.). (2017). Socio-Economic Status and Educational Attainment and Challenges of DeNotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes. Hyderabad: Council for Social Development. Kothari, D.S. (Chairperson). (1966). Education and National Development: Report of the Education Commission 1964–66. New Delhi: Ministry of Education. Lokur, B.N. (1965). The Report of the Advisory Committee on the Revision of the Lists of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. New Delhi: Department of Social Security, GOI. Maisels, Charles Keith. (1990). The Emergence of Civilization: From Hunting and Gathering to Agriculture, Cities, and the State in the Near East. London: Routledge. Mamoria, C.B. (1957). Tribal Demography in India. Allahabad: Kitab Mahal. MHRD. (2014). Statistics of School Education 2010–11. New Delhi: MHRD. Mir, Sofia. (2015). Education Status of Scheduled Tribes in J & K: Attainments and Challenges. Srinagar: University of Kashmir. Mundra, R.D., and S.B. Mullick. (eds.). (2003). The Jharkhand Movement: Indigenous People’s Struggle for Autonomy in India. Copenhagen: IWAG Document. Naik, J.P. (1982). The Education Commission and After. New Delhi: Allied Publishers. Pratham. (2014). Annual Status of Education Report (Rural) 2014. www.asercentre.org. Ramachandran, Vimala, Suman Bhattacharjea, and K.M. Sheshagiri. (2008). Primary School Teachers: The Twists and Turns of Everyday Practice. New Delhi: NUEPA, Education Resource Unit.

Introduction 31 Rao, Srinivasa. (2013). ‘Structural Exclusion in Everyday Institutional Life: Labelling of Stigmatized Groups in an IIT’. In Geetha Nambissanand Srinivasa Rao (eds.) Sociology of Education in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Ray, Niharranjan. (1972). ‘Introductory Address’. In Singh Kumar Suresh (ed.) Tribal Situation in India. Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Studies. Renfrew, Colin. (1973). Before Civilisation. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Renke, Balkrishna. (2008). National Commission for De-Notified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes. New Delhi: Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment, Government of India. Sabharwal, N.S., and C.M. Malish. (2016). Diversity and Discrimination in Higher Education: A Study of Institutions in Selected States of India. New Delhi: CPRHE, NUEPA. Shah, Ghanshyam, K. Sujatha, and Thorat Sukhadeo. (2020). Education and Scheduled Tribes: Attainment and Challenges Ahead. Jaipur: Rawat Publications. Sharma, K.L. (1976). ‘Jharkhand Movement in Bihar’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 11, No. 1–2, January 10, pp. 37–42. Singh, Anoop Kumar. (2013). ‘Defying the Odds: The Triumphs and Tragedies of Dalit and Adivasi Students in Higher Education’. In Deshpande Satish and Zacharias Usha (eds.) Beyond Inclusion: The Practice of Equal Access in Indian Higher Education. New Delhi: Routledge. Srivastava, Ranjana. (2005). ‘Review of Elementary Education in the Selected States’. In S. Mehrotta, P.R. Panchmukhi, and R. Srivastava (eds.) Universalizing Elementary Education in India. New Delhi. Oxford University Press. Subrahmanian, R. (2005). ‘Education Exclusion and the Development State’. In R. Chopra and P. Jeffery (eds.) Educational Regimes in Contemporary India. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Tilak, J.B.G. (2009). Household Expenditure on Education and Implication of Redefining the Poverty Line in India. http://planningcommission.gov.in/reports/ genrep/tilak.pdf (Access date: 20/8/2015). UNESCO. (2017). UNESCO Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger http://www. unesco.org/languages-atlas/ Xaxa, Virginius. (2014). Report of the High Level Committee on Socio-Economic, Health and Educational Status of Tribal Communities of India. New Delhi: Ministry of Tribal Affairs Government of India.

Chapter 2

Tribal education in central India Conditions under colonialist and nationalist moves Joseph Bara and Anubhuti Agnes Bara Advocating western education for India in 1835 on behalf of the British colonial state, T.B. Macaulay, a law member in the governor-general’s council, projected it as the panacea to the backwardness of India (Macaulay 1835/1965: 107–117). Soon after this, western education was officially adopted by a resolution of the governor-general, Lord William Bentinck. Closely following this, Macaulay’s brother-in-law and another senior government functionary, Charles E. Trevelyan, expounded further that the new system heralded a ‘national education’ for India. The system, Trevelyan elucidated, promised, unlike the local Indian system, “extension, not monopoly of learning; to rouse the mind and elevate the character of the whole people, not keep them in slavish submission to a particular sect” (Trevelyan 1838: 135–136). After a century, after achieving independence, India adopted the British system with certain inputs of national requirements, of which education of the masses became an important facet. Today, after seven decades of national effort, however, education eludes large sections of the lower classes, Dalits (lower castes) and Adivasis (tribals) in particular. Overall participation of these classes is unsatisfactory. The scenario is characterized by a dwindling level of learning and high failure rate and chronic incidence of drop-outs in a large number of schools attended by the masses. Of late, the situation has discernibly improved as a result of certain aggressive government measures under the National Policy on Education, 1986. The situation, however, still remains grim. Within the general under-participation of the lower classes, the condition of the tribals1 – 8.6 per cent of India’s population and the last people of India in terms of Human Development Index – is most abysmal. As mentioned in Chapter 1, 41 per cent of the tribals were reported to be illiterate in 2011, which is the highest percentage of illiteracy among different social groups. The drop-out rate at the initial school stage has been rampant among them. After data on these were suppressed for quite some time, the incidence was first reported in the 1920s. The revelation was hurriedly hushed up by the colonial state. Insensitive about the issue, the government rushed to project it

Tribal education in central India 33

as a quintessential case of ‘wastage and stagnation’ in Indian education, putting the blame on the executing machinery and the audience (Hartog 1929). With no firm action coming from the government for decades before and after independence to check the trend, the problem became worse. The recent effort of the government has yielded a higher enrolment rate and has even helped to retain students in the primary schools. But the drop-out problem is only half-cured. The incidence is indeed checked at the primary stage by various inducements – free uniforms, books and stationery and the mid-day meal – and the liberal policy of promotion up to the eighth class without proper teaching, which has since changed but not without leaving a drag of poor teaching. A few years later, at the secondary level, it takes the form of high failure and a heavy drop-out rate. Looking for factors to explain the educational stagnancy of the tribals, one cannot harp on the oft-cited conventional reasons of ‘tribal isolation’ or the tribals’ inaptitude for ‘modern’ learning. There has been a steady rise in the tribal enrolment rate, especially since independence. In many cases, tribal students do not drop out instantly upon failure. Rather, they cling to the system. They do this apart from the background of their joining schools against certain odds specific to the tribal society in the form of economic, cultural and physical barriers. This indicates that the tribals are not really indifferent to education. They are rather forthcoming. The colonial system came to the tribal society as altogether alien. Traditionally, the tribal learners were used only to informal education, geared to the needs of the tribal way of life. The basic question then is: In what shape has the educational system come to the tribals, and how has it adapted itself, or not, to the special tribal situation to create a congenial condition of education and devise an appropriate teaching-learning method? The state being the source of educational avenue and a key player, these questions stipulate accountability of the Indian state. Bearing in mind the long dismal history of tribal education, this chapter attempts to audit the policy and action of the state – first of the colonial state, whose lack of commitment can well be understood by a common mind, and subsequently of the nationalist state, which raised high hopes. The period of the study is between the introduction of western education (1835) and the first decade of the nationalist rule, in particular1960, when the first commission on tribes, the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission, addressed the issue at length. The treatise focuses on the tribal belt of central India, where the problem is acute. Within this, our focus for the colonial period is on the Chhotanagpur region, where an animated dialogue between the colonialist scheme and the tribal audience took place. In terms of nationalist intervention, our attention centres on middle and western India. The domain of denial and deprivation of the lower classes, in general, was strongly built under the aegis of British colonialism. The legacy of this

34  Joseph Bara and Anubhuti Agnes Bara

nexus has been so potent that various forays of the nationalist government, though armed with democratic-socialist ideals in the Indian Constitution, have proved unsuccessful in breaking its shackles. The tribals are not only deprived of adequate schooling provision but are also placed in a hostile learning situation. The recent spate of Maoist insurgency has made the situation worse. Not only are teaching-learning conditions badly affected, even many schools have been shut down, purportedly for want of students. This suggests that whatever limited interest the tribals may have is aborted. Ultimately, the tribal learners are condemned as failures and drop-outs. The situation amounts to, in other words, both denial of opportunity to the tribals and their rejection as learners. Even special drives under various government ‘missions’ concerning school education in recent decades are largely inconsequential, and the stalemate of poor participation of the tribals continues, as the prime minister of India’s High Level Committee on Tribes (GoI 2014) has shown of late. Existing scholarship fails to capture the rise, growth and dimensions of exclusion of the lower classes in general, and the tribals in particular, in modern Indian education. There is often discussion on ‘mass education’ or on people’s ‘elementary education’, in relation to the British colonial state and the nationalist effort. But the focus on the nexus of deprivation is missed. This is because post-independence thinking on modern educational developments is ruled by an over-arching theory that British colonialism ushered in the educational ‘democratization’ of India (Naik 1978). Democratization is argued, as Trevelyan demonstrates, with reference to India’s pre-colonial historical background where education was controlled by a small brahminical class and access of the lower classes was precluded. Against this, the British system is depicted as welcoming all without any prejudice and, once admitted, treating all learners equally. The democratic appearance of the colonial scheme is actually deceptive. The scheme deprived the lower classes systematically. The British educational policy of 1835 contained the notorious clause of filtration theory, which explicitly preferred education of the upper classes and kept the lower classes at bay. Moreover, the colonial system actively created conditions that were inimical to lower-class education. Irrespective of these facts, scholars habitually believe that the British policy was a marker of educational equality. Deeply entrenched in the scholarly psyche, the idea keeps scholars from taking an objective view on the subject. Some sections of the Indian intelligentsia are even enamoured with the idea. The educational resolution of 1835 is thus celebrated by a lower-caste intelligentsia as the day of educational liberation. These scholars fail to grasp the nature and legacy of colonial education. Failure leads them to describe the post-independence Indian educational disarray and deficit with regard to the masses simplistically, as an aberration of the well-laid democratic western education system under the colonial

Tribal education in central India 35

rule (Parulekar and Praranjape 1957). Universally speaking, education of the subject people under colonialism is basically “for the aim and profit of a foreigner than for the nation”, where education of the lower classes is the first victim (Kelly and Altbach 1978:43). Colonialism does not simply neglect, but actively complicates, the problem of lower-class education. By doing this, it generally leaves large arrears of mass education in post-colonial societies. In the case of India, British colonialism as a system denied educational space to the lower classes in its policy enunciations and actions. It then realigned anti-lower-class forces to stifle the lower-class aspirations. Originally a simple upper-caste quest for alternative means of livelihood and social status, a powerful class interest built up in colonial western education (Bara 1998). Over time, it assumed the shape of a myopic middle-class interest, which came to be most reactionary to lower-class interests, forestalling the emergence of an appropriate strategy, pedagogy and environ for mass education. J.P. Naik, the theorist of educational democratization of India under British colonialism, but also an ardent nationalist interested in educating the masses in the post-independence years, recognized the seriousness of the class factor well (1975). Keeping this key point in mind, the effort here is to review the educational developments of modern India from the point of view of the tribal masses. The chapter shows how the rhetoric of government actions to reach out to them has been half-hearted.

Imposing the upper-class upper hand Education under British colonialism was an accessory of colonial interest. Its expansion under the colonial state was always calculated. Contingent upon colonial needs and pressurized by the upper-class Indian interest, the system developed unevenly. The major colonial cities and a few other towns became the hub of educational institutions, while vast outlying regions were untouched. From the beginning, the local upper classes were astute in terms of recognizing the value of western education. With the fall of the Moghul regime, their social position was in jeopardy, when western education emerged as a remedy by promising new employment and social status. The colonialists closely observed this and decided to pander to the rising craze for English education for the colonial end. Thus, under the resolution of 1835, English higher education of the upper classes was prioritized, with a view to raising ‘brown’ Indians or the western-minded comprador class. Called ‘filtration’ policy, the provision sought to educate only a select few who had leisure time for education and were inclined to it, which, in effect, meant the upper classes. The masses were mentioned in the schema, but were left at the mercy of those privileged few, from whom education was expected to trickle down. The trickling was not destined to happen,

36  Joseph Bara and Anubhuti Agnes Bara

however. From the outset, the filtration jar was ‘vertically sealed’, as the upper class was unwilling to allow even a modicum of education to the masses (Dey 1870). Soon institutional chains sprang up, as bright corridor, in the interest of upper classes located in rural settings, connecting them to mofussil centres and the bigger centres of Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, Poona and so on. In general, the valorization of western education by the Indians rose rapidly. A government order of 1841 prescribing elementary education even for the lowest jobs in the government gave a symbolic push to it. The upper classes just jostled for it. Metamorphosed into a powerful middle class, they formed a powerful interest group to manipulate the system in their favour. This squeezed out access for the lower class. Even a narrow opening for the lower class was frowned upon. For instance, a newly opened government school at Chanda in the Central Provinces in the mid-nineteenth century was forced to close down because the lower-caste Dhed children participated in it (Howell 1960). The lower classes were often abused for daring to join schools; they were reminded of their traditional role of menial service to the upper class (Bara 1998: 154–155). While a pathway for popular schools was denied, the upper class was showered with the bounty of higher education by opening the universities of Bombay, Calcutta and Madras in 1857. People’s education was actually unbecoming under colonial conditions. It was considered a double-edged sword that could cause popular consciousness to rise against colonial rule, instead of helping the Pax Britannica that the British intended through education. For such a risky game, the colonial state would least like to apportion huge funds from colonial profit. Yet out of British benevolence, often depending on individual benign officials, the government occasionally showed interest in the subject. A noted example was 100 village schools started in Bengal at the initiative of Governor-General Lord Henry Hardinge in 1844. But even such cases were not free from colonial political interest. The object was to pacify the peasantry, especially the tribal peasants, who showed signs of restlessness with growing colonial exploitation (Bara 2005). Unlike the upper class, the masses were slow to recognize the value of western education. Those who recognized found it hard to compromise with the immediate loss of the working hands of children once they went to school. Even the dream of long-term gain from such sacrifice was considered dicey, since the education-related job market was controlled by the middle class. Against these odds, when some lower-class people dared to go to school, they had to struggle extra hard because the teaching-learning method used a language and culture different from theirs. The tribal populations faced these difficulties to a greater degree because of their cultural exclusiveness. Ostensibly moving away from the filtration method, the colonial state, by the Educational Dispatch of 1854, enunciated direct education of the

Tribal education in central India 37

masses. An unctuous action, it was actually inspired by the government’s political need fora bulwark of limited awareness of the lower-class peasantry by some elementary education against the ever-striding landlord class. The follow-up was half-hearted (Bara 1998). The government’s dilemma was whether to use the existing educational grant-in-aid provision for people’s education or to allocate fresh funds. The former proposition was vehemently opposed by the middle class, who wanted the existing limited allocation exclusively for higher education. New allocation, on the other hand, was hard to come by, since mass education entailed a huge drain on colonial finances. As a way out, the government decided to make use of the existing infrastructure of indigenous popular schools, called pathsalas, for justifying its claim of concern for the subject (Shahidullah 1987; Shukla 1959). But even that demanded a modest expenditure which the government was unwilling to bear and decided to impose a special cess for people’s education. The move, however, backfired, especially in Bengal where the upper class resisted it. The government showed firmness to allocate a portion of the existing grant for mass education. The action ignited fierce protest. The government was accused of conspiring to suppress higher education (Bose 1978). Substantially, therefore, nothing materialized from the colonial cry for mass education in the 1854 Dispatch, except to make the subject a live political issue.2 Referring to the dispatch, soon Christian missionaries commenced a campaign for people’s education, which forced the government to institute the Indian Education Commission (1882).

Idiosyncrasy of tribal exclusion The tribal areas, in the innermost parts of India and the recesses of hills, mountains, ravines and forests, made accessibility a problem. With the inkling for rich repositories of natural resources, the areas were geographically surveyed and politically assessed. From the mid-nineteenth century onwards, steps were taken to connect them by postal communication, roads, railways and telecommunication. The colonial educational programme followed, which, compared to other regions, was a late beginning. Indicating indifference of the colonial state, the noted survey of indigenous popular education conducted by William Adam (1838) for the government in the lower provinces of Bengal skirted out tribal Chhotanagpur in the southwest. Before the arrival of colonial western schooling, the tribal societies were scarcely influenced by the dispersed pathsala system, which taught simple literacy and accounts keeping (Bara 2005). Even though surrounded by different cultures, tribal societies remained largely cultural enclaves, continuing with their distinct cultural traditions. The presence of migrant exploiters actually made the alien institutions detestable and tribal traditions and values resilient. For the social training of the tribal youth, the traditional

38  Joseph Bara and Anubhuti Agnes Bara

institutions – ghotul of Muria Gonds, guhiajori of Santhals, giti-ora of Mundas and dhumkuria of Uraons – were in place. Regarding ghotul, it was scholarly observed: “The youths learn most of their social duties here; develop espirit de corps, come to know the intricacies of sex life; become experts in archery, dancing, singing and other arts under the rigorous but lively control of the dormitory supervision” (Naik 1950). These “very useful schools for building up character and learning the various arts and crafts”, or “seminary for moral and intellectual training of the youth”(Roy 1970), were of no use to the colonial authorities, since they lacked the literacy training that constituted the kernel of the western concept of education. The circumstances imposed upon the colonial state, while it considered educating the tribal masses, lead to the opening of new schools on the western model. In financial terms, this meant a heavy burden. Opening many schools in tribal areas, therefore, could not be on the colonial agenda. Even special needs pushed by individual benevolent local officials were subject to scrutiny. The concern always was what dividend such out-of-the-way provision would yield to colonialism. With such estimation, stray beginnings of western schools were made in various tribal regions. The regions being remote parts of the empire were, for several decades, nominally part of the British rule. Schools generally surfaced after proper political control and posting of the first European officials. Against this situation, surprisingly, an exceptional experiment came as early as in 1784 among the Paharia tribals in Bhagalpur. Its architect was a young official, Augustus Cleveland, collector and judge of the districts of Bhagalpur, Monghyr and Rajmahal, who conceived school as a means of ‘civilizing’ the Paharias, described as ‘lawless and savage’(Buckland 1971: 84–85). Cleveland’s interest sprang from the need to tame the restive Paharias, who inhabited the buffer plains of Bengal and Bihar. Two decades ago, Plassey and Buxor conquests had brought this Gangetic plain partly under British suzerainty. But the peace of the region was frequently disturbed by the Paharias, who were revengeful against their exploiting neighbours. For dexterously devising the colonial schema of western education for colonial ‘civilization’, Macaulay’s policy of 1835 is glibly recalled. But the Cleveland scheme was actually the forerunner, although it soon faded and was subsequently outshined by the Macaulayan project in the tribal areas. Stimulated by the powerful ‘free trade’ imperialism in the mid-nineteenth century, colonial India now had to be the source of raw materials for British industry and a market for British manufactured goods. Thus, the Indian mind had to be acclimatized. The Indians were to be “Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect”, as Macaulay stated (1835).3 Few English-educated Indians, raised by the filtration policy, were expected to be the torchbearer of the colonial grand scheme, and the masses were to be linked to it.

Tribal education in central India 39

The colonial ‘civilization’ demanded a robust educational scheme for the tribal subjects (Bara 2005). The tribals, after all, were, according to the colonial ethnography, the crudest segment of the Indian society, not very far from beastly creatures. Under specific conditions, marked by the absence of local initiative, the British authorities chose to act directly. In Chhotanagpur, where the colonial tribal education policy at this stage was best depicted, the plan was devised to turn the restless tribals into peaceable subjects. Three ‘Anglo-vernacular’ (western) middle schools have been opened at Ranchi, Chaibasa and Hazaribagh in the two and a half decades since 1839. The schools, like other government-model schools elsewhere, were supposed to use local language as a link to English education. But in these schools, Hindi and Bengali – the languages least known by the tribals – were introduced in the interest of the migrants’ children, who also attended (Ibid). The authorities did this because teachers versed in these languages were easily available, whereas teachers familiar with tribal languages had to be found anew. The British were aware of the tribal learners’ difficulty, but believed that once imposed, the tribal learners would persevere and be impacted. The optimism was tenable, given the case of the Tartar barbarians of Russia, cited by Macaulay (1835).4

Dithering action and suppressed issues Colonial optimism aside, the prospect of the project was dim. Tribal interest was not forthcoming. The government somehow ran the schools with migrants children and by bribing tribal children to attend. Buying attendance irritated the authorities, since elsewhere there was a readiness to pay for western education. A decade later, however, tribal learners began showing results. They recognized the tool of literacy in deciphering the contents of documents, which could be a potential bulwark against deceiving landlords and traders (Bara 2005). The tribals were also exposed, by the presence of a small bureaucracy and school staff, to the education-based employment opportunity and better quality of life beyond the miserable peasant life. As modest interest grew, the tribals, from the background of a traditional, simple and informal system of knowledge and learning, landed into the world of complex concepts and abstract thoughts under disciplined and highly organized schooling (Naik 1950: 173). The gap taxed tribal learners heavily. School reports showed tribal learners were mostly failures and repeat learners (Bara 2005). Besides, the schools did not receive the attention they deserved from the authorities. The local European officials were too saddled with the primary responsibility of communication and administrative development of the hitherto-uncared-for tribal regions to spare time for schools. Managing the existing institutions somehow for some years, the government contemplated transferring the responsibility to private agencies by

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using government grant-in-aid. The names of Christian missionaries figured prominently in this connection and were invited to Central Provinces and Chhotanagpur. In Central Provinces, the plan failed, but in Chhotanagpur a pilot project manned by missionaries began in 1845 (Mather 1994: 48). The missionaries were expected to play the role of social workers, caring and counselling the tribals to agree to the programme of colonial civilization. The missionaries were friendly and down to earth to the tribals. They became rare sympathizers of the tribals’ agrarian cause against the landlords. They even helped the tribals in judicial cases related to land disputes by providing legal advice. Such a humanitarian outlook drew the tribals to the missionaries and, through that, to the mission schools. Soon the schools run by missionaries became tribal-dominated, reducing the government schools as the migrants’. The government acknowledged the acumen of the missionaries and even projected them as the ideal educators of the tribals.5 Pleased with the progress under their stewardship, the government encouraged the missionaries to expand the programme, ignoring even in the face of the mutiny of 1857, the sensitiveness of Christian missionary involvement in Indian social affairs (Bara 2002). What seemed to be an ideal arrangement was marred by the clash of colonial and missionary interests. Limited enlightenment of the colonial people by western education was the pre-condition to both the colonialists and the evangelists for their respective agendas. But imbued with surging missionary spirit, the missionaries injected in the school programme their own priorities. The schools concentrated upon tribal neo-converts or prospective converts, and instructions were missionary loaded. The concern was for training a local missionary ministry and consolidating the large population of neo-converts. A distinct feature was intensive training of some under regular missionary supervision, preferably at boarding schools. Middle school level education was considered sufficient for the missionary needs. The growth of schooling was thus stymied. Though schools multiplied, high school teaching was not added until the turn of the nineteenth century. Method-wise, missionary education was not different from the colonialist approach. Not free from a western racial outlook, the missionary object was to retrieve the tribals from ‘bestiality’ by Christian teachings.6 The fixed notion of tribe made the missionaries treat tribal languages or culture as educationally ‘barren’. The tribal learners were thus subjected to the same hardship as in the government schools. Despite this, tribals’ interest in missionary-run schools continued. The classrooms swelled, and many students continued on the rolls despite repeatedly failing the annual examinations. The tribal interest was due to a new realization of the importance of education. A constitutional movement by first-generation-educated Sardari Larai (1858–1890) for lost agrarian rights manifested a profuse use of literacy. Further, a few educated tribals also reaped the first fruits of education when Christian missionary establishments employed them. As a corollary,

Tribal education in central India 41

the first sign of indigenous tribal enterprise appeared. One of the first steps of the Sardari Larai leadership when it parted ways with the mentor missionaries over land rights was to open independent schools.7 There were other stray individual initiatives, though they were understandably modest (Nottrott 1914: 12–13). The tribal society was not only too poor for private enterprise, it was also left complacent by the missionary effort.

Disguised denial and deprivation While sponsoring missionaries, officials like E.T. Dalton, a missionary sympathizer but a zealous colonialist, long serving Chhotanagpur as commissioner (1859–75) and having full faith in the ‘civilizing’ role of western schools, coveted the direct role of the government to fill up certain gaps in the missionary effort. Dalton noticed that some sections of the tribals looked at missionary schools with suspicion as traps of conversion and cultural uprooting. Missionary schools also were seen as catering to a small segment of the tribal population.8 Thus, when Lieutenant General of Bengal, George Campbell (1871–74), announced a scheme of popular education in 1871(Mandal 1975), Dalton seized this as an opportunity for direct involvement of the government machinery. The drive led to the opening of 152 government schools with 3,222 students in remote parts of the region in 1872–73 alone.9 The scheme, however, proved to be short-lived. The opening of a large number of schools without any base of indigenous structure proved costly, and allocation of finances dissipated (Buckland 1976: 470). The traditional practice of voluntary payments to teachers or payments of fees, which sustained the programme elsewhere, was not workable here. The government, considering the tribals’ poverty level, had actually promised them free education. The Campbell schools were thus left in uncertainty.10 The old government schools, meanwhile, were migrant dominated. It was actually the migrants’ interest that led to upgrading of the Anglo-vernacular middle school Ranchi to Zila High School (1875). The missionary schools, for their part, were subdued by the Sardari Larai and the Campbell schemes. Against this picture, the Education Commission, 1882, discoursed on tribal education under a separate head for the first time, as if the subject was of special concern to the government. The commission was just interested in renewing the government rhetoric that education was of utmost importance for tribal ‘civilization’. It identified three major problems: tribals’ physical and cultural isolation, their linguistic gap and extreme poverty (Hunter 1983:507–513). Accordingly, it suggested waiving fees for tribal students and employing written vernaculars for classroom instruction, which meant neighbouring vernaculars, since tribal languages were unwritten. The commission, aware of the cultural gap between tribal learners and schools, suggested the need to create tribal teachers locally. In essence, the commission

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left the question of tribal education high and dry. The special problems of the tribals were recognized, but the government was given the go-ahead to pursue the existing policy and practice. The commission suggested employment of every available organization as agency, but especially lauded the Christian missionaries, since it was the only private agency involved in educating the tribals. This way the commission conveyed the indispensability of the missionaries and nudged the government, after the disregard shown to them by the Campbell scheme, to have fresh faith in the Christian missionaries. The commission also prepared a case for the transfer of responsibility of tribal education to local bodies, purportedly for closer attention. In the early twentieth century, the government, impelled by the Elementary Education Bill, 1911, of G.K Gokhale at the Imperial Legislative Assembly, reiterated its commitment to mass education in the educational resolution of 1913. As a result, since 1918, a series of Primary Education Acts appeared and the subject of education was transferred to the provincial government under the charge of the Indian ministers (1919)(Sen 1933: Chapter IV). Supposedly landmark moves, the measures were actually hollow in terms of the government’s financial commitment. The actions hardly sent any ripples through the tribal masses. Whatever modest institutional expansion came in Santhal Parganas, Chhotanagpur and Central Provinces was due to the resurgent Christian missionary movement, where earlier limits of missionary education persisted.

Indigenous urge and challenges The missionary effort, most successful in Chhotanagpur, raised an educationconscious tribal group in the early twentieth century. Rapid administrative and communication development of the region indicated to the tribals the prospect of white-collar jobs. This coincided with the government survey and settlement of the tribals’ long-standing agrarian issue and protection of tribal rights by the Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act, 1908. The move, prompted by the Birsa uprising (1895–1900), assured the tribals that the land dispute was now a settled matter. With a good deal of land already lost, the agriculture-based livelihood had shrunk. The situation led the tribals to explore a livelihood beyond land and agriculture in employment in government or private bodies, for which a middle school education would not suffice. Soon tribal self-help forums, both inside and outside the missions, began mobilizing funds and scholarships to help needy students. Two such leading forums at Ranchi were Oraon-Munda Siksha Sabha (1904) and Chotanagpur Unnati Samaj (1915). Both the government and the Christian missions were indifferent to the tribals’ aspiration for higher education. With no provision of high school education under the missions, some Christian tribals began going to

Tribal education in central India 43

government high schools. The missions, fearing to lose them, responded by upgrading their three schools at Ranchi – Gossner, St. Paul’s and St. John’s – to the high school level in the opening decade of the twentieth century. The Anglican mission already conducted a high school and St. Columbia’s College at Hazaribagh since 1899. But Hazaribagh, located at the edge of the tribal heartland and inundated by outsiders, did not attract tribal students. Three mission high schools at Ranchi, on the other hand, were well received, and the town was set to become an educational centre in the tribal cultural setting. Select tribal children travelled to the Ranchi schools from a large hinterland of far-flung villages with the hope of a better future. The spirit of many, however, was soon dampened by dull teaching through an alien method and medium and a competitive situation.11 After a hard struggle, only some lucky ones, about one-third, qualified for the much-coveted matriculation certificate. Others ended up rejected and returned to village life.12 Matriculation, however, was no smooth passage to college education for those who wanted it, since there was no avenue for this at Ranchi. The missionaries opened the first college, St Xavier’s, only in 1944, four decades after their high schools were opened. The government’s record was equally bad. It called Ranchi’s claim for a college unjustified, saying that the region already had one at Hazaribagh (Bara 2010: 160). Under political pressure, Ranchi College came into being in 1926, but was made to wait for graduate-level teaching for 23 years. Meanwhile, the situation forced many tribal youths either to suppress their aspiration or go out to distant cities, braving various challenges away from tribal life. Instances of a few tribals entering the portals of higher education demonstrated their high aspirations and hard perseverance against a hostile learning environment. Disregarding the tribals’ ordeal, Chhotanagpur was widely seen as the success story of tribal education (Vermeire 1934). But the unfriendly educational environs and method from the early stage onwards exacted a high rate of ‘casualties’. Chhotanagpur therefore presented the country with the best specimen of stagnation and drop-out at the primary stage. The official reviewers discovered that during 1922–27 out of 91,000 students in class I, 61 per cent were repeaters – 34 per cent for two years and 27 per cent for more than two years.13 The colonialists attributed this to the tribals’ racially low aptitude for learning. Perceptive educators and tribals, however, were not ready to accept this. Instead, they placed fault with the educational system that disregarded tribal learners’ linguistic and cultural handicaps.14

Nationalist interests and initiatives Except Chhotanagpur and some other small tribal pockets served by Christian missionaries, the vast populations of the central tribal regions were

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deprived of the benefit of schooling. A general neglect of mass education by the colonial state and the indifference of the Indian intelligentsia, meanwhile, inspired a lower-caste initiative in western India by Jotiba Phule from the mid-nineteenth century. Phule’s movement was carried forward by Rayat Sikshan Sanstha and the Depressed Class Mission in the early twentieth century (Zelliot 2002). This stirred the mainstream nationalist conscience. Mahatma Gandhi, therefore, conducted ‘national schools’ especially for the ‘untouchables’ since the Non-Cooperation Movement (1920–22). These programmes hardly touched the tribal societies of central India. Gandhi’s Non-Cooperation Movement reached tribal societies only faintly. In a singular case, the movement attracted a small group of Tana Bhagat Uraon tribals in Chhotanagpur (Singh 1970). But the national school programme was not in sight. In Gujarat, the centre of the movement, a proposal, under the newly launched Gujarat Vidyapith, for a scheme of tribal education was a non-starter (Yagnik 2011: 10–13). Soon after, however, a small effort emanated from the famine-related social work of the Servants of India Society in the Panchmahal region of Gujarat, led by A.V. Thakkar. Schooling became an integral part of Thakkar’s social work since Bhil Seva Mandal was formed in 1923 (Jagadisan 1949; Shah 1955).15 The social workers of the Servants of India Society initiated schooling of the tribals with the assumption, somewhat on the line of colonialists, that the tribals were primitive and stuck at the bottom of the Indian civilization, who needed to be pulled out to seethe light of civilization. Addressing them as ‘adimjati’ or ‘vanavasi’ to connote their primitiveness, the nationalists characterized the tribal cultural features as anachronistic and wanted them to be reformed and refined. Here the role of education was seen as vital. As primitives, the tribals were considered incapable of taking initiative themselves. Hence, the ‘advanced’ outsiders’ help was considered necessary. Thakkar stated: “Till such time to come when aborigines can stand on their own legs and safeguard their rights and interests, the non-aboriginal politicians and social workers have to espouse the cause of these dumb millions” (1941: 370). This set the tone for another paternalistic and culturally hostile educational programme for the tribals. The Thakkar-led educational programme for the tribals progressed quickly (Jagadisan 1949: 10–15). On the question of the medium of instruction, the nationalist educators dismissed the use of tribal languages (ibid: 302–303). Moreover, for learning and development, isolation of the tribal children from the tribal village environment was considered imperative. The best way for this was to keep the tribal children out of their home and habitat and put them in hostels, or ashrams, under the cultural ambience of the ‘advanced’ neighbour. This was broadly the model shown by Gandhi, of whom Thakkar and his colleagues were devoted disciples, at Sabarmati Ashram in the case of an outcaste boy (1915).

Tribal education in central India 45

In 1937, when Gandhi enunciated his concept of basic education for the masses at Wardha, the nationalists rushed to adopt it for the tribals. Thakkar, an ‘enthusiastic’ member of the steering body of the basic education project, called Hindustani Talimi Sangh, justified the step as a ‘natural corollary’ of his interest in tribal welfare (Aryanayakam and Sykes 1949: 253). The basic school concept centred on craft as the means and method of learning and using the vernacular mother tongue of the child as the medium of instruction. Conceptually a revolt against a highly formal, literary and rigid colonial system, the idea’s rendering into practice called for assiduous development of a new pedagogy. Multi-faceted, craft-based curriculum needed to be developed and teachers had to be trained accordingly. Somehow none of these were picked up. In its stunted form, the scheme made sprawling central tribal India an apt laboratory. A Gandhi fan, Verrier Elwin, stationed among the tribals of central India to serve them, accepted the ‘Wardha Scheme’ in principle but groused that it took “almost exclusive interest in spinning and weaving” as a craft for learning. Elwin felt it was “not suitable for the majority of the tribesmen” (cited in Grigson 1940: 42–45). Crafts like carpentry and agriculture offered, according to him and other experts, better prospects among the tribals (Chattopadhyay 1953:5). A tribal intelligentsia of Ranchi even slammed basic schools as ‘beseekh’, or void of education. The intelligentsia went to the extent of reading a sinister design of keeping the tribals ignorant by basic education (Kujur nd: 7). It felt that the tribal society was by now inclined to receive education, but the basic education experiment obstructed the tribals’ process of learning. The intelligentsia was aware of British education being hazardous to the tribal culture (Ibid:86). Yet, like average Indians, it recognized the power of this education. Thus, the intelligentsia, while seeking to protect tribal cultural traditions and values, demanded better provisions and an appropriate method of English education. The tribal cultural vigour was enlivened at this stage by the anthropological writings of S.C. Roy, J.B. Hoffmann, P.O. Bodding and others on the Mundas, Uraons and Santhals, which presented the tribal viewpoints. Elwin, passionately involved in reading the socio-cultural life of the Gonds, Baigas and other tribes in the field, was soon to contribute an authoritative literature on them. Based on such anthropological literature, the tribal intelligentsia at Ranchi reflected upon their tribal self and watched the affairs in tribal society closely. The intelligentsia took exception to the tribes defined as adimjati (primitive) or vanavasi (forest dweller) and instead adopted the term ‘adivasi’, or indigenous people (Bara 2009). From this conceptual plank, they questioned the nationalist developmental agenda, including education, and devised alternative actions. Thus, to facilitate learning under the British system, the intelligentsia conceived the use of the indigenous institution of dhumkuria and tribal languages in an experimental school in the heart of Ranchi.16 Due

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to a paucity of funds and lack of government encouragement, the experiment did not progress. No nationalists were willing to take a page from it and devise a friendly approach to tribal education. The tribal intelligentsia even voiced concern for the avenue of higher education. A bold slogan of the Adivasi Sabha, a Ranchi-based tribal political forum, in 1939, was ‘Give us education! Give us college!’17

Post-colonial nationalist course By the time of independence, there existed a discernible tribal aspiration for education. But the government response was slow. A measly 3.46 per cent of the tribal literacy figure in 1951 indicated the deficiency of the government’s action. The long-standing problem of low enrolment and the incidence of rampant failure and drop-outs at the initial school stage demanded strong measures from the nation-state. On a right note, the nation, backed up by the ideals of democracy and socialism, bound itself by Articles 45 and 46 of the constitution for ‘special care’ of the educational interests of the tribals and the Dalits, now called scheduled castes. The nation’s mood was upbeat. The original target of 40 years for achieving universal compulsory education was cut down to 10 years. The reset deadline was the year 1960. The actual action, however, did not match the enthusiasm. Unlike the institution of two commissions just after independence, one each on university education and secondary education, with a view to restructuring the educational system, primary education was reviewed in an impromptu fashion by a committee chaired by B.G. Kher. In the action that followed, the tribal masses were hardly reached out to. As nationalist government machinery acted slowly, Christian missionaries and nationalist social workers contributed to the field routinely. This changed situation made the Christian missionaries pause to ponder their future. The nationalist social workers, for their part, were rejuvenated with the spirit of nation-making. They believed that the days of Christian missionaries were over and the time now was theirs. Thirty years of work had made Thakkar a specialist on tribal issues and the undisputed leader of nationalist social work.18 In 1948, he gathered his various local organizations into an all-India body, Bharatiya Adimjati Sevak Sangh, the membership of which multiplied, though mainly from outside the tribal regions. The organization exerted great influence upon government policy on tribes and was also aided by liberal grants for wide-ranging tribal welfare programmes, including education. Details on the early educational actions of the government for tribes are hazy. The information available in the First and the Second Five-Year Plan (1951–56) documents indicate that the government attended to the tribals’ ‘pre-matric’ and ‘post-matric’ educational needs. Other sources show that

Tribal education in central India 47

in the central tribal belt 1000 Ashrams and Sevashram schools and 650 Sanskar Kendras, Balwadis and community centres were opened. Students were also paid scholarships, grants, hostel fees, etc. (GoI 1961: 219). The programmes, overall, were typically of the welfarist mode. The focus fell short of the nationalist vision on ‘universal compulsory primary education’. The outlay on primary education actually declined in the Second Plan to 89 crore rupees from the First Plan provision of 93 crore rupees, while grants for secondary education and university education steeply rose (from 22 to 51 crores and from 15 to 57 crores, respectively).19 The neglect of primary education had a telling effect: a decade of government effort contributed only 1.62 per cent growth rate to tribal literacy of 5.08 per cent in 1961. The government was seemingly more into a cultural agenda of removing the tribal children from their cultural environ and polishing their tribal crudity to transform them into ‘civilized’ Hindus. The programme was implicit in the concept of ashram (residential) schools. The original idea of the ashram school was to bring children to a relatively central locality from remote parts where opening schools was not feasible immediately. But schools were shaped by the nationalist social workers as centres for recasting the tribal children culturally as refined Hindus of the neighbourhood.20 The tribal society of central and western India no doubt had drifted to Hinduism. Seeing this, the Bhil Seva Mandal originally sought moral training of the tribals on the basis of “stories from Ramayana and other religious books”.21 In 1929, a Bhil Seva Mandal boarding school at Jhalod (Panchmahal) even established a ‘Ram’ temple, consecrated by the Shankaracharya (Jagadisan 1949: 31). What was a normal programme of tribals’ edification assumed the form of a Hindu cultural mission in the domain of education at the time of independence. Leverage came apparently from the ruling theory of Indian tribes being ‘backward Hindus’, propounded by the noted sociologist of the time, G.S. Ghurye (1943). A government school inspector in Chhotanagpur was thus found campaigning in her school visits that the word ‘Uraon’ was derived from ‘O! Ram’ recited by a grieving ‘banara’ on the departure of Lord Ram after vanavaas.22 This was opposite the Uraon traditions, which indicated the word originated from ‘Ravana’, as the authority of Camil Bulke (2012) suggests. With a Hindu chauvinistic mind-set, the nationalist social workers targeted Christian schools, alleging that they alienated the tribal mind and sowed the seeds of subversion in the nation. The idea inspired the nationalists to open schools and hostels opposite the church institutions and influence the government to deny grant-in-aid to the church schools.23 The intensity of this was palpable in the erstwhile feudatory states of Surguja, Udaypur and Jashpur of Central Provinces.24

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New attitude and approach Meanwhile, the tribal intelligentsia intensified the campaign against the idea of tribes as backward Hindus. An eloquent tribal leader, Jaipal Singh, asserted from the Constituent Assembly, the Parliament and other forums that the tribal culture was autonomous from Hinduism with its own value system and the tribals were in no way uncivilized or primitive. Verrier Elwin, who by now was an acknowledged expert and government adviser on tribal affairs, had a similar view. The messages of both reached Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who enunciated a new outlook and a set of five tenets, called Panchsheel, on the tribal question and development in his foreword to the second edition of Elwin’s book, A Philosophy for NEFA (1958). Nehru felt that development of the tribals should be “along the lines of their own genius” and effort should be made not to impose anything on them from outside. Further, he suggested encouragement for tribal traditional arts and culture. Nehru disapproved of outsiders’ paternalism and instead wanted to train and build the tribals’ capacity for administration and development of the tribal areas. Nehru’s arbitration was followed by the constitution of the first Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission (1960–61), chaired by U.N. Dhebar. The commission, under the spell of Nehru’s ideas,25 thoroughly reviewed the existing approach and policies on tribes and made path-breaking recommendations. Studying the subject of tribal education, the Dhebar Commission found that the problems of absenteeism, stagnation and drop-outs among the tribals were far more acute than among others. This was because, the commission insisted, the whole educational approach was anti-tribal. It discovered elements in the tribal culture – tribal language, folklore, songs and history – that could profitably be used in pedagogical practices.26 To implement these, the commission wanted to re-orient teachers, revise the curriculum and develop instructional materials. Since teachers were the most crucial agents in the educational process of tribal children, the commission wanted their complete familiarity with tribal life, culture and language; this would leave the smallest cultural gap possible between the teachers and the tribal learners. The teachers were expected to be the tribals’ friend, philosopher and guide. With these things in mind, the commission recommended teachers’ appointment from the tribal community, opening teachers’ training centres in the tribal heartlands and raising a separate cadre of teachers for a period of 20 years.27 Beyond the teaching method and teachers’ role, the commission identified poverty and employment of children in the household and other works as the main hurdles in the way of tribal education. To redress these, the commission stressed the provision of the mid-day meal, clothes, books and stationery to tribal children in backward areas. The commission further noted the children’s difficulties in reaching school because the rugged terrain of

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tribal settlements. It recommended opening primary schools wherever there were more than 30 school-going tribal children, instead of the national norm of a 3-km radius. Finally, the commission suggested adjustment of school timing, vacations and holidays with the tribal social and cultural life. Overall, it wanted the school atmosphere tuned to tribal culture. This pro-tribal position, however, did not stop the commission from believing that the Gandhian basic education concept “satisfie[d] all the tests and requirements of a sound system of education” with respect to the tribal societies.28 This was somewhat strange. Besides repeated disapproval of it by the tribal intelligentsia,29 the government itself at this time doubted the merit of basic schools and considered integrating them into the official system. The concept was ultimately abandoned by the Indian Education Commission, 1964.30 The plea of Nehru and the prescriptions of the Dhebar Commission demanded a determined mind to override the existing approach and policies. The outstanding challenge before the nation was to recognize the genius of the tribal culture. Accordingly, everything from the curriculum, to instructional material, to the training of teachers and administrators had to be re-oriented. The responsibility of developing specific guidelines and direction fell on the Indian Education Commission (1964). But it endorsed the suggestions and recommendations of the Dhebar Commission glibly. The radical nature of the Dhebar Commission recommendations pre-supposed imposition of moral force upon the government for implementation. But instead only a rhetorical call came for ‘intensive efforts’ to provide five years of early education to all tribal children by 1975–76 (NCERT 1970:245– 246). The commission did not take seriously the Dhebar Commission’s suggestion to discourage employment of teachers from outside in the tribal areas (ibid:257). The result was indiscriminate recruitment of outsiders in the following years. Most of the recruits, not interested in teaching the tribals, swelled the ranks of absentee teachers. With no scheme for teachers’ training or orientation along the suggested lines, the old schooling method continued.

