Sleep and Sleeplessness in Byzantium 1463202377, 9781463202378

Table of contents :
Table of Contents
Acknowledgments
Abbreviations
1. Introduction
2. The mechanics of sleep and sleeplessness
3. Sleep-abstinence in the Bible and Hellenic world: An overview
4. On Sleep and other demons
5. The vigil of monks
6. The sleep of laity
7. The vigil of the laity
8. Conclusions
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

Sleep and Sleeplessness in Byzantium

Gorgias Studies in Classical and Late Antiquity

20

Gorgias Studies in Classical and Late Antiquity contains monographs and edited volumes on the Greco-Roman world and its transition into Late Antiquity, encompassing political and social structures, knowledge and educational ideals, art, architecture and literature.

Sleep and Sleeplessness in Byzantium

Nikolaos Barkas

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34 2016

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2016 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2016

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ISBN 978-1-4632-0237-8

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Barkas, Nikolaos, author. Title: Sleep and sleeplessness in Byzantium / by Nikolaos Barkas. Description: Piscataway, NJ : Gorgias Press LLC, [2016] | Series: Gorgias studies in classical and late antiquity : 20 Identifiers: LCCN 2016027601 | ISBN 9781463202378 Subjects: LCSH: Sleep disorders--Byzantium Empire--History. | Sleep deprivation--Byzantium Empire--History. Classification: LCC RC547 .B37 2016 | DDC 616.8/498009398618--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016027601 Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ..................................................................................... v Acknowledgments ................................................................................... ix Abbreviations ........................................................................................... xi General Abbreviations ................................................................... xi General Bibliographic Abbreviations .......................................... xi Medical Abbreviations ................................................................. xiii Abbreviations of Medical Journals and Books ........................ xiii 1. Introduction .......................................................................................... 1 Methodology .................................................................................... 3 Quantity of sleep ............................................................................. 7 Quality of sleep ................................................................................ 8 Reasons for sleep-abstinence ......................................................... 9 Limitations of this study ............................................................... 16 Outline of the work....................................................................... 18 2. The mechanics of sleep and sleeplessness ..................................... 21 Waking and sleeping around the clock ...................................... 24 Not every vigil equalled sleep-deprivation ................................ 29 Sleep need of the individual ......................................................... 35 The effects of sleep-deprivation ................................................. 37 3. Sleep-abstinence in the Bible and Hellenic world: An overview .......................................................................................... 43 Hermeneutical problems .............................................................. 43 Hebrew Bible and Septuagint on sleep ................................ 44 An exegetical approach ........................................................... 47 Byzantine majority text vs critical edition ............................ 48 God and sleep in the Old Testament ......................................... 50 Sleep-Abstinence in Judaism under Roman rule ...................... 60 Philo and sleep ......................................................................... 60 The thanksgiving vigil ............................................................. 62 Vigil for the preservation of holiness ................................... 65 Sleep in the New Testament .................................................. 70 v

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Greeks and sleep ............................................................................ 80 Positive views on sleep ........................................................... 80 Negative views of sleep .......................................................... 82 The scientific view of sleep .................................................... 87 Sleep-abstinence in the Bible, Hellenism and beyond ............. 92 The sleep of death ......................................................................... 94 The sleep of death in Byzantium ........................................103 4. On Sleep and other demons ...........................................................107 Scriptural reasons for sleep-abstinence ....................................108 Byzantine reasons for sleep-abstinence ...................................109 Imitatio Christi .......................................................................109 Commemoration of biblical events ....................................110 Parousia and sudden death ..................................................110 Demons ...................................................................................112 Night ........................................................................................117 Ceaseless prayer .....................................................................120 The Vigil of Prophets and Apostles ...................................132 The Theology of Nocturnal Prayer ....................................133 Sleepless in Paradise ..............................................................135 The mark of the beast ...........................................................135 Pummel and subdue the body .............................................142 Pagan influence ......................................................................145 Sleep-abstinence, sleep-deprivation, and the Byzantines ......................................................................147 5. The vigil of monks ...........................................................................149 Marathon vigils ............................................................................156 Lies and exaggerations ................................................................158 Short sleepers ...............................................................................159 Dyssomnias ..................................................................................160 Post traumatic stress disorder....................................................162 Neither slumber nor sleep..........................................................165 Methods, contraptions and the fight to stay awake ...............168 The communal pursuit of sleeplessness...................................173 Cock-crow ....................................................................................176 Sharing sleeplessness ...................................................................180 Egypt .......................................................................................180 Palestine ..................................................................................182 Antioch....................................................................................183 Cappadocia .............................................................................183 Constantinople .......................................................................185

TABLE OF CONTENTS

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Monastic sleep-abstinence..........................................................188 6. The sleep of laity ..............................................................................191 Vigils at home ..............................................................................192 Families that pray together ...................................................193 Women and vigils ..................................................................198 Men and sleep-abstinence ....................................................199 Married couples .....................................................................205 First sleep ......................................................................................206 Segmented sleep in the Bible ...............................................208 Classical and post-Classical testimonies about ‘First sleep’ .....................................................................208 Medical data and ‘First sleep’...............................................214 Byzantium by night ...............................................................216 Sleep fragmentation...............................................................218 7. The vigil of the laity .........................................................................225 The Easter Vigils .........................................................................227 Some must watch, while some must sleep ..............................229 Alexandria ...............................................................................231 Antioch....................................................................................232 Cappadocia .............................................................................236 Constantinople .......................................................................239 The acme of vigils: fifth to seventh centuries .........................240 Iconoclasm and vigils..................................................................245 Decline: eighth-eleventh centuries ............................................248 Special vigils..................................................................................259 The vigil of the Laity ...................................................................264 8. Conclusions .......................................................................................271 Bibliography ..........................................................................................283 Primary Sources ...........................................................................283 General Works .............................................................................304 Medical Works .............................................................................322 Index .......................................................................................................329 Ancient, Christian and Byzantine Authors ..............................329 Non-Medical Authors .................................................................331 Medical Authors ..........................................................................334

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS When starting this thesis I was afraid that ‘all by myself I have to go, with none to tell me what to do’. Thankfully, many came to my assistance, willing to show me the way. My sincere gratitude to my supervisor Prof. M. Mullett who has been τῆς ὁδοῦ καθηγήτρια καὶ ἀντιλήπτωρ τοῦ πράγματος. I would also like to thank those who hepled me with the bibliogrpahy, Prof. B Gain, Prof. K Morgan, Prof. E. Sheehan, those who gave me specialist advice, Prof. A. Fitzsimmons, Prof. S. Shea, Dr. A Horn, and those who read parts of the thesis and made useful suggestions, Dr D. Beattie and Dr D. Krausmüller. I am also greatly indebted to Mrs F. Gray librarian at QUB responsible for Inter-Library Loans for her diligence and patience over the years. For Dr. M. Brett-Crowther, who patiently did the proofreading and made many helpul comments I have only to say φίλος πιστὸς σκέπη κραταιά, ὁ δὲ εὑρὼν αὐτὸν εὗρεν θησαυρόν. (Sirah 6:14). This thesis would not have been completed without a generous scholarship from the AHRB, and the financial assistance of His Eminence Nektarios, Metropolitan of Petra and Herronesos. I would have lost the way without my cojourner in this life, Maria, and our little Anastasia, who has given me a proper insight to sleep-deprivation; to them I dedicate this book.

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ABBREVIATIONS GENERAL ABBREVIATIONS AP HE MS(S)

Apopthegmata Patrum Historia Ecclesiastica Manuscript(s)

GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHIC ABBREVIATIONS AASS ABR AHR AJA AJP AnBib ASoc ASTI BHG BBOM BIFGUP BJS BR ByzT

CCG CÉcr CR CSQ

Acta Sanctorum 71 vols (Paris, 1863–1940) The American Benedictine Review American Historical Review American Journal of Archeology American Journal of Philology Analecta Biblica Acta Sociologica Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, 3rd ed., 3 vols., François Halkin (ed.), Subsidia Hagiographica (Bruxelles, 1986) Birmingham Byzantine and Ottoman Monographs Bolletino dell’ Instituto di Filologia Greca dell’ Università di Padova Brown Judaic Studies Bible Review Byzantine Majority text of the New Testament, M. A. Robinson, and W. G. Pierpont, The New Testament in the Original Greek: Byzantine Textform (Southborough, 2005). Corpus Christianorum. Series Graeca Corps Écrit Classical Review Cistercian Studies Quarterly xi

xii CSS CT

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Cistercian Studies Series Critical Text, Barbara Aland, et al (eds), Novum Testamentum Graece (Stuttgart, 27th, 1993) DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers (Washington, DC, 1941–) DS Dictionnaire de Spiritualité (Paris, 1932–1995) EL Ephimerides Liturgicae Fragmente, Η. Diels and W. Kranz (eds.), Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker (Berlin, 6 th, 1952) FHG Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum FGrH F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Leiden, 1923–1958) GCS Griechische christliche Schriftsteller GR Geographical Review HTR Harvard Theological Review HL Historia Lausiaca Holy Women Alice-Mary Talbot (ed.), Holy Women of Byzantium. Ten Saints Lives in English Translation (Dumbarton Oaks, 1996) ICC International Critical Commentary IJPS International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society JBL Journal of Biblical Literature JBQ Jewish Bible Quarterly JBR Journal of Bible and Religion JEChrSt Journal of Early Christian Studies JETS Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society JÖB Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik [note: before 1969, JÖBG] JR Journal of Religion JTS Journal of Theological Studies LQF Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen NCLS Nottingham Classical Literature Studies NovTest Novum Testamentum TDNT Theological Dictionary of the New Testament OCA Orientalia Christiana Analecta OCP Orientalia Christiana Periodica ODB The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. Kazhdan, 3 vols. (NY and Oxford, 1991) OrChr Oriens christianus PG J.-P. Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Completus: Series Graeca, 161 vols. (Paris, 857–66)

ABBREVIATIONS PO QS RB RBPH RdQ RHE RHR ROC RSC SA SANT SC Sleep NCLS SocQ SpOr StMon StP SVThQ TDNT TM TU VChr VA VP VT

Patrologia Orientalis Questions Liturgiques/ Studies in Liturgy Revue Bénédictine Revue Belge de Philologie et d’ Histoire Revue de Qumran Revue d’Histoire Ecdesiastique Revue de l’histoire des religions Revue d’Orient Chretienne Revue des Sciences Humaines Studia Anselmiana Studien zum Alten und Neuen Testament Sources Chrétiennes (Paris, 1924-) T. Wiedemann, and K. Dowden (eds.), Sleep, NCLS 8 (Bari, 2003) The Sociological Quaterly Spiritualité Orientale Studia Monastica Studia Patristica Saint Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly Theological Dictionary of the New Testament; G. Kittel, et al. (eds), Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, W. Bromiley (trans.), 10 vols (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1964) Travaux et Mémoires Texte und Untersuchungen Vigiliae Christianae Vita Antonii Vita Pachomii Vetus Testamentum

MEDICAL ABBREVIATIONS NREM PSD REM SWS TSD

xiii

Non rapid eye movement Partial sleep-deprivation Rapid eye movement Slow wave sleep Total sleep-deprivation

ABBREVIATIONS OF MEDICAL JOURNALS AND BOOKS Adv Neuroimmunol Advances in Neuroimmunology Clin Chest Med Clinics in Chest Medicine

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JAMA J Hist Neurosci J Sleep Res Principles

Journal of the American Medical Association Journal of the History of the Neurosciences Journal of Sleep Research M. Kryger, et al., Principles and Practice of Sleep Medicine (Philadelphia, 2005) Progress in Neurobiology Psychological Science Clete A. Kushida, Sleep Deprivation: Basic Science, Physiology, and Behavior (NY, 2005) Peretz Lavie, et al., Sleep Disorders: Diagnosis, Management and Treatment: a Handbook for Clinicians (London, 2002) Sleep Medicine Reviews

Prog Neurobiol Psychol Sci Sleep Deprivation Sleep Disorders Sleep Med Rev

1. INTRODUCTION During the last decade certain historians have counted sleepdeprivation among the practices of Byzantine monks. 1 Monastic spirituality did not exist in a vacuum and it was not cut off from lay spirituality. The laity regarded the monks as examples of holiness, 2 but the monks themselves prior to their monastic training learnt the rudiments of faith and Christian practice from their families. 3 It is reasonable to conclude that – to a degree – the accusation of practising sleep-deprivation has been broadly directed against all Byzantines. Historians may not have set out to accuse the Byzantines of untoward practices, but ‘sleep-deprivation’ is a negative term, which is not a simple replacement for other terms such as ‘vigil’ or ‘sleep-abstinence’. Legally, ‘sleep-deprivation’, is described, among other practices, as ‘inhuman’ and ‘degrading’, although it is not recognised as torture. 4 Medically, the term appears in the definition of the ‘insufficient sleep-syndrome’ according to which the individual engages

Clark, ‘Women and asceticism in late antiquity’, p. 43; Morris, Monks and Laymen in Byzantium, 843–1118, p. 74; Brakke, Demons and the making of the monk: spiritual combat in early Christianity, p.56; Angold, Eastern Christianity, p.109. 2 Brown, ‘The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity’, pp. 80–101; ‘The Saint as Exemplar in Late Antiquity’, pp. 1–25. 3 Hausherr, ‘Comment priaient les pères’, p. 33. 4 Ireland v United Kingdom, European Court of Human Rights, Series A, 25 (1978), p. 168. 1

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in voluntary, chronic sleep-deprivation. 5 There is a host of associated features, 6 but the most important is sleepiness, 7 which when excessive and persistent becomes life-threatening, because it causes accidents, 8 and a number of possible ill-effects on health, ranging from obesity and diabetes 9 to cancer. 10 These findings have been widely publicised in the media, 11 and the usage of the term ‘sleepdeprivation’, without proper justification, in relation to the religious practices of the Byzantines reveals a bias against any form of sleeploss. Another problem arising from the usage of ‘sleep-deprivation’ is that of definition. One cannot simply refer to ‘sleep-deprivation’; total sleep-deprivation occurs when a person does not sleep for at least 24 hours, but partial sleep-deprivation is something not readily quantified: i.e., obtaining less sleep than a person needs in a 24 hour period. Severe partial sleep-deprivation usually occurs with less than 4 hours of sleep per nychthemeron. 12 Apart from that, a person might suffer partial-sleep deprivation if the quality of the sleep is low, e.g. when there are numerous awakenings during one sleeping session. The term ‘sleep-abstinence’ might also be used when referring to sleep-loss – from a few hours to several days – without requiring American Academy of Sleep Medicine, ‘insufficient sleep syndrome’, The International Classification of Sleep Disorders Revised, p. 88. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Carskadon and Dement, ‘Normal human sleep: an overview’, pp. 17–18. 9 Dement et al., ‘Sleep Medicine, Public Policy, and Public Health’, pp. 648–56. 10 Dinges, et al., ‘Chronic Sleep Deprivation’, pp. 67–76. 11 Thomas, ‘Sleep: a wake–up call’, p. 28; Mcdonald, ‘Insomnia: dying for a good night’s sleep’, p. 36; C. Irvine, ‘Less than six hours sleep a night raises breast cancer risk by 60 per cent’, p. 23; R. Smith, ‘People who sleep for less than six hours ‘die early’, p. 5; Ford Rojas, ‘Lack of sleep ‘raises blood pressure risk’, Telegraph, p. 6. 12 A period of 24 consecutive hours. 5

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though requiring further explanation or qualification. Sleepabstinence is also independent of the quality of sleep. Furthermore, sleep-deprivation, as opposed to sleep abstinence, might have a pathological aetiology, such as idiopathic insomnia, behavioural insomnia, post-traumatic sleep disorder, and fatal familial insomnia. Sleep-deprivation, unless pathological, needs a concerned effort to be sustained; determination, employment of necessary strategies, enlisting of support, all of which assist in maintaining wakefulness. 13 Finally, sleep-deprivation has physiological and psychological side-effects, 14 while the term ‘sleep-abstinence’ carries none of these or other negative associations. It will become obvious during the progression of this book that ‘sleep-abstinence’ and ‘sleepdeprivation’ are two terms referring to practices which differ as to their length, difficulty, causes, aims, and consequences.

METHODOLOGY Data derived from scientific and medical studies of sleep will be combined with historical critical research into the Byzantine sources. The first will help establish a basal sleep need below which partial sleep-deprivation begins, while the latter will provide information on the quantity and quality of sleep the Byzantines obtained. It should then become possible to ascertain to what extent – if at all – the Byzantines pursued sleep-deprivation, how successful they were, and evaluate their methods and accounts about ‘sleepless’ saints. This process holds several pitfalls both regarding the application of the current data and the research into the Byzantine world, which we know mainly by fragments. To begin with, there is no consensus as to what happens when one sleeps too much or too little, or even as to how much sleep is too much or too little. The Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 35–43. Horne, ‘A review of the biological effects of total sleep deprivation in man’, pp. 55–102; Bonnet, ‘Acute Sleep Deprivation’, pp. 59–61; Banks and Dinges, ‘Behavioral and physiological consequences of sleep restriction’, pp. 519–28. 13 14

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ideal amount of sleep below which partial sleep-deprivation starts is hotly debated among sleep experts. 15 It is nevertheless possible to make an informed choice on what is optimum sleep span, and draw a line between the curtailment of excessive and essential sleep. Of course, one needs to be aware that sleep has become a profitable industry in which sleep experts play an important role; the higher the amount of optimum sleep per nychtemeron, the greater the number of people labelled as patients with sleep-related problems. Accordingly, the ghastlier the consequences of sleep-deprivation, the higher the demand for medicinal therapies, sleep-clinics, self-help books, new university departments and governmental bodies on sleep health. 16 Likewise, setting a very low basal sleep or downplaying the effects of sleepdeprivation might simply be the means of achieving fame (or notoriety). 17 All these parameters should be taken into account when establishing the ‘sleep need’. After establishing the sleep optimum it is necessary to assess the quantity and quality of sleep the Byzantines might have obtained per night through the references in the Byzantine texts. There is no obvious corpus. One must therefore look into a wide number of sources from homilies or sermons to anti-heretical treatises, monastic literature, hagiographies, liturgical texts, historical works, and even imperial legislation. 15 On the sleep optimum, see: Webb, and Agnew, ‘Are we chronically sleep deprived?’, pp. 47–48; Harrison and Horne, ‘Should we be taking more sleep?’, pp. 901–907; Bonnet and Arand, ‘We are Chronically Sleep Deprived’, pp. 908–911. 16 On the medicalisation [sic] of sleep and the financial profits for health experts, see Williams, Sleep and society: sociological ventures into the (un)known, pp. 148–54; 157; 160–3; 165; also Horne, ‘Is there sleep debt?’, pp. 1053–54. 17 It has been noted that our culture is in awe of people – Thomas Edison, Winston Churchill, John F. Kennedy and Margaret Thatcher to name but a few – who are reported to sleep very few hours each night. It is as though in doing so they have mastered a weakness we despise in ourselves. See Gayle Green, Insomniac: A fascinating exploration of insomnia for suffers and practitioners, p. 37.

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Since the sources are so varied to understand them properly it is essential to treat each in an individual way; a good starting point is to try to understand the text in itself before applying any sort of exegetical method whether historical or social. 18 The second step is to take into account those factors which – though related to the social class of the author, and affected by the historical context and social system in which the work is written – nevertheless impose their own dynamic to the text. The first of those factors is language. Being part of a linguistic community influences the mode of human perception, 19 and the usage of Greek in itself affected the way Byzantines wrote about sleep. I will show in Chapter 3 that the Greek language had a large number of positive adjectives for sleep, and that even when something disparaging was to be said about it, this would be a privation of its positive attributes, rather than something negative. 20 This influenced Byzantine authors to the extent that when Theodoretus praised sleep-abstinence, he wrote that the monks overcame τὴν γλυκεῖαν τοῦ ὕπνου τυραννίδα, the sweet tyranny of sleep. 21 The second factor is the all-pervasive influence of rhetoric among educated authors. 22 The prescriptive nature of stock subjects, phrases, and standard forms shapes the texts notwithstanding their genre, making necessary to distinguish between rhetorical convention and reality. The Byzantinist, in other words, has to ascertain whether what is written reflects the author’s own understanding of his surroundings, for example Constantinople during the fourth century AD, rather than that of Demosthenes in fourth century BCE Athens.

Smythe, ‘Byzantine Perceptions of the Outsider in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries: A Method’, pp. 90–91. 19 Sapir, ‘The status of linguistics as a science’, p. 68. 20 Sleep which does not free from cares or suffering is called ὕπνος ἄυπνος, a non-sleep; Euripides, Hercules, 1034. 21 Theodoretus, Historia Religiosa, prologue 6. 22 Cameron, The Byzantines, pp. 133–4. 18

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The third and final factor is the hagiographic topos. 23 The topos might reflect accurately the piety of the people and the standard of holiness prevalent in the society, but it shapes them as well. It might also be the case that it reflects the piety and standards of sanctity of an earlier period, and the Byzantinist must discern between these. A gap between the model of the sleepless saint presented in the Vitae and the diminishing numbers of those attending vigils appears in Byzantium during the ninth century, and it will be presented in Chapter 6 on the vigil of the laity. Apart from these factors, the Byzantinist should take into account who the author is, his class, worldview, and intended audience. Then one should examine the audience/readership itself, their status, concerns and circumstances. Finally, it is necessary to consider the historical circumstances, social system and physical environment within the work was produced/delivered. 24 A particular feature of the reports on sleeplessness are exaggerated claims that are, perhaps, not entirely true. This resulted from the fact that sleep-loss had become a proof in itself of saintly virtue. No other form of piety could brand a monk as a fighter than the ability to sleep for only 1 hour in every 24; 25 moreover, during the vigil, the perfection of a monk was made manifest. 26 Sleep-research is instrumental in deciding which claims about total sleep-deprivation and very short sleep-need were true. Regarding sleep-quantity, the patristic rule was to spend half the night in prayer; 27 taking into account the different lengths of 23

On the subject of hagiographic topos see Pratsch, Der Hagiographise

Smythe, ‘Perceptions’, 88–93. AP, (collectio alphabetica), 92. 26 AP, (collectio alphabetica), 273–277. 27 VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p.6; Ephrem, Septem sunt occupationes monachi, 6; Basilius Caesariensis, Homilia in martyrem Julittam. PG, 31.244; Abba Isaias, ᾽Ασκητικόν, 51; Barsanuphius, Quaestiones et responsiones, 158. See also, 147. During the eleventh century, Nicon of the Black Mountain recognised that praying half the night was the ‘rule of the Fathers’, Canonarium vel Typicon, 1.32.

Topos.

24 25

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night according to season and geographic region, 28 it is possible to calculate the amount of sleep the Byzantines had when following this regime. Certainly, some might have slept even less; ascetics like Arsenios, for example, considered 1 hour of sleep in every 24 enough. 29 Thus, it is important to study the methods of timekeeping in Byzantium and the usage of ‘alarm-clocks’, and to clarify what is meant by ‘one hour’ since the Byzantine hour varied according to the season.

QUANTITY OF SLEEP Estimating the length of sleep-deprivation is not sufficient: the of day time each person decided to take their sleep or to keep their vigil is significant, because our internal clock (circadian rhythm) has periods of wakefulness and sleepiness. Some periods are more difficult to sleep in and others to stay awake and pray. Consequently, the sequence of rest and prayer is important. Some individuals had a single block of prayer and rest, while others either kept watch between two periods of rest or rested between two periods of wakefulness; which came first or second and at what time has a bearing on the performance of sleep-abstinence and the potential amount of sleep. There were also other methods of prayer at night-time; one of the longest-standing traditions was to rise at midnight. 30 Things have become complicated regarding sleep-abstinence and prayer at midnight because of a theory advanced by Roger A. Ekirch on sleep in pre-industrial times. According to Ekirch night-time sleep was biphasic. There were two almost equal periods of sleep, of about four hours each, interrupted by a couple of hours of quiet wakefulness at around midnight. The Church, supposedly, colonised this natural break in sleep, but it did not create it. 31 ObviousSee Appendix. AP (collectio alphabetica), 92. 30 Phillips, ‘Daily Prayer in the Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus’ pp. 398–399. 31 Ekirch, ‘Sleep we have lost: pre–industrial slumber in the British Isles’, pp. 344; 364–373; At Day's Close: Night in Times Past, pp. 300–12. 28 29

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ly, if the theory is correct, those Byzantines praying at midnight suffered no sleep-loss, since this took place at a time when almost everyone was normally awake. I examine Ekirch’s views in Chapter 6, on the sleep of laity. Rising at cock-crow instead of at midnight became more widespread from the fourth century onwards, 32 and it is necessary to ascertain when the period of cock-crow started and how long it lasted, in order to calculate the amount of sleep obtained. Finally, another aspect of the Byzantine religious life’s bearing on the extent of sleep-abstinence is the regular and extraordinary vigils at church, which need to be examined as to their frequency, length, and participation.

QUALITY OF SLEEP Sleep quality is not as easily ascertained as sleep quantity. Some wake after a brief nap feeling they have slept for hours; others after eight hours of sleep feel as if they had but a brief nap. More interestingly, some, though appearing to be in deep sleep, would deny that they ever slept! 33 The first method used to measure sleepquality is self-assessment, asking whether someone feels refreshed from the previous night’s sleep. The second method is the Epworth Sleepiness Scale (EPS) devised by J. Murray. The subject is called to rate from a scale of 0 (no chance) to 3 (high chance) the likelihood of dozing in certain circumstances; a total score higher than 12 indicates a sleep-related problem. 34 The third method is the sleep-diary or sleep-log, which permits prolonged measurement over weeks or months, and helps in establishing baselines and identifying the quality of sleep and the amount of sleep loss. 35 All three methods of evaluating sleep are retrospective, allowing that the historical study into the sleep of the Byzantines is both feasible and valid. The Byzantinists might lack questionnaires, Phillips., ‘Daily Prayer’, p. 399. Lavie, The enchanted world of sleep, p. 5. 34 Thorpy, ‘Epworth Sleepiness Scale’, pp. 72–73. 35 Morin, and Espie, Insomnia: a clinical guide to assessment and treatment, 32 33

p. 30.

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sleep-diaries, and even personal diaries, but the amount of information on Byzantine sleep is impressive. Examination of the factors disrupting the sleep of the Byzantines, whether voluntary or involuntary will offer a further indication as to the quality of sleep and the possibility of becoming sleep-deprived.

REASONS FOR SLEEP-ABSTINENCE The discussion thus far has concentrated on whether the Byzantines practised sleep-abstinence or sleep-deprivation and how to ascertain that. It is time to turn to the question to why they might have chosen to curtail their sleep. Byzantinists and students of Church history usually distinguish between ‘ascetic sleepabstinence’, a part of the exercises which comprise the physical aspect of ascesis, and the ‘ritualistic sleep-abstinence’ associated with the celebration of Easter and the liturgical life of the Church. Such a division was alien to the Byzantines. Indeed, it is based on the experiences of Western Christianity, where a gap between individual piety and liturgical prayer has often been present. 36 Thus, sleepabstinence becomes part of the problematic of asceticism and consequently tainted with the problems in this field. 37 This becomes obvious in past studies on sleep-abstinence, in which it is viewed exclusively under the prism of asceticism. L. Drink, wrote one of the earliest 38 modern studies on sleepabstinence, and he was the first to combine modern research on Collins, ‘Prayer and Mystical Theology in Eleventh-Century Byzantium’ pp. 87–111. 37 For an analysis regarding the problems in defining asceticism and designating a practice as ascetic, see Fraade, ‘Ascetical Aspects of Ancient Judaism’, pp. 353–7. 38 Drink, ‘Schlafentzug als Mittel der Aszese: eine moraltheologische Studie als Beitrag zur Klärung von Grenzfragen der Theologie und der Medizin’. Unfortunately one of the first works on sleep-abstinence, D. Bloch-Grodzynski’s Le sommeil et la veille dans la tradition ascétique de l’Antiquité written under the supervision of H. Marrou, has been destroyed by the author, who deemed it unsatisfactory, and no copy survives. Personal communication with Prof. B. Gain, who cited the book in the bibli36

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sleep with a historical-critical analysis of the texts in his dissertation Schlafentzug als Mittel der Aszese: eine moraltheologische Studie als Beitrag zur Klärung von Grenzfragen der Theologie und der Medizin. Drink’s aim was to propose a new theology of sleep and to revise accordingly the practice of the Roman Catholic Church based on the new medical data. Despite the dissertation being written sixty years ago, most of the medical data contained in it is still valid, a testimony to Drink’s insight into medical sleep studies. Thus, Drink recognised that sleep aims at the recuperation of mind and body, that the sleepneed is different for each individual, 39 and that there are different types of sleepers (long/short, morning/evening). 40 He also acknowledged that the depth of sleep and the lack of interruptions are paramount for sleep quality, 41 and that earlier sleep is deeper while later sleep is lighter. 42 Drink was not satisfied with a purely biological explanation for sleep, 43 and admitted that it was influenced by psychological and cultural factors or, as modern sleep research puts it, ‘nature and nurture, biology and society, mind and body’, all influence the way we sleep. 44 Drink went further than that, and regarded sleep as resulting from the individual’s ineffable self, which autonomously directs all life according to the rhythm of tension and release. 45 At the basis of this is the idea of the human being as the incarnate will of God, and the soul as forma corporis. 46 Although it is possible for a person to control his sleep 47, he needs to combine the will of God ography attached to his article ‘Sommeil et vie spirituelle’, DS XIV, 1033– 1041. 39 Drink, ‘Schlafentzug’, p. 144. 40 Ibid., pp.155–6, 158. 41 Drink, ‘Schlafentzug’, p. 148. 42 Ibid., p. 153. 43 Ibid., p. 190 44 Martin, Counting Sheep: The Science and Pleasures of Sleep and Dreams, p. 222. 45 Drink, ‘Schlafentzug’, pp. 196–200; 205. 46 Ibid., p. 207. 47 Ibid., p. 136.

1. INTRODUCTION

11

that is within (nature) with the will of God that is without. 48 Human beings earn their sleep by exerting themselves mentally or physically according to their vocation. 49 Overworking is rejected as it hinders sleep. 50 Sleep might be postponed, curtailed or put off altogether only insofar as it is according to the will of God and serves a higher purpose. 51 Drink had in principle a negative attitude towards sleepabstinence, because he perceived it as something unnatural, and therefore against God’s will. As expected, Drink was unable to find any justification for sleep-abstinence in the Bible; the Old Testament, he argued, presents sleep as a natural phenomenon given by God, but influenced by human beings as well. 52 Drink saw in Christ’s attitude towards sleep that the New Testament also recognised that sleep was a natural necessity 53 (Drink disregards everything from Jesus’ nocturnal prayer 54 to the warnings about the Parousia and the injunction to stay awake and pray). 55 Since sleep-abstinence is not a biblical practice, its origin must be sought elsewhere. According to Drink, Christianity adopted sleep-abstinence under the influence of pagan and heretical ideas. Church Fathers introduced to Christianity Greek philosophical beliefs, foremost of which was the dualistic worldview with its hatred for the body. 56 Dualism was evident in the way Greeks perceived sleep; because of the loss of consciousness it entails, they thought of it as a sort of fine the imprisoned soul had to pay to the body. 57 Thus, church Fathers influenced by Greek philosophy 58 Ibid., p. 209–210. Ibid., pp. 74–75; 203–205; 217. 50 Drink, ‘Schlafentzug’, p. 299. 51 Ibid., pp. 207–210; 254. 52 Ibid., pp. 40–43. 53 Ibid., pp. 46–48. 54 Mt 14:2–3; Mk 1:35; 6:46; Lk 6:12; Lk 9:28–37. 55 Mt 24:42; Mk 13:33, 35, 37; Lk 12:37–38. 56 Drink, ‘Schlafentzug’, pp. 63. 57 Ibid., pp. 34. 58 Ibid., Among those influenced by Greek ideas on sleep Drink mentions Clement, p. 50; Origen, p. 51; 48 49

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regarded sleep as an interruption from the ‘real’ life – the spiritual one. 59 The influence of Greek ideas was also apparent among monks, who objected to sleep not as a mere interruption to the spiritual life, but as great hindrance to it, because it strengthened the body (which had to be subdued for the soul to progress). 60 Apart from the above, the likening of sleep to death, prominent in pagan culture, caused a subconscious fear of sleep. 61 Finally, the ideal of fulfilment of the Christian as a ‘Gnostikos’ – someone who through gnosis and apatheia achieves union with the Godhead – reveals that at the root of sleep-abstinence and all asceticism lies Stoicism. 62 As to the influence from the sects, Drink charged those practising sleep-abstinence with Gnosticism, because they supposedly separated God the Saviour from God the Creator of sleep. 63 Furthermore, Drink branded as ‘Messalian’ ideas about ceaseless prayer, which promoted sleep-abstinence. 64 Drink also considered fears of sexual dreams among the principal reasons for sleep-abstinence. Behind this attitude he found the rejection of human sexuality due to influences from the Old Testament, pagan and heretical ideas. The fear of demons was exclusively connected with the fear of sexual dreams. 65 As for the accounts of demonic sexual assaults, they were the result of a preoccupation with the movements of the body, and were increased by the desert with its loneliness, and the prolonged wakefulness. 66 Drink’s conclusions were closely followed by H. Bacht, who contributed to a collective volume an essay with the title ‘Agrypnia. Basil of Caesarea and Cyril of Alexandria, p. 53. 59 Drink, ‘Schlafentzug’, p. 63. 60 Ibid., p. 64. 61 Ibid., pp.36–7. 62 Drink, ‘Schlafentzug’, pp. 72a–73. 63 Ibid., p. 34. 64 Ibid., pp. 57–8. 65 Ibid., pp. 66–67. 66 Ibid., pp.71–72.

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13

Die Motive des Schlafenzugs im frühen Möncthum’. 67 Bacht disagrees with Hergemöller in that he considers ceaseless prayer among the strongest motivations for ascetic sleep-abstinence. According to Bacht, this is often the basis for all ascetic toils, and their redeeming feature, without which they would resemble the feats of the Hindu fakirs. Ceaseless prayer, which might include reading the Scriptures and meditating upon them, is the only reason for sleepabstinence exclusively grounded in the Bible. 68 Bacht could find no reference to sleep-abstinence in the Old Testament, because sleep-abstinence is a form of asceticism and asceticism is Greek! As for the New Testament, he asserted that all verses where the command to ‘stay awake and pray’ are made, should not be taken literally. 69 Moreover, he summarily dismissed the imitation of Christ as a reason for sleep-abstinence, because Christ did not perform it consistently, and because Bacht did not find any references in support of it. 70 Another of Bacht’s claims is that the belief in an imminent Parousia cannot be attested in the relevant literature, and therefore ought to be excluded from the reasons for abstaining from sleep. Bacht conceded that the fear of demons is grounded on 1 Peter 5:8, which presents the devil as a lion roaming in the night, seeking someone to devour. Bacht also asserted that this demonology was grounded in the pre-Christian world; Hypnos in Homer is presented as a demonic figure which overcomes men, while NeoPlatonic and Neo-Pythagorean philosophy identified demons with passions. Demons were primarily associated with sexual dreams and nocturnal emissions. 71 The primary reason for sleep-abstinence, according to Bacht, is asceticism. Sleep-abstinence is part of the hard and endless struggle against the passions in order to attain impassivity (apatheia / ἀπάθεια). The aim is to free the ‘inner man’ from the oppressive Bacht, ‘Agrypnia. Die Motive des Schlafenzugs im frühen Möncthum’, pp. 353–69. 68 Ibid., p. 366. 69 Ibid., p. 361. 70 Ibid., p. 366. 71 Bacht, ‘Agrypnia’, pp. 363–4. 67

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burden of matter and flesh. All ascesis – and this includes sleepabstinence – tends towards the spiritualisation of man, who ought to exert himself above his flesh and passion-bound nature. This programme was supported by Origen; the monks depended upon Greek philosophy, and Evagrios and those authors influenced by him. 72 Professor B. -U. Hergemöller, author of the Schlaflose Nächte, is more explicit in his attitude towards sleep-abstinence. He could not find any moral or ascetic grounds for combating sleep in the Old Testament or New Testament. 73 According to Hergemöller, the root of sleep-abstinence is to be found in Platonism and the Stoa, which influenced the majority of uneducated ascetics in many ways. Sometimes it was indirect, through the aristocratic, well-educated members of the Church hierarchy or the few learned ascetics, like Evagrius of Pontus, and from them to the rest. At other times these ideas reached the monastic masses directly, who then shaped them into the form of a rigorous ascesis. According to Hergemöller Syria was an exception, because the ascetics there were also influenced by the teachings of Mani, 74 although he offers no justification for this remark. More problematic is Hergemöller’s distinction between ascetic and liturgical sleep-abstinence or between agrypnia and vigilia as he calls them. Agrypnia stems from the effort to mortify the flesh and gain self-mastery; the nocturnal praise of God, laus nocturna, was regarded as vigilia, i.e. as watch, as active anticipation. While the sleepless ascetic used manual labour or prayer to stay awake, the nocturnal liturgy was a characteristic medium of monastic doxology, celebrated with prayers, lessons from the Scriptures, and hymns. Hergemöller admits that when one strives towards the extremes of vigil he practises agrypnia with elements from the vigil, 75 what he calls agrypnischen Vigilia. 76 Ibid., p. 362. Hergemöller, Schlaflose Nächte, pp. 48–49. 74 Hergemöller, pp. 51–55. 75 Ibid., p. 96. 76 Ibid., p.103. 72 73

1. INTRODUCTION

15

Hergemöller’s distinction between ascetic and liturgical sleepabstinence led him to some strange conclusions: among the reasons for ascetic sleep-abstinence, he counts the command for ceaseless prayer, but also states that this developed into the nocturna laus and that it has really nothing to do with asceticism. He does not even consider that prayer might be a form of asceticism itself. Moreover, Hergemöller associated the influences from the military watches and the vigils of the Essenes not with the ascetic, but with liturgical sleep-abstinence. Even more curious is the ‘sanctification of midnight’ as another cause for the agrypnia, which, according to Hergemöller, some authors tried to justify biblically. 77 Only a very narrow view of asceticism which perceives it as a set of physical exercises could fail to see how the above are essential parts of every (Christian) vigil. Hergemöller viewed sleep-abstinence as a programme for the few, a programme, which became the ideal of holiness and piety for everyone, although the majority could not follow it. This is why monks and nobles attained sainthood more often than ordinary people – especially workers and women. There are more sober approaches on the subject of sleepabstinence, like the article ‘Sommeil et vie spirituelle’ in the Dictionnaire de Spiritualité by Professor B. Gain, a French Roman Catholic theologian. 78 Gain recognised the importance of the new medical data on sleep, but did not make any value judgment on sleepabstinence. He presented the Greek attitude on sleep, in which he found both positive and negative perceptions. Among the latter, he placed the likeness of sleep to death. Gain wondered whether Greek ideas influenced the early Christians, but refrained from concluding, because that would need a detailed investigation beyond the scope of an encyclopaedia article. Gain also found positive and negative responses to the phenomenon of sleep in the Bible, but he concentrated on the issue of ceaseless prayer as the main reason behind sleep-abstinence, and presented an account of the methods used to fulfil this command. 77 78

Hergemöller, Schlaflose Nächte, pp. 87–88. Gain, ‘Sommeil et vie spirituelle’, DS XIV, 1033–1041.

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According to Gain, the Church authors had a negative view of sleep, which they regarded either as a time of dangerous trial or as a useless period, because the soul loses self-consciousness. Moreover, excessive sleep was thought of as a burden to the soul and a hindrance to contemplation. These negative notions of sleep combined with the command for continuous prayer and work, and the desire to live the angelic life, lie behind the practice of sleepabstinence in the Church. This conclusion was confirmed by Gain’s study of sleep in the writings of Basil of Caesarea. 79 The agenda about the causes and aims of sleep-abstinence is set; things to be examined are the question about the practice of sleep-abstinence in the Bible and the biblical attitude towards sleep, Greek attitudes towards sleep and the issue of dualism between soul and body, the idea of sleep as the brother of death, sexual dreams as one of the main causes for sleep-abstinence, and ceaseless prayer fuelling sleep-abstinence under the influence of a ‘Messalian’ interpretation.

LIMITATIONS OF THIS STUDY In contrast with previous research, which examined together Western and Eastern Christian attitudes towards sleep, this book focuses solely upon Greek documents, unless the Greek original has been lost and there is a faithful translation or – as in the case of Etheria’s itinerary – there is no other contemporary source available. The elements of language and rhetoric, mentioned earlier, and the fact that there is no unified Byzantine tradition, 80 prompted me to limit my study to Greek sources alone. Especially regarding sleep-abstinence, there is a significant difference between Greekand Latin-speaking Christians on sleep. It is not only Tertullian’s encomium of sleep, which, according to H. Bacht, has no parallel Gain, ‘Sommeil et vie spirituelle chez S Basile de Césarée’, pp. 483–493. 80 Collins, ‘Prayer and Mystical Theology in Eleventh-Century Byzantium’, p. 35. 79

1. INTRODUCTION

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in the East; 81 it is also Cassian’s soberness, 82 Augustine’s common sense, 83 and Benedict’s moderation, 84 in their dealings with sleepabstinence. The difference is also obvious in the fact that whereas in the East they rebuked people for condemning sleep 85 or for using extreme methods to maintain wakefulness, 86 in the West people objected to sleep-abstinence. 87 Greek language is the common denominator among the main components of the sleep-abstinence equation, namely the ancient Greek religion, philosophy and medicine, the New Testament, and the majority of the relevant Christian literature on the subject, which place them in the same cultural milieu and justifies the exclusion of Syrian, Coptic, 88 Armenian and Georgian texts. Certain topics, such as dreams and incubation, have been mentioned insofar as they are connected with sleep-abstinence. The research stops at the mid-eleventh century, before the proliferation Bacht, ‘Agrypnia’, p. 360. Drink, ‘Schlafentzug’, p. 91–95. 83 Ibid., pp. 26–27. 84 Ibid., pp. 78–80. 85 Origen, Commentarium in evangelium Matthaei, 17.27; Athanasius, Athanasius, De morbo et valetudine, 7.9. The only exception was the priests of Constantinople, who reacted against Chrysostom’s night-long processional vigils. 86 The Apophthegmata Patrum mention that Abba Sisoes, wanting to stay sleepless, hung himself over a promontory; an angel loosened him and ordered him neither to repeat this act himself nor to teach it to anyone else. AP (collectio alpabetica), 404. 87 Marocra offers a detailed account of the various opponents of vigils in the West; Marcora, La vigilia nella liturgia: ricerche sulle origini e sui primi sviluppi (sec. I–VI), pp. 231–235. 88 Bacht noted a difference between the Greek and the Coptic versions of Pachmios Vita regarding the monastic practices; the Coptic Vita gives precedence to sleep-abstinence, the Greek to fasting, Bacht, ‘Agrypnia’, p. 369 n. 94. Research into documents preserved in both Greek and Coptic might reveal further differences in the importance placed on sleepabstinence. 81 82

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of the monastic typica, every one of which would need separate treatment as to the practice of sleep-abstinence.

OUTLINE OF THE WORK Chapter 2 examines the mechanics of sleep and sets the sleep optimum to 7 hours in every 24. Chapter 3 focuses on the practice of sleep-loss in the Bible and in Hellenic tradition. I argue that both cultures practised sleep-abstinence; but their motives were different as they had opposing views on sleep. The reasons for sleep-abstinence among the Byzantines are presented in Chapter 4, and an explanation is offered how those might have led to sleep-deprivation. While I recognise that the Byzantines were heirs to both biblical and Hellenic cultures, I insist that their practice of both sleep-abstinence and sleep-deprivation was firmly rooted in the Bible. The monastic vigil is presented in Chapter 5, and I determine how fervently sleep-loss was practised by establishing its difficulty, evaluating the methods used to achieve it, and scrutinising the accounts of sleepless saints. Sleep-deprivation appears more common among solitaries and lavriotes rather than coenobites. In this section, I also investigate possible pathological causes of sleepdeprivation. The vigil of the laity is dealt with in the last two chapters. Chapter 6 examines vigils at home. It also assesses the EkirchWehr theory, according to which in pre-industrial times people had a natural break in sleep at midnight. This theory argues that the church vigil simply colonised the period of wakefulness, so that there was no sleep-abstinence. It is proven that the breaking of sleep was artificial, due to the command to watch and pray at night. Chapter 7 presents vigils at church. While the Byzantines did not distinguish between private and public forms of piety, they preferred public vigils for reasons unconnected with theology. It was mostly during the church vigils that the Byzantine laity practised sleep-abstinence and occasionally either slumbered or became sleep-deprived. The book concludes that the Byzantines, inspired by the Bible, practised both sleep-deprivation and sleep-abstinence. Sleepdeprivation was sometimes consciously pursued. At other times it was the result of environmental, physical, or even pathological factors. Sleep-deprivation was a sign of religious fervour par excellence,

1. INTRODUCTION

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but this did not diminish the value of sleep-abstinence, which for the Byzantines was a time of thanksgiving and repentance, of approaching God, fighting the demons, and avoiding retribution. I hope what is about to follow will be sufficiently interesting to preserve the reader from the sweet tyranny of sleep. 89

89

Theodoretus, Historia Religiosa, prologue 6.

2. THE MECHANICS OF SLEEP AND SLEEPLESSNESS

Everyone has a theory about sleep: its optimum duration and timing, and foremost, the perils of sleep-deprivation. This is only to be expected; and much information is available in the media, the internet, and ‘self-help’ books on sleep. This is but one small indication of the importance of sleep in our culture. In the private sphere, our houses are often described and evaluated in units of measurement predicated on sleep and rest, 1 i.e. according to the number of bedrooms. Meanwhile, an entire sleep and rest ‘industry’ has developed, supplying everything from nightwear to the ultimate bed. 2 As for the public sphere, section 3 of the European Union 93/104/EC directive of 23 November 1993, deals with night work and its possible side-effects on workers. 3 Article 8 stipulates that normal hours of work for night workers should not exceed an average of eight hours in any 24-hour period; 4 Article 9 makes provisions for health assessment and the transfer of night workers to day work, while article 10 instructs member states to provide guarantees to night workers, should they incur risks to their safety or health linked to their night-time labour. 5 Sleeping time is protected by law, and the consequences of sleep-deprivation are of some concern to law-makers. Williams, ‘The ‘dormant’ body’, p. 180. Ibid. 3 http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri= CELEX:31993L0104: EN:NOT 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 1 2

21

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The problem, then, is how to present a culture like that of the Byzantine, which considered sleep-abstinence a virtue, to an audience convinced of the intrinsic value of sleep and dire consequences should one be deprived of it. More to the point, is every vigil to be equated with sleep-deprivation? Should everyone practising prayer at night be labelled as sleep-deprived? Is one to think that terrible things happened to the Byzantines, because of their lack of sleep? The answer is certainly not. Behind this sort of question, which might trouble the reader of this book, is a particular school of thought among sleep-experts, which has been vociferous in the media about the level and effects of sleep-deprivation in our society. The most representative work of this school is The Promise of Sleep by W. Dement and C. Vaughan. 6 If one is to approach with any impartiality the phenomenon of nocturnal prayer in Byzantium, cultural and quasi-scientific claims must be isolated from the medical data. There is a whole array of aspects related to sleep and influenced by culture, like the pattern of sleep (monophasic, biphasic, polyphasic), sleeping arrangements (sleeping communally or individually), the posture and surface, and most of all the duration of sleep perceived as healthy or normal (the ubiquitous 8 hours of sleep). 7 It will become obvious that the Byzantines practising sleep-abstinence had a different attitude from ours regarding all of the above. To the quasi-scientific data belongs the theory of sleep-debt. According to this theory, unless every hour of lost sleep is recovered, a sleep-debt will accrue; having adverse effects on the health and well-being of the individual. 8 Even this theory’s supporters admit the scientific evidence in its favour is slim. 9 Another problem related to sleep-medicine is that poorly reported research has been so often repeated that it has achieved the status of legend. 10 This is the case of P. Tripp, who in 1959 spent 201 hours continually awake. He had a history of mental illness, Dement, and Vaughan, The Promise of Sleep. Williams, Sleep and society, p. 20. 8 Dement, Promise, pp. 61–64. 9 Dinges, ‘Sleep debt and scientific evidence’, pp. 1050–1052. 10 Moorcroft, and Belcher, Understanding sleep and dreaming, p. 45. 6 7

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and during the period he stayed awake took large doses of a stimulant related to amphetamine known to cause personality changes. 11 Yet, his behaviour is still cited by the media as proof that sleepdeprivation causes grave psychological problems. 12 There is also the belief that prolonged sleep-deprivation causes death – a belief which we share with the Byzantines. 13 There is, however, no scientific proof for this. Rats have died during sleep-deprivation experiments, but their physiology is so different from ours that it is impossible to draw any firm conclusions about its effect on human beings. 14 There are two types of sleep-deprivation. Total sleepdeprivation (TSD) is a period of at least 24 hours of forced wakefulness. There are no controversies as to what TSD is, and there is significant literature on the subject from which it is possible to extract a consensus as to its psychological – but not physiological – consequences. The research on TSD has been extensive because it has been regarded as the foremost method of understanding the function of sleep. 15 The second type of sleep-deprivation is chronic partial sleepdeprivation (PSD), which is most often encountered in everyday life. 16 The problem with PSD is that in order to define it one must have an optimum length of sleep, below which PSD starts. This means first defining how much sleep we need. Another related issue is whether people are able to restrict their sleep, and the effects of such a regime. On these subjects, the literature is contradictory. In the following sections I will investigate the above and seek to define how much sleep the Byzantines actually had. A brief examination of clocks and time-keeping in Byzantium and a foray in astronomy to define how long daylight lasted in principal cities and monastic centres will be undertaken. Most importantly, the meHorne, Sleepfaring, p. 44. Moorcroft, Understanding, p. 45. 13 Joannes Chrysostomus, Ad Stelechium de compunctione PG 47. 418. 14 Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 10–13. 15 Dement, et al., ‘History of Sleep Deprivation’, pp. 32–3. 16 Lavie, Enchanted, p. 115. 11 12

II,

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chanics of sleep and sleep-deprivation will be explained in detail, not only to describe fully the effects of a regime limiting sleep, but also to dispel any misconceptions a reader might have on the subject.

WAKING AND SLEEPING AROUND THE CLOCK Sleep is defined as a reversible behavioural state of perceptual disengagement from and unresponsiveness to the environment. 17 Sleep, however, equals neither absence of wakefulness nor inactivity since it is known that parts of the brain are actively producing sleep. Actually, during sleep the brain increases its activity. 18 The reason why we sleep is surprisingly obscure. Several theories have been advanced as to the purpose of sleep: it may be a protective behaviour (we sleep at night when we are most vulnerable); it may have a function for energy conservation, brain restoration, and maintenance of the circadian rhythms; it may improve the work of the immune system or regulate the body temperature. Some sleep-experts claim that the multiplicity of theories regarding the purpose of sleep indicates that it fulfils more than one function. 19 This argument appears to be circular. At the middle of the last century, it was established that sleep consists of two fundamentally different organismic states. These states are as different from each other as sleep from wakefulness. 20 They are called NREM (Non-REM sleep) and REM (Rapid Eye Movement) sleep. NREM sleep is subdivided further into four stages, called Stages 1, 2, 3 and 4. The last two stages of NREM are known as Slow Wave Sleep (SWS). Throughout one’s sleeping time NREM and REM alternate in a cycle, which is 90 to 120 minutes long, resulting in 4 to 6 separate episodes of REM sleep. 21 NREM may be described as a relatively inactive state, where the brain is Carskadon, ‘Normal’, p. 13. Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 30. 19 Lavie, et al., Sleep Disorders: Diagnosis, Management and Treatment: a Handbook for Clinicians, p. 5–6. 20 Carskadon, ‘Normal’, p.13. 21 Ibid, ‘Normal’, p.19. 17 18

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regulating a movable body, while the REM sleep displays a higly acitvated brain in a paralysed body. 22 At the beginning of the first sleep cycle, there is a transition between wakefulness and sleep. Sleep does not start abruptly, but it is a long process beginning with relaxed drowsiness, continuing through stage 1 often into the first minutes of stage 2. 23 Sleep onset is an intermediate state, part sleep, part wakefulness. 24 Stage 1’s characteristics include being ‘almost asleep’, ‘less self-conscious’, and ‘diminished reaction to external stimuli’. It usually lasts 1–7 minutes. 25 Stage 2 lasts 10–25 minutes. In general, stage 2 accounts for more than half of the sleeping time. 26 During stages 3 & 4 (Slow Wave Sleep or SWS) there is very deep sleep. It lasts 20 to 40 minutes. Stage 3 reappears briefly, followed by another bout of stage 2, which lasts between 4 to 10 minutes. Finally, REM sleep makes its appearance. It starts 80 to 120 minutes after the beginning of Stage1 and lasts 1–5 minutes. REM episodes lengthen across the night, 27 while in the second half of the night SWS is seldom seen. 28 This is why monastic sleep-abstinence, unless severe, does not affect SWS, only the REM and stages 1 & 2. The longer one sleeps, the less time one spends in SWS; longer sleep means a longer REM period. Sleep exceeding 8 hours may contain even up to 1 hour extra REM sleep. 29 During the 1950s, W. C. Dement established the connection between REM sleep and dreams. We dream almost 100% of the time during REM, i.e. about 1.5 to 2 hours every night, especially towards the end of our sleep. 30 A crucial factor for remembering those dreams is the intention to recall them. Persons and societies that place importance on Ibid, p.14. Ogilvie, ‘The process of falling asleep’, pp. 247–270. 24 Kleitman, Sleep and wakefulness, p.71. 25 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 27. 26 A. Borbély, Secrets of Sleep, p. 23. 27 Carskadon, ‘Normal’, p. 13. 28 Moorcroft, Sleep, p.28. 29 J. Horne, Sleepfaring, 141. 30 Moorcroft, Sleep, pp. 197–8. 22 23

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dreams have more success with recall. 31 It seems that people seldom, if at all, dream during NREM, but we may carry memories of dreams over from REM into the NREM. The dreams experienced during NREM are described as rather static and less dramatic, emotional or visual than the dreams, which occur during REM; a more appropriate name for them is ‘mentations’. 32 Sleep is the result of two processes thought to be independent of each other: the circadian process and the homeostatic sleepdependent process. The circadian process, which has peak and offpeak times, induces and maintains wakefulness, while the homeostatic, which is active constantly, induces and maintains sleep. The latter is considered to reflect the need or pressure for sleep, which builds up during sustained wakefulness and dissipates during sleep. 33 The circadian rhythms are connected with our biological clock, which is located in two brain areas called the suprachiasmatic nuclei. The biological clock governs rhythmic changes in the behaviour and/or physiology of most species. These circadian rhythms from the Latin circa diem (around a day) and have a period of approximately 24 hours. 34 The biological clock is influenced by time-signals known as Zeitgeber, a regularly occurring event, which synchronizes the circadian rhythms of an organism. 35 The most important Zeitgeber is light following a period of darkness. 36 Although nowadays time cues are obtained from many sources such as artificial light, clocks, and television, 37 in Byzantium it was mainly the succession between light and darkness, which regulated the sleep of most people. Certainly, there were clocks in Byzantium; Constantinople apparently had several, one of which was designated as ‘clock of the Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 201. This is also noted by sociologists; Aubert and White, ‘Sleep: A Sociological Interpretation’. 32 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 194. 33 Ferrara and De Gennaro, ‘How much sleep do we need?’, p. 159. 34 Hotz Vitaterna, et al., ‘Overview of Circadian Rhythms’, pp. 85–6. 35 Borbély, Secrets, p. 181. 36 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 126. 37 Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 103. 31

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27

city’ by John Lydos. 38 Procopios, his contemporary, described a clock in Gaza that actually struck the number of the hours very audibly, counting two sequences from one to six. 39 However, even if the usage of clocks was widespread, it did not infringe upon the importance of light and darkness as time-signals, since time was calculated in accordance with the amount of light in the day, and darkness in the night; it was not calculated as an independent unit. 40 Thus, each hour was equal to 1/12 of the length of day or night at any given location and in any season. For example, in the Thebaid the maximum length of a night hour was 67 minutes in December and the minimum 53 minutes in June, while the ratio for Jerusalem between the longest and shortest night hour was 70/50 minutes, and in Constantinople 74/45 minutes. 41 When discussing clocks one cannot ignore the issue of alarm clocks, their relation with the vigil and their potential interference with our biological clock. The Typikon of Studion decreed that the monk appointed for awakening the brothers should wake at the sixth hour when hearing that the ‘signal’ of the water alarm clock has fallen. 42 The ‘signal’ was a weight tied to the end of a rope, which was wound around the shaft and attached to the float of the water clock. When the weight fell, it triggered the alarm. 43 Although the Typikon of Lavra and of the Evergetis mention alarm Dohrn–van Rossum, History of the Hour, p. 28. Ibid. 40 Achiles Tatius, Isagoga excerpta, 25.6. 41 For a table with the times of the rising and setting of the sun, and the length of the hour and the twilight, see Appendix. The calculations were made using ‘Stellarium’, a computerised planetarium, which displays a realistic sky in 3D, exactly like the one seen with a telescope. It can be set to show the sky at any date in the past, and it was set at the year 330 AD for all locations. My sincere gratitude to Prof. A. Fitzsimmons astronomer in the QUB Astrophysics Research Centre for acquainting me with the ‘Stellarium’ and for answering my questions. 42 Acta Monasterii Studii, PG, 99.1704. 43 Stock, ‘The Monastic Alarm Clock’, p. 35. See the same for another water alarm clock with a wheel and ratchet mechanism. 38 39

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clocks, 44 there are no earlier references to an alarm clock in a monastic-ascetic setting. This is, perhaps, either because having a clock was against the monastic way of simplicity and poverty or because it meant fixed hours of prayer, which was frowned upon. 45 Seen from the latter point, the introduction of clocks indicates a diminished zeal for vigils. As far as time-keeping is concerned, it seems the early monks managed it without a clock. John, the disciple of Barsanuphios, advised a monk to stay awake throughout the night, from dusk to dawn reciting prayers. At dawn, he had to find out how many lines he had recited then divide them by the hours of the night. Subsequently, he would be able to know the length of his vigil and the actual time by the number of lines recited. 46 It was stated earlier that the alarm clock interferes with the biological clock. The reason is that our biological clock is the primary regulator of the daily cycle of sleep and wakefulness, and an alarm clock infringes upon its function. The sleepiness/wake zones are 47: 01.00–07.00 07.00–13.00 13.00–19.00 19.00–01.00

High sleep onset High sleep offset High sleep onset or offset (short sleep time) Low sleep onset or offset

The biological clock can override the homeostatic process, and thus, even after 24 hours of sleep-deprivation, alertness will be restored at the peak times of the biological clock. This explains how monks appeared to be unaffected after a long vigil.

Jordan, ‘Evergetis: Typikon of Timothy for the Monastery of the Mother of God Evergetis’, p. 500. 45 See Epiphanios’ angry reaction at hearing his monks kept regular hours for prayer. AP (collectio alphabetica), PG, 65.164. 46 Barsanuphius et Joannes, Quaestiones et responsiones, 147. 47 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 132. J. Horne identified the period between 02.00–06.00 am as the lowest alertness zone, and that between 06.00– 08.00 am as highest alertness zone; Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 102. 44

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NOT EVERY VIGIL EQUALLED SLEEP-DEPRIVATION It is clear that when one sleeps helps to determine how long or easily one sleeps. 48 Certain times are more favourable than others for performing sleep fragmentation or partial sleep-deprivation. According to the Greek Vita Prima of Pachomios, there are three ways of keeping vigil. Firstly, one could sleep during the foremost part of the night and stay awake the rest, without going back to sleep. Otherwise, one might stay awake during the first part of the night and then sleep until dawn, when morning prayers started. Finally, one could sleep for a part of the night, staying awake before and after that. 49 Bed-time was regulated by the amount of darkness when manual labour or reading is impossible. Therefore, when calculating night-time one must also consider the length of civil twilight, when there is sufficient light to continue outdoor activities even though the sun is not visible. 50 It would appear that the first method of vigil suggested by Pachomios is more difficult than the rest because it coincides with the high sleep onset time. Things, however, are not so simple, since, as it has already been stated, sleep is a homeostatic process. If someone had sufficient sleep during the first part of the night, then it is

Carskadon, ‘Normal’, p. 18. VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p.60. There is a variant reading of the third method, coinciding with the Bohairic version of Pachomios’ Vita, according to which, one could interchange wakefulness with sleep, hour after hour, throughout the night. There are problems with the Greek text and with the method proposed, which will be discussed later. Nevertheless, all three methods entailed spending half the night in vigil since this was Palamon’s rule of prayer. VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p.6. 50 Civil twilight is the period before sunrise and after sunset when the centre of the sun’s disk is less than 6° below the horizon. It is regarded as the time during which outdoor activities can still take place without the need for artificial illumination. I. Ridpath (ed.), A Dictionary of Astronomy (Oxford, 1997), p. 86. It is ca. 30 minutes long in the morning and 30 min in the evening. This means deducting 1h from the total duration of night-time. 48 49

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possible to keep a vigil without much difficulty. 51 Taking into account the considerable length of night-time in winter, the problem for research into sleep in Byzantium is to establish a rule by which to define whether indeed the nightly prayers resulted in partial sleep-deprivation. The question that rises naturally is how much sleep is sufficient? A reasonable answer is that a person ought to sleep per 24 hours as much as it is necessary to be fully awake and to sustain normal levels of performance during waking hours. 52 Several sleep researchers have attempted to give a more definite answer to the above question. Bonnet and Arand 53 assert that one ought to sleep between 9 to 10 hours per day, confirming the findings of Webb and Agnew. 54 This assertion has important consequences for the question on sleep-deprivation in Byzantium. Vigil for half the night was the advice of Palamon, 55 Ephrem the Syrian, 56 Basil of Caesarea 57 and Abba Isaias. 58 Moreover, John, the disciple of Barsanuphios, stated that vigil for half the night was decreed by the Fathers, pointing towards a long established practice. 59 On a practical level, for Thebaid this signifies a maximum of 6 hours 45 minutes of sleep in winter and 5 hours 12 minutes in summer, for Nisibis 7 hours 16 minutes and 4 hours 44 minutes respectively, Cappadocia 7 hours It should be remembered that the circadian process can override the homeostatic one, and very sleepy persons might be unable to sleep because their biological clock indicates a ‘forbidden sleep zone’. There are also ‘sleep gates’ times at which an alert individual might fall easily asleep; Lavie, Enchanted, p. 50–53. 52 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 94. 53 Bonnet, and Arand, ‘We are Chronically Sleep Deprived’, p. 910. 54 W. В. Webb, and H. W. Agnew, ‘Are we chronically sleep deprived?’, pp. 47–48. 55 VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p.6. 56 Septem sunt occupationes monachi, Line 6. 57 Homilia in martyrem Julittam, PG, 31.244. 58 Abba Isaias, Ἀσκητικόν, p. 51. 59 Barsanuphius et Joannes, Quaestiones et responsiones, 158. See also, 147. 51

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21 minutes and 4 hours 38 minutes, and for Jerusalem 7 hours 3 minutes and 4 hours 54 minutes respectively. 60 Thus according to Bonnet and Arrand, even when the night was at its longest, anyone following the patristic rule would be below the optimum amount of sleep by 2–3 hours. 61 During summer, this would mean 4–5 hours less sleep than indicated. Allowing for the illumination during twilight, the time allocated for sleep should be reduced further by 1 hour in each case. However not everyone agrees on the amount of sleep necessary. J. Horne maintains that there is a core amount of sleep between 4.5–6 hours. Any more sleep than that is optional. Human beings may easily adapt to 5–6 hours sleep. 62 Horne has reviewed his position claiming that the core sleep is around 6 hours, while he has renamed the additional sleeping time as ‘adaptable’. For Horne, 7 hours of uninterrupted quality sleep is satisfactory for most healthy adults, especially with the addition of a short (15 min) afternoon nap. 63 Horne bases his theory on the assumption that REM sleep is more like wakefulness rather than sleep, and that it is not essential for our mental and/or physical well-being. Therefore, according to Horne, the last part of our sleep, which is predominately REM sleep, might be eliminated. 64 On the other hand, studies have noted that after partial sleepdeprivation, which, unless total sleep is restricted to less than 4 hours, affects only the REM sleep, there is a REM rebound on recovery nights. This means shorter REM sleep latency and more frequent REM sleep, 65 which points towards an important function of REM sleep. Horne counter argues that there is only partial REM sleep recovery, hence no great pressure to have REM. 66 It is possiSee Appendix. See Appendix. 62 Horne, Why we sleep: the functions of sleep in humans and other mammals, pp. 180–217. 63 Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 204–5. 64 Ibid., pp. 132–3, 138, 140–1, 191. 65 Ferrara, ‘How much’, p. 155. 66 Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 141. 60 61

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ble, however, that REM sleep is not as important as SWS and for this reason it does not increase to such a degree as to affect SWS. Based on Horne, one might assert that, in winter, the Byzantines who slept for half the night got their full sleep quota (7 hours). Even if an hour is subtracted from night-time, owing to the twilight period, a 6 hour long sleep is considered as ‘core sleep’. If the twilight period is not added to the hours of daylight, then, according to Horne, the Byzantines suffered partial sleep-deprivation only five months a year, when the duration of their sleep fell below 6 hours. 67 This brings us to the question of whether those sleeping habitually between 7–8 hours per 24 could reduce their sleep to 6 hours, without suffering any adverse effects. Horne claims that a programme of progressive sleep restriction lasting several weeks could achieve such a result. More importantly, after the target is achieved, the sleep length of the persons participating in this exercise will be permanently shortened by at least 1 hour, without experiencing negative results. 68 Whilst most experts agree that such a reduction is possible, they caution that it might cause excessive sleepiness and reduced alertness. 69 The lack of sleepiness, which Horne reports, might be the result of habituation to some subjective mood changes during chronic partial sleep-deprivation. 70 That is, one might get used to being sleepy, misjudging thus the degree of sleepiness. Two recent studies by H. P. A. Van Dongen, have shown that when there is a discrepancy between necessary sleep and of the Horne accepts that 6 hours of sleep is the limit for most people. Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 181. 68 Ibid., 181–2. 69 Moorcroft, Sleep, pp. 115–117; Lavie, Enchanted, pp. 116–117; Lavie, et al., Sleep Disorders, pp. 5–6; Ferrara, ‘How much’, pp. 163–165. Stanley Coren, Professor of Psychology at the University of British Columbia, tried, over several weeks, to limit his sleep to only 5hours per night. He stopped the effort after feeling permanently tired, confused and sleepy; Coren, Sleep Thieves, pp. 60–69. 70 Bonnet, and Arrand, ‘Clinical effects of sleep fragmentation versus sleep deprivation’, p. 300. 67

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33

sleep obtained, there appears an increased propensity for sleep, neurobehavioural deficits and problems in the endocrine and immune functions. 71 If the discrepancy increases, the effects increase as well. Thus, after 14 days of only 6 hours sleep per day, subjects reached levels of impairment equivalent to those of one day of total sleep-deprivation for lapses in behavioural alertness and working memory performance. 72 The above studies found that even a small decrease in the length of sleep might result in cumulative psychomotor performance impairment. 73 More studies are necessary to establish whether chronic sleep-restriction has cumulative effects. A comparison of studies conducted in the 20th century reveals a decline in the number of hours sleep per night, and an increase in sleep-related problems, such as fatigue, sleepiness, and reduced levels of alertness. Although some of the findings might be questioned, it is clear that the decrease from 8.5 to 7.5 hours of sleep is far from beneficial. 74 A more recent study has shown an increase in alertness when sleeping time was raised from 7 to 8 hours, 75 while in another, young adults slept consistently for 8.25 hours when instructed to remain in bed in darkness for 16 hours per day, for a period of one month. 76 Horne uses historical arguments to counter those studies, while arguing that earlier accounts of the length of sleeping time are more anecdotal than factual. 77 Moreover, he denies any significant improvement in daytime alertness when sleeping time is inVan Dongen, et al., ‘Sleep debt: Theoretical and empirical issues’, pp. 5–13; Van Dongen, et al., ‘The Cumulative Cost of Additional Wakefulness: Dose-Response Effects on Neurobehavioral Functions and Sleep Physiology Form Chronic Sleep Restricition and Total Sleep Deprivation, pp. 117–126. 72 Van Dongen, et al., ‘Sleep debt’, pp.6–7. 73 Ibid., pp. 8–9; Van Dongen, et al., ‘Cumulative Cost’, p. 120. 74 Ferrara, ‘How much’, pp. 156–8. 75 Bonnet, ‘Sleep Fragmentation’, pp. 103–120. 76 Wehr, ‘The impact of changes in nightlength (scotoperiod) on human sleep’, pp. 263–285. 77 Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 186–7, 205. 71

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creased above 7.5 hours. 78 Horne, furthermore, quotes recent studies indicating that people sleeping 7–7.5 hours have a lower death rate than those spending more or less time asleep than that amount. 79 Obviously, this argument cancels the claim that our core sleep is 6 hours. Moreover, other studies indicate that 8 hours of sleep, rather than 7 hours, contributes to a lower morbidity rate. 80 Since 6 hours sleep is below the average, which is 7-8 hours, 81 and since performance and cognition deficits consistent with one or two days of total sleep-deprivation have been found in persons sleeping for 6 hours, 82 it is obvious that a 6 hour length of sleep is too low a threshold for the start of partial sleep-deprivation. On the other hand, the lower end of the sleep length average, namely 7 hours, seems a better solution, since not only is it recognised as an optimum amount of sleep even by Horne, 83 but also recent studies have found that below 7 hours there occurs significant daytime cognitive dysfunction. 84 Therefore, the term (partial) sleep-deprivation in this book will be applied whenever a philosophical, civic or religious activity taking place at night reduces the sleeping time to less than 7 hours per nychthemeron. Whenever sleep is not restricted below that, but curtailed from the usual length for the period, which in antiquity and Byzantium was the whole night-time, 85 it will be labelled sleep78

Ibid., p. 191. Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 188–193. 80 Wingard, and Berkman, ‘Mortality risk associated with sleeping patterns among adults’, pp. 102–107; Ayas, et al., ‘A prospective study of self–reported sleep duration and incident diabetes in women’, pp. 380–4; Ayas, et al., ‘A prospective study of sleep duration and coronary heart disease in women’, pp. 205–9. 81 Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 172–3. 82 Van Dongen, et al., ‘Sleep debt’, p. 9; Dongen, et al., ‘Cumulative Cost’, p. 120; p.124. 83 Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 204–5. 84 Banks and Dinges, ‘Behavioral and physiological consequences of sleep restriction’, pp. 519–28. 85 Homer, Iliad, 2.23–26, 9.1–4.; Plato, Leges, 807e–808a; Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea, 1102b; Chrysostomus, Expositiones in Psalmos, PG 79

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35

abstinence. The word ‘vigil’ in this study applies to any restriction of sleep accompanied by prayer, whether it takes place in a consecrated place or a private dwelling, indoors or outdoors, communally or individually. A vigil, depending on its length, might be described as sleep-abstinence or as causing partial sleep-deprivation. To conclude, combining the optimum time of sleep with the information on the length of night, 86 one can determine in which areas partial sleep-deprivation was likely to occur, provided they followed the patristic rule for vigil. Thus, in Egypt and Sinai they will always suffer partial sleep-deprivation. Palestine, Syria and Mesopotamia are borderline cases, while in Cappadocia and Constantinople there was sleep-deprivation during summer, but none in the winter.