Summary and conclusion Education of the masses under the colonial situation was politically not feasible. A historical survey of British colonial educational development since 1835 shows that the most common of the common people, the tribes of the central India belt, were the worst victims of neglect of the colonial policy. Political exigency inspired the colonial state occasionally to show ‘special’ interest in the subject – for instance, in the educational dispatch of 1854 and the Indian Education Commission, 1882. But these actions were always half-hearted. Disinterest of the government was reflected even in its nurturing strong class interest in the education system and continually allowing the

50  Joseph Bara and Anubhuti Agnes Bara

short-sighted middle-class interest a free hand to pre-empt efforts toward tribal education. At times, the colonial government transferred the responsibility of educating the tribals to Christian missions. The missionaries, however, shaped schools according to missionary requirements. Whatever limited action came, whether directly from government or missionary schools, was highly paternalistic. The colonial scheme was to teach the tribals, supposedly the lowest among humans, western ‘civilization’. Culturally, the system was arrogant. It imposed on the tribals, who were culturally exclusive and not familiar with any form of formal education, the most rigid institution. Tribal cultural features and tribal languages were simply written off for pedagogical use. Initially for several years, the tribals saw neither any need nor any value of colonial education. Gradually, however, they recognized its importance for self-defence against exploiting landlords and, subsequently, as a means for new employment. In certain circumstances – for instance, where the Christian missionary agency was friendly – the tribals were eager for education. In isolated cases, they even ventured to open schools of their own. But those who joined the schools struggled hard to acquire knowledge and skills dueto their special socio-cultural background. This set a heavy ‘casualty’ rate in the form of failures and drop-outs among the tribal learners, which has since continued unabated. Nationalist India responded to the problem of tribal education slowly, since 1920, under its social work programme. The nationalist social workers closely observed the tribal masses. But from their upper-class background, they had, like the colonialists, a paternalistic outlook. In the place of western ‘civilization’, the tribal masses were now educationally moulded as ‘civilized’ Hindus. The underlying assumption was that the tribals were subhumans and their culture trash. Such a nationalist attitude was reflected best in the concept of the ashram school for the tribal children. The nationalist social workers, as followers of Gandhi, even experimented with the stunted form of a basic education programme, disregarding the tribals’ preferences. After a decade of independence, the nation recognized the fallacy of the nationalist social worker approach by the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission, 1960 (Dhebar Commission). The commission revised the existing ideas and approaches of tribal development. It found merits and elements in the tribal culture for a sound development strategy. Accordingly, the commission worked out a detailed pro-tribal approach to educational development. However, prejudiced views on tribe and tribal development were too deeply fixed in the mind of the policy planners and administrators to allow implementation of the prescribed ideas and approaches. A few years after independence, a non-tribal teacher from outside posted among the tribals was heard stating: “O, these junglees! they do not want to study. What is

Tribal education in central India 51

the use? It is better I come away early and cook my food” (cited in Naik 1950:176). For their own convenience, the outsider staff did not hesitate to impose, as happened during the colonial time, their own language as the medium of instruction upon the tribal learners (Chattopadhyay:6). Most of the ideas of the Dhebar Commission were left in limbo. Meanwhile, the problems of tribal education multiplied. The trend was substantially the same as it was over a century ago under British colonialism. The tribal learners were widely rejected as residues of the system. The best of the government’s executive actions, such as the series of educational missions, and legislative measures, like declaring primary education as a fundamental right, have failed to stem it. Against this, appreciation of the value of tribal cultural resources and their earnest employment for better reception of the government educational scheme by the tribals seem to be an answer.

Notes 1 They are constitutionally called ‘scheduled tribes’ and, popularly, ‘tribes’ or ‘tribals’. The tribals themselves prefer to be called Adivasis (original inhabitants) with a sense of self-respect against the pejorative meaning of the term tribe. The term tribe has been appropriated as an honourable concept, especially in northeast India. For handiness, we use the term ‘tribe’ or ‘tribal’. 2 Correspondence Relative to Expediency of Raising an Educational Cess in Bengal (Shimla: 1870). 3 Macaulay. ‘Minute’ dated 2 February 1835. 4 Ibid: 112. 5 Dispatch dated 19 July 1854, from the court of directors to the governor general (para 50), in J.A. Richey (1965). 6 Report of the Chota Nagpore Mission for the Year 1863, p. 12. 7 Letter dated 19 November 1887 from C.C. Stevens, Commissioner, Chotanagpur, to Chief Secretary, Government of Bengal, in ‘Papers Relating to Chotanagpur Agrarian Disputes’, Vol. I, p. 129. 8 General Report on Public Instruction in the Lower Provinces of Bengal, 1872– 73, p. 546; General Report on Public Instruction in the Lower Provinces, Bengal, 1873–74, p. 22. 9 General Report on Public Instruction in the Lower Provinces of Bengal, 1872– 73, p. 510. 10 General Report on Public Instruction in the Lower Provinces of Bengal, 1875– 76, pp. 35–36. 11 St. John’s High School, Ranchi: Report for the 1919(St John’s School Records; File: School Day and Prize Distribution Day/Principal’s Report). 12 Our Field, August–September 1925, no. 7, 83; Gharbandhu, December 1926, pp. 160–161. 13 Government of Bihar & Orissa. Quinquennial Report on Public Instruction for 1922–27. 14 St. John’s High School, Ranchi. Report for the year 1919 (St. Johns School Records: File: School day and prize Distribution day/ Principals’ report); ‘Memorandum of the Chota-Nagpur Improvement Society’, in Report of the Indian Statutory Commission: Selections from Memoranda and Oral Evidence by Nonofficials, Part I (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1930), pp. 438.

52  Joseph Bara and Anubhuti Agnes Bara 15 Jagadisan, T.N. (1949: 29), Shah, Kantilal (1955). Thakkar’s spirit of serving the tribals was initially restrained by Gandhi, who persuaded him to prioritize ‘Harijan work’. Thakkar, however, prevailed upon Gandhi and concentrated on the tribal issue nationwide, raising later a cadre of social workers under the Adimjati Seva Mandal. 16 The school, located at Kanke in Ranchi, was started by Julius Tigga and was carried forward by his associate, Ahlad Tirkey. It exists even today, though in dilapidated condition. 17 Adivasi (Mahasabha special issue), March 1939, p. 16. Later, in 1951, the Jharkhand Party called for a “residential and teaching university” at Ranchi in its election manifesto. 18 For his work and commitment to the cause of the tribals, he was a respected name in the nationalist circle. Now fondly called Thakkar Bapa, he exerted great influence on the national government on tribal matters. 19 Planning Commission. 2nd Five Year Plan (1956–61), p. 1 (www.planningcommission.nic.in/plans). 20 For the application of this idea in the ashram mode of education see, Bilthare, D.P. (1954: 166–176). 21 See Thakkar Bapa, ‘Social Work amongst Gujarat Bhils’ (The Servant of India, 22 June 1922), in Jagadisan and Shyamlal (1949), p. 298; also Yagnik, Indulal. (2011: 70). 22 ‘Srimati Satyawati Gaur Gahi Bakhni’ (in Kurukh, the dialect of the Uraons), Dhumkuria, May–June 1952, p. 10. 23 ‘Steam-rolling of a Minority in Raighar and Surguja Districts MP: A Conspiracy’ (Undated mimeographed document of the Jesuit missionaries for private circulation), pp. 38–39, 44–46. 24 Report of the Christian Missionary Activities Enquiry Committee, Madhya Pradesh, 1965, Volume I (Nagpur: Government Printing Madhya Pradesh, 1956), Chapter II. 25 GoI (1961:302). 26 Ibid: 227. 27 Ibid. 28 Ibid: 217. 29 ‘All India Tribal Leaders’ Conference’ on 28th, 29th and 30th October 1960 at St. Xavier’s College Hall, Ranchi, Bihar, p. 21. 30 The concept’s two elements – common education for all and learning by craft or work experience – were incorporated into the National Policy on Education (1968) that followed. The former gave way to the new concept of ‘neighbourhood schools’ and the latter ‘socially useful productive work’.

References Adam, William. (1838). Third Report on the State of Education in Bengal Including some Account of the State of Education in Bihar and a Consideration of the Means Adopted to the Improvement and Extension of Public Instruction in Both Provinces. Calcutta: Orphan Press. Aryanayakam, E.W., and Marjorie Sykes. (1949). ‘Nai Talim and the “Primitive” Peoples’. In T. N. Jagadisan and Shyamlal (eds.) Thakkar Bapa: Eighteenth Birthday Commemoration Volume. Madras: Publishers Not Mentioned, 1949. Bara, Joseph. (1998). ‘Colonialism and Educational Fragmentation in India’. In Sabyasachi Bhattacharya (ed.) Contested Terrain: Perspectives on Education in India. New Delhi: Orient Longman.

Tribal education in central India 53 Bara, Joseph. (2002). ‘Tribal Education, the Colonial State and Christian Missionaries: Chhotanagpur, 1839–1870’. In Sabyasachi Bhattacharya (ed.) Education and the Disprivileged: Nineteenth and Twentieth Century India. New Delhi: Orient Longman. Bara, Joseph. (2005). ‘Seeds of Mistrust: Tribal and Colonial Perspectives on Education in Chhotanagpur, 1834–c.1850’. History of Education, Vol. 34, No. 6, November. Bara, Joseph. (2009). ‘Alien Construct and Tribal Contestation in Colonial Chhotanagpur: The Medium of Christianity’. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLIV, No. 52, December 26. Bara, Joseph. (2010). ‘Schooling “Truant” Tribes: British Colonial Compulsion and Educational Evolution in Chhotanagpur’. Studies in History, Vol. 26, No. 2. Bilthare, D.P. (1954). ‘Adimjatiyon Ka Sikshan’. In Report of the Second Conference for Tribes & Tribal (Scheduled) Areas, Lohardaga, 11, 12 and 13 November, 1953. New Delhi: Bharatiya Adimjati Sevak Sangh. Bose, Sheela. (1978). ‘A Study in Mass Education Policy of the Government of Bengal (1854–1882)’. Bengal: Past and Present, Vol. XCVII. Buckland, C.E. (1971). Dictionary of Indian Biography. New Delhi: Indological Book House, reprint. Buckland, C.E. (1976). Bengal Under the Lieutenant Governors, Vol. I. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, reprint. Bulke, Camil. (2012). Ramkatha, 6th ed. Allahabad: Hindi Parishad Prakashan, reprint. Chattopadhyay, K.P. (1953). ‘Tribal Education’. Man in India, Vol. 33, No. 1, March. Dey, Lal Behari. (1870). Primary Education in Bengal. Proceedings of the Transactions of the Calcutta, India: Bethune Society. Elwin, Verrier. (1958). A Philosophy for NEFA. Itanagar: Government of Arunachal Pradesh. Ghurye, G.S. (1943). The Aborigines – So-Called – and Their Future. Poona: Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics. GoI. (1961). Report of the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission, Volume I, 1960–61. New Delhi: Government of India Press. GoI. (2014). Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India. Report of the High Level Committee on Socio-Economic, Health and Educational Status of Tribal Communities of India. Grigson, W.V. (1940). Notes on the Aboriginal Problem in the Mandla District. Nagpur: Government Printing, C.P. and Berar. Hartog, Philip. (1929). Review of Growth of Education in British India: Report of the Auxiliary Committee of Indian Statutory Commission. Delhi: Government of India Press. Howell, A.P. (1960). ‘Education in British India’. In Selection from Educational Records of the Government of India, Vol. I, Educational Reports, 1859–71. New Delhi: National Archives of India. Hunter, W.W. (1983). Report of the Education Commission. Calcutta: Government Printing. Jagadisan, T.N. (1949). ‘From Gokhale to Gandhi’. In T.N. Jagadisan and Shyamlal (eds.) Thakkar Bapa: Eighteenth Birthday Commemoration Volume. Madras: Publishers Not Mentioned, 1949.

54  Joseph Bara and Anubhuti Agnes Bara Kelly, G.P., and P.G. Altbach. (1978). Education and Colonialism. New York: Longman. Kujur, Ignace. (nd). Jharkhand Dumuhane Par. Ranchi: Sudarshan Press. Macaulay, T.B. (1835/1965). ‘Minute Dated 2 February 1835’. In H. Sharp (ed.) Selections from Educational Records, Part I, 1781–1839. New Delhi: National Archives of India, reprint. Mandal, Archana. (1975). ‘The Ideology and Interests of the Bengali Intelligentsia: Sir George Campbell’s Education Policy (1871–74)’. Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. 12. Mather, B. (1994). Anglical-Lutheran Relations in Chotanagpur 1800–1917 with Special Reference to 1914–19: Their Historical Context and Theological Bearing. Master of Letters thesis, University of Durham. Memorandum of Oraon-Munda Siksha Sabha. (1904). Ranchi Jesuit Archives, Ranchi. Naik, J.P. (1975). Elementary Education in India: A Promise to Keep. New Delhi: Allied Publisher. Naik, J.P. (1978). Educational Reform in India: A Historical Review, R.R. Kale Memorial Lecture. Poona: Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics. Naik, T.B. (1950). ‘How to Educate Aboriginals’. Indian Journal of Social Work. NCERT (National Council of Educational Research and Training). (1970). Education and National Development: Report of the Education Commission 1964–66. New Delhi: NCERT. Nottrott, A. (1914). Paulus Pahna Topno: Yesu Christ Ke Ek Achchhe Yoddhe Ka Jivan Charitra (in Hindi). Ranchi: GEL Mission Press. Parulekar, R.V., and R.P. Praranjape. (1957). ‘Literacy in India in Pre-British Days’. In J.P. Naik (ed.) Educational Writings of Shri R.V. Parulekar. Bombay: Asia Publishing House. Planning Commission. 2nd Five Year Plan (1956–61). www.planningcommission. nic.in/plans. Richey, J.A. (ed.). (1965). Selection form Educational Records, Part II, 1840–1859. New Delhi: National Archives of India, reprint. Roy, S.C. (1970). The Mundas and Their Country. Bombay: Asia Publishing House, reprint. Sen, J.M. (1933). History of Elementary Education in India. Calcutta: The Book Company Ltd. Shah, Kantilal. (1955). Thakkar Bapa (in Hindi). New Delhi: Thakkar Bapa Smarak Samiti Kazi. Shahidullah, Kazi. (1987). Pathsalas into Schools: Development of Elementary Education in Bengal, 1954–1905. Calcutta: Firma K.L.M. Shukla, S.C. (1959). Elementary Education in British India During Later Nineteenth Century. New Delhi: Central Institute of Education. Singh, K.S. (1970). ‘The Mahatma and the Adivasis’. In L.P. Vidyarthi (ed.) Gandhi and Social Sciences. New Delhi: Book-Hive. Thakkar, A.V. (1941). ‘The Problem of Aborigines in India (R.R. Kale Memorial Lecture, 1941)’. In T.N. Jagadisan and Shyamlal (eds.) Thakkar Bapa: Eighteenth Birthday Commemoration Volume. Madras: Publishers Not Mentioned. Thakkar Bapa. (1949). ‘Social Work Amongst Gujarat Bhils (The Servant of India, 22 June 1922)’. In T.N. Jagadisan and Shyamlal (eds.) Thakkar Bpa: Eighteenth Birthday Commemoration Volume. Madras: Publishers Not Mentioned.

Tribal education in central India 55 Trevelyan, C.E. (1838). On the Education of the People of India. London. Vermeire, M. (1934). ‘Progress of Education in the Diocese of Ranchi’. Catholic Herald of India. Vemeire Papers on Education, Ranchi Jesuit Archives, Ranchi, India. Yagnik, Indulal. (2011). The Autobiography Indulal Yagnik, Vol. I. Translated in English from the Original Gujarati by Devanbrat N. Pathak, Howard Spodek, and John R. Wood. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers. Zelliot, Eleanor. (2002). ‘Experiments in Dalit Education, 1850–1947’. In Sabyasachi Bhattacharya (ed.) Education and the Disprivileged: Nineteenth and Twentieth Century India. New Delhi: Orient Longman.

Chapter 3

Uneven growth and a hurdled path Education of the scheduled tribes in Chhattisgarh H. Beck The modern institutionalized system of education is relatively new for the scheduled tribes (ST) who live in remote areas and thrive on folk culture. In contemporary India, education has become a major resource for them to avail themselves of opportunities for development. But the STs lag behind in attaining education. After seven decades of independence, only 59 per cent of them are literate, as against 66 per cent of scheduled castes (SCs) and 74 per cent of India in general. The growth of ST education is marked by a snail’s pace and unevenness across the regions and communities. The literacy rate among the STs in Nagaland, Manipur and several northeast states, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand in north and Goa and Kerala in south India, is above 70 per cent. On the other hand, in a number of states such as Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Jharkhand and West Bengal, the ST literacy rate is below 60 per cent. Moreover, divergence exists among different tribes. A few tribes, such as Pawi in Assam, Dalbing in Arunachal Pradesh, Lakher in Manipur, Malai Arayan in Kerala, Bhunjia in Maharashtra and Andh in Chhattisgarh, have a more than 90 per cent literacy rate. And there are a number of tribes whose literacy rate has not yet crossed 40 per cent. Questions arise, such as: What are the reasons for the slow growth in education? Why there is an uneven growth? This chapter seeks to probe into these questions in the context of Chhattisgarh. We shall map the status of the level of education among the STs in the state and will compare them with nonSTs of the region who live in the vicinity of the tribal population. The study, sponsored by Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), is primarily based on the survey of households and students studying in upper primary, secondary and higher education. An attempt is made to update the status by the available secondary data. In the survey for a comparative purpose, we took 30 per cent of the total sample of the nonST households of the same villages/towns and students of the same institutions (see Appendix). The study covered 1575 households – 1125 STs and 450 non-STs – of 46 villages and towns. We interviewed 1600 students of upper primary, secondary schools and colleges. Of them 1239 were STs and 361 non-STs studying at different levels. It must be mentioned at the outset

Uneven growth and a hurdled path 57

that the non-ST respondents were those who resided in neighbourhood to the STs; hence, there was not a very significant gap between the two, though they were better placed than the STs. This was evident from the social category of the non-ST household respondents. Of them, a maximum of 86 per cent belonged to other backward castes (OBC), followed by 7, 3 and 4 per cent belonging to the most backward castes (MBC), SCs and upper castes or general category, respectively.

Profiles of tribes Chhattisgarh is a state in the central part of India and was carved out of the state of Madhya Pradesh on 1 November 2000. It is a considerably tribalinhabited state endowed with rich mineral and forest wealth. According to the 2011 census, the ST population of Chhattisgarh is 7,822,902, which constitutes 30.6 per cent of the total state population. Of these 3,873,191 are males and 3,949,711 are females. The state has a total of 42 tribes. The SC and ST populations together constitute more than 45 per cent of the state population. At the district level, tribal people have their highest concentration in Dantewada (78 per cent), followed by Bastar (66 per cent) and Jashpur (63 per cent) districts. Janjgir-Champa district has the lowest proportion of the tribal population (12 per cent). Out of the 42 tribes, the Gond is the most populous tribe, with a population of 3,659,384 constituting 55 per cent of the total ST population in the state. The Gonds are divided into more than 50 sub-groups. Among others, Dorla, Maria and Muria are prominent. Other major tribes are Karwar (11 per cent), Uraon (10 per cent), Halba (5 per cent), Binjhwar, Korwa and Sawar (5 per cent). Moreover, five tribal groups – Baiga, Bharia, Birhor, Kamar and Sahariya – are identified as particularly vulnerable tribal groups (PVTGs); before 2006 they were called primitive tribal groups (PTG). They are numerically minuscule. They are vulnerable and the most backward among the tribes. The state holds the eighth position among all the states and Union territories in terms of the proportion of ST population to the total population of the country. Out of the total population, 1.96 crore people of the state reside in a rural area, which constitutes more than 77 per cent of the total population. However, in the case of the STs, only 8 per cent live in urban areas. More than three-fourths (82 per cent) of respondents reported themselves as Hindu. Twelve per cent mentioned their religion as Christianity. Amongst the non-STs, 97 per cent were Hindus, while only 2 per cent Christians. In terms of language used for everyday interaction of the total ST and nonST households, half of them reported Hindi as their mother tongue in dayto-day interactions. This Hindi, in practice, is called Chhattisgarhi Hindi, which has a large vocabulary and linguistic features from the Munda and Dravidian languages. The remaining half of the STs used languages like

58  H. Beck

Sargujiya, Baighani, Bhulia, Kalanaga, Kavardi, Kurukh (Uraon), etc., along with Hindi.

Economic conditions The British policy led to ruthless exploitation of the tribal peoples in various ways. It favoured the landlords, moneylenders, forest contractors and excise, revenue and police officials against the tribals. Local tribes were often alienated from their land and reduced to bonded agricultural labourers by landlords and usurious money lenders. The fate of the tribals has not really changed in the newly created tribal state of Chhattisgarh. In the state, the real economic and political power is wielded by the non-tribal majority. Chhattisgarh is, officially speaking, one of the poorest states in India. Despite several advantageous factors, the state continues to be poor because the manufacturing sector, which had been one of the dominant reasons for high growth initially but has been on a sharp decline since 2008–09. The share of the manufacturing sector to the income of the state decreased from 22 per cent in 2008–09 to13 per cent in 2013–14. Nearly 40 per cent of the people, according to government data in 2011–12, were poor in Chhattisgarh. Chhattisgarh figured near the bottom of India’s state list of the Human Development Index. Most of the tribal inhabitants were located in isolated villages and hamlets in undulating plateau lands coinciding with forest areas. They had limited access to critical infrastructure facilities such as roads, communication, health, education, electricity, drinking water and so on. This widened the gap between the quality of their life and that of the non-STs. Despite reservation in government jobs, only 4 per cent of the ST as against 15 per cent of the non-ST household respondents reported having a relative who was working in government offices. The socio-economic profile of the student respondents and household respondents projected a dismal picture in respect to the occupation, income or land ownership amongst both the ST and non-ST category. With reference to tribals, in particular, the British policy ruined them through systematic exploitation. Ever since they were displaced from their lands on a large scale and left as floating labour, their fate did not change, even under the newly created tribal state of Chhattisgarh. The tribal economy was based on agriculture of the crudest type. The innocence, illiteracy and helplessness of the tribal people made it convenient for outsiders to exploit them. About 90 per cent of the tribals were engaged in cultivation, and most of them were landless. A good portion of the land in the tribal areas was encroached on by the non-tribals. Time and again, many research studies have pointed out this fact. An overwhelming proportion of STs in Chhattisgarh depended on agriculture, cottage and small industries

Uneven growth and a hurdled path 59

and horticulture for their livelihood. The total ST workers, both rural and urban together, were engaged in the primary sector, mainly as cultivators and agricultural labourers, and the remaining workers were engaged in the handicraft industry. The main occupation of 91 per cent of the households was agriculture – cultivation and agricultural labour – as well as forest labour. Three per cent of the households reported following shifting cultivation, presumably without any ownership rights. A majority of the ST households were either landless (38 per cent) or small and marginal farmers (50 per cent). Only a very small stratum – less than 5 per cent – owned more than ten acres of land, but they were not ‘rich peasants’. Many of them occasionally also worked as labourers in the farm and non-farm sectors. A recent study on poverty in Chhattisgarh observes: Marginal farmers who are also agricultural labourers have not been enabled to make adequate land improvements and reported paddy yields that were as little as two quintals per acre (works out to about 500 kilograms/hectare 47 which, when converted to rice would be some 310 kilograms, far less than the average annual rural poor family requirement of some 800 to 850 kilos). 48 Most of the people we met plant rice and other food grains on hardly one to two acres of land; thus, their own grain production provides them with around three to four months of food security. As it turns out, families also tend to sell some of the rice they produce in order to earn badly needed cash income. They consume all other grains produced such as maize and millets. (Gebert et al. 2011: 25) In our survey, we tried to seek information on the income of the households in monetary terms. Significantly, as much as 72 per cent of the heads of the ST households reported that they did not have income. Perhaps they were unable to calculate and tell their income in terms of cash. It meant that they did not have a regular income in the form of money. It was not surprising, since some still practised the barter system to exchange their forest, farm and such other products as bamboo baskets for handling rice or other commodities. Most of them did not have surplus farm products to sell in the market. According to the answers that we got from heads of the households, 70 per cent had income less than Rs. 2500 per month. In this connection, the team led by Gebert et al. 2011, who studied the poverty question by focusing on the average income for a five-member family in the rural, forested areas, concluded that the gross cash income per family ranged between Rs. 20,000 and 35,000 per annum (this did not include costs of production/collection). The imputed cash value of rice from the public distribution system (PDS), forest products for home use and the value of their own agricultural production was likely to be another Rs. 12,000. This way, the per capita income

60  H. Beck

came to Rs. 11 to 19 per day, which was well below the poverty line (Gebert et al. 2011). Broadly, our household survey corroborates this; more than 59 per cent of households were below poverty line (BPL) card holders, indicating their very low economic condition.

Literacy and education avenues According to the 2011 census, the overall literacy rate in Chhattisgarh is 70 per cent. But among the STs, it is 59 per cent. There is a striking gap of 20 points between the ST male (70 per cent) and female (49 per cent) rate of literacy. The literacy rate among the Gonds, the largest tribe, is 57 per cent. Four of the 42 tribes – Sanota, Majhwar, Korwa and Birhul – have not attained even 40 per cent literacy. Literacy among females in these communities is very low, i.e. 30 per cent. In contrast to this, there are quite a few tribes which have attained literacy above 70 per cent. These tribes include Sahariya, Andh, Bhil, Damor, etc. Even in these communities females are less literate than males. According to our survey, 38 per cent of the heads of the ST households were illiterate and 22 per cent had only a primary education. Though non-ST households were somewhat better placed, 32 and 24 per cent illiterate and primary educated, respectively, than STs, the gap was not wide. According to the Annual Report of the Education Department of Chhattisgarh Government, 2009–10, there were 57,332 schools functioning at different levels from primary to higher secondary. They were managed by the government either through the state education system or tribal departments and private individuals or organizations (Table 3.1). In 2017, the

Table 3.1 Number of schools under diff erent types of management in Chhattisgarh Standard

Edu. Dept Tribal Granted* Madrasa Private Community Total Welfare Dept

Primary 12,869 Upper 3341 Primary High School 718 Higher 845 Secondary Total 17,773

11,394 2837

9520 7623

208 21

2741 1926

0 0

36,732 15,748

463 546

10 98

0 20

733 1007

284 128

2208 2644

15,240

17,251

249

6407

412

57,332

Source: Annual Report of the Department of Education, Government of Chhattisgarh, 2009–10 (Cited in EUSP 2012) * Grant received from Sarva Siksha Abhiyan of the Government of India, European UnionState Partnership Programme (EUSP), etc., managed by the State Education Department or Tribal Welfare Department.

Uneven growth and a hurdled path 61

total number of institutions had not increased. In fact, the number declined to 56,263. Presently, the Tribal Welfare Department runs 15,240 schools, of which 93 per cent are primary and upper primary. The remaining 7 per cent are high schools and higher secondary schools. This limits the scope for ST students who want to study in high school. One per cent of high schools and higher secondary schools, except Madrasa, are managed by communities. Eleven per cent of schools are run by private management. Of the total high schools and higher secondary schools, the proportion of the government, including Tribal Welfare Department–managed schools, is less than 50 per cent. A majority of the higher secondary and secondary schools are private. The rest are managed by local communities with or without government aid. More than 90 per cent of the eligible habitations had a primary and/or upper primary school in all the districts. More than 90 per cent of schools in the state (94 per cent of primary schools and 93 per cent of only upper primary schools) were located in rural areas. There were more government schools catering to the local community children than private schools. As the educational level increased, the number of both government and private schools not catering to the local vicinity also increased. None of the 46 villages surveyed by us had any private or government college within easy access (Table 3.2). Privatization of schooling appeared to have not touched significant proportions in rural Chhattisgarh. The Jashpur district did report 23 per cent of children aged 6 to 14 in private schools. The other districts that had a reasonable percentage of children of this age group in private schools were Kawardha, Bilaspur, Janjgir-Champa, Raigarh and Surguja. Table 3.2 Community profile showing number of villages with various types of schools No. Of Schools

No. of Villages With Govt. Primary Schools

No. of Villages with Pvt. Primary Schools

No. Of Villages with Govt. Upper Primary Schools

No. of Villages with Private Upper Primary Schools

No. of Villages with Govt. Secondary Schools

No. of Villages With Private Secondary Schools

None One Two Three Four Five Above Six

0 21 11 06 02 03 03

33 07 05 0 0 01 0

11 25 06 01 01 0 02

40 05 0 0 0 01 0

30 13 02 01 0 0 0

44 02 0 0 0 0 0

* None of the 46 villages had a college. Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Chhattisgarh)

62  H. Beck

Most of the students travelled beyond 2 km to attend the school. The household data showed that only 38 and 41 ST and non-ST students, respectively, studied in a nearby vicinity. The remaining more than 50 per cent ST and non-ST children went outside the vicinity to attend school or college mainly due to unavailability, inadequate facilities, poor teaching in nearby schools, want of multi-grade schools and caste discrimination being prevalent in local schools. According to the household respondents, a majority (67 per cent) of the ST and non-ST children went to governmentaided schools/colleges. Of the currently running schools, about 46 per cent were established during or after 1994 and 22.5 per cent of schools were established in or after 2002–03. But more than 30 per cent of these schools established since 2002– 03 did not have school buildings by 2007–08. More than 20 per cent of the schools in Chhattisgarh did not have any pucca or even partially pucca building during 2007–08. More than 13.5 per cent of the schools had no classrooms, and 43 per cent had at most two classrooms. More than 13.5 per cent of the government schools did not have any drinking water facility in the school until2007–08. Toilet facilities were entirely inadequate, with only 33 per cent of the primary schools in Chhattisgarh having at least a common toilet facility. A separate girls’ toilet in useable condition was provided in less than 25 per cent of the primary schools (Gebert et al. 2011). This is a factor known to inhibit the enrolment of girls (particularly at the post-primary stage) in schools. Electricity connection was available in only 12 per cent of the primary and 19.6 per cent of all schools in 2007–08; the comparable all-India figures were considerably larger. Lack of electricity connection obviously had a negative impact on computer education or even use of computers.

Enrolment pattern The gross enrolment ratio for classes I to VIII in Chhattisgarh was 109.4 in 2011, higher than the national average of 104.3. The enrolment at the entry level (class I) improved with respect to girls. The total enrolment in 2010–11 was 31,77,349 children at the primary level. Though the enrolment at the primary level increased by 3.5 per cent from 2006–07, it was still behind enrolment of all the children in the age group of 6 to 11 years. While there had been growth in the enrolment of children in school, there was also a high drop-out rate (Tables 3.3 and 3.4). High enrolment did not necessarily translate into regular attendance. Out of 17 lakh tribal children in the age group 5 to 14 years, 10 lakh attended school, constituting 58.7 per cent. As many as 7 lakh (41.3 per cent) children in the corresponding age group did not go to school. Gonds had 4.2 lakh children not attending school, while among Kawars, 61,385 children did not go to school. On the other hand, Halbas and Uraons had more than 70 per cent of children going to school.

Uneven growth and a hurdled path 63 Table 3.3 Drop-out rate at the primary level, 2009–10 Years

2006–07 2007–08 2008–09

All

ST

Male

Female

Total

Male

Female

Total

11.92 7.53 10.54

11.34 8.47 11.61

11.65 7.99 11.05

31.44 9.89 7

31.83 10.94 14.35

31.63 10.4 10.44

Source: Cited in EUSP 2012

Table 3.4 Drop-out rate at the upper primary level, 2009–10 Years

2006–07 2007–08 2008–09

ALL

ST

Male

Female

Total

Male

Female

Total

9.31 6.38 10.14

5.09 7.41 5.00

7.45 6.88 7.12

20.93 8.71 30.00

20.97 8.71 30.00

20.94 8.26 13.00

Source: Cited in EUSP 2012

The proportion of the tribal literates declined sharply after the primary level. The percentage of literates in middle school was less than half of the primary-level literates. This percentage further declined to a considerable extent from the secondary level onwards.

Upward mobility Though the Gond tribe constitutes a majority among the STs, their numbers were found to be decreasing with increasing educational levels – 55 per cent, 54 per cent and 30 per cent at the primary, secondary and college stages, respectively. This was somewhat in contrast to the other tribes. The Dhruvas, for instance, decreased only by 7 per cent, 9 per cent and 29 per cent, respectively, at the corresponding increasing educational levels. Also, the Uraontribals were more or less constant between 16 per cent and 20 per cent at all three educational levels, while the Kanwar tribe, at below 10 per cent, did not show variance in their numbers at any of the educational levels. Among the major tribes, Uraons had the highest proportion of matriculates, whereas Bhattras had the lowest proportion of matriculates, preceded by Gonds. It may also be noted that there are considerable Christian tribals at the upper primary (12 per cent), higher secondary (10 per cent) and college level (16 per cent) compared to non-tribal Christians, whose number is very insignificant. A similar pattern of differentiations in educational attainment by social groups was visible among the non-ST students also. An overall receding

64  H. Beck

trend was noticed, taking together the total number of 87 per cent upper primary, 74 higher secondary and 55 per cent college level SC and OBC category student respondents as compared to an increasing number of 13 per cent upper primary, 26 per cent higher secondary and 44 college student respondents who belonged to the upper-caste category. Thus, uppercaste students showed a progressive increase in numbers with the increase in educational levels, while OBC students maintained their numbers at 64 per cent upper primary level, 57 per cent higher secondary level and 53 per cent college level. There was a stark receding trend amongst the SC category students at the upper primary (22 per cent), higher secondary (14 per cent) and college level (1 per cent). The MBC students were a consistent minority at the upper primary (1 per cent), higher secondary (2 per cent) and college level (1 per cent). Upper-caste students showed a progressive increase in numbers with the increase in educational levels, at upper primary (13 per cent), higher secondary (26 per cent) and college level (44 per cent).

Occupation and income At the upper primary, higher secondary and college level, the ST student respondents showed a steady increase in family members being in government jobs (Table 3.5). The proportion of the children of government Table 3.5 Tribe/caste present family occupation and head-of-family income as reported by student respondents (percentage) Occupation

Agriculture (cultivator and labourer) Shifting Cultivation Government Service Others Monthly Income Less than Rs. 5000 Rs. 5001 to Rs. 10,000 Rs. 10,001 to 15,000 Rs. 15,001 to Rs. 35,000 Above Rs.35,000 Do not know Total % N

Upper Primary

Higher Secondary

College

ST

ST

ST

Non-ST

Non-ST

Non-ST

32

26

47

19

16

50

19 20 30 100

28 18 28 100

14 30 9 100

34 22 25 100

3 43 38 100

1 36 13 100

60 13

50 16

57 10

50 19

21 21

21 18

14 5

19 5

19 7

17 4

43 6

39 5

1 9 100 111

1 6 100 405

3 7 100 116

2 7 100 406

7 10 100 134

8 99 428

*

Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Chhattisgarh)

Uneven growth and a hurdled path 65

employees increased from 20 per cent at the primary level to 43 per cent at the college level. And the proportion of those who continue with a traditional occupation declined from 31 per cent at the upper primary level to 16 per cent at the college level. We find the same pattern with income. As mentioned earlier, the income data were problematic. However, on the basis of the students’ responses on income, we got some clue of the economic conditions of a family. The student data with respect to the ST category show an increasing number of 19 per cent upper primary, 27 per cent higher secondary and 51 per cent college students reporting income for the head of the family in the above Rs. 10,001 per month bracket. On the other hand, more than half of the students, i.e. 59.8 per cent upper primary and 56 per cent higher secondary level, compared to a significant low of 21 per cent college students reported their head-of-family income in the low bracket of below Rs.5000 per month. Similarly, in the non-ST category 26 per cent upper primary, 24 per cent higher secondary and 51 per cent college level, a steady increase in higher-income brackets i.e. above Rs.10,001 per month was noticed. On the other hand, 50 per cent of the student respondents each of the upper primary and higher secondary level, compared to a significant low of 21 per cent of college students, reported their head-of-family income in the low bracket of below Rs.5000/- per month. So, overall the household, school and college data show predominantly a vast majority of both ST and non-ST respondent families working in the less lucrative unorganized sector (see Table 3.5). Among the upper primary ST students, more than 50 per cent belonged to the BPL category. Their proportion reduces to 33 per cent at the college level.

Aspirations and obstacles A larger proportion of the heads of the ST (83 per cent) than non-ST households (70 per cent) believed that their children were interested in pursuing higher education. A majority of the parents, both STs and non-STs, desired that their children study up to graduation and get government employment. Most of the upper primary ST, as well as non-ST students, also expressed their desire to study up to graduation. But as mentioned, a larger number of students dropped out at the upper primary and secondary level. Family financial constraints were, of course, one of the major reasons for their inability to pursue studies. It may be noted that as many as 17 per cent of the upper primary students below 14 years of age worked to supplement family income while studying. Another important reason was the nature of educational institutions which discouraged students, making them disinterested in their studies. In our question regarding difficulties in comprehension in the class and reasons for that, a considerable number of both ST and non-ST students frankly admitted that they had difficulties in comp rehension in class. One

66  H. Beck Table 3.6 ST and non-ST student respondents’ involvement in classroom learning (percentage)*

Subjects are hard Teachers do not explain Teacher’s language is hard Lot of class disturbance English medium of instruction Cannot specify Any other Total % N

Upper Primary

Secondary

College

ST

ST

ST

Non-ST

Non-ST

Non-ST

57 13 8 13 5

48 15 11 13 9

38 17 13 16 10

53 17 7 14 5

31 24 11 5 19

20 54 6 0 10

4 0 100 293 *

4 0 100 93

6 0 100 259

4 0 100 87

7 3 100 259

7 3 100 70

Note: *The responses are only those who answered this question. Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Chhattisgarh)

of the important reasons at all levels, according to them, was “the subject was hard”. Other reasons were that the teachers were not explaining them well and/or using difficult language (Table 3.6). A majority of the students reported that they ask questions when they do not understand. At the same time, a number of students at the upper primary (19 and 26 per cent ST and non-ST, respectively), higher secondary (38 and 37 per cent ST and non-ST, respectively) and college (12 per cent ST and 11 per cent non-ST) level were wary of approaching their teachers for further clarification mainly due to fear. The respondents cited various reasons for this fear, such as teachers being strict and disliking student queries. These responses require further probing, but they do indicate the nature of classroom teaching and the student–teacher relationship.

Medium of instruction One of the major obstacles at the primary and upper primary level was the medium of instruction, or the language that the teachers use for teaching. Though a majority (79 per cent) of the ST upper primary student respondents stated the Hindi language was their ‘mother tongue’, they spoke different dialects in everyday life in their family and the market for the exchange of goods. Most of the teachers, who were not from ST community, spoke a different Hindi than the students understand. One-fourth of the upper primary schools that we studied had no teacher from the ST community. One tribal teacher in a school cannot take responsibility to teach all students in their dialects. Moreover, even a teacher of a particular tribe does not speak and understand the dialect of other tribes. That might be a reason

Uneven growth and a hurdled path 67

that many students complained about the language that the teachers used in the classroom. This was a major gap in tribal education. Studies on this subject elsewhere show that language provides social, psychological and emotional expression of an individual in a society. In the absence of knowledge of the tribal dialect, both students and teachers face the problem of communication in the teaching-learning process. Moreover, it is found that tribal students are often ridiculed, humiliated and reprimanded for speaking in their own language; they are even punished for failing to talk in the so-called standard language or continuously lapsing back into their mother tongue (Nambissan 1994). It is the regional and national language that reduces tribals to minorities in their own home. An ST student in particular, because of her or his unique tribal way of life, faces alienation in the ‘modern’ school environment. As in other states, in Chhattisgarh education is imparted through the same book which forms the curriculum of the non-tribal children. A tribal child who lives in an isolated and far-flung place, untouched by the modern way of life, generally finds it difficult to develop an interest in the imparted knowledge and ideas. The contents of the syllabus generate indifference and disinterest amongst the tribal students, as they do not understand the relevance of what is being taught. So at the primary levels of schooling, the children are at a cultural loss. Teaching through books becomes alien to most of them. This is often evident from the marks that they obtain in the tests.

Teacher–student gap The most important part of the human infrastructure for education is the teachers who interact with the students and encourage them to attend school. Teachers are expected to live in the villages where the schools are located, i.e. tribal areas. However, in practice the teachers are reluctant to reside in such areas and instead stay in nearby towns. More than half (55 per cent) of the teachers surveyed by us commuted to their schools every day (within a radius of 10 km), while 38 per cent of teachers lived in the same area. Teachers did not want to stay near the village school if the village was inaccessible. In most cases, teachers in the tribal areas took the appointment as ‘stop-gap’ arrangement. This reflected teachers’ insincerity and non-commitment to interacting with the guardians over the problem of children (Sujatha 1994). Most of the teachers in our study, nearly 70 per cent, were non-STs. The non-tribal teachers considered themselves ‘civilized’ and tribals ‘uncivilized’ and ‘savage’. So, there was little appreciation of the tribal values and way of life. The teachers’ profile revealed a quarter of teachers (26 per cent) perceiving that SCs/STs could not compete with the other students academically. The teachers actually believed that the ST and SC students lacked competitiveness. Such an attitude of teachers leads young ST students to

68  H. Beck

start feeling ‘inferior’, ‘not capable of studying’ and to develop a very low self-esteem compared to the other students. There was very little in the way of a cordial relationship between children and the teachers. Sometimes, the teachers used the tribal students for their personal work. Due to a deepseated negative psyche on the tribals, the non-tribal teacher routinely treated tribal students differently. About 29 per cent of the teachers were STs. However, instances show that the tribal teachers of one community did not necessarily have a feeling of fraternity for the students and parents of another community. Social hierarchy prevailed among the STs also. Some of the tribal groups, better educated and better placed, considered themselves ‘progressive’ and had some amount of prejudice against the ‘backward tribals’. Studies in the context of neighbouring Andhra Pradesh confirm this. The Valmik tribals in the East Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh occupy a lower ritual status than Kondareddi tribals, but are mostly educated. If a teacher from Valmik tribe teaches Kondareddis, the latter avoid giving him or her a house to live in and do not treat him as an equal co-tribal. The Valmik teacher, for his or her part, feels that the Kondareddis are lazy and superstitious (Sujatha 1994). Over a period of time, student–teacher ratio improved, but it was far from the actual requirement to meet the challenges for quality education. In remote tribal villages, there were instances of schools opening just once in a week when teacher came. There are also instances of teacher absenteeism. A study by the European Union State Partnership (EUSP) observed that a teacher commissioned his work to a locally educated, rather semi-educated, youth to teach the children, paying the person a small sum from his salary. Besides such cases, officially there were still many single-teacher schools in the state, though their number declined in the last decade. In terms of qualifications, half of the teachers in primary schools in the state and 63.5 per cent of all teachers were at least graduates. Only 65 per cent of the teachers at the primary and upper primary level were trained. A substantial part of the total number of teachers consisted of para-teachers or Shiksha Karmi in the state. They were untrained teachers with minimum qualifications of a twelfth standard pass. Twenty-sixper cent of male primary school teachers and 35 per cent of female primary school teachers were para-teachers during 2005–06 (Table 3.7). The para-teachers were appointed, and their contracts were renewed by local bodies, which gave them considerable control. After going through a two-month crash course they were posted in various types of schools throughout the state. However, the recruitment of Shiksha Karmi had not significantly improved the student–teacher relationship. The average teacher–student ratio was 1:40. This average figure did not reflect the extremely high ratio in some districts (Gebert et al. 2011). In many villages, one teacher looked after 50 to 70 students. Moreover, he or she even taught multiple classes simultaneously.