SLEEP NEED OF THE INDIVIDUAL The previous paragraphs should not be understood as implying that 7–8 hours of sleep is a ‘one size fits all’ case. There are differences in the sleep need of each person, and these are individual biological differences. Some people are tall, others short; likewise, there are long and short sleepers. 87 Although the majority falls within the 7–8 hours average, there are extremely short sleepers, who might need less than 4 hours sleep per 24, and very long sleepers needing more than 10 hours. 88 The shortest documented sleep need is one hour. 89 This sets into a different perspective the hagiographical data about sleepless prodigies like Arsenios, who advocated 1 hour of sleep per day as the mark of a monastic champion. 90 Instead of either bypassing such narratives as fictitious or lecturing on the excesses of asceticism, it is worth considering whether the saint 55.386; In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.203; In epistulam ad Hebraeos, PG 63.116. Also In Psalmum 145, PG 55.526; In epistulam i ad Timotheum, PG 62. 575. 86 See Appendix. 87 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 94. 88 Ibid., p. 95. 89 Lavie, Enchanted, p. 111–2. 90 AP (collectio alphabetica), PG, 65.92.

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might have been a naturally short sleeper. Of course, there would be problems whenever someone tried to follow Arsenios’ maxim, without being an exceptionally short sleeper himself. One should not assume that the Byzantines were ignorant of the facts already mentioned. Chrysostom, for example, was aware both of the individual differences in sleep length and the ability to become accustomed to chronic sleep restriction. When referring to those who forgo sleep easily, he recognised that the amount one sleeps might be the result of nature or nurture, and above all exercise. 91 Since much practice masks the immediate effects of PSD, Chrysostom’s insistence on exercise is not a sign of Byzantine excessiveness or Greek influence, but simply the result of experience. Another related issue is that people respond subjectively to the experience of sleep. People content with their sleep might have brief and frequently interrupted sleep, while others complain of having slept badly despite no abnormalities in their sleep. 92 Sleepiness, too, varies depending on the circumstances of the individual: motivation, stimulation, or competing needs like hunger could mask physiologic sleepiness. However, in soporific situations, sleepiness will manifest itself, such as during an interminable service or a boring sermon, or when performing a mechanical task like weaving mats (a common monastic occupation). 93 Finally, there is a further division among sleepers. There are morning types, who go to sleep earlier and wake up earlier and evening types, going to bed later and waking up later. The majority belongs to neither type. 94 Morning types sleep better than evening types, have better moods upon rising, and feel they have had sufficient sleep. 95 If a morning type tries to become evening type, they will face difficulties with disrupted sleep and reduced alertness upon awakening; similar effects occur when those belonging to the evening type or to neither type try to change their sleeping pattern. It seems that with age, people increasingly tend to become morning Chrysostomus, De Sacerdotio, 3.10. Borbély, Secrets, p. 90. 93 Roehrs et al, ‘Daytime Sleepiness and Alertness’, p. 42; p. 44. 94 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 133. 95 Ibid. 91 92

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types, which indicates that a change from one type to the other is not impossible, but indeed natural. An important point in need of clarification is that elderly people do not have different sleep needs to those of younger adults. 96 They might perceive that they sleep less, because the number of awakenings during sleep and the awareness of it increase dramatically with age. Returning to sleep after awakening gets more difficult and sometimes results in shortened sleep. On the other hand, elderly people get less sleep during the night, but more during the day, 97 which might cause some to think that they sleep more. Such a misconception appears in the story mentioned earlier in this chapter, where Pachomios proposed the three modes of vigil to the monks. After returning to the monastery, the monks complained to the steward that Pachomios tormented them throughout the night. Although they chose the third method, they ended up falling asleep, the one earlier and the other after the end of the morning prayers, whereas Pachomios remained awake. The steward taunted them for being overcome by a weak elderly man, only to suffer the same humiliation at the hands of Pachomios. 98 Obviously, the steward thought that an older person would find keeping vigil more difficult than younger men. After this review of the mechanics of sleep, the basal sleep need, and individual differences, it is now necessary to assess the effects of total and partial sleep-deprivation in order to understand sleep as a physiological state.

THE EFFECTS OF SLEEP-DEPRIVATION Nowadays sleepiness is considered the most important consequence of total and partial sleep-deprivation because it might cause accidents. Apart from sleepiness, TSD causes shakiness, problems with focusing the eyes, weakness in neck muscle flexion, tremors, and jumpy eyeballs, which all might contribute to accidents. 99 Lavie, et al., Sleep Deprivation, p. 15–16. Moorcroft, Sleep, pp. 44–5, p. 48. 98 VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p. 60–61. 99 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 102–3. 96 97

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There are other serious effects too. Sleep-deprivation appears to increase the appetite, because it disturbs the levels of leptin and ghrelin, which regulate hunger. 100 Thus, both TSD and PSD are possible causes of obesity. In monastic practice, because of the heightened hunger, vigil would seem to preclude fasting. On the other hand, hunger and dramatic weight loss curtail sleep, which shows that, in combining the two practices, i.e. vigil and fasting, the Byzantines found infallible means for staying awake. 101 Moreover, PSD has been found to affect glucose metabolism, which becomes apparent as glucose intolerance and insulin insensitivity. Actually, PSD could contribute to the development of insulin resistance and Type 2 diabetes either directly by affecting glucose regulation or indirectly via a deregulation of appetite. 102 Some of the effects described here might be present in the one form of sleep-deprivation, and absent from the other; when present in both, there might be differences in the intensity of these effects as well. An experimental study found that the pain threshold is lower after 40 hours of TSD, 103 but there are no similar findings for PSD. On the other hand, PSD affects the immune system more severely than TSD. Natural killer (NK) cells are important for countering tumours and infections, like the herpes virus. During PSD, there is significant reduction in cellular immunity as measured by the decreased number or activity of NK cells. However, after prolonged TSD the NK cells levels increase. In both cases, the immune decline might offer an opening to an infection. 104 Horne suggested that the weakening of the immune system in these studies is due to the stress of having to stay awake, and not K. Spiegel, ‘Metabolic and Endocrine Changes’, in Sleep Deprivation, p. 308. 101 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 60. 102 K. Spiegel, et al., ‘Sleep loss: a novel risk factor for insulin resistance and Type 2 diabetes’, p. 2008–2019. 103 S. Hakki Onen, et al., ‘The effects of total sleep deprivation, selective sleep interruption and sleep recovery on pain tolerance thresholds in healthy subjects’, pp. 35–42. 104 Motivala, and Irwin, ‘Immune System and Sleep Deprivation’, p. 376. 100

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39

because of the shorter length of sleep. 105 In other words if one chose freely to stay awake, the immune system would be unaffected. Stress and sleep-deprivation are, however, inseparable. If stress is defined as a ‘perceived threat to homeostasis’, considering that sleep is – partly – homeostatically controlled, every effort to restrict sleep will result in a stressful (disrupting and upsetting) condition. 106 Thus, it is not coincidental that sleep restriction is connected to an increased sympathetic nervous activity, 107 which could have adverse effects on other hormonal systems, blood pressure regulation, kidney and cardiac function. 108 Interestingly, there seems to be a link between short sleep and coronary heart disease. 109 Not everyone agrees with the above findings. M. Bonnet in a review of studies on the physiological effects of TSD concluded that physiologic changes are relatively minor. 110 Fortunately, there is a consensus among researchers about the effects of total sleep-deprivation on the mind and behaviour. Lack Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 40–42. Cirelli, and Tononi, ‘Total Sleep Deprivation’, p. 71. 107 The sympathetic nervous system is part of the autonomic nervous system, a motor efferent system that functions at a subconscious level, providing homeostasis of visceral organs and the internal environment. Respiration, digestion, blood pressure and cardiovascular control, metabolism and thermoregulation are all controlled by the autonomic system. The primary function of the sympathetic nervous system is to mobilise a variety of resources throughout the body in response to a challenge to survive. The sympathetic nervous system stimulates various effector organs so that the body can make adjustments in preparation of an energy situation, i.e. ‘fight or flight’; heart rate increases, blood flow shunts from the skin and digestive organs to the skeletal muscles and brain, blood glucose rises and pupils dilate, all in preparation of an emergency situation. Brown, et al., Exercise physiology: basis of human movement in health and disease, p. 237. It seems that the human body perceives sleep deprivation as a threat. 108 Spiegel, et al., ‘Metabolic and Endocrine Changes’, p. 311–12. 109 Ayas, et al., ‘A prospective study of sleep duration and coronary heart disease in women’, p. 205–9. 110 Bonnet, ‘Acute Sleep Deprivation’, pp. 58–59. 105 106

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of sleep affects the mind causing irritability, aggressiveness, paranoia, disorientation, periods of loss of control of emotion. People appear listless and grim. During the second and third days of total sleep-deprivation, they become more irritable, apathetic and indifferent; they have mood swings and frequent visual misperceptions. There is a sensation of a ring of pressure around one’s head, known as the ‘hat phenomenon’. After four days one might become delusional, depersonalised (loss of self in relation to the normal world). There is difficulty in performing psychomotor tasks especially if repetitive. 111 The effects are usually worse at the time when the individual would normally be asleep. 112 Overall, there is an absence of executive, creative, and innovative thinking. 113 Speech is affected and people are lost for words, using more clichés. 114 Inflexibility and perseveration, i.e. the uncontrollable repetition of a particular response, such as a word, phrase or gesture are common, 115 and there is a tendency to take more risks when sleep deprived. 116 More importantly, there is a decrease in ego functioning, characterised by a reduction in social adaptation. 117 Sleep-deprived subjects are unable to detect nuances in other peoples’ behaviour; they become suspicious, irritable, losing their temper. 118 During sleepdeprivation, there is a loss of conventionality, social awareness and inhibitions, and a display of inappropriate interpersonal behaviour. 119 As for depersonalisation, progressive sleep loss turns us into automatons and abolishes the ability to think independently. Moreover, conscious awareness of ourselves is impaired, and we are no longer prescient. 120 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 103. Ibid. 113 Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 72–5. 114 Ibid., pp. 76–7. 115 Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 78. 116 Ibid., pp. 76–7. 117 Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 103. 118 Ibid., pp.79–82. 119 Ibid., p. 79. 120 Ibid., p. 39. 111 112

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41

Partial sleep-deprivation does not trigger such dramatic psychological phenomena, but affects vigilance and thinking; it is responsible for memory deficits, and the inability to process information. 121 It seems that prolonged PSD affects more physical health, while TSD has a greater effect on mental health. In the light of these medical data presented above, it is possible to study sleep-abstinence in Byzantium in its duration, occurrence, degree of difficulty, and the zeal with which it was pursued. In order to comprehend fully this phenomenon, it is also necessary to examine its origins and the cultural milieu in which it developed. Thus, the next chapter will present sleep-abstinence in the Bible and in the Hellenic world. This will be followed by a chapter on the reasons and aims of sleep-abstinence among the Byzantines.

121

Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 11.

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD: AN OVERVIEW Previous studies have examined sleep-abstinence in the Bible based on two presuppositions: first, that sleep-abstinence is an ascetic practice; and second, that neither the religion of Israel nor Jesus was ascetic. Thus, the outcome is to some extent already determined before studying the passages on which the Church founded its policies of sleep-abstinence. Although this is not the place to refight old wars, the question whether the Byzantines adopted a pagan practice under the guise of a biblical custom or injunction cannot be ignored. This chapter examines afresh the biblical attitude towards sleep and examine whether sleep-abstinence was practised, and why. Although many of the verses examined in this chapter do not appear in Byzantine writings on sleep-abstinence, the Bible’s stance towards sleep underlies Byzantine thought on the subject. In Chapter 4 I shall demonstrate that the scriptural associations between sleep, night, demons, sin, death, and divine retribution – though not spelt verbatim – defined the practice and content of prayer at night-time. Likewise, it will also appear that Jesus’ nocturnal prayer, though not often cited as an example for imitation, greatly influenced the practice of sleep-abstinence. This chapter takes a step back from Byzantium and addresses biblical exegesis followed by a survey of ancient Greek attitudes towards sleep, examining which was of primary influence for the practice in Byzantium.

HERMENEUTICAL PROBLEMS Research into the origins of sleep-abstinence in the Judeo-Christian tradition ought to start from the Old Testament, yet such a quest is problematic. On the one hand, there are the demands of the historical-critical research to uncover the meaning biblical texts had for 43

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their original authors and audiences. On the other hand, a central question of this book regarding sleep-abstinence is whether the Church Fathers read into the Bible pagan ideas and practices. This cannot be ascertained unless one compares their writings with their sacred Scriptures. For the Greek Fathers the Scriptures meant the translation of the Old Testament into Greek, what is known today as the Septuagint. According to historical-critical theory, the Septuagint might only serve to determine the intentions and historical context of the translators, who were members of the Hellenistic Jewish Diaspora. Therefore, it would be wrong to credit as biblical any teaching on sleep or sleep-abstinence deriving from the Septuagint, but not appearing in the Hebrew Bible. Hebrew Bible and Septuagint on sleep Fortunately, there are only two major differences between the two texts regarding sleep. The first concerns the root ‫( רדם‬rādham), which in Hebrew is used to describe deep or heavy sleep often induced by God. 1 The root occurs fourteen times in the OT, and it is translated with nine different Greek words; 2 thrice it is not translated at all. 3 If rādham signifies that the sleeper is closed to the outer world, their organs of sense perception being shut 4, then translating it as ἔκστασις distraction of mind’ or θάμβος ‘stupefaction’ retains the essential meaning, but not the connection with sleep.

Thomson, ‘Sleep: An Aspect of Jewish Anthropology’, p. 421. The verbal forms of rādham are translated as ἐξεστώς (lost his senses) Jud. 4:21; ἐνύσταξαν /slumbered) Ps. 75:6; κατανενυγμένος (swooned) Dan. 10:9; ἔρρεγχεν/ ῥέγχεις (snore) Jon 1:5–6. The substantive form ‫( ַתּ ְר ֵדּ ָמה‬tardēmāh) is translated as ἔκστασις/ν (distraction of the mind) Gen. 2:21 and 15:12; θάμβος (stupefaction) 1Kgs (1Sam). 26:12; ἀνδρογύναιον (effeminate) Prov. 19:15; φόβος (fear) Job 4:13; δεινός φόβος (great fear) Job 33:15; πνεύμα κατανύξεως (spirit of stupefaction) Is. 29:10. Thomson, p. 421. 3 Prov. 10:5; Dan 8:18. 4 Thomson, ‘Aspect’, p. 423. 1 2

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 45 Contrary to what Rohde argued, 5 the word ἔκστασις in classical Greece did not signify the extracorporeal venturing of the soul, which, especially during sleep, rendered it prophetic. 6 It is also doubtful whether the translators of Genesis understood it in that sense, especially since it does not appear in any earlier or contemporary of the Septuagint texts with that meaning. Nevertheless, from Philo onwards the word was understood as a temporary release of the soul from the confines of the body, which enabled it to approach God and receive prophetic visions. 7 The concept is alien to the theology and anthropology of the Hebrew Bible because of its marked dualism between soul and body, and the implication that the creature could by its own strength approach the Creator; yet it influenced greatly both Judaism and Christianity and set in motion important changes, discussed in the last chapter of this overview. The other difference between the two texts concerns Hosea 7:6, which in Greek reads: Because when they were shattered their hearts were aflame like an oven; throughout the night Ephraim was satiated with sleep; at dawn he blazed like a flame of fire. 8

The same in Hebrew reads: For they have made ready their heart like an oven, while they lie in wait; their baker sleeps all the night; in the morning it (the oven) burns like a flaming fire. 9 Rohde, Psyche: The Cult of Souls and Belief in Immortality among the Greeks, pp. 259–60, 274. Pfister, ‘Ἒκστασις’, pp. 178–191, refuted Rhode and claimed that the word signifired only an exit from normality. 6 Regarding the belief in the exit of the soul from the body in ancient Greek religion, see Dodds, ‘The Greek shamans and the origin of puritanism’, pp. 135–178. 7 Philo, Rer. Div Her, 69; Leg. All., 3.40; Acts, 10:10; 12:5;22:17. See Oepke, καθεύδω, TDNT, vol.2, p. 453. 8 διότι ἀνεκαύθησαν ὡς κλίβανος αἱ καρδίαι αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ καταράσσειν αὐτούς, ὅλην τὴν νύκτα ὕπνου Εφραιμ ἐνεπλήσθη, πρωὶ ἐγενήθη ἀνεκαύθη ὡς πυρὸς φέγγος. 5

46

SLEEP AND SLEEPLESSNESS

The Hebrew text is obscure, especially as to the connection between the sleeping baker and the hearts of the people blazing with anger. On the other hand, the Greek rendering is the result of reading ‫( ֶא ְפ ַריִ ם‬Ephrayim / Ephraim) instead of ‫( ַא ִפּ ֶהם‬ophehem /their baker). An earlier reference to a baker, in verse 7:4, was also lost to the Greek translator. If one were to read, as W. Harper suggested, 10 ‫( ַא ִפּ ֶהם‬apihem) or ‫( ַא ָפּם‬epam), ‘their anger’, instead of ‫א ֵפ ֶהם‬ ֹ ֽ , ‘their baker’, then the rendering would be ‘their anger smoulders all night; in the morning it blazes like a flaming fire’, which is preferred by several English translations. 11 Consequently, the verse would suggest that their anger is suppressed at night-time, only to start raging in the morning. It might be possible to deduce the same meaning even when reading ‘baker’, since the baker stokes the fire in the oven, which represents the anger of the people. Thus, in the Hebrew versions sleep has a beneficial, but not lasting, influence in quelling their anger, whereas in the Greek form it appears to fuel the anger so that it blazes in the morning. Moreover, whereas the Hebrew text focuses on the people’s anger and its course, in the Greek version Ephraim’s sleep is central in providing them with strength to resume their rebelliousness. This difference between the texts becomes important when Cyril of Alexandria, in his Commentary on the Minor Prophets, 12 and PsChrysostom, in the Homilies on Psalm 118, 13 refer to the Greek version of Hosea 7:6 in an effort to establish scripturally that sleep is conducive to sin. Finally, a minor difference is that the connection between sloth and sleep is somewhat less prominent in the Greek text of 20F

9

‫ ֶל ָה ָבה‬.

297.

‫ הוּא ב ֵֹﬠר ְכּ ֵאשׁ‬,‫ יָ ֵשׁן א ֵֹפ ֶהם בּ ֶֹקר‬,‫ל־ה ַלּיְ ָלה‬ ַ ‫ ָכּ‬:‫ ְבּ ָא ְר ָבּם‬,‫י־ק ְרבוּ ַכ ַתּנּוּר ִל ָבּם‬ ֵ ‫ִכּ‬

10

Harper, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Amos and Hosea, p.

ESV, RSV, NRSV; NIV has ‘passion’ instead of ‘anger’. KJV and ASV have ‘baker’. 12 Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Commentarius in xii prophetas minores, 1.158. 13 Johannes Chrysostomus, In Psalmum 118 (Homiliae 1–3), PG 55.703. 11

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 47 Proverbs where it appears only four times, 14 while in the Hebrew it appears six times. 15 An exegetical approach A possible solution to the problems of authorial intention, historical context, and variant readings, is to ignore the demands of historical-critical research, and to read the Septuagint in a critical way without precluding the results, avoiding prejudices and without allegorising the texts in order to read sleep-abstinence into them. It is also necessary to pay attention to words, grammar and style. 16 Citations, which support sleep-abstinence only when taken out of context, should also be avoided. Although a translation, the Septuagint was the authoritative text for the Byzantines, so the patristic citations should be examined as to their faithfulness in all of its aspects, including words and grammar, to establish whether any changes and deviations from the text aimed at promoting sleep-abstinence. The same methodology and hermeneutical principles as those for the Old Testament should be applied to the examination of sleep-abstinence in the New Testament. Questions of authorship should be set aside, as well as chronological concerns, since they were not relevant to the Byzantine reading of the New Testament. Thus, the New Testament will be treated as a unified work, and priority will be given to Jesus and the Gospels rather than to Paul’s Epistles, despite the fact that Paul’s epistles were written before the Gospels were committed to writing. The words, grammar and style of the passages must be taken into account, and any variant reading in the patristic writings should be scrutinised. Finally, any manipulation of the texts should be avoided, which means they should be read in a critical way without precluding the results.

Prov. 6:9–11; 23:21; 24:33; 26:14. The two extra verses are Prov 10:5; 20:13. 16 Bultmann, ‘Is Exegesis Without Presuppositions Possible?’, pp. 289–1. 14 15

48

SLEEP AND SLEEPLESSNESS

Byzantine majority text vs critical edition The most important question, however, is which edition of the New Testament to use, and this is not the place to recount the arguments in favour of the Critical Text (CT) 17 or the Byzantine Majority Text (ByzT). 18 Regarding sleep-abstinence, one might argue that the ByzT, whose manuscripts date from the fourth–fifth centuries onwards, was influenced by the ascetic bias against sleep, and therefore is not reliable. Practically, this would mean that, in the course of this dissertation, whenever a Byzantine author quotes a New Testament passage on sleep-abstinence, which is not in agreement with the CT, this passage should be treated at best as a misreading and at worst as a forgery. There are two major differences between the two texts; the first concerns the CT’s omission of the words καὶ προσεύχεσθε (and pray) after the verb ἀγρυπνεῖτε (stay awake) in Mark 13:33; The Byzantine Majority Text reads: Βλέπετε, ἀγρυπνεῖτε καὶ προσεύχεσθε· οὐκ οἴδατε γὰρ πότε ὁ καιρός ἐστιν. The Critical Edition reads: Βλέπετε, ἀγρυπνεῖτε· οὐκ οἴδατε γὰρ πότε ὁ καιρός ἐστιν. The first text can be understood literally, so it translates ‘take heed, stay awake and pray, for you know not when the time comes’; Jesus recommends keeping a vigil in case the Kingdom suddenly arrives at night. The second text can only be taken as a general injunction for spiritual alertness and should be rendered as ‘take heed, be vigilant, for you know not when the time comes’. Although many scholars agree that the Early Church anticipated that Jesus would return at night, 19 the Nestle-Aland team 17

Aland.

Aland, et al (eds), Novum Testamentum Graece, henceforth Nestle-

Robinson, and Pierpont, The New Testament in the Original Greek: Byzantine Textform. 19 Lambrecht, Die Redaktion der Markus-Apokalypse: Literarische Analyse und Strukturuntersuchung, p. 246; Weiser, Die Knechtsgleichnisse der synoptischen 18

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 49 seems convinced that Jesus neither warned about a nocturnal Parousia nor recommended prayer for that reason, and they edited the texts based on this assumption rather than the manuscripts. Thus, they considered the words καὶ προσεύχεσθε an interpolation from Mark 14:38, 20 despite the fact that most of the ‘witnesses of the first order’ testify to this reading. 21 Moreover, in Mark 14:38 the phrase is γρηγορεῖτε και προσεύχεσθε (stay awake and pray) and concerns the imminent arrest of Jesus, while in Mark 13:33 the phrase is ἀγρυπνεῖτε και προσεύχεσθε and refers to the imminence of the Parousia, so such an interpolation is unlikely. The same problem appears with the text of Luke 21:36. The Byzantine text reads: ἀγρυπνεῖτε οὖν ἐν παντὶ καιρῷ δεόμενοι ἵνα καταξιωθῆτε ἐκφυγεῖν πάντα τὰ μέλλοντα γίνεσθαι The CT reads: ἀγρυπνεῖτε δὲ ἐν παντὶ καιρῷ δεόμενοι ἵνα κατισχύσητε ἐκφυγεῖν ταῦτα πάντα τὰ μέλλοντα γίνεσθαι Once more, despite the majority of ‘witnesses of the first order’, the editors of the CT have preferred the weak copulative particle δε instead of the stronger conclusive οὖν. Thus, based on the CT, one reads ‘but watch always, praying that you may have strength’. Once ‘stay awake’ is joined with ‘always’, it is not feasible to understand it literally, while, when the same is connected to ceaseless prayer, a literal rendering becomes possible. The Byzantine Text could be rendered as ‘therefore stay awake, praying always that you may become worthy’. Evangelien, pp. 156–58 and Balabanski, Eschatology in the Making: Mark, Matthew and the Didache, p. 32 n. 25. 20 Nestle-Aland, critical apparatus, p. 136. 21 ‘Consistently cited witnesses’ include those Greek manuscripts, which are of the greatest value for establishing the text, and whose reading have the greatest authority. ‘Consistently cited witnesses of the first order’ include papyri and the uncials which are independent of the Byzantine Koine text type. Nestle-Aland, pp. 50*–51*.

50

SLEEP AND SLEEPLESSNESS

The dismissal of a nocturnal Parousia, and consequently of the command to keep a watch at night to pray, affects the understanding of Matthew 25:13 and of Luke 12.35–40. If one follows the CT for the verses above, i.e. Mk 13.33 and Lk 21.36, then it would be difficult to understand the verb γρηγορεῖτε in Mathew, and the participle γρηγοροῦντας in Luke, in a literal sense, which at least for the second is a gross distortion of the text, since the whole setting is nocturnal. 22 Therefore, for all these passages the ByzT rendition has been preferred, while, for the rest, the CT. Following the clarification of the hermeneutical principles, it is possible to proceed to the examination of sleep and sleeplessness in the Bible.

GOD AND SLEEP IN THE OLD TESTAMENT God as creator of the human race has the power to induce sleep upon His creature (Adam). 23 Sleep is an irresistible gift from God to those he loves. 24 Sleeplessness, on the other hand, is lamented as the result of excessive grief, 25 and in the Psalms of Solomon is regarded as a fitting punishment for one’s enemies. 26 God approaches human beings during their sleep and lets His will be known to them. 27 Not only the divine will, but also divine providence is revealed during sleep; the manna appeared when the Israelites were asleep 28 and Elijah was supplied with food and water while sleepv. 35 reference to the preparation for the nocturnal flight from Egypt; v. 36–37 the return of the master at night from a wedding; v. 37– 38 the second and third watches of the night are mentioned; v. 39 allusion to the thief in the night. 23 Gen. 2:21. 24 Ps.126:2. 25 Ps. 101:3–8. 26 Psalmi Salomonis 4:15–16: Lord may his sleep be full of grief and his awakening of distress; may his sleep be removed from his temples at night. 27 Gen. 2:21; 28:12; 31:24; 1Kgs (1Sam) 3:3–15, 15:16; 2Chr. 7:12; Job 33:17. 28 Ex. 16:13–19. 22

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 51 ing. 29 God Himself never sleeps 30 and he can guarantee the safety of his people at all times, especially when they are asleep. 31 The need for protection during sleep points us to the idea that it is a perilous time. Adam aside, whenever God induced sleep in anyone, it caused him grievance: the cavalry of the enemies slumbered because of God’s anger, 32 Saul was nearly killed by David, 33 and Ptolemeus’s planned attack against the Maccabees was thus frustrated. 34 The topic of safety and vulnerability is one of those most frequently associated with sleep in the Old Testament. 35 Gideon literally caught the Midianites asleep and destroyed them. 36 Similarly, Sisera, 37 Ishbosheth 38 and Olophernes 39 were murdered while sleeping. Likewise, Saul planned to murder David in his sleep, 40 whereas David, even though he had the chance of doing the same, 3Kgs (1Kgs) 19:5–8. Ps. 120:3–4. Whether Jews believed God slept or not is debatable. Ps. 34:23; 43:24 demands that God wake up. Jeremiah 14:8–9 wonders whether God is like a man asleep, unable to save. Similarly, when God takes action and vindicates Israel, He is compared to someone woken up, as in Ps. 77:65. While Israel’s neighbours believed that gods needed sleep, these expressions in the Old Testament reveal more about the Jews perception of sleep as a state of impotence and inaction, than about their belief in God’s capacity to sleep. Elijah’s mocking of Baal, asleep and unable to hear his supplicant priests (3Kgs (1Kgs) 18:27), and the assurance that He who guards Israel never sleeps or slumbers (Ps. 126:2) point towards the sleepless nature of God whose eyes are in every place (Prov. 15:3). 31 Ps.3:6; 4:9; 90:5–6; 120:4–8. 32 Ps 75:7. 33 1Kgs (1Sam) 26:12. 34 3 Macc. 5:11–12. 35 McAlpine, Sleep, Divine and Human, in the Old Testament, pp. 15–17. 36 Jud. 7:9–25. 37 Jud. 4:18–21. 38 2Kgs(2Sam). 4:5–7. 39 Judith 13:2–10. 40 1Kgs (1Sam) 19: 11–16. 29 30

52

SLEEP AND SLEEPLESSNESS

spared Saul’s life. 41 Samson was less fortunate and lost his hair – the source of his strength, 42 which led to his imprisonment and ultimately his death. Plunderers, thieves 43 and wild animals 44 posed an additional threat to sleepers. Apart from being a time of physical danger, sleep is also a time of moral danger. Noah, for instance, slept naked 45 and Lot committed incest 46 (although in both cases it was mainly drunkenness to blame, and not sleep). Moreover, a mother not only smothered her child in her sleep, but also stole the child of a woman sleeping next to her. 47 The Old Testament castigates lying in bed, drowsiness in the day-time, and prolonged or untimely sleep as a clear indication of slothfulness, which leads to poverty. 48 Conversely, limited sleep is the mark of the good housewife, 49 shepherd, 50 farmer, builder, artisan 51 and even author. 52 Indeed, only the lack of sleep can disentangle a person from a precarious deal; 53 and sleep-abstinence makes an army victorious. 54 Finally, sleep is a sign of resignation and failure. 55 Sleep, furthermore, is the time of metaphysical danger par excellence. Although demonology remained on the fringes of the Old Testament, there is a reference to God’s protection against the ‘ter1Kgs (1Sam) 26:12. Jud. 16:19. 43 Obed. 1:5. 44 Ez. 34:25; See also Ps. 103:20–22. 45 Gen. 9:21–24. 46 Gen. 19:33–7. 47 3Kgs (1Kgs) 3:19–21. 48 Prov. 6:6–11, 23:21, 24:33–4, 26:14. 49 Prov. 31:15. 50 Gen. 31:40. 51 Sir. 38:26–30. 52 Sir. Prologue: 31; Sir. 33:16. 53 Prov. 6:3–5. 54 Is 5:28. 55 3Kgs (1Kgs) 19: 4–5. 41 42

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 53 ror of the night’ 56 and the ‘thing that walks in darkness’, 57 which are associated with the ‘demon of noon-day’. 58 The above testifies to the existence of one or perhaps two demonic beings, who reign in the darkness. It has often been noted that the desert and the sea, symbols of primordial chaos in Semitic folklore, were the natural habitat of demons, which certainly existed before the present cosmos was organised. Darkness accompanied the void and the sea, 59 and thus it should also be reckoned as an abode of the demons. 60 Nevertheless, danger during sleep is connected not so much with demons as with God. God threatened Abimeleh in his sleep with death because he took Abraham’s wife. 61 God avenged the suffering of the Jews by sending an angel to smite the firstborn of Egypt at midnight when all were asleep. 62 The same fate befell the Assyrians when they besieged Jerusalem: they rose in the morning to find several thousand slain by an angel. 63 Moreover, it is foretold that Idumaea’s destruction will happen at night-time; the enemies Ps. 90:5. Ps. 90:6. 58 Ps. 90:6. 59 Gen. 1:2. 60 The Syriac Baruch 10:2 reads ‘Come, you night-demons from the desert’. Darkness was one of the plagues sent to the Egyptians (Exod. 10.21–23; Ps. 104.28; Sap Sol. 17:1–18:5). It appears several times as punishment (Job 15:22, 20:22, 24:14; Ps 35:16; Prov. 13:9); it denotes mortal danger and captivity (Ps. 107: 10, 14), and even death (Job 10:20–22; Ps. 43:20). It is also associated with wickedness (Ps. 73:20, 81:5). Night is synonymous with darkness (Gen. 1:5; Ps. 103.20) and shares the same dread. However, it was recognised that night belongs to God (Ps 73:16) and that He rules over the darkness, which He created (Ps. 104:28; Am. 5:8; Is 45.7). Night was even regarded as a time of divine revelations (Gen. 31:24). Since it was considered as the norm to sleep at night (Ps. 103.23), the beliefs about night influenced the attitude towards sleep. 61 Gen. 20 62 Exod. 12:12; 12:29–30. According to McAlpine, (p. 17), it is not certain whether the Egyptians were asleep. This fact is beyond doubt in Sap Sal. 18:13–19. 63 4Kgs (2Kgs). 19:35; Is. 37:36. 56 57

54

SLEEP AND SLEEPLESSNESS

will fall on her like thieves and plunderers. 64 Moab would have a similar end. 65 Not only Israel’s enemies, but also all evildoers feel God’s hand heavy upon them at night. 66 The reason is that during sleep God discovers what is hidden in the minds of men. 67 He will warn them, trying to turn them from evil. 68 Those who do not repent will be punished like the iniquitous rich who would never rise from their sleep, 69 and who, even if they did rise, would be rich no more. 70 The fear of dying during one’s sleep is not unfounded. Death is likely to occur during the early morning hours, often due to circadian rhythms peculiar to such maladies as asthma, acute heart attacks, and strokes brought on by blood clots, perhaps accentuated by reduced blood flow to the brain on account of the position of the body during sleep. 71 A related problem is that during sleep the immune system weakens, thereby realising fewer ‘killer cells’ to combat infection. 72 Since the author of death in the Old Testament is God, 73 and considering that death is often viewed as divine punishment, 74 it is possible that the frequency of deaths during sleep created the belief that during the night God conducts his reckoning, and thus is more accessible at that time. 75

Obed. 1:5; Jer. 30:3. Is. 15:1. 66 Ps. 31:4. 67 Job 33:15–16; Ps. 16:3. 68 Gen. 20:3–7; 31:24. Also, Job. 33:14–18. 69 Job 27:19. For this passage, see: Habel, The Book of Job, p. 384. 70 Ps. 75:6–7. 71 A. Ekirch, At Day’s Close: Night in Times Past, p. 14. 72 Ibid. 73 1Sam. 2:6; Job 14:5. 74 Johnston, Shades of Sheol: Death and Afterlife in the Old Testament, p. 64 65

42.