Uneven growth and a hurdled path 69 Table 3.7 Teachers in primary and upper primary schools Indicators

2010–11 2009–10 2008–09 2007–08 2006–07

% of Female Teachers Pupil–Teacher Ratio (PTR) % of Schools PTR – >100 % Single-Teacher School % of Professionally Trained Teachers

32.5 25 NA 9 64.6

32.1 26 1.5 11 32.3

34.8 26 1.3 12.2 48.6

32.9 28 2.1 14.7 94.3

31.7 27 1.8 13.2 73.9

Source: MHRD (2013)

A study team of the EUSP programme (ibid 38) observed the ground situation as follows: In one of the schools the Team visited in Jagdalpur all four teachers in the elementary school were shiksha karmis. Our discussions with them reflected the inadequacy of their preparation and gaps in their knowledge, pedagogy skills and class room management. It would hardly be possible for them to properly manage Multi-Grade Multi-Level teaching. They receive little support or supervision from cluster and block resource persons. Overall, the system reveals a somewhat neglectful attitude towards the education needs of the poor and marginalised communities, including allowing a de-professionalisation of the rural teaching profession that results in many quality issues. It also calls for a serious review of the current training provided to the teachers and requires the institutionalisation of a mentoring system to ensure that the shikshakarmi teachers are able to provide quality and equitable education to the children in their care. Despite the additional influx of shiksha karmi teachers into the schools, many districts continue to have unacceptable pupil – teacher ratios; at the primary levels in 12 out of 18 districts it is still more than 1:40. In addition, the distribution of teachers to the individual school is also problematic. It was found that the overall picture masks further understaffing and even overstaffing at individual schools. In one of the schools visited by the Team, there were four teachers for 15 children at the upper primary level! The Team also discovered cases where children’s names were kept on school enrolment records to justify the teacher maintaining his/her posting at that particular school. The CAG also reports such a case in Gariaband where three teachers were posted at two middle schools but without any students enrolled in their classes. The CAG Team reported opposite cases as well: 7 schools with students but no teachers at all, and 27 schools run by a single teacher (pupil numbers ranging from 54 to 227 each).

70  H. Beck

Conclusions Overall, these details clearly indicate that the STs are more discriminated against both in the school domain and the community, and in all this, the lower-grade students are at the complete mercy of those in authority. The STs aspired to better education and improvement of their life chances. But poverty and exploitation perpetuated their vulnerability. Of course, a handful of them got opportunities for a better education, but the vast majority were left out. The functioning and modus operandi of educational institutions made the majority of young tribal learners alien to the teaching-learning system. That leads to disinterest and frustration.

References EUSP [EUSP: European Union State Partnership]. (2012). Report on Medium Term Expenditure for Department of School Education Chhattisgarh. European Union State Partnership Programme, MTEF (Medium Term Expenditure Framework). Gebert, Rita, Annie Namala, and Jayant Kumar. (2011). Poverty Impact Assessment Report. Chhattisgarh: Poverty Impact Assessment Team Report for EU-SPP, GIZ; Raipur and Berlin: International Services. MHRD. (2013). Elementary Education in India: Where Do We Stand? State Report Cards. National University of Educational Planning and Administration, 2011– 12. New Delhi: Government of India. Nambissan, G. (1994). ‘Language and Schooling of Tribal Children – Issues Related to Medium of Instruction’. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.29, No. 42, October 15. Sujatha, K. (1994). Educational Development Among Tribes: A Study of Sub-Plan Areas in Andhra Pradesh. New Delhi: South Asian Publishers, National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration.

Chapter 4

Strands of educational participation of scheduled tribes The case of Jharkhand Vijay Baraik Introduction Jharkhand is a state known for its abundant natural resources, vibrant tribal culture and various forms of exploitation and deprivation. Paradoxically, amidst rich resources and industrialization, the state is underdeveloped, especially among its tribal population. The tribal aspirations that assumed the form of political agitation compelled formation of this state in 2000. With the coming of statehood, a ray of hope for the development of the state ascended. But the situation today is depressing because of multiple facets of arrested development, of which the area of education is prominent. Among various development indicators, education is a very effective means of empowerment and progress of a population. It sets humans free from the darkness of illiteracy, ignorance, poverty and other social handicaps. However, education has yet to reach the sections of tribal society effectively. Educational attainment among the tribes of India has been meagre, and challenges on their educational path are enormous. A large number of villages, mainly inhabited by the tribals, still remain illiterate. There are many internal as well as external reasons for this situation. The root cause of tribals’ educational backwardness is traced to the pre-independence era. During the British colonial rule, since the Macaulayan filtration policy of 1835 to the Elementary Education Bill, 1909 of G.K. Gokhale, the tribals were outside the pale of the limited colonial scheme of mass education. Occasionally, Christian missionaries, hired by the government, filled up the gap, but this was modest. Even after independence, despite various nationalist initiatives, especially since the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission (Dhebar Commission) (1960), tribes have been facing various kinds of hurdles in their educational path. One key problem is the general outlook on tribes, depicting them as sub-humans. From this stems incorrect educational ideas and policies. Things become worse with the flooding of non-tribal teachers with anti-tribal mind-set (Bara 2010; Bara and Baraik 2016). Besides prejudice, teachers are insensitive to tribal students’ problems. Many of them are just

72  Vijay Baraik

concerned with employment. Many other teachers are untrained or halftrained. The Report of the Joint Review Mission on Teacher Education, Jharkhand (2013) points out the presence of 40,000 untrained teachers in Jharkhand. It is not surprising, therefore, that there are high incidences of truancy among teachers and students. The scenario leaves the idea of Jawaharlal Nehru and Verrier Elwin to base education of the tribals on tribal cultural ‘genius’ as useless. Taking note of such a dismal background, this study aims to look into the contemporary status of scheduled tribe (ST) education and its problems in the state of Jharkhand. It also seeks to explain, through empirical examination of the situation, the reasons for the present low level of access to education among the ST children. The data used for this study are mainly from the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) survey conducted by the author in 2013–14. These primary data were generated through questionnaires in five distinct cultural regions (see Appendix). The study uses secondary data, mainly from the Census of India, to complement the findings and consolidate the arguments.

Data and method A total of 1526 students constituted the student sample size of the present study. Of this, 384 ST and 128 non-ST students were of the upper primary level, 402 STs and 132 non-STs of the secondary level and 361 STs and 119 non-STs of the college level (Table 4.1). Two hundred and forty-nine

Table 4.1 Distribution of sample students b y gender (nos.) Educational Level

Category of Students

Gender Male

Female

Upper Primary

ST Non-ST Total ST Non-ST Total ST Non-ST Total ST Non-ST Total

204 75 279 229 76 305 169 71 240 602 222 824

180 53 233 173 56 229 192 48 240 545 157 702

Secondary College Total

Source: ICSSR:ESTAC Jharkhand (2012–14)

Total

384 128 512 402 132 534 361 119 480 1147 379 1526

Strands of educational participation 73 Table 4.2 Sampling criteria and sample districts Sl. No.

Criteria I (Percentage of Tribal Population and Literacy)

Criteria II (Geographical Distribution and Variation)

Criteria III (Ethnic Region)

District

1

State capital district/major educational hub High population – high literacy (HPHL) High population – low literacy (HPLL) Low population – high literacy (LPHL) Low population – low literacy (LPLL)

Centre

Uraon, Munda

Ranchi

West

Simdega

South

Kharia, Uraon, Munda Ho

North

Others

Pashchimi Singhbhum Hazaribagh

East

Santhal

Sahibganj

2 3 4 5

teachers (ST, 121 and non-ST, 128) were also interviewed for the study. An in-depth examination of the socio-economic background of the ST households vis-à-vis non-ST households was considered inevitable for understanding the educational problems of ST children. Many of the factors were of a specific nature and significantly influenced their educational response. A total of 1559 households (ST, 1124 and non-ST, 435) were surveyed. The sampling of districts, blocks and villages was carefully done with a view to judicious representation (Table 4.2). The selection of 45 sample villages (3 villages per block and 9 villages per district) was on the basis of mixed population (ST and non-ST), literacy rates and geographical location (one close to block headquarters, one remote and one special category, if any). The selection of households mostly with children going to school or college was random. Care was taken to collect the sample from all sections of the society in the villages. The selection of schools was again random, but the first consideration was their catchment or service area, i.e. the villages and people they catered to. The option for the selection of colleges with such consideration was scarcely possible.

Educational setting and the tribals Though backward, Jharkhand presents on the surface certain advances in the field of education. The state had 44,937 schools in 2011–12 (primary, upper primary, secondary and higher secondary) affiliated to the State Board of Secondary Education, Central Board of Secondary Education and Indian

74  Vijay Baraik

Council of School Education. There is a good chain of central schools, Navodaya Vidyalayas, Sainik School and Army School in the state. Some reputed chains of private schools – for instance, Delhi Public Schools, Dayanand Anglo-Vedic Schools and Ramakrishna Mission Schools – also exist in various towns. Besides, there is a network of Christian church schools in both urban and rural areas. Of late, a good number of government industrial training institutes have come up. The state has 192 colleges, six state universities, one central university, three deemed universities and one agricultural university. Recently, a few private universities have also opened. The state has noted professional institutions of higher education: Indian Institute of Management, National Law University, Xavier Labour Relations Institute, Xavier Institute of Social Sciences, National Institute of Foundry and Forge Technology, National Institutes of Technology, Indian School of Mines-cum-Indian Institute of Technology, Rajendra Institute of Medical Sciences and Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences. Against this rosy picture, so far as the tribals are concerned, there is a poor base of school education and a poor state of higher education. The unsatisfactory state of school education handicaps the tribals to avail themselves of the existing opportunity for higher education. In prime institutions especially, seats are mostly captured by outsider candidates. The literacy level in the urban areas is high, but in rural areas it is quite low. The gap is quite wide. In the 2011 census, rural and urban literacy rates among STs of Jharkhand are 55.2 per cent and 75.4 per cent, respectively, which means a gap of 20.0 percentage points. In recent years, the nature of school education has changed. The system has increasingly become public school–centric with English as the medium. This brings a new challenge to the poorer sections of the tribal society. The tribals are faced with the question of availability, accessibility and affordability of educational facilities. In the last four decades, there were significant changes in the literacy rates and educational achievement among the tribals of Jharkhand. The literacy rate in 1971 among the STs of unified Bihar was 11.64 per cent. Under Jharkhand state, where almost the whole ST population shifted, it was 57.1 per cent against 72.3 per cent among non-STs in 2011. In terms of the level of education, 88.97 per cent of the total literates constituted the group having a below-matric-level education. Within this, below primary educated comprised 30.57 per cent, primary educated 28.58 per cent and matric/secondary educated 12.09 per cent. Only 4.43 per cent had education of a higher secondary level. This was against 6.96 per cent of non-STs. So far as the graduate and above degree level was concerned, the percentage was only 3.49 per cent against 8.23 per cent non-STs. There is some headway at the school level, but the situation at the higher education level is dismal.

Strands of educational participation 75

The tribal literacy in the state as per the 2011 census is 57.1 per cent (male – 68.2 per cent, female – 46.2 per cent). Our survey discovered that 59.2 per cent of heads of the household were literates among STs. Out of this, the largest number of household heads were those who had completed class between IX and X (20.7 per cent), followed by those who were educated between class I and V (15.8 per cent). The next, comprising 11.7 per cent, were those who had completed education between class VI and VIII. The data suggested the tendency in the community to complete a class IX to X level of education. A sharp fall in percentage of household heads in the class between XI and XII (7.2 per cent) was noticeable. Again for those who get into college, the drop-out rate was low. The heads of households completing education above class XII but below graduation constituted only 0.9 per cent, whereas those having graduate and above degrees were 2.9 per cent. The literacy of non-ST heads of the household was slightly higher, i.e., 62.8 per cent, and a similar trend was observed with respect to the overall level of education.

Perception of environment and educational motive An interesting finding was that there was not much difference between the school experience of STs and non-STs. Both STs and non-STs had friends among those studying with them (86.8 per cent STs and 88.3 per cent nonSTs), but mostly from their own community. A high percentage of 95.1 per cent students responded that they could sit in the first row if they wanted. In this percentage, STs were more than the non-STs. It shows there was no discrimination as far as preference of sitting in classroom was concerned. Only 5.5 per cent of students reported that the sitting preference was decided by the teachers, but 91.6 per cent said that it was decided by themselves. All the students, except one ST student of Sahibganj, said that they were comfortable wherever they chose in the class. In response to the mistreatment of students or any one of their family members leading to humiliation, only one ST student from Simdega responded. On the question of feeling insulted or humiliated due to discrimination and contemplating leaving the institution, there was no single response from the sample. Again, both were equally aware about reservations in terms of admission. Both categories were also similarly exposed to mass media (66.6 per cent ST and 79.6 per cent non-ST college students read newspapers) and participated in politics. A reported 20.1 per cent of ST and 14.5 per cent of non-ST students participated in student union elections. As for aspiration of their child’s life after education, the largest response of the heads of household was for the career of teaching: 33.2 per cent of ST and 34.3 per cent of non-ST parents wished their children to become teachers. A good number of girls were for nursing training (8.0 per cent upper primary and 9.6 per cent secondary), the reasons for which were the

76  Vijay Baraik

availability of jobs, relatively easy admission and affordable cost of courses since they are run by charitable hospitals. The aspirations in terms of education and jobs were seen as diversifying in tandem with the diverse opportunities in the region. As for teachers’ attitude and perception about ST students is concerned, a significant change was noticed. Except for a negligible number, the teachers felt that the ST students were as competent and as capable as others. In college, 86.8 per cent of ST and 92.9 per cent of non-ST students said that the teachers made them realize that they had the ability to study. In secondary school, 94.5 per cent of ST and 92.4 per cent of non-ST students said that the teachers made them realize that they had the ability to study. Students generally stated that the atmosphere at home was not conducive for study: 75.5 per cent of ST college students and 100 per cent of non-ST college students reported that their hostels provided a congenial atmosphere for studying.

Determinants of tribals’ access and continuity Physical, social, cultural and economic factors determined the educational participation of the tribals in Jharkhand. It is realized that access to education at the early stage is the key problem of the tribals. But continuity is no less an issue. We attempted a closer understanding of the twin problem empirically on the basis of information collected from the survey and the available secondary sources. Physical factors According to the 2011 census, 95.5 per cent of the tribes are primarily rural. The study found that the rural tribal population mostly inhabited a difficult terrain of hilly land. The areas with poor connectivity were somewhat negative areas for human settlements and marked with scattered habitations. Such geographical conditions played an important role, both in demand and supply of education. Per the 2011 census, 81.6 per cent of villages had primary schools within them, showing marked progress since 2001, when only 55.4 per cent of villages had primary schools. Whereas 36.5 per cent of villages had a primary school within 5 km in 2001, the percentage in 2011 was just 15.9. Again, in 2001, 8.1 per cent of villages had primary schools between 5 and 10 km, which was reduced to 1.9 per cent in 2011. There were still 0.6 per cent of villages for which primary schools were located more than 10 km away. There was similar progress with respect to the provision of middle schools. In 2011, 37.0 per cent of villages had middle schools, which was a significant advance over the 12.4 per cent in 2001. In 2011, 45.6 per cent of villages had middle schools within 5 km against 53.6 per cent in 2001; 14.2 per cent of villages had middle schools located 5–10 km away against

Strands of educational participation 77

15.3 per cent in 2001. A reported 3.2 per cent of villages had middle school farther than 10 km in 2011. So far as higher education was concerned, 77.6 per cent of villages were more than 10 km away from the nearest college in 2011. Overall, as per the Eighth All India School Education Survey (8th AISES), Ministry of Human Resources (MHRD), Government of India (2009), 61.74 per cent and 27.33 per cent of the habitations of Jharkhand had primary schools and upper primary schools, respectively, and 89.13 per cent of habitations had upper primary schools within 3 km. However, as per the same survey, there were still 5.56 and 10.87 per cent of habitations of the state having primary and upper primary schools, respectively, farther than 3 km away. Our own survey reveals that 96.6, 100.0 and 97.5 per cent of heads of households of sampled ST children of the upper primary, secondary and college level, respectively, generally resided in rural areas. A significant percentage of students travelled far beyond the government-prescribed distance for schooling, i.e. 1 km for primary school and 3 km for upper primary school. The tribal areas far exceeded this national standard of the provision of schools. We found only 44.2 per cent of ST students had a primary school facility within 1 km. Compared to this, 52.2 per cent of non-ST students had a primary school facility within 1 km. The difference of about 8 per cent suggested that either the schools were established mostly in those locations where the non-ST population resided or non-ST populations were mostly settled around the centres of educational facilities. It could also be seen as the indication of the STs preferring better schools and ignoring the distance. In the situation where most of the students walk to school at this level in rural areas, the percentage of non-ST children decreases with the increasing distance of travel compared to the ST children. The percentage of nonST children generally decreased with the longer distance of travel at all levels of education. At the upper primary level, only 24.3 per cent of ST students had schools in their own villages, which meant that they did not need to travel. In this, the girls’ percentage (28.8) was relatively higher than the boys’ (20.4). This is because parents want girls to study in nearby schools for various reasons. Little more than three-fourths of students travelled to the school by walking. The other major mode of travel was bicycle. There was good percentage of girls using bicycles. This is because they are freely distributed to girls by the state. A few students travelled by bus, and girls used this mode of transportation slightly more than boys. More non-ST students walked to school. This was possibly because they were located close by. More non-ST girls used the bus than ST students. At the secondary level, 4.8 per cent of boys and 13.0 per cent of girls of the STs had schools in their village. That meant they did not have to travel. Among the non-STs, this advantage was 15.1 per cent for boys

78  Vijay Baraik

and 16.1 per cent for girls. Largely non-ST communities had settlements in nodal places with connectivity. That was why 60.5 per cent of ST boys and 53.8 per cent of girls travelled 1 to 5 km for school against 46.6 per cent of boys and 37.5 per cent of girls of the non-ST category. Further, 11.0 per cent of ST boys and 16.0 per cent of ST girls had their schools at a distance of 5 to 10 km against 13.7 per cent of boys and 12.5 per cent of non-ST boys and girls, respectively. Overall, a large percentage of ST students had to travel longer distances to their schools compared to non-ST students. At the college level, 18.9 per cent of ST boys and 13.0 per cent of girls had their colleges near their residences. A substantial percentage of ST students, above 35 per cent, travelled more than 15 km to their colleges. The absence of a public transport system and the students’ own means of travel made daily commuting hard. The major mode of travel was walking, followed by bicycle. Walking was the mode of travel for 73.2 per cent of ST children of the upper primary level, 45.0 per cent of ST children of the secondary level and 43.1 per cent of ST college-level students. The bicycle, the second most prevalent mode of transport, was used by 19.4 per cent of ST students at the upper primary level, 51.0 per cent at the secondary level and 35.0 per cent at the college level. The mode of travel from walking to bicycle changed at the secondary level and, further, walking and bicycle use decreased at the college level. The change was due to the increasing distance to travel. At the college level, more nonST students could afford motorized vehicles to travel to their colleges. As for STs, the primary mode of travel for boys and girls remained walking and bicycle. The bus was utilized by very few students. Interestingly, girls mostly travelled a short distance, but in the Ranchi and Simdega districts they covered longer distances. This indicated greater interest of the girls in education. When asked about their preference of institutions, 94.5 per cent of upper primary students, 94.0 per cent of secondary school students and 95.6 per cent of college-level students among STs stated closeness to the residence as the first reason. The high percentage indicated that proximity of institutions was a prime factor in terms of ST education. The lack of it caused underenrolment or a rapid drop-out. Not surprisingly, there were a large number of tribal villages with a significant population having a zero literacy rate. The situation demanded more schools and colleges within easy reach of the STs. The institutions needed to be located at places where the need arose and not at central places of a service area. This demanded mapping the actual need afresh and relocating the institutions. This was necessary in view of 23.3 per cent of ST and 17.8 per cent of non-ST households reporting that they faced problems in admission of children to schools with a proper infrastructure and connectivity.

Strands of educational participation 79

Economic factors The data of the Census of India from 2011 suggested that 71.7 per cent of tribals were engaged in primary economic activities, where the agricultural labour was 22.5 per cent. As per the 2001 census, 62.0 per cent were involved in cultivation and 17.9 per cent were agricultural labourers. Engagement in primary activities stipulated more working hands, which needed the involvement of tribal children. The census data of 2001 on “Population age 5–19 Attending School/College by Economic Activity Status” not only admitted that school-going children were indeed involved in work, but also found that 43.5 per cent of non-working children (1,134,124) were out of school. Females (49.3 per cent) more than males (38.1 per cent) were out of school. More than 60 per cent of children in this category were from Paharia, Korwa, Banjara, Baiga and Birhor communities who were particularly vulnerable tribal groups. This was despite several incentives for the education of backward sectors by the government. Economic factors, i.e. poverty, financial constraints, affordability or financial problems, are very important in determining the education of the STs. This fact was reflected prominently in our primary survey too. The single major problem of the ST households in not getting their children admitted into school or college was financial constraints. This was stated by 78.1 per cent. The percentage of non-ST households was, surprisingly, even more: 81.9 per cent. Financial constraints were the major factors for either not enrolling in school or discontinuing school by the heads of the ST households. Affordability or financial problems emerged as the biggest reason for not enrolling for 72.2 per cent of the ST households. This was also reported as the biggest reason for discontinuing education by the family members of ST students at various levels – 76.3 per cent at the upper primary level, 72.2 per cent at the secondary level and 66.8 per cent at the college level. The lack of affordable fees was a reason for not getting interested in education. The other reasons for discontinuation were work and marriage. In our survey, 55 per cent of ST households held below poverty line (BPL) ration cards. The non-STs were marginally better in this respect. The survey revealed that cultivation was the mainstay of livelihood – as much as 91.4 per cent of ST households reported cultivation as their traditional occupation. The tribal artisans were found to give up their traditional occupations due to several reasons. Cultivation being the main occupation of the heads of the households (ST – 55.0 per cent, non-ST – 31.6 per cent) is followed by non-agricultural wage labour, allied agricultural activities and agricultural wage labour. Non-agricultural wage labour was actually the next biggest means of livelihood. Compared to the ST situation, the percentage of nonST heads of households engaged in cultivation was much less. All kinds of wage labours constituted 24.6 per cent, which also included cultivators

80  Vijay Baraik

doubling as agricultural wage labour and non-agricultural labour. Close relatives of only 8.8 per cent of ST households were in government services. The economic background of the surveyed upper primary students showed that 71.7 per cent of ST students belonged to BPL category, which was very high compared to 42.2 per cent of non-STs. The families of 68.1 per cent of ST and 42.3 per cent of non-ST students of the secondary level held a BPL ration card. This indicates the clearly relative poor economic status of STs. They were also engaged in non-agricultural wage labour apart from cultivation. Thus, economic factors in various forms ranging from poverty to entire livelihood practices in the age of a cash economy were the key to educational attainment and challenge the STs. This is corroborated by Rana and Das (2004), who find in their survey conducted in selected areas of the Dumka districts of Jharkhand that poverty is responsible for the alarming rates of non-enrolment, drop-out and poor attendance of children. The government has attempted to address this central issue by a number of affirmative actions. According to government policy all school students were to be supplied books, notebooks, uniforms and so on for free. Our survey, however, revealed that only 59.2 per cent of ST and 59.3 per cent of non-ST children (as reported by them) received books provided by schools. As for notebooks, only 60 per cent of STs and 20 per cent of non-STs were supplied these items. Uniforms were received by 44.0 per cent of STs and 45.3 per cent of non-STs. A bigger item, bicycles, was supplied only to 8.4 per cent of STs and 6.4 per cent of non-STs. The percentage in these respects was not similar across districts, but the broad trend of unsatisfactory functioning of the government measures was clear. No doubt, the affirmative action policy has great potential. For example, the distribution of bicycles among girls benefited those quite a bit in areas where a considerable distance needed to be travelled to reach the school. But schemes like this did not work well. The government schools were the primary source of education of the tribals. Therefore, there was a need to bring these schools up to par with private schools. It is important that education and employment be closely linked in the interest of the tribals. The census of 2001 suggests that 52.6 per cent of tribal workers were educated above matriculation but were simple cultivators. This depicted the case of disguised unemployment in tribal areas, which also encompassed graduates and technical diploma or certificate holders. Thus, 21.2 per cent of tribal technical diploma or certificate holders and 27.0 per cent of graduates were forced to remain in agricultural activities. Worse, a significant proportion of all the technical diploma or certificate holders worked as agricultural labourers. This indicated an urgent need to closely link educational and skill attainment with employment opportunities. As this study gauged, the tribals’ interest in education was for economic empowerment and a better future. With aspiration for a better quality of

Strands of educational participation 81

life, 80.6 per cent of ST households reported that the children were interested in education and wanted to continue their studies. Aspirations even included sending the children to distant places for higher education at institutions with better facilities, regular sessions and efficient teaching, availability of hostels and so on. Linguistic barriers The tribals have their own mother tongues, though there are instances of language shifts in Jharkhand. Besides Sadri (also called Nagpuri), which is spoken by large sections, our survey found that the mother tongues of the ST households were Santhali, Kurukh, Mundari, Kharia, Sadri/Nagpuri and Ho, with 27.1, 10.1, 11.0, 5.7, 08.3 and 18.6 per cent, respectively. Hindi was the mother tongue of only 5.2 per cent of tribal households. Remarkably, Hindi, the main language of education in the state, was the least spoken at home by the ST students. However, Hindi was reported to be the major medium of education of 94.3 per cent of ST students (first child of the household). This was followed by English. Both these languages were alien to the majority of the ST children. The linguistic gap of ST learners is reflected in the teachers’ mother tongue. Of the teachers surveyed, 44.6 per cent reported their mother tongue as Hindi. The teachers versed in Kurukh, Santhali, Mundari, Kharia and Howere only 3.6, 6.4, 7.2, 2.4 and 7.6 per cent, respectively, at the upper primary level, whereas these languages were the mother tongue of 5.4, 26.0, 8.6, 7.8 and 19.5 per cent ST students, respectively. At the secondary school level, the same languages were the mother tongues of 13.5, 27.2, 9.2, 4.2 and 18.2 per cent of ST students, respectively. The situation underlines the need for teachers to know the mother tongues of students for better communication, especially at the early stage of schooling. This would help with the intelligibility of instruction, making learning easy and building confidence in children. It is true that English today has emerged as a universal language for communication. But the present survey found, when asked whether anyone in the family knew English, that the families of only 14.2 per cent of ST students and 18.9 per cent of non-ST students knew the language. This is a matter of concern, since until recently in large tribal areas of the state, English was a familiar language because of the strength of church-managed schools, which have quickly declined in recent years. Socio-cultural factors A host of social and cultural factors were mentioned as reasons arresting the educational progress of the tribals. Some of them were language problems, non-congenial environment in the school, backwardness and illiteracy, lack

82  Vijay Baraik

of parents’ and children’s interest in studies, children who are a bad influence, domestic problems, low social background of students, loss of parents, alcoholism of parents, engagement in domestic work such as cattle grazing and looking after younger siblings, etc. In addition, certain specific health-related issues impeded the educational progress of the tribals of Jharkhand. The tribals suffered from ill health of children or other family members. Only 59.7 per cent of ST and 68.9 per cent of non-ST students had access to safe drinking water facilities (hand pump, tube well, piped water supply and protected well). This made the population of Jharkhand vulnerable to many water-borne diseases. Hygiene was another major issue affecting education. As per the 2011 census, 77.97 per cent of ST households did not have latrine facilities, which was the highest in the country. According to our survey, only 7.5 per cent of ST households and 25.0 per cent of non-ST households had separate toilet facilities for family members in the house. Housing conditions were also poor. Room density was high and, even if space was available, no specific room was spared for study. Only 13.3 per cent of ST households had a separate specific room designated for study. Among non-STs, it was 8.4 per cent. Certain factors were stated to be helpful in sustaining ST students’ interest in education. These were hostel atmosphere, parents’ interest and strictness in terms of child’s education, congenial environment of school or college and good teachers, inspiration from other students, self-determination and a dream for a better future. There were also cases of students reporting that going to school was a routine matter and without any purpose whatsoever. Those households who reported that they were not interested in education assigned diverse reasons. Of those who reported their children were interested in education, the major reason mentioned was interest in further study (ST – 78.02 per cent, non-ST – 87.16 per cent) followed by the expectation of a job and a change in socio-economic conditions/self-dependence (ST – 6.89 per cent, non-ST – 2.36 per cent), good impression about the school/ college (ST – 2.47 per cent, non-ST – 0.34 per cent) and other reasons. Some children were interested in education just by seeing others going to school (ST – 2.34 per cent, non-ST – 1.35 per cent). Among those households who reported their children were not interested in education, 72.34 per cent of ST and 41.18 per cent of non-ST households assigned no specific reason. However, 17.02 per cent of ST households and 28.57 per cent of non-ST households reported that their children’s crying was the reason for not going to school. A reported 8.51 per cent of ST and 35.29 per cent of non-ST parents even reported that their children were not interested in the mid-day meal and other benefits. The household survey indicated that the prime reason for the poor performance of tribal students was lack of devotion to studies (ST – 51.2 per cent, non-ST – 47.1 per cent). The other reasons mentioned were non-interest of children, financial problems (ST – 4.9 per cent, non-ST – 5.9 per cent),

Strands of educational participation 83

poor facilities in schools and colleges (ST – 2.4 per cent, non-ST – 5.9 per cent), poor in studies from the beginning (ST – 0.0 per cent, non-ST – 5.9 per cent), engagement in work for livelihood and household chores, poor environment at home (ST – 2.4 per cent, non-ST – 5.9 per cent), etc. Only about one-third (ST – 34.2 per cent, non-ST – 32.4 per cent) of parents visited the schools of their children on various occasions. This indicated poor interest of the parents in their children’s educational affairs. The leading reasons mentioned for this were lack of awareness and non-interest. But there were also reasons like lack of information about meetings and other events, lack of time, work at the home or farm and location of the school outside the village. These reasons suggested that the parents had certain issues, which could be addressed by school management with proper and advance information. According to our enquiry, 88.4 per cent of ST households and 91.7 per cent of non-ST households were found to monitor the studies of their children. Surprisingly, a high percentage of households (88.3 per cent of ST and 93.0 per cent of non-ST) reported that their children took an interest in going to school or college. There were actually households that did not know or were not certain about the interest of their children. It was also surprising to learn that 85.7 per cent of ST and 86.3 per cent of non-ST households were satisfied with the performance of their children. Apparently, this was due to a particular local context where parents were not aware of the learning advances and were not exposed to the competitive world of education. In the matter of discrimination, unlike the school experience, a high percentage of ST college students felt discriminated against on various grounds. The percentage of college-going ST students who felt discriminated against on the grounds of economic status, political benefits and affiliations, tribal status, gender, religion and state of origin was 85.2, 73.4, 76.1, 65.4, 71.4 and 61.6 per cent, respectively. With regard to the vision of education and the future of their children, a large number of parents said that they wished for their children to get a degree after completing higher secondary education. While many expected MBBS and BE degrees, there were some who would be content with a middleclass education fortheir children. The types of wishes reflected the level of social change of the tribal society. As for the ultimate goal, some parents desired their children to become various professionals – teacher, doctor, engineer, government servant, nurse, etc. Some parents left the wish to the choice, interest and luck of children. The major aspiration of students was to be a teacher. Little less than half of the ST students, viz. 44.0 per cent, and 46.0 per cent of non-ST students opted for this. Nursing was a major choice of parents due to its employability and relatively easier admission. Generally speaking, economic empowerment and better future were the main aims of education, which could be possible only through quality education.

84  Vijay Baraik

Conclusion The educational progress of the tribal population is not independent of various social and economic factors. The present study of the educational status and problems of the tribals of Jharkhand shows that the tribals have an interest in education as a means for achieving a better quality of life. But poor economic and living conditions are major hurdles at various levels of education. To address this aspect, human development needs to be paid more attention to and various schemes of free education should be strengthened. The education system is also at fault. Instead of launching children in the learning process in a smooth and friendly manner at the initial stage of schooling, the system imposes on them a foreign medium and method of teaching. This way, reception of instruction is difficult for a large section of village children in remote rural areas. Earnest effort is needed to develop learning material in the learners’ mother tongues and to orient teachers in tribal languages and cultures so that linguistic and cultural gaps between the learners’ classroom and home are bridged. The Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission, 1960–61, and the National Policy on Education, 1986, were cognizant of most of these issues. These need to be revisited for a meaningful and effective tribal educational policy.

References Bara, J. (2010). ‘Schooling “Truant” Tribes: British Colonial Compulsions and Educational Evolution in Chhotanagpur, 1870–1930’. Studies in History, Vol. 26, No. 2, pp. 143–173. Bara, J., and V.K. Baraik. (2016). Educational Status of Scheduled Tribes in Jharkhand Attainments and Challenges, Report of the ICSSR-Sponsored Project. New Delhi: Indian Social Institute. Government of India. (2009). Eighth All India School Education Survey (8th AISES), Ministry of Human Resources, Government of India. www.aises.nic.in/downloadFlash/FS/National/FS1__Rural.pdf. Rana, K., and S. Das. (2004). ‘Primary Education in Jharkhand’. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 39, No. 11, pp. 1171–1178. Report of the Joint Review Mission on Teacher Education, Jharkhand. (2013). www.teindia.nic.in/Files/jrm/JRM_Reports/JRM-Jharkhand_Final_10Mar13.pdf.

Chapter 5

Academic performance of the scheduled tribe students in West Bengal John B. Tirkey and Sudash Lama

Scheduled tribes (STs) constitute 5.8 per cent of the total population of West Bengal. There are 38 notified STs in the state. Another two communities – Limbo and Tamang – were added to the list in 2003. According to the Census of India 2011, the literacy rate of the ST population is 57.92 per cent as against the 76 per cent general literacy rate of West Bengal. The urban population of the STs is only 8 per cent as against the 32 per cent urban population of the state. The ST is not homogenous in terms of language, culture, habitation and access to education and learning performance. The purpose of this chapter is to examine similarities and differences in the socio-economic condition of ST and non-ST secondary and college students in urban and rural West Bengal. It is argued here that the students of urban areas are in an advantageous position compared to the rural students, which is reflected in their examination performance. Similarly, students studying in private schools and colleges belong to relatively better-off strata than the students of government institutions. With this purpose, we shall compare ST and non-ST urban and rural and government and private schools/colleges. It is an endeavour to analyse factors that contribute to the educational backwardness of the tribal population in the state in comparison to non-STs. The STs in West Bengal inhabit two distinct geographical features: The first comprises the southern part inhabited by the major Santhal tribe, whose members live on agriculture and wage labour. The tribal-concentrated districts such as Midnipur (now Uttar Midnipur and Paschim Midnipur), Bankura and Birbhum remain neglected in terms of access to educational infrastructure and other developmental amenities. Second, the largest section of the tribal population in the northern region comprises labourers in the tea plantation. The social environment of the tea plantation has hardly encouraged the education of the STs. Following the methodology of the Indian Council of Social Sciences Research (ICSSR) project, data for the present study have been collected through an empirical field survey in the five sample districts of West Bengal using structured questionnaires (see the

86  John B. Tirkey and Sudash Lama

Appendix). The districts are Jalpaiguri and Uttar Dinajpur in the north, Hugly and Paschim Midnipur in the south and Kolkata as the state capital. The chapter is divided into four sections. The first section presents the socio-economic conditions of the respondents. The second deals with the educational background of their households. The third section examines academic performance and achievement, as well as the educational and occupational aspirations of the students. The final section summarizes the major observations of the study. It is argued here that the students of urban areas are in a more advantageous position than the rural students, which is reflected in their examination performance. Similarly, students studying in private schools and colleges belong to relatively better-off strata than the students of government institutions.

Students’ socio-economic background and conditions The study is based on the total sample of 926 STs and non-STs studying in the same institutions from five sample districts. Of them, 472 were secondary school and 454 college students. The data were collected from the government and private schools in rural and urban areas. Out of the total school respondents, the proportion of government and private school students were 78 and 22 per cent, respectively. Of the 454 college students, 84 per cent were of government and the remaining 16 per cent were of private colleges (Table 5.1). As a majority, students belong to economically poor families and they study in government institutions which are either free or charge a nominal fee. Representation of ST students in urban and private schools and colleges is very low. Table 5.1 Distribution of student respondents by type of management of school and college (percentage) Name of District

Type of Management School (Secondary/ HS)

College

Govt. Private Total Total N Govt. Private Total % Total N (Unaided) % (Unaided) Jalpaiguri 67 33 Uttar Dinajpur 70 30 Paschim Midnipur 100 0 Hooghly 100 0 Kolkata 67 33 Total 78 22

100 100 100 100 100 100

Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

108 103 93 60 108 472

66 71 90 100 100 84

34 29 10 0 0 16

100 100 100 100 100 100

105 96 80 87 86 454

Academic performance 87

In connection with the educational backwardness of India, the phenomenon of the tribals lagging behind others is commonly pointed out. But the actual status of the tribals and the hurdles in their educational path are the least studied. This is very much true in the case of the state of West Bengal. Even when, in rare cases, scholars take up the subject, a holistic approach based on hard data is lacking (see, for instance, Koley 2012). Bengal has a history of faster educational growth than elsewhere under British colonial rule. A special feature of it was the rise of educational pathways linking interior rural regions with the metropolitan educational centres, like Calcutta (Bara 2002). Though hampered by social discrimination, some sections of the enterprising lower classes could exploit it to join schools. But this was hardly the case with the tribals. They failed to come forward to avail themselves of these chances because culturally they lived an isolated life, unlike other lower classes (Xaxa 2012). The situation necessitated a special effort to reach out to the tribals, which rarely came. Believing that the ‘disadvantage of isolation’ works not only in the educational domain but also in other related areas, our attempt is to show how it causes, directly or indirectly, educational deprivation of the tribals of West Bengal. Of the sample students, a majority of ST (55 per cent) and non-ST (78 per cent) school students are Hindus. Their proportion increases at the college level. Sixty per cent of ST and 91 per cent of non-ST college students are Hindu. The second-largest religious group among the STs is the Christians. They are one-fourth of the ST school students. Their proportion, however, declines at the college level. In the case of the non-STs, the second-largest religious group is Islam. Their ratio declines very sharply from 21 per cent at the school level to only 6 per cent at the college level. Only one ST school student reported being a Muslim. Sixteen per cent of the ST school students reported that their religion was ‘animism’ (also called ‘tribal religion’). At the college level, the strength of such students declined to 12 per cent. A small section of ST students were also Buddhists (Table 5.2). Table 5.2 Distribution of students b y religion (percentage) Religion

Hinduism Islam Christianity Buddhism Tribal Religion DK/NA* Total % Total N

School

College

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

55 0 25 4 16 0 100 352

78 21 2 0 0 0 100 120

60 0 19 3 12 5 100 337

91 6 3 1 0 0 100 117

* Do not know/Not available Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

88  John B. Tirkey and Sudash Lama

The study reveals that ST students continue to be handicapped due to a low-income occupation. In rural areas, not surprisingly, a majority of the ST (40 per cent) and non-ST school (26 per cent) students, as well as college ST (45 per cent) and non-ST (42 per cent) students, come from the cultivator group. Among the STs, the second-largest occupational group is of the farm and non-farm labourers, mostly the unskilled tea plantation workers. Their proportion, however, declines sharply from 36 per cent at the school level to 20 per cent at the college level. A similar trend is also observed among the non-ST students. Their size declines from school (10 per cent) to college (4 per cent). Around 6 per cent of the heads of the households of the ST school and college students are self-employed – artisan, petty shop owner, hawker, etc. Among the non-ST school students, their proportion is quite high, 26 per cent. This, however, declines to 17 per cent in the case of the non-ST college students. Thirteen per cent of the ST and non-ST school students in rural areas are children of government employees. Their proportion slightly increases at the college level. The situation in urban areas is strikingly different. The ST students inhabiting in urban areas or living in hostels and rental houses said that their father, mother or both were either regular salaried government employees or in private jobs. In the government sector, the highest section of the heads of household of ST school and college students were in grade IV category of services. They mostly secured these jobs based on reservation quota. Looking at the distribution of the category of services, we find that other than grade IV category, ST heads of household constitute a small percentage. The students in urban areas with their parents in white-collar jobs have the advantageous position in terms of cultural and economic support in comparison to their rural counterparts. Every other high school ST student in the urban area comes from the family of a government servant, though a majority of them belong to grade IV. Their proportion reduces to some extent among the college students. Regarding non-ST school students with a family member who is a government employee, this number is than ST students. It is not the case at the college level. They are on par with ST students. There is a transition from traditional occupations to government service among the small educated section of people, mostly employed in lower-grade services. We infer that a larger section of government service holders were the first-generation students (Table 5.3). Almost every second ST high school student in rural West Bengal belongs to a below poverty line (BPL) family. Their proportion, however, is strikingly small, only 14 per cent, among the ST high school urban students. But at the college level, as many as 43 per cent of the ST students belong to BPL families. In the case of urban non-ST college students, one-fourth of them belong to BPL families. This suggests that in urban areas the poor students somehow manage to join college with the hope of improving their life chances (Table 5.4).

Academic performance 89 Table 5.3 Main occupation of head of household of school and college students by rural and urban social group (percentage) Occupation

School

College

Rural ST Cultivation 40 Farm and non-farm labour 36 Self-employed 6 Govt. employee (class I to IV) 8 Teacher school/ college 2 White-collar (private) 3 Housewife/no occupation 5 DK/NA 0 Total % 100

Urban

Rural

Urban

Non- ST

Non- ST

Non- ST

Non-

26 10 26 6 6 13 13 0 100

0 5 60 5 5 5 5 15 100

42 4 17 14 4 11 8 0 100

0 7 30 38 0 19 6 0 100

2 0 10 47 6 7 7 21 100

46 19 7 10 3 4 11 0 100

4 0 13 35 3 12 33 0 100

Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

Table 5.4 Distribution of student households that hold a type of famil y ration card (percentage) Type of Ration Card

APL BPL DK/NA Total % Total N

School

College

Rural

Urban

Rural

Urban

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

39 49 12 100 264

64 30 6 100 78

73 14 14 100 88

76 10 14 100 42

51 39 10 100 262

58 30 12 100 90

43 43 12 100 75

67 26 7 100 27

Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

Comparatively, more non-ST than ST students reside in relatively good houses in rural and urban areas. On the other hand, a very large section of ST school students (51 per cent) live in kutcha houses in rural areas. A small section of them also live in huts in rural areas. In contrast, ST students in urban areas have an advantage of having a good housing condition, as can be seen from 49 per cent school students and 55 per cent of college students living in pucca houses with good living conditions. Access to basic facilities, like toilets and electricity, are absent in the houses of STs in rural areas. Some ST students said that they faced space constraints in the house, and the lack of basic facilities affected their studies.

90  John B. Tirkey and Sudash Lama

Education of heads of household Education is a process which progresses gradually over time and generations. More than 50 per cent of ST and 40 per cent of non-ST school students of rural West Bengal are first-generation secondary school students. In urban areas, the situation is better, where 25 per cent of ST and 14 per cent of non-ST students are the first-generation secondary students. More than one-fifth of the parents of the rural ST students are illiterate. In the case of urban areas, their proportion is 10 per cent. However, at the same time, the heads (father) of nearly 8 per cent of the rural and 29 per cent of the urban students are college-educated. As many as 90 per cent of the ST college students in rural areas are of the first generation attending college in their families. But in the case of urban areas, 47 per cent of the ST college students reported coming from families whose heads are college-educated. As many as 30 per cent of the rural ST college students’, as against only 3 per cent of urban ST college students’, heads of the heads of households are illiterate. The ST students in urban areas were in an advantageous position with regard to the education of family heads or parents (Table 5.5). The ST students were a bit reluctant and hesitant when our field investigators asked them whether any family member knew English. The differences were clearly evident within students (ST) whose family members knew English and vice versa. The disparity regarding knowledge of English among family members among rural and urban units was wide. The data reveal that a much lower portion of family members in the ST category in Table 5.5 Distribution of completed education of head of household by rural and urban area (percentage) Education Level

School Rural ST

College Urban

Non-ST ST

Illiterate/without education 22 17 Primary (Class I–IV) 11 10 Upper Primary (Class V–VIII) 21 17 Secondary (Class IX–X) 18 19 Higher Secondary 8 14 (Class XI–XII) Graduation 6 9 Post-Graduation 2 4 Don’t Know 12 10 Total % 100 100 Total N 264 78 Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

11 6 8 15 16

Rural

Non-ST ST 5 2 7 17 17

26 33 3 5 15 14 100 100 88 42

30 5 17 15 10

Urban Non-ST ST 7 6 18 31 10

8 17 2 6 13 7 100 100 262 90

3 3 1 8 18

Non-ST 0 4 11 14 7

43 46 4 7 20 11 100 100 75 27

Academic performance 91 Table 5.6 Distribution of students reporting family members’ relatives that know English (percentage) Family Members/Relatives

Father/Mother Brother/Sister/Herself/Himself Other Relatives Do Not Know Total % Total N

School

College

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

26 13 3 58 100 352

35 23 3 39 100 120

28 21 1 50 100 337

34 29 2 35 100 117

Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

rural areas reported “knowing English”. The same was very high among STs in urban areas (school 69 per cent and college 86 per cent). The pattern was similar for the non-ST social group. Our questionnaire further probed which member actually knew English. It can be seen from the data that there is no long history of education among family and close relatives of a vast majority of ST students. Around one-fourth of the ST students reported that only a small section of immediate family members such as father or mother knew English (Table 5.6).