See Lam. 2:19: ‘Rejoice in the night at the beginning of your watch; pour out your heart as water before the face of the Lord’. 75

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 55 Hence, those who wish to avoid God’s punishment ought to turn from sin, show contrition in their bed 76 and soak it with tears of repentance. 77 Sackcloth should be their nightdress, especially if they are ministers of God. 78 With their hands raised in supplication, their eyes should remain open, anticipating the changing of the night-watches. They should converse with their hearts, meditating upon God and his works. 79 It seems that God’s presence is felt more acutely at night since, if the penitent falls asleep, they should wake up, pour out their heart to the Lord, 80 and praise Him for the ordinances of his righteousness. 81 The sinner may also rise at midnight 82 or early at dawn to praise the Lord. 83 Apparently, thanksgiving was an integral part of prayer connected with sleep-abstinence. David, who spent a week sleepless, dressed in sackcloth, praying and fasting in repentance and supplication for the life of his son, 84 is the archetype for the sleepless penitent, as attested also by the Psalms. He who devotes himself to the study of the Law will rise early in the morning and make supplication to the Lord for his sins. 85 Apart from expressing repentance, sleep-abstinence is the means of preserving holiness as well. Indeed, those who contemplated evil while lying on their bed performed it in daylight because they did not lift up their hands to God at night. 86

Ps. 4:5. Ps. 6:7. 78 Joel 1:13. 79 Ps. 76:3–13. 80 Lam. 2:19. 81 Ps. 11:62. 82 Ps. 118:62. 83 Ps. 56:9–10; 62:1, 7–8; 107:2–3. 84 2Kgs (1Sam) 12:21. 85 Sirach, 39: 1–5. 86 Micah 2:1. The Hebrew reading is ‘because it is in the power of their hands’ while the Septuagint has ‘because they have not lifted up their hands to God’. 76 77

56

SLEEP AND SLEEPLESSNESS

The Law of Holiness 87 prescribes sleep-abstinence directly only for the priests on duty in the Temple, through the command to keep the lamp outside the Tabernacle alight from evening till morning. 88 Obviously, someone had to watch over it. Wolfenden classifies this as a vigil; 89 Philo, Josephus and other Second Temple sources testify to the daily vigil of the priests. 90 It was, perhaps, the means of keeping the officiating priests clean from the pollution of nocturnal emissions. 91 The Law of Holiness also recommends vigil for everyone in an indirect way. The upholding of God’s commandments is a theme repeated frequently in it. 92 However, if the Law is to be upheld without deviations, it has to be understood; and thus one ought to study it continually, even at night, when there is a respite of the morning’s cares, at the expense of one’s sleep. 93 The pious will rise in the middle of the night seeking the Lord, having for light His ordinances. 94 Perhaps, because of this sacrifice of sleep, which the keeping of the Law entails, the reward promised at the end of the Law of Holiness is a carefree sleep, without the fear of dangers and threats. 95 The prophets also promised that the restoration of Israel, which would follow their repentance through the upholding of the Law, would signal a time of untroubled sleep. 96 Thus, sleep-abstinence is rightly understood, not as another ascetic exercise, but as prayer performed at night, whose merit is enhanced by the effort and discomfort the abstinence from sleep Lev. Chapters 19–27. Lev.24:1–3 Also Exodus 27:20–21. 89 Woolfenden, Daily Liturgical Prayer, p. 9. 90 Philo, Ebr., 131; Josephus, Contra Apionem, 199. See also Hayward, The Jewish Temple: A Non-Biblical Sourcebook, p. 24. 91 Lev. 15.16–17; 22.4; Dt. 23.9–11. 92 Lev. 19:19, 37; 20:8, 22; 22:31; 25.18. It appears in other parts of Leviticus as well: 18:5, 26. 93 Josh. 1:8; See, also, Deut. 6:7; 11:18–19; Ps. 1:2; 118:148. 94 Is. 26:9. 95 Lev. 26:3–6. 96 Is. 60:11; Jer. 26:27; Ez.34:14, 25–26; also in Apocalypsis Enochi 93:5. 87 88

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 57 entails, 97 or as sacred reading, leading to a profound understanding of the Law. There is no doubt that both these activities are fundamentally ascetic. 98 What is more, sleep-abstinence could qualify as a form of ascesis in its own right: 99 abstaining from sleep shows humility by avoiding something permitted. It enables the petitioner to approach God by shunning something that might render one impure 100 or mortal. 101 Nevertheless, the ascetic features of sleepabstinence should not take precedence over or be separated from other aspects of it; namely communication with God when his presence is felt more strongly, thanksgiving, and an occasion for sacred reading. Despite the aforementioned, sleep-abstinence never attained quite the same importance as fasting. This is obvious from the narrative about Moses receiving the Law; although it would be reasonable to assume that Moses spent the forty days in front of God in a sleepless state, only his abstinence from food and drink is mentioned. 102 Sleep-abstinence was never part of the Nazirite vows 103 or of the mourning customs, 104 as fasting was. Moreover, fasting was employed as a medium of expressing repentance or supplication at national gatherings 105 and was accorded a place in the reliDavid’s vigil is a classic example (2Kgs (2 Sam) 12:21). For prayer as ascesis, see McGuckin, pp. 25–27; for the study of the Law, see Satlow, ‘‘‘And on the Earth You Shall Sleep”: Talmud Torah and Rabbinic Asceticism’, pp. 204–225. 99 Based on Fraade’s observations regarding the pseudepigrapha and the apocryphal writings, p. 262. 100 See Lev. 15:2–17, 32–33; 22:4–5; Num. 5:1–3; Deut. 23:9–11 about nocturnal emissions. 101 In the Mesopotamian literature, Gilgamesh had to remain sleepless for seven nights in order to be deemed worthy of immortality. McAlpine, Sleep Divine, pp. 137–141. 102 Exod. 34:28; Dt. 9:9–11, 18. 103 Num. 6:3–4,20; Jud. 13:7; Am. 2:12. 104 1Kgs (1Sam) 31:13; 2Kgs (2Sam) 1:12; 2Kgs (2Sam) 3:35–7. 105 Judg. 20:26; 1Kgs (1Sam) 7:6; 2Chron. 20:3; 2Esdr. 19:1; Neh. 9:1; 1Macc. 3:47; 2Macc 13:12; Joel 2:13–15; Jonah 3:5–10. 97 98

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gious calendar, marking days of penitence or remembrance. 106 Fasting was synonymous with self-abasement 107 and was considered very effective in averting God’s wrath from a nation, 108 although the Old Testament often disputes that. 109 There are several reasons for the preference of fasting over sleep-abstinence for those public displays of mourning and repentance. Firstly, it is more difficult to break the fast involuntarily, than to be overcome by sleep and thus commit a sin. Secondly, society can enforce the fast more easily, since the preparation and consumption of food always leave traces, while sleep is not always detectable, unless someone snores like Jonah. 110 Furthermore, in spite of the portrayal of sleep as a blessing and a reward in the Old Testament, Israel never experienced insomnia collectively, nor was it ever seen as threatening its existence. Hunger, on the contrary, brought upon Israel a realisation of their dependence upon God’s providence for sustenance. 111 It not only reminded them of the extraordinary events of the past, 112 but also held a promise that, despite recurrent famine 113 due to drought, 114 locust or blight, 115 foreign invasion 116 and occupation, 117 their nation would not be annihilated. Perhaps there are other reasons for the marginal role of sleepabstinence in the life of Israel. Sleep-abstinence was part of the ritual of celebrating the Passover. 118 Passover was marked by a Lev. 16:29; Num. 29:7; Zech.7:3, 5; 8:19; Est. 9:3. Lev. 16:29–31; 23:27, 32; Num 29:7; Ps. 35:12 69:10; Is. 58:3, 5. 108 Deut. 9.18; Jonah 3:5–10; Joel 2:12–13. 109 Is.1:13(LXX only), 58:1ff; Jer. 14:12; Zech. 7:3–6. 110 According to the Septuagint, Jonah 1:5–6. 111 Psalm Sal. 5:8–13 is a wonderful doxology to God as provider of all sustenance. See also Ps. 105:27–28. 112 Exod. 16:1–17:7. 113 3Kgs (1Kgs) Chts17–18; Is. 51:19; Am. 4:6. 114 3Kgs (1Kgs) Chapters 17–18. 115 Am. 4:9. 116 Is. 1:7; 3:1, 7. 117 Neh. 9: 37. 118 Exod. 12:42. 106 107

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 59 number of customs peculiar to it, namely night sacrifice, the obligation to eat the sacrificial offering before dawn, and of course vigil. 119 Extending any of these to other religious occasions or feasts would infringe upon the Passover’s uniqueness. With the establishment of the centralised Temple cult, a number of rituals pertaining to the evening of the Passover took place in the morning. 120 Indeed, it seems that evening worship was inconvenient to the Temple cult and, if the Passover celebration were modified (despite the strong injunction to do everything at night), then certainly other vigils would have been suppressed. 121 The passages from the Old Testament examined in this chapter make a strong case for sleep being a time of physical, moral, and metaphysical danger, while they highlight the importance of sleepabstinence as a means of communicating with God, expressing Haran, Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel, p. 320; Segal, The Hebrew Passover from the Earliest Times to A.D. 70, p.157; p. 172. 120 Segal, Passover, p. 230. 121 Some scholars accept that an all–night vigil was part of the celebrations for the festival of Sukkot, but this is not the case. (For bibliography and a comprehensive treatment of the subject, see Rubinstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods, especially pp. 131– 152.) The sources attesting to this vigil are nearly a century and a half later than the events they supposedly describe. Secondly, neither the Bible nor any extra-rabbinical sources confirm its existence or any of the details pertaining to it. Thirdly, some of the features of the vigil, such as the illumination of the Temple and details about the liturgy, seem as if pieced together from the preceding Biblical text in order to provide it with a semblance of Biblical legitimacy. Moreover, the description of the vigil in the rabbinic writings is exaggerated and its character appears mythical. In addition, there is an uncanny resemblance between the Sukkot vigil and the night–festivals in Hellenistic religion. Finally, the leaders of the vigil are not the priests, as in the morning rituals, but the rabbinic founders, although this last detail may testify to the aversion of the priests for vigils. Considering the time the rabbinic sources were pieced together, it is more likely that the rabbis modelled the vigil on the Greek pannychis than on any rituals performed in the Temple, as an attempt to ascribe to their founders a prominent position at a very important festival. 119

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repentance and preserving holiness. These conclusions are in contrast with those of prior studies, which found nothing negative about sleep in the Old Testament, while they considered the instances of nocturnal prayer as negligible. In chapter 4, all the elements I found in the Old Testament appear among the reasons why the Byzantines practised sleep-abstinence. This does not confirm my interpretation, however, for it can only be validated by the theology and practice of the Jews under the Romans.

SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN JUDAISM UNDER ROMAN RULE The picture of sleep emerging from the Old Testament is that of an opportunity to communicate with God, expressing repentance and preserving holiness. How did the Jews themselves understand the attitude towards sleep of the Old Testament? Philo and sleep Philo (20 BCE–50CE) is a valuable witness. A Hellenistic Jew living in Alexandria at a time when no other translations than the Septuagint were in circulation, Philo was a Platonist, who considered it possible to reconcile his ancestral faith with that philosophy. 122 His works can be placed in three categories. The first category is exegetical works, which comment on and explain the Pentateuch, aimed at Greek-speaking Judaism, sometimes at a very wellinformed audience, 123 sometimes at general readers, even, perhaps, non-Jews. 124 Much of his commentary on the Bible was derived from a rich body of Jewish scholastic tradition, and Philo himself gives many attestations of his predecessors. 125 The second category is apologetic and historical writings about contemporary issues in Judaism, and the persecutions of the Alexandrian Jews. 126 De Vita Contemplativa and In Flaccum belong to this category. In Flaccum might have been written for Emperor Claudius and other RoWinston, ‘Philo and the Contemplative Life’, p. 199. Royce, and A Kamesar, ‘The Works of Philo’, p. 33. 124 Ibid., p. 34. 125 Winston, ‘Philo and the Contemplative Life’, p. 200. 126 Royce, and A Kamesar, ‘The Works of Philo’, p. 34. 122 123

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 61 mans. 127 The final category comprises subjects from Greek philosophy. 128 Philo regarded sleep as a divine gift. 129 Sleep brings the quickening of the nous 130 and is necessary and beneficial for the body, 131 and for the soul. 132 Through sleep, the soul becomes prophetic, receiving visions from God 133 and the doctrines of sacred philosophy 134 – a thoroughly Greek attitude towards sleep and dreaming. 135 Wisdom, righteousness and knowledge are active when one is asleep. 136 Occasionally Philo depreciated sleep, regarding it as a time of vulnerability, 137 which is a truly biblical attitude. He denounced sleep in luxurious beds, 138 a position found in Amos. 139 Philo also frowned on sleep during the day. 140 Although he described the passing from ignorance to knowledge as awakening from a deep sleep, 141 and stated that sleeplessness brings knowledge, 142 Philo, under Platonic influence, treated sleep as truly harmful only when it

Ibid, p. 34. Ibid, p. 54. 129 Spec. leg, 1.298. 130 Leg. all., 2:26, 30; Somn, 1:80; Ebr. 131, 200. 131 Spec leg., 1:219; 2:101, 103. 132 Spec. Leg., 1.298. 133 Somn., 1:1; Abr.70. 134 Cont., 26. 135 See the following sub-chapters ‘Greeks and Sleep’ and the ‘Sleep of Death’. 136 Somn., 1.80. 137 Legat., 42. 138 Sacr. 23; Somn. 1.56–7. 139 Amos 6.4. 140 Cher., 92. 141 Somn., 1:121, 165; 2.106; Abr. 70. See also Sirah 22:9. 142 Ebr., 159; See also Sap Sol 6:15. However, this idea predates Hellenic influences Prov. 8:34. 127 128

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concerned base persons or was drink-induced, because in these circumstances the nous was not aroused. 143 It is important to note that Philo regarded sleep-abstinence as of less value than sleep. Philo, in the De fuga, claimed that ἄυπνος θρησκεία is found at the introductory stages of the service devoted to God, together with an austere diet and constant labours. 144 Thus, he placed it at the courtyard (i.e. the lowest stage) of God’s worship. 145 On the contrary he recommended the sleep of the ascetes as ‘arousing the soul’. 146 Moreover, although Philo thought that one ought to give thanks to God at all times, even at night, he considered the lighting of the lamps in the Temple 147 as equivalent to the morning sacrifices and sufficient for expressing gratitude to God for the benefit of sleep. 148 The thanksgiving vigil Despite Philo’s low appreciation for vigil, he informs us of a spontaneous all-night vigil, performed by the Jews of Alexandria on hearing the news about Flaccus’s punishment. The vigil was conducted with hymns and songs, and ended with a prayer of thanksgiving at dawn. 149 As well as this impromptu vigil, Philo also reports on the all-night vigil of the Therapeutae. This sacred vigil (ἱερὰ παννυχὶς) was the culmination of their festal meal and was a steadfast feature of their religious calendar, being repeated every forty-nine days. At the beginning of the vigil, everyone stood up and formed two choirs – male and female. The two choirs sang either together or in antiphony. They moved their hands and danced according to the rhythm, while singing hymns to God. Finally, they all joined in one choir, singing together until dawn. Their 143

2:162.

Especially, Somn. 1:99–100. Also, Sobr. 5; Migr, 222 and Somn.

De Fuga, 41.4. De Fuga, 41.4. 146 Somn 1.174. 147 Lev. 24:1–3; Exod. 27:21. 148 Spec leg. 1:296–8. 149 Flac., 122–3. 144 145

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 63 vigil was concluded at dawn with a prayer asking for good life, truth, and sharpness of intellect. 150 The form of both vigils (songs, hymns, joint choir and concluding prayer), their duration (all-night, ending at dawn), and their character (thanksgiving) are the same. Most importantly, both vigils have the same underlying theme: the Exodus. The connection of the Therapeutae’s vigil with the Exodus rests on Philo’s efforts to establish that their mixed choir was modelled on that of the Israelites, who all together sang a thanksgiving hymn to God for the destruction of the Egyptians in the Red Sea. 151 Possibly, the Therapeutae sang this hymn, and their dance and movements reflected the motion of the sea. More subtle, but equally dominant, is the connection with Exodus in the all-night vigil of the Alexandrian Jews. The setting ( Egypt), the circumstances (the oppression of the Jews), as well as the result (the unexpected rescue from a powerful enemy), all evoke the events of the Exodus. 152 The song of Moses 153 would have been the obvious option for a thanksgiving hymn in those circumstances. It was customary for the Jews to recount marvellous events of their past in order either to receive consolation in their troubles or to celebrate their deliverance. However, Philo must have worried that this connection might be lost to some of his readers. Thus, he purposely summarized the hymns of the Jews with the same words God supposedly used to announce his decision to liberate Israel, as described in another of Philo’s works, the De Vita Moses. 154 Did these vigils really take place? Philo might have invented them. The existence of the Therapeutae has been disputed, 155 the Cont., 83–89. Exod. 15:1–18, 21–22. Cont, 85–88. 152 Similar point made by Leonhardt, presented and amended by P. van der Horst in his Philo’s Flaccus, p. 207. 153 Exod. 15:1–18. 154 Mos., 1:171–2. 155 A survey of works refuting the existence of Therapeutae can be found in Jean Riaud, ‘Les Therapeutes d’Alexandrie dans la tradition et dans la recherché critique jusqu’aux decouvertes de Qumran’, p. 1202–10. 150 151

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vigil of the Alexandrian Jews is not attested by another source and there are many similarities between the two vigils. This is certainly the case with Flaccus’s night prayers 156 and midnight vigil. 157 The prayers of Flaccus at night are marked by fear of the darkness, 158 apparitions, 159 uncontrollable shaking, 160 and a desire to see the dawn at night and the night at dawn. 161 Although Philo attributes his knowledge of Flaccus’ doings to hearsay, 162 his descriptions have strong lexical and semantic similarities with passages from the book of Job. 163 It is evident that Philo aims to underline that Flaccus’s misfortunes are a clear sign that the Jews are aided by God. This idea not only appears in the prayer of Flaccus, 164 but also serves as the moral of the whole work. 165 On the other hand, Philo had little regard for sleepabstinence, and Flaccus’ vigil is described as an affliction. Furthermore, the Passover vigil was thanksgiving for God’s providence for Israel, a testimony of the community’s striving for participation in the redemption of the past, and a longing for the deliverance in the future. 166 It would be natural whenever they prayed for deliverance or thanked God for it to do so by holding a vigil. Certainly, the Flac., 167. Flac., 169. 158 Flac., 167. 159 Flac., 167. 160 Flac., 176. 161 Flac., 167. 162 Flac., 169. 163 Fear of the darkness (Job 4.13–14); the apparitions in the night (Job 4.15); the shaking (Job 4:15–16); the desire to see the dawn at night and the night at dawn (Job 7:3–4). However, there is a consensus among Philo’s modern commentators that the desire to see the dawn etc. is an allusion to Deut. 28:66–67 (Horst, 233). 164 Flac., 170. 165 This is asserted in Flaccus’ prayer and it holds the place of epimyth at the end of the work as well. 166 Childs, Exodus, p. 208. The vigil of the Therapeutae expressed the desire to participate in God’s providence for Israel and was also a prayer for deliverance from falsehood and ignorance. 156 157

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 65 Song of the Sea, 167 which is a hymn and a thanksgiving psalm, 168 found in such a vigil its appropriate setting. Perhaps, Philo polished some of the details of those vigils, making the link with Exodus more prominent, but overall they seem genuine. It would be useful, however, to examine other vigils the Jews performed during this period. Vigil for the preservation of holiness Apart from these extraordinary vigils, Philo informs us that the Therapeutae spent only a small part of the night asleep, 169 but he does not say what they did with their sleepless hours. This seems a fictitious account; Philo felt obliged to attribute daily sleeprestriction to the Therapeutae, a standard practice among pagan philosophers. On the other hand, the Therapeutae could have practised daily vigils, and Philo simply described them in terms familiar to Greek philosophy. Thus, it is necessary to discuss the other Jewish heterodox groups, and to consider whether the Essenes, the practical counterpart of the contemplative Therapeutae, 170 and the Judean Covenanters, 171 whose writings were found in Qumran, performed any vigils. The answer concerning the Covenanting community is positive. They, apparently, understood the biblical verses recommending continuous, day and night, study of the Law, literally. 172 The members of the community undertook to fulfil this obligation in Exod. 15.1–21. Noth, Exodus, p. 123. 169 Cont, 34. 170 Cont., 1. 171 The name ‘Qumran sectarians’ and ‘Qumran community’ are avoided because they may be understood as an admission that a community actually resided at Qumran or that members of this community were to be found exclusively at this place. Regarding the concept of the Covenant, and hence the name Covenanters for the members of this community, see S. Talmon, ‘Qumran Studies: Past, Present, and Future’, pp. 20–23. 172 See earlier discussion on the subject in the chapter ‘God and Sleep in the OT’, 13. 167 168

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turns. 173 Moreover, one-third of every night was devoted not only to study of the Law, but also to communal prayer. The reading started and ended with prayer. 174 B. Thiering demonstrated that prayer at night-time was an established practice in the Covenanting community, an expression of their dedication to continuous worship. 175 Moreover, if S. Talmon’s rendering of the ‘Manual of Benedictions’ is correct, then the Qumran community performed sleep-fragmentation as well, since they prayed three times in the course of the night. 176 The connection between the study of the Law, worship and sleep-abstinence is apparent in the Wisdom of Sirach, dating from the second century BCE. The author proclaims that the student of the Law will rise early and seek the Lord, supplicating for his sins; he will receive the spirit of understanding, if the Lord is willing. 177 The vigour with which sleep-abstinence was pursued in Qumran might be seen from the punishments for those falling asleep in the assembly. Though sleepiness could be the result of ennui during long services, ennui does not create sleepiness, but simply unmasks it. 178 Thus, sleepiness appears as the result of a service that draws on late or interrupts sleep by starting early at night. Sleepiness might also be the result of the previous night’s vigil on the morning service. According to the community rule, whoever slept during an assembly was punished for thirty days, and if that happened three times in one session, he received an extra ten days punishment. 179 1QS 6:6–7. 1QS 6:7–8. 175 B. Thiering ‘The Biblical Source of Qumran Asceticism’, p. 431. 176 Talmon, ‘The “Manual of Benedictions” of the Sect of the Judaean Desert’, p. 481. For a refutation, see Leany, The Rule of Qumran and its Meaning, pp. 240–1. 177 Sirach 39:1–6. Fragments from the Book of Sirach were found in Qumran. The equation in Sirach between Wisdom and the Torah influenced the writings of the Qumran sectarians. Harrington, Wisdom Texts from Qumran, pp. 9–10. 178 Roehrs et al, ‘Daytime Sleepiness and Alertness’, p. 42; p. 44. 179 1QS 7.10–11. Also 4QS MSE, Fr. 1, Col. 1. 173 174

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 67 It would have been convenient to identify the Covenanters with the Essenes and to ascribe to the Essenes the practice of vigil by association. 180 Even if this classification is right, there seem to be variations in Essenism, which prohibit the application of the customs of one community to another. 181 Nevertheless, according to Philo, the Essenes studied the Law until late in the evening, 182 which is similar to the Covenanters abridging their sleep by praying and studying the Law for a part of the night. What connects the vigils of these groups? Indeed, J. Taylor and P. Davies identified the name of the Therapeutae as cultic and the activity at their quarters as replacing the official Jewish cult. 183 This is strongly reminiscent of what Baumgarten suggested about the rituals of the Essenes and the Covenanters: There is an evident similarity between the Dead Sea sectarians and the Essenes in their relationship to the Temple. The division from the Sanctuary in both cases involved disagreements over Levitical purity. Both continued to honor the Temple and the priesthood as holy institutions, although they ceased to offer sacrifices. Both had sacred rituals, which were at first modeled after and ultimately came to replace the Temple worship. 184

Broshi, and Eshel, ‘Qumran and the Dead Sea Scrolls: The contention of twelve theories’, pp. 162–9 contains an excellent survey of the many opinions concerning the relationship of Qumran with Essenism. The authors identify the Qumran community with the Essenes. 181 According to the admission of Josephus, there were various orders of the Essenes (War, 2.160). See Baumgarten, ‘Sacrifice and Worship among the Jewish Sectarians of the Dead Sea (Qumrân) Scrolls’, p.156 n. 53. 182 Hypothetica, 196.6; Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparatio, 8.7.13. Moeris explains δείλης ὀψίας, as ‘evening’; Lexicon Atticum, 195.10. But in Demosthenes the term means ‘late in the evening’; Contra Eubulidem 9.7. 183 Taylor, and Davies, ‘The So–Called Therapeutae of “De Vita Contemplativa”: Identity and Character’, p. 24. 184 Baumgarten, ‘Sacrifice and Worship’, p. 157. 180

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The development of sacred institutions in these communities formed a sacred order, which was to take the place of the Temple sacrifices. The ‘offering of the lips’ (prayer) was perceived to be of the same value as the traditional sacrifice. 185 The idea is found originally in the Psalms, where the Lord is asked to count the psalmist’s prayer as equal to the evening sacrifice. 186 Vigil associated with the preservation of holiness through prayer and the study of the Law fitted perfectly into this scheme, in which prayer substitues for sacrifice. How does the above relate to the vigil of the Alexandrian Jews? Philo informs us that the Jews have been deprived of their usual places of prayer. 187 It appears that for those abstaining from the worship in the Temple and in the synagogues, as well as for those unable to participate in them, the vigil was the means for preserving holiness and expressing thanksgiving. The formation of religious communities dedicated to the preservation of holiness in Israel enabled the vigil to be celebrated at set dates, while for the rest of the Jews the vigil was associated with the Passover and was used as an extraordinary method of expressing gratitude to God. Certainly, the vigil retained these characteristics also for the individual, who repented for a sin or strove for holiness. Josephus verifies some of these observations. In describing the destruction of the Egyptians in the Red Sea, he places it at night-time, despite the biblical account stating that it was morning, 188 and he claims that the Jews celebrated the victory with a vigil during which the thanksgiving hymn of Moses was sung. 189 Josephus altered the time of the events at the Red Sea possibly in order to harmonise them with the Passover vigil celebration. This harmonisation may have been common at the time of Josephus, since Philo attempted to do the same, although it is strangely absent from the Passover narrative in the Wisdom of Solomon. 190 Baumgarten, ‘Sacrifice and Worship’, pp. 153–4. Ps. 140.2. 187 Flac. 122. 188 Exod. 14:20–31. 189 Antiquitates, 2.346. 190 Sap Sal. Chapters 18–19. 185 186

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 69 Josephus makes no other reference to vigils either personal or communal; in particular, his silence on the vigil of the Essenes may compel us to reinterpret the data from Philo. Josephus mentions nothing beyond that the Essenes woke up before dawn and offered prayers as if they were supplicating for the rising of the sun. 191 There is no reference to prayer or to study of the Law at night-time and it is possible that the Essenes did not practise sleep-abstinence. If this supposition is correct, then the phrase δείλης ὀψίας in Philo’s Hypothetica should be translated accordingly, as late afternoon or evening. Nevertheless, according to the Slavonic version of the De Bello Judaico Josephus, before mentioning the early rising of the Essenes, remarked, ‘They rest little at night and rise for song, praising and praying to God’. 192 This not only confirms that δείλης ὀψίας should be understood as ‘late in the evening’, but it is also in accordance with the customs of the Covenanters described earlier. The exposition of the Old Testament’s attitude towards sleep and sleep-abstinence has been confirmed through a historical and critical study of the sources related to Judaism under Roman Rule. It appears that at the time of Christ, communal vigils were celebrated by groups, which separated themselves from the official Temple cult. Night prayers might have been regarded as an appropriate substitution for the lighting of lamps in the Temple. There is also an element of thanksgiving attached to the vigil, as a result both of its connection with the Passover and with passages in the Psalms, which made the vigil essential for the devotional life of the community. To these one should add the belief that human beings can feel God’s presence more strongly at night as it is the time He chooses to approach them. Vigils as occasions for sacred reading are well attested both for the Essenes and for the Covenanters, and it was a practice established in the Bible as a means of preserving holiness. Regarding the individual’s night-time prayer and reading, the information we have is not decisive; nevertheless, a person folDe Bello, 2.128. (ed), Josephus’ Jewish War and its Slavonic Version. A Synoptic Comparison, p. 252; See also Hilonenko, ‘La notice du Josèphe slave sur les esséniens’, p. 69–73. 191

192 Leeming

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lowing the Bible could well have chosen to forgo a night’s sleep to repent for their sin or to study the Law. Sleep in the New Testament Even if the Old Testament had never advocated sleep-abstinence, the Christians would likely have embraced it because Jesus practised it. The first vigil reported by the Gospels took place in Galilee, at the beginning of Jesus’s ministry; one morning he woke up very early, while it was still dark, and prayed to God. 193 During his time in Galilee, and especially before choosing his disciples, Jesus spent the whole night in prayer. 194 After feeding the five thousand, he went up into a mountain where he remained praying until the fourth watch. 195 According to Luke, the Transfiguration occurred at night on a mountain, where Jesus had ascended to pray together with Peter, James and John. The point made about the disciples being overcome with sleep indicates that it was late. 196 These passages demonstrate sufficiently that vigil was integral to the prayer life of Jesus, and this should have inspired Christians to do the same. Here, one should mention the parable of the ‘insolent request’ 197 about a man who wakes his neighbour around midnight to ask him for bread for his visitors. Jesus says that his request will be answered because of his impudence, if not for anything else. The parable is about persistence in prayer and not specifically about prayer at night-time. Yet, a prayer that stops at night is not persistent; in the Old Testament, as the case of David reveals, 198 prayer at night is a sign of distress and urgency on behalf of the supplicant. Similarly, Paul defines a true widow as someone who prays night and day. 199 Finally, prayer at night-time is one of the possible Mk 1:35. Lk 6:12. 195 Mt 14:23; Mk 6:46. 196 Lk 9:28–37. 197 Lk 11:5–13. 198 2Kgs 12:16–23. 199 1Tim. 5:5. 193 194

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 71 solutions to the command to pray continually, 200 which is connected to the issue of persistent prayer. Until this point, night-prayer in the Gospels appears as a form of personal communication with God and as a preparation before an important decision or a major event. The last vigil of Christ, however, added a practical purpose to prayer at night-time, the preservation of holiness. This took place during the night of Jesus’s arrest, at the Mount of Olives. 201 While Jesus was praying, his disciples could not stay awake; on finding them asleep for a second time, he commanded them to ‘stay awake and pray so as not to enter into temptation’. 202 According to Matthew 203 and Mark, 204 Jesus added that the spirit is willing, but the flesh is weak. Even though Jesus’s command was addressed specifically to the disciples and related to his imminent arrest, he also taught the faithful to ask daily ‘not to enter into temptation’. 205 Temptation may come at any time; as all flesh is weak, night-prayer is a reasonable course of action for everyone in order to avoid it, as the Greek rendering of Micah 2:1 indicates. 206 The petition not to enter into temptation in the Lord’s Prayer is accompanied by one for deliverance from the Devil, 207 the two being closely connected. 208 Thus, it is hardly surprising that the first Christian community considered the Apostles’ drowsiness in Gethsemane as almost demonic. 209 Lk18:1; 21:36; 1Thess. 5:17; Eph. 6:18. Mt 26:36–46; Mk 14:32–42; Lk 22:39–47. Jn 18:1–3 records nothing about prayer. 202 Mt 26:41; Mk 14:38; Lk 22:46. 203 Mt 26:41. 204 Mk 14:38. 205 Mt 6:13; Lk 11:4. 206 The Septuagint reads, ‘they contemplated evil deeds in their beds, and in the morning they committed them because they did not lift up their hands to God’ The Hebrew reads, ‘they committed them because it is in the power of their hands’. 207 Mt 6:13. 208 Mt 4:1ff; Mk 1.13; Lk 4:2ff. 209 Oepke, ‘καθεύδω’, TDNT, vol. 3, p. 436. 200 201

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The Gospels record Jesus’s sleep as well, a profound sleep, which defied the raging storm in Lake Tiberias. 210 The description of the incident – as reworked by Matthew – is based on Psalms 105:7–12, 106:23–32 and on the story of Jonah, 211 from which it draws thematically and lexically. 212 The purpose of the narrative is to present the life of Jonah as prefiguring that of Christ, 213 and to identify Jesus as the Messiah. 214 The deep sleep of Jesus and his lack of concern at the storm points to his self-awareness, whereas for Jonah it was a sign of indifference and resignation. This is the only instance where Jesus is portrayed asleep, and is the only positive representation of sleep in the New Testament. 215 In light of the events in Gethsemane sleep became vilified. Thus, passages combining sleep with sin or the Devil might reasonably be understood as advocating wakefulness, even if this was not their main aim. For instance, though the parable about the enemy sowing weeds while the people slept 216 stresses the lack of watchfulness, the story strongly evokes the image of a night-demon causing mischief to sleepers, more so since in verse 34 the enemy is Mt 8.23–27; Mc 4:38–41; Lk 8:22–25. Jonah 1:4–16. 212 Helms, ‘Fiction in the Gosples’, pp. 139–42 argued that the narrative was based on the story of Jonah and Psalm 105. P. Feiler in ‘The stilling of the storm in Matthew: a response to Günther Bornkamm’, p. 404, apart from the story of Jonah, identified also Psalm 106 as a possible influence in the formation of the story. 213 For other instances, see Mt 12:39–41; 16:4; Lk 11:29–30; Hoffmann, p. 140. 214 Feiler, p. 406. 215 It may be suggested that sleep is portrayed positively also in Mt 11:28, where Jesus promises rest to all those who are weary. However, this in not the case as v.29 clarifies that this repose refers to the soul and not to the body. Moreover, Matthew presents Jesus in Gethsemane as rebuking the disciples for ‘sleeping and resting’ (Mt. 26:45; Mk 14:41). The same verb ἀναπαύω (rest) is used in both passages, creating a contrast between the rest in Christ and the bodily rest. (About resting in Christ, see also Phil.20:2.). 216 Mt 13:25. 210 211