Performance and achievement Attendance is an important part of the learning process, and students are expected to regularly attend school and college. Most of the school students of both rural and urban areas have reported being regular in attending classes. The same is the case with college students, though the proportion of rural college students is only 53 per cent. Comparatively, attendance was poor among ST students in rural areas at both levels of education. It can be seen that a section of ST school students (27 per cent) and college students (32 per cent) in a rural area were somewhat regular. Those who were not regular at school and college comprised 6 per cent and 15 per cent, respectively, in rural segments. One of the major factors affecting the regularity of attendance in the case of rural college students is the distance of colleges and their inability to afford the cost of daily travel. Moreover, often college students had to participate in cultivation during the agricultural season and engage in earning daily wages to support the family. In the urban segments, attendance among ST students was not a problem, as their family background was relatively better and received the support of the family, as the parents were more conscious of the need for education (Table 5.7). Merit is considered one of the very crucial criteria for future prospects in terms of pursuing education and seeking employment in the government

92  John B. Tirkey and Sudash Lama Table 5.7 Distribution of students reporting regular class attendance in the last three months by rural and urban area (percentage) Status of Attendance

School

College

Rural

Regular Somewhat Regular Not Regular Total % Total N

Urban

Rural

Urban

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

67 27 6 100 264

90 9 1 100 78

91 8 1 100 88

83 10 7 100 42

53 32 15 100 262

68 22 10 100 90

92 5 3 100 75

93 3 4 100 27

Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

Table 5.8 Students’ r esults in the last year’s annual examinations by rural and urban area, government and private and social group (percentage) Division

School Rural ST

Failed First Second Third DK/NA Total % Total N Division

Urban

Pvt.

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

0 26 18 22 34 100 78

0 14 22 23 41 100 88

0 21 14 17 48 100 42

0 9 20 37 34 100 262

0 20 15 23 42 100 90

0 17 22 43 18 100 75

0 37 22 11 30 100 27

College Rural

Failed First Second Third DK/NA Total % Total N

Govt.

Urban

Govt.

Pvt.

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

0 8 21 42 29 100 262

0 23 20 14 42 100 90

0 11 28 23 39 100 75

0 41 33 11 15 100 27

0 16 40 29 15 100 283

0 20 47 15 18 100 91

0 24 45 22 10 100 51

0 41 38 7 14 100 29

Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

or private sector. It is here that we find a major setback for ST students. Table 5.8 presents information regarding the performance of students in their last annual examinations. It can be seen from the data that the performance of ST school and college students of both rural and urban areas studying in government and private schools was lower than non-ST students in

Academic performance 93

the first division. The rate of passing in the first division was higher among non-ST students, which can be attributed to their supportive family background relative to education. There was variation in the examination results within ST students of rural and urban areas and government and private schools. Comparisons within STs show qualitatively superior performance of ST students with an urban background and those studying in a private school. A large proportion of urban ST students belong to middle-class families; they receive educational, economic and psychological support towards better academic results. In order to record the success rate at various stages, information was sought regarding failure in an annual examination at any class. It can be seen from the data that sustained success was a problem among ST school and college students in both rural and urban areas. The unsuccessful rate was 20 per cent among school students and 25 per cent among college students in rural segments, as compared to 13 per cent and 17 per cent among school and college students in urban units, respectively. We attempted to find out why the failure rate was high. The study has revealed a number of constraining factors in the rural areas which could be termed internal factors, e.g. lack of conducive family background, lack of support from parents, poverty, lack of motivation among students, etc. The external factors included mixed-type schooling where school environment, teachers, language, etc., were new and alien to them. Similar findings were recorded in government schools where they were studying or had studied in case of college students. The unsuccessful rate in annual examinations was significantly high among ST students in private schools and colleges in rural areas. In government schools, 22 per cent and in college 23 per cent of ST students said they had failed at least once. With respect to private schools, 23 per cent and, in college, 25 per cent of ST students said they had repeated the class at least once during their academic career (Table 5.9). Rural and urban variations were also found with regard to failures at different stages school and college. The failure rate was higher among ST school and college students in rural areas than urban. A larger portion of failures was found in government schools located in rural areas on which the large majority of the ST students depend for their education. However, there was a lack of an adequate teaching-learning approach in a government school and college located in rural areas. This, combined with an inadequate non-supportive academic environment at home, resulted in a higher rate of failures. The rate of failures was higher in the secondary level of schools (12 per cent). At this stage, around 13 to 14 years of age, the ST students began to share the responsibility of earning a livelihood with family members. This is one of the major causes of their failures in an examination (Table 5.9). Regarding the number of attempts made to pass the higher secondary examination, it was found that a sizable number of ST college students had made more than two attempts.

94  John B. Tirkey and Sudash Lama Table 5.9 D istribution of students of government and private schools having failed at least one examination by rural and urban area (percentage) Responses

School

College

Rural

Urban

Rural

Urban

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

Yes No Total % Total N

20 80 100 264

6 94 100 78

13 87 100 88

7 93 100 42

25 75 100 262

17 83 100 90

17 83 100 75

22 78 100 27

Responses

School

College

Rural ST

Urban Non-ST

Rural

Urban

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

School Yes No Total % Total N

Government 22 8 78 92 100 100 217 86

24 76 100 72

4 96 100 27

23 77 100 39

Private 31 69 100 13

33 67 100 12

38 63 100 8

College Yes No Total % Total N

Government 23 9 77 91 100 100 208 80

24 76 100 72

4 96 100 25

25 75 100 36

Private 31 69 100 13

33 67 100 12

27 73 100 11

Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

Grade marks also are considered as one of the criteria for evaluating the academic achievement of students. Table 5.10 presents the range of marks the college students obtained in their last higher secondary examinations. Like the grades, the performance of rural ST students in higher secondary school examinations is poorer than their counterpart urban ST and rural non-ST students. One-fifth of the rural ST students obtained 60 per cent or more marks in the higher secondary examination. The proportion of such students among the urban ST as well as rural non-ST is 33 per cent. In other words, rural non-ST and urban ST are almost on par. However, the proportion of urban non-ST (63 per cent) is significantly higher (Table 5.10). A majority of the rural ST as well non-ST and a sizable proportion of urban ST (47 per cent) and non-ST (37 per cent) obtained below 60 per cent marks. The reasons for weak academic achievement are many. Nine per cent of students attributed it to their financial condition. Our observations from the discussion with the students and also responses to the question in the survey revealed that good academic performance of ST school and college students is hampered by a number of factors, such as an unfriendly school/college

Academic performance 95 Table 5.10 Distribution of college students by range of marks obtained in higher secondary examinations (percentage) Marks Percentage

0–30 31–50 51–60 61–75 Above 75 DK/NA Total % Total N

Rural

Urban

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

2 59 16 20 0 3 100 262

0 43 16 29 2 10 100 90

0 0 47 32 3 18 100 75

0 15 22 52 11 0 100 27

Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

Table 5.11 School/college students’ r easons for poor performance in examinations (percentage) School students

ST

Non-ST

Could not devote adequate time to studies Working for family livelihood/Could not attend Lack of advice and guidance from family/friends Financial problem/Could not purchase books Syllabus or subject-related difficulties Ill health DK/NA Total % Total N College Students Could not devote adequate time to studies Poor in studies from the beginning Ill health of self/family members Had to work for the family/livelihood Lack of advice and guidance from family and friends Could not attend school regularly Could not complete the syllabus Partiality of teachers in evaluation of answer script NA/DK Total % Total N

42 9 9 2 4 10 25 100 352

43 1 5 1 8 15 27 100 120

29 8 6 6 1 6 11 4 31 100 337

27 8 8 2 0 1 12 3 40 100 117

Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

environment, ill health of self or family members, engagement in work for livelihood, lack of guidance from family and neighbourhood, problems understanding the subject etc. (Table 5.11). The classroom environment seems to be an important reason. It does not enthuse students to study. The investigation reveals that a major problem that hampered the performance of the ST, as well as non-ST students, was

96  John B. Tirkey and Sudash Lama

related to comprehension. Teaching has often failed to create interest among ST students. A very large section of ST school students (61 per cent) and college students (47 per cent) in a rural area said that they found difficulty in understanding when the teachers teach. The proportion of non-ST school rural and urban students in this category is also large, above 50 per cent. They especially expressed their inability in understanding some subjects, like English, mathematics and science. As far as teaching aids and tools such as smart class, power point, audio-visual and white-boards are concerned, a huge portion of government schools (more than 80 per cent), particularly in rural areas, had no access to modern teaching facilities. The schools rely upon the traditional teaching-learning method. The situation is similar in rural colleges as well. The library, an integral part of education, was found in 35 per cent of the government schools in rural areas. Provision of learning computer skills was absent in most government schools. One-third of rural and 58 per cent of urban ST students said they had a computer facility in their schools. None of the schools had any kind of additional aid, guidance and counselling to ST students. The problem was compounded in rural areas where teaching was imparted through other languages than their own mother tongue (Table 5.11). It may be added that the major tribal community in the southern part of West Bengal comprises the Santhals whose mother tongue is Santhali. But in the schools, the medium of instruction is Bengali. On the other hand, the tribals of the northern region who speak their dialect as well as Hindi avail themselves of Hindi-medium schools. But such schools are very limited and cannot cater to a large number of tribal populations. The problem becomes more critical as these students move to higher education, where most of the educational institutions teach in Bengali. Though most of the teachers are qualified with a degree in education, they do not understand tribal

Table 5.12 Distribution of school and college students’ indication of whether they understand classroom teaching (percentage) Response

Yes No Total % Total N

Secondary/Higher Secondary

College

Rural

Rural

Urban

Urban

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

61 39 100 262

56 44 100 78

52 48 100 88

52 48 100 44

47 53 100 262

33 67 100 90

25 75 100 75

26 74 100 27

Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

Academic performance 97

languages and are alien to tribal culture. To make the situation worse, they look down upon tribal students. For the analysis of aspirations, we have grouped school and college students as a single category. A majority of the ST students of government and private colleges in urban and rural areas aspired to graduate. A prominent difference can be seen among ST students in the urban segment, as 25 per cent of them desired to pursue studies beyond graduation. This tendency is more among students who are studying at private colleges. A larger percentage of the non-ST than ST students, of both rural and urban areas, expressed their desire to pursue professional courses. Twenty-eight per cent of the nonST against only 6 per cent of the ST in rural areas and 36 per cent of urban non-ST and 19 per cent of urban ST aspired to professional courses. It is significant that the highest proportion of ST students, 21 per cent, aspired to professional courses like engineering and medicine. As seen, a large number of them are the children of government employees (Table 5.13). A wide range of occupational aspirations was expressed by ST college students. They seek jobs which provide regular salaries and security. The common feature of rural and urban students was that they all look for obtaining a government job of any type. However, the largest sections of ST students (50 per cent) in the rural area aim at becoming teachers in government schools. The proportion of females seeking a teaching job is larger than the males. Eleven per cent of male students in rural areas preferred jobs in defence/army/police. Around 6 per cent of urban students, both male and female, would like to take an executive position in government or the private sector (Table 5.14). Table 5.13 Distribution of school and college students studying in government and private institutions and rural and urban residents by level of educational aspiration (percentage) Level of Educational Aspirations Graduation Post-Graduation MPhil, PhD Professional Courses Willingness of Parents Not Clear/DK Total % Total N

Rural ST

Urban Non-ST

ST

Govt. Non-ST

ST

Private Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

45 32 0 6

29 27 3 28

33 33 4 19

31 26 0 36

47 22 1 12

29 28 2 29

25 43 3 21

15 37 0 41

6

8

3

0

6

7

1

0

11 100 271

5 100 75

8 100 75

7 100 42

12 100 274

5 100 87

7 100 75

7 100 27

Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

98

John B. Tirkey and Sudash Lama

Table 5.14 Distribution of ST college students by occupational aspiration and by gender and rural and urban area (percentage) Occupational aspiration

Defence/Army/Police Engineer/Doctor/Scientist/ Professional Govt. Employee/Bank Employee Hotel Management/Business/Private Job Govt. Executive/Pvt. Executive Journalist/Lawyer/Social Worker Teaching service DK Total % Total N

Rural

Urban

Male

Female

Male

Female

10 6

5 4

12 6

0 2

8 2

6 6

11 2

11 4

2 5 35 32 100 185

3 3 44 29 100 185

5 2 4 58 100 162

3 0 10 70 100 118

Source: ICSSR: ESTAC 2012–14 (West Bengal)

Observations and conclusion A large number of rural school and college ST students are first-generation learners. The students in rural areas who made it to college-level education came from a cultivating and wage-earning family background. Notwithstanding their poor economic condition and illiteracy, most of the parents are keen on giving an education to their children. Academic performance had a strong association with the educational and occupational background of the family. There is a differential performance between ST and non-ST school and college students of rural and urban segments and in government and private schools. Performances of ST students in annual school and higher secondary examinations were poor as compared to non-ST students. Economic constraints were the major problem affecting their performance in examinations. Poor housing conditions and lack of basic facilities affect not only the performance but also access to upper-level education, particularly higher education. A sizable section of the ST parents lived in a subsistence economy which compelled the students to participate in wage earning for the family, resulting in the poor academic performance (see also Xaxa 2012; Koley 2012). There were distinct educational and occupational differences among parents of ST students of rural and urban areas. The ST students of urban areas had the advantage of belonging to relatively advanced social, economic and educational backgrounds of the family, which helped them to exercise rational choices in terms of quality education in private educational institutions. They belonged to educational and government service backgrounds.

Academic performance 99

The ST students in urban areas belonged to mostly second-generation learners. In rural areas, however, a huge majority of the students were from the same cultivating and wage-earning background as first-generation learners. The non-ST students belonged to educationally, economically and socially superior family backgrounds. A sizable section of them also had a history of education among their close relatives, who were educated and employed in government and private services. The students also received psychological support, guidance and encouragement from these relatives.

References Bara, Joseph. (2002). ‘Tribal Education, the Colonial State and Christian Missionaries: Chhotanagpur, 1839–1870’. In Sabyasachi Bhattacharya (ed.) Education and the Dispriviledged: Nineteenth and Twentieth Century India. New Delhi: Orient Longman. Census of India. (2011a). West Bengal, Series-20 Part Xii-A, District Census Handbook. Uttar Dinajpur, Village and Town Directory, Directorate of Census Operations, West Bengal. Census of India. (2011b). West Bengal, Series-20 Part Xii-A, District Census Handbook. Jalpaiguri, Village and Town Directory, Directorate of Census Operations, West Bengal. Koley, Swapan Kumar. (2012). ‘Status of Primary Education with Special Reference to Tribal Child Literacy: A Micro Level Study of West Bengal’. In S.N. Chaudhary (ed.) Tribal Education: Implications and Development. New Delhi: Concept Publishing House. Xaxa, Virginius. (2012). ‘Tribes and Development’. In Dev Nathan and Virginius Xaxa (eds.) Social Exclusion and Adverse Inclusion: Development and Deprivation of Adivasis in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Chapter 6

Under the shadow of prosperity Scheduled tribe students in Gujarat J.C. Patel Gujarat is one of the prosperous states of India with high level of industrialization. It is dominated by the business entrepreneur class. At the same time, the state has a significant tribal population of 8.7 million, which is over 14 per cent of the state’s population. It ranks fifth in terms of the concentration of scheduled tribe (ST) population among the non-northeast states of the Indian Union. The first four are Chhattisgarh (31 per cent), Jharkhand (26 per cent), Odisha (23 per cent) and Madhya Pradesh (21 per cent). Tribals in Gujarat are concentrated in its eastern hilly region, adjoining the tribal areas of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. Gujarat is a rapidly urbanized state. Forty-three per cent of its population lives in urban areas. But in the case of the STs, only 10 per cent reside in cities and towns. Of the total urban population of the state, STs constitute less than 4 per cent. A majority of the ST urban dwellers are in towns located in the predominantly tribal-concentrated talukas/blocks. They are almost invisible in the large cities, except as migrant casual labourers, whose shelter is either footpaths or slums. The eastern region, where the tribes are concentrated, consists of mountainous tracts and forests. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the tribes were mainly shifting cultivators. As one British district officer wrote in 1854: “They rudely till the soil, but are very migratory and unsettled cultivators”. They made a living as shifting cultivators well into the colonial era. However, with their settlement by the colonial rulers and the introduction of the raiyatwari system, the tribals gradually came in contact with the Hindus of the plains. They resisted the hegemony of the landed class. Some tribes became settled agriculturists and used simple tools. At the same time, the process of land alienation started. A majority of them became tenants on the land they used to plough. By1930s, the tribals, called Chaudharis, were settled in villages with differential landholdings, and a sizeable percentage of them were agricultural labourers (Shah 1984). The Naika tribals, who were well-known in the early nineteenth century for their love for independence, rebellious nature and reacting to non-tribals’ exploitation by highway robbery, were found to be working mostly as agricultural labourers in the

Under the shadow of prosperity 101

early twentieth century (Shah 1969). As more and more land was brought under cultivation, the land owned by STs started declining by 1911. In the plains, on the other hand, the process of tribal assimilation into Hindu society started in the early nineteenth century. The tribes like Kolis and Dublas were incorporated into the caste system. The Dublas became bonded labourers, called halis, to the upper-caste landed class. They lived in a condition of slavery and became dependent on their masters. In the process, they “internalized the dependence in which they lived and worked”. There were, of course, instances of resistance, but they were few and far between (Breman 2007a: 50–52). Social hierarchy, with the notions of pollution and purity, has developed among a section of tribes, particularly those who became settled agriculturists closer to the plain territories. In the post-independence period, the tribes in Gujarat were drawn into an environment of modernizing and productivity-oriented agriculture. In this period, the growth record of agriculture in Gujarat appears to be quite impressive when compared with the all-India record. But the growth in agriculture has not really benefited the ST population because the land owned by them was not fertile and lacked irrigation facilities. Though most of the large dams in the state have been constructed in predominantly tribal talukas, irrigation in the tribal areas is negligible in comparison to non-tribal regions. At the same time, because of forest land, it was not possible (and, in fact, not permitted) for the tribals to cultivate the land. The level of development of STs in Gujarat varied across sectors like agriculture, business and industries, services, etc. Most of the economically backward talukas of the state are, in terms of infrastructure, tribal-dominated areas.

State educational trends The rate of literacy in Gujarat has increased from nearly 39 per cent in 1961 to 79 per cent in 2011. Literacy among the STs has increased during this period from 11.69 per cent to 62.58 per cent. Yet they continue to lag behind the non-tribal population, including the scheduled castes. Over a period of time, there is an increased rate of enrolment of ST boys and girls at all levels from primary to higher education, but their proportion declines from the lower to higher level. In 2014, 18.9 per cent of the primary students were from the STs, whereas at the level of higher education they were only 8.9 per cent. On the other hand, the proportion of the upper-caste students increased from 14.8 per cent at the primary level to over 52 per cent at the college level (NUEPA 2010). The present chapter is an attempt to examine the following: Who among the STs continue their education and who drops out at a different level? What are the barriers the ST students in general, and upper primary students in particular, face in their studies?

102  J.C. Patel

The sample and method The chapter emanates from a study conducted under the sponsorship of the Indian Council of Social Science Research in 2012–14. It covers five districts with sizeable ST populations to survey the status of the ST students. They are Surat in the south, Dahod in the east and Sabrakantha and Banaskantha in north Gujarat. Besides these, Ahmedabad is selected as the state capital city. To contextualize the status of the STs, the study also surveys non-STs of the same village/town and education institutions. It should be emphasized that the non-ST respondents are those who reside and study in close vicinity of the STs. The study has a sample of 1074 ST and 462 non-ST households and 1012 ST and 376 non-ST students at the upper primary (371 ST and 124 non-ST), secondary (328 ST and 124 non-ST) and college (313 ST and 128 non-ST) levels (see the Appendix).

Socio-cultural background According to the government classification, there were 29 STs in Gujarat. Many of them were divided into sub-groups. Bhils constituted the single largest tribe, with 47 per cent of the STs. But socially, they were divided into more than 13 distinct communities. Other major tribes, forming around 7 per cent of the population, were Dhodia, Dubla and Rathawa. Naikas, Gamits, Chaudharis, Tadvis and Kokanas comprised between 3 and 5 per cent of the tribal population. Patelia were around 1 per cent, and the rest, 17 tribes, constituted less than 1 per cent. According to the 2011 census, 62.5 per cent of STs were literate. Though traditionally there was gender equality among the tribals in the social sphere, it was not reflected in the literacy rate. There was a gap of 19 percentage points between the male and female literacy rate – the former had 72 per cent literates against 53 per cent female literates. More than 70 per cent of our household respondents reported that their hamlets consisted mainly of their own tribes. Hence, the tribals’ everyday interactions were largely confined to co-tribal members, with whom they shared a collective life. Each tribe had its dialect, which was generally spoken within a family and in their interactions in a local market for exchanging commodities. There were variances within dialects from region to region. The major dialects were Bhili, Chaudhari, Dhodia, Rathawi, Warli, Kokani, Gamit and so on. Not only did each tribe speak its dialect, but the same tribal group residing in other parts also spoke different dialects. For instance, the dialect of Bhils of Panchamahal was different from the Bhils of Khedbrahma in north Gujarat and from the Dangs. Different tribes had different belief systems; cultural practices related to birth, death, marriage; and other aspects of life. They differed in the way they worship deities, which also differed from tribe to tribe (Shah 1984). Over a period of time

Under the shadow of prosperity 103

under the hegemony of the dominant non-tribal society, homogenization in their belief system had taken place and, at the same time, traditional norms persisted within the same tribal community. An overwhelming ST heads of the households (93 per cent) reported being Hindu by religion, 4 per cent were Christians and 3 per cent said that they were followers of a ‘tribal’ religion, called animism. Normally, the tribals, popularly called Adivasis, enjoyed a collective cultural life among the community members. They became introverted, particularly when they interacted with the non-tribals. According to a tribal leader, “the city culture has invaded on Adivasis”. As a result, they have lost their expression. It created a sense of fear and insecurity among them. Becoming speechless, according to Ganesh Devy, they suffered from ‘aphasia’ (2006).

Economic conditions A majority of the ST as well as non-ST households of our sample were engaged in agriculture. One-third of the households reported being cultivators. This, however, does not mean that all of them owned land as per the government record. Forty-seven per cent of the ST households mentioned that they practiced shifting cultivation. It means that they cultivated a different piece of land every year. The land was ‘forest land’, over which they might or might not have legal ownership in the government record. Of those who reported owning land, a tiny segment, less than 3 per cent, stated possessing five acres or more of land. The rest were either landless or small and marginal farmers. Except for a few, the farm production from the land they owned was barely enough for the subsistence of the family. To supplement their family’s needs, they worked as a labourer on their own as well as on others’ farms. In such situation, it was difficult to say whether their main source of livelihood was labour or farm production. As the land was hilly and without perennial irrigation and forest resources had been depleted, the household members had no other option but to migrate to the areas with work opportunities. Seasonal migration was therefore a routine phenomenon for a sizable number of Adivasi families from the Dahod, Panchamahals, Sabarkhantha and Dangs districts. They worked as farm workers, as well as road and building construction workers. Some of the tribes like Dubla were landless and worked as agriculture labourers on the farms of the dominant castes. In fact, they were bonded labourers to landlords. A small middle class has emerged among the STs. Seven per cent of the ST sample and 3 per cent of the non-ST heads of the households were government servants (Table 6.1). Since our sample was confined to tribal areas, their proportion, thanks to reservations, was higher in the government sector than the non-STs. But at the state level the picture was sharply

104  J.C. Patel Table 6.1 Main occupation of the heads of households (percentage) Occupation

ST

Cultivation Farm and non-farm labour Self-employed Petty shop, business Government employee (Class I and II) Government employee (Class III and IV) Teacher Employment in private sector Professional (lawyer/medical doctor) Housewife Unemployed Others Not ascertained Total % Total N

33 33 11 2 2 5 2 3 1 3 2 1 2 100 1074

Non-ST 37 20 15 11 1 2 1 2 1 5 3

*

2 100 462

Note:* Less than 0.5 percent Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Gujarat)

the reverse. A majority of the government servants belonged to non-STs. In Gujarat several of the ST-reserved positions at various levels were vacant. Around 3 per cent of the heads of the households were employed in the private sector and 11 per cent were self-employed. Socially and economically, STs were stratified. The middle class consisted of those engaged in white-collar employment, small businesses and agriculture cultivators, who had the advantage of irrigation and other inputs. Barring that, most of them were poor. These tribals constituted the single largest social group among the people living below poverty line (BPL) in Gujarat. According to National Sample Survey data from 2004–05, the poverty rate among STs was 47.3 per cent, whereas among the scheduled castes (SCs), other backward castes (OBCs) and others, the percentage was 36.8, 26.7 and 16, respectively. Fifty-six per cent of the households in our survey reported having a BPL card. In Gujarat, more than 45 per cent of the children below five years were malnourished. Most of them belonged to ST families. The infant mortality rate among the STs worsened between 1998–99 and 2005–06 (Shah 2014).

Growth of modern education Christian missionaries were the first, in the nineteenth century, to start education among the tribals of Gujarat. It was of an elementary type, teaching basic alphabets, and covered only a few hamlets. Proper schools were not established until the 1940s and did not expand as elsewhere. The purpose

Under the shadow of prosperity 105

was to ‘civilize’ the tribals. With the same objective, the ruler of Baroda state, Sayaji Rao Gaekwad III, started a hostel-cum-school for the tribals, called DhankaVasti Gruh, in the late nineteenth century. Later, three more schools for the tribal children were started. These schools, which had boarding facilities, provided free lodging, boarding, books, clothes, soap and hair oil. However, the number of schools did not increase because of the non-availability of teachers and the remoteness of the location. As part of the freedom struggle and social reform movement, a few social workers also launched welfare work among the tribals to ‘reform’ their way of life. Amritlal Thakkar, who was sponsored by the Servants of India Society (SIS), started working in Dahod district among the tribals during the famine in 1919. He later started a school to teach the children of Bhils. In the 1920s, Jugatram Dave, under Gandhi’s guidance, started working for the welfare of the Adivasis in Vedchhi in south Gujarat. The focus of the Gandhians’ programme was to ‘reform’ the tribals’ social customs and habits related to hygiene, food, drink and religious rituals. They started residential schools called Ashram Shalas. Taking a hint from such efforts, after independence, the government conducted residential schools for the tribals. After launching them, Gandhi’s basic education concept, known as nai talim, laying importance on education through work, was introduced among the tribals. Teaching of science, mathematics and English language was neglected in this system. Since the 1960s the tribal middle class resented this. They felt that this and the Ashram education restricted their chances of competing with the non-tribals for new opportunities. Notwithstanding its contribution to bringing education among the tribals, the Gandhian Ashram school effort did not succeed in either reaching many more children, especially those belonging to more backward tribal groups, or in creating a climate or material conditions for parents to send their children to schools (Desai 1969; Joshi 1980). According to the census of 2011, among all the tribes, Dhodias had the highest literacy rate of 84 per cent. Next came the Kunbis, with 80 per cent literates. Chaudharis, Patelias, Bavachas and Pomlas were above 70 per cent literate (Table 6.2). As against them, several tribes such as Katodis, Table 6.2 Literacy rate of individual scheduled tribes in 2011 Sl. No

1 2 3

Scheduled Tribe Name

Total

Male

Female

All Scheduled Tribes

62.5

71.7

53.2

36.5

41.9

31.2

39.8 41.0

48.2 53.1

31.7 28.2

Kathodi, Katkari, Dhor Kathodi, Katkari, Son Kathodi, Son Katkari Tadvi Bhil, Bawra, Vasave Padhar

Dhor

(Continued )

106  J.C. Patel Table 6.2 (Continued) Sl. No

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

Scheduled Tribe Name

Total

Male

Female

All Scheduled Tribes

62.5

71.7

53.2

Naikda, Nayaka, Cholivala Nayaka, Kapadia Nayaka, Mota Nayaka, Nana Nayaka Charan Varli Rathawa Vitola, Kotwalia, Barodia Gond, Rajgond KoliDhor, Tokre Koli, Kolcha, Kolgha Bharwad Bhil, Bhil Garasia, Dholi Bhil, Dungri Bhil, Dungri Garasia, Mewasi Bhil, Rawal Bhil, Bhagalia, Bhilala, Pawra, Vasava, Vasave Padvi Rabari Bhil, Bhilala, Barela, Patelia Barda Dhanka, Tadvi, Tetaria, Valvi Dubla, Talavia, Halpati Kokna, Kokni, Kukna Gamit, Gamta, Gavit, Mavchi, Padvi Chodhara Patelia Pardhi, Advichincher, Phanse Pardhi Siddi, Siddi-Badshan Bavacha, Bamcha Chaudhari Pomla Kunbi Dhodia, Dhodi

50.1

59.0

40.9

52.7 52.7 52.9 54.6 55.9 56.5 57.0 59.8

61.6 61.4 63.9 59.3 63.3 63.6 65.0 70.1

43.5 44.2 41.5 49.9 47.4 49.3 48.7 49.3

62.3 64.2 64.3 65.1 65.4 65.5 66.5 67.1 71.7 71.7 72.3 72.3 72.9 72.9 73.0 80.0 83.7

64.1 73.7 74.1 71.3 75.5 72.2 75.1 74.3 79.2 84.3 79.5 79.3 80.1 80.0 78.7 88.3 90.1

60.3 54.3 53.9 57.5 54.6 58.7 58.0 60.0 64.1 58.7 64.2 65.4 65.0 66.0 66.7 71.7 77.2

Source: Census of India 2011

Rathawas, Varlis, Nayakas, etc., had below 40 per cent literacy rate. The tribes, which had settled on plains or were closer to the non-tribal population, had a higher rate of literacy than those who were scattered and inhabited hills and forests.

Educational level of family The education level of the head of the family is the most important factor that contributes to the level of education among children. Educated parents generally value education and pay more attention to the studies of their

Under the shadow of prosperity 107

children. With this assumption, we attempted to know the level of education of the head of the family. This would also give an idea about the spread of education in tribal society. One of our limitations here was that we could not ascertain the educational status of one-fifth of the ST as well as non-ST households. It was not because of our lack of effort, but because the heads of the households were not available and the other respondents present in the household were not aware of the head’s education level. We assumed that they were literate or semi-literate with education up to the primary level. Of those surveyed, 50 per cent of the heads were either illiterate or educated up to the upper primary level. The situation was not much different between ST and non-ST heads of the households. Only 5 per cent of heads had studied up to the graduation and post-graduation level. Nearly 20 per cent of the ST as against 26 per cent of non-ST heads of the households had education up to secondary and higher secondary school (Table 6.3). We also looked at the education level of all the members and identified the highest education anyone member had. It was observed that 12 per cent of the ST households and 14 per cent of non-ST households had so far not attended any school. It meant that these families were not reached out to educationally. The proportion of such families was only slightly higher among the non-STs. This indicated a comparable educational status of the non-STs who lived in tribal areas (see Table 6.3). It was not surprising, since, as we noted earlier, there was a significant proportion of non-STs who lived in a poor condition. Eleven per cent of the ST and 12 per cent of the nonST families had at least someone with higher education and a degree. There were exceptional cases of families having someone with a professional education in medicine or engineering. Table 6.3 Educational status of ST and non-ST families (percentage) Education Status of the Head of the Family

Illiterate Primary Upper primary Secondary Higher secondary Graduation Post-graduation Do not know Total % Total N

Heads of Household

Highest Education in a Family

ST

Non-ST

ST

25 15 11 15 8 5 0 22 100 1074

14 16 17 16 10 4 1 23 100 462

12 15 19 23 20 10 1 100 1051

Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Gujarat)

Non-ST 14 12 19 26 18 10 2 100 412

-

108  J.C. Patel

More than three-fourths of the children of the households reported that their children studied in government schools. Only 21 per cent of the ST and 29 per cent of the non-ST households’ children studied in private schools. Those who sent their children to private schools and also a few whose children studied in government schools spent money to support the education of their children. Not only that, but 5 per cent of the heads of the households said that they sold some of their assets to finance the education of their children. This indicated their relatively better economic condition and also aspiration and interest in education. Though every parent would like to send her or his children to school, 30 per cent of the parents did not know how much they would like their children to study. However, 60 per cent of the heads of the households believed that their children would like to study in colleges. A majority aspired for higher education of their children. There were a few, 6 per cent of heads of the households, who wanted their children to become a doctor or engineer.

Student enrolment and profile The net enrolment of children at a primary level has increased in the country. This also is the case in Gujarat and with regard ST children. Enrolment has crossed even 100 per cent in Gujarat and also at the national level. Gujarat, however, is lower than the all-India level (Table 6.4). If one measures enrolment by the net enrolment ratio (NER), which calculates “enrolment of the official age-group for a given level of education expressed as a percentage of the corresponding population”, it has not reached 100 per cent. Gujarat’s NER is one of the worst in India (see Table 6.4). At the lower primary level (classes 1 to 5), it is a poor 85.73 per cent. But at the upper Table 6.4 GER and NER in India and Gujarat Primary 2008–09 Guj.

Upper Primary 2009–10

India Guj.

2010–11

India Guj.

2008–09

2009–10

2010–11

India Guj. India Guj. India Guj. India

GER* 107.7 115.3 109.0 115.6 110.2 118.6 57.6 73.7 59.7 75.6 69.1 81.1 NER** 86.0 98.5 88.8 98.6 85.7 99.9 41.8 56.2 42.6 58.6 48.7 61.8 *The gross enrolment ratio (GER) is a statistical measure used in the education sector to determine the number of students enrolled in school at different grade levels (like elementary, middle and high school) and examine it to analyse the ratio of the number of students who live in the country to those who qualify for the particular grade level. **The net enrolment ratio (NER) is defined by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Institute for Statistics as enrolment of the official age group for a given level of education expressed as a percentage of the corresponding population. Source: Gupta 2013

Under the shadow of prosperity 109

primary level, it plummets further to 48.77 per cent, as against the national average of 61.82 per cent. Even a backward state like Bihar, with 52.70 per cent enrolment, is a better performer at the upper primary level; other backward states which have performed better than Gujarat are Jharkhand (69.65 per cent), Rajasthan (54.97 per cent), Uttar Pradesh (47.13 per cent) etc. (Gupta 2013). Enrolment in a school register does not mean the presence of a child in a classroom. Often, teachers make a list of children as enrolled to show their superiors. Sometimes, they do this to protect their job. Social anthropologist Jan Breman observes in respect to the early years of the 2000s: Slightly more Halpati (Dubala tribe) children (than the past) went to school, but only very few small percentage of them managed to complete their primary education. Most of them left after a year or two. . . . The register in the primary school in the village would seem to suggest this is the case. A total of 234 pupils are registered: ninetyeight boys and 115 girls. Of these, 150 are Halpatis (sixty-five boys and eighty-five girls). Given the fact that tribal population accounts for three-quarters of the total inhabitants of Bardoligam, this still means that the Halpati children are catching up. However, when I compare these figures with the information I received from the landless households in my survey, there is no reason to support this optimistic conclusion. My survey data show that many children still only stay at school for the first couple of years, while many others do not even bother to start. . . . Poverty still discourage[s] school attendance. . . . Naika and Dhodia parents seem to attach little more importance to education than Halpatis . . . it is more common for members of these tribal caste to own some land. (2007b:363–365) Coming back to our survey, our sample unit was locality and institution rather than a tribe. And different tribes were concentrated in certain areas. Hence, the respondents of the households, as well as students, were of those tribes which resided in the sample location. Therefore, an analysis of students by tribes based on the sample might be misleading. However, on the basis of the census which provides literacy data by all the tribes (see Table 6.2), one can surmise that more students of the higher level belonged to those tribes which had a higher level of literacy. At the upper primary level, the students belonged to most of the tribes. But it was likely that the proportion of the children of those tribes which lived in remote areas and belonged to landless and migrant labour families dropped out at the secondary and higher education level. At the college level, a larger proportion of the students belonged to Dhodia, Chaudhari in south Gujarat and Bhils in north Gujarat.

110  J.C. Patel

Table 6.5 provides occupations of the heads of the households of the students. It shows that there was no significant difference in occupation at different levels. It is puzzling that 30 per cent of the college students as against 12 per cent of the upper primary level students reported the main occupation of the heads of their families as labourers. This was possibly because, as mentioned, there was a thin line between cultivators and labourers in a tribal agricultural economy. There was a similar problem with the categories of ‘self-employed’ and ‘business’. Reporting of the occupation was largely based on the respondents’ perception rather than rigorous criteria. There was consistency regarding the category of government and private employment. Their proportion more or less remained constant. Employment in the government sector, particularly as a white-collar worker, was a new opportunity fora tribal. One gets such a job after school or a college education. It provides power, status and new avenues to mingle with the mainstream society on an ‘equal footing’, at least in theory. Table 6.6 shows that the proportion of the students having a close relative in a government job was nearly one-fourth of the ST college students. Since reporting of occupation and income was problematic, we further probed economic status by ownership of modern assets, the indicators of lifestyle. These assets, which are relatively expensive, carry a symbol of status, and some of them, like a computer, have become a necessary requirement Table 6.5 Main occupation of the heads of the students’ households (percentage) Occupation

Cultivation Labour White-collar (Govt. and Pvt) Self-employed (business) Others Total %

Upper primary

Secondary

College

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

50 12 11 21 6 100

39 7 13 36 6 100

60 10 9 4 17 100

36 3 10 13 37 100

48 30 13 3 6 100

28 20 20 22 10 100

Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Gujarat)

Table 6.6 Any close relative of the students in a government job (percentage) Job

Yes No Total %

Upper primary

Secondary

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

15 85 100

15 85 100

17 83 100

7 93 100

24 76 100

27 73 100

Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Gujarat)

College

Under the shadow of prosperity 111

for modern education – more so for higher education. Table 6.7 reports five such items. The proportion of the students’ households owning these gadgets increased from the upper primary to college level. The table also clearly shows a noticeable gap between ST and non-ST students, which occupation data does not reveal. Among the ST students, only 7 per cent of the upper primary schools as against 20 per cent of the college students belonged to those families having a computer. Every other non-ST against one-fifth of the ST college students owned a computer. This puts a majority of the ST students in a disadvantageous position in terms of their studies. At the same time, nearly one-third of the college students came from families which did not have these gadgets. Some of them were landless, and some owned land but were poor. The data suggest that poor landless tribals also succeeded in achieving higher education. This was thanks to several government schemes providing financial assistance from primary schools to college education. Contribution of the Gandhian Ashram schools facilitating poor tribal boys and girls to obtain an education was also important. Once someone in a family begins to pursue an education and sustains efforts to complete the higher secondary level, it is possible that younger siblings of the family might follow that path. As we saw earlier, there were still one-tenth of the ST families without any literate person. In that situation, we probed the education background of the students’ families. Nearly one-third of the ST primary students reported that someone in their family knew English. In the case of the college students, the proportion of such students was 56 per cent. Non-ST students had the edge over ST students on this count: 41 per cent at the upper primary level and 73 per cent of college-level students reported having a family member who knows English. This suggests that still a majority of the secondary and college ST students were first-generation learners. Table 6.8 presents students’ families by the highest education level that any member had. It shows that 13 per cent of the college students came from those families in which they were the first educated. The rest were illiterate. The proportion of the families with the highest education increased from upper primary to college. This was not the Table 6.7 Modern assets possessed b y students’ families (percentage) Assets

Television Refrigerator Two-wheeled vehicle Four-wheeled vehicle Computer

Upper primary

Secondary

College

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-SR

58 21 29 7 7

80 35 40 19 15

56 20 28 10 10

89 45 51 25 26

68 29 41 12 20

94 66 65 29 51

Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Gujarat)

112  J.C. Patel Table 6.8 Highest education le vel in the family (percentage) Education level

Illiterate Up to upper primary Secondary and higher Secondary College

Upper primary

Secondary

College

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

ST

Non-ST

11 24 34

6 23 37

13 26 54

6 17 63

13 20 38

17 20 41

4

9

8

14

11

24

Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Gujarat)

case with the families with the highest secondary education. The majority terminated their education at the secondary level and could not manage to achieve any higher education.

Obstacles on the educational road The valorization of education has certainly increased among the tribals of all economic strata, including landless. But all of them cannot sustain their interest for many years. Poverty was a major stumbling block. A child of a very poor family was often required to add to the income by working in a farm, roadside shops and eateries; grazing cattle of the landed classes; or looking after young siblings when the parents went to work. The landed class generally used the children of the poor families as cheap labour for domestic and other work. The government has introduced certain incentives to encourage school attendance. Mid-day meal is one of them. A family who is BPL gets financial incentives if a child attends school regularly. A girl gets Rs. 600 and a boy Rs. 459 at the end of the school year if she or he attends the school regularly. This has improved attendance. But in many cases, it is not beyond the primary or upper primary classes. “Pupils wishing to go on to secondary school have to leave neighbourhood. There is little motivation to do so because the costs are higher than the support that parents receive, which largely takes the form of money for uniform and free school books” (Breman 2007b: 223). On the basis of field work for several years on the landless Dubla tribe, Jan Breman questions the attainment from primary schooling: To define the level that most of them reach as literacy is in my opinion to overestimate their meagre knowledge of reading, writing and arithmetic. Even boys and girls who have completed primary school can hardly write more than their own name and that of the father, tell the time, and recognize numbers and letters of the alphabet . . . what little knowledge that they do accumulate does not increase in their daily routine, but dissipates just as quickly through lack of regular application. (Ibid: 225)

Under the shadow of prosperity 113

This observation corroborates the assessment by the non-governmental organization Pratham of primary and upper primary students. The survey by Pratham finds that nearly 40 per cent of the class I and II students are able to recognize letters. Only one-tenth of the students of these classes are capable of reading a small paragraph. An analysis of the situation in Gujarat shows that after completion of the primary level of education 25 per cent of the students were not able to read standard I or standard II texts. Worse, 2.1 per cent of them were not even able to recognize a letter, and the number of fifth-grade students unable to read the second-grade text was close to 53 per cent of the total number of students. The findings of the Planning Commission Evaluation Report (2012) on the Sarva Siksha Abhiyan reinforce this. For instance, only 41.7 per cent of secondgrade students were able to read alphabets in their local language. There is no sign of the situation being arrested. It is instead deteriorating further (Gupta 2013; Iyengar 2014). The Gujarat situation is no exception to this. The condition of the tribal children in the state is worse because of overall neglect. In our survey, we asked the students about difficulties in comprehension. Nearly 40 per cent of the upper primary and secondary ST students frankly admitted that they experienced difficulties in understanding in the classroom. The proportion of non-ST students in facing difficulties in comprehensions was somewhat less than ST students – 24 and 35 per cent in upper primary and secondary levels, respectively (Figure 6.1). But the difference was not very wide, which actually raises the question of the quality of classroom teaching.