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 73 identified with the Devil. Consequently, the passage echoes the Old Testament teaching about sleep as a perilous time and merges into one the moral and metaphysical dangers of bed-time. A more complete fusion of sleep as a time of physical, moral and metaphysical danger appears in 1 Peter 5:8. The faithful are commanded to be sober and to stay awake because the Devil, like a prowling lion, seeks someone to devour. Lions were known to feed at night-time 217 and, like all wild animals, were considered a threat to sleepers. 218 Moreover, darkness is thought of as the domain of demons, 219 and it is also synonymous with sin. 220 The association of sleep with night, danger, temptation, sin and the Devil renders a literal reading of Peter’s injunction for wakefulness almost obligatory. Likewise, Paul warned the Christians to ‘wake up from sleep and be vested with the armour of light’, to ‘keep awake and be sober, leaving sleep to the sons of darkness’. 221 The language is metaphorical: the main objective is not to condemn sleep, but to draw a sharp distinction between Christian and pagan ways of living. In order to achieve this, Paul contrasted night, drunkenness, promiscuity, strife and sleep with day, faith, hope, love and wakefulness. 222

Ps. 103:20–21. Ezek. 34:25. 219 2 Pet. 2:4 and Jude, 1:6 speak of darkness as the place of punishment for the rebel angles. Extra-biblical literature also portrayed rebel angels as imprisoned in the darkness, either in the deep recesses of the earth or in the air. Russell, The Devil, p. 197. Darkness is identified with the power of Satan in Acts 26.18 and in 2Cor 6:14 with Beliar, while in Eph. 6.10–18 there is a reference to the ‘powers of darkness’. The ‘outer darkness’ is designated also as the place of punishment for sinners in Mt 8:12; 22:13; 25:30. 220 Mt 6:23; Lk 11:34–6; Jn 1:4–9; 3:19–21; 8:12; 12:35–6; 12:46; Rom 2:19; 12:12; 2Cor 6:14; Eph 5;8, 11 are just a few examples of darkness as synonymous to sin in the New Testament. 221 Rom. 13:11–13; 1Thess. 5:5–8. 222 Rom. 13:13; 1Thess. 5:7–8. 217 218

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Even before Paul, sleep was synonymous with sin. 223 Nonetheless, Paul is not simply using a metaphor; drunkenness, promiscuity and sleep were fixtures of the Greek symposia, which Paul seems to have had in mind. 224 Paul might well have been contrasting Christian worship and banquets with the pagan ones, offering a rule of conduct to the Christians. 225 On the one hand, there is sleepless devotion and, on the other, debauched sleep. Notwithstanding the metaphorical-or-not character of the passages, it is significant that sleep is portrayed negatively, while wakefulness is praised. Paul’s language in both passages is distinctly eschatological. Especially in the first epistle to the Thessalonians, eschatology, a major issue for the local church, became the means of imparting a strong ethical message. 226 The relation between sin and eschatology is most obvious in the Lord’s Prayer. The request for forgiveness of sins by which Jesus lifts men out of Judgement is part of the same prayer that requests the coming of his Kingdom. In this context, Paul cautioned the Thessalonians that the day of the Lord would come like a thief in the night, 227 calling them to vigilance. 228 The imagery of the ‘thief in the night’ is employed often in the New Testament, 229 as a warning for the suddenness of the coming of the Lord. Similar to this are the images depicting the master of the house returning from a wedding 230 or from abroad, 231 and the See also, Eph. 5:14. The idea appears in the Psalms of Solomon 16:1, 4: when my soul slumbered from the Lord, I nearly fell into the deep sleep of those sleeping away from God… He stung me like a horse–goad to (return me) to His awakening. 224 Sandnesn, Belly and Body in the Pauline Epistles, pp. 89–93. 225 Cabaniss is certain that Paul refers to the Eucharist; ‘Night–time’, pp. 30–31. 226 Kaye, ‘Eschatology and Ethics in 1 and 2 Thessalonians’, pp. 47– 57. 227 1 Thess. 5:2. 228 1 Thess. 5:6–7. 229 Mt 24:42–44; Lk 12:39–40; 2Pet. 3:10; Rev. 3:3; 16:15. 230 Lk 12:36–7. 231 Mt 24:45–50; Mk 13: 33–37. 223

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 75 arrival of the bridegroom. 232 The return of the Lord is placed during the night, and there is always a warning to be vigilant. 233 The question is whether these passages imply an actual nocturnal Parousia recommending sleep-abstinence, or whether they use night and sleep as symbols of complacency. 234 To answer that, it is necessary to return to the imagery of the ‘thief in the night’ which connects the various eschatological passages. Although it has been disputed, 235 the source of this imagery is Joel, who prophesied that the Lord’s army would break in like a thief through the windows. 236 This will take place on the day of the Lord, which will be covered in darkness, 237 an occurrence mentioned also by Zephaniah 238 and Isaiah. 239 The eschatological darkness figures prominently in Jesus’ description of the final days, in which Joel is quoted. 240 This darkening of the heavenly lights may have created or strengthened the expectation of a nocturnal Parousia, especially as the moon and stars are mentioned. 241 Nevertheless, even without these references there are sufficient indications of a nocturnal Parousia in the Gospels. According to Mark, Jesus urged his disciples to stay awake and pray because the time of the Parousia is unknown, although in the same passage Jesus says that this may happen in one of the night watches. 242 Mark’s account of Jesus Mt 25:1–13. On the possibility of the Lord returning at night see Mt 24:43–44 (implied); Mt 25:6 (middle of the night); Mk 13:35 (the four watches of the night-early in the evening, middle of the night, cockcrowing, morning); Lk 12:36–37 (second or third watch ). The warnings for vigilance are in Mt 24:42; Mk 13:33, 35, 37; Lk 12:37–38. 234 Weiser, Die Knechtsgleichnisse der synoptischen Evangelien, pp. 156–58 advocates the theory of the nocturnal Parousia. 235 Best, The First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians, p. 205. 236 Joel 2:9. 237 Joel 2:10–11, also 2:2; 3:4; 4:15. 238 Zeph. 1:15. 239 Is 13:10. 240 Mt 24:29; Mk 13:24–25; Lk 21:25–26. 241 Is 13:10, 24:23; Ezek. 32:7; Joel 2:10; Acts 2:20; Rev. 6:12, 8:12. 242 Mk 13:33–37. 232 233

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walking on the water appears as if written to encourage Mark’s suffering community to hope in the Parousia and to associate Jesus’s arrival with the fourth watch of the night. 243 Luke, in a similar fashion, records Jesus as saying that he might come on the second or third watches of the night 244 and, thus, the faithful ought to keep their lamps burning and their loins girded. 245 The lighted lamps indicate night. The exhortation to keep the loins girded is taken from Exodus 246 where the Jews were ordered to eat the Passover meal fully dressed. While this was taking place, God, in the middle of the night, smote all the firstborn of the Egyptians, who were asleep. 247 The implication is that the Lord will likewise return in the middle of the night to pronounce his Judgement upon men. Thus, to be saved, Christians ought to stay awake and be prepared, like the Jews of old. Luke employed a recurring Old Testament theme – sleep as a time of God’s judgement and retribution, and linked it to the Second Coming. The Old Testament aspect of this synthesis appears in the parable about the rich fool, whose soul God claimed at night, apparently in his sleep. 248 Luke used this parable as a prelude to the aforementioned sayings concerning the Parousia. The eschatological aspect of sleep as a time of retribution becomes clear in a later passage where Jesus warns that, on the night of his Parousia, two will be lying in bed, and the one will be taken and the other left. 249 Jesus’ command to stay awake and pray always, in order to escape the events of the last days, 250 is the culmination of the warnings of a nocturnal Parousia and retribution during sleeping-time. Luke, true to the spirit of the Old Testament, presents vigil as the means of expressing repentance and averting the wrath of God. Martin, ‘Watch during the Watches (Mark 13:35)’, pp. 690–1. Lk 12:38. 245 Lk 12:35. 246 Exod. 12:22. 247 Exod. 12:29–30. 248 The parable echoes Job chapter 27, particularly verses 19–20. 249 Lk 17:34. 250 Lk 21.36 BMT. 243 244

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 77 Matthew, on the other hand, does not appear to advocate the nocturnal Parousia with the same vigour as Mark and Luke. Although Matthew also records the warnings to be vigilant in relation to the Parousia, 251 it is more difficult to understand them in a literal sense. Matthew, however, is the only one recording the parable of the ten virgins in which the bridegroom comes in the middle of the night. 252 It has been suggested that the vigil for the bridegroom and related passages 253 may reflect an early paschal watch during which the Parousia was expected. 254 The belief that the Lord would return on the night of the annual commemoration of his resurrection was based on a similar late-Jewish expectation about the Messiah appearing during the Passover vigil. 255 This implies that the early Christians kept a vigil for the Parousia only once a year. However, several New Testament writings indicate the opposite. Night was certainly an important time for Christians: the Nativity, 256 Transfiguration, 257 Last Supper 258 and Resurrection 259 all took place at night. Moreover, the risen Christ appeared to his disciples at eventide, 260 night 261 and before dawn. 262 Thus, it is hardly surprising that during the night, or at any rate before dawn, the early Christians prayed, 263 preached, 264 baptised 265 and celebrated the EuchaMt 24.42; 25.13. Mt 25.1–13. 253 Mt 9:14–15; Mk 2:18–20 and 13:33–37; Lk 5:33–35 and 13:35–40. 254 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West: The Origins of the Divine Office and Its Meaning for Today p. 9. 255 Ibid. 256 Lk 2:6–8. 257 Lk 9:32. 258 Mt 26:20–30; Mk 14:17–26; Lk 22:14–38; Jn 13:2–17:26; 1Cor. 11:23. 259 Mt 28:1–6; Mk 16:2–3; Lk 24:1–4; Jn 20:1–2. 260 Lk 24:13–32; Jn 20.19. 261 Lk 24:36–50. 262 Jn 21:4. 263 Acts 12:12; 16:25; 20:7. 264 Acts 16:32; 20:7. 251 252

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rist. 266 Paul’s injunctions for vigilance during prayer 267 may be an indication of the importance nocturnal prayer had for early Christians. 268 Indeed, Pliny the Younger reported to the Emperor Trajan that Christians assembled before dawn to offer hymns to Christ as God. 269 Undoubtedly, night-time worship was connected with practical needs; the majority of early Christians were poor and had to work all day, having no other time available for worship save for the night. 270 This does not mean that all these biblical passages, already mentioned, were written to accommodate practical needs. Furthermore, worship at night-time or before dawn, persisted even when Christianity was established and Sunday became an official holiday. Finally, the point about the poverty of the early Christians ignores the fact that, at least in Jerusalem, night-prayer supplemented the times of regular worship at the Temple. 271 This last remark is a reminder that, at the time under discussion, the vigil was an established alternative to the services of the Temple and the Synagogues for those who could not or would not participate in them. Christians, because they were increasingly marginalised in the Temple, or because they were dissatisfied with the lack of Christian content in its services, 272 found in the vigil an appropriate outlet for their worship. Judaism had associated the vigil not only with thanksgiving, but also with the eschatological expectation of the Messiah. The Eucharist with its emphasis on thanksgiving 273 and its strong eschatological character 274 was most appropriately seen as Acts 16:33. Acts 20:7–12. 267 Eph. 6:18; Col. 4:2. 268 Cabaniss, ‘Night-time’, p. 31. 269 Pliny the Younger, Letters, 10.96. 270 Cabaniss, ‘Night-time’, p. 31. 271 Lk 24:53; Acts 2:46; 3:1. 272 Rordorf, Sunday (Philadelphia, 1968). 273 Justin, Apologia, 66–67; Didache, 9–10. 274 The Eucharist is a proclamation of the Lord’s death until his arrival (1Cor. 11:26) and those who partake of the body and blood of Christ will be raised on the Last Day (Jn 6:54). 265 266

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 79 the culmination of the vigil, although that does not imply that there was always the Eucharist during a vigil. To conclude, the Old Testament concepts of sleep and sleeplessness as reworked and presented by the Septuagint, and the beliefs and practices of heterodox Judaism, influenced the New Testament attitude towards sleep. From the former, Christianity inherited an understanding of sleep as a perilous time, which culminates in the threat of divine retribution. Sleep and night-time were also perceived as a time of communication with God, a time in which the divine presence is more strongly felt. A synthesis of these views designated the vigil as the means of expressing repentance, preserving holiness, and averting divine wrath. Heterodox Judaism certainly cultivated these aspects. Based on the tradition of communal vigil at Passover, it instituted communal vigils throughout the year and emphasised thanksgiving as its fundamental characteristic. These developments also appeared in mainstream Judaism at the time of Jesus. This enabled Jews to utilise the vigil as a valid alternative to the services in the Temple and the synagogues, especially when expressing their gratitude to God. An important development at the time was the anticipation of the Messiah during the annual vigil celebration of the Passover. The New Testament unified these traditions into one and proclaimed a nocturnal Parousia, during which the Final Judgement would take place. Divine retribution threatened everyone and, consequently, the vigil was prescribed for all as the means for preserving holiness and expressing repentance, individually and collectively. From this point, Christian night-time worship was neither an innovation, 275 nor a by-product of necessity. 276 The New Testament called Christians to stay awake as a sign of gratitude to God and fellowship with each other, defence against temptation and the Devil, preparation for the Parousia, and escape from divine reckoning. 277 It was hardly necessary for the Church Fathers to exaggerate Φίλιας, Λειτουργική, p. 95–6. Cabaniss, ‘Night-time’, p. 31. 277 Dowden’s claim (‘The Value of Sleep: Homer, Plinies, Posidonius & Proclus’, pp. 160–1) that the Gnostic teaching about ‘the sleep of the soul’ and the call for ‘vigilance for salvation’ influenced New Testament 275 276

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or misconstrue any of these features in order to advocate sleepabstinence.

GREEKS AND SLEEP The ancient Greek view of sleep is so varied, with the same author often holding contradictory ideas, that it is impossible to provide a complete and unified account. Nevertheless, one might discern three major attitudes towards sleep: a positive, a negative, and a scientific one concerned mainly with the mechanics of sleep. Positive views on sleep The positive attitude towards sleep is manifested in the Epics, Tragedies and Lyric poetry, where sleep is always sweet and precious, consoling, dispelling cares. 278 Homer calls sleep γλυκύς, 279 γλυκερός, 280 ἡδύς, 281 and νήδυμος, 282 all of which denote ‘sweet’, and states that men take pleasure in it. 283 It is the gift of gods. 284 Other words attributed to sleep by Homer are μαλακός, 285 ‘soft’, and λυσιμελής, 286 ‘limb-relaxing’. authors, spilling into vigil as an ascetic practice, is erroneous. It ignores the long tradition of practising vigil in Judaism and its various associations, which were reworked in a Christian context. Moreover, the Gnostics associated sleep with ignorance, while the New Testament warns against sleep as a time of moral, physical and spiritual danger, using it also as a symbol of complacency (Macrae, ‘Sleep and Awakening in Gnostic Texts’, pp., 498–99, 505–6). 278 J. de Romilly, ‘Le sommeil dans la littérature de la Grèce ancienne’, p. 19. 279 Iliad, 1.610, 2.71, 23.232; Odyssey, 7.289, 9.33, 10.31, 548, 12.338. 280 Iliad, 10.4, 24.3, 636; Odyssey, 4.294, 5.472, 19.511, 23.255. 281 Odyssey, 1.363; 16.450; 19.603. 282 Iliad, 2.2, 10.91, 187, 14.242, 353; Odyssey 4.793, 12.311, 12.366, 13.79. For νήδυμος see Bury, ‘νήδυμος’, p. 230. 283 Iliad, 24.3, 636; Odyssey, 23.255; See also Euripides, Iphigenia Taurica, 454. 284 Iliad 7.482; Odyssey 16.481; 19.427. 285 Iliad, 2.41, 10.2, 24.678; Odyssey 18.201. 286 Odyssey, 20.57; 23.343. The word does not appear in the Iliad.

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 81 Sleep for Homer is not only limb-relaxing, but also relaxing from cares. 287 Likewise, Hesiod describes sleep as quiet and gentle towards men, 288 the chorus in Sophocles’ Philoctetes hails sleep as the bearer of peace, 289 and for Euripides it signals a respite from troubles. 290 The appellation Ἐπιδώτης (Generous) on a statue of Hypnos in Asclepius’s temple at Sicyon 291 summarizes the belief in Sleep’s beneficial power. On the other hand, sleep, which does not free from cares or suffering, is ὕπνος ἄυπνος 292 – a non-sleep, a terrible sleep. 293 If sleep is eulogized, sleeplessness is to be lamented as burdensome. 294 Aeschylus ascribes sleeplessness to fear and anxiety 295 and even portrays it as divine punishment. 296 Despite his gentle nature, Hypnos 297 is recognised as ‘tamer of 298 all’ because he overpowers gods and mortals. 299 This gives him the right to be addressed as ‘king over gods and men’ 300 or simply ‘king’, 301 while Hesiod calls him ‘terrifying’. 302 Certainly, sleep is the Odyssey, 20.54–55; also 1.363, 5.491–3, 16.450, 18.188, 19.603, 21.357. Also Theognis, Elegeiae, 1.476, sleep is λυσίκακος. 288 Theogonia, 763. 289 828–32. 290 Orestes, 174–177. 291 Stafford, ‘Brother, son, friend and healer: Sleep the god’, pp. 92– 6. 292 Euripides, Hercules, 1034; Sophocles, Philoctetes, 847. 293 Euripides, Hercules, 1061; 1013. 294 Odyssey, 20.52. 295 Agamemnon 13–21; Septem contra Thebas 287. 296 Prometheus vinctus, 32; 561–588. 297 Hypnos is the personification of sleep as a male god. This is why sleep in this chapter is referred to as ‘he’ in connection to the ancient Greek texts. For the existence of a Hypnos-cult in Greece, see Stafford, pp. 71–106. 298 Iliad, 24.5; 0dyssey, 9.372. 299 Iliad, 10.2; 14.224–360; Odyssey, 9.373. 300 Iliad, 14.233. 301 Philoctetes, 827–9. 302 Theogonia, 759. 287

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only one who could stop Hercules’s murderous rampage; 303 he is even the tamer of the Furies, 304 who need to kick him away to wake up. 305 Negative views of sleep The Odyssey recognises that too much sleep makes one weary, but men are free to spend the night according to their preference, either sleeping or telling stories. 306 On the other hand, for the Iliad, a ‘man of counsel’, a leader, ought not to sleep all night long. 307 Likewise, gods shun sleep in order to decide upon a course of action. 308 Throughout the Iliad, sleep is subtly disparaged and is associated with what is foolish, enervated, negligent, defenceless and unobservant; calling sleep ἀπήμονα (gentle) and λιαρόν (kind) reveals a nature in contrast to manly war. 309 The adjective μελίφρων (sweet to the mind), which in the Iliad applies both to sleep 310 and to wine, 311 shows that they have similar effects; they unnerve one’s spirit, making us forget our valour. 312 In modern medicine ‘sleep inertia’, a condition of abnormally excessive confusion upon awaking, which might last up to thirty minutes, is also aptly known as ‘sleep drunkenness’. 313 Following naps, the condition is more severe the longer the nap. 314 This to a soldier is as bad as excessive drinking. All the same, the Odyssey and the Iliad complement each other. Sleep is sweet and overpowering; it is a consoEuripides, Hercules, 1004–5. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 127. 305 Aeschylus, Eumenides, 141. 306 Odyssey, 15. 392–400. 307 Iliad, 2.23–26; 9.1–4. 308 Iliad, 2.1–6; 24.673–81. 309 Dowden, ‘The Value’, pp. 142–5. 310 Iliad, 2.34. 311 Iliad, 2.34 6.264; 8.506, 546. 312 Iliad, 6.264–5. The verse refers to wine; its effects are connected with its designation as ‘sweet to the mind’. 313 Moorcroft, Sleep, pp. 387–8. 314 Moorcroft, Sleep, pp. 387–8. 303 304

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 83 lation and a pleasure; to overcome it is an exploit worthy of a god or a great man, although in the end everyone succumbs. Plato followed Homer in disparaging sleep, and decreed that the sleeper is of no more use than are the dead. 315 Athletes are censured because the regime they follow makes them drowsy and they end up sleeping their life away. 316 A citizen should wake before their household and never be found asleep by their slaves. 317 Night is the time to conduct political, economic, and domestic transactions; it is at night that the rulers are terrible to the enemies and useful to the citizens. 318 During sleep, reason and intelligence become defunct. 319 Those who have not trained sufficiently the reasonable part of their soul allow the bestial part to take over, and succumb to lawless desires in their dreams; 320 even those who have exercised their reasonable part are in peril. 321 What is more, the dreams of a wicked man might act as an inspiration for further wickedness. 322 Since much sleep is not naturally suitable for either the body or the soul, whoever cares for his life and right thinking ought to stay awake as much as possible. 323 This means to sleep as much as is necessary to remain healthy, and that is a small amount when the habit of staying awake is formed. 324 Although Plato neither accuses sleep directly of making the soul ‘fleshier’ 325 nor lists it among the passions, pleasures and luxuries, which burden the soul, 326 it is possible that this idea also lies behind his injunction to sleepabstinence. Certainly, this is an idea that goes back to Socrates, who Leges, 808b. Respublica, 404a. 317 Leges, 807e–808a. 318 Ibid, 808ac. 319 Timaeus, 71de. 320 Respublica., 571c–572b. 321 Plato, Phaedrus, 256c. 322 Plato, Respublica, 571de. 323 Plato, Leges, 808b. 324 Ibid, 808bc. 325 Plato, Phaedo, 83d. 326 Ibid, 64d–65a. 315 316

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in Xenophon’s Memorabilia declared that whoever does not exercise ἐγκράτεια (self-control) in everything, including sleep, will ruin body and soul, 327 and that to have as few needs as possible comes close to the divine. 328 The idea might be older since the phrase ‘he advised them to exercise self-control in their desire for food, drink, sex, sleep, and withstand cold, heat and labour’ is reminiscent of the advice in Pythagorean Carmen Aureum ‘primarily strive to control hunger, sleep, lust and anger’. 329 Nevertheless, it seems that Plato’s disapproval of sleep rests not so much on what sleep does to one, but on what it prevents one from doing. Sleep is the enemy of study. 330 Sleep is censured because it prevents the natural exercise of body and soul. Even when the bestial part takes over, Plato does not charge the dreamer for the acts depicted in the dream as if actually committed, only for the fact that they did not exercise better control over their soul. 331 Plato’s attitude towards sleep is not wholly negative because God compensated humans for the deactivation of their reason by giving them prophetic dreams. 332 Plato believed that when the rational part of the soul takes over during sleep, it might comprehend things hitherto unknown to it, past, present or even future. 333 The idea that the soul not only has greater understanding during sleep, but can also foresee the future was found among the Orphics and the Pythagoreans. 334 It appears in Pindar’s Threnos 335 and it was espoused by Plato’s contemporaries. 336 Plato, under Orphic influence, considered that this Xenophon Memorabilia, 1.5.4–5. Ibid, 1.6.10. 329 Pythagoras, Carmen Aureum, 9–11 330 Plato, Respublica, 537b. 331 Kroker, The Sleep of Others, p. 44. 332 Plato, Timaeus, 71de. 333 Plato, Respublica, 571d–572a. See also, Apologia, 33c; Timaeus, 71e. According to van der Eijk, Aristotle on Cognition in Sleep, p. 26, Plato emancipated himself from this belief. 334 van der Eijk, Aristotle on Cognition In Sleep, p. 26. 335 Pindar, Threnos, 131b. 336 Xenophon, Cyropaedia, 8.721; Aeschylus, Eumenides, 103. 327 328

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 85 happened through the temporary release of the soul from the body, which gave it access to supernatural revelations. 337 This is an experience as close as possible to the release of the soul from the body at death. 338 The ability of the soul to be detached from the body during sleep, becoming prophetic, appears also in Xenophon, 339 the Stoics, 340 and others. Iamblichus offers a detailed defence of the idea. 341 Plato’s sleep-abstinence might also have aimed at receiving those prophetic dreams, which would never come to a soul under the control of its bestial part. Thus, sleep-abstinence is good for the soul insofar as during it the rational part is active, and the hours of wakefulness are used for the exercise and development of the rational part, which would lead to revelatory dreams. This is what H. Bacht called Plato’s Schlafaskese. 342 Iamblichus, in his fictional description of the Pythagorean life, was more explicit on this subject. The purpose of the Pythagorean way of life is to understand the truth about all beings. 343 In order to achieve this, it is necessary to purify mind and soul through music 344 and training, which includes the abridgment of sleep. 345 The purified soul communes with the divine through visions and dreams, which is a step before the attainment of the truth. 346 Pythagoras, with the aid of music, purged the mind of those going to sleep from their daily cares and memories. He made their sleep peaceful with a small number of good, pleasant, and even prophetic dreams. 347 Training was also necessary Plato, Phaedo 60e; Phaedrus 243e–257b, Symposium 220cd. See H. Wijsenbeek-Wijler, Aristotle’s Concept of Soul, Sleep & Dreams (Amsterdam, 1978), 205. See also Phaedo, 65c; Theaetetus, 173e–174a. 338 Plato, Phaedo, 65c. 339 Xenophon, Cyropaedia, 8.721. 340 Cox Miller, Dreams in Late Antiquity, p.52. 341 De Mysteriis, 3.2–4. 342 Bacht, ‘Agrypnia, pp. 357–8. 343 Iamblichus, De Vita Pythagorica, 16.70. 344 Ibid, 15.64–16.68; 25.110–115; 32.224. 345 Ibid, 16.68–69; 31.188; 32. 226. 346 Iamblichus, De Vita Pythagorica, 16.70. 347 Iamblichus, De Vita Pythagorica, 15.64–65; 25.114. 337

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for communication with the divine, because this could not happen to an impure soul. 348 Ultimately, the abridgement of sleep facilitated prophetic dreams. Nevertheless, sleep-abstinence for Plato is important primarily for physical, mental, and social reasons, as in Homer. 349 Behind this attitude was Socrates, whom Plato portrayed as having a remarkable ability to remain awake for twenty-four hours; 350 his control over sleep enabled him to sleep even when faced with death. 351 According to Xenophon, Socrates himself abstained from sleep 352 and taught others to do the same. 353 The Memorabilia reveal a strong socio-political aspect in Socrates’ teaching of sleep-abstinence, which connects it with Plato’s Leges; the man who cannot vanquish sleep cannot be a good leader either in peace 354 or war, 355 or even a good friend. 356 Returning to Plato, Socrates’ analysis of the word ψεῦδος (falsehood) might offer a further insight into his understanding of sleep. Ψεῦδος is the opposite of ἀλήθεια (truth), which means divine wandering/motion. Since it is without motion, falsehood is reviled and compared to those asleep. The letter ψ conceals the true meaning of the word (ψ + εὕδειν [being asleep]). 357 Socrates’s statement that those asleep are reviled is, perhaps, indicative not only of his personal feelings towards sleep, but also of the views of Greek society at the time. Xenophon informs us also that for Prodicus, who was Socrates’s friend, the virtuous do not feel sorry for abandoning sleep, nor do they forsake their duty for its sake. 358 Democritus, another Ibid, 16.70. Dowden, ‘The Value’, pp. 142–9. 350 Plato, Symposium, 220cd. 351 Plato, Crito, 43ab. 352 Xenophon, Memorabilia, 1.6.8. 353 Ibid, 2.1.1. 354 Ibid, 2.1.2–3; 4.5.9–10. 355 Ibid, 1.5.1; 4.5.9–10. 356 Ibid, 1.6.8–9; 2.6.1; 4.5.9–10. 357 Plato, Cratylus, 421b. 358 Xenophon, Memorabilia, 2.1.33. 348 349

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 87 contemporary of Socrates, attributed morning sleep to one of the following: illness of the body, affliction of the soul, idleness or ignorance. 359 Not surprisingly, the depreciation of sleep and the practice of sleep-abstinence were practised by Cynics 360 and Stoics. 361 It reached its peak among the Romans, for whom the lucubration, the study and writing at night-time by lamp-light, was a sign of intellectual and political greatness. 362 The scientific view of sleep The scientific approach to sleep, which started with the PreSocratics, opens a new chapter. Sleep does not come from the outside, that is from the gods, but from within, from the body. 363 Alcmaeon claimed that sleep is caused when the blood in the veins retreats. A total retreat of the blood brings death. 364 Anaxagoras saw sleep as the result of bodily exhaustion. 365 Empedocles considered that the loss of warmth cools down the blood proportionately and causes sleep. While death results from the separation of the four main elements (fire, earth, air, water), sleep occurs when fire alone departs. 366 Diogenes of Apollonia declared that when the blood diffuses and fills the veins it will move the air in them to the chest and even further to the stomach, causing sleep. A total absence of air from the veins causes death. 367 Finally, according to Leucippus, when more particles are expelled than soul-heat is received, sleep occurs. If the expulsion of particles is much greater than the intake, the person dies. 368 Democritus, Fragmenta, 212. Dio Chrysostom, Orationes, 6.11; 8.30; Ps–Crates, 19. 361 Ariston (Fr. 403) declared that sleep, like a taxman, robs us of half our life. Later, Epictetus presented sleep–abstinence as a main feature of the philosopher’s life. Enchiridion, 29.6. 362 Dowden, ‘The Value’, pp. 150–4. 363 A. Nock, Essays on religion and the ancient world (Oxford, 1972), 123. 364 Alcmaeon, Testimonia, 18. 365 Anaxagoras, Testimonia, 103; Xenophanes, Testimonia, 51. 366 Empedocles, Testimonia, 85. 367 Diogenes of Appolonia, Testimonia, 29. 368 Leucippus, Testimonia, 34. 359 360

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Plato in Timaeus deemed that the eyes are equipped with a fire akin to the daylight; the meeting of the two lights enables us to see. When the external fire disappears in the darkness of the night, the internal fire meets something different from itself, which causes it to change and become extinguished. Thus, the eye cannot see and this causes sleep. When the eyelids shut, they close inside the power of fire, which diffuses inside and relaxes the inner movements. This brings rest and with perfect rest comes a sleep undisturbed by dreams. 369 It is not clear how this explanation concurs with a regime of sleep-abstinence, especially during winter-time when the day is shorter. 370 Perhaps Plato thought that the artificial light from lamps was akin to daylight, and hence a sufficient substitute, although this point remains obscure. Aristotle made a breakthrough in the way sleep was understood by ascribing it to the animal as a whole, rejecting the dualistic view that the soul remains unaffected or roams free when the body sleeps. 371 Sleep, according to Aristotle, exists for the sake of preserving life, and is necessary for all animals, 372 especially the embryos and the young. 373 ‘Sleep’ and ‘waking’ are opposites, 374 connected with perception. 375 The immobilization of perception is sleep. This is not simply the inactivity of any sense-organ, or of all the senses; rather it is the incapacitation of the main sense-organ, which, for the sanguineous animals, is the heart. 376 Moreover, sleep Plato, Timaeus, 45d. There are only eight hours and fifty–four minutes of sunlight during the winter solstice; Lobeck, ‘Keeping Time in Ancient Greece and Rome’, p. 661. 371 De Somno, 453b–454a. Gallop, Aristotle on sleep and dreams: A text and translation with introduction, notes, and glossary p. 13; p. 189. 372 Aristotle, De Somno, 455b. 373 Aristotle, De Generatione Animalium, 779a. 374 Aristotle, De Somno, 453b. 375 Ibid, 454a. 376 Aristotle, De Somno, 455b. Van Der Eijk disagrees, claiming that Aristotle did not purport that the nous shuts down during sleep. Van der Eijk, ‘Cognition in Sleep’, pp. 28–29. Also Van Der Eijk, ‘Theoretical and 369 370

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 89 is the incapacitation of the nous, the intellect, which becomes dimmed by sleep. 377 During indigestion, hot matter rises up to the head where it cools and then descends to the heart in the form of water causing sleep. The matter travels through the veins, and the larger one’s veins are the less a person is inclined to sleep. The digestion mingles the thinner and finer blood with the thicker; their separation brings awakening. 378 Sleep is a borderline case between not-living and living; the sleeper is neither not-being nor being. Waking is connected with perception and therefore with living. 379 Aristotle’s ideas on sleep are closer to the Pre-Socratics than to Plato. Both for Aristotle and for the Pre-Socratics, body temperature is an important factor for sleep; sleep and awakening are regulated by the circulatory system, and finally sleep is a stage between life and death. The foremost difference is that Aristotle considered sleep as applying to both soul and body while almost everyone else viewed sleep as affecting the body alone. 380 The reason for that was the belief that during sleep the soul is liberated from the bonds of the body, becoming prophetic. Three things are important to bear in mind regarding Aristotle’s views on sleep. Firstly, Aristotle valued sleep as something very beneficial and necessary for all animals. 381 Secondly, through simple observation, he identified several phenomena connected with sleep; 382 these have recently been confirmed in sleep laborato-

empirical elements in Aristotle’s treatment of sleep, dreams and divination in sleep’, pp. 175–177. 377 Aristotle, De anima, 429a. 378 Aristotle, De Somno, 456a–457b. 379 Aristole, De Generatione Animalium, 778b. 380 Anaxagoras and Leukippos state categorically that sleep is a function of the body. Anaxagoras, Testimonia, 103; Leuccipos, Testimonia, 34. 381 De Somno, 455b. 382 A list of these ‘facts surrounding sleep’ is found in Eijk, ‘Theoretical’, pp. 180–181.