Upper Primary 41.78

Secondary & Higher Secondary

40.85 35.48

24.19

%ST

%Non ST

Figure 6.1 Difficulty in understanding the classroom teachings

114  J.C. Patel

While examining the socio-economic background of the ST and nonST upper primary students in connection with their low comprehension, we did not find any one pattern of response. They were children of white-collar employees, cultivators and labourers (Table 6.9). Interestingly, the smallest proportion of the ST students even belonged to the families of teachers, which was not the case with non-ST students. The family’s educational background, in general, did not appear to be contingent upon the child’s comprehension in school. A large number of ST students with poor comprehension also come from the families where the members attended college and secondary schools. According to the students, reasons for difficulties in comprehension were “difficult subject”, “teachers do not explain properly”, “teachers use a difficult language” etc. This sends a direct message to the teachers of tribal children as to their method of teaching. At the primary and upper primary level, the standard pupil–teacher ratio (PTR) is 1:40. In tribal areas, the ratio was very high. There were quite a few one-teacher schools in which one teacher simultaneously handled several classes. In 2014, a test check by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India in five predominantly tribal districts revealed that in 5 per cent of primary schools the PTR was not maintained, and in as many as 84 per cent of upper primary schools the PTR was not observed (Table 6.10). In one primary school there was one teacher for 156 students, and another upper primary school had one teacher for 363 students. The CAG report further observed that in the Valsad district in March 2014 156 ST students had no teacher and 111 out of 6163 schools had only one teacher. Moreover, at several places one teacher was required to teach two or more combined classes in one room. In urban areas, sometimes in upper primary schools the language teachers were compelled to teach science and mathematics and vice versa. Such situations rose from either a shortage of teachers or inadequacy of qualified teachers. Table 6.9 Famil y background of upper primary students who reported having difficulties in comprehension (percentage)

Knowing English in family Highest education in family Upper primary and below Secondary College Occupation of the heads of households Cultivator and labour Business White-collar (except teacher) Teacher Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Gujarat)

ST

Non-ST

49

28

46 48 56

25 35 27

38 46 53 11

11 36 17 25

Under the shadow of prosperity 115 Table 6.10 Pupil–teacher ratio in primar y schools in tribal areas District

Number of Primary schools (I–V)

Number of Primary schools with PTR >40

Number of Upper primary schools (I–VII)

Number of upper primary in which PTR>35

Dahod Dang Panchmahal Tapi Valsad Total

790 260 1,146 486 465 3,147

76 (9.6) 23 (8.8) 6 (0.5) 12(2.5) 39 (8.3) 156 (5.0)

849 118 1,207 314 528 3,016

770 107 970 243 445 2535

(90.7) (90.7) (80.3) (77.4) (84.3) (84.0)

Source: Comptroller and Auditor General of India (2015)

According to our survey, a majority (65 per cent) of the teachers were non-tribals. They had no understanding of tribal culture. Teachers training and orientation programmes did not address this aspect. Most of the teachers were unfamiliar with the tribal dialects of the students whom they taught. Even ST teachers belonging to a few tribes like Bhil, Chaudhari, Dhodia, etc., were not familiar with the dialects of all students. There was no initiative to orient teachers in tribal dialects and motivate them. The system of supervision was limited, weak and routine. To make things worse, along with teaching the government primary school teachers were often assigned a number of extra non-academic duties, which took a toll on the teaching duty. Moreover, no attention was paid to familiarize teachers with new developments in pedagogy by way of refresher courses. Another serious gap was the content of education being alien to tribal students. The indigenous knowledge of the tribal society – its folklore, mythology and so on – hardly found a place in the existing curriculum.

Conclusion The STs in Gujarat are poor in the midst of prosperity. Our survey shows its reflection in the field of education. The study finds that the tribals lag behind in education and, hence, are deprived of new opportunities emerging in the modern sectors. Only a tiny proportion of the ST students enrolled at the primary level reach the college level. Most of them are pushed out at the primary and upper primary level due to poverty and an unfriendly school environment. Tribal dialects, life cycles, festivals and customs are ignored by the school system. On the whole, the education system – the teachers, the curriculum and pedagogy – alienate the tribal students. The tribal culture and way of life are not reflected in the educational programme. The system is not inclined to adapt itself to tribals’ requirements and way of life. Hence, a majority of the students become disinterested and disoriented in studies at

116  J.C. Patel

an early stage of schooling. A few who somehow manage to continue their studies belong to a small segment of the tribal middle class. Government schemes come with the aim of changing the situation, but by and large, they are inconsequential.

References Breman, Jan. (2007a). Labour Bondage in West India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Breman, Jan. (2007b). The Poverty Regime in Village India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Comptroller and Auditor General of India. (2015). Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India on General and Social Sector for the Year Ended March 2014. Government of Gujarat Report no. 6 of 2014. https://cag.gov.in/ sites/default/files/audit_report_files/Gujarat_Report_6_2015.pdf. Desai, I.P. (1969). The Vedchchi Movement: A Sociological Study. Surat: Centre for Social Studies. Devy, Ganesh. (2006). Adivasi Jaane Chhe! (Gujarati). Vadodara: PruvPraksh. Gupta, Anju. (2013). Education Status Report-Gujarat: Primary, Middle and Secondary Education. Working Paper. New Delhi: Centre for Education Innovations. www.educationinnovations.org/sites/default/files/Status%20of%20Elementary%20Education%20in%20Gujarat.pdf. Iyengar, Sudarshan. (2014). ‘Education in Gujarat: A Review’. In I. Hirway, A. Shah, and G. Shah (eds.) Growth or Development: Which Way Is Gujarat Going?New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Joshi, Vidhyut. (1980). Ashram Salao (Gujarati). Surat: Centre for Social Studies. NUEPA (National University of Educational Planning and Administration). (2010). State Report-2008–09: Elementary Education in India. Delhi: NUEPA. Planning Commission. (2012). Cumulative Progress Made Under Serva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA). https://data.gov.in/catalog/cumulative-progress-made-under-servashiksha-abhiyan-ssa?filters%5Bfield_catalog_reference%5D=86940&format=jso n&offset=0&limit=6&sort%5Bcreated%5D=desc, access on April 10, 2017. Shah, B.V. (1969). Field Studies in the Sociology of Education: Study Report. New Delhi: National Council of Educational Research and Training. Shah, Ghanshyam. (1984). Economic Differentiations and Tribal Identity. New Delhi: Ajanta Publications. Shah, Neha. (2014). ‘Health Status of Tribal Population’. In Amita Shah and Jharna Pathak (eds.) Tribal Development in Western India. New Delhi: Routledge.

Chapter 7

The paradox of education Stereotyping equality of the scheduled tribes in Odisha Sashmi Nayak

The education policy in India has given special provisions to the scheduled tribes (STs). But the provisions yield a minimal prospect of changing their economic and social status vis-à-vis other groups. The primary aim of the policy has been to induce the STs in the education system by providing them equality of opportunity through various constitutional provisions, policy measures and institutional mechanisms. Studies on their participation in the education system reveal that despite a significant increase in the proportion of students from the ST groups, their “terms of inclusion in relation to institutional structures and processes are discriminatory” (Nambissan 2004). This raises questions about the transformative role of education. This chapter is based on a study on the “Educational Status of Scheduled Tribes in Odisha” sponsored by the Indian Council of Social Science Research, New Delhi, carried out during 2012–14. The survey covered 1125 ST and 450 non-ST households and 1215 ST and 386 non-ST students studying at various levels in government and private schools/colleges (Table 7.1) in five districts – Sundargarh, Malkangiri, Subarnapur, Jajapur and Khordha (for the method of selection of the sample see the Appendix). The objective of the study, as mentioned in Chapter 1, was to explore the interaction between the social and economic backgrounds of the student, the education structure and the educational achievements and outcomes through a number of factors, both individual and institutional. It provides a closer analysis of the societal and institutional context in which inequalities are sustained.

Socio-economic factors Odisha has the third-largest ST population in India after the states of Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. The STs constitute 22.8 per cent of Odisha’s total population and 9.7 per cent of the total ST population in India. In eight districts the STs constitute more than 50 per cent of the total district’s population, and in six others they constitute 25 to 50 per cent of the population. The Scheduled Area covers 44.7 per cent of the geographical area of

118  Sashmi Nayak Table 7.1 Sample students at various le vels Level of Education

ST

Non-ST

Upper primary Secondary Schools College Total

405 405 405 1215

135 116 135 386

the state. It has 62 tribes of which 13 are traditionally classified as ‘primitive’, now officially called, in a dignified way, particularly vulnerable tribal groups (PVTGs). In comparison to other social groups, the STs trail behind in all human development indicators. While the total literacy rate of the state according to the 2011 census stands at 73.45 per cent, for the STs it is 63.1 per cent. In the tribal-dominated backward undivided districts of the Kalahandi, Bolangir, Koraput (KBK) region, the literacy rate is even lower, at 57.17 per cent. These are lower than the total female literacy rate of 64.36 per cent for the entire state. The ST female literacy rate is the lowest among all categories at 47.08 per cent. Even regional variations exist. While the tribes that inhabit areas adjacent to the Chhotanagpur region, such as the Bhumias, Uraons and Kisans, have been exposed to modern education chiefly through the intervention of Christian missionaries, equally populous tribes of southern Odisha, such as the Saora, Gondo and the Koya, register low enrolment in educational institutions.

Occupation: from producers to wage labour The tribal village economy is based primarily on agriculture and allied activities. The average landholding of the respondents of this study reveals that while most of them (42.1 per cent) are landless wage earners, 37.8 per cent are marginal farmers and 14.4 per cent are small farmers who practice subsistence farming; the rest – only 3 per cent – are large farmers. Industrialization accompanied by frequent displacement and resettlement has impoverished the tribes and led to a number of social and psychological problems. The landless tribals are mostly engaged in mining and quarrying activities. A significant 35.4 per cent of the respondents of this study work as non-agricultural wage labour. This marks a shift in the occupation pattern of the tribes and can be attributed to their migration to the cities and the plains, where their prospects of owning land or engaging in agricultural activities is close to nil.

Pervasive poverty Poverty is endemic to the regions that STs inhabit. The monthly income of the household respondents of this study shows that 85.6 per cent of STs earn

The paradox of education 119

less than Rs.10,000 a month along with a comparable 78 per cent of nonST households. This has an implication on the expenditure of the family on the education of the children, especially female children and elder children, who are pressed into augmenting the family income. A majority (85.3 per cent) of the ST household respondents in this sample are below poverty line (BPL) families and avail themselves of social security programmes through the BPL card. In the Malkangiri district, which is the poorest pocket in the country, 93 per cent of the ST respondents live in poverty. In Subarnapur, the situation of both STs and non-STs was similar, with 91 per cent of respondents living BPL.

Emotional cost in children’s education An ST family, even under severe social and economic constraints, appreciates the value of education. A significant proportion of ST students, more than one-fourth (27.7 per cent) at all levels of education live away from their families in hostels to pursue an education. However, given a choice, the parents prefer their children to stay at home while studying in school and in college too, especially if they are girls because of perceived security. In the Malkangiri district 44.4 per cent of upper primary school students lived away from their families in hostels. It is because hostels provide them free accommodation and food and/or schools are not within a close proximity of their residence. In any case, the emotional cost for the sake of education to the ST families is thus very high. From the perspective of education, an important indicator is space available in the house for a child to study. For a family of five members, around 63 per cent of them have houses with two rooms or less, indicating a scarcity of space. More than this, 78.8 per cent of ST children have no exclusive place to study in the house.

Education level of parents The education level of parents has a bearing on the children’s education in terms of participation, performance and choice of institution. Educated parents have the experience of the culture of schooling and inculcate the same in their child. First-generation learners lack this cultural capital and often struggle to conform to the practices of schooling and the demands of the education system. In this study, 34.3 per cent of ST students at all three levels (upper primary, secondary and college) said that their fathers had no formal education. In the state capital district of Khordha 44 per cent of ST fathers had no education, which is comparable to 44.5 per cent in remote Malkangiri. This shows that the tribals migrating out of their habitats are mostly illiterate and, in all probability, work as informal labourers in urban areas. There is little rural-to-urban variation in the qualification of

120  Sashmi Nayak

the parents. In this sample, a smaller number of ST fathers have achieved a higher level of education. With regard to the education of ST mothers, 38.8 per cent had never been to a school in contrast to only 11.3 per cent of nonST mothers. The picture is almost similar in higher education, where the absence of ST mothers is noticeable. Only 1.1 per cent of ST mothers had a graduate degree compared to 10.5 per cent of non-ST mothers.

Language: loss of mother tongue In regions of mixed populations, tribal groups have lost their mother tongue and speak Oriya. In this sample, the level of linguistic assimilation is complex. Most report Oriya as their mother tongue and have even gone to the extent of adopting it as their language of ritual. In many cases when conversing among their fellow tribals they use their own language and use Oriya when dealing with their neighbours from a tribal community other than their own and/or non-ST. Thanks to the hegemony of the dominant strata, the tribes seem to believe that their language is inferior to Oriya or Hindi and therefore they make an extra effort to adopt them. Though language is not a criterion for tribal self-identification, the extinction of tribal languages may in the future lead to questions about their existence as a separate social group with distinct socio-cultural and linguistic characteristics that determine the ST status guaranteed in the constitution of India.

Working students For students, in general, earning while learning is a difficult act to balance. For ST students in particular, who are usually weak in studies, it becomes a double burden. The working students in this study were mostly college students, but some were in secondary school too. A majority of college students did not receive the post-matric scholarship in this sample. They relied heavily on their parents, and some of them were engaged in part-time work or by working for a month or two during holidays. Those who were unable to balance between study and work usually failed or dropped out of the system. In this sample we find 2.2 per cent of ST secondary school students working part-time for two to four hours a day, mostly in agricultural activities or even as wage labour. Their wages are in the range of Rs. 1500 to Rs. 3000 a month, which they say goes either for their education or to the family. At the college level 6 per cent of ST and 3.7 per cent of non-ST students worked for a couple of hours each day, and a few even worked close to eight hours a day. One out of four of the working ST students and none from the non-STs worked as farm and non-farm wage labourers. Eight per cent of ST and 20 per cent of non-ST working college students were employed as teachers in schools, mostly at the primary level. Twelve per cent ST and non-ST of them worked in shops and small business.

The paradox of education 121

The landscape of institutions Schools are institutions by which society is shaped, and often the societal structure is reflected in the variety of schools that exist. The types of schools can be broadly classified into government schools or grant-in aid schools and private schools. Government schools can be further distinguished into special schools for the development of ST/SC (scheduled caste) groups in the Scheduled Areas as per the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of India and the Scheduled Areas Order of 1977. These are managed by the district administration and are exclusively for the SC/ST population and are classified as high schools for ST boys, high schools for ST girls, Sevashram schools, Ashram schools and Kanyashram schools. These schools exist at all levels of education – primary, middle and upper primary and secondary. They can be further classified by their affiliation to the boards of education and the medium of instruction. Among all the schools from primary up to the secondary level, the number of schools managed by the state government is the highest, followed by privately managed unaided schools. There are also a good number of private schools that are unrecognized. The number of different types of schools is indicated in Table 7.2. The number of private schools is growing all over the state, but more noticeably in the coastal region where they seem to be coming up even in rural areas. Enrolment in these private schools is on the rise, 7.3 per cent according to the Annual Status of Education Report (ASER) 2013, and there is a consequential drop in the enrolment in government schools. Government schools are increasingly being perceived to be low and schools meant for the children of the poor and the socially excluded groups. However in the Scheduled Area districts and tribal pockets, the enrolment of ST children is on the rise in government schools. Private schools are few in number in these areas, as it does not make business sense to operate them. The exceptions are private missionary schools, which operate in poor and difficult areas, where the paying capacity of the population is lower than the populous and developed regions of the state. Table 7.2 Number of schools by management from primary to secondary level in Odisha Type of School

Number

Central government Government of Odisha Aided schools Private unaided schools Unrecognized schools Others

83 57,708 2039 2396 1372 567

Source: OPEPA 2013–14

122  Sashmi Nayak

Inequality in the education structure The type of school a child attends is a good indicator of the educational outcomes expected. The structure of the Indian education system at every level illustrates the inherent systemic exclusionary and discriminatory processes that reproduce disadvantage. Early childhood education: Anganwadi For an ST parent there is never a choice between the government’s integrated child development service (ICDS) centre known as Anganwadi and the privately owned and managed facility such as a playschool or kindergarten. For low-income ST parents the ICDS is a good service that caters to the multiple needs of children below the age of six, including nutrition, healthcare and preschool education. However, this is the beginning of the inter-generational perpetuation of cultural, linguistic and educational inequality, as preschool education is the weakest service of the Anganwadi with unqualified and underpaid staff. Primary education: linguistic hurdles The National Curriculum Framework (NCF) (NCERT 2005) recommends that all children be taught in their home language or mother tongue in the primary years so as not to interfere with their identity and sense of self and to counter the “ill-effects such as the loss of one’s own languages and the burden of sheer incomprehension”. It further recommends English-language education as a second language, more as a political response to the aspirations of people than as an academic or feasible issue. However, it later mentions that English-language education should be across all subjects and not a mere subject that stands independent of other disciplines. English-language education is elitist in this country, and the NCF seems to be protecting it from the masses. English-language education has become a new form of division and exclusion, as it is the first language of a majority of well-educated Indians. In keeping with the NCF’s requirements of mother-tongue education, the Department of School and Mass Education, Government of Odisha, introduced multi-lingual education (MLE) in ten tribal languages in 2006–07 on a pilot basis. In 2009, it reported that MLE had been introduced in 11 languages in 537 schools where the tribal population was more than 90 per cent (OPERA 2009). These schools are located in eight tribal districts. MLE starts from Class I, where the entire syllabus is taught in the tribal language and in a period of five years gradually transits to the state language Oriya; i.e. by class V the entire syllabus is taught in Oriya. MLE may be able to achieve its objective of increasing enrolment and retention of tribal children

The paradox of education 123 Table 7.3 Drop-out rate in primary, upper primary and secondary levels Level of

All

ST

Education

Boys

Girls

Total

Boys

Girls

Total

Primary Upper Primary Secondary School

0.25 3.85 47.2

0.62 2.23 51.8

0.43 3.07 49.5

3.51 3.20 65.9

2.80 6.31 62.7

3.10 4.70 64.3

Source: GoO 2013a

in the primary years; however, these children do not have the required proficiency in Oriya or English to survive the demands of upper primary or middle school. Due to this, drop-outs in middle school, which is during the compulsory period of elementary schooling, are common (Table 7.3). Upper primary education: examination traps From upper primary or middle level schools, i.e. class VI onwards, schools follow the pattern of the syllabus as prescribed by the various boards of secondary education. In Odisha, the schools are affiliated with four Indian boards: the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) of the Union Ministry of Human Resource Development, the privately managed Council for the Indian School Certificate Examinations (CISCE), the state government–administered Odisha Board of Secondary Education (OBSE) and the National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS) set up by the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) to attain the goal of universal education. There is one international board, the International Baccalaureate (IB), with a few schools affiliated with it. Most ST children find themselves enrolled in schools affiliated with the OBSE, as usually the schools under it are nearest to their homes. Table 7.4 presents the reasons for choice of school by the ST upper primary and secondary students. In this sample only 9.6 per cent of upper primary ST students chose a school on the basis of teaching in their mother tongue. Though very small, it is a positive indication for the adoption of MLE in schools even at higher levels and can give ST students the same advantage that Oriya students have due to the institutionalization of their mother tongue as the medium of instruction and examination by the OBSE. There is no doubt that one of the most important factors that affect the educational outcome of ST students studying in OBSE schools is education in the regional language, Oriya, studied for a period of ten years as the first language. Though Oriya is widely spoken and used, it is not without regional variations and dialects. Mugalbandhi Oriya, with roots in the Brahminic literary tradition of Odisha and mostly spoken in the districts of Cuttack and Puri, is considered to be standard Oriya. This version used

124  Sashmi Nayak Table 7.4 Distribution of ST upper primary and secondary students according to their reasons for choice of school (percentage) Reasons

Class /Grade

First Second Third Not Total Total N Preference Preference Preference Assigned %

School is closer to home Because of education in the mother tongue It is the only school that gave admission It is the best school in the area It provides special facilities for SC/ST Parents/relatives advised My peers/ friends have joined the same school Good quality and discipline in the school

Upper Primary 44 Secondary 40 Upper Primary 10 Secondary 8

1 2 5 7

1 1 * 1

Upper Primary Secondary

2 4

5 3

0

Upper Primary Secondary

7 5

7 6

Upper Primary 8 Secondary 14

54 57 85 84

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

93 93

100.0 405 100.0 405

1 2

85 87

100.0 405 100.0 405

9 8

1 3

82 75

100.0 405 100.0 405

Upper Primary 17 Secondary 14 Upper Primary 2 Secondary 1

21 20 11 11

10 9 5 6

52 57 82 82

100. 100.0 100.0 100.0

Upper Primary Secondary

11 11

28 25

57 56

100.0 405 100.0 405

4 8

*

405 405 405 405

405 405 405 405

• *Less than 0.5 per cent Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Odisha)

in the prescribed texts in schools provides students from these regions, and especially the upper castes, the comfort and security of learning all subjects in their mother tongue. It also affords an advantage in being familiar with the communication codes in the classroom and the unique written expressions and presentation styles that are psychologically reinforced at school. Further, the OBSE includes a third language at the secondary school examinations and limits the choice between Hindi and Sanskrit, the benefit of which naturally accrues to non-ST groups. It is noticed in this sample that the highest number of ST students pass in the third division in both the upper primary and secondary levels, while the highest number of non-ST students pass in the first division (Table 7.5). In Bourdesian terms, the cultural capital of non-ST students helps them to excel in their educational outcomes. The absence of this cultural capital in ST groups, who speak either Desia Oriya, which is a rudimentary and colloquial version of Oriya, or the tribal languages, is reflected in their educational outcomes. Unequal linguistic exposure based on caste and region translates itself into unequal educational outcomes. ST students passing in the third division can be attributed to the policy of

The paradox of education 125 Table 7.5 Distribution of secondar y school students by their performance in the last annual examination (percentage) Class

Management Category First Second Passed/ Failed DK/NA Total Total Type Div. Div. Third % N Div.

Upper Primary

Government ST Non-ST Private ST Unaided Non-ST Total ST Non-ST Secondary Government ST Non-ST Private ST Unaided Non-ST Total ST Non-ST

22 32 34 63 24 40 16 46 20 43 17 46

30 41 25 31 29 39 38 32 23 13 35 29

38 17 38 3 38 13 37 15 32 22 36 16

* 1 0 0 * 1 0 0 0 0 0 0

10 9 3 3 9 7 9 7 25 22 12 9

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

313 100 92 35 405 135 331 112 74 23 405 135

• *Less than 0.5 percent Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Odisha)

automatic promotions and the ‘no child left behind’ policy of the Universal Elementary Education Programme. Secondary education: the screening stage The completion of elementary education is at the end of 14 years of compulsory education, as stated in the constitution. For a vast majority of the ST population, who suffer from cumulative disadvantages despite reservations and other supportive measures, it becomes the age of termination of formal education. The drop-out rate for ST students at the secondary level was at 64.3 per cent in 2011–12 (see Table 7.3; see also Dash 2015). Others are left to choose between continuing their education in secondary school and opting for vocational training that would prepare them for employment. ST students who opt for secondary schooling do so amidst difficult social and economic circumstances. As a child rises up the educational levels, the expenditures keep increasing. In secondary school, the level of expenditure on education increases sharply both for ST and non-ST families (Table 7.6). The expenditures rise because the mid-day meal is no longer served by the school. On the other hand, the costs of transport, private tuition fees and books and stationary are present. This explains the sharp fall in enrolment of ST students after class VIII and again after class X despite the availability of pre-matric and post-matric stipends. While less than 40 per cent of ST parents could spend up to a maximum of 10,000 rupees for their children, a majority of them could not afford secondary education for their children.

126  Sashmi Nayak Table 7.6 Distribution of households b y their expenditure on secondary and senior secondary education (percentage) (Rs)

ST

Non-ST

2000 and less 2001–4000 4001–6000 6001–8000 8001–10,000 10,001 and above No specific amount mentioned Not applicable #/DK Total % Total N

5 1 2 1 1 1 26 63 100 1125

4 3 4 1 2 4 38 44 100 450

# No HH with secondary/senior secondary level student Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Odisha)

Education of the STs is a state subject. To promote it, the state government seems to have adopted a simple two-pronged approach of setting up residential schools or hostels close to schools and providing scholarships. So far the ST and SC Development Department has set up 299 residential high schools, 8 higher secondary schools and 13 Ekalavya Model tribal schools. However, these schools are too few and far-flung to be accessible to all SC/ST students in the state. The residential schools provide minimal facilities of a poor standard. Maintenance is poor, and the children do not appear healthy or happy. Overcrowding is a common problem, and there are reports of children falling seriously sick or being subjected to physical and sexual abuse, forcing them to run away from these hostels. Despite difficult conditions in the hostel, the schemes do help the ST students pursue an education. In this sample, ST students seem to enrol more in schools set up by the School and Mass Education Department of the government. Government schools have a reservation policy that waives tuition fees for ST students. Parents bear the rest of the cost of education after the child is covered by other supporting scholarships of the government. Private schools do not have such provision of tuition waivers for ST students. There are a number of scholarship schemes from the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India, prominent among them being the pre-matric and post-matric scholarship schemes. The Government of Odisha also has several merit scholarships for meritorious and poor students that have an inbuilt quota for ST students. However, these scholarships are grossly inadequate and do not meet the entire expenses of a ST student (Table 7.7). Added to this, the scholarships are not disbursed regularly but are released only twice a year, leading to many unforeseen situations where ST students are forced to work. Hardship leads many even to the extreme step of suicide.

The paradox of education 127 Table 7.7 Pre-matric scholarship (Rs) for ST students Item

Boys Day Scholars

Books and Ad hoc Grant (once a year) Scholarship (per month for 10 months) Total (per annum)

Girls Hostellers

Day Scholars

Hostellers

750/-

1000/-

750/-

1000/-

150/-

620/-

245/-

650/-

2250/-

7200/-

3200/-

7500/-

Source: GoO 2013b

In this sample the ST students reported that the scholarships, however inadequate, are extremely helpful. Senior secondary education: the challenging gateway The board examination of senior secondary school is important to those students who opt for commerce, arts and pure sciences at the graduate level. Test scores again play an important part for admissions into institutions and disciplines that are based on cut-off marks. The system of admissions on the basis of test scores and other criteria at every level of education after secondary school is more for eliminating certain categories of students than admitting them. Reservation of seats is thus the only window of opportunity through which ST students gain admission to higher education. Analysing the class X results of the Odisha Board of Secondary Education for the year 2012–13, we find that not all STs enrolled in class X took the examination. Though the pass percentage for STs was 69.82 per cent, a majority of them i.e., 34 per cent, had passed in the third division, and only 11 per cent had secured a first division. A look at the learning outcomes at the next level, i.e., the senior secondary examination results of the year 2013–14 of the Odisha State Council for Secondary Education shows that the ST pass percentage was 56.68 per cent. Of them 45 per cent had passed in the third division, 8 per cent in the second division and only 2.8 per cent in the first division. Table 7.8 presents the results of senior secondary examinations for the year (2013–14) and class X result for the year 2012–13. These educational outcomes do not guarantee admission in a good college or in a professional course. The outcomes also do not guarantee an improvement in the economic condition in the long run. Primary data on performance collected at the upper primary and secondary level of this sample also reveal these facts. This scenario raises questions about the quality of education that the STs are provided.

128  Sashmi Nayak Table 7.8 E ducational attainments at secondary and senior secondary school examinations Class

Senior Secondary 2013–14 Secondary 2012–13

Category Enrolled

All ST All ST

315219 45,209 (14.34%) 517,792 91,402

Appeared Total Pass

Division First

Second Third Compartmental

98.46 97.64

68.36 10.05 15.31 56.68 2.79 8.03

41.52 1.47 44.88 0.96

99.16 98.69

75.14 20.47 24.77 69.82 11.01 23.75

29.83 – 33.93 –

(17.65%) Source: GoO 2013c

Higher education: squeezing access, limited choice Odisha is ranked thirteenth among the Indian states in terms of higher education institutions by the Annual Status of Higher Education of States and Union Territories in India 2013. Despite this, the gross enrolment ratio in higher education in Odisha is only 16 per cent and the enrolment of STs is only 6 per cent. The gender parity index for STs is 0.76. The indicators for STs are far below their proportionate population, as is seen in Table 7.9. The deficit is the starkest for the STs in their share of enrolment in higher education. The distribution of higher education institutions in Odisha is uneven. The developed and populous coastal districts have more universities, national institutes and medical and engineering colleges. The tribal-dominated southern Odisha district of Malkangiri has only four private degree colleges and not even one among them offers science or any other professional course. In districts where there is a low ST population, such as Jajpur and Subarnapur, the degree colleges are again in urban centres far from the tribal pockets. In the Scheduled Area of Sundargarh, the technical institutes are again in industrialized urban centres. Higher education is therefore urbanized, privatized and mostly unaffordable for the ST students (GoO 2013e). Access to higher education depends largely on the performance of students in the senior secondary examinations. Availability of colleges and finances are also important factors. Though the cut-off percentage in admissions for ST students is always lower than the cut-off percentage for non-STs, very few STs are able to transit from senior secondary school to degree colleges. In 2014, out of 25,022 ST students who passed out of higher secondary school, only 6141 ST students joined a degree college, which is a dismal 4.4 per cent of all admissions. Reservations ensure equity in access for the ST students by earmarking seats for them in government and private-aided colleges. ST college students

The paradox of education 129 Table 7.9 Student, faculty and staff: gender and social representation (percentage) Indicator

Male

Female

ST

SC

OBC

Minority

Share Share Share Share

50.5 56.9 72.1 79.4

49.5 43.1 27.9 20.6

23.60 7.2 1.2 4.7

18.9 9.3 3.1 9.7

36.7 14.4 9.4 13.9

3.53 1.7 0.9 0.9

of Population* of Enrolment # of Teaching Staff # of Non-teaching Staff #

Source: *Census 2011; #UNDP 2011; MHRD 2011.

Table 7.10 Educational attainments at secondary and senior secondary school examinations Class

Category Enrolled Appeared Total Division Pass

Senior Sec. All 2013–14 ST Secondary All (10th) ST 2012–13

315,219 45,209 (14.34%) 517,792 91,402 (17.65%)

First

Second Third Compartmental

98.46 97.64

68.36 10.05 15.31 41.52 1.47 56.68 2.79 8.03 44.88 0.96

99.16 98.69

75.14 20.47 24.77 29.83 69.82 11.01 23.75 33.93 -

Source: GoO 2013d

in this sample rate the reservation provision as most useful for their entry into higher education. Private and self-financing degree colleges do not follow the reservation policy, either in admission or in hostel facilities. In this sample, only 28.9 per cent of ST students say they were admitted to degree colleges through reservations. The enrolment of some ST students in private colleges and self-financing courses in government colleges that do not follow reservation policies indicates that a small number of ST students are able to compete with other students in certain disciplines and have the financial resources to pursue higher education. Determined by the scores in the senior secondary examination, most of the ST students are forced to enrol in arts subjects, followed by commerce, and the least in the sciences. Analysis of the higher secondary school examination results shows that a majority of the ST students pass in the third division, many with less than 40 per cent marks, whereas cut-off of marks for sciences and commerce is high (Table 7.10). The cut-off marks create a hierarchy of disciplines and define merit, which unfortunately reinforces the social perception of the tribes as being intellectually inferior. In this sample, most of the ST college students say that they have chosen the course they are studying, as they like the discipline. This does not imply that the STs choose arts over sciences or commerce streams. Rather, it a situation where their choice of discipline is constricted only to the arts, since

130  Sashmi Nayak

the colleges situated in the Scheduled Areas do not offer any other courses. The arts require lower investments in infrastructure compared to science, which requires laboratories and expensive equipment. This imbalance of disciplines in higher education institutions between the developed coastal regions and the backward tribal areas needs to be corrected, as it structurally blocks the STs from pursuing technical and professional disciplines and getting employed in sectors that lead to high-end jobs. Moreover, ST students choose their colleges on a number of criteria that are closely linked to their financial status, provision of seat reservation and the availability of scholarship and free-ship, rather than the quality of institution. They study mostly in government and government-aided private colleges, where the reservation of seats for ST/SC students is mandatory. The availability of free-ships and scholarships, however paltry, helps them to choose a college. Nearly 70 per cent of the ST college students in this sample received some kind of scholarship or free-ship, either directly from the government or from the college. The majority of ST college students stay with their parents, except in Khurdha district, where exclusive hostel facilities are made available to them by the government colleges and the ST and SC Development Department. Reservation of seats and availability of hostels are the most important facilitating factors for the access of ST students to quality educational institutions in the state capital.

Inequitable outcomes Equity in educational access does not guarantee equity of results. It also does not assure equity in employment and other post-educational career opportunities. Policies and programmes of equal opportunity ensure equity of access to institutions of education. The results in every level of education show a considerable gap in educational outcomes between ST students and non-ST students. More ST students score in the third division, which is not the same with the non-ST students. Equity in results is not unachievable for ST students. Comparison of results between the STs and non-STs in private unaided colleges shows that the gap in results is much narrower than in government-managed or -aided colleges. More ST students in private unaided institutions secured the second division than in government colleges. The number of first division cases secured by ST students in private unaided colleges was 4.7 percentage points higher than in government colleges (Table 7.11). The structure of the education system plays a significant role in the generation of a gap in educational achievements between the ST and non-ST students. Unequal educational achievements between social groups largely lead them along different tiers in a stratified education system. Policies of equal opportunity, like reservation of seats in government education institutions, help filter a few from the SC/ST communities. They are impelled to opt for

The paradox of education 131 Table 7.11 Distribution of students accor ding to their performance in annual examinations (percentage) Management Type

Student First Second Passed/ Failed Do not Total % Total N category Division Division Third know/NA Division

Government and ST 9 Private Non-ST 17 Aided Private ST 13 Unaided Non-ST 16 Total ST 10 Non-ST 17

31 49

56 28

* 0

4 6

100 100

286 92

44 53 35 50

38 26 50 27

1 0 1 0

4 5 4 5

100 100 100 100

119 43 405 135

• *Less than 0.5 per cent Source: ICSSR:ESTAC 2012–14 (Odisha)

subjects that are considered to be easy or “soft” and have fewer employment prospects. Some of them go in for vocational training courses, thereby becoming workers or members of a skilled labour class, while the rest fall back on their traditional family occupation and remain part of the huge mass of unskilled labour. The role of education for social transformation and equality is therefore doubtful. Education seems to function largely as a means for reproducing the traditional social hierarchy where the STs remain excluded.

Conclusion Multiple factors, both structural and processual, are at work in the educational system that generate and formalize differences between the STs and the non-STs. In this study we find that there is a regional or geographical bias in developing the education structure in favour of the STs. Regions that the tribal groups mostly inhabit have poor educational and infrastructural facilities. Further, the lack of financial resources inhibits the mobility of tribal groups to developed regions and valuable educational resources. The education system has a hierarchical structure in every level. As far as the STs are concerned, it raises exclusionist situations, such as the privatization and globalization of education in the interest of a privileged few, who possess the financial, cultural and social capital to avail themselves of them. At the same time, the system creates inclusive opportunities for the excluded masses through policy measures such as the Right to Education to place them in structures of inferior quality. Education policy, such as the Right to Education, that ensures free and compulsory education to all for ten years concludes at the elementary level, a qualification that affords no opportunity in the job market. Not surprisingly, the largest number of drop-outs from the ST category is at this level,

132  Sashmi Nayak

who form the mass of unskilled labour. This way, the Right to Education only formalizes their position at the bottom of the social hierarchy. At the secondary level of education, we find the intersection between institutionalized evaluative standards of education and the cultural capital of families belonging to the upper castes. This works adversely for the ST groups, who have their own languages and cultures. The institutions of education are largely dominated by upper-caste groups who standardize certain curricula and norms of evaluation that stem from their cultural norms and therefore are clearly beneficial to them more than to others. The unconscious acceptance of this domination of the upper-caste groups leads to systematic extinction of tribal languages, culture and identity. Secondary school examination scores determine the career options of candidates from the beginning. The science and commerce subjects are more desirable than arts, since they are a pathway to many professional options such as engineering, medical sciences, pure scientific research, accountancy, trade and business management, which offer lucrative careers. But the STs are left to the choice of arts subjects. The reservation policy helps the ST students to enrol with these subject in the government institutions and not in science or commerce. Higher education increases the chances of individuals to participate in the labour/employment market and increases their earning capacity. Education, we find in this study, largely sorts out and classifies individuals into various disciplines and professions that ultimately form a hierarchy of occupations with different earning capacities. The institution of education thus facilitates the continuity of exclusion of the traditionally excluded STs by keeping them at the bottom of the occupational hierarchy.

References ASER. (2013). Annual Status of Education Report. New Delhi: ASER. Dash, Manasi. (2015). ‘Status of Secondary Education in Odisha’. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS), Vol. 20, No. 3, Ver. V1, March, pp. 9–20. GoI. (2011). Census of India. New Delhi: Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, India. GoO [Government of Odisha]. (2013a). Economic Survey: 2012–13. Planning and Convergence Department. Directorate of Economics and Statistics. GoO. (2013b). Annual Report: ST & SC Development, Minority and Backward Caste Welfare Department. Bhubaneswar: GoO. GoO. (2013c). Class XII Results. Bhubaneswar: Council of Higher Secondary Education. GoO. (2013d). Board of Secondary Education and Council of H.S Education. Odisha Class X Results. Bhubaneswar: Board of Secondary Education. GoO. (2013e). Department of Higher Education. www.dheorissa.in.

The paradox of education 133 MHRD. (2011). All India Survey of Higher Education. New Delhi: Ministry of Human Resource Development. Nambissan, G. (2004). Terms of Inclusion: Dalits and the Right to Education, Towards Quality Education for All: Issues and Challenges beyond 86th Amendment. New Delhi: Council for Social Development. NCERT. (2005). The National Curriculum Framework (NCF). New Delhi: NCERT. OPEPA (Odisha Primary Education Programme Authority). (2009, 2013–14). www. opepa.in/MLE_in_Orissa.pdf. UNDP. (2011). India Human Development Report 2011. Sustainability and Equity: A Better Future for All. http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/reports/271/ hdr_2011_en_complete.pdf.

Chapter 8

Invisible discrimination Educational status of the scheduled tribes of Telangana state Bhangya Bhukya

For the tribals of India, education is a primary instrument to enter into the modernization process or developmental process, but the process of achieving an education is stressful for them. Therefore, the education of the tribals is still an unfinished agenda (Ramachandran and Naorem 2013: 43). It is in this context that we revisit the educational attainments and challenges of tribal society. This chapter deals with the educational status of scheduled tribes (STs) in the newly formed Telangana state. There are 17 tribal groups in Telangana. The largest are Lambadas, Koyas, Gonds, Yerukalas, Kolams and Pardans. According to the 2001 census, the literacy rate is highest among the Pardhans (60 per cent), followed by Yerukalas (45 per cent), Koyas (42 per cent), Gonds (36 per cent), Lambadas (34 per cent) and Kolams (25 per cent). The demography of the tribals in Telangana is presented in Table 8.1. As shown in the table, Khammam, Adilabad and Warangal districts constitute the highest concentration of tribals as well as Scheduled Areas1 in the state. The Scheduled Areas are largely inhabited by Gonds, Koyas, Pardhans, Kolams, KondaReddis and Chenchus. The Lambadas, Yerukalas and Nayakpods are mainly settled in plain areas, often near the general village society. They have greater interaction with the outer world. The literacy rate of the tribals in the state is 43.1 per cent. The literacy rate of tribal females is merely 34.5 per cent.

The burden of the past The poor literacy rate of the tribals can largely be attributed to the ineffective educational policies of the respective governments. In general, there is poor educational development in Telangana, as modern education began late in the region compared to other parts of India. Modern education was initiated among the tribals only in 1943 with the efforts of the well-known anthropologist Christoph Von Furer-Haimendorf, who did extensive study of the tribals of the Telangana region at the invitation of the Hyderabad Nizam state. Von Furer-Haimendorf had set up community-based schools

Invisible discrimination 135 Table 8.1 Tribal population in Telangana state, 2011(excluding the seven mandals transferred to Andhra Pradesh) S. no. Name of the District

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Adilabad Nizamabad Karimnagar Medak Hyderabad Rangareddy Mahabubnagar Nalgonda Warangal Khammam Total

Total population

27,41,239 25,51,335 37,76,269 30,33,288 39,43,323 52,96,741 40,53,028 34,88,809 35,12,576 25,48,988 3,49,45,596

ST total population

4,95,794 1,92,941 1,06,745 1,68,985 48,937 2,18,757 3,64,269 3,94,279 5,30,656 6,43,403 31,64,766

% of STs

18.08 7.56 2.82 5.57 1.24 4.13 8.98 11.30 15.10 25.24 9.05

ST literacy rate (percentage) Total

Male

Female

44.3 39.3 45.8 37.3 59.8 47.5 35.4 41.5 42.7 47.3 43.1

52.8 49.2 53.8 47.3 65.1 55.5 44.6 51.4 50.6 54.3 51.5

35.8 29.5 37.7 26.87 54 39.1 25.7 31 34.6 40.3 34.5

Source: Census of India 2011

involving the members of the community in the learning process, where the school curriculum was designed in the tribals’ own language. Semi-literate youths from the Gond, Koya and Lambada communities were identified and trained to teach in the ‘tribal schools’. Urdu was then the official language in Hyderabad State, and it was used as the medium of instruction in school and higher education. But the local communities were allowed to study in their respective languages, especially at the primary school level. The tribal communities did not know any languages other than their own. In view of this, the Hyderabad Nizam government designed a curriculum for educating the tribals in their own languages. The effort proved successful to some extent. However, this scheme was scrapped after the Telangana region of Hyderabad state was merged into Andhra Pradesh in 1956. The tribal teachers who were teaching in their respective languages became redundant after the introduction of Telugumedium schools in the tribal areas, because they could not teach in Telugu. This was a major setback to tribal education in the state, since, as it is proved in many studies, primary education in the mother tongue plays an important role in educating the tribal Adivasi communities. Until the early 1970s, the Andhra Pradesh government had single-teacher schools in the tribal areas. Although most of the teachers of these schools were from the tribal community, they did not yield much change due to Telugu being the medium of instruction. There was a major restructuring of school education in 1972 when the single-teacher schools were largely replaced by Tribal Ashram Schools (residential schools, as explained in Chapter 1) in the Scheduled Areas. Children from other localities were provided

136  Bhangya Bhukya

boarding in these schools, while children from local villages attended these schools as day scholars. The introduction of the Integrated Tribal Development Agency (ITDA) in 1975 accelerated this process. ITDAs were set up in Utnur (Adilabad), Bhadrachalam (Khammam) and Yeturnagaram (Warangal). With this several Ashram schools were established. Apart from these schools, the state government, under its social welfare department, also set up tribal hostels which provided boarding to pupils studying in local government schools. Moreover, a few special residential schools for the tribals were established (Furer-Haimendorf 1989: 126–144). The state government took a major step on the subject of tribal education in 1985–86 when it established community schools called GirijanVidyaVikasKendras. These schools are single-teacher schools, and the teachers are recruited from the tribal community. As there was no qualified or trained persons from the community, tenth-class pass or failed persons were appointed as teachers in these schools. This ensured a school facility in every tribal hamlet. This programme was given a push from 1990 to 1991 under the Andhra Pradesh Tribal Development Programme that was financially supported by the International Fund for Agricultural Development and the Netherlands government (Sujatha 2015: 28–40). Apart from these special schools, local government and state government schools and colleges catered to the tribal population. Although the government interventions were started with great ambitions, they could not achieve the expected goals. This is evident from the tribal literacy rate of the last decades. The tribal literacy rate in erstwhile Andhra Pradesh in 1961 was a measly 4.41 per cent. This gradually increased to 5.34 per cent, 7.82 per cent, 17.16 per cent and 37.04 per cent in 1971, 1981, 1991 and 2001, respectively (GoA 2008:194). These figures show the utter failure of tribal education policy in the state.