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ries. 383 Aristotle supported the lack of sense-perception in sleep, 384 which agrees with the modern definition of sleep. 385 He spoke of thought accompanying dream-images, 386 what today is called mentation. 387 He asserted that dreams occur during a later stage in sleep, 388 which is verified by the circadian rhythmicity of dreams. 389 This in turn might argue for a division of sleep by Aristotle into dreaming and non-dreaming stages, 390 which is very close to the current scientific view of sleep. 391 Aristotle also identified lucid dreams, 392 hypnagogic and hypnopompic hallucinations, 393 and night terrors in children. 394 Both these points are important, because they show that sleep-abstinence was not the result of ignorance about the facts of sleep. Finally, of equal importance is Aris-

Carskadon, and Rechtshaffen, ‘Monitoring and Staging Human Sleep’, p. 1359–1377. The article provides a detailed analysis of the procedures and considerations for recording sleep. 384 Aristotle, De Somno, 458b; Eijk, ‘Theoretical’, p. 180. 385 Carskadon, ‘Normal’, p. 13. 386 Aristotle, De Somno, 458b; Eijk, ‘Theoretical’, p. 180. 387 Moorcroft, Sleep, pp. 194–8. 388 De Somno, 461a; Eijk, ‘Theoretical’, p. 180. Eijk claims that this observation stems from theoretical concerns rather than observation; ‘Theoretical’, p. 185. 389 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 147. 390 Eijk, ‘Theoretical’, p. 185. 391 See chapter The mechanics of sleep. 392 When one is aware of the fact he is dreaming; De Somno 462a; Eijk, ‘Theoretical’, p. 181; Moorcroft, Sleep, p.198–200. 393 Images one sees when waking or falling asleep; De Somno 462a; Eijk, ‘Theoretical’, p. 181; Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 329–330. 394 Young people see all kinds of appearances when their eyes are wide open; De Somno 462a; Eijk, ‘Theoretical’, p. 181. Aristotle possibly does not speak about children asleep, but his description fits perfectly the ‘night terrors’ phenomenon which some children experience. The child is aroused, sweating profusely, panting for breath, with rapid heartbeat. A sense of impending doom pervades the mind, perhaps by an image of a threatening person or monster. The child seems confused and disoriented, looks ‘dazed’, and perhaps is not fully awake. Moorcroft, Sleep, pp. 236– 238. 383

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 91 totle’s stance towards dreams; Aristotle rejected the idea that dreams are prophetic and attributed their success in revealing the future either to internal processes and preoccupations or to coincidence. 395 Another important contribution to sleep comes from the Hippocratic Corpus. There is no straightforward physiological explanation of sleep in this collection of medical writings. The outflow of blood is the cause of sleep according to the De aëre aquis et locis. 396 Conversly, the De flatibus purports that when the blood cools it obstructs its passages causing the body to become heavy, the eyes to close, and the reasoning to change. 397 Finally, according to the De dieta, sleep results from the flesh becoming moist; this makes the blood flow and with it, the breath diffuses and calms. 398 Sleep is influenced by the geography and climate of the place as well as by the seasons. An arid, barren and unprotected place makes the inhabitants sleepless, while a wet, fertile, and protected land has the opposite effect. 399 Moreover, people tend to be naturally sleepier during spring and winter. 400 Throughout the Hippocratic corpus, sleep and insomnia are observed and recorded as indicators of a person’s health. 401 They are also regarded as possible cures. 402 On the other hand, both are considered bad in excess, portending disease. 403 Insomnia is recognised as a common affliction of old age, however. 404 As to the effects of sleep, provided it is short, it cools and thins those who have not eaten previously; if, however, it is overlong, it melts the Eijk, ‘Theoretical’, p. 190. Hippocrates, De diaeta i–iv, 14.11. 397 De flatibus, 14. 398 De diaeta i–iv, 71. 399 De aëre aquis et locis, 24. 400 Aphorismi, 1.15. 401 Byl, ‘Sommeil et insomnie dans le Corpus Hippocraticum’, pp. 32–33. 402 Hippocrates, De arte, 5.17; Also Aphorismi, 2.1–2. 403 Hippocrates, Aphorismi, 2.3; 7.72. Also De humoribus, 9. 404 Aphorismi, 3.31. 395 396

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flesh away by overheating it, and destroys the body. 405 Sleeplessness is not harmful on an empty stomach; it only decreases the flesh. On a full stomach, however, sleeplessness hinders the digestion. 406 Generally, one ought to sleep at night, and stay awake during the day. The reverse of this is bad. If one is ill, there is little harm if they sleep for the first third of the morning, but not for any longer. The worst is total sleeplessness. 407 The proper way to sleep is on one’s left or right hand side with the whole body relaxed, and the neck, arms, and legs slightly bent. 408

SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE, HELLENISM AND BEYOND

Although both Greeks and Jews practised sleep-abstinence, their attitude towards sleep is different. Greeks rejected prolonged sleep, yet they always marvelled at it 409 either as a formidable opponent or as a friend and healer. 410 On the other hand, sleep for Jews was a time of danger; their admiration was reserved for waking hours. 411 Most importantly, Graeco-Roman sleep-abstinence concerns the political, intellectual and social elite; it shows temperance, generates power, and confers a mark of distinction upon its practitioner. Naturally, it is a sign of ambition. 412 It may even lead to supernatural revelations in dreams, which is the pinnacle of the intellectual life. In Judaism, abstinence from sleep offers the opportunity to De diaeta i–iv, 60. Hippocrates, De diaeta i–iv, 60. 407 Coa praesagia, 487; Prognosticon, 10. 408 Prognostics, 3. 409 Romilly, ‘sommeil’, p. 20. 410 The restoring power of sleep is recognised in Odyssey 18.185–200. The hymn to Sleep in Philoctetes may be the earliest indication of a Hypnos-cult, although it is only from Hellenistic times onwards that the existence of such a cult could be established among the Greeks. The Romans not only worshipped Sleep as a healing god together with Asclepius, but also continued to practise incubation. Stafford, pp. 89–98. 411 Romilly, ‘sommeil’, p. 20. 412 Dowden, ‘The Value’, 150. 405 406

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 93 approach God directly through prayer. It is also one of the means available for the expression of repentance and the preservation of holiness. 413 It is open to all, and it may be practised individually or communally. The Greek attitudes towards sleep (positive, negative and scientific) reached the Byzantines via many channels: quotations from the pagan authors disparaging sleep were used to legitimize religious practices; 414 medical discourses were copied and annotated; 415 and the same happened with philosophical, poetic and other works. There is evidence that medical works were studied by monks serving the hospitals of their monasteries. 416 Furthermore, the Lexica preserved many words and phrases related to sleep and the omnipresent mimesis (the imitation of linguistic and stylistic models taken from classical writings) dispersed them to all sorts of Byzantine discourses. Most importantly, since being part of a linguistic community influences the mode of human perception, 417 the usage of Greek alone would have affected to a certain extent the way Byzantines perceived sleep. Despite all these, the Byzantines remained firmly rooted in biblical orthodoxy, which is most evident in the way they perceived the relation between sleep and death. This is an important subject for our research, because L. Drink and H. Bacht considered the ancient Greek assimilation of sleep with A similar remark by M. Satlow, ‘Shame and Sex in Late Antique Judaism,’ in V. Wimbush and R. Valantasis (eds.), Asceticism (Oxford, 1995) p. 536 on the different purpose of fasting in Greece and Judaism. 414 Clement of Alexandria in the section of Paedagogus concerning sleep alludes three times to Plato’s Leges 807c–808d (Paedagogus, 2.9.80.2; 81.2; 81.4) and also quotes (2.9.81.5) Ariston of Pelaia on sleep being like a taxman robbing us of half of our lives. 415 The theories of the Pre-Socratics regarding the function of sleep were preserved thanks to Aetius of Amide, a Byzantine doctor. 416 Barsanuphius and Joannes, Quaestiones et responsiones ad coenobitas (Epistulae 224–616), Epistle 327, A monk asks for permission to read medical books to improve his service at the hospital. He is given the permission to read them, and he is told to exercise the medical art with the same diligence as the other monks perform their handiwork. 417 Sapir, ‘The status of linguistics as a science’, p. 68. 413

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death as one of the main causes of sleep-abstinence among Christians.

THE SLEEP OF DEATH Medical experts put forward an attractive theory about the intertwining of death and sleep, and the extracorporeal experiences of the soul during the latter. The inertia of the brain and the body during sleep led to the idea that sleep is partial death. This idea, if carried further, could present sleep as a short death and death as a long sleep. Dreaming was perceived as the temporary exit of the soul from the body, which became permanent at death. 418 Strange as it might appear, the cultures that viewed death as sleep rejected the view of sleep as death and vice versa. The Old Testament never speaks of sleep as a sort of death, 419 but there are several instances where the ‘sleep of death’, i.e. death perceived as sleep, is mentioned, 420 and the return from death is portrayed as awakening. 421 The same applies for the New Testament. 422 As far as Greece is concerned things are less straightforward. According to M. Ogle, the perception of death as sleep was not a natural one to the Greeks. 423 Ogle attributed the many occurrences of the ‘sleep of death’ during Hellenistic times to influences from the Middle East, 424 while he explained the equation of death with sleep in literary epitaphs as the result of literary convention and dependDement, et al., ‘History of Sleep Deprivation,’ pp. 31–2. McAlpine, Sleep Divine, p. 149. 420 1Kgs 1:21; 2:10; 2Kgs 4:32; Ps 88:5; Job 3:11–14; 14:12; 21:26; Ez. 31:18. 421 4Kgs 4:31; Job 14:12; Isa. 26:19; Dan 12:2. On the sleep of death in the OT, see McAlpine, pp. 144–9. 422 For death as sleep, see Mt 9:23–24; 27:52; Mk 5:39; Lk 8:52; Jn 11:11–13: Acts 7:60; 1Cor. 7:39; 11:30: 15:6, 20, 51; 1Thess 4:13–15; 2Pt 3:4. For the return from death as awakening Mt 27:52; Mk 5:40; Lk 8:54; Jn 11:11 423 Ogle, ‘The Sleep of Death’, p. 87. Wöhrle disagrees; he thinks that both ideas existed in Greece and have a common basis: Hypnos, Der Allbezwinger, pp. 24–35. 424 Ibid. 418 419

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 95 ence on Homer. 425 Regarding Homeric and Classical quotations on the subject, Ogle brushed them aside as too few. 426 H. Balz, following Ogle, explained the sparse references to death as sleep as the result of the distinction between Hypnos and Thanatos in popular religion. 427 Nevertheless, the distinction was a thin one, since Sleep and Death were considered twins, 428 and thus the substitution of the one for the other was facilitated rather than hindered. Moreover, in Greek religion Hypnos was little more than an abstraction, 429 as Thanatos was; whereas in the Iliad they appear as gods, in the Odyssey their powers are delegated to Hermes, who not only induces sleep, 430 but also leads the souls to Hades. 431 The paltry myths about Hypnos would not have been sufficient to stop the description of death as sleep, especially in view of the Greek predilection for euphemisms. E. Vermeulle, 432 followed by T. McAlpine, 433 claimed that the perception of death as sleep was more widespread in Greece than has been thought, citing as proof the Mycenaean chamber-tombs. One ought to be cautious when making statements concerning beliefs about the afterlife based on burials. A burial reveals only what the Greeks did about death, not why they did it. 434 Nevertheless, it is more likely that the chamber was a place of confinement, where the spirit of the dead was kept from hurting the living until the decomposition of the body. A temporary wall in front of the tomb’s door, or even a pile of rocks, served this purpose. The ornaments placed in the chamber were to serve the spirit until it reached the lower world. After decomposition, the bones were accorded no Ogle, ‘Sleep of Death’, p. 83. Ibid., 82. 427 H. Balz, ‘Hypnos’, TDNT, vol 8, p. 594. 428 Iliad 16.672, 682. Hesiod, Theogonia, 756. 429 Marsh, Cassell’s Dictionary of Classical Mythology (London, 2002). 430 Odyssey 24.3–4. 431 Odyssey 24.1–5. 432 Vermeule, Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry, pp. 4–8. 433 McAlpine, Sleep Divine, p. 133; p. 144. Also Wöhrle thinks that sleep of death was common in Greece, pp. 24–29. 434 Kurtz, and Boardman, Greek Burial Customs, p. 17. 425 426

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respect and were often thrown aside to make room for new burials. 435 These facts do not conform to the idea of death as sleep. It is impossible to decide on such a question based on archaeological evidence alone; a re-evaluation of Ogle’s material and conclusions is necessary. Firstly, Ogle’s quantitative assessment of the Homeric and Classical quotations on the ‘sleep of death’ is open to dispute. Not only Homer, but also Hesiod, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides and Ctesias allude to the ‘sleep of death’. This indicates that the idea was known to Greeks and frequently mentioned, although the sources are fragmentary. 436 The question, however, remains as to the nature of this idea. There are two instances mentioning the ‘sleep of the death’ in the Iliad and none in the Odyssey. In Iliad 11.241, the dead Iphidamas is described as ‘sleeping away from his wife’. Iphidamas was newlywed, 437 and the phrase used for ‘wife’, μνηστῆς ἀλόχου, means literally ‘wedded bedfellow’, the second word deriving from λέχος, ‘bed’. 438 The verse makes an ironic pun on newlywed dead Iphidamas, and not a statement about death as sleep. The only time death is indeed presented as sleep occurs when Acamas, a Trojan, boasts that Promachus the Greek has slept, vanquished by his spear. 439 It should be noted that, pun aside, Iphidamas was also a Trojan. The association of the ‘sleep of death’ exclusively with Trojans might indicate that, though the idea was known to Greeks, they did not accept it. Hesiod in his Works and Days claimed that men in the Golden Age died as if overtaken by sleep, but this rather refers to the manner of death, more akin to the expression ‘he went out like a light’, than to the nature of death. Likewise, the tragedians connect the ‘sleep of death’ with painless-calm death. 440 Even when Death is Mylonas, ‘Homeric and Mycenaean Burial Customs’, p. 56–81. See further for relevant passages. 437 Iliad, 11.226–7. 438 Iliad, 1.609 etc. 439 Iliad, 14.482–3. 440 Aeschylus, Agamemnon 1451; Sophocles Ajax, 832; Euripides, Hippolytus, 1387; also, Ctesias, Fragmenta, 45 speaks about death quiet like 435 436

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 97 invoked as giver of the ‘eternal sleep’, it is part of the prayers for a peaceful death. 441 Aeschylus 442 and Sophocles, 443 like Homer, mention the ‘sleep of death’ in a sort of pun. Ogle has already commented on Aeschylus. 444 As for Sophocles, he wrote εὖτε γὰρ ὁ ποντισθεὶς Μυρτίλος ἐκοιμάθη. 445 Ἐκοιμάθη is unique to Sophocles and it is possible that he constructed it to resemble the passive aorist of κυμαίνω, which has the meaning ‘to rise in waves’. It may also be an allusion to Iliad 14.229 ἐπὶ πόντον ἐβή-σετο κυμαίνοντα. 446 Certainly, it is not a proclamation that death is sleep. Of the poets, only Euripides has two passages positively mentioning the ‘sleep of death’, both uttered by Trojans, 447 which once more clearly suggests the foreign, oriental, origin of the idea, and the Greeks’ awareness of it as such. An indirect rejection of death as sleep comes from the usage of the verb ἀνίστημι ‘to rise’, and its derivative noun ἀνάστασις, in Homeric and Classical quotations. The primary meaning of the verb was to rise/stand up and hence it denoted also awakening/ rising from bed. The words ἀνίστημι, and ἀνάστασις were used exclusively to stress that rising from death was impossible. 448 Had sleep. The reference in Sophocles’ Ajax has to do with the double nature of Hermes as the god of dreams and death. 441 Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus, 1574. 442 Aeschylus, Choephore 906. 443 Sophocles, Electra 509. 444 Ogle, ‘Sleep of Death’, p. 82. 445 Since Myrtilos sank to his sleep in the sea; Electra 509. 446 She stepped upon the storming sea. 447 Troades, 594; Hecuba prays to her dead son Hector to take her to her sleep in Hades. Hecuba, 473; the chorus of Trojan women mentions the Titans, who were put to sleep by a bolt from Zeus. 448 Iliad, 24.551: you will achieve nothing grieving for your son; neither will you raise him from the dead. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1361: I do not know how to raise the dead only with words; Eumenides, 648: once a man is dead there is no rising. Sophocles, Electra, 139: indeed, you shall not raise your father from common Hades’ lakes with either prayers or tears.

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the Greeks believed in death as sort of sleep they would also have had accepted the possibility of such an awakening. The reason for this is that death as sleep of the soul would cancel the belief in the immortality of the soul and its survival after the demise of the body, because the Greeks perceived it as synonymous with annihilation. This is evident from many literary epitaphs 449 and sepulchral inscriptions, which speak of the ‘sleep of forgetfulness’, 450 ‘eternal sleep’, 451 and ‘sleep that knows no awakening’. 452 Likewise, when Socrates considered death as sleep, he envisaged it as annihilation, rejecting the idea. 453 There remains to be examined the perception among the Greeks of sleep as a sort of death, which was not limited only to the philosophic/scientific tradition as suggested, 454 but appeared also in Greek poetry and art. Homer 455 and Hesiod 456 likened sleep to death, calling them twin brothers. Mnesimachos called sleep the lesser mysteries of death, 457 while Euenos 458 described it as the neighbour of death. This association is likely to result from the external similarities between the two phenomena, such as inertia, lack of response to external stimuli etc. Both Mnesimachos and Euenos see this relationship as one-sided, i.e. it is sleep that resembles death not the other way round. It seems the idea originated from the Orphic teachings about reincarnation, 459 and was connected to the belief in the ability of the soul to detach itself from the body during sleep, becoming See examples in Ogle, pp. 83–85. ὕπνος λήθης. 451 ὕπνος αἰώνιος. 452 ἀνήγρετος ὕπνος. 453 Apologia, 40c. 454 McAlpine, Sleep Divine, p. 144. 455 Il. 14.231; 16.672, 16.682; Od. 13.79. 456 Theogonia, 756. 457 Fragment 11; Ogle, ‘Sleep of Death’, p. 82. 458 Fragment 2. 459 For the transmigration of the soul in Orphism see Parker, ‘Early Orphism’, pp. 500–1. 449 450

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD 99 prophetic. 460 The presence of these beliefs in Orphism may be deduced from their appearance in two fragments of Pindar’s Threnos; 461 their basis is the concept of the body as an alien receptacle of the soul, and the world as a place of exile for the true divine self. 462 Freedom comes only with death. Seen from this point, sleep is a sort of death in the sense that in sleep the soul is temporarily freed from the body, approaching the divine. The description of death as sleep would not do justice to the belief in the survival of the soul after death. This is obvious with Plato, who professed both a belief in reincarnation 463 and in the ability of the soul to detach itself from the body during sleep. 464 Plato considered that those asleep were no better than dead, 465 but rejected the idea of death as sleep. 466 Plato appealed to the myth of Endymion 467 as an excuse for denying that On the possible origin and frequency of the idea, see Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, p. 135. According to Dodds (p. 172, n 97) reincarnation and the excursion of the soul from the body during sleep are elements of the same belief-pattern. 461 Fragment 131 of the Threnos claims that the soul becomes prophetic during sleep; in Fragment 133, the souls of those who have made penance for an old sin return to live as great men. On Pindar and Orphism, see Lloyd–Jones, ‘Pindar and the afterlife’, pp. 110–53. The Pythagoreans, who believed in reincarnation, (Barnes, The Presocratic Philosophers, pp. 103–114), might also have accepted the parting of the soul from the body during sleep. 462 Parker, p. 502. 463 Plato, Phaedo, 72ce, 81ce, 106e–115a; Cratylus, 400c; Phaedrus, 246–254; Gorgias, 523e–527; Meno, 81ae; Respublica, 614–621. 464Plato, Phaedo, 60e; Phaedrus, 243e–257b; Symposium, 220cd; Respublica, 571d–572a. 465 Plato, Leges, 808b. 466 Plato, Apologia, 40c. 467 Endymion was a mortal whom Zeus allowed to choose his own fate, and he chose to sleep forever, remaining always young. He slept in a cave in mount Latmus and here every night Selene, the moon-Goddess, would visit him and gaze upon his beauty. Marsh, Dictionary of Classical Mythology, p. 146. 460

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death is sleep, 468 but the reason behind his denial is the belief in reincarnation. According to Plato, life and death proceed from each other in a circular motion of opposites being created by opposites, 469 in the same manner as sleep and awakening are created from each other. Nevertheless, only the soul participates in the circle of death and rebirth, while the body perishes. 470 Thus, death is the separation of the soul from the body, 471 while regeneration is the return of the soul to another body. 472 There is no place either for a sleep of the soul or for regeneration/awakening of the body in this process. Er was able to return to life in the same body only because his body did not decay. 473 Likewise, Plato accepted the myth about Endymion being perpetually asleep, because his body remained eternally young. 474 Xenophon provided a succinct description of the idea and its theological implications. Sleep is the closest thing to death because during sleep the soul is freed from the body and becomes prophetic, revealing its divine nature. 475 Sleep was understood as partial death also among those medical philosophers who sought to explain the mechanics of the human body. 476 Since there is no evidence for human dissection before the third century BCE, 477 it is possible that this also was the Plato, Phaedo, 72c. Phaedo, 70e–72b. 470 Phaedo, 72ab. Resurrection equalled for Greeks the reanimation of corpses. See Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 122. 471 Phaedo, 70a. 472 Phaedo, 70d. 473 Plato, Republic, 614b. 474 Marsh, Dictionary of Classical Mythology, p. 146. 475 Xenophon, Cyropaedia, 8.7.21–22. 476 See earlier discussion in chapter ‘Greeks and Sleep’ pp. 39–40. Van Der Eijk makes a strong distinction between medical and philosophical views on sleep, which, as will be demonstrated, is often not the case; ‘Theoretical’, pp. 171–2. 477 Longrigg, Greek Rational Medicine, p. 59. 468 469

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD101 result of the external similarities between sleep and death. 478 Alternatively, it is possible that, influenced by Orphic-Pythagorean beliefs, they endeavoured to prove them theoretically. Starting from the doctrine that sleep is akin to death due to the partial release of the soul from the body, they concluded that the mechanics of both ought to be the same, and took care in their explanations to preserve the difference between the temporary (sleep) and the permanent (death). Although it is disputed that Alcmaeon was a Pythagorean, 479 nonetheless he was the first to assert that sleep is partial death. 480 Alcmaeon re-worked Pythagorean beliefs concerning the soul in order to lend them philosophical respectability and rational support, 481 and this would have included the likening of sleep with death. Certainly, Empedocles, who also affirmed this idea, 482 was an admirer of Pythagoras and an adherent of Orphism. 483 How did these ideas influence Judaism and Christianity? In contrast to Greek dualism, the Hebrew Bible stresses the essential unity of the person, according to which the whole person is involved in sleep and dreams. 484 The same may be said about death. Some passages equate death with complete annihilation; 485 more often, it is suggested that the whole person, or rather its shadowy image, is transported to the underworld, where it leads an existence marked by inactivity, silence and powerlessness. 486 Death in Israel

According to Wöhrle, behind the efforts of philosophers and doctors to find a common explanation for death and sleep is the Homeric belief that Hypnos and Thanatos are twins, p. 28. 479 Lloyd, Methods and Problems in Greek Science, p. 167. 480 Alcmaeon, Testimonia, 18. 481 Parker, pp. 498–9. 482 Empedocles, Testimonia, 85. 483 Parker, pp. 498–9. 484 Thomson, ‘aspect’, p. 426; pp. 428–9. 485 Job 7:8, 7:21, 14:10–12; Ps. 39:13; Eccles. 9:10. 486 Ps 94:17; 115:17; Is. 14:10; Ezek. 32:2. Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament, pp. 211–214. 478

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was perceived as incapacitation and weakness, and thus it was naturally equated with sleep. 487 Greek dualism made it easier for post-biblical Judaism to understand the hope of immortality and confirmed that belief. 488 The Jews, though, in loyalty to the biblical anthropology, insisted that the immortal soul had to be restored to the same and not to another body. 489 Although the potentiality of resurrection had appeared early in the Hebrew Bible and was not the result of Greek influence, 490 the belief that the soul leaves the body during sleep contributed to the full development of this doctrine, which became more common in the apocryphal literature of Hellenistic and Roman times. 491 Accepting that sleep is like death because the soul is temporarily released from the body to which it returns on awakening, facilitated the belief that the soul might eventually return even from the ‘sleep of death’ The New Testament does not call sleep death. Nonetheless, when Paul refers to his being carried to heaven, he claims ignorance as to whether this happened in his body or out of it. 492 The bodily ascent to heaven is a Jewish idea; 493 the separation of the soul from the body, and its ascent to the divine, Greek. Another instance where Greek and Jewish ideas are present, but mingled, is the proclamation that Jairus’ daughter has been asleep, as opposed to being dead, and her awakening/resurrection occurring when her spirit returned to her. 494 More important is the passage where it is recognised that Christ, through his resurrection, became the first fruits of those asleep, because this made resurrection a possibility for all. 495 Such a Eichrodt, Theology, p. 211. Thomson, ‘aspect’, pp. 421–433; Johnston, Sheol, p. 237. 489 Thomson, ‘aspect’, pp. 429–30. 490 Thomson, ‘aspect’, pp. 430; Johnston, Sheol, p. 217. 491 2Macc. 7:9, 11, 14, 23, 29;12:43–45; 1Enoch 22:13; 90:33; Psalms of Solomon 3:16; Testaments 4:1.25; 6:10.2. 492 2Cor 12:2–4. 493 2 Kings 2:11. 494 Lk 8:55; See also Thomson, ‘aspect’, p. 425. 495 1Cor. 15:20–4. 487 488

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD103 statement was at odds with the Jewish perception of death as sleep, since all dead were already considered sleeping. However, it concurred with the Greek philosophical tradition, which recognises death as sleep, only if it is possible to restore the soul to the same body, 496 and that is exactly what the resurrection of Jesus achieved. The sleep of death in Byzantium Principally the New Testament doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, and consequently the vocabulary of the Septuagint on the ‘sleep of death’ defined the relation between sleep and death among the Greek-speaking Christians. Contrary to Classical usage, which preferred καθεύδω (to sleep), and ὕπνος and its derivatives in connection to death, 497 the Byzantines used mainly the noun κοίμησις, 498 the verb κοιμῶμαι, and the adjective κοιμώ-μενος (the last two in all tenses) when referring to death, because those were employed in the Bible. Accordingly, the meaning of κοιμητήριον changed from dormitory 499 to cemetery. 500 An interesting usage of ὕπνος as death appears in Nazianzenus’s eulogy for his sister Gorgonia. 501 He combined CallimaThis did not solve all the objections of the Greeks against the resurrection, although Paul argued along Platonic lines. Nature reveals that death and corruption are needed for the creation of a new life: that which one sows does not come to life unless it dies. Likewise, the physical body is but a bare kernel, which should perish so that a spiritual and imperishable body will rise. The earthly body cannot inherit the kingdom of God (1Cor 15.36–50). Nevertheless, Celsus wondered how a fully decomposed body could return to its original nature from which it had been loosened (Origen, Contra Celsum, 5.14). Porphyrius (Contra Christianos, fragment 94) and the emperor Julian (Epistulae, 89b.287) made similar, remarks. 497 Ogle, ‘Sleep of Death’, pp. 98–99. 498 The first time it appeared as synonymous with death was in Sirah 46:19; 48:13. 499 Dosiadas, Fragmenta, Fragment 1.16. 500 It appeared for the first time in Origen’s, In Jeremiam (homiliae 1– 11), Homily 4.3,16. 501 Gregorius Nazianzenus, In laudem sororis Gorgoniae, PG 35.816. 496

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chus’s appellation of sleep as ‘everyone’s due’ 502 with Psalm 126:2, referring to the sleep God gives to his beloved ones. This was imitated in the religious poetry 503 and in the Vitae of saints. 504 It shows the common fate of all people, but a fate not as terrible and certainly not as absolute as it was previously thought. It actually appears as a reward for the sleepless nights of the saints. 505 The consolation the sleep of death brings is not any more that of annihilation, but of a temporary separation and of the promise of an awakening. As Chrysostom put it, the sleeper will certainly awake; and what is death other than a lengthy sleep? 506 As to the awakening, for the Byzantines ἀνίστημι and ἀνάστασις were fully evocative of awakening from the ‘sleep of death’ in a way they were not for the Ancient Greeks. Similarly, ἐγείρω and ἔγερσις – which Greeks used only for awakening from sleep and never for the return from death – became associated with the resurrection thanks to the New Testament. 507 Sleep as death appeared in Byzantine writings, but not as the theoretical background for the belief in the extracorporeal venturing of the soul. The likeness of sleep with death was used either as Callimachus, Epigrammata (Pfeiffer), Epigram 16. A favourite subject of Joseph the Hymnographer it appears in Analecta Hymnica Graeca, Canones Septembris, Day 25 canon 29 ode 1 (Theophilus of Ephesus); Canones Decembris, Day 6 canon 15 ode 6 (Nikolaus of Myra); Canones Januarii, Day 5 canon 13 ode 8 (Gregory of Crete). 504 Michael Syncellus, Vita Cosmae Melodi et Joannis Damasceni, 300; Symeon Metaphrastes, Vita Stephani Iunioris, 481;Orestes, Vita et conversatio Christophori et Macarii, 17.23; Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopoleos, Synaxarium mensis Martii, Day 21 section 1 (St Beryl); Canones Januarii, Day 5 canon 13 ode 8 (Gregory of Crete). 505 Canones Januarii, Day 5 canon 13 ode 8 (Gregory of Crete). In this canon the image of sleep as death makes a nice contrast with the first ode, where Gregory is described as a sleepless ascetic. Canones Martii, Day 24 canon 29 ode 8 (Zachariah). 506 De Lazaro, PG 48.1018. 507 Mt 16:21; 17:9, 23; 20:9: 26:32; Mc 14:28; Lk 7:14; 9:22: Jn 12:1, 9, 17; 21:14; Acta 3:15; 4:10; 5:30; 10:40; Rom 6:9; l 7:4; 8:34; 1Cor 6:14; 15:15; 2Cor 4:14; 5:15. 502 503

3. SLEEP-ABSTINENCE IN THE BIBLE AND HELLENIC WORLD105 a reminder of death and judgement 508 or as proof of the resurrection. 509 Frequently, Byzantine authors quoted either Homer or Euenos on sleep and death being relatives and neighbours in order to denigrate sleep; they achieved this by associating sleep with spiritual death. 510 The opinion of Drink 511 and Bacht 512 that behind the practice of sleep-abstinence among Christians lay a fear of sleep (even a subconscious one) because of its association with death is wrong in many respects. First, if the fear of death promoted sleepabstinence, then the pagans would have been practising it in large numbers and in many places like the Christians, and it would not have been the preserve of an elite. Second, sleep-abstinence among pagans, when related to the belief in sleep as a sort of death, was a preparation for sleep and not a fight with it. It was a process of purifying the soul to facilitate its journey towards the divine. Finally, it is obvious that sleep as death held no horrors for the Greeks; it was seen as a temporary release of the soul from its prison, the body. The association of sleep with death for the Byzantines was something positive, because it was seen as a proof of the resurrection. Moreover, the essence of Christ’s death is that it transformed death into sleep, 513 so that death was no longer fearful or threatening. 514 Thus, one might safely discard the opinion that the main Joannes Chrysostomus, In Acta apostolorum, PG 60.202; De Davide et Saule, PG 54. 689. 509 Epiphanius, Panarion, 2. 469, 17; Julianus, Commentarius in Job, 101, 5. 510 Joannes Chrysostomus Acta apostolorum, PG 60, 259; In epistulam i ad Corinthios, PG 61,232; In epistulam ad Hebraeos, PG 63.207; In Matthaeum PG 58 662; Basilius Caesariensis, De jejunio (Homilia 1), PG 31.184; In ebriosos, PG 31.449; Ignatius Diaconus, Vita Gregorii Decapolitae, proem line 43. 511 Drink, Schlafentzug, 37. 512 Bacht, ‘Agrypnia’, 358. 513 1 Cor 15:20. 514 1Cor. 15:55. 508

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cause of sleep-abstinence is the likeness of sleep to death and the fear of the latter. This chapter has examined the biblical and Greek attitudes towards sleep, sleep-abstinence, and the relation of sleep to death. The comparison between the two attitudes should help to determine whether the reasons and aims of sleep-abstinence in Byzantium, which are presented in the next chapter, had a scriptural or pagan origin.

4. ON SLEEP AND OTHER DEMONS Previous chapters have established the biblical position on sleep and sleeplessness, because those who have written on the subject argued that the Bible has a positive attitude towards sleep, and ascribed sleep-abstinence among Christians to pagan influences. In this chapter I will turn my attention to the Greek-pagan attitude towards sleep. The Septuagint formed the basis for the research into the Old Testament, since this was the text familiar to Greek-speaking Christians. The Bible regards sleep as a time of physical, moral and metaphysical danger, but sleep-abstinence as an opportunity for giving glory to God, preserving holiness, confessing sins, and avoiding retribution. Certainly, sleeping was also recognised as natural, necessary and pleasurable, otherwise its negation would not have been meritorious. This interpretation of the Septuagint’s attitude towards sleep was validated by the practice of the Hellenistic Jews under Roman rule, who not only followed, but also reworked and expanded the Old Testament’s precepts and usages on sleep-abstinence. Similar developments – concurrently with, but independent from Hellenistic Judaism – appeared among Jewish sectarian groups, which used the Hebrew Bible instead of the Septuagint. The worldview of the New Testament exhibits an influence from both the Old Testament and the developments in Judaism under the Romans, while the New Testament authors also did their own reworking. Thus, the arguments for sleep-abstinence here are both hermeneutical and historical; it is a continuing practice from David to Jesus and the Apostles. The Greeks, since Homer and throughout Classical times, had an overall positive attitude towards sleep; among other things it was appreciated as a time of extraordinary revelations, which might 107

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be obtained with a certain amount of ascesis, including sleepabstinence. There was a concern that oversleeping rendered the soul ‘fleshier’, more material, it showed indolence, and robbed someone half of their life. On the other hand, sleep-abstinence was considered, primarily, a sign of good statesmanship, intellectual prowess, and generally a mark of social distinction. In what follows I will compare the Byzantines’ reasons for sleep-abstinence with those found in the Bible, and the motives of the Greeks for staying awake. It should thus become clear how the Byzantines reworked and developed in their turn an age-old concept and practice.

SCRIPTURAL REASONS FOR SLEEP-ABSTINENCE The Bible suggests the following reasons for performing sleepabstinence: 1. Jesus prayed throughout the night (thus setting an example to be followed). 2. Significant events took place at night: the Nativity, the Transfiguration, the Last Supper, and the Resurrection (it might be thought appropriate to pray at those times in order to commemorate them). 3. The Parousia would happen at night, and those who want to avoid judgement ought to stay awake and pray. Moreover, sudden death, judgement and retribution might happen at night, even without the Parousia (those who pray at night are therefore prepared for any eventuality). 4. Darkness and night-time is the domain of demons and sinners (Christians must stay awake both to avoid demonic assaults, and because sleeping is what sinners do). 5. At night-time man and God come closer. 6. Christians ought to pray without ceasing. 7. The prophets and apostles prayed at night. The Byzantines used these reasons to encourage sleep-abstinence, although it is possible to interpret them as mere after-thoughts and excuses for the employment of a pagan practice in Christianity.

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BYZANTINE REASONS FOR SLEEP-ABSTINENCE Imitatio Christi The references establishing nocturnal prayer on the example of Christ are not overwhelming, and most of them appear in sermons. 1 This indicates that the message was intended for a wider audience, not the secular or ecclesiastical elite. On the other hand, there are very few such quotations, suggesting this was not deemed an important motive. A search for direct references of the type ‘do this, because Jesus did it’ is howeverrather simplistic. One needs to go deeper into the theology of the texts; otherwise, one might claim not only that Jesus and the New Testament had nothing to do with sleepabstinence, 2 but also that imitatio Christi was a concept foreign to the Christian East. 3 The ‘low-level’ lives of saints were obviously modelled on the Gospels, 4 and since in these stories sleep-deprivation features prominently, 5 their prototype cannot be any other than that of Jesus praying. Indeed, not only the ‘low-level’ Vitae, but all Vitae, and the Apophthegmata promoted those who imitated Christ, so people Origenes, De Oratione, 12 (not a sermon, but a treatise on prayer); Joannes Chrysostomus, De Lazaro, PG 48.974; In Acta apostolorum, PG 60.204 ; In Mattheum, PG 58.503; In Joannem, PG 59.239; In Psalmum 118, PG 55.688; Gregorius Nazianzenus, De pauperum amore, PG 35.861; Catena in Marcum, p. 296. 2 Drink, Schlafentzug, pp. 46–48; Bacht, ‘Agrypnia’, p. 366; Hergemöller, p. 49. 3 This claim was made by Lossky, Essai sur la théologie mystique de l’Église d’Orient, p. 212, and it was refuted by Hausherr, ‘L’ imitation de Jésus–Christ dans la spiritualité byzantine’, pp. 230–259; complemented by Bacht’s ‘La loi du “retour aux sources”. (De quelques aspects de l’idéal monastique pachômien)’, pp. 6–25. See also Suso, Ἀγγελικός βίος, Begriffanalytische und begriffsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zum “engelgleichen Leben” im frühen Mönchtum, pp.1–4. 4 Browning, ‘The “Low Level” Saint’s Life in the Early Byzantine World’, p. 123. 5 Ibid., 120. 1

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would ultimately imitate Christ himself. 6 Two observations should be noted; the wide audience of this literature, and the fact that sleep-abstinence is portrayed in it as a standard practice. Thus the imitatio Christi, albeit indirectly, was a primary reason for performing sleep-abstinence among the Byzantines. Commemoration of biblical events Writings promoting sleep-abstinence did not use significant biblical events (Nativity, Transfiguration, Last Supper, Resurrection), which took place at night. However, the annual celebration of these events included a vigil. 7 Moreover, regarding the Resurrection, Sunday is the weekly re-enactment of the Paschal feast, 8 and it follows that the Sunday vigil re-enacts the Easter vigil. Thus, although these important events are not used in the relevant literature to entice Christians to stay awake and pray, they certainly contributed towards sleep-abstinence, both weekly and annually. Parousia and sudden death Even if the Parousia were not expected at night, this period was marked by a widespread anxiety about the end of time, and anxious awareness of time is a characteristic of insomnia. 9 The seeds of sleep-abstinence are therefore present within the Gospels themselves and did not need to be imported. Nevertheless, in patristic and other writings, admonitions to stay awake because of the Parousia are few. 10 The explanation is that the eschatological fervour had long subsided, but the practice of watching at night remained. Already in the New Testament the idea that the day of Judgement would come suddenly at night, gave place to the threat of sudden death occurring at night. This resonates both with the Old TestaHausherr, ‘L’ imitation’, pp. 253–4. See chapter 7 ‘Vigil at Church’. 8 Eusebius, De Solemnitate Paschalis, PG. 24.701–705. 9 Summers, Insomnia, p. 10. 10 Basilius Caesariensis, Regulae Morales, Rule 57, PG 31.788; Ephraem Syrus, Sermo de virtutibus et vitiis, 2.9; Sermones paraenetici ad monachos Aegypti, Oration 20; Constitutiones apostolorum, 7.31. 6 7

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ment, where God punishes or threatens to punish with death the evil-doers in their sleep, and with the current medical knowledge that many deaths occur very early in the morning. 11 Accordingly, some Fathers identified the ‘thief in the night’ with neither Christ nor the Day of Judgement, but with death, although the references are not numerous for that either. 12 The most explicit quotation comes from Isaac of Nineveh who advised: ‘upon approaching your bed to sleep say bed ‘bed tonight you might become my grave and instead of the temporary, the eternal sleep might come to me’ … therefore as long as you have fingers cross yourself in prayer’. 13

It should be kept in mind that, generally, the advice on sleepabstinence is in no way systematic, and there is no point of counting quotations as Bacht did 14 to appreciate the reasons for performing it. Considering the subject of the Parousia, sudden death, and sleep the Wisdom of Sirah recommends the memory of death as an antidote to sin, and many Fathers advised that it should be the constant accompaniment of every Christian, although they did not relate it exclusively either with the time of sleep or with the need to perform vigil. 15 The memory of death would have fuelled Ekirch, At Day’s Close, p. 14. Question 106 of Ps-Athanasius, Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem, asks why the majority of people are born and die at night; PG 28.664. 12 Gregorius Nyssenus, Adversus eos qui castigationes aegre ferunt, PG 46.312; De iis qui baptismum different; PG 46.425; Chrysostomus, In Acta apostolorum, PG 60.183; Ephraem Syrus, De Iuliano asceta, 124. 13 Isaac the Syrian, Ἰσαὰκ του Σύρου Ἀσκητικά (Αθήνα, 1985). 14 Bacht, ‘Agrypnia’, pp. 366–7. 15 Ps–Athanasius Alexandrinus, von der Goltz, Λόγος σωτηρίας πρὸς τὴν παρθένον, TU 14 (Leipzig, 1905); Gregorius Nazianzenus, Epistulae, PG 37.68; 277; Chrysostomus, In epistulam ad Romanos, PG 60. 478; Evagrios, Sententiae ad monachos, 54; Joannes Climacus, Scala, 1.633; 3.665; 4.725; and the whole chapter six of the Scala, which is devoted to the memory of death. Ps-Maximus Confessor, Capita Alia, 90.1428. Sometimes instead of sudden death the Parousia is mentioned; Basilius Caesar11

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the Byzantines’ prayer and prompted them to awake at night to keep a vigil. Demons The nightly battles of monks with demons, against which vigil was the primary means of protection, have been regarded by modern authors as the projection of a psychological phenomenon, sexual dreams and fantasies, and the mythologizing of a natural occurrence, nocturnal emissions. Poor medical knowledge may have led monks to identify demons with their sexual fanstasies and dreams, possibly enhanced by desert conditions and optical illusions, a result of the monks’ preoccupation with the body and its movements. 16 There are similarities between neo-Pythagorean and monastic demonology, and scholars have accused the monks of externalising the battle against our corrupt nature by blaming the devil, 17 seeing the nocturnal apparitions as merely indicative of the mental state of the monks who in their solitude perceived a demon in every movement of the body, the rustle of the wind through the trees, every howling beast, and every creeping thing. 18 Others have seen a pagan influence in the monks’ attitude, stemming from the fusion of demons with passions, evident in neo-Pythagorean philosophy. According to Bacht, there was also another, lesser influence from paganism, originating from the supposed demonic nature of Hypnos, who ‘overcame’ men. 19 The demons took over the power Hypnos had in Greek mythology. 20 iensis, Epistulae, 46; 174; Ephraem Syrus, Sermo compunctorius, 386; Sermo de paenitentia et iudicio et separatione animae et corporis, 239; Sermo paraeneticus, 404. 16 Drink, Schlafentzug, pp. 67–72. 17 Festugière, Les moines d’Orient I, p. 34–39. 18 Festugière, Les moines d’Orient I, 34; Festugière’s analysis is not original; Evagrios gives the same description about the proud monk who in consequence suffers from cowardice. However, Evagrios accepts demonic interference in those delusions; De octo, 17. 19 Iliad 15.230. 20 Bacht, ‘Agrypnia’, p. 363; p. 369 n.94.

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Finally, Hergemöller adds nothing new to the discussion; following the authors before him, he identifies the demons primarily with sexual dreams and nocturnal emissions. 21 The identification of demonic attacks predominately with sexual dreams and the supposed attribution by the monks of all sexual dreams and emissions almost exclusively to demons misses the point. In this section, I will deal with the first part of this equation. First, not all demonic attacks at night occur in dreams or are apparitions; there are also reports of auditory, visual, and tactile manifestations while the monk is awake. 22 Second, not all dreams and apparitions are of a sexual nature; there some that are equally frightening, 23 and to a lesser degree inflame vanity 24 or provoke laughter. 25 Third, even in the case of sexual fantasies and dreams Hergemöller, Schlaflose Nächte, p. 88. Din and noise: VA 9.5; 13.1–5 important incident ‘proving’ the objectivity of those assaults; the screams and cries were heard also by others not only Anthony; Also VA 26.5; HL 16.2; 18.7. Audio and visual manifestations: VA 9.5–7; Evagrius, De malignis cogitationibus, 23; 27; Evagrios notes the same phantoms which appear at sleep, also appear during wakefulness. Frightening images only: VA 23.4; Evagrius, Tractatus ad Eulogium, 27. Tactile manifestations: administering a beating, the classic locus is VA 8.2–3, biting and stinging VA 9.8; touching to inflame sexual desire Antirrhetikos 2.25, 27, 45, 55, 63, in Sinkewicz, Evagrius, xxvii. Other demonic activities at night include waking the monks for prayer and not letting them sleep VA 25.1–4.; sending hyenas against Anthony VA 52.2–3; removing landmarks to make Makarios the Aexandrian lose his way HL 18.6–7; setting on fire the praying mat and cell of the same Makarios HL, 18.18. Sinkewicz has gathered from Evagrios’s Antirrhetikos the various forms the demonic attacks might take in Evagrius, xxix n.64. For similar incidents of demonic activity at night during the ninth to eleventh centuries see Joannou, Démonologie populaire, p. 17. 23 Especially to frighten VA 28.9–10; 36.1–3; 37.1–2; AP (collectio alphabetica), 268; Evagrios, Tractatus ad Eulogium, 22; 27. 24 VA 35.1; 40.4; HL, 23.4–5; Evagrius, De malignis cogitationibus, 28; Joannou, Démonologie, pp. 13–14. 25 AP (collectio alphabetica), 372. A band of demons makes comical attempts to lift a feather in order to induce laughter to Abba Pambo. 21 22

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demons do not always aim at the immediate gratification of nocturnal emission, but simply to make someone more receptive to temptation the following morning. 26 No matter the nature of the attacks, whether sexual, frightening or flattering, their task before anything else is to disturb the hesychia of the monk. 27 This is what Evagrios meant when he claimed that at night the demons disturb the monk by appearing themselves while in the morning they use people to do that. 28 Regarding the fusion of passions with demons this is an old piece of theology; the epistle of Barnabas acknowledges that an evil spirit might operate in the human heart. 29 Hermas repeatedly personified the vices as spirits or demons. Sometimes these spirits seem to be taken literally as having a personal character, sometimes as representing a spiritual inclination. 30 Origen, who placed the epistle of Barnabas among the General (Catholic) Epistles of the New Testament, 31 wrote that a different demon rules over each vice, and that there is also a demon of vice operating within every human being. 32 Evagrios is part of this tradition; like Hermas, he seems at times to reduce the demons to a psychological manifestation, but at other times he makes it abundantly clear that they are individual, rational beings attacking the monk with ferocity. 33 Evagrius, De malignis cogitationibus, 27. Marx, Incessant Prayer in Ancient Monastic Literature, pp. 20–25. 28 Evagrius, De Oratione, 139. 29 Barnabae epistula, 16. 1–8. Whether this is related to the rabbinic doctrine of the two yetserim is not relevant here. The yetserim are two antagonistic spirits inhabiting each person. There is a tendency to do good, called yester ha–tov, and a tendency to do evil, called yester ha–ra; Burton Russell, The Devil, p.28. Russell in the Satan, found the idea in the teachings of Qumran, pp. 213–4, and in Paul’s references to the ‘flesh’, 235–6. The spirits in Judaism are mere allegories, but in Barnabas the Devil is as real as God whom he opposes. Russell, The Devil, p.41. 30 Hermas, Pastor, 6.2.1–4; Russell, The Devil, p. 45. 31 Origen, Contra Celsum, 1.63; 18.9. 32 Russell, The Devil, p. 138 n 85. 33 Sinkewicz, Evagrius of Pontus: The Greek Ascetic Corpus, p. xxv. 26 27

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As for the power of demons to induce sleep, 34 there is nothing exclusively pagan about it, nothing that makes it incompatible with the Bible. While the power to give life and death belongs to God, 35 the devil 36 and demons 37 can also kill; on the same principle they can cause someone to fall sleep. Apart from that, the first Christian community considered the Apostles’ drowsiness in Gethsemane as demonic. 38 Finally, since Greek gods were identified as demons by the Christians, 39 it is natural that their divine powers were transferred to the demons. A final note on demons and temptations; in the Eastern Christian tradition human beings are at worst willing accomplices and at best victims of the devil, who subjects them to his mortal temptations. 40 In the West, Augustine assigned to concupiscence the part the devil played in the East, 41 and this seems to form the background of the criticism on Eastern demonology by the Catholic scholars above. There remains the question about the reality of those demonic manifestations, and medical sleep studies can explain both the erotic and threatening images in a plausible way. It has to do with hypnopompic and hypnagogic hallucinations, which take place at the beginning or end of sleep. Recent research has provided evidence Gregorius Nyssenus, De instituto christiano, 8.1.81; Evagrius, De malignis cogitationibus, 33; Joannes Climacus, Scala, 19.937. 35 1Kings 2:6. 36 Job 1:12. The VA notes the devil can kill someone only with God’s permission. 37 Tobias 3:8. 38 Oepke, ‘καθεύδω’, TDNT, vol. 3, p. 436. 39 Russell, Satan, p. 70. 40 Ρωμανίδης, Τὸ προπατορικὸν ἁμάρτημα, pp. 59–96; Ματσούκας, Δογματική και συμβολική θεολογία, p. 207. 41 Clark, The Origenist controversy: the cultural construction of an early Christian debate, pp. 245–47; Brakke, ‘The Problematization of Nocturnal Emissions in Early Christian Syria, Egypt, and Gaul’, p. 457, p. 459; I do not agree with Brakke’s assessment that it is an external vs. an internal theory about the source of evil; the use the demons make of the passions locates the evil both within and without the human being. 34

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that these hallucinoid experiences fall into three major categories: firstly, intruder-experiences, which involve a numinous sense of a threatening presence followed or accompanied by visual, auditory and tactile hallucinations. Secondly, incubus experiences, which include breathing difficulties, choking or smothering, bodily pressure, typically on the chest, and pain. The sleep-paralyzed subjects sometimes interpret these sensations as an assault by the intruder. The Intruder and Incubus factors correlate well with one another and with intense fear. The qualitative features of the two types of experience are coherently interpretable as experiences of imminent threat and assault. A third factor comprises a variety of spatial, temporal and orientational (STO) experiences of the body and include feelings of floating, flying, falling, out-of-body experiences, and autoscopic hallucinations. This factor is somewhat less strongly associated with the first two factors though all three are positively correlated. Nevertheless, the STO is not significantly associated with fear; rather, it is linked with blissful and erotic feelings, which are, nonetheless, rare when compared to fear and may be accompanied or followed by fear as well. Interestingly enough, even modern day sufferers interpret these feelings as a demonic attack. 42 The violent attacks by the demons might also be explained by REM behaviour disorder. Persons with RBD have unusual dreams and nightmares with a strong sense of fear and a great deal of activity and violent confrontations, which the person, unknowingly, enacts with punching, kicking, leaping from the bed and vocalizations. Injuries are common to the dreamer and any sleeping partner. 43 This might be the answer to the stories of demonic assaults; instead of regarding them as mere fabrications or the result of hallucinations, it is possible to ascribe them to threatening, violent dreams caused by RBD. Cases where the ascetic bore the marks of beatings by the demons can be explained as the result of accidents while the ascetic was acting out his dream. Moreover, any onlooker would be convinced by the commotion and the screams that a deCheyne, ‘Situational factors affecting sleep paralysis and associated hallucinations: position and timing effects’, pp.169–175. 43 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 375–6. 42

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monic assault was really taking place, while the person experiencing the dream would have a recollection of the fear and the menacing images attacking him. This, of course, does not mean that everyone experiences these disorders, although hypnagogic hallucinations are more common than REM behaviour disorder. Some, though, might have experienced them, and the tendency of the hagiographers to reproduce miraculous events, multiplied these instances. 44 The fear of demons would have promoted not simply sleepabstinence, but sleep-deprivation. As Ps-Basil put it ‘if you are asleep they are awake … the enemy is terrible and has many artifices to fight you with; love for money, licentiousness, debauchery and luxuriousness, and vainglory. He could spring on you even when you are asleep; he has no respect for the law of sleep’. 45

In chapter 5 on the vigil of monks, I will examine how this spirituality might have been the cause of idiopathic insomnia among monks, and therefore of further sleep-deprivation. Night Following the two sub-chapters on the Parousia and sudden death, and the demons, it is necessary to be reminded that God has also created darkness, 46 which he sends forth to the world. 47 The stateFestugière (Les moines d’Orient I, pp. 27–29, p. 33) regarded the Vita of Anthony as the blueprint of all subsequent monastic Vitae. Hausherr in ‘L’hésychasme. Étude de spiritualité’, pp. 5–40, pp. 247–85, thought that Arsenios and Anthony were equally important as role models for all monks. Hausherr is closer to the truth, because Arsenios and not Anthony was the model for sleep–deprived monks; Cyrillus, Vita Euthymii, 34; Vita Tarasii, 18; Vita Irenae Chrysobalantii, 16–18; Vita Eliae Spelaeote; Vita Sabae junioris, 41; Vita Sancti Lazari, 576; Nicetas Stethatus, Vita Simeonis, 25.15. 45 Ps–Basilius Caesariensis, De jejunio (Homilia 3), PG 31.1508–9. 46 Is. 45:7. 47 Ps. 104:28. 44

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ment that God has created light and darkness, peace and evil, 48 makes it clear connection between creation and salvation. 49 Darkness is also an expression of God’s hiddenness, 50 and becomes a motif in theophany. 51 Likewise, night belongs to God, 52 and at night-time God communicates with human beings. 53 Cyril of Jerusalem in his catecheses tried to convince his audience that God and nobody else is the creator of the night. 54 Moreover, night is useful; it offers repose from toils, it is a time for prayer, sacred reading and contemplation, an occasion for remembering one’s own sins. 55 John Chrysostom frequently claimed that the stillness of the night and the lack of earthly cares are conducive to prayer, 56 a point made also by Basil of Caesarea. 57 This is one of the reasons the demons are so active at night-time; their aim is to interrupt the prayer. 58 Apart from all this, rising at night shows a desire for Christ. 59 The Canticle describes how the soul that seeks the Lord and is in Is 45:7. Conzelmann, ‘σκοτία’, TDNT 7, p. 429. 50 3Kgs 8:53a. 51 Ex 24:14–18; 2Kgs 22:10, 12; Ps 17:10, 12; 96:2. 52 PS 73:16. 53 Gen 26:24; 32:22–30; 1Kgs 15:16; 2Chron 7:12; Ps 15:7; 16:3; Acts 18:9; 23:11. 54 Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, Catecheses, 9.7. This is either a refutation of the Gnostic teaching about Demiurge, an evil God, who is the creator of the world, and consequently the night, or the Manichean teaching about Hyle, the night of darkness, which fights against the God of light (Rudolph, Gnosis, pp. 73–87; p.336). Cyrillos might also have tried to combat the belief that night belonged exclusively to the demons (Delling, ‘νύξ’, TDNT, 4, p.1123). 55 Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, Catecheses, 9.7. 56 De sanctis martyribus, PG 50.711; In Genesim, PG 53.281–282; 54.418; Expositiones in Psalmos, PG 55.386; In epistulam ad Hebraeos, PG 63.116. 57 Basilius Caesariensis, Epistulae, 2. 58 Evagrius, De Oratione, 139. 59 de Vogué, The Rule of St Benedict, p. 183. 48 49

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love with Him cannot sleep at night, 60 a theme taken up by the Fathers. 61 Such desire would certainly deprive one of sleep. It is not only the stillness, the lack of diversions or the desire of the soul to be with God, which make night a special time for prayer, but also a sense that God comes closer to human beings, or as Chrysostom put it at night-time there is a familiarity with God. 62 God is light himself, 63 but darkness has been with him longer than cosmic light; in a sense darkness has more of God than light has. 64 This idea taken has been most aptly expressed in the works of Gregory of Nyssa 65 and Ps-Dionysius the Areopagite. 66 During their vigil, the Christians experienced the mystery of the divine darkness, but also anticipated the archetypical process of the first creation, the beginning of light, while they proclaimed their faith in Christ, who is the true light of the world 67 and the beginning of the new creation. 68

Cant. 3:1. Ephraem Syrus, Sermo alius in patres defunctos, 25 ‘when the fall asleep they awake in haste; they offer like trumpets hymns to Christ, whom they desire’; Theodoretus, Historia religiosa 31.3–6. Chapter 31 has the title ‘On the love for God’; it is the conclusion of Historia religiosa and offers a summary of the monastic life, ‘at night they fight against sleep and they do not accept this sweet defeat; overcoming this most pleasurable tyranny, they spent the whole night offering hymns to the Master’. Maximus, Capita de caritate 1.42; he who loves God leads an angelic life on earth fasting and keeping vigil. 62 See also Ephraem Syrus, Paraenesis ad ascetas (ordine alphabetico), 341. 63 1Jn 1:5. 64 Helms, ‘Before the dawn: monks and the night in late antiquity and early medieval Europe’, p. 181. 65 Gregorius Nyssenus, In Canticum canticorum (homiliae 15); De vita Mosis. 66 Ps-Dionysius Areopagita, De mystica theologia, PG 3.1000. 67 Helms, ‘dawn’, 183. 68 2Cor. 5 :17. 60 61

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God, who is light, approaches the human being and imparts His brightness; 69 this becomes manifest in the lives of monks who during vigil are transformed into light, signalling the new creation; over several nights the cell of St David in Thessalonica looked as if it had burst into flames, and many citizens spent the night on the city’s walls to get a glimpse of it. 70 Ceaseless prayer It is interesting that the command for unceasing prayer does not feature among the reasons for prayer at night-time. Despite the paucity of literal references on ceaseless prayer as the impetus for nocturnal prayer, it cannot be ignored that this was the main drive of monasticism 71 – the force that shaped personal and communal prayer and an aspiration for every Christian. 72 Yet, it would be wrong to consider it as the main impetus for nocturnal prayer. 73 Although not without antecedents in the Old Testament, 74 the command for ceaseless prayer is a unique feature of the New Testament, especially in its explicitness. On the other hand, nocturnal prayer is clearly taught in the Old Testament and practised by (some) Jews. More importantly, the injunction to pray without ceasing is connected in the New Testament with night, sleep, sin, the preservation of holiness, and the Parousia, which are the main characteristics of nocturnal prayer. Thus, the custom of praying without ceasing rather than instituting prayer at night-time amplified an existing practice (nocturnal prayer), because of the imminence of the Parousia. Nonetheless, even when the eschatological fervour subsided the injunction to pray unceasingly remained in place, and affected nocturnal prayer. On the one hand, there was the inevitability of Symeon Neotheologus, Catecheses, 15. 6–8. Joannes Moschus, Pratum spirituale, 69.2921; also 87.2944; 104.2961; AP (collection alphabetica), 96 (Arsenios); 277 (anonymous monks). 71 Schmemann, Introduction to Liturgical Theology (NY, 1996). 72 Hausherr, ‘Comment priaient les pères’, pp. 33–58; pp.284–297. 73 So B. Gain, ‘Sommeil et vie spirituelle’, pp.1033ff. 74 Ps 1:3; 34:1; 118:164. 69 70

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sleep, which rendered the practice unfeasible; on the other, Christ’s assurance that his yoke is easy and his burden light tended to counter the Pauline plea. 75 Sleep-deprivation Several answers were given to this conundrum. The lengthening of nocturnal prayers beyond human endurance was one of them. This turned sleep-abstinence into sleep-deprivation. Origen 76 during the third century, and Athanasius 77 in the fourth century AD wrote against those performing excessive vigils. The Vita Antonii, also from the fourth century, attributed immoderate sleep-abstinence to demonic influence, implying that those doing so were possessed. 78 Even during the fifth century the Apopthegmata Patrum recorded the story of Sisoes who as a cure to sleep hung himself off a cliff only to be ordered by an angel to stop this practice. 79 The command to pray without ceasing obscured the boundaries of what was normal regarding sleep-abstinence. This confusion is obvious in the Apophthegmata; while Sisioes is castigated, Arsenios’ opinion, that the monk who is a true fighter will sleep only 1 per 24 hours, is preserved as worthy of emulation. 80 The discrepancy might be due to the nature of the Apopthegmata, i.e. a collection of sayings and stories centred on a person, and not a handbook on monasticism. Yet no church council ever castigated or even regulated sleep-abstinence as happened with fasting. 81 Nocturnal prayer has a complicated nature; it is not just a physical exercise, but also prayer, and may be penitential or festal. Moreover, any limitation placed on vigil would be breaching the injunction to pray without ceasing. Mt 11:30. Origen, Commentarium in evangelium Matthaei, 17.27. 77 Ps-Athanasius, De morbo et valetudine, 7.9. 78 Vita Antonii, 35. 79 AP (collectio alpabetica), PG 65, 404. 80 AP (collectio alpabetica), PG, 65, 92. 81 Synod of Gangra canons 18–19; Joannou, Les canons des synodes particuliers, pp. 85–99. 75 76

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Nonetheless to safeguard against both negligence and excessiveness, many Fathers recommended spending half the night in prayer. 82 This was not received as a golden rule, however, but as the required minimum of sleep-abstinence, some trying to spend the greater part – if not all – of the night sleepless. Fragmented sleep The inevitability of sleep prompted many to aim for a very light – and hence easily broken – sleep. Several methods and contraptions were used, 83 which will be discussed in the following chapter. Certainly, behind the desire to limit or lighten sleep are other causes such as the fear of demons, nocturnal emissions, illusory dreams, and the desire to subdue the body. 84 These complement one another. Surrogate prayers Neither restricting nor making sleep uncomfortable satisfied those pursuing incessant prayer. The willingness to follow the injunction led to ingenious solutions. Thus, when confronted by some monks who refused to perform any other task apart from prayer, Abba Lucius asked what they did when asleep and had to interrupt their prayers. They had no answer, so he told them his solution was to distribute to the poor most of the money he earned form his daily labours; the poor then would pray for him when he was asleep. 85 Taken literally, this seems a very unsatisfactory method as one tries to imagine Lucius attempting to synchronise his sleep with the beggars’ prayers, more probably he meant that their prayers were ‘credited’ to him. Nonetheless, when Justinian, almost a century after Lucius, was confronted with the problem that some must VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p. 6; Ephrem, Septem sunt occupationes monachi, 6; Basilius Caesariensis, Homilia in martyrem Julittam. PG, 31.244; Abba Isaias, ᾽Ασκητικόν, 51; Barsanuphius, Quaestiones et responsiones, 158. See also, 147. 83 See p. 168, Methods, contraptions and the fight to stay awake. 84 1Cor. 9:27 85 AP (collectio alphabetica) PG, 65, 253. 82

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watch and pray while some must sleep, he decreed that the all priests ought to keep a vigil every night, obviously as substitute for everyone in the realm. He was, however, careful to exempt priests from finding substitutes for themselves! 86 During the seventh century John the almoner employed two groups of monks, which he sent into neighbouring churches. He built cells for them and provided them with all necessities on condition that during vigil at church they prayed exclusively for his salvation. Only if they were to perform further prayers at night in their cells, were they allowed to have them ‘credited’ to their own salvation. 87 At the same time the Apophthegmata were written, the Acoimetes (Sleepless) monks at Constantinople practised prayer by dividing their numbers into three groups, so that one group would pray, another would attend to the business of the monastery, and the third would rest, in eight hour shifts per nychtemeron. 88 This was a form of surrogate prayer, but the aim and the results were different from those of Justinian and John the Almoner – the Akoimetes were interested in incessant doxology (sleepless doxology, hence their name), to which they sacrificed sleepabstinence. Even during the winter, when the nights at Constantinople were long, their 8 hours of rest exceeded the patristic rule of allowing half the night for sleep. Moreover, on the basis of biblical teaching, sleep-abstinence has no point unless it is performed by night and accompanied with prayer, while the opposite is also true; prayer at night-time is not complete without the sacrifice of sleep. The Akoimetes failed on both counts. On the contrary, Justinian and John the Almoner were interested in the performance of vigil and its efficacy; the employment of representatives to pray at night meant increased sleepabstinence for them.

Justinianus, Codex, I.3.42, 24–25. Leontius Neapolitanus, Vita Joannis Eleemosynarii episcopi Alexandrini, 398. 88 Φουντούλης, Ἡ εἰκοσιτεράωρος ἀκοίμητος δοξολογία, pp. 23–24. 86 87

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Prayer during sleep According to Drink, sleep was regarded as a disruption of the true life, the spiritual life, and hence the disapproval of it among some Church Fathers and the majority of monks. 89 Despite Drink’s claims, there is apparently no influence from Gnosticism 90 or Greek philosophy 91 behind this exclusion, but rather the desire to protect the Church from the ‘subjectivism’ 92 prevalent in both those systems. The teaching on the contemplation of God, as developed in the Eastern Church, had the potential to include sleep; Philo, whose influence on many Church Fathers was great, 93 claimed that the Therapeutae had pinned their minds on God, and as a result they thought of nothing else even in their dreams. Furthermore, during sleep they would receive divine revelations. Philo in this context mentioned that the Therapeutae prayed twice a day. 94 Philo combined the Orphic-Pythagorean with the Platonic system on how the soul becomes prophetic during sleep. While in Plato the preparation was physical and moral, in the Pythagorean tradition there is magic/religious element through music and incantations. 95 On the other hand, whereas in the Pythagorean tradition a sage like Pythagoras facilitated those dreams, in Plato this was personal achievement. In Philo’s system there is no need for a mediator, but prayer seems to be important, if only because it keeps the mind on God. 96 Another important aspect is the communal aspect of the whole process in Philo; this is absent from Plato, and Drink, ‘Schlafentzug’, pp. 63– 64. Ibid., 34. 91 Ibid., p. 64. 92 The term is Meyendorff’s; see Byzantine Theology: Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes, p. 75. 93 On Philo’s influence on the Fathers see D. Runia, ‘Philo and the Early Christian Fathers’, in A Kamesar (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Philo (Cambridge, 2009), 210–230. 94 Philo, De vita contemplativa, 27. 95 Iamblichus, De Vita Pythagorica, 15.64–65; 25.114. 96 Lemaitre, et al, ‘contemplation’ (A. III. Grecs et orientaux chrétiens), DS 2, 1858. 89 90

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circumstantial in Pythagoras, since there is a community of disciples, but their preparation for the soul’s journey is the result of their relationship with the master and not with each other. Philo true to his Jewish roots regarded the effort as part of the communal life. Clement of Alexandria claimed that the contemplation of God is a characteristic of the Gnostic, the culmination of the spiritual life; it is founded on faith, hope and charity, and it is the fruit of purity. It is closely connected to prayer and the memory of God. Contemplation, when achieved is continuous and uninterrupted even in sleep. 97 As for dreams, the dreams of a true Gnostic are pure and holy, because virtue is a habit that cannot be lost in sleep or in dreams. 98 Origen claimed that incessant prayer is achieved when one combines good works with prayer; the only feasible way to pray incessantly is through a holy life, regarded as a single uninterrupted prayer the only feasible way to understand the command to pray incessantly is if one were to regard a holy life as a single uninterrupted prayer. Part of this prayer is the commonly called prayer at set intervals, early in the morning, evening, and at midnight. 99 A sanctified life is prayer by itself; sleep, an important part of human life, participates in the embodied prayer. Origen in the De oratione mentioned neither contemplation of God uninterrupted by sleep nor pious dreams like Clement before him. However, among Origen’s disputed works there is an exposition of the Psalms; the interpretation on the ‘he will study His Law day and night’ from Psalm 1:1, follows the same rationale and even the same phrasing as the passage in the De oratione, but with the addition that a holy person’s attention to the Law will influence his dreams. If this is a genuine work of Origen, why was this omitted from the De oratione? It is possible that a life of holiness was understood as influencing a person’s dreams: that this was implied. But, dreams were very important; their absence is notable. There may be 97 98

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Stromata 7.49; 7.35; Lemaitre, ‘contemplation’, DS 2, 1767. Refoulé, ‘Rêve et vie spirituelle d'après Evagre le Pontique’, p. Origenes, De oratione, 12,2.