The present predicament This chapter aims to revisit the educational status of the ST of Telangana. It examines the attainments of the tribals and the challenges they face, looking particularly into the form of discrimination they suffer from. The chapter evaluates the functioning of educational institutions and their practices and educational policies. For clarity to emerge, the study adopts a comparative approach of STs and non-STs. The Adilabad, Medak and Hyderabad districts of Telangana were selected for this study. Adilabad district was chosen because it has the highest tribal population and highest literacy rate, and Medak was chosen because it has the lowest tribal population and lowest literacy rate, whereas Hyderabad was chosen as the state headquarters (see the Appendix). This study basically looked at the experiences of the students, teachers and parents of both STs and non-STs. The ratio of ST and non-ST in all categories of samples was

Invisible discrimination 137

70 and 30 per cent, respectively. The study covered a total of 810 students, of which 609 were STs and 201 non-STs from upper primary, higher secondary and graduation. We interviewed 788 parents (heads of households), of which 562 were STs and 226 were non-STs. The study also covered 120 teachers (82 males and 38 females) from both schools and colleges, of which 49 were STs, 53 were backward class/other backward classes (OBC) and 18 were upper castes. We surveyed 60 upper primary and higher secondary schools, of which 27 were from Adilabad, 6 from Hyderabad and 27 from Medak. Out of the 60 schools, 46 were from rural areas and 14 were from urban areas. The study also surveyed 18 villages, 9 each from Adilabad and Medak, and 6 bastis (slums) from Hyderabad. Thus, the study attempted to cover all stakeholders in the learning process. This study, a part of a larger study, is an endeavour to probe the socioeconomic background of students, which is crucial in the learning process. The study hints that upper primary ST and non-ST students’ socio-economic conditions are very poor, which, in turn, have serious effects on their learning process. It is found that 27 per cent STs are above the poverty line and 71 per cent are below the poverty line. Land ownership is relatively better among STs than the non-STs. However, it is largely barren land and only dry crops grow there. Although major rivers flow through the region, there is no irrigation facility (Furer-Haimendorf 1989: 74–76). It was difficult to collect land ownership details from the upper primary children. About 26 per cent of students from all categories said they do not know how much land their family has. However, the study shows there are 10 per cent and 15 per cent landless ST and non-ST families, respectively, in Telangana. All the non-STs residing in these areas are OBCs, most backward castes (MBCs) or Muslims. Out of the total 67 non-STs, 61 are OBCs, 2 are MBCs and 4 are ‘Others’, which includes Muslims. It also underlines that only scheduled castes (SCs), STs, OBCs and Muslims are studying in government primary schools in Telangana. The schools in ST areas or ST neighbourhoods, whether run privately or by the government, are poorly equipped with basic facilities. The parents, in general, desire to send their children to English-medium schools, which are run by private organizations. By collecting heavy fees, the private schools exploit the ST parents’ dream for an English-medium education without making any substantial change in the interest of the tribals. The standard of education in the private schools is not much different than that of the government schools. The only difference we found during the field study is that the private schools maintain a strict dress code and keep the school environment clean. But the quality of education in these schools is very poor. It is mainly because of a lack of quality teachers, thanks to the low wages offered by the private schools. Only a few teachers are qualified teachers in private schools, and the rest are just under-graduates without any teacher training. Proper teaching methods are hardly followed in these schools. They

138  Bhangya Bhukya

make students learn by heart only some selected questions and answers. This method kills students’ creativity at the primary level and deprives them of the knowledge of the subjects taught.

What the students say The field study further reveals that ST pupils of the upper primary classes generally face difficulty in English and mathematics subjects. Most students are not able to identify their problem with these subjects. A small percentage of students say they cannot grasp the subject because of the medium of instruction, which is English. However, ST students’ participation in the classroom is relatively better. A greater majority, 88 per cent, of ST students say they do ask questions in class. The girls’ and boys’ participation, in this aspect, is 90 per cent and 86 per cent, respectively. Even 94 per cent of upper primary ST students answer questions in the class. In this respect again ST girls have the upper hand compared to boys. The percentage of ST girls and boys who answer questions in the classroom is 97 and 91, respectively. This trend is partly because of the homogeneous composition of classroom, as all the students studying in government schools and colleges are from either ST or other lower castes and communities. The tribal children do not go for private coaching, as well. Of course, it is hardly available in their localities. In addition, they often have to do domestic work after they return from school. About 21 per cent of ST parents admit that their children help them in domestic work after they come home from school. Only 8 per cent of tribal children reported they took private coaching last year. Students’ performances in examinations are badly maintained in schools. Some government schools do not even issue annual progress reports to their students. A sizable proportion of ST students, 63 per cent, are not able to say what grade they obtained in the last examination. ST students do well in games and sports. However, schools do not pay any special attention to develop these talents. Interestingly, ST students are more attracted to social sciences from higher secondary schools. The choice of social sciences has actually become a trend among them, as 59 per cent ST of students want to study up to graduation in the arts. It might be because the subject is seen as relatively easy. The upper primary students’ experience shows that only poor subaltern castes and communities study in government schools, where the quality of the education is worse than in private schools. Irrespective of that, there is a rise in quantity. The infrastructure and teaching aid facilities, both in government and private schools, are inadequate, which has a serious impact on the students’ learning process. Although there is considerable participation of students in the classroom, in many cases the actual output or quality of education is completely discouraging. This can be attributed to the invisible factors working in the school education.

Invisible discrimination 139

With regard to the social background of the higher secondary school students, almost all of them are from subaltern castes and communities. The percentages of ST, OBCs and others groups in the schools are 75, 23 and 2 per cent, respectively. This means only 2 per cent of non-SC/ST/OBCs students are studying in government schools which are located in the subaltern community areas. This is actually due to the corporatization of school education, making 98 per cent of dominant-caste parents send their children to English-medium corporate schools. According to this study, some tribal parents also send their children to private schools. Out of the total STs going to private schools, 91 per cent are Lambadas, who are largely settled in the plain areas. Every ST community has its own language, and it is used in their dayto-day life. This seriously impairs their learning process, particularly communication skills, as the medium of instruction is either Telugu or English. Although most of the tribals speak Telugu, the textbooks are in highly sanskritized Telugu, which is different from the one spoken by them. The ST students find it really difficult to comprehend. The same is true with English textbooks, which are in a difficult-to-understand language. The neighbourhood of the pupil influences not only their education but also their worldview. Most of the STs live in rural areas. However, due to the perilous conditions in rural areas, there is considerable migration to urban areas. According to this study, 72 per cent of STs live in villages and 7 per cent and 20 per cent of STs live in towns and cities, respectively. Those STs who live in towns and cities generally live in their own community hamlets. Secondary schools are not adequately equipped with basic facilities and teaching aids. Library facility in the schools is very important to develop a reading habit among the pupils. We have observed in our field study that the schools generally maintain a nominal library in the school, but they do not issue books to pupils. Students are not exposed to independent learning. Despite the provision of constitutional safeguards for them, the STs are still not able to access education freely. There are many hurdles at every stage, starting from the day of admission to school. Out of the total ST students, 12 (6 per cent) faced problems in getting admitted to secondary school. The problem mentioned is mainly financial, though secondary school fees are very nominal in government schools. Of course, for those who are studying in private schools, it is a serious problem. We have noticed in Hyderabad, some Lambada pupils were removed from the class for not paying the monthly fees on time. This happens every month, and pupils miss school for a period of days. We have observed in rural areas that the parents, tempted by an English-medium education, send their children to private school, but when they are not able to pay fees, their children are thrown out of the school. Then the children are put in a government school where the medium of instruction is Telugu. Unfortunately, when the same

140  Bhangya Bhukya

parents have income, they shift back their children to private school. This proves disastrous to the students. The ST students face a serious problem in terms of attendance in most of the schools. We noticed in our field study that the teachers record sufficient attendance just to push them up to next class. The teachers say that ill health and festivals are the main reasons for lack of attendance by ST students. It is true that the tribal localities must deal with viral diseases during the rainy and winter seasons, and they also celebrate a number of festivals throughout the year, and we cannot dismiss the institutional lapses that discourage ST students at all levels and in every aspect. If the school environment is attractive and friendly to them, students would certainly stay in school. But there are no such measures from the institution side. The participation of the ST students in the learning process at the secondary school stage is very low. This is tempered by many reasons. Secondary school children assist their family in various ways. Boys assist their fathers in agriculture work, cattle grazing and agricultural labour. Girls assist their mothers to fetch water, clean house and take care of younger siblings when their mothers go to work. There were 268 Ashram schools and 225 tribal welfare hostels (boys and girls) in Telangana in 2006–07 (GoA 2008: 261). The mess charges per student are Rs. 473 and Rs. 535 per month for I to VII classes and VIII to XII classes, respectively. This comes to Rs. 16 and Rs. 18 per day, respectively, which is much lower going by any standards (The Hindu, 2008). Out of the total hostellers, only 20 per cent state that the hostel facility is helpful in terms of studying. Hostels are actually maintained quite badly. Food quality, water and toilet facilities in hostels are appalling, and the general condition is not conducive for study. Bedding is not provided in most cases. Students generally sleep on the ground. The hostels are supposed to have televisions and a library, but we could hardly find these facilities in place during our field study. Many students are not aware of government facilities in their community. We tried to probe into the discrimination experienced by students. However, it was difficult to extract information on this issue from the upper primary and higher secondary school pupils, as they were not aware of castebased discrimination. ST children are aware of how many children there are from their community and where they sit in the class, but they were unable to say whether it made any difference. Yet it is a fact that ST students are not doing well in their studies. This can be attributed to some extent to the school practices, which are Brahmanical and alien to STs. The practices are subtle, but discrimination is inbuilt in our educational system. It may be in the form of teachers’ treatment and perception towards ST students, or it may be reflected in the form of the educational curriculum or methods. An unfriendly atmosphere in the educational establishment forces the ST students to leave school. This is evident from the drop-out rates in the

Invisible discrimination 141

state. According to government statistics, the ST drop-out rate in school education (from I to X classes) in Telangana between 2003–04 and 2013–14 was 62.81 per cent, of which 61.16 per cent is boys and 64.55 per cent girls. The general drop-out rate in the state for the same year was 32.64 (Educational Statistics 2014: 70–73). This shows that the ST drop-out rate in the state is almost double that of the general drop-out rate.

What college students say The situation of the graduate students is also the same in the state. We interviewed 270 graduation students, of which 169 (63 per cent) are males and 101 (37 per cent) are females. Our survey found that most of the ST students are pursuing the arts in colleges, although some are studying for engineering and medical degrees in professional colleges. Out of the total students, 214 (79 per cent) are studying the arts, of which 78 per cent are STs and 22 per cent are non-STs. In science courses, the percentage of ST and non-ST students is 38 and 63, respectively. This shows that high percentage of ST students choose arts degrees and a high percentage of non-ST students go for science degrees. However, out of the total of 67 non-STs, 64 are OBCs and 3 are other higher castes. This vindicates the fact that only SCs, STs and OBCs are studying conventional courses in government colleges. All higher-caste students pursue science and professional courses, whereas the SC, STs and OBCs are in conventional arts subjects, which do not have much value in the job market. This is the case with most of the subaltern castes and communities in Telangana, predominantly the first-generation students. Notably, 99 per cent of ST college students studying in government or private colleges come from a rural background. This shows that the children of urban dwellers either drop out from education at the school level itself to engage themselves in some manual work or join some non-conventional courses in private colleges. In many colleges, aside from blackboards, no other teaching aids are available. Recently, many new teaching aids are available in the market, but they barely find a place in the surveyed colleges. There is a common adage that this is the age of computers. But the STs and subaltern caste students are not exposed to computer knowledge. Out of the total college students, 57 per cent of students have a computer facility in their college. Getting admission into college is a big issue for ST students. They do not have any special choice of college. Generally they go wherever it is easy to get in. About 52 per cent of students give first priority to the college where they can readily get in. Only 17 per cent of students give first priority to the best college in their area. About 30 per cent of students say that they gave first priority to those colleges where their friends/peers were. And about 16 per cent of students gave first priority to good-quality and disciplined colleges.

142  Bhangya Bhukya

The ST students spend very little time at home on their studies. According to this study, 28 per cent of them spend two hours a day on study at home, and another 20 per cent and 16 per cent spend four and six hours, respectively. The reason for not spending much time on their studies is that they are involved either in household work or other work. Only about 5 per cent of ST students report that they are not involved in any of the work cited, and the rest of the students are involved in one or another form of work. Hours of working vary from person to person. About 70 per cent of ST students are engaged in domestic work for one to four hours. A significant number of ST students are engaged in outside work to earn money. Among the 203 ST college students, the Lambada community constitutes of 154. Of this 34 per cent are engaged in outside work to earn money during and after college hours. We have many case studies of students working to earn money while studying. In some cases students run away from home, are admitted to some college in a town and survive by some kind of labour work. Out of the total ST students, 28 per cent are engaged in outside work to earn money. Among the major sub-tribes, Lambadas occupy the highest percentage in higher education, and they are followed by Gonds and Pradhans. Out of the total ST students, only 7 per cent are confident about their examinations. Only 31 per cent claim that they should have done better in examinations. This means that a majority of students do not perform well in their examinations and about 52 per cent of ST students are not sure how their performance was. The study findings underline that the ST college students are largely against the privatization and globalization of higher education, as it scuttles welfare schemes provided to them by the government. Only small percentage of students fully agreed that the government should encourage private entrepreneurs to establish colleges for their education. The ST male and female students who fully agreed to it formed 19 per cent and 14 per cent, respectively. Almost all ST students claim that the other students in the college know their ST status. Ninety-eight per cent of ST male students and 95 per cent of female students stated this. A smaller percentage of female students compared to male students hints that they may have concealed their ST status, knowing information on one’s tribe meant a casteist attitude by others. Caste-based mobilization and friendship in college and university campuses have become common in India in recent times. This breeds a discriminatory attitude towards the lower castes and tribals and has serious implications on the educational performance and progress of the ST students.

The teachers’ attitude The teachers’ role inside and outside the classroom is crucial in the development of education of the STs. But teachers’ integrity and commitment to

Invisible discrimination 143

their duties among the STs have been fading fast. The present survey finds that a large number of teachers are involved in business and political activities besides teaching. Most of the teachers do not live in the tribal areas. This has serious repercussions on STs’ education. The study finds that out of the total teachers (of all levels) among the sample schools, only 9 per cent live in the village where they are posted and 22 per cent and 69 per cent of them live in cities and towns, respectively. This shows that a large number of teachers live in urban centres. Not surprisingly, 66 per cent of teachers, particularly the upper primary and secondary school teachers, commute a long distance every day. The teachers generally commute 10 to 70 km every day. There are cases where teachers travel even more than 100 km every day to reach their schools. This is similar with college teachers. A huge number of them live in district headquarters and commute more than 100 km every day. The reason behind this is clear. The villages where they are posted lack basic facilities. The teachers put their own children in private corporate schools and colleges in towns. Some teachers live in mandal (sub-division of district) headquarters for some time until their children complete schooling and then move to district headquarters or state headquarters for their children’s college education. The result of this practice is the ruining of government schools and colleges. Irregularity of teachers is a common phenomenon despite supervision over them. We found in some schools that the teachers, by mutual understanding, take unauthorized leaves on rotation and manage attendance in the register. This practice is common in remote village schools. These government school and college teachers are well qualified but lack the commitment to teaching. The teachers generally feel that there is no proper working condition in the schools/colleges, which lack basic facilities such as teaching aids, toilets and water. Toilets and water are serious problems in many schools. In particular, female teachers suffer for want of toilets on the school premises. We found in our field trip that in some schools female teachers use an openspace toilet. Another general observation of our field team is the absence of coordination between parents and teachers, who accuse each other for the students’ poor performance in their studies. According to the present study, the educational situation, so far as ST students are concerned, is such that they find it really difficult to survive. About 28 per cent of teachers do not think positive at all about the ST students. Some 24 per cent of teachers agree that there is no effective mechanism to address the problems of the ST students or to provide them with special coaching or remedial classes. Sixty-three per cent of teachers agreed that they do not make any effort to teach ST students, even as they know that these students come from different social backgrounds and have certain special problems. Among the college and university teachers, only 3 per cent

144  Bhangya Bhukya

know that their institutions get funds from the government for setting up SC/ST cells in the interest of these groups.

The parents’ constraints and opinions The education of the parents has a bearing upon their children’s education. It changes their worldview and attitude towards education. However, about 62 per cent of ST parents are illiterate, and out of the total ST literate parents, 55 per cent studied up to the higher secondary level and about 45 per cent studied above the higher secondary school. The literacy rate is slightly higher among the non-ST parents. The other important question is whether the parents monitor their children’s education or not. About 70 per cent of parents are involved in agriculture and agriculture labour, and they hardly have time to monitor their children’s education. However, out of the total ST parents, 61 per cent monitor their children’s education. The case is higher among other groups: 75 per cent of OBC parents and 88 per cent of upper-caste (non-OBC/ST/SC) parents say that they monitor their children’s education. The parents of all categories are not so happy with their children’s performance in education. Out of the total ST parents, only 16 per cent said their children’s performance in the last two examinations was very good. In case of OBC and upper-caste parents, it is 23 per cent and 14 per cent, respectively. A large number of parents do not know about their children’s performance. This suggests either their lack of interest in their children’s education and/or because of their own low level of education they are unable to take an interest. From the ST parents’ experience, it is learned that the STs are denied basic amenities in their areas, and this is due to the government’s indifference towards the development of the tribals. The denial smacks of discrimination towards STs. Needing to earn a livelihood is the main hurdle to ST students. Many students drop out from schools and colleges because of the acute poverty which often forces tribal families to migrate in search of a livelihood.

Conclusions The issue of ST education is multi-dimensional. It is not only a financial problem but also social, cultural, linguistic and political problems that determine tribals’ education. The educational development should be part of the overall development of the STs as a community; their economic status should be improved and health facilities strengthened; in addition, their language and culture should be recognized and community life encouraged. These ideas are already in place under the ITDA, but are non-functional because of the rigid bureaucracy and indifferent attitude of government

Invisible discrimination 145

leadership. The programme needs to be reworked by involving community members, experts and social activists concerned with the ST cause. The difficulties and dilemmas faced by tribal youth in the Indian system of education are well depicted in the statement of 26-year-old villager P. Rakesh of Warangal district quoted here: I am an M.Com graduate but I am ashamed of saying this out particularly to our villagers. Because they would laugh at me saying I did masters and roaming in village without any job. My villagers know I am only a B.Com graduate. I passed out B.Com in 2009, and then onwards I have been taking many job-based competitive examinations but I couldn’t get through any of them. I also tried private jobs but the private company people even do not take my interview seriously looking at my language and appearance. I have lost all hopes, and now I am engaged in agriculture along with my father. When I look back and observe where the problem is, I must blame our education system. Our education system did not give me enough skills to get a job or to earn my bread myself. I mean our education did not give me confidence to face this world. All my education happened in a casual way. Neither the school atmosphere nor the teachers engaged me in serious learning process. Up to 3rd class I studied in our village where I was put in Tribal Welfare Ashram School from 4th class but I did not do well. In 7th class my uncle (father’s younger brother) who is a police constable, put me in a school in Hanmakonda town. But I could not learn to read and write properly. I passed my 10th because of malpractices in examination. Our teachers are those who supply copies to us. It is an open secret now, in all public examinations from 10th to undergraduation level mass copying is rampant, and teachers and colleges encourage this to improve their pass percentage. When I went to take admission in a private junior college I did not even know which course to choose. Hence I asked the college principal for help. He looked at me and ticked CEC (Civics, Economic and Commerce) in my application. He also decided my second language. So what I was studying was not my choice, it was my college principal’s choice. But I passed my first year Intermediate with minimum marks, out of the 30 students only five passed and I was one of those five. But I failed in second year in English and it took me two years to clear my Intermediate. I joined in B.Com in a Government Degree College in Hanmakonda; it is a Science and Arts college, and we used to have Sciences in the morning session and Arts and Commerce in the afternoon session. But afternoon session barely took place. Neither the teachers nor the students took it seriously. I passed B.Com with great difficulty. Till then I did not take my studies seriously. I went to Hyderabad to take coaching for competitive examinations. I realised there that I need English and Mathematic

146  Bhangya Bhukya

knowledge to get a job. I joined some spoken English institution but it was not very helpful. I tried hard to learn some basic English grammar. But mathematics is impossible to be learnt at this stage and I just gave up. I joined M.Com at Kakatiya University but it was just for accommodation and food. I am not interested in higher studies. But I want to get a government job. All my non-ST friends tell me that I am a ST and can easily get jobs. But I don’t understand where they are? Had my parents, teachers and education institutions developed seriousness in me towards education, I would have been in better position today. By the time I realised value of education, everything is over. Now I regret that I cannot go to primary school and start my education from the beginning. Rakesh’s case illustrates the educational problems and predicaments a tribal faces at different levels from primary to higher education. Our educational institutions are deficient with scanty infrastructural facilities, an irrelevant curriculum, demoralized teachers, poor quality of instruction and, above all, an indifferent attitude of the state. As has been seen in this chapter, almost all ST parents send their children to school, disregarding the poor condition of the education system, including a lack of quality education, shortage of and irregular presence of teachers, absence of proper teaching aids and other infrastructure facilities. Superficially some facilities are provided by the government, but they hardly make a difference. The situation explains the denial of quality education to STs, as is evident from Mr. Rakesh’s narration. We call this denial invisible discrimination, which is deliberate and embedded in our social and political system. In this sense, the issue of ST education is more of a political question than a mere educational problem.

Note 1 As per the constitutional provision under Article 244 (1) of the Constitution of India, the Scheduled Areas are defined as “such areas as the President may by order declare to be Scheduled Areas” – as per paragraph 6(1) of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of India.   For the administration of these areas, the Union government may direct the state government and also allocate more resources.

References GoA. (2008). Basic Statics on Scheduled Tribes of Andhra Pradesh. Hyderabad: Government of Andhra Pradesh. GoA. (2014). Educational Statistics (Telangana 10 Districts) 2013–2014. Hyderabad: Commissioner & Director of School Education, Andhra Pradesh. The Hindu, January 11, 2008. https://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/ tp-andhrapradesh/Mess-charges-of-SCSTBC-hostellers-raised/article15141558. ece, access on April 9, 2017.

Invisible discrimination 147 Interview with P. Rakesh, 26 age, Dhodla Village, EturnagaramMandal, Warangal District Dated March 15, 2014. Ramachandran, Vimala, and Taramani Naorem. (2013). ‘What It Means to Be a Dalit or Tribal Child in Our Schools: A Synthesis of a Six-State Qualitative Study’. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLVIII, No. 44. Sujatha, K. (2015). Education of India Scheduled Tribes: A Study of Community Schools in the District of Vishakapatnam, Andhra Pradesh. Paris: UNESCO, pp. 28–40. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001202/120281e.pdf (Access date: 28/5/2015). Von Furer-Haimendorf, Christoph. (1989). Tribes of India: The Struggle for Survival. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Chapter 9

Outliers in Kerala Educational status of scheduled tribes S. Irudaya Rajan and S. Sunitha

Kerala occupies nearly the top position among all the Indian states in the human development index. According to the Census of India, 2011, the state has nearly a 94 per cent literacy rate. In this context it is worthwhile to examine the position of scheduled tribes (STs) in the sphere of education: whether they are also beneficiaries of overall human development or, like elsewhere, they lag behind. Several scholars have already designated Kerala’s human development as a “paradox within the paradox”, that is, though Kerala ranks first in terms of development indicators there still exists a group of ‘outliers’ including STs. In the midst of plentiful development schemes, their social and economic backwardness can be traced back to their educational backwardness. The proportion of STs in Kerala is very low compared to the national level, about 0.5 million population only (1.5 per cent). They are not only geographically concentrated but are also overwhelmingly rural. There are 43 different groups of tribals dwelling throughout Kerala in which Paniyans are the numerically dominant group followed by Kurichchians. The tribes are different in their socio-cultural profiles, not only from the non-tribals but also among various tribal groups. Each tribe has their own habitat, rituals, norms, judicial system, etc. The successive census data show that the percentage of the tribal population to the total population is more or less static, which is 1.3 per cent in 1961 and 1.5 per cent in 2011. When looking at the decadal growth rate, it is the highest in 2011 compared to the previous census years. In 1981 there was a negative growth rate among the tribes (Table 9.1). This might be due to changes incorporated as per the 1976 revised list of tribes in Kerala, deleting Pulayans from the ST list. Again in 2003, there was some deletion and inclusion of tribal communities because of which the proportion and growth rate of the tribal population may vary. Tribes are largely living in the Western Ghats region and concentrated in the hilly taluks of Wayanad, Malappuram, Palakkad, Idukki Pathanamthitta, Kollam and Thiruvananthapuram districts. According to the census of 2011, the highest concentration of STs is seen in Wayanad district (31.2

Outliers in Kerala 149 Table 9.1 Share and decadal growth rate of scheduled tribes in Kerala, 1961–2011 General Population

1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011

ST Population

Percent to Total Population

Total

Male

Female

Total

Male

Female

Total Male Female

16,903,715 21,347,375 25,453,680 29,098,518 31,841,374 33,387,677

8,361,927 10,587,851 12,527,767 14,288,995 15,468,614 16,021,290

8,541,788 10,759,524 12,925,913 14,809,523 16,372,760 17,366,387

212,762 269,356 261,475 320,967 364,189 484,839

106,076 134,996 131,243 160,812 180,169 238,203

106,686 134,360 130,232 160,155 184,020 246,636

1.3 1.3 1.0 1.1 1.1 1.5

1.3 1.3 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.5

1.2 1.2 1.0 1.1 1.1 1.4

Exponential Growth Rate – 2.4 –0.3 2.0 1.3 2.9

Source: Compiled from Various Censuses, Registrar General of India

Table 9.2 Proportion of population, sex ratio and literacy rate among STs in Kerala, 2011 Total ST

Proportion Proportion Sex ratio Literacy rate to Total to Total ST Population Population Population Total Male Female Disparity Index

Kasaragod 48,857 Kannur 41,371 Wayanad 151,443 Kozhikode 15,228 Malappuram 22,990 Palakkad 48,972 Thrissur 9430 Ernakulam 16,559 Idukki 55,815 Kottayam 21,972 Alappuzha 6574 Pathanamthitta 8108 Kollam 10,761 Thiruvanantha 26759 Puram Kerala 484839

3.7 1.6 18.5 0.5 0.6 1.7 0.3 0.5 5.0 1.1 0.3 0.7 0.4 0.8

10.1 8.5 31.2 3.1 4.7 10.1 1.9 3.4 11.5 4.5 1.4 1.7 2.2 5.5

1040 1054 1033 1050 1040 1014 1162 983 994 1002 1071 1054 1071 1120

65.1 61.1 61.9 76.2 65.3 54.0 74.4 76.6 69.3 86.2 82.4 81.2 76.6 80.4

69.5 73.6 67.2 79.1 68.1 58.6 76.4 78.9 74.2 86.4 84.0 83.0 78.5 81.7

60.9 64.9 56.7 73.4 62.6 49.5 72.7 74.4 64.4 86.0 80.9 79.6 74.7 79.2

0.07 0.07 0.09 0.05 0.05 0.09 0.04 0.04 0.08 0.02 0.03 0.04 0.04 0.03

1.5

100.0

1035

67.3 71.3 63.4

0.07

Source: Compiled from census 2011

per cent), followed by Idukki (11.5 per cent), Palakkad (10.1 per cent) and Kasaragod (10.08 per cent). These four districts together account for 62.9 per cent of STs in the state. The coastal district of Alappuzha has the lowest percentage (1.4 per cent). The four districts with a proportion higher than the state average are Kasaragod, Wayanad, Palakkad and Idukki. Kasaragod and Palakkad together constitute more than 20 per cent of the STs in the state. The sex ratio is favourable to females in all the districts except Idukki and Ernakulam (Table 9.2).

150  S. Irudaya Rajan and S. Sunitha

Literacy and education In general, the literacy rate among STs is highest in the Kottayam (86.2 per cent) district. There is no significant gender disparity in the literacy rate of STs in Kerala. However, in an overall comparison the inequality is present more in Wayanad, Palakkad, Idukki, Kannur and Kasaragod, which are the major STconcentrated areas in Kerala. A large number of females are still illiterate among the ST population in Kerala compared to their male counterparts (Table 9.3). The overall literacy rate of the STs has increased from 57.2 per cent, recorded in the 1991 census, to 67.4 per cent in the 2011 census. Though it is higher than the national average of 59 per cent with respect to the STs, the gap in the literacy rate between the general population (94 per cent) and the tribal population is 27 points in Kerala. However, the disparity between the general and ST populations in terms of literacy level is decreasing over the years (0.53 in 1961 reduced to 0.16 in 2011). As far as the level of education of the ST population is concerned, about 33.5 per cent of tribal literates have attained an education below the primary level (as in the census of 2001). The literates who have attained an education up to primary level are 29.3 per cent. Only 12.4 per cent of the total literate population has completed their matric/secondary/higher secondary, etc. Graduates and above are only 1.2 per cent, and the non-technical and technical diploma holders constitute a meagre 0.8 per cent. The highest literacy rate among STs is in Kottayam (86.2 per cent), followed by Alappuzha (82.4 per cent) and Pathanamthitta (81.2 per cent). The literacy rate of the STs is lowest in Palakkad (54.0 per cent) compared to other districts in the state. The literacy rate of males among the tribes is 78.9 per cent. The literacy rate of STs up to the age of 29 years is above the state literacy rate. Table 9.3 Literacy and educational le vel of STs in Kerala, 2011 (percentage)

Illiterate Literates Literate without educational level Below primary Primary Middle Matric/secondary Higher secondary/intermediate Non-technical diploma or certificate not equal to degree Technical diploma or certificate Graduate and above Unclassified

Persons

Males

Females

32.7 67.3 5.0 24.9 25.5 19.9 9.9 9.9 0.1

28.7 71.3 4.7 25.4 26.5 20.1 9.4 9.3 0.1

36.6 63.4 5.3 24.2 24.4 19.7 10.4 10.5 0.1

1.4 3.3 0.3

1.3 2.9 0.3

1.4 3.7 0.3

Source: Compiled from census 2011, Registrar General of India

Outliers in Kerala 151

Middle class race and STs The recent trend in Kerala’s education system is the starting of self-financing courses in the government-owned and government-aided colleges. In addition, several courses were started in the newly established unaided arts and science colleges. These courses were mostly job-oriented, avowedly to meet the emerging demands of the job market. The share of scheduled caste (SC) and ST students in the self-financing stream was considerably lower than in the regular aided streams (George and Sunaina 2005). What is more, their share has been coming down both at the undergraduate and post-graduate levels. There is a growing tendency for the middle class in Kerala, as elsewhere in India, to opt out of the government-owned and -aided educational system not only because of its low quality but also due to social reasons. This tendency to quit the government system of education by the vocal and influential middle class, in turn, has led to further deterioration of the system and the expansion of the unaided sector. ST students constitute 1.98 per cent of total enrolment in schools in the year 2013–14. The percentage of ST students in government schools, private-aided schools and private unaided schools are 3.71 per cent, 1.36 per cent and 0.32 per cent, respectively, in 2013–14 (Government of Kerala 2013).

Data and methodology The objective of this chapter is to assess the education scenario of STs in Kerala in the context of their socio-economic condition. We further probe into the performance and achievements of the ST students and obstacles hindering their achievements in their studies. The survey collected the details of students studying in the upper primary schools, high schools and colleges and attempts a simultaneous assessment with household surveys. It took a span of three months, starting from January 2014 to March 2014. The selection of the samples for STs is from the 2011 census. The samples were taken from the highest ST-concentrated districts, namely Wayanad (31.1 per cent), Idukki (11.5 per cent), Palakkad (10.1 per cent), Kasaragod (10.1 per cent), Kannur (8.5 per cent) and Thiruvananthapuram (5.5 per cent). In Wayanad district, four villages were selected from two talukas. In Idukki, it is very difficult to conduct interviews with the local people due to geographical issues. So the sample is confined to two villages. Two villages from Palakkad and Kasaragod and one each from Kannur and Thiruvananthapuram were selected for the survey. Thus, 12 villages from the six sample districts were selected for the ST study (for more details, see Rajan et al. 2019). From each of these villages, 25 ST households and 10 non-ST households were selected for the household survey. A total of 300 ST households and 120 non-ST households were surveyed (Table 9.4).

152  S. Irudaya Rajan and S. Sunitha Table 9.4 Samples selected f or the ST study, 2014 Number of Household

Number of HS Students

Number of UP Students

Number of College Students

ST

Others

ST

Others

ST

Others

ST

Others

300 420

120

297 396

99

288 381

93

286 373

87

The selection of schools and colleges and the identification of students posed several hurdles. The survey is conducted in schools where students of all the communities study. It is very difficult to identify the ST students in unaided schools. We targeted nine students from every school, which also proved to be a difficult task. Three upper primary schools, three high schools and three colleges were selected from each taluka and one each from government, government-aided and private unaided institutions. From each school, nine ST students and three non-ST students were selected. The total sample of 297 ST students and 99 non-ST students was taken from the high school classes and from the primary classes. The final sample size for high school students was 288 ST and 93 non-ST. However, in colleges, it was very difficult for the survey to meet the target. The final sample of collegegoing students consists of 286 ST and 87 non-ST. Bivariate distributions with the variables related to the educational performance of the students were carried out for the analysis. A comparison of ST and non-ST households, as well as students, has been done to assess their achievements and hardships. Three important factors are cross-checked with the survey data: socio-economic background of the households, students’ performance and achievements in the examinations and the parents’ attitude towards education.

Results Socio-economic background of the ST households Having access to basic necessities (food, clothing, shelter) of life is an important parameter in the human development index. The living conditions of the tribes in their settlement are highly deplorable. The facilities in the houses of the tribes are very poor. The majority of the houses are without electricity, kitchen, proper water facility, etc. Housing conditions is an important parameter in assessing the standard of living. The pattern of house ownership among tribes strongly differs from other communities. About 18.7 per cent of ST households do not own a house compared to 5.4 per cent of others (Table 9.5). Among the houses

Outliers in Kerala 153 Table 9.5 Socio-economic background of the ST households (percentage)

Own house Type of house No. of Rooms

Electricity Toilet Ration card Household amenities

Monthly income

Total N

Puccahouse Semi-pucca Kutcha 1 2 3 4+ Yes Yes APL BPL None Table/chair Electric fan Cooker Radio Cycle Refrigerator Television Telephone/mobile phone Computer/laptop Scooter/motorcycle Four wheeler Less than Rs. 2500 Rs. 2501–5000 Rs. 5001–10,000 Rs. 10,001–15,000 Rs. 15,001–25,000 Rs 25,001–35,000 Above Rs. 35,000

ST

Others

81 44 38 18 8 27 37 28 80 71 9 84 7 77 20 12 11 6 4 54 78 2 9 0 7 4 41 27 13 6 3 300

95 60 36 4 3 19 32 47 96 95 57 39 5 97 69 64 22 16 30 88 95 12 30 12 0 6 59 16 6 13 0 120

Source: Field survey carried out by authors, 2014

they lived in, pucca houses for the STs are fewer compared to that of other communities. About 17.9 per cent of ST households have kutcha houses. Houses with a smaller number of rooms are common among both SCs and STs. About 8 per cent of the ST households have one room for their dwelling. Only 28.1 per cent of ST households have four or more rooms in their houses; on the other hand, 46.8 per cent of households of other communities have four or more rooms. Keralites have a history of using protected wells as the primary source of water. About 39 per cent of the ST households make use of piped water and 29 per cent make use of protected wells as the primary source of water. As per the sample, only 8.9 per cent of the ST households have an above

154  S. Irudaya Rajan and S. Sunitha

poverty line (APL) ration card. STs still largely depend on the public distribution system through the below poverty line (BPL) ration cards for their daily bread. The ‘basic needs’ of modern times such as a table, chair, television, mobile phone, etc., are enjoyed by almost all houses in the survey. About 78 per cent of STs have a telephone or mobile phone for communication. Use of a computer/laptop is not widespread among the STs. Uses of four-wheelers are also not widespread among the ST households. It may be because of the geographical terrain, as well as the financial difficulties and lack of awareness about the technologies that leave them behind with underdeveloped transportation mechanisms. Educational background of ST households There is a lower percentage of uneducated parents among the students studying in primary classes. The younger generations are more inspired by the educational benefits. The percentage of uneducated persons is higher among the family members of college-going students. That means they may be the first generation getting an education. There is a higher percentage of uneducated persons in the ST households compared to the other category households. Only one-fourth of the STs are in high schools. This percentage has increased among the family members of students varying from college to primary classes. The number of degree holders among the STs is very low (less than 5 per cent) and insignificant (Table 9.6). Table 9.6 Educational background of the household members, 2014 (percentage) Education

Household

HH Members of Students College

ST No education Primary Upper primary High school Secondary education Higher degree and others Total % Total N

Others Total ST

Primary

Others Total ST

19

9

16

18

6

16

23 21

17 19

21 21

19 14 22 18

26 7

35 14

28 9

4

7

5

100 100 300 120

Source: Field survey, 2014

High School

Others Total ST 5

8

18 21

22 17 20 19

30 32 9 18

31 11

3 12

5

100 100 100 420 288 93

8

Others Total 4

11

20 20

20 14 23 19

19 22

38 37 5 12

37 7

32 33 9 18

32 11

7 11

8

3 12

5

100 100 100 396 286 87

100 373

100 100 100 381 297 99

13

Outliers in Kerala 155

In general, the first generation (students) of STs is more enthusiastic about getting an education. The third generation of primary class students is more educated compared to students in a higher class. However, the plight of the STs is quite dismal compared to the others. Exclusionary trends in education, particularly in higher education and professional education for the tribes, are mainly due to the strengthening of non-financial entry barriers and inadequate attention to the problems of the disadvantaged groups. The increasing private cost of education and underinvestment of the state in education stand as barriers to the attainment of education for tribes. George (2011) observes the educational disparities for SC and ST populations in terms of the increasing private costs of education. Though no fees are charged to ST students, it is not totally free for them, as they have to incur costs of several types (special fees, examination fees, cost of reading and writing materials, etc.). There is a deeper reason (social bias) for the continuing exclusion of SC and ST groups in diverse fields, including education. Parents’ attitude and support The parents’ attitude towards education is one of the major influencing factors that help children to reap the benefits of education. The father is the main source of support for students in the primary classes – financially, morally and academically. However, mothers are seen to be more supportive in the academic and moral arena than the fathers. About 7 per cent of fathers and 5 per cent of mothers of ST students do not provide any kind of support for the education of their children. Many children receive support in the form of educational guidance from their brothers and sisters. At the college level, about 17 per cent of the ST students reported that teachers were not supportive of their studies. However, teachers are very supportive in the primary and high school classes, and this kind of support is seen to gradually decrease at the college level. This has resulted in making the ST students more vulnerable at the higher educational levels. As they are the first generation in higher education and nobody in their community can support them at the academic level, it is the teachers who are expected to act as the backbone of their academic future. More than 80 per cent of the ST parents attend the school/college meetings and monitor their children’s progress at school. Their ambition is to help their children get a government job. They wish to see their children become educated people with good jobs. They think that education can give their children a better livelihood. In the sample households, 88 per cent of the children wish to pursue a higher education, and their parents are aware of affirmative actions at their educational level.

156  S. Irudaya Rajan and S. Sunitha

Academic performance of students It is interesting to note that about one-fourth of the ST students have got First Class in the annual examination, though it is lower than the other category students. At the college level, most of the ST students passed their examination with second class (Table 9.7). Most of the ST students have passed with third class. Thus, on measuring the overall performance, it can be concluded that the performance of ST students lags behind the other category students. There are many reasons behind STs’ poor performance in the examination. Most of the students generally answered that they studied less and did not spend much time on studies. The students in high school and college classes responded that the examination questions were very difficult to answer. Among the high school students, some of them said that they could not grasp the subjects and had poor recollection skills. In the primary classes, some of them said that they had not received proper guidance or tutoring. Another factor was bad health. Some of them could not attend the examination because of ill health. About 9 per cent of college ST students and 15 per cent of high school ST students failed once in their school life. Many of these college students failed in higher secondary classes. The major reasons for the failure were they could not follow the lessons, the courses were difficult to follow and seasonal migration of the family and therefore irregular class attendance. There is no failure case among the other category students in the sample. About 6 per cent of college ST students and 8 per cent of high school ST students were thinking of dropping out from their institutions. For high school students, there is no specific reason for it, but a few of them reported punishments and strictness of their teachers as reasons. Some of the college students thought of dropping out because of a lack of financial support. Though the percentage is very low, it is significant that still there is a tendency among ST students to quit their academic intentions, thanks to an alien institutional environment. Table 9.7 Performance of students in the last year’s examination (percentage) Division

First Second Passed/Third Failed Total % Total N

Upper Primary

High School

College

ST

Others

Total

ST

Others

Total

ST

Others

Total

22 16 60 2 100 288

41 9 51 0 100 93

27 14 58 1 100 381

20 19 56 6 100 297

31 16 52 2 100 99

22 18 55 5 100 396

26 42 30 2 100 286

45 41 14 0 100 87

31 42 26 2 100 373

Source: Field survey, 2014

Outliers in Kerala 157

Education of ST children is considered important not only because of the constitutional obligation but also as a crucial input for the total development of tribal communities. There is a need for the mother tongue as the medium of instruction for the tribal children because the problem of a medium of instruction is attributed to the failure or drop-out cases (Gautam 2003). They are familiar with Dravidian languages, and the current educational curriculum is difficult for the tribal students at every stage of their education (Haseena and Ajims 2014). The proportion of high school students who failed in the annual examination last year is just 1 per cent among the other category students, but it is high among ST students. The percentage of ST students in high school who passed with the first and second division is relatively lower than that of the other category students. In short, the performance of ST students is poorer than that of the other students. The failure is nil or rare in upper primary schools. Even though the students have not managed to score well in the examinations, the rule is to promote all students to the next class. Reasons for poor performance For ST students, irregular attendance and difficulty in following the lessons are seen as the main reasons for the poor performance (Table 9.8). Other reasons are family problems, lack of tuition and guidance by a small number of students. The students understand the reasons for their poor performance in the examinations.

Table 9.8 Reasons f or poor performance of high school and college students (percentage) Reasons

Taking care of younger siblings Irregular attendance of school/college and classes Courses were difficult Unable to follow the lessons Syllabus was not completed Lack of private tuition Engaged in household activities/business Bad behaviour of teacher, school/college administrator Seasonal migration of the family Lack of academic support from home Continuous ill health Financial constraints Source: Field survey, 2014

ST College

High school

4 21 13 21 8 4 8 4

0 28 19 33 19 16 19 16

13 0 0 0

19 28 42 16

158  S. Irudaya Rajan and S. Sunitha

The major reasons for failure of ST college students are the difficulty in grasping the lessons taught by the teachers and irregular class attendance. These students also talk about the difficulty of the courses they opted for. High school ST students have many reasons failing examinations. Most of the ST high school students have continuous ill health and irregular class attendance. About 33 per cent of ST high school students cannot follow the curriculum. Most of the students dropped their studies because of an unfriendly school environment, which is alien to their everyday culture. These students do have basic cognitive abilities and psychological dispositions, like other children. In addition, the school environment, including the medium of instruction, pedagogy and teacher’s attitude towards students from the vulnerable communities, hinders ST students’ interest in learning and affects their performance (Govinda and Varghese 1993; Varghese 1994; Sujatha 1998; Prakash et al. 1998).

Conclusion The literacy rate of the tribal community in Kerala is on the whole increasing. The school participation rate among them has also increased and the drop-out rate has decreased. Though the government has launched numerous programmes to improve the conditions of the STs, a majority of them have not yet reached them. The benefits of a sound educational system have not percolated down to ensure social as well as economic uplift of the STs in Kerala. The educational advancement of the ST students in the state is handicapped by the inadequacy of the support systems they depend upon, such as their own households, the teaching community, their peer groups and the government. Like others, ST students have aspirations for attaining higher education to overcome social exclusion and deplorable conditions. But a host of reasons, primarily family problems and financial problems, deter their goals. They remain marginalized in the Kerala society, which is high in terms of human development. They continue to exist as ‘outliers’.

References Gautam, Vinoba. (2003). Education of Tribal Children in India and the Issue of Medium of Instruction: A Janshala Experience, Coordinator. New Delhi: UN, Government Janshala Programme. George, K.K. (2011). Higher Education in Kerala: “How Inclusive Is It to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes? Education Exclusion and Economic Growth.” Working Paper Series, Vol. 1, No. 4. Kochi: Centre for Socio-economic and Environmental Studies (CSES). George, K.K., andParvathy Sunaina. (2005). Dynamics of Change in Kerala’s Education System: The Socio Economic and Political Dimension. Working Paper No. 12. Kochi: Centre for Socio-Economic and Environmental Studies (CSES).

Outliers in Kerala 159 Government of Kerala. (2013). Economic Review 2013. Kerala State Planning Board. www.spb.kerala.gov.in. Govinda, R., and N.V. Varghese. (1993). Quality of Primary Schooling in India, a Case Study of Madhya Pradesh. New Delhi: National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration. Haseena, V.A., and Ajims P. Mohammed. (2014). ‘Scope of Education and Dropout Among Tribal Students in Kerala: A Study of Scheduled Tribes in Attappady’. International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, Vol. 4, No. 1, January. Prakash, Ved, S.K.S. Gautam, and I.K. Bansal. (1998). Mid Term Assessment Survey: An Appraisal of Students Achievement DPEP Core Group. New Delhi: NCERT. Rajan, S.I., et al. (2019). Education among Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes: Attainments and Challenges in Kerala. Kochi: Redink, an Imprint of Nalanda Book. Sujatha, K. (1998). In-Depth Study of Ashram Schools. New Delhi: NIEPA. Varghese, N.V. (1994). School Quality and Student Learning: A Study of Primary Schooling in Kerala. New Delhi: NIEPA.

Chapter 10

Educational status of the denotified tribes of Telangana Vijay Korra

Introduction In 1871, the British raj in India declared certain tribal, nomadic and seminomadic groups to be ‘born criminals’ and passed the wicked Criminal Tribes Act, 1871 (CTA). According to the CTA, wandering groups were considered hereditary criminals, “addicted to the systematic commission of non-reliable offences” (Mukul 2004). In reality, they were nomadic cattle grazers, wandering singers, fortune tellers, priests, seasonal traders, acrobats, entertainers, etc. In pursuit of their traditional occupations and activities, some lived in the forest. According to the British rulers, only criminals would do so and therefore this brought them under the CTA. Some groups were forced to resist the British domination against them from time to time. However, the British raj was unfazed and included more and more such wandering groups, chiefly to control and contain their movements, through a series of amended CTAs for seven decades, from 1871 to 1944, in different parts of India. There were, of course, a few communities which had criminal records, but bringing all pastoral and nomadic communities into the fold of the CTA was a major flaw in the act (D’Souza 2001). The majority of these groups were kept in government-run camps for decades in the name of reforming and emancipating them from their criminal behaviour. In actuality, they were brainwashed and tortured to accept that they were born criminals. The experience impacted their behaviour negatively, haunting them even after the British left India. In 1952, the Government of India officially ‘denotified’ them from the CTA, but retained the soul of the old act with a new nomenclature: Habitual Offenders Act, 1952. While still treating these tribes as criminals, this amended act failed to make any provisions for their livelihood. Denotified tribes (DNTs), including nomadic tribes (NTs) and semi-nomadic tribes (SNTs), have continued to face the problems of displacement, humiliation, social neglect, discrimination and being unwanted as ex-criminals and dacoits.

Educational status 161

The question many scholars pose is how a community could be considered and treated as criminals by birth. Taking the idea as absurd, scholars see a sinister design to isolate and contain a large number of nomadic communities and suppress the power, sovereignty and freedom of some of the small princely groups (Susan 1999). The existing literature indicates that these groups worked as informants and suppliers of provisions like food, money and ammunition to the freedom fighters, thus playing an important role in the freedom struggle of India (Dandekar 2009; Yang 1985). Many of the nomadic trading communities gradually lost their livelihood with the advent of railways and roads and outsiders entering in their activities. Other groups were gradually alienated from land holdings by local dominant communities and condemned to poor living conditions. This continued even after their denotification from the CTA. Consequently, they remained backwards in almost all the indicators of the human development index. Today, countless DNTs survive on begging for food and money from others. Some others eke out a living collecting and selling rags, performing as street acrobats, wandering priests, entertainers, etc. They possess no or little land. With lack of proper housing and fixed assets, they wander from one place to another in search of a means of survival. Urban ghettos, isolated open arenas and dilapidated areas are their usual habitats. Living in such areas with a minimum or absence of basic facilities, they eventually contract multiple diseases, from which the whole family often suffers. In such precarious situations, children do not usually go to school and instead go to beg for food to feed their family (Radhakrishna 2000). They are isolated and excluded from mainstream development processes. Human rights violations against them, which are common and frequent, have become the reality of their life today. Every now and then, they face discriminatory treatment leading to gradual social exclusion. As a cumulative result, they have lost self-respect, confidence and voice and are pushed in a vicious circle of chronic poverty and destitution.

Sample and method This chapter examines the educational status of DNT children of Telangana, taking into account their socio-economic conditions. The present study is based on primary data collected from a survey, sponsored by the Indian Council on Social Science Research (ICSSR) on “socio-economic status and educational attainment and challenges of DNT, NT and SNT” (ICSSR SESEAC DNSN), conducted during the months of April and May 2013. The study adopted a random sampling method to select DNT communities. It selected 5 DNT communities out of 59 in the state. These communities were not spread evenly in the state and found in some districts only. For

162  Vijay Korra Table 10.1 Distribution of sample households b y communities and districts (percentage) Community

Mahabubnagar

Khammam

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

– – – – 65 17

27 – 96 – – 15

Warangal 0 –

4 100 – 28

Adilabad

Total

N

73 100 – – 35 40

100 100 100 100 100 100

144 72 48 157 153 574

Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

that reason, the study selected four districts where they were in moderate numbers. The selected districts were Mahabubnagar, Khammam, Warangal and Adilabad, and the selected communities were Yerukala, Mudiraj (Mutharasa), Budagajangalu, Dommari and Dasari. The sample size of the study was 574 households. The study employed a structured household questionnaire to generate data. To supplement this, focus group discussions and interviews with parents, children, elders, teachers and non-DNT individuals were conducted. Bearing in mind that all DNTs have a different historical trajectory of transition, different kinds of interactions with the neighbouring society, and different experiences of humiliation at the hands of the dominant communities, the study decided to include those communities which continued to suffer from stigma and were of varied socio-economic status – nomadic, semi-nomadic or settled agriculturist. For judicious sampling, the settled agriculturalist communities, namely Mudiraj and Yerukala, were classified as DNT 1, and those who were still semi-nomadic and faced stigma, like Budagajangalu, Dasari and Dommari, as DNT 2. The former was less vulnerable than the latter. As the first step, the study carried out a household survey to see the correlation of the DNTs’ economic activities and educational status. The concentration of DNTs was in the four selected districts and, as mentioned, each DNT was located in a specific district and not spread across the state. The Dasari community was mostly concentrated in Adialbad and Mudiraj in Warangal. Out of the total sample households, Mudiraj had 27.5 per cent, followed by Yerukala with 26.6 per cent; Budagajangaluwith 25 per cent, which accounted for a higher proportion; and Dommari, with 20.9 per cent, had the lowest proportion of surveyed households (Table 10.1).

Socio-economic status of the DNTs All the DNTs did not fall under the same category (Table 10.2) to receive the benefits of the government welfare schemes. The Yerukala community

Educational status 163 Table 10.2 DNT households accor ding to reservation status and traditional occupation Community

Reservation Category

Traditional occupation

Budagajangalu Dasari

OBC OBC

Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala

OBC OBC ST

Fortune telling, trading petty items and begging Trading household appliances, utensil, plastic items and begging Prostitution Trading fruits, vegetables, grass and fishing Basket making and fortune telling

Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

was recognized as a scheduled tribe (ST). Mudiraj as well as Budagajangalu, Dasari and Dommari were categorized as other backward classes (OBC). The socio-economic conditions of the Budagajangalu, Dasari and Dommari in particular were most vulnerable, meriting the designation of most backward classes (MBC). However, there is no official categorization of MBCs in the state of Telangana. The Mudiraj and Yerukala communities have led a settled life, whereas Budagajangalu, Dasari and Dommari are semi-nomadic. The latter communities led settled a life for a few months of the year at certain places. For the rest of the year, they travelled from these settlements to other places in order to pursue their traditional occupations, mainly petty trading, for their survival. They stayed at one place for few days and moved to another, being mobile for a large part of the year. They possessed no land and had no regular income and assets. The observation of their settlement pattern indicates that a majority of the sample DNTs (90 per cent) lived in rural areas. The rest (10.6 per cent) resided in urban ghettos. However, the communities varied from each other in their rural-to-urban ratio: Dommari, Mudiraj, Yerukala and Dasari were mainly rural-based, while a section of Budagajangalu was urban-based, residing at the periphery of towns (Table 10.3). As for the dwelling pattern of the denotified households, it was found that most of them owned a house. Around 9 per cent of them resided in rented houses. Only a few (2 per cent) households did not own a house; they dwelled in the houses of their neighbours on a temporary basis. Some others (4 per cent) were homeless, occupying open places, generally dilapidated abandoned private buildings or government buildings such as schools, Anganwadi and Panchayat offices. In most cases, the whole family, with the average of five and more members, lived in small single- or two-room houses without any sanitation facilities. Many accommodations were mud and thatched houses. Others were makeshift tents or temporary shelters made of iron sheets, tarpaulins, etc. on the roadside.

164  Vijay Korra Table 10.3  DNTs’ settlement patterns in terms of rural and urban residence (percentage) Community

Rural

Urban

Total

N

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

72 87 100 100 92 89

28 13 0 0 8 11

100 100 100 100 100 100

144 72 48 157 153 574

Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

The living conditions in the DNT dwellings were poor and pathetic. Of the total sample households, only 8 per cent had piped drinking water; the remaining households (92 per cent) completely relied on untreated water from hand pumps/bore wells, open wells and other unsafe sources. In order to collect water for drinking and household purposes, the children and women of many of the households had to walk a distance ranging between 1 and 3 km. This was because many of the hand pumps in their settlements or hamlets were non-functional. Water being not potable, the majority of households complained their family members were suffering from serious water-borne diseases. With regard to toilet facilities, only less than 1 per cent of households used their own toilet. Some of the households depended on common toilets, shared with fellow habitants. Electricity connection to the homes and localities of the households was somewhat better, at 73 per cent of the households. The households residing in tents, dilapidated buildings, open places and roadsides generally lacked electricity connections. A majority of households had electricity because of a free supply (with the lighting provision of one or two bulbs) from the state government for domestic purposes to all rural households, including those below poverty line (BPL). But the homeless, mostly from the Budagajangalu and Dasari communities, were unable to avail themselves of this provision. Enquiring about the possession of basic entitlements and documents such as ration cards, caste certificates, job cards, Aadhar cards, etc., the study learnt that the majority of the households (82.6 per cent) possessed BPL ration cards, 88.2 per cent had a voter’s identity card and 79.8 per cent had an Aadhar card. On the other hand, documents like a caste certificate and Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Act (MGNREGA) card were not available to many. Thus, 44 per cent of households did not possess a caste certificate, which was an important pre-requisite for reservation benefits in education and employment. Likewise, only 50.5 per cent of households possessed MGNREGA job cards, a vital document for rural employment guarantee and poverty alleviation.

Educational status 165 Table 10.4 Possession of basic entitlements by DNT households (percentage)* Community

Ration Voter’s ID Caste Job Card Aadhar Health Others N Card Card Certificate MGNREGA Card Insurance

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

56 90 98 97 84 82

65 93 98 99 93 88

40 75 40 41 84 56

20 19 88 71 61 50

69 96 88 76 84 80

23 81 62 46 85 56

1 0 0 0 1 1

144 72 48 57 153 574

* Percentage of the community sample. Source; ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

The situation with respect to health insurance was no better. Only a little over 56 per cent of the DNT households were provided with health insurance cards. On the whole, welfare benefits to the poor were less accessed by Budagajangalu, Dommari, Dasari and Mudiraj households. A community placed in the ST category could take maximum benefits of the welfare schemes than those categorized as OBC. But unfortunately, only Yerukalas were STs. A summary of the possession of basic documents by the households is presented in Table 10.4.

Occupational status In terms of the occupational engagement of the households, our survey indicated that traditional occupations of the DNTs were losing their relevance. Traditionally, Dommaris practised prostitution for their survival; Yerukalas were involved in basket making and fortune telling; Mudiraj in the trade of grain, vegetables, grass and fishing; Budagajangalu in storytelling, singing and begging for food; and Dasari in the trade of household appliances, seasonal fruits and begging. There were only about 56 per cent of households practising their traditional occupations, either partially or fully. They either gradually quit practising their traditional occupations or decreased their involvement in them by diversifying their activities. On the whole, a bulk of households was involved in petty or small organized business, wage labour and agriculture. The Dommari, Yerukala and Mudiraj communities, by and large, practised their traditional occupation more than the others (Table 10.5). The involvement in traditional occupation that are seasonal required travelling from one place to another within a specific season. Our focus group discussions confirmed that although some of the traditional occupations, for instance, prostitution, were not considered respectful, the DNTs continued with them in the absence of an alternative livelihood (56 per cent). These occupations involved risk-taking travel, but did not yield a commensurate income.

166  Vijay Korra Table 10.5 Distribution of (percentage)

households

practising

traditional

occupations

Community

Yes

No

Do not know

Total %

N

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

45 18 86 53 79 56

51 69 8 46 20 40

4 13 6 1 1 4

100 100 100 100 100 100

144 72 48 157 153 574

Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

Table 10.6 Distribution of households by ownership of agricultural land (percentage) Community

Yes

No

Total %

N

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

6 1 2 80 18 28

94 99 98 20 82 72

100 100 100 100 100 100

144 72 48 157 153 574

Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

All were not landless. Some of them did have agriculture land. Twentyeight per cent of DNTs held farming land. The least landholding communities were Dommari and Dasari, and most land-owning households were from the Mudiraj and Yerukala communities. On the whole, close to 72 per cent of denotified households were landless (Table 10.6). But 80 per cent of households from the Mudiraj community possessed land and practised settled agriculture. As a result, their socio-economic status was better than other denotified communities. Another better-off community was the Yerukalas, who not only held land but also benefited from the ST status. With their better economic condition, the Yerukalas and Mudirajs faced a lesser degree of social exclusion than other communities. Most of the landholders received a small piece of land in the 1970s under the government rehabilitation programme for the DNTs. Budagajangalu and Yerukala were the two communities that have a more proportion of dependent landowners than other communities. Over 92 per cent of landholding households informed us that they cultivated their land independently, without control of others. The remaining 8 per cent had to get consent from others to cultivate their own land. Households that practised agriculture normally had more income than those depending on traditional occupations. Income from government and private service offered a higher income than other occupations. Petty trade

Educational status 167

offered an income that was sufficient just for the survival of the family, with no possibility of spending on the child’s education, health and emergency needs. In this connection, a respondent from the Budgajangalu community stated candidly: The income that we earn from petty trade, begging and wage labour is only enough to feed our family, not allowing us to send our children to school, buy books and clothes for them. Further, when a family member fall sick, he or she has to suffer the illness, since there is no way of visiting a doctor. At the most we can visit government hospitals, which may cure at times but also can make the situation worse. This is our condition and fate. Land and agriculture were still crucial factors in a rural household for a dignified life than any other resource or profession, except an education-based government or private job.

Educational status The study confined itself to the current educational position of the 6- to 23-year-old members of the households. This age group covered students of different stages of studies – primary and upper primary school (6 to 12 years), high school (12 to 14 years), higher secondary school (14 to 16 years) and college (under-graduation and post-graduation; 16 to 23 years). The children were expected to enrol at the age of 6 years and continue their studies at least up to high school, at the age of 14 years, which was also the age limit of a legal ban on child labour. The findings are presented in Table 10.7. Our enquiry was constrained by some of the respondents not being able to mention the precise age of their wards, but an effort was made to verify the fact. The response from the heads of the households revealed that 15 per cent of the children in the age group between 6 and 23 years were never enrolled in Table 10.7 Educational status of members of respondent households (ages 6 to 23) (percentage)* Community

Studying

Never Enrolled

Drop-outs

Total %

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

78 72 63 61 74 74

15 11 13 20 15 15

7 17 24 19 11 11

100 100 100 100 100 100

* Percentage of the community sample. Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

N 200 114 62 157 270 803

168  Vijay Korra Table 10.8 Reasons for never enrolling in school (ages 6 to 23) (percentage)* Community

No school Nearby/ No birth School Did Other N in Locality Certificate Not Enrol

Total %

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

0 0 87 62 12 25

100 100 100 100 100 100

100 100 0 – 88 64

– – 13 19 – 6

– – – 19 – 5

(31) (13) (8) (31) (41) (124)

*Percentage of the community sample. Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

school at any stage (Table 10.7). Though such children from all five communities comprised more than 10 per cent, in case of the Mudiraj community, the percentage was 20. The prime reason behind this was the requirement of a birth certificate for registration in school, which the heads of households were unable to acquire. Such cases were very high among the Budagajangalu and Dasari families and low among the Yerukalas. Another reason was nonavailability of a school in their locality (Table 10.8). A few children did not enrol due to sickness and “not feeling [the] necessity”. Focusgroup discussions indicated financial constraints and poor living conditions as the major cause for not sending children to schools. Moreover, a semi-nomadic life in connection with occupation requiring travelling from one place to another discouraged families from registering their children in schools.

Drop-outs Though children ages six years and above were supposed to be compulsorily enrolled in school, many children left their studies before completing the secondary or higher secondary stage. Nearly 10 per cent of the students dropped out at different stages of their education. The highest drop-out rate (24 per cent) was among the children of the Dommari community, and the lowest rate (6.5 per cent) was among the Budagajangalus (Table 10.9). Of all the children who dropped out, 77 per cent were from the primary school level and the remaining mostly left their studies at the upper primary stage. The scale of drop-out students was high among Dommari and Mudiraj communities, while it was comparatively low among the Yerukalas. Though the Mudiraj community was socially and economically better than other communities, their children continued education less than the children of the Yerukala community. This was attributed mainly to the Yerukalas, as STs, being better placed in terms of the provision of reservations, than the Mudirajs, who were OBCs and whose economic condition

Educational status 169 Table 10.9 Le vel of school education at which children dropped out (percentage)* Community

Primary School (1 to 5)

Secondary (6-8)

Higher Secondary (9-12)

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

77 68 93 89 64 77

23 27 7 11 25 19

0 5 – – – 1

Graduation

0 0

– – 11 3

Total %

N

100 100 100 100 100 100

13 19 15 19 28 94

*Percentage of the community sample. Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

was low compared to other OBCs. Numerically also, the Mudirajs were insignificant before other OBCs. An important reason for discontinuing education was failing examinations. The failed students, often humiliated by teachers and other students, got disheartened. Poor performance, coupled with poverty and family background, alienated several children from schooling. Moreover, DNT students were not free from the linguistic gap. Telugu was mostly the medium of instruction, whereas students from different DNTs spoke different dialects at home. This caused a communication gap between the teachers and the students, about which many households complained. Failing to understand the teacher’s communication, some students could not sustain an interest in school. This, along with the experience of discrimination, led the students to avoid school.

Educational level and institutions Despite the hostile situation, nearly three-fourths (73 per cent) of the children in the age group between 6 and 23 years were reported by the heads of the households as students during the field survey. The students were the first-generation learners. Among the five communities, the highest proportion of students was from the Budagajangalu and Yerukala communities and the lowest proportion was from the Dommaris and Mudirajs. Most of the students (64 per cent) studied at the primary school level. Only about 5 per cent were at college level (Table 10.10). As for the presence of students in school, an overwhelming majority (84 per cent) were primary and upper primary students. Only 10 per cent studied in high schools (see Table 10.10). A very few who attended college belonged to the Yerukala and Mudiraj communities. None studied in college from the Dasari and Dommari social groups. This was due to, as mentioned earlier, their backward economic condition.

170  Vijay Korra Table 10.10 Level in school and college at which children studied (ages 6 to 23) (percentage)* Community

Primary School (1–5)

Upper Primary School (6–8)

High School (9–12)

College

Others

Total %

N

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

74 61 92 75 46 64

20 29 8 15 22 20

5 10 0 6 18 10

1 – 0 4 12 4

0 – 0 – 2 1

100 100 100 100 100 100

156 82 39 107 201 585

*Percentage of the community sample. Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

Table 10.11 Percentage of children attending government and private schools #,* Community

Government

Private

Total %

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

87 68 81 75 71 76

13 32 19 25 39 24

100 100 100 100 100 100

N 192 105 48 156 233 734

# Drop-outs are excluded in the table. *Percentage of the community sample. Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

Most of these students (76 per cent) attended government-managed schools. These schools were in close vicinity of their hamlets. Besides, the government campaign for enrolment under the policy of compulsory and free education contributed to the registration of children in the government schools. Yet it is important to note that more than one-fourth (12 per cent) of the DNT students studied in private schools. The proportion of children enrolled in private schools was high among Yerukala, Mudiraj and Dasari tribes (Table 10.11). Like others, people of these deprived communities believed that private schools imparted a better education than the government schools. As an indication of the quest for quality education, the children of one out of ten families attended an English-medium school. The children from remaining families studied in the Telugu language. It was a distinct belief that an English-medium education was better than a regionallanguage medium (Table 10.12). Such a conviction depicted the urge of the communities to have abetter social status and upward mobility. That quest was most evident among the Yerukalas and Dasaris, whose children studied more in English-medium schools than other communities (see Table 10.12).

Educational status 171 Table 10.12  S chools by medium of instruction attended by DNT children # (percentage)* Community

English

Telugu

Total %

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

5 14 6 10 18 12

95 86 94 90 82 88

100 100 100 100 100 100

N 186 104 47 153 232 722

#Among non-English mediums, only Telugu is included. *Percentage of the community sample. Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

Families generally struggled to pay the fees for an English education from their meagre income. But as educational expenses increased from primary to secondary school, enthusiasm for education was dampened in the case of many DNT families. Dream dashed and dropping out were the ultimate consequences.

Location of schools For most of the students, the schools are close to their place of residence. A school was mostly within a 3-km distance. The schools located in or nearby DNT localities which DNT children attend in greater numbers than other communities are essentially primary schools with two or three teachers. But one-fourth of students were required to travel more than 3 km. In some cases, children travelled beyond 10 km. Because of the distance from the place of residence, a few students stayed in hostels. Children of Budagajangalu, Dasari and Dommari communities travelled less than 3 km, whereas children of Mudiraj and Yerukala tribes travelled more than 10 km to reach schools and colleges. The better-off sections sent children to more distant schools for an English-medium education. Poor and vulnerable families preferred to send their children to nearby schools because it cost less. The mode of travel to reach schools and colleges for the majority of the children (68 per cent) was walking. Only 19 per cent of children travelled by bus and 13 per cent of students hired autos. Those children, who studied in private English-medium schools, travelled by bus and autos; children attending government schools walked to their schools. Children from MBCs, such as Budagajangalu, Dasari and Dommari, walked to school more than others. Most of the students of the DNT communities, except Yerukalas, did not get a scholarship and other benefits meant for the reserved categories. They were under the category of OBC, but they found it difficult to acquire a caste certificate from the government office. The children, however, availed

172  Vijay Korra

themselves of benefits, such as the mid-day meal, bus pass, etc., meant for all students.

Discrimination While attending the schools and colleges, children of DNTs experienced various shades of discrimination from fellow students and teachers. They often felt that they were despised. Some fellow students and teachers called DNT students by their tribe name with a derogative connotation. A few of the teachers asked them to sit on the back benches in the classroom. There were instances of DNT children even being asked to clean the classroom in the disguise of manual work, to sit separately while taking the mid-day meal and not to take water from the common pot or use the common glass in school.

Educational incentive Most of the students of the DNTs, particularly the more vulnerable among them, were first-generation learners. Though their parents are not literate, except for a tiny section (less than 5 per cent), all the respondents of the households opined that education was important for both their sons and daughters. This opinion was across the communities. In reply to our question, “why do you send your children to school?” most of the households (79 per cent) replied that education would bring their sons and daughters a happy and comfortable life. Education would, they believed, provide children a better source of livelihood, particularly a government job. A few of the households also said that education would make the children intelligent and get them a “bright future”. Except for a small section, the majority of the respondents aspired for their sons and daughters to study up to the graduation and post-graduation level. There is very little difference in their preference for sons’ and daughters’ education (see Table 10.13). Except for nearly one-fourth, Table 10.13 Respondents r eporting the level of study they desired for their children (percentage) Upper primary/ secondary

Graduation

Postgraduation

Do not know

Total

Son Daughter Son Daughter Son Daughter Son Daughter Son (N) % Budagajangalu 20 Dasari 11 Dommari 0 Mudiraj 1 Yerukala 0 Total 3

23 24 14 22 2 16

47 42 34 12 10 26

28 31 23 21 19 24

7 11 28 51 57 34

26 14 18 31 47 31

Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

26 36 38 36 33 33

23 31 45 26 32 29

100 100 100 100 100 100

(76) (45) (29) (75) (94) (319)

Daughter (N) % 100 100 100 100 100 100

(74) (42) (22) (58) (88) (284)

Educational status 173 Table 10.14 Respondents’ wishes for children’s employment after completion of education (percentage) Communities

Budagajangalu Dasari Dommari Mudiraj Yerukala Total

Govt. Employment

Professional

Do Not Know

Total

Son Daughter Son Daughter Son Daughter Son (N) %

Daughter (N) %

59 64 59 41 67 55

100 100 100 100 100 100

56 83 86 29 61 52

35 19 35 10 26 27

27 17 27 5 24 18

6 7 6 49 7 18

17 0 17 66 14 30

100 100 100 100 100 100

(76) (45) (56) (75) (94) (319)

(74) (42) (35) (58) (88) (284)

Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013 (Telangana)

who had no idea, a majority (around 54 per cent) of the respondents wished that after education their sons and daughters should obtain government employment, look after the family members, remove the dependency and live life independently. Nearly one-fourth of the responding parents wished their sons to become professionals like a doctor, engineer, professor, etc. With respect to daughters, 18 per cent of parents wanted them to be professionals. Though there was a gap in their preference of career for sons and daughters, the difference was marginal. The pattern was more or less same across all the communities, except the Dommaris (Table 10.14). Notwithstanding their valorization of education for better life chances of their children and aspiration for children’s higher education, most of the respondents could ill afford to translate their aspirations into reality.

Family concerns Focus group discussions with parents divulged that most of the children helped their parents either in everyday household chores, agriculture, labour or in begging for food and money. This was true in the case of most of the communities. The children of the Mudiraj and Yerukala communities, which were relatively settled communities and had some steady source of income, generally helped parents in household chores and also often helped their parents with labour. The condition was worse in the case of the children whose parents were migrant labours; the children worked as labourers for a petty wage. This adversely affected the children’s regularity in school and studies. Against such an adverse situation, a few parents arranged private coachingfor their children. Though the instance of such cases was very small, mainly because the parents could not afford that, the trend indicated their concern for the education of their children. Sixty per cent of those who hired

174  Vijay Korra

private coachingpaid around 400 to 500 rupees per month. The remaining paid between 200 and 300 rupees. On the whole, neither in family nor in their neighbourhood was there anyone who could inspire and guide the children in their studies. Though the children took advice from the neighbours or elderly members of the community while selecting a school, except for teachers there was hardly anyone on whom they depended. Besides financial constraints, the parents had no time, ability or aptitude to monitor the studies of their children. Most of the parents (65 per cent) never visited the schools of their children. One-fourth of the parents went to the school when they were summoned by the teacher with a complaint against their children. Most of the time, the complaints were related to irregularity in attendance and poor performance in the examinations. There were a few parents, mainly from the Mudiraj community, who went to school on their own to meet the teachers. Only 4.4 per cent of respondents reported being aware of school management committees and their activities. This proportion was higher among Yerukalas.

Conclusions The DNTs do not fall under one single administrative category. They are scattered among the STs, scheduled castes (SCs) and OBCs. This explorative study covered only five DNT communities of Telangana. One of them, the Yerukalas, enjoyed ST status and the rest belonged to OBCs. Many of them struggled to get a caste certificate so as to avail themselves of government benefits. Some of them were settled cultivators; others were still seminomadic, moving from one place to another for their livelihood. The major occupation of the respondents was non-agriculture labour, petty business, hawkers, street vendors, etc. A few depended on begging. Except a few who somehow managed to improve their economic condition throughagriculture and government employment, the DNTs were, on the whole, quite poor. Most of them were placed under BPLcategory. The traditional stigma of being ‘criminal’ constantly haunted them. Considered ex-criminals, thieves, robbers, etc., in day-to-day life, they were discriminated in various ways. Harassment by police made it worse. They lacked basic facilities like sanitation, potable water, electricity connection and drainage. Overall, their living condition was miserable. The poor socio-economic situation was contingent upon the DNTs’ educational status. Fifteen per cent of the children and youth in the age group between 6 and 23 were not enrolled in any school or college. Those enrolled in schools and colleges dropped out at a high rate. Parents aspired for a quality education for their children, with a view to a decent job and quality life. With this hope, a few DNT families sent their children to private English-medium schools. The decision entailed a large expenditure from a scanty family income. To what level of education the DNT families were

Educational status 175

able to sustain their pursuit needs a separate study. Our observation hinted that the dreams of a large number of the families were dashed mid-way, mainly because of economic constraints. The DNT families were not able to provide the right environment and support to their children for their studies. Even the school environment was not conducive to sustain the interest of children in their studies. Teachers were often not only indifferent but also discriminated against them.

References Dandekar, A. (2009). The Issue of De-Notified Tribes in Independent India. Working Paper 214. Gujarat: IRMA. D’Souza, Dilip. (2001). Branded by Law: Looking at India’s De-Notified Tribes. New Delhi: Penguin. Kumar, Mukul. (2004). ‘Relationship of Caste and Crime in Colonial India: A Discourse Analysis’. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 39, No. 10, March 6, pp. 1078–1087. Misra, P.K., and K.C. Malhotra. (1982). Nomads in India. Proceedings of the National Seminar. Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India. Radhakrishna, Meena. (2000). ‘Colonial Construction of a “Criminal” Tribe Yerukulas of Madras Presidency’. Economic and Political Weekly, July 8–15, pp. 2553–2563. Susan, Abraham. (1999). ‘Steal or I’ll Call You a Thief: “Criminal” Tribes of India’. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 34, No. 27, July 3–9, pp. 1751–1753. Yang, Anand A. (ed.). (1985). Crime and Criminality in British India. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.

Chapter 11

Educational constraints and condition of denotified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes in Rajasthan Madan Meena

Rajasthan is India’s largest state, covering an area of 342,239 square kilometres. With 33 districts, it comprises 10.4 per cent of India’s total area. The population of Rajasthan, according to the 2011 census, is 68,548,437, making it the eighth most populous state in India. The literacy rate in Rajasthan has seen an upward trend and is 66.11 per cent as per the 2011 census. Of that, male literacy is 79.19 per cent, while female literacy is 47.76 per cent. The sex ratio in Rajasthan, according to the census of 2011, is 928 females against 1000 males. Rajasthan has been home to many denotified tribes (DNTs), nomadic tribes (NTs) and semi-nomadic tribes (SNTs). Many of the tribes have migrated to other states of India for certain historical reasons. Yet they still trace their cultural roots in Rajasthan. For example, the Lumbadi (or Lumani) of south India are a sub-group of the Banjaras in Rajasthan. They claim their origin to the Rajput clan. Similarly the Gadia-Luhars associate themselves with the ruler of Mewar, MaharanaPratap (1540–97 AD). Other than Rajasthan, they are also found across the north and eastern states of India. The Raikas, a pastoralist caste, claim their origins to Jaisalmer. The legend is that, annoyed with the Jaisalmer ruler, they left the place and migrated to other parts of Rajasthan, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. Depending on their historical pledge and geographical settlement, they are found divided into two sub-classes, i.e. MaruRaika and GodwariRaika.

Historical background of DNTs The Criminal Tribes Act (CTA) was enacted in north India on 12 October 1871 by the British governor-general of India. D’Souza states that “the colonial mindset and misunderstanding of Indian caste system of British led to the introduction of Criminal Tribes Act, 1871” (D’Souza 1999). Under the act, the government registered many of the ethnic groups as ‘habitual criminals’. The CTA, in alignment with the newly imposed colonial forest laws, made many of the tribals and NTs destitute. This naturally led them to petty crime to survive, which reinforced the idea of hereditary criminal

Educational constraints 177

traits. This was one of the ‘techniques’ (Fanon 1963/1990: 34) of the colonialists to dominate colonized masses/natives and brand them as suspect people in their own land. The enactment of the act had various reasons to curb freedom of the ethnic groups by the British. One of the reasons was that they participated in the mutiny of 1857. Many of the tribal chiefs were labelled traitors who constantly troubled the authorities through their frequent rebellious acts. The colonial rulers saw the nomadic way of life as a threat to colonial administrative stability (EPW 2007). The nomadics did not conform to the British idea of civilized life, as they were on the move constantly for their survival as petty traders, gypsies, pastoralists, food gatherers, entertainers, sadhus, fakirs and hill and forest dwellers. As traders and colonialist profiteers, the British assigned no economic value to these activities. No tax or revenue could be collected from them. At the time of India’s independence in 1947, there were some 127 different tribes among which 13 million people were registered under the CTA. They always faced a fear of surveillance and arrest if found outside the prescribed area. The CTA provided a legal mechanism to punish the tribal communities and keep them isolated in the ‘reformatory settlements’, where they were forced into hard menial work in the name of rehabilitation. The CTA was repealed in August 1949 and finally denotified on 31 August 1952. People of the ex-criminal tribes were categorized as DNT or, in Hindi, as Vimukta Jatis, i.e. freed communities. The act was repealed but the stigma of ‘born criminals’ remained, and DNTs continued to be subject to repressive state policies. The CTA was replaced by the Habitual Offenders Act (HOA), 1952, but it borrowed substance from the CTA. HOA re-stigmatized the already marginalized tribes listed under the CTA. Thus, the stigma of criminality and oppression continued unchecked. The HOA gave full power to the police to investigate these tribal people without producing warrants. In 2000, recommendations were made by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) to repeal the HOA. Both the bodies advised to substantially rehabilitate the denotified and nomadic tribes. The NHRC recommended that the National Police Academy and other institutions imparting training to police officials should revise their syllabi. It also recommended systematic enumeration of the NTs and DNTs, with a view to providing them educational, employment and other infrastructural facilities. But no measures came from the central government in this regard. A few state governments showed concern for this by forming constitutional bodies for their rehabilitation; Rajasthan is one of those states. As mentioned earlier in Chapter 1, the National Commission for Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes (NCDNSNT) was appointed under the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of

178  Madan Meena

India, in 2005. The commission submitted its report in July 2008 and made 76 recommendations to extend reservation benefits to 110 million people belonging to freed/denotified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes in India. It further recommended the provision of the Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989, to safeguard their social integrity. It is estimated that there are 313 NTs and 198 DNTs in India, which amounts to some 150 million people. Haunted by the stigma of the past, they regularly face atrocities from the police and negative reviews from the media. They are still identified as ex-criminal tribes due to the term ‘denotified’ used for them and constantly face public prejudice and ostracization. This has led to their socio-economic and educational backwardness. Due to laws of the government – for instance, the Anti-Beggary Act and the Indian Forest Act – many of these tribes have ceased to practise their traditional occupations and source of livelihood. Many of the DNTs come under the purview of the Prevention of AntiSocial Activity Act (PASA) that allows the police to put them in detention or arrest them at will. Many of these tribes fall under the scheduled tribe (ST), special backward class (SBC) and other backward class (OBC) categories, but their living status is far below the average of others under these categories. Due to competition, they are unable to avail themselves of the benefits of reservation in government jobs and educational institutions. Most of them living under inhuman conditions are placed under below poverty line (BPL).

DNTs in Rajasthan In Rajasthan, a local version of the CTA was imposed in 1924. The provisions under the act include (a) registration and notification, (b) restriction on movement and (c) confinement in a settlement. A first-hand account of how one of the DNTs, the Meenas of Jaipur, suffered from stigma, discrimination and imposed restrictions in their freedom at the time of independence is as follows: There are four lakhs of Meenas in Jaipur State. The State authorities have chosen to apply rigorously the provisions of Criminal Tribes’ Act to this tribe, and have thus placed a large number of people under the operation of this cruel law. Since the application of this act, their men and women are no longer permitted any free movement, as a consequence of which they can do no business to earn their living. The use of any conveyance or transport is denied to them; cycles, camels or ponies, one and all, are prohibited. They are not allowed to keep weapons without the previous permission of the police. Even a lathi (stick) is a prohibited article for them. Whenever a theft occurs in any nearby locality, it is taken for granted that they have committed

Educational constraints 179

it and their property is confiscated. They are arrested and kept behind the bars without prosecution. They are the first and common victims of police exploitation and they have to give bribes to redeem themselves from police zoolum (atrocities). They are forcibly employed without adequate remuneration by rich Marwaris.1 The reporter, Rameshwari Nehru (cited in Pandey 2013), writes further, “in this manner, in the words of the Convener of the [Meena] Panchayat, even the right of existence has been snatched from these unfortunate people. They are indeed veritable slaves of Free India”. The CTA was replaced by the Rajasthan Habitual Criminals (Registration and Regulation) Act, 1950. It listed the following tribes: Meena, Bhat, Kanjar, Bagri, Sansi, Baori, Mogia, Nat, Naik and Multanis.2 The government of Rajasthan issued the Rajasthan Habitual Offenders Ordinance, 1952, by repealing the act of 1950. It was made effective starting31 August 1952. The ordinance contained slightly different provisions as compared to the Bombay and Madras acts on the subject. The ordinance helped in removing the tag of criminality on account of birth and hereditary. Only a class of people who come up to a certain standard of criminal record was now subject to law without any discrimination against individuals or communities. But even after the CTA and Habitual Criminal Act were repealed, the stamp of suspicion and hatred remained indelible on the DNTs. Against this background, the government of Rajasthan showed concern for the DNTs, NTs and SNTs in the state by forming the State of Rajasthan DNT, NT and SNT Welfare Board under the Department of Social Justice and Empowerment in November 2013. The board was allotted a budget of Rs. 500 crore for housing, education and employment of these communities. But soon after the new government came into power, the board was abolished before completing its tenure of three years.

NTs and SNTs in Rajasthan The term ‘nomad’ is derived from the Greek term ‘nemo’, meaning the one who roams around for ‘pasture.’ In that sense, in Rajasthan, the term ‘nomadic’ is applied to those pastoralists and herdsmen who keep flocks of sheep, goats and camel or herds of cattle and move around from one place to another in search of pasture lands. Apart from these herdsmen, there are other tribes who travel with their families in pursuit of a livelihood. In Rajasthan we find both pastoral nomads, i.e. the Raika and Gadaria, and non-pastoral nomads, i.e. Banjara, Kalbelia, Gadia-Luhar, Bhat, Bagaria, etc. The NTs and SNTs have traditionally pursued professions such as snake charming, acrobatics, puppetry, singing, dancing, hunting, handicrafts, transporting salt and spices, trading in cattle, fortune telling, keeping

180  Madan Meena

genealogies of patrons and medicinal healing. But in the modern times these professions have been rendered redundant. The present laws forbid professions like hunting. Urbanization and environmental conservation schemes have contributed to increasing impoverishment of these tribes. Growing poverty has contributed to a high degree of malnutrition, illiteracy and landlessness amongst these tribes (Bokil 2002). Since these two categories of NTs are always on the move, they are deprived of citizenship entitlements like a voter’s identity card, caste certificate, domicile certificate, birth certificate and BPL ration card. This stops them from participating in the democratic process and activities and is a hurdle in availing themselves of welfare schemes and enjoying the constitutional fundamental rights. Today we see most of these tribes reduced to beggars, rag pickers and those involved in other menial jobs. Children and women are found performing on streets in heavy traffic of the cities. They are often harassed or viewed as a nuisance by the government and public alike. The NTs are on continuous move from one place to another in search of a livelihood. They do not have any fixed place of residence. Some of them follow a fixed pattern of movement based on the season, crop cultivation and profession. They include Baldias (Banjaras), Pardhis, Domabaris, Gadia-Lohar, Iranis, JogiKalbelia, JogiKanphata, Khurpalts (Kulphalts) and ShikkeligarGhisadis (www.sje.rajasthan.gov.in). The SNTs are classified as those tribes who travel during a certain period of time for their occupation and then return to their base camps in the idle time. They mostly stay home during the monsoon season. Some of them own a piece of land in their native places and a few amongst them even practice agriculture. Some of these tribes are SaranovialBhopas, Rebaris or Raikas, Raths, Mangallisa, Bhayas, Kannis, Janglus, Jalukus, Jhangs, Sindlus, Jogis (other than those included in NTs), Ramaswamies and BharaddiJadhavs (Ibid). Most of the DNTs, NTs and SNTs have been classified as scheduled castes (SCs), STs, OBCs and the newly formed SBC in the Constitution of India. Though they are entitled to the reservation benefits, they have hardly progressed as compared to other tribal groups. Recognizing this problem, the National Commission for De-notified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes Report (2008) and the Technical Advisory Group Report (2006) recommended that a sub-category be formed within the SC, ST and OBC categories to benefit the DNTs, NTs and SNTs separately. But the recommendation has never been implemented. In the present global economy, these tribes are facing a livelihood crisis and are compelled to live on the fringes of society. The existence of these tribes, once an important part of the agrarian economy, is at stake in the changed scenario.

Educational constraints 181

The tag of criminality attached with the DNTs and the nomadic way of life of NTs and SNTs causes people to view them with suspicion. Due to the fear and stigma of criminality, they hide their identities. Since they do not have any land rights, their nativity is always a question.

The sample and survey The present chapter features the educational status of the DNTs, NTs and SNTs in Rajasthan. It is based on the ‘Socio-economic Status and Educational Attainment and Challenges of DNT, NT and SNT’ survey conducted by the author during the year 2013–14 for the Indian Council of Social Science Research, New Delhi (ICSSR SESEAC DNSN). Twelve DNTs, NTs and SNTs were studied with a sample size of 2053 questionnaires. Around two dozen members of these tribal communities were trained to conduct the field survey. To authenticate collected data, the author visited some 50 tribal leaders and organizations across the field area. To study the educational status of the DNTs, NTs and SNTs, the present study worked out the sample size for the detailed questionnaires, developed earlier by an expert team. The household survey collected detailed information from the head of household about age, gender, occupation and education status of each member. The study, identifying 12 communities, raised the following sample size on the basis of their population ratio (Table 11.1). The questionnaire-based survey covered 189 villages/localities of 52 tehsils in 21 districts of Rajasthan. Additionally, community interviews were conducted in three districts, i.e. Pratapgarh, Chittorgarh and Udaipur. Table 11.1 Categ ory-wise tribes and sample size of the survey Sr. No.

Name of the Community

Category (DNT, NT and SNT)

Sample Size for Survey

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Baori Mogia Multani Bhat Sansi Kanjar Nat Raika (Rebari) Bagaria Kalbelia Gadia-Luhar Banjara Total

DNT DNT DNT DNT DNT DNT DNT NT NT SNT NT NT

148 162 75 164 218 183 165 244 163 185 168 178 2053

Source: ICSSR SESEAC DNSN 2013–14 (Rajasthan)

182  Madan Meena

Many of the NTs are scattered in different districts across Rajasthan, while the DNTs were located regionally in particular villages and urban settlements. For example, the nomadic Kalbelias and Gadia-Luhars were scattered across Rajasthan living in makeshift temporary camps in small numbers. In contrast, the DNTs, like the Kanjar, Sansi and Nat, were concentrated in a few districts of the state and lived in large settlements. Migration of the tribes like Rebari (Raika), Nat, Bhat and Bagaria was continuous, while many of the NTs like Kalbelia, Banjara, Gadia-Luhar, and Naik were settled permanently through the government’s rehabilitation schemes and livelihood missions. Locating the Mogia community around the Ranthambore Wildlife Sanctuary was a challenge. Their population being significant was hinted by the media and police around the sanctuary area. They were regularly detained and punished in cases of theft and poaching by the local police. But to locate them in the field was not an easy task. The community members were not willing to disclose information and give contact information for their relatives and community members residing in other places. The information received from them for the study revealed that they were falsely booked in a number of cases by the police for a variety of allegations, for instance, theft of electric transformers on electric poles, and many of them were detained in jails.

Failure of free education to reach out The main reason for illiteracy among the DNTs, NTs and SNTs was lack of awareness among the parents in terms of education and their own illiteracy. In Rajasthan, education is provided free up to the middle level in government schools. Course books are provided free up to the higher secondary level in all government schools. The Government of India’s flagship programme ‘SarvaSikshaAbhiyan’has made efforts for providing elementary education across all the classes of the society. But the programme has hardly reached out to the DNTs, NTs and SNTs. Generally speaking, the provision of the government mid-day meal attracted children to schools. But in the case of the communities discussed here, it failed to do. Teachers made efforts to convince the parents, but it did not bring about the desired results. The situation therefore demanded a dynamic and practical approach for these groups, keeping in mind their special circumstances, away from the common approach and policy.

Factors determining educational status The following specific factors were noticed that determined the educational status of the NTs, SNTs and DNTs in Rajasthan.

Educational constraints 183

Language barrier in schools Rajasthan is a multi-lingual state with various languages spoken across its different cultural zones. One of the proverbs indicating the linguistic diversity of Rajasthan says, ‘koskos par badlepaani, char kos par vani’. It means in every one kos (2.25 miles), the taste of water changes and so does the language. There are regional languages (e.g. Marwari, Hadauti andDhundari), community-specific languages (e.g. Luhari and Bagari) and the common Hindi language spoken across the state. The present survey found that different languages were spoken at home, in the neighbourhood, in the marketplace and at school. For example, a community like Kanjar was able to speak Hindi, Hadauti, Bhatu (community language) and their secret code language ‘Parsi’. The medium of instruction in the schools of Rajasthan, both private and government, was Hindi. Survey data showed that 86.22 per cent of students spoke Hindi in schools. Depending on the teachers, regional languages were also used for instruction in rural schools for easy comprehension of the students. Thus, use of 14 regional languages like Marwari, Hadauti, Maad, Dhundari, Mewari, Bagri, Luhari, etc., was observed by the survey. These regional languages were spoken by 13.78 per cent of students, whereas Hindi was spoken by 86.22 per cent of students. The survey discovered that students and teachers preferred to speak in Hindi as a matter of prestige. Use of regional languages was more visible at the primary level. At the higher classes, teachers and students both were inclined to adopt Hindi as the standard medium of instruction and conversation. The diversity of language was seen more in rural areas as compared to urban areas. Beyond class hours, however, students preferred to speak in vernacular languages for mutual conversation. Students belonging to the same community chose to speak their own community languages such as Luhari, Bhatu and Bagri. At the elementary level, it was noticed that children from the NTs like Gadia-Luhar, Raika, Banjara, Bagaria and Nat lost interest in education due to the language barrier. Thus, language was one of the reasons for their high drop-out rate. Recently, organizations like Child Fund India and Room-toRead initiated developing a literature and library programme in regional languages in collaboration with the government schools in the interest of these tribes. But the effort is modest, limited to only four to five districts of Rajasthan. There is a move to get Rajasthani, a language associated with the Marwari population, included in the Eighth Schedule of Indian languages and adopt it as a medium of education at the school and college levels in the state. So far as the DNTs, NTs and SNTs are concerned, it will amount to an imposition upon them and cause death of their own languages.

184  Madan Meena

Low literacy level of the family Across different states of India the literacy rate of the DNTs, NTs and SNTs is very low in comparison to the literacy rate of the general population. The literacy rate of India in the 2011 census is 74 per cent. But in Rajasthan the literacy rate of the DNTs, NTs and SNTs, according to the present survey study, was only 34 per cent. The gap is huge, as can be gauged by Table 11.2 and Figure 11.1. Within this general gap, the female DNT, NT and SNT literacy rate was found to be much lower, only 28 per cent. The reasons for this range from poverty, conservatism, migration, remoteness, stigmatization, caste discrimination, sex discrimination, traditional profession to child labour. The illiteracy rate of the DNTs, NTs and SNTs was 65.93 per cent, which was equal to the literacy rate (66.11 per cent) of Rajasthan (Figure 11.1). It shows that the situation of literacy among the DNTs, NTs and SNTs was just opposite other tribes of the state. Figure 11.1 demonstrates this situation. Table 11.2 records the educational status of the whole family of the 12 tribes in thestudy. It includes the parents and grandparents, their children in the age group of 6 to 17 years and others who were part of the household. In total, the education status of 11,695 members of 2053 households is listed. The data show that 65.93 per cent of members never attended school and

Table 11.2 Education le vels of different communities in the study (percentage) Community

Illiterate Primary Level (Upto Class 5)

Middle School (Class 6-8)

Sec . Level (Class 9-10)

Higher Grad Post Other N (%) Sec . Grad. (Class 11-12)

Baori Mogia Multani Bhat Sansi Kanjar Nat Raika Bagaria Kalbelia Gadia-Luhar Banjara Total

57 71 81 54 48 53 57 60 87 82 80 70 66

12 8 3 12 15 10 11 13 2 4 3 7 9

6 3 1 6 6 5 2 6 1 1 1 1 3

2 1 * 4 3 3 * 2 * * * 1 1

22 16 14 24 25 27 29 19 9 12 16 20 20

2 1 0 1 2 2 1 * * * * * 1

0 0 0 0 * * * 0 0 0 0 0 *

0 0 0 0 * * 0 0 0 * 0 * *

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

(148) (162) (75) (164) (218) (183) (165) (244) (163) (185) (168) (178) (2053)

• Less than 0.5 per cent (average literacy rate of DNTs, NTs and SNTs = 100 per cent – 65.93 per cent = 34.07 per cent) Source: ICSSR SESEACDNSN 2013–14 (Rajasthan)

Educational constraints 185

Average literacy rate of Rajasthan

Literacy rate of DNTs, NTs and SNTs of Rajasthan

As per the census of 2011

As per the survey in 2013–14

33.89

34.07 65.93

66.11

Literacy Rate

Illiteracy Rate

Figure 11.1 L iteracy rate of Rajasthan in comparison to the literacy rates of DNTs, NTs and SNTs

remained illiterate. Only 19.79 per cent of people studied to the primary level, 8.62 per cent studied to middle school, 3.33 per cent studied to the secondary level, 1.41 per cent studied to the higher secondary level, 0.78 per cent studied to graduation, 0.05 per cent studied to post- graduation and 0.09 per cent did some professional course. The data show that not even 1 per cent of students reached college-level education. This means that the children of these tribes hardly qualified for government jobs. This led them to resort to menial labour jobs. The illiteracy rate among the Multani, Bagaria, Kalbelia, Gadia-Luhar and Banjara community was more than 80 per cent. Among these, the Bagaria community, with the illiteracy rate of 86.92 per cent, suffered the most. The main reason behind this is migration and poverty. Parents’ educational level One of the main reasons for the poor educational status of children (age 6 to 17 years) was the illiteracy of their parents. Being illiterate, parents are not aware of various government schemes as per their democratic rights. Table 11.3 shows that 85 per cent of fathers and 94.40 per cent of mothers were illiterate and never attended school. The illiteracy rate among the Multani, Bagaria, Kalbelia, Gadia-Luhar and Banjara tribes is above 95 per cent. The illiteracy rate of the parents directly corresponds to the illiteracy rate of their children. The illiterates were exploited by the middlemen, contractors, government officials and fellow villagers. Unaware of various welfare schemes run by the government, they did not register for them. In case of financial problems, they borrowed money from local moneylenders and paid high interest rates,

186  Madan Meena Table 11.3 Illiteracy rate of parents Tribes

Father

Mother

Baori Mogia Multani Bhat Sansi Kanjar Nat Rebari (Raika) Bagaria Kalbelia Gadia-Luhar Banjara Total

91 94 97 65 66 66 72 93 96 96 96 98 85

97 95 99 93 89 87 90 95 97 97 99 98 94

Source: ICSSR SESEACDNSN 2013–14 (Rajasthan)

of which the dues multiplied. They did not open bank accounts and did not know how to register for old-age pensions. Relying upon others for these, they were often cheated. Further, they hesitated to enrol their children in school. If they enrolled at all, they did not meet the teachers to know about the problems of their ward. Due to illiteracy they were unable to guide their children for higher education. Some children who managed to acquire a higher education received degrees in the common subjects of humanities that hardly helped them in getting a job.

Education of children According to the census of 2011, the literacy rate of children aged seven and older in Rajasthan is 79.19 per cent and 52.12 per cent for boys and girls, respectively, whereas according to the present survey in 2013–14, the literacy rate of DNT, NT and SNT children in the age group of 6 to 17 is 66.49 per cent and 50.52 per cent for boys and girls, respectively. Data show that the DNT, NT and SNT boys, whose percentage was better than girls’, far lag behind other boys of their age group in Rajasthan. Interestingly, the gap between the literacy rate of DNT, NT and SNT girls and other girls was insignificant. This was mainly because the Sansi, Baori, Raika, Nat and Bhat girls performed better, showing a literacy rate of around 80 per cent. But the literacy rate among the NTs in general was very low (Table 11.4). Among the Bagaria girls it was only 7.66 per cent, which was a matter of serious concern. Even the literacy rate of Bagaria boys was very low, i.e. 36.25 per cent. The reason for low literacy among the Bagaria girls was that the parents preferred girls’ help in making brooms to sending

Educational constraints 187 Table 11.4 Literacy rate of childr en (6 to 17 years) Tribes

Boys

Girls

Baori Mogia Multani Bhat Sansi Kanjar Nat Rebari (Raika) Bagaria Kalbelia Gadia-Luhar Banjara Total

89 63 47 80 83 76 81 89 36 40 47 71 66

68 40 24 68 87 60 71 71 8 24 24 49 51

Source: ICSSR SESEACDNSN 2013–14 (Rajasthan)

them to school. The community migrates for almost nine to ten months across north India. The whole family moves along with the children. They do not stay at one place for a long time. This made it impossible for them to enrol their children in schools. The situation actually warrants inclusion of the Bagarias in the government list of NTs and evolving special measures for them. The case is similar with other NT communities, Gadia-Luhars and Kalbelias. Their children do not attend schools due to the need to migrate in search of a livelihood. Often, the schools are away from their habitats. Among the DNTs, the educational status of the Multani community is not very different from that of the Kalbelias. The community has a low population, found in Jodhpur, Bundi and Kota. To earn a living, men collect iron scraps from villages and women sell vegetables. Though Multani families are concentrated in urban areas, their children did not attend schools. Their parents, often struggling for a livelihood, were found to be indifferent about their children’s education. The survey revealed that the percentage of children who did not receive an education, especially in the rural areas, was high. The NTs did not enrol their children in schools. Caste discrimination created an inferiority complex among their children, which prevented them from attending schools. Also, the challenges of earning a livelihood meant the children needed to earn an income along with their parents from an early age. Girls from the DNTs, NTs and SNTs were generally married off at a young age. Though child marriage decreased recently due to strict government vigilance, it still took place clandestinely. Compared to the other tribes, male–female discrimination was low. Like boys, girls were also

188  Madan Meena

earning members of the household. In some of the Kanjar villages, the number of girls was higher than boys. In fact, girls were preferred in the Kanjar community, since they could be forced into prostitution and be a source of family income. The Kanjar case was exceptional. Overall, the sex ratio was not balanced. Our survey reported that among children of the age group 6 to 17 years in 2053 households, there were 2841 boys against 2486 girls.

Types of educational institutions The survey showed that 75.59 per cent of students studied in government schools, while 24.41 per cent of students attended private institutions. Parents of DNT, NT and SNT students were unable to afford the fees of the private schools. Most of these tribes were based in rural areas where only government schools were available. The highest percentage of students attending government schools was from the Rebari tribe. They were found to take their children’s education seriously. The survey showed that more than one-third of the government schools had high student–teacher ratios (above 1:35), unqualified teachers, poor pedagogy, etc. Like others, most of the parents of the DNT communities desired to send their children to private schools but they could not afford the fees and other expenses. Government schools provided free education and mid-day meal to children, attracting their good attendance. But it was observed that many students stayed in schools only for the meal. Thus, the government incentives have hardly helped in terms of educational growth and improvement of the literacy rate. Teachers at government schools complained that much of their time was wasted in managing rations and food. When the meal was over, teachers allowed the students to go home. Government schools also provided scholarships and free books, which became another attraction to parents and children. Most of the DNTs were in the SC category, which entitled them these benefits. Government schools were not strict with respect to discipline and attendance. Instead, they gave freedom to the students. If a student discontinued their studies, he or she was allowed to come back to the classes at any point in time.

Drop-out and Non-enrolment According to the survey, the drop-out rate of children of 6 to 17 years of age was 6.65 per cent, while the non-enrolment rate was 37.98 per cent. The main reason for illiteracy among the DNT, NT and SNT children was their non-enrolment in schools. Children were not admitted in schools for various reasons. If they were enrolled at all, they dropped out very soon. The reasons for this were many. The most important is poverty, compounded with frequent migration and customary early marriage.

Educational constraints 189

Our survey showed enrolment of 39.11 per cent of boys and 36.12 per cent of girls, respectively, in the primary level. But this came down sharply in the upper classes. At the college level, the enrolment was 0.88 per cent for boys and 0.46 per cent for girls. At the post-graduation level, there was no representation at all. The phenomenon of drop-out and retention is shown in Figure 11.2. In the Sansi and Banjara villages, the children were found assisting their parents in making country liquor. The liquor burners required regular firewood and water changes at frequent intervals to condense the vapour. As their parents were busy with other work, children generally took care of these at the cost of attending school. In some of the Kanjar villages, young girls at the age of 10 to 12 years were forced into prostitution. These girls dropped out of school to attend their clients at odd hours. The survey showed that the enrolment of Kanjar girls at the primary level was above that of the boys. But from middle school onwards, the drop-out rate was very high. The case was similar with the Nat girls. In the Rebari community, most of the boys studied to the primary and middle school levels. But after attaining the age of 13 to 14 years, they left their studies and migrated to cities like Pune, Mumbai, Ahmedabad, etc., to work in the dairy product and sweet shops. Or if the families had livestock, the children dropped out to work in grazing cattle. A similar problem was found with the Gadia-Luhar children, who did not attend school regularly 45 Boys Girls

40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5

th er O

tG

ra d.

io n Po s

ra du at

c. G

ig h

Se

y H

nd ar Se co

dl e M id

Pr im ar

y

0

Figure 11.2 F all in enrolment of DNT community students in different classes by gender Source: ICSSR SESEACDNSN 2013–14 (Rajasthan)

190  Madan Meena

and dropped out. Once enrolled, they lost interest in school. They were found to be bright in sports and other activities. From an early age they started working with their parents to shape iron tools. With regard to Bagaria’s low educational status, the caste factor was very important. Children bore the brunt of beggary and untouchability. In schools, the students of higher castes treated Bagaria children despicably. Out of hatred and discrimination, they abused Bagaria children. The result was inculcation of an inferiority complex in them, due to which many Bagaria children stopped attending schools. Our survey revealed that the DNTs, NTs and SNTs were at the bottom of all the parameters of development as compared to any other communities of the state. Since these tribes were indiscriminately placed under different reservation categories without proper consideration of their distinct sociocultural problems, their backwardness was exacerbated. The tribes that were once known for their rich crafts, skills, services and knowledge turned into unskilled floating labour on the margin of villages, towns and cities.

Conclusion After seven decades of independence, the education status of DNT, NT and SNT communities is dismal in Rajasthan. Among the several factors for this situation, as the study reveals, is that they are looked down upon by society and government alike. They are deprived of basic amenities and citizenship rights. Many legal cases under the Forest Rights Act, Wildlife Protection Act, Prevention of Begging Act, Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POSCO) Act, etc., are used heavily against them for minor infractions. The nomadic communities are picked up anytime from their temporary settlements and harassed in the police stations. They have to bribe the police officials to get released. The stigma of criminality and backwardness still prevails. This has badly affected the young generation, hampering their education and employment prospects. Caste discrimination and untouchability are very much evident in rural areas. Thus, these communities have to camp outside the village on waste lands, deprived of the basic facilities of electricity, water and citizenship documents. Their houses are burnt when the villagers encroach upon such lands. The public cremation grounds are not allowed to them. This compels many of the communities, like Kalbelia and Bagaria, to bury dead bodies within their huts. In such a situation these communities can never be part of the mainstream development. Their traditional means of livelihood have been banned under various government laws and restrictions imposed. Looking to these issues, there is an urgent need that the recommendations of the DNT-NT commissions be immediately followed. Budgetary provisions should be made and their boards should be constituted in states where these populations reside.

Educational constraints 191

Notes 1 Statement of Ram Singh Naurawat, Convener, Rajasthan Meena Panchayat, quoted by Rameshwari Nehru (1949). Cited in Pandey 2 www.sje.rajasthan.gov.in/default.aspx?pageid=68

References Bokil, M. (2002). ‘Denotified and Nomadic Tribe: A Perspective’. Economic and Political Weekly, pp. 148–154. CensusIndia. www.censusindia.gov.in. Downto Earth. www.downtoearth.org.in/node/45134. D’Souza, Dilip. (1999). ‘De-Notified Tribes: Still “Criminal”?’ Economic and Political Weekly, December 18, pp. 3576–3578. EPW. (2007). ‘Denotified and Nomadic Tribes – A Nowhere Existence’. Economic and Political Weekly, October 6, Vol 42, No 40, p. 4020. Fanon, Frantz. (1963/1990). The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove WEIDENFELD. Nehru, Rameshwari. (1949). The Hindustan Times. New Delhi, September 9. Cited in Pandey Gyanendra, A History of Prejudice: Race, Caste, and Difference in India and the United States. Cambridge University Press, 2013.

Appendix

Method and sample for ST ICSSR–sponsored studies on “education status of scheduled tribes: attainments and challenges” (ICSSR:ESTAC)

The interview schedules were framed for two categories of respondents: (a) heads of the households and (b) students. The questionnaire schedules for students were spread over three categories: upper primary, secondary and college students. All these schedules included two sets of questions, one for scheduled tribe (ST) and another for non-scheduled tribe (non-ST) respondents.

Sample The ST population and their rate of literacy within the state were the two main parameters that guided the sample design. For the purpose of the sample, each state was divided into five groups of districts. One of them was the state headquarters or the main city where many educational institutions are likely to be located. The remaining districts were classified into four groups on the basis of the density of the ST population and their literacy rate as per the 2001 census. Taking the average ST population in the state and their average literacy rate in the state as cut-off points, the districts were grouped as follows: Groups

ST Literacy Above State Average ST Literacy Below State Average

ST Population Above

ST Population Below

State Average

State Average

DISTRICT NAMES (A) DISTRICT NAMES (B)

DISTRICT NAMES (C) DISTRICT NAMES (D)

Selection of block/taluk We followed, by and large, the same logic in the selection of blocks within the selected sample district. The block with the district headquarters was

Appendix 193

selected, provided it had an ST population of more than 4000. Failing that, an alternative block was selected. This was done with an assumption that we may not get the required number of ST students at all levels. In the same way, the remaining blocks which had less than 4000 ST population were also dropped for the purpose of the sample. The remaining blocks in the district were divided into two strata on the basis of their ST population; first, blocks with ST population between 4001 and 10,000 and second, blocks with an ST population above 10,000. From these two strata of blocks, two blocks were randomly selected.

Selection of villages A similar procedure was adopted for selecting three villages within the sample block. Of the three, the village/town/city of the block/taluk headquarters was taken as mandatory. Out of the remaining villages in the block, the villages having fewer than 30 ST households/less than 200 ST population were dropped. From the remaining villages, two villages were selected randomly.

Household (HH) selection After the selection of three villages in a block, 25 ST HHs and 10 nonST HHs were randomly selected from each village. For that, the village/ town/city was divided into wards with an ST population. Ten ST HHs were randomly selected from the ward. Non-ST/SC HHs were selected from the nearest/adjoining ward of the ST population ward. For each state, we decided to take a total of 1500 HHs. Of them, 30 per cent were non-ST/SC. Most of the states, by and large, maintained that figure. The general instruction to the investigators was to interview the head of the HHs. However, this could not be done in all cases because often the heads of the HHs were not available at the time of the field investigation. In some cases, the investigators went again to interview the head of the HH, but this did not happen in all the cases. Therefore, the information was taken from another elderly person in the same HHs. Hence, one has to read the HH information with this limitation.

Selection of school and college The block was the unit for the selection of schools and colleges. In the block, three separate lists of upper primary, secondary and colleges were prepared according to the type of management (government or private). After preparing these lists, three schools (two from the government and one from private) were randomly selected for each education level in the block – upper primary, secondary and college. In cases where the requisite number of secondary schools and/or colleges was not available in the sample block, the

194 Appendix

remaining number was taken from the block headquarters of the district or another sample block where more schools and colleges were available. From each school and college, nine ST students and three non-ST/SC students (from Class VII and Class IX, respectively) were selected for the interview, i.e. 108 students per block. The selection of students from government and private schools/colleges followed a 70 per cent and 30 per cent ratio, respectively. In the case of colleges, it was insisted that private professional colleges like engineering, medicine, computer science, etc., should be covered under the 30 per cent student (preferably a second-year student) ratio from privately managed colleges. Those colleges that offer degree courses (preferably second-year students) from both government and privately managed institutions were selected. For the purpose of the sample, we considered fully government and government-aided schools as ‘government’ and fully privately managed colleges were treated as ‘Private’. If a block had only one government college, then the second government college was taken from the district headquarter block, if available. If the district headquarters did not have a government college, then the number of students sampled from the available government college was doubled to match the number of the sample as specified for two government colleges. The students who were selected were independent of the HHs selected for the study. In other words, our HH sample is independent of the student sample.

Index

Note: Page numbers in bold indicate a table on the corresponding page. Above Poverty Line (APL)/ ration card 153 – 154 academic performance 156 – 157 Adam, William 37 Adilabad 134, 136, 137, 162 Adimjati 3, 44 – 46 adivasis 3, 32, 103, 105 Adivasi Sabha 46 affirmative actions 80, 155 agricultural labour 58, 59, 79, 80, 100, 140 agriculture 7, 12, 42, 45, 58, 59, 85, 101, 103, 104, 118, 140, 144, 145, 165 – 167, 173, 174, 180 Ahmedabad 102, 189 AISES 77, 113, 117, 127, 131 Alappuzha 149, 150 All India Criminal Tribes Inquiry Committee 5 anachronistic 44 Andhra Pradesh 4, 7, 21, 68, 135, 136 Angas 2 Anglican mission 43 Anglo-vernacular 39, 41 animism 87, 103 Army School 74 Article 341 2 Article 342 2 Article 366 2 Articles 45 and 46 46 Artisan 8, 79, 88 Arunachal Pradesh 3 – 5, 7, 18, 19, 56 ascetics 8 Ashram Shalas 24, 105 aspiration: parents’ aspiration, carrier/ job 17, 76

Aspiration: parents’ aspiration for their children, for education 17, 173; students’ aspiration 43; students’ aspiration - carrier/job 17, 76; students’ aspiration -for education 17, 173 Assam 3, 5, 56 assimilation 12, 101, 120 astrologers 8 attendance-class/school 92, 109, 112, 140, 143, 156, 158, 174, 188 Bachelor of Engineering (BE) 83 backward tribes 2 Baiga 19, 45, 57, 79 Baighani 58 Bakarwals 20 Balwadis 47 Banaskantha 102 Banjara 19, 79, 176, 179, 180, 182, 183, 185, 189 Bankura 85 Bara, Joseph 16 Baraik 19, 71 Bastar 57 Bavachas 105 Below Poverty Line (BPL) 60, 79, 88, 104, 119, 154, 164, 178 Bengali 39, 96 Bentinck, William 32 Bhadrachalam (Khammam) 136 Bhagalpur 38 Bharatiya Adimjati Sevak Sangh 46 Bharia 57 Bhattras 20, 63 Bhil 44, 47, 60, 102, 105, 109, 115

196 Index Bhil Seva Mandal 44, 47 Bhulia 58 bicycle 77, 78, 80 Bihar 17, 38, 74, 109 Bilaspur 61 Binjhwar 57 Birbhum 85 Birhor 19, 57, 79 Birhul 10, 60 Birsa uprising 42 blackboard 28, 141 bodding 45 Bombay 36, 179 bonded labourers 101, 103 Brahmanical 140 Breman, Jan 101, 109, 112 British colonialism 35 British colonial state 32, 34 Buddhist 2, 87 Bulke, Camil 47 Buxor 38 Calcutta 36, 87 Campbell, George 41 cattle grazing 82, 140 Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) 15, 123 Chaibasa 39 charitable hospitals 76 Chaudhari 100, 102, 105, 109, 115 Chenchus 134 Chhattisgarh 4, 7, 10, 16 – 21, 56 – 70, 100 Chhattisgarhi 57 Chhotanagpur 33, 37, 39, 40 – 44, 47, 118 Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act 42 Chotanagpur Unnati Samaj 42 Christian missionaries 8, 9, 20, 37, 40, 42, 43, 46, 71, 104, 118 Christians 57, 63, 87, 103 Christian teachings 40 civilization 2, 38 – 41, 44, 50 civilize/civilized 2, 8, 9, 47, 50, 67, 105, 177 Cleveland, Augustus 38 college see higher education colonial education 11, 16, 34, 37, 49, 50 Commission (Mudaliar) 29n4 Commission (Radhakrishnan) 29n4 Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes 3

Common School System 11, 14 comprehension 24, 65, 96, 113, 114, 122, 183; difficulties 65, 113, 114 Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) 69, 114 computer 23, 62, 96, 110, 111, 141, 154, 194 Constituent Assembly 48 Criminal Tribes Act, 1871 5, 160, 176 cultivation 7, 12, 58, 59, 79, 80, 91, 101, 103, 180 cultivators 7, 59, 79, 80, 100, 103, 104, 110, 114, 174 cultural agenda 47 culture 7, 12, 15, 48 – 50, 97, 115 curriculum 15, 28, 45, 48, 49, 67, 115, 122, 135, 140, 146, 157, 158 Dadra, Nagar Haveli 4 Dahod 102, 103, 105 Dalits 32, 46 Dalton E.T. 41 Daman 3 – 5, 19 Damor 60 Dangs 102, 103 Dantewada 57 Das 80 Dave, Jugatram 105 Dayanand Anglo-Vedic Schools 74 Delhi Public Schools 74 denotified (DNT) tribes 5, 6, 10, 160 – 175, 180 Depressed Class Mission 44 derogatory 27 Desai, I.P. 105 devotional singers 8 Devy, Ganesh 103 Dhanka Vasti Gruh 105 Dhebar Commission 48 – 51, 71 Dhir, Jhingran 20 Dhodia 102, 105, 109, 115 Dhruvas 20, 63 dhumkuria of Uraons 38 Dialect 3, 4, 12, 24, 25, 28, 66, 67, 96, 102, 115, 123, 169 discrimination 5, 26, 27, 29, 62, 75, 83, 87, 134 – 146, 160, 169, 172, 177 – 179, 184, 187, 190; invisible 134 – 146 distance 13, 14, 23, 77, 78, 80, 91, 143, 164, 171 District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) 13

Index 197 Diu 3 – 5 Doctor (MBBS) 83, 108, 167, 173 domestic work 82, 138, 142 Dorla 57 Dravidian 57, 157 drinking water 23, 28, 58, 62, 82, 164 drop out 32, 168 – 169; primary 28, 43, 63,123; secondary 123; upper primary 63,123 Dubey, Amaresh 20 Dublas 101 Dumka 80 early childhood education 122 East Godavari 68 economic factors 79 – 81 education: paradox of 117 – 132; of scheduled tribes 56 – 70; spread of 17 – 19; see also individual entries Education (school/college) admissionaccess 16, 27, 127, 139 educational attainment 8, 19, 21, 63, 71, 80, 128, 129, 134, 161, 181 Educational Despatch of 1854 36, 37, 49 educational institutions: enrolment in 17 – 18 Educational Level of Family (Highest) 106 – 108 educational stagnation 33, 43, 48 Education Commission 10, 12, 24, 37, 41, 49 education level, of parents 119 – 120 education policy 10 – 16, 24, 28, 39, 117, 131, 136 Eklavaya Model Residential Schools 15 Eklavya Vidhyalaya 22 elementary education 11, 14, 34, 36, 37, 42, 71, 125, 182 emotional cost 119 empowerment 71, 80, 83, 177, 179 engineer 83, 108, 173 English 2, 6, 21, 24, 25, 35, 38, 39, 45, 74, 81, 90, 91, 96, 105, 111, 122, 123, 138, 139, 145, 146, 171 English medium 21, 22, 25, 137, 139, 170, 171, 174 English-medium education 22 enrolment 10, 14, 15, 17, 18, 23 – 24, 33, 46, 62 – 63, 69, 78, 101, 108 – 112, 118, 121, 122, 125, 128, 129, 151, 170, 189

European Union State Partnership (EUSP) 68 Evaluation Report 113 examination 16, 40, 72, 73, 85, 86, 92 – 95, 98, 123 – 125, 127, 128, 129, 131, 132, 138, 142, 144, 145, 152, 155 – 158, 169, 174 exclusion 6, 18, 34, 37 – 39, 122, 132, 155, 158, 161, 166 female literacy 9, 102, 118, 176 ‘filtration’ policy 35 first Backward Class Commission 5 first generation secondary school students 90 forest labour 59 forest land 101, 103 forests 2, 3, 12, 37, 100, 106 formal education 8 – 10 Gamit 102 Gandharas 2 Gandhi, M.K. 44, 45 Gandhians 105 Gandhi’s basic education 105 Gautam, S.K.S 157 Gebert 59, 60, 62, 68 George, K.K 151, 155 Ghotul 38 Ghurye 47 Girijan 3 Girijan Vidya Vikas Kendras 136 girls 15, 17 – 19, 62, 75, 77, 78, 80, 101, 109, 111, 112, 119, 121, 138, 140, 141, 186 – 189 giti-ora of Mundas 38 Goa 4, 5, 7 – 9, 21, 56, 83, 123, 136, 140, 158, 179 Gokhale, G.K. 42, 71 Gond 20, 38, 45, 57, 60, 62, 63, 118, 134, 135, 142 government employees 88, 97 government schools 22, 26, 40, 41, 61, 62, 80, 93, 96, 97, 108, 121, 126, 136 – 139, 143, 151, 170, 171, 182, 183, 188 Govinda 158 Grade IV category 88 Graduate 19, 23, 43, 68, 74, 75, 80, 97, 120, 127, 137, 141, 145, 150 gross enrolment rate (GER) 17 Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) 16

198 Index guhiajori of Santhals 38 Gujarat 4, 7, 9, 10, 16 – 19, 21, 23, 24, 44, 100 – 116, 176 Gujarat Vidyapith 44 Gujjars 20 Gupta, Anju 109, 113 Habitual Offenders Act, (1952) 5, 160, 177 Halba 10, 57, 62 Halis 101 Hardinge, Henry 36 Haseena, V.A 157 Hawker 88, 174 Hazaribagh 39, 43 health 12, 27, 28, 58, 82, 95, 140, 144, 156, 158, 165, 167 hegemony 15, 100, 103, 120 higher education 15, 18, 19, 21, 28, 35 – 37, 42, 43, 46, 56, 65, 74, 77, 81, 96, 98, 101, 107 – 109, 111, 112, 120, 127 – 130, 132, 135, 142, 146, 155, 158, 173, 186 highest education, family 107, 111 high level committee on tribes 34 Hill Reddis 10 Himachal Pradesh 4, 5, 7, 9, 19, 56 Hindi 6, 39, 57, 58, 66, 81, 96, 120, 124, 177, 183 Hinduism 47, 48 Hindus 9, 47, 48, 50, 57, 87, 100 Hindustani Talimi Sangh 45 Ho 81 Hoffmann, J.B. 45 hostel 21, 47, 82, 105, 126, 129, 130, 140 household (HH) selection 193 Hugly 86 Human Development Index 17, 32, 58, 148, 152, 161 humiliation 75, 160, 162 Hyderabad 3, 134 – 137, 139, 145 identity 7, 13, 17, 122, 132, 164, 180 idiosyncrasy, tribal exclusion 37 – 39 Idukki 148 – 151 inclusion 6, 13, 14, 117, 148, 187 Indian Constitution 2, 5, 10, 16, 34 Indian Institutes of Management (IIM) 15 Indian Institutes of Technology (IIT) 15 Indian School of Mines-cum-Indian Institute of Technology 74

Industrial Training Institute 74 infant mortality rate (IMR) 8, 104 infrastructure 22, 23, 25, 28, 37, 58, 67, 78, 85, 101, 130, 138, 146 institutional structure 22 – 27 Integrated Tribal Development Agency (ITDA) 136 Intelligentsia 34, 44 – 46, 48, 49 invisible discrimination 134 – 146 irrigation 7, 101, 103, 104, 137 Islam 87 Jagdalpur 69 Jammu and Kashmir 4, 5, 7, 9, 20 Jan-jati 3 Janjgir-Champa 57, 61 Jashpur 47, 57, 61 Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas 15 Jawahar Vidyalaya 22 Jay, Anna 8, 26 Jhalod 47 Jharkhand 4, 7, 16, 17, 19, 23, 56, 71 – 84, 100, 109 Kalanaga 58 Kaliparaj 3 Kamar 57 Kannabiran Kalpana 8 Kapus 10 Karnataka 4, 7, 8, 13, 21 Karwar 57 Kasaragod 149 – 151 Kasi 2 Kasturba Gandhi BalikaVidyalaya 15 Katodis 105 Kavardi 58 Kawardha 61 Kerala 9, 16, 17, 19, 21, 56, 148 – 158 Khambojas 2 Khammam 134, 136, 162 Kharia 81 Khedbrahma 102 Kher, B.G 46 Kokanas 102 Kokani 102 Kolams 134 Kolis 101 Kolkata 86 Kollam 148 Konda 10 Kondareddi 68, 134 Korwa 10, 19, 57, 60, 79

Index 199 Kosala 2 Kothari, D. S. 10 – 13, 24 Kottayam 150 Koyas 134 Kunbis 105 Kurichchians 148 Kurukh (Uraon) 58, 81 Kurus 2 kutcha houses 89, 153 Lakshadweep 3 – 5 Lambadas 134, 139, 142 landless 7, 20, 21, 58, 59, 103, 109, 111, 112, 118, 137, 166 latrine/ toilet 23, 62, 82, 140 Limbo 51 linguistic barriers 81 literacy 60 – 62, 101, 150; female literacy 9; male literacy 9, 176 livelihood 7 – 8, 10, 20, 35, 42, 59, 79, 80, 83, 93, 95, 103, 144, 155, 160, 161, 165, 172, 174, 178 – 180, 182, 187, 190; sources 7 – 8 Lokur, B.N. 7 lower caste 32, 34, 36, 44, 138, 142

middle class 23, 35 – 37, 50, 93, 103 – 105, 116, 151 Midnipur 85, 86 migrate 103, 144, 176, 187, 188 mines 8, 74 Ministry of Human Resources (MHRD) 77 Mir, Sofia 20 Mizoram 3, 9 mode of travel (to school/college) 77, 78, 171 moghuls 5 Monghyr 38 Mongoloid 3 Morgan, Lewis 2 most backward castes (MBC) 57 mother tongue 45, 57, 66, 67, 81, 84, 96, 120, 122 – 124, 135, 157 Mullick, S.B. 17 Munda 42, 45, 57 Mundari 81 Mundra, R.D. 17 Muria 38, 57 Muria Gonds 38 Muslims 137

Macaulay, T.B. 32, 38, 39, 71 Madhya Pradesh 3, 4, 7, 9, 17, 18, 56, 57, 100, 117, 176 Madras 36, 61, 179 Magadhas 2 Maharashtra 4, 9, 16, 18, 56, 100, 117 Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences 74 Maisels, Charles Keith 2 Majhwar 10, 60 Malappuram 148 Malish, C.M. 25 Mamoria, C.B. 3 Mandal 41, 44, 47, 143 Manipur 3, 19, 56 Maoist insurgency 34 Marathas 5 Maria 57 Mathematics 24, 96, 105, 114, 138, 146 matric 15, 20, 21, 43, 46, 63, 74, 80, 120, 125, 126, 127, 150 Meghalaya 3, 19 merit 91 – 92 mid-day meal 27, 28, 33, 48, 82, 112, 125, 172, 182, 188

Nagaland 3, 7, 9, 19, 56 Naik, J. P. 11, 13, 34 – 35, 38, 39, 51, 179, 182 Naika 100, 102, 109 nai-talim 105 Nakkala and Kondhs 10 Nambissan, Geetha 67, 117 National Commission for De-notified, Nomadic and Semi-nomadic Tribes (NCDNST) 5, 180 National Institute of Foundry and Forge Technology 74 National Institutes of Technology 74 national integration 11, 13 nationalist 9, 16, 32 – 51, 71; interests 43 – 46 National Law University 74 National Policy on Education (NPE) 13 National Sample Survey (NSS) 22,  104 national schools 44 natural resources 5, 8, 37, 71 Navodaya Vidyalayas 15, 74 Nayakas 106 Nayakpod 134 NCERT 49, 122

200 Index Nehru, Jawaharlal 15, 27, 48, 49, 72, 179 Neighbourhood 11, 14, 22, 47, 57, 95, 112, 137, 139, 174, 183 net enrolment ratio (NER) 108 newspapers 75 Nizam 134, 135 Nomadic (NT) 1, 5 – 8, 10, 12, 17 – 19, 160 – 162, 176 – 190 non-agricultural wage labour 79, 80, 118 non-enrolment 28, 80, 188 non-ST 3, 9, 17, 24, 26, 56, 57, 94, 97, 99, 192 North-East frontier states 1, 5, 9 NSSO 7 nurse 83 Odisha 4, 8, 9, 17 – 19, 21, 24, 26, 56, 100, 117 – 132 one-teacher school (s) 25, 114 Oraon-Munda Siksha Sabha 42 other backward castes (OBCs) 15, 18, 19, 104, 137, 139, 141, 168, 169, 174, 180 Pahari 3, 19, 38, 79 Paharia 19, 38, 79 Palakkad 148 – 151 Panchalas 2 Panchamahal 102, 103 Panchsheel 48 Paniyans 148 para-teachers 68 Pardhan 10, 134 participation of students 138 particularly Vulnarable Tribal Groups 4, 57, 79, 118 Patelia 102, 105 Pathanamthitta 148, 150 Pathsalas 37 patriarchal 21, 28 pedagogy 22, 25, 35, 45, 69, 115, 158, 188 People’s Linguistic Survey of India 5 performance 25, 28, 82, 83, 85 – 99, 119, 125, 127, 128, 131, 138, 142 – 144, 151, 152, 156 – 158, 169, 174 pervasive poverty 118 – 119 petty shop owner 88 Phule 44

Planning Commission 113 plantation workers 88 Plassey 38 Pomlas 105 Poona 36 post-colonial nationalist course 46 – 47 post-independence tribal education policy 10 – 15 poverty 8, 10, 41, 59, 70, 80, 115; chronic poverty 20, 28, 161 Prakash, Ved 158 Prakrit 2 Pratham 24, 113 primary education 122 – 123 primary schools 23, 25, 28, 33, 49, 61, 62, 66, 68, 69, 76, 77, 111, 114, 115, 137, 151, 152, 157, 171 primitive 2 – 4, 7, 44, 45, 48, 57, 119 primitive tribes 2, 4 private coaching 22, 138, 173, 174 private sector 8, 92, 97, 104 privatization, of schools 26 professional 8, 15, 16, 19, 24, 26, 27, 74, 83, 97, 107, 127, 128, 130, 132, 141, 155, 173, 185, 194 professional courses 16, 19, 26, 27, 97, 141 public distribution system (PDS) 59, 154 Public Private Partnership (PPP) 14 Pucca 62, 89, 153 Pulayans 148 punishment (to students) 156 pupil-teacher ratio (PTR) 114, 115 puranic 2 Raigarh 61 raiyatwari system 100 Rajan, S.I. 151 Rajasthan 4 – 6, 8, 9, 17 – 19, 25, 100, 109, 176 – 191 Rajendra Institute of Medical Sciences 74 Rajmahal 38 Rajputs 5 Ramachandran, Vimala 24 Ramakrishna Mission schools 74 Rana 80 Ranchi 9, 39, 41 – 43, 45, 46, 78 Rathawa 102, 106 Rathawi 102 Ration Card 79, 80, 89, 154, 164, 180

Index 201 Ray, Niharranjan 2 Rayat Sikshan Sanstha 44 Reddis 10 Renfrew, Colin 2 Renke, Balkrishna 6, 8, 10 reservation 15, 16, 58, 75, 88, 103, 125 – 130, 132, 163, 164, 168, 178, 180, 190 reserved 6, 171 rights 5, 8, 10, 13, 40 – 42, 44, 59, 161, 177, 180, 181, 185, 190 Rona 10 Roy, S.C. 38, 45 Sabarkhantha 103 Sabharwal, N.S. 22, 25 Sabrakantha 102 Sadri/Nagpuri 81 Sahariya 10, 57, 60 Sahibganj 75 Sainik School 74 Saltpans 8 Sanota 60 Sanskar Kendras 47 Sanskrit 2, 124 Santhal 38, 42, 45, 85, 96 Santhali 81, 96 Santhal Parganas 42 SardariLarai 40, 41 Sargujiya 58 Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) 13 Sawar 57 Sayaji Rao Gaekawad III 105 Scheduled Areas 33, 48, 50, 71, 84, 121, 130, 134, 135 Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission 33, 48, 50, 71, 84 scheduled tribes (STs) 1 – 5; educational participation strands 71 – 84; education of 56 – 70; see also individual entries science 24, 96, 114, 127 – 129, 132 seasonal migration 20, 103, 156 secondary education 125 – 127 secondary school 22 – 25, 56, 61, 76, 78, 81, 86, 90, 94, 107, 112, 114, 120, 124 – 129, 132, 137 – 140, 143, 144, 167, 171, 193 self-employed 7, 21, 88, 104, 110 semi-Nomadic tribes (SNT) 1, 5 – 8, 12, 17 – 19, 160, 162, 163, 168, 176 – 190 senior secondary education 127 – 128

Servants of India Society (SIS) 44, 105 services 6, 80, 88, 99, 101, 190 Sevashram Schools 47, 121 Shah, B.V. 101 Shah, Ghanshyam 100, 102 Shankaracharya 47 shifting cultivation 7, 12, 59, 103 Shiksha Karmis 69 Sikkim 3, 19 Simdega 75, 78 Singh, Anup Kumar 27 Singh, Jaipal 48 single-teacher schools 68, 135, 136 small and marginal farmers 7, 20, 59, 103 social justice socio-cultural factors 81 – 83 Sonr 10 Spencer, Herbert 2 Srivastava, Ranjana 20 stereotyping equality 117 – 132 Subrahmanian, R. 26 Sujatha, K. 67, 68, 136, 158 Surat 102 Surguja 47, 61 syllabus 15, 25, 26, 67, 122, 123 Tadvis 102 Tamang 85 Tamil Nadu 5 Tana Bhagat 44 teacher 12, 16, 23 – 26, 39, 48, 49, 66, 67, 81, 114, 137, 143 teacher–student gap 67 – 69 tea plantation 85, 88 Telangana 6, 8, 10, 17, 19, 25, 26, 134 – 146, 160 – 174 television 140, 154 Telugu 135, 139, 169, 170 Thakkar, Amritlal 105 Thakkar, A.V. 44 – 46 The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act (RTE) 14 Thiruvananthapuram 148, 151 Thoti 10 Tibeto-Burman 3 Tilak, J.B.G. 14, 22 toilet 23, 28, 62, 82, 89, 140, 143, 164 Trevelyan, Charles E. 32, 34 tribal culture 12, 15, 25, 28, 45, 48 – 50, 71, 97, 115 tribal education 32 – 52

202 Index Tribal Welfare Department 15, 61 tribes: aspirations and obstacles 65 – 66; denotified, nomadic and semi-nomadic 5 – 7; economic conditions 58 – 60; enrolment pattern 62 – 63; literacy and education avenues 60 – 62; medium of instruction 66 – 67; occupation and income 64 – 65; profiles of 57 – 58; upward mobility 63 – 64 Tripura 3, 5, 18, 19 unemployment 80 UNESCO 5 University 27, 46, 47, 74, 142, 143, 146 Untouchables 44 upper primary education 123 – 125 upper primary schools 23, 25, 28, 61, 66, 77, 111, 114, 151, 152, 157 Uraon 20, 38, 44, 45, 47, 57, 58, 62, 63, 118 urban areas 4, 8, 20, 21, 23, 57, 74, 85, 86, 88 – 93, 97 – 100, 114, 119, 137, 139, 183, 187 urban informal sector 8 urban ST 21, 88, 90, 93, 94, 96, 97 Urdu 135 Utnur (Adilabad) 136 Uttarakhand; 4, 5, 7, 16, 19, 56 Uttar Pradesh 9, 109

Valmiki 10 Valsad 114 Vanvasi 3 Vanyajati 3 Varghese 158 Varlis 106 Vedchhi 105 Verrier Elwin 45, 48, 72 Von Furer-Haimendorf, Christoph  134 Wardha 45 Warli 102 Wayanad 148 – 151 weaker sections 14 welfare 6, 15, 16, 45, 46, 61, 105, 136, 140, 142, 145, 162, 165, 179, 180, 185 West Bengal (WB) 4, 10, 17 – 19, 21, 56, 85 – 99 white-collar employees (jobs) 8, 21,  114 working students 120 Xavier Institute of Social Sciences 74 Xavier Labour Relations Institute 74 Xaxa,Virginius 7, 27, 87, 98 Yerukalas 134, 165, 166, 168, 170, 171, 174 Yeturnagaram (Warangal) 136