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another explanation. Origen wrote the De oratione after he moved to Palestine; perhaps the work on the Psalms was written in Alexandria, where Origen was under the influence of Philo 100 and Clement, but when he moved to Palestine – a Semitic environment, with its preoccupation against dreams 101 – he became more cautious about sustaining prayer in dreams, although he still accepted their prophetic character. 102 Athanasios of Alexandria was more in line with Philo and the Pythagoreans than with Clement or Origen; he accepted the extracorporeal wandering of the soul during sleep, and its ability to approach the divine. This admission, though, appears in a work addressed to pagans, and Athanasios might have been trying to convince them using ideas they could appreciate. 103 The idea appears also in the De morbo et valetudine, a disputed work of Athanasius, whose authenticity has been defended by D. Brakke. 104 Basil of Caesarea had a more practical solution, derived from the idea that dreams are the ‘day’s residue’. The theory originated with Empedocles, 105 but Basil probably became acquainted with it from the Hippocratic corpus 106 as part of his medical training. Basil is unequivocal; sleep can be an exercise in piety. Dreams are mostly the echoes of our daily preoccupations; our dreams are necessarily the same as our pursuits in life. This is how incessant prayer is achieved – not in words but through one’s whole life. 107 Even a good sermon could be enjoyed a second time during one’s On Philo’s influence on Origen see Runia, ‘Philo and Fathers’, pp. 215–6. Runia claimed that Origen took with him his collection of Philo’s works to Caesarea. 101 Stroumsa, ‘Dreams and visions in early Christian discourse’, p. 194. 102 Contra Celsum, 1.48. 103 Athanasius, Cotra Gentes, 31; 33. In this case, the argument was about the immortality of the soul. 104 Brakke, ‘The Authenticity of the Ascetic Athanasiana’, pp. 17–56. 105 W. Harris, Dreams and experience in Classical Antiquity, pp. 235–242. 106 Harris, Dreams, pp. 243–246. 107 Homilia in martyrem Julittam, PG 31.244; Homiliae super Psalmos, PG 29.353. 100

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sleep. 108 Elsewhere, however, Basil declared that during sleep the soul becomes senseless. 109 There is nothing metaphysical here, no extracorporeal wondering, no assent of the soul, no ecstasy, no need for grace; it is simply a matter of concentrating the attention, and leading a holy life. This is how Basil presented this theory in his sermons to the laity. Nevertheless, when addressing his monastic community things became more complicated; the first step is the separation from the world, the second step is to keep a constant and pure memory of God so that it would become like an indelible seal in the heart. The memory of God will create love for God in us, which will rouse us to follow His commandments. Keeping God’s commandments will preserve the love for God constant and unfailing. 110 Basil does not mention prayer in this context, but in his letter to Gregory Nazianzenos, Basil states that good is the prayer which imprints a clear idea of God in the soul. This is what is meant by ‘being inhabited by God’; to have God established in one through memory. This is how one becomes a temple of God; when one’s memory is not interrupted by earthly cares, but having avoided everything else, he retreats to God and occupies himself with those things that lead to virtue. 111 Although not mentioned here, dreams are important, not only because the memory is the mechanism which produces them, but also because impure dreams defile the memory. Therefore sleep has a place even at the highest level of union with God. Many elements of the Eastern Christian teaching on contemplation as union with God are found in Basil. According to this teaching, prayer and ascesis – purification of body and soul – lead to apatheia, a necessary precondition for the union with God. The union with God was understood as a state of pure prayer, an incessant, existential prayer. 112 Homiliae in hexaemeron, 7.6. Asceticon magnum, PG 31.1109. 110 Asceticon magnum, PG 31.1021. 111 Epistulae, 2.4. 112 Meyendorff, Christ in Eastern Christian thought, pp. 128–9. 108 109

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Basil’s brother, Gregory of Nyssa, one of the major contributors to the teaching on contemplation, agreed with Basil that dreams are the ‘day’s residue’. 113 Gregory did not think highly of dreams, this is obvious in the section on dreams in the De opificio hominis, and also in the De virginitate, where he castigates some monks for thinking their dreams to be revelations from God. 114 Only very few receive a divine manifestation during sleep. 115 Following Plato, Gregory states that for most people dreams are influenced by their desires, and so the virtuous and the sinners dream accordingly. 116 Gregory thought that God sent prophetic dreams to human beings very infrequently. Apart from that, judging from his description of ecstasy as the state of an active soul in an inactive body, 117 and his view that during sleep both soul and body are dormant, 118 it becomes clear that Gregory did not believe that the contemplation of God could continue during sleep. Thus, according to Gregory communication with God during sleep is not impossible, but rare, and only through God’s initiative. Evagrios of Pontos thought that the union with God is achieved when the nous receives the knowledge of the Trinity. 119 What about prayer to God during dreams and sleep? Dreams were for Evagrios a diagnostic tool revealing the state of the soul. 120 However, to attain the union with God, all representations and forms, and therefore dreams, should be eliminated. 121 As for sleep, De opificio hominis, 13.6, 14–17. De virginitate, 23.3. Gregory, succumbing, perhaps, to the demands of the hagiographical genre, mentioned not one, but two prophetic dreams, in his Vita of Macrina; a dream of his mother, and another of his own, both connected with his sister Macrina, Vita Macrinae, 2(his mother’s), 15(Gregory’s own). 115 De opificio hominis, 13.6. 116 De opificio hominis, 13.17. 117 In Canticum, 313–4. 118 De opificio hominis, 14.2. 119 Sinkewicz, Evagrius, xxvi. 120 Refoulé, ‘Rêve’, 514; Sinkewicz, 149. 121 Sinkewicz, Evagrius, p. xxxv. 113 114

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Evagrios considered it a dangerous time and had it reduced to a bare minimum 122 so that the question of praying to God during sleep did not even arise in his system. Chrysostom claimed that the monks because they have such a great awe of God, did not descend to the depths of sleep, but only rest superficially, while their minds remain active, 123 to pray and seek God. Laypeople, on the other hand, are rewarded with divine revelations in their sleep, especially if they have performed vigil beforehand. 124 At the first half of the seventh century, Maximos the Confessor combined and modified Evagrian, Gregorian, and Ps-Dionysian elements to form a concept of contemplation in which there is a real departure from oneself in order to enter into the ineffable sphere of the divine, through the grace of God. This union is a foretaste of Paradise. 125 Whereas Evagrius and Gregory of Nyssa excluded sleep and dreams both from the practice of incessant prayer, and from the state of the union with God, which follows incessant prayer and establishes it in the human being, Maximos accepted that sleep has a place in the φυσική θεωρία (natural contemplation). This is a state lower than the contemplation of God, in which the soul attains a true vision of the realities of the world. According to Maximos, it is a sign of having attained the summit of apatheia when the contemplation of the realities of the world is uninterrupted whether one is awake or asleep. 126 Although he does not spell it out, there is nothing in his writings to prevent sleep from being a state in which the union with God is realised. John Climacos, a contemporary of Maximos, was mistrustful of dreams on principle. 127 Nevertheless, he considered that Basil’s theory could be right, and one might continue contemplating the Evagrius, Practicus, Prologue-chapter-epilogue 94. In epistulam i ad Timotheum (homiliae 1–18), PG 62.575–6. 124 In Acta apostolorum, PG, 60.203. 125 Thunberg, Man and the Cosmos: The Vision of St. Maximus the Confessor, pp. 143–6. 126 Capita de caritate, 1.93. 127 Scala, 3.29. 122 123

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Psalms in sleep, if he had studied them while awake. On the other hand, he claimed that this could be the result of demonic temptation to inflame pride. 128 John, grudgingly, admitted that there is a third possibility; the soul, which spends the whole day incessantly contemplating the word of God, might continue being attached to it even in sleep. John cautioned his readers that this is a sort of reward for the day’s occupation and for protection from nocturnal sins and fantasies. 129 Notwithstanding his reservations, John concedes to sleep a place in the spiritual life, and does not regard it as a mere interruption. It was not, however, until the eleventh century that sleep was fully rehabilitated as part of a person’s spiritual life, and not regarded as an interruption and an obstacle. Symeon the New Theologian following Basil, and influenced, perhaps, by Maximos and John Climacos, accorded to sleep a place in his teaching of the union with God. Symeon claimed that when God deemed someone worthy to enter this state, then even when asleep his heart remains vigilant, while when awake he is never separated from God in any way. 130 The distance in time from Clement and Basil to Maximos, and from Maximos to Symeon the New Theologian appears great. One might wonder why the Fathers were so slow at arriving at the conclusion that sleep cannot be excluded either from the act of prayer or from the state of union with God. The answer is that dreams were theologically suspect because they established a different source of revelation other than the Bible and a different centre of authority other than the bishop or the abbot. 131 Le Goff noted the important part dreams have played in the foundation of sects. 132

Scala, 20.20. Joannes Climacus, Scala, 20.20. 130 Orationes theologicae, 2. 131 Stroumsa, ‘Dreams’, 196–7. 132 J. Le Goff, ‘Christianity and Dreams, Second to Seventh Century’, in idem, The medieval imagination (Chicago, 1992), 220. 128 129

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Sleep and dreams seem to have been also at the heart of the ‘Messalian’ controversy. 133 The ‘Messalians’, as they emerge form the writings of their opponents, had a clear idea about the place of sleep and dreams in the contemplation of God. According to the anti-‘Messalian’ lists, after attaining apatheia a person becomes steadfast in the contemplation of God; while awake this becomes manifest in one’s vision of the Trinity and the ability to foresee the future. As a consequence of union with God, the person becomes free from passions and sin, and even dreams are pure and inspired by the Holy Spirit. 134 Vigil is superfluous in this state of blessedness; there is no need for pummelling the body or guarding against sinful dreams since perfection has been attained. There is also no need for staying awake to pray at night since this can be achieved in sleep. Stewart was wrong to associate all accusations about excessive sleep and prophetic dreams with the charge of laziness; 135 this connection appears only in one of Theodoret’s lists, 136 and it is a conscious effort to blacken the ‘Messalian’ teaching and practice of contemplation in sleep. The claims about prophetic dreams should be associated with the claims about the coming of the Holy Spirit, liberation from the passions, vision of the Trinity and prophecy. 137 The disregard of the sacraments and the church hierarchy, another item in the lists, 138 is the result of this spirituality, which is founded on personal revelation in dreams and visions.

C. Stewart has changed the way we think about the Messalians, but not what the Byzantines thought about them. This is the reason I maintain in inverted commas the label Messalian(-ism). See C. Stewart, ‘Working the Earth of the Heart’ The Messalian Controversy in History, Texts, and Language to AD 431(Oxford, 1991). 134 Stewart, heart, 62–3. 135 Ibid., 63. 136 Haereticarum fabularum compendium; Stewart, ‘heart’, 262, 266. 137 Stewart, ‘heart’, 61–64. 138 Stewart, ‘heart’, 64. 133

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Basil, whose authority and teaching had been questioned by people claiming prophetic dreams, 139 put it succinctly: if their fantasies during sleep are in agreement with the Lord’s commandments, let them be contented with the Gospel, which does not need any assistance from dreams to establish its credibility. If the Lord left to us His peace, and gave us a new commandment to love each other, while dreams lead to strife, separation, and the destruction of love, let them give no chance to the devil to set a foot upon their souls during sleep, nor deem the fantasies he sends to their sleep more important than the teachings of salvation. 140

Dreams can only cause trouble by shifting the centre of revelation and authority, and therefore they are better left alone. Partial sleep-deprivation on a daily basis can limit the dreams, because the remaining sleep consists mainly of SWS. This is due to the architecture of sleep. SWS occurs at the earlier part of sleep, and also because the drive for SWS sleep recovery is stronger than the one for REM sleep. By blocking dreams, sleep-deprivation did more to maintain peace and stability in the church than the state coercion and ecclesiastical excommunications put together. The Vigil of Prophets and Apostles As against the general paucity of quotations, there are frequent references to the vigil of the Prophets and Apostles. 141 Since Origen, the combination of Psalm 118:62 with the vigil of Paul and Silas 142 is quoted frequently as a proof for the need to pray at midnight. 143 Epistulae, 207; 210. Epistulae, 210. 141 For references and a detailed analysis see also Suso, Ἀγγελικός βίος, 4–8. 142 Acts 16:25. 143 Origenes, De oratione, 12.2; Basilius Caesariensis, Asceticon magnum, PG 31.1016; Joannes Chrysostomus, De sanctis martyribus, PG 50.711; In Genesim, PG 53.281–282; 54.418; Expositiones in Psalmos, PG 55.386; In epistulam ad Hebraeos, PG 63.116; Theodoretus, Interpretatio in Psalmos PG 80.1841; Antiochus Monachus, Pandecta scripturae sacrae, PG 104.27–30. 139 140

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There are other verses from the Psalms and the Prophets, but these should not be seen simply as an appeal to the Bible. There is a sense of tradition, an unbroken line of vigils from David, to Isaiah, to Paul and finally to the Christian community assembled in the middle of the night to pray. The Theology of Nocturnal Prayer Once more attention should be drawn to the circumstantial and practical character of the material on sleep-abstinence. One may search in vain among the sources for a systematic exposition of all the reasons for sleep-abstinence mentioned at the beginning of this chapter. The theology of the nocturnal prayer can be found in the liturgical texts in use for those prayers: Suddenly the Judge will come and all our works will be uncovered! Let us shake off laziness, and filled with awe, let us sing to our God the song the angels sing: Holy, Holy, Holy, is the Lord God Almighty 144

A few lines only contain most of the reasons for nocturnal prayer; the belief in the nocturnal Parousia, the fear of sudden death, the need for repentance, and the emulation of the angelic life. This troparion is one of the oldest in the Palestinian office. 145 Likewise the prayer of the first antiphon of the midnight office found in the Euchologion Barberini (approximately at the end of the end of eighth century), speaks of the dreaded day of Judgement. The second prayer offers thanks, requests perseverance in the divine knowledge, and asks for protection against the demons, the third invokes God as creator and saviour, and the fourth acknowledges night as a time of danger, asking for protection. The last prayer, recited during the ‘bowing of heads’, requests spiritual blessing and holiness. 146 From the same Euchologion come the prayers of the pannychis, a short evening office, which has nothing to do with all-night vigils,

Woolfenden, Liturgical, p. 66. Ibid. 146 Arranz, ‘Les prières presbytérales des Petites Heures dans l'ancien Euchologe byzantin’, pp. 31–35. 144 145

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yet it contains all their theology. The first prayer aims at diverting God’s anger, the second is a petition for salvation, the third mentions the ceaseless angelic prayer and connects it with the prayer being offered in imitation, and the final prayer has an eschatological character. 147 Perhaps, because these reasons were incorporated in the nocturnal offices, the church authors turned their attention to more practical matters. M. Arranz, ‘Les prières presbytérales de la ‘Pannychis’ de l’ancien Euchologe byzantin et la ‘Panikhida’ des défunts’ (I), OCP 41(1975), 314– 324. The panikhida the article mentions is a Russian development of the Byzantine pannychis, and therefore outside the scope of this study (see Arranz, II, pp. 137–8). Arranz, however suggested that the Byzantine pannychis served also as a funeral service. The content of the prayers makes this plausible. Arranz’s own counter–argument that the prayers might not be sufficiently expiatory to guarantee forgiveness of sins and eternal life to be a funeral service, misses the point in relation to what has been said about the character of nocturnal prayer in general, and of the content of the pannychis’ prayers in particular. A point overlooked by Arranz is that the supplication to be placed ‘where there is no sorrow, pain or grief’ found in the pannychis, appears also in the funeral service currently in use among the Orthodox, possibly a survival from the ‘old’ (i.e. the pannychis) funeral service. From an anthropological point, however, the content of the service does not classify it as a rite of passage. There is, of course, a ceremony, a wake, possibly a bier, certainly a grave, a cemetery, all things, which are the physical procedures of separation [A. van Gennep, Rites of Passage, p.164], but the verbal element is completely absent. The deceased is not the object of the prayers. The congregation does not pray for the deceased. Even if one were to accept Arranz’s theory that the pannychis is a celebratory not an expiatory sort of funeral service, what is missing is the congregation praying to the person who has taken a place among the saints. Likewise, the content of the prayers cannot be classified as belonging either to the rites of transition or of incorporation; there is neither ambivalence nor certainty about their fate. To put it in theological terms, the service does not mark the transition of the departed from the ecclesia militans to the ecclesia triumphans, neither as a supplication nor as celebration. An analysis of the Orthodox funeral service along van Gennep’s theory about the rites of passage can be found in L. Danforth’s, The Death Rituals of Rural Greece, (Princeton, 1982). 147

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Sleepless in Paradise Some Greek Fathers described Paradise as a place where there is no sleep. 148 Certainly, sleeplessness is a main characteristic of God, 149 to whom the angels offer unceasing doxology. 150 Thus, Clement spoke of the unceasing vigil of the future life; 151 those who want to have a foretaste of this, and live the angelic life on earth could not but start with vigil. 152 Hell is also a place where there is no sleep; it is the habitation of the sleepless worm, 153 and the demons, who also do not sleep. 154 Apart from the biblical and theological arguments, the lack of sleep among spiritual beings had the backing of Greek philosophy, although not of Greek religion. 155 The mark of the beast While it is reasonable to claim that there is not and never will be sleep in Paradise, Ireneos’ claim that there was never sleep in Paradise 156 is problematic; surely Adam slept? It seems the phrase from Gen. 2:21 – καὶ ἐπέβαλεν ὁ θεὸς ἔκστασιν ἐπὶ τὸν αδαμ καὶ ὕπνωσεν – was understood as if sleep in Paradise was something really exceptional, which took place only once during Adam’s residence there. This arose form the inconsistency with which the word ‫( ַתּ ְר ֵדּ ָמה‬tardema) was translated in the Septuagint. Had it been translated throughout as ἔκστασις or θάμβος, it would have become clear that Adam’s was an extraordinary state of deep sleep Eusebius, Commentario in Psalmos, PG 23. 1360; Basilius Caesariensis, Homiliae super Psalmos, PG 29.493. 149 See chapter III.2 God and sleep in the Old Testament. 150 Rev. 4:8. 151 Clement Alexandrinus, Paedagogus, 2.9. 152 Suso, Ἀγγελικός βίος, pp. 24–29. 153 Apocalypsis Esdrae, 28. 154 AP (collectio alphabetica), 204 (Amma Theodora); 268 (Macarius). 155 Essler, ‘Cicero’s use and abuse of Epicurean theology’, pp. 132– 139. 156 Ireneos in Behr, Asceticism and Anthropology in Irenaeus and Clement, p. 111; Anastasius Sinaita, Capita vi adveersus monothelitas, 10.3; 5. 148

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induced by God, and not that sleep was an extraordinary state in Paradise. 157 Nevertheless, Ireneos’ point is that sleep is the result of the Fall. Clement of Alexandria was more explicit and stated that sleep is connected with humanity and hence with mortality. 158 Anastasios of Sinai put it in even stronger terms claiming that sleep is the result of corruption, whose author is the Devil; sleep was unknown to man before the ancestral sin. 159 Sleep is not sinful in itself, but the result of sin. 160 Apart from the frequent references in Byzantine literature of the likeness of sleep with death, 161 which were imported from pagan writings, this is yet another connection between the two phenomena, a purely biblical one. Death and sleep were both consequences of the Fall; adding this to their external similarities, one might wonder whether Drink was right that a subconscious fear of death was at the root of sleep abstinence. Certainly in the Epic of Gilgamesh, which Bacht cited, 162 the reward or precondition to overcome death is to overcome sleep. 163 I have dealt with this question theoretically in the section about the sleep of death. There is, however, a more tangible answer; the likeness of sleep with death has been exaggerated since antiquity, and modern scholars are part of this culture, which overstates the similarities. Rather than being an image of death, sleep is a stark reminder of our existence in flesh; according to B. Schwartz, during sleep appear flitting acts, which elude self-control and assert our animal nature. 164 Whether called ‘creature releases’ or ‘signs of Epiphanios, who knew Hebrew did not make such a mistake; he pointed that ἔκστασις was simply deep sleep induced by God, Panarion 2.226. 158 Clement Alexandrinus, Protrepticus, 2.36.4. 159 Anastasius Sinaita, Capita vi adveersus monothelitas, 10.3; 5; Viae dux, 13.7. 160 Viae dux, 13.3. 161 See sub-chapter III.6.1, ‘The sleep of death in Byzantium’. 162 Bacht, ‘Agrypnia’, p. 358. 163 McAlpine, Sleep divine, p. 139. 164 Schwartz, ‘Notes on the Sociology of Sleep’, pp. 485–499. 157

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the animal’ these include grunting, scratching, squirming, flatulence, and snoring. 165 I would add to those sighing, changing position, penile erections, and nocturnal emissions. Chrysostom’s description of how the monks slept is revealing: their sleep is orderly; no one is heard snoring or breathing hard, no one is seen tossing and turning or sleeping without covering his body. There is more decorum in them lying asleep than in those awake! The reason for that is the good order reigning in their souls. They are truly holy, and like angels on earth… Having such a great awe of God, they do not descend to the depths of sleep, but only rest superficially, while their minds remain active. 166

Shortly afterwards Chrysostom recounts the monks’ vigil: when again they sing with the angels (because the angels too are singing then,) ‘Praise the Lord from the Heavens’, we are yawning, scratching ourselves, snoring or simply lying on our backs contemplating all sort of vanities. 167

It was not only nocturnal emissions, 168 which caused concern to the Byzantines, but all the involuntary, and hence uncontrollable, phenomena associated with sleep such as yawning and snoring. Yawning Yawning might be the result of sleepiness, boredom or stress; 169 it is infectious, 170 and when it starts it is very difficult to stifle. 171 According to Evagrios not all yawning is the result of demonic activity, but demons cause it by means of the ‘trolley jack’ method; having very thin bodies, they slip through the monks’ mouths and Schwartz, ‘Notes’, 492. In epistulam i ad Timotheum (homiliae 1–18), PG 62.575–6. 167 Ibid, PG 62.576. 168 Chrysostom mentions dreams in his sermon; In epistulam i ad Timotheum (homiliae 1–18), PG 62.576. 169 Thorpy, ‘yawning’, Encyclopedia of Sleep, p. 259. 170 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 392. 171 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 390. 165 166

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force them open to a yawn. Since the monks do not know whether their yawning is natural or demonic, they make the sign of the cross on their mouths to dispel the demons causing it, and, probably, prevent more demons from entering. 172 The danger from yawning as well as another method of causing it can be found the Vita Gregory of Dekapolis; a demon appeared to someone in the likeness of a black dog, which yawned in front of him. The man yawned in return and the demon found the opportunity to enter his body and posses him. 173 The appearance of the demon in the form of an animal suggests that yawning, and sleep in general, is related to our bestial part. Yawning is also the result of fighting the demon called vagabond. The demon assaults the monk at dawn, at the end of the nocturnal office, prompting his mind to wonder from one thought to the other, thus making him vulnerable to anger despair and even fornication. The way to fight this demon is by following the thoughts to counteract them. 174 Upon defeating the demon, a heavy sleepiness and lethargy and innumerable yawns follow. This is a consequence of the demonic activity a sort of sting remaining after the initial attack and removed by prayer. There is also the practical aspect of it; yawning is infectious and uncontrollable so it can cause a major disruption to church services, especially vigil. Paul of Latros’ cure for it was a slap in the face. 175 There are numerous references to people yawning at secular churches, especially in Chrysostom’s sermons. 176 It is obviously a topos, 177 since for Chrysostom yawning was a proof of a lack of disEvagrius, De malignis cogitationibus, 33. Vita Gregorii Decapolitae, 12. 174 Evagrius, De malignis cogitationibus, 9. 175 Vita Pauli Junioris in monte Latro, 102. 176 Ad populum Antiochenum, PG 49.104; Peccata fratrum non evulganda, PG 51.362 In Matthaeum, PG 57.22; 305; 563; In Genesim, PG 53.280; Expositiones in Psalmos, PG 55. 41; 66; 428; In Joannem, PG.59.320; In epistulam ii ad Corinthios, PG 61.433. 177 The fact that these references are a topos does not mean they do not express a measure of truth. But, if taken literally, they may lead to the 172 173

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cipline, and a sign of inattentive prayer and indifference to spiritual life, 178 which is another indication how phenomena related to sleep are associated with a lack of control. Snoring Unlike yawning, snoring got a bad press from the Bible, as a sign of Jonas’ indifference. 179 Likewise, the Fathers used snoring as a sign of sin, spiritual insensitivity and lack of zeal. 180 There is light snoring and loud snoring, which might reach 80 decibels – a level potentially harmful to hearing. There is also simple snoring and snoring associated with obstructive sleeping apnoea syndrome. Nonetheless, sleeping in a supine position might induce snoring even to persons who otherwise do not snore. 181 Obstructive sleep apnoea syndrome is characterised by repetitive episodes of upper airway obstruction, which occur during sleep. Several hundred apnoeic episodes can take place during a night of sleep, leading to severe sleep disruption and consequently to excessive sleepiness at daytime. Loud snoring is the hallmark of the syndrome, while obesity is a major cause of obstructive sleep incorrect assumption that there was an epidemic of yawning whenever Chrysostom appeared. Since there is a link between yawning and boredom, this is an issue which scholars examining Chrysostom’s preaching have not studied. The prevalent view is that the audience did not live up to Chrysostom’s expectations (I. Sandwell, ‘John Chrysostom’s audiences and his accusations of religious laxity’, in Gwynn, et al (eds), Religious diversity in late antiquity, pp. 527–30), but the other side of it is that Chrysostom bored them into fits of yawning! See especially Ad populum Antiochenum PG 49.104; In Matthaeum, PG 57.22; In Joannem PG.59.320. 178 See ftn 175. 179 Jonas, 1.5–6. 180 Ephraem Syrus, Sermo in secundum adventum domini nostri Iesu Christi, 25; Sermo de operatione peruersi daemonis, 375; Chrysostomus, Expositiones in Psalmos PG 55, 345; In epistulam ad Romanos, PG 60.625; In epistulam ad Hebraeos, PG 63.116; Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Commentarii in Joannem, 1.43; Theodorus Studites, Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 5.30; 18.129; 36.625 Sermones Catecheseos Magnae, 2.6; 44.125. 181 Thorpy, ‘snoring’, Encyclopaedia of Sleep, p. 232.

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apnoea. 182 Obesity and sleepiness were for the Byzantines definite proofs of a person’s lack of self-control, and the association of snoring with them symbolised spiritual negligence. Nocturnal emissions The third uncontrollable phenomenon associated with sleep is the nocturnal emission. Sleep-abstinence has been seen primarily as a method of stopping sexual dreams and the accompanying emissions of semen during sleep. Nevertheless, the relation of sleep with sexuality is more complicated than this; at a linguistic level, the verb ‘to sleep’ κοιμάω means ‘to have intercourse with someone’. 183 From a sociological standpoint, sleep like sexual intercourse is the pleasurable release from tension, involving a relinquishing of rational control, loss of self-containment, and an immersion in the more carnal and sensual aspects of human embodiment. 184 It has its own transgressive possibilities, not least the dreams Plato mentioned. Theologically, sleep is at odds with the Parousia, which precludes lying in bed with the spouse, while the Bridegroom is about to come. 185 The erotic nature of sleep is further manifested by the fact that during REM sleep every healthy male experiences penile erections. 186 These occur at 85 minute intervals and last for 25 minutes. The penile activity is not connected with the dream content; no matter that a person in his dreams might see the Archbishop of Alexandria or nubile Nubians, he would experience the same phenomenon. Thorpy, ‘obstructive sleep apnoea’, Encyclopaedia of Sleep, pp. 154– 5. Obesity is not the only cause of obstructive sleep apnoea; other causes might be a small lower jaw, a deformed palate, enlarged tonsils, nasal polyps, or a previously broken nose; Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 232. 183 H. G. Liddell, and R. Scott, ‘κοιμάω’, Greek-English Lexicon, 967– 68 184 Williams, Sleep and society, pp. 91–97. 185 Clark, Reading renunciation, p.178. 186 Schmidt, ‘Neural Mechanisms of Sleep-Related Penile Erections’, pp. 305–315. 182

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The relation between nocturnal emissions (and penile errections) and sleep-abstinence is an obvious one; the simplest and most secure method for avoiding them is to stay awake. According to the Mishna the High Priest stayed awake on the eve of Yom Kippur to avoid being polluted by a flow of semen. 187 Possibly the command to keep the lamp of the temple burning throughout the night was intended to keep the priests officiating next day ritually pure by forcing them to keep a vigil. 188 The Jews sought an easier solution to the problem of emissions. According to Epiphanios the Pharisees slept on narrow planks so when turning while asleep they would fall and wake up; for that purpose they also placed rocks or thorns on both sides of the plank. 189 The Byzantines, under the influence of Greek medicine, found in vigil (along with fasting) the primary means for avoiding nocturnal pollutions. According to Greek doctors wet dreams were the result of strong desire or prolonged abstinence, but also of a humid constitution. In order to render one drier, they prescribed apart from dietary restrictions (a drying diet) also abstinence. 190 Sleep was considered as paramount for the digestion of food, which was thought of as producing heat and humidity (the latter responsible for excess sperm); hence the necessity for sleepabstinence as a hindrance to digestion. 191 The combination of a drying diet with sleep abstinence would supposedly deplete the stores of semen so that nocturnal emissions would stop. 192 Brakke, ‘Problematization’, p. 420. Lev. 24:1–3; Exod. 27:21. Woolfenden, Liturgical, 9 affirm that this custom could be seen as a vigil. 189 Epiphanius, Panarion, 15.1–16.4. 190 Rouselle, Porneia, p.170–2; Brakke, ‘Problematization’, pp. 423–4. 191 Marelli, ‘Il sonno tra biologia e medicina in Grecia antica’, p. 130. 192 The Greek Fathers recognised that there were other causes of wet dreams such as pride and direct demonic interference, and so the nocturnal emissions might be greatly reduced, but not completely stopped. For the causes of nocturnal emissions among the Eastern Fathers see Vivian, ‘‘Everything Made by God is Good’: A Letter from Saint 187 188

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This is the theoretical background relating sleep-abstinence with nocturnal emissions. There is also the practical aspect; nocturnal emissions occur during REM sleep, and a reduction in sleep duration would cause the available sleep to consist mostly of SWS, 193 so the there would be little or no chance of having an emission. Apart from altering the structure of sleep, sleepdeprivation also lowers the levels of testosterone 194 and of the androgens 195 reducing the sex-drive, and minimising further the possibility of a nocturnal emission. 196 The Byzantines found from experience that sleep-deprivation – and not sleep-abstinence – was an effective method to stop nocturnal emissions, and this was a sufficient reason to practise it. Pummel and subdue the body The urge to control the body even in sleep was regarded by Drink and Bacht as a proof that behind sleep-abstinence lies a dualistic anthropology incompatible with the Bible. Certainly, they were not alone; the charge that Christian asceticism, under the influence of Greek philosophy or Gnosticism, adopted a dichotomy between the soul and the body is perennial, and even modern Eastern theologians seem to ascribe to it. Thus, K. Ware claimed that under Athanasius to the Monk Amoun’, pp. 75–108; Brakke, ‘The Problematization’, pp. 419–60. 193 Bushell, ‘Psychophysiological and Cross Cultural Dimensions of Ascetico-Meditational Practices: Special Reference to the Christian Hermits of Ethiopia and Application to Theory in Anthropology and Religious Studies’, pp. 99–102. 194 Axelsson, et al., ‘Effects of acutely displaced sleep on testosterone’, pp. 4530–4535. 195 Cortes-Gallegos, et al., ‘Sleep Deprivation Reduces Circulatory Androgens in Healthy Man’, pp. 33–7. 196 On the effects of sleep-deprivation on the sex-drive see W. Bushell’s Ph.D thesis and his article ‘Psychophysical and Comparative Analysis of Ascetico-Meditational Discipline: Toward a New Theory of Asceticism’, s), pp. 553–575. According to Bushell sleep-deprivation causes enhanced endogenous opioid activity, which acts as a hormonal or functional castration.

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Greek influence (most) Greek Fathers accepted this dichotomy of which there is no trace in the Bible. 197 K. Ware explained how Paul’s admonitions against the flesh were misunderstood; he never intended to castigate the body, σῶμα, only the ‘fallen’ human nature, which he called σάρξ. 198 First of all, Greek dualism as expressed by Plato, and other philosophers after him, focused on the soul and was concerned with the oneiric, not the physical manifestations of our bestial part during sleep. Secondly, the verse most often cited by the Fathers in connection with the need for sleep-abstinence is from 1Cor. 9:27: ὑπωπιάζω μου τὸ σῶμα καὶ δουλαγωγῶ μή πως ἄλλοις κηρύξας αὐτὸς ἀδόκιμος γένωμαι. 199 The verse is unambiguous; ‘I pummel and subdue my body, lest I found myself discredited over what I have preached to others’. It is not simply about control and mastery over the body, but one achieved through physical exhaustion. The body, Paul declares, is liable to rebel and turn against you. The phrase ‘insurrections of the flesh’ was a common topos in Byzantine spiritual writings, 200 and appears in Antiochos Pandektes’ prayer, which the Orthodox Church still recites every day before retiring to sleep, at the end of the small Compline:

197

Ware, ‘‘My Helper and my Enemy’: The Body in Greek Christianity’, pp. 92–96. 198 Ibid., 93–94. 199 Athanasius, Vita Antonii, 7.4; 45.5–6; Basilius, Asceticon magnum, PG 31.957; Homiliae super Psalmos, PG 29.320; Ephraem Syrus, In sermonem, quem dixit dominus, quod: In hoc mundo pressuram habebitis, et de perfectione hominis, 354; Gregorius Nazianzenus, De moderatione in disputando, PG 36.196; Theodorus Studites, Parva Catechesis, 2. 200 Gregorius Nyssenus, In inscriptiones Psalmorum, 5.148; Eusebius, Commentaria in Psalmos, PG 23.1301; Basilius Caesariensis, Homiliae super Psalmos, PG 29.492; Chrysostomus, Contra eos qui subintroductas habent virgines, 5, this passage actually mentions the verse from 1Cor 9:27; In Genesim PG 53. 90; Palladius, HL, 11.4; Isidorus Pelusiota, Epistulae, Epistulae, 1415.

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SLEEP AND SLEEPLESSNESS Παῦσον τὰς ὁρμὰς τῶν παθῶν· σβέσον τὴν τοῦ σώματος πύρωσιν· τὰς τῆς σαρκὸς ἐπαναστάσεις κατάργησον·τὰ σωματικὰ πάθη, τῆς τε σαρκὸς τὰ φρονήματα κοίμισον 201 ‘Stop the assaults of the passions, quench the burning desire of the body, abolish the insurrections of the flesh, and lull to sleep the bodily passions and the wills of the flesh’. As was common among Byzantine authors flesh and body are used interchangeably, but what is important, is that the rebellion and turmoil are associated with sleep.

I have shown that as far as sleep is concerned, the Byzantines understood control of the body as the absence of all involuntary phenomena associated with it; the passage from Chrysostom is indicative of the prevailing mentality. Sleep-deprivation was necessary for reducing sexual dreams and eliminating nocturnal emissions. The pummelling of the body is also associated with sleep-deprivation. The role of sleeplessness for weakening the body has a theoretical and a practical basis. The theoretical part is related to the belief in the Hippocratic corpus that sleep facilitates the digestion of food; in the De diaeta in morbis acutis prolonged lack of sleep causes troubles to the digestion, while in the De diaeta salubri those who regurgitate their food ought to prolong their sleep. 202 Gregory of Nyssa in the De opificio hominis holds that feeding is completed during sleep, while Chrysostom puts it rather more forcefully: sleep does not nourish our bodies any less than food; this is obvious from the fact that one might stay without food for many days, but without sleep not even a few. 203 Thus, the ascetics, who combined sleep-deprivation with fasting, looked like ghosts. 204 Antiochos Pandektes, Pandecta scripturae sacrae, Homily 19. The version of the liturgical books is more flowing and poetical. 202 Marelli, ‘Il Sonno’, pp. 129–130. See also De morbis popularibus, iv.4.18; De victu, 2.60; 3.71. 203 Chrysostomus, Ad Stelechium de compunctione II, PG 47. 418. 204 In this case it is undoubtedly sleep-deprivation, because the texts speak of excessive sleeplessness; Abba Adolius looked like a ghost from the excessive use of abstinence and sleeplessness, HL, 43; John Damascene looked like a shadow from the vigils, Michael Syncellus, Vita Cosmae 201

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There is a practical aspect to it as well; both total 205 and partial sleep deprivation 206 are reported as causes of fatigue, by which is meant muscle, mental, psychological fatigue or a combination of all three. 207 Muscles and most organs can get the same amount of rest in relaxed wakefulness as in sleep, 208 but, at least for the Byzantine monks, sleep was the only time of rest, while their other time was occupied with physical activity either manual labour or genuflections or other exercise to maintain wakefulness. 209 Pagan influence Some writings display a decidedly pagan influence, like those maintaining that sleep thickens the soul. 210 Although this idea might be the result of personal observation based on the effects of sleep inertia 211 or derived from the Wisdom literature, 212 I think it is, indeed, a Platonic influence. 213 Another opinion that echoes pagan and more specifically neo-Pythagorean ideas is that vigil cleanses the visory ability of the mind, preparing the intellect for the visitation of grace. 214 Melodi et Joannis Damasceni, 284; people though that Bacchus looked fleshless and bloodless because of his fasting and sleeplessness, Vita Bacchi Junioris, 3. Also sleeplessness makes one pale (Basilius Caesariensis, Epistulae, 46), while sleep gives a rosy complexion (Evagrius, De malignis cogitationibus, 33). 205 Ferrara and De Gennaro, ‘How much sleep do we need?’, pp. 164–5. 206 Bonnet, ‘Acute Sleep Deprivation’, p. 55. 207 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 388. 208 Fineli, ‘Cortical and electroencephalographic changes’, p. 223. 209 See next chapter on the vigil of monks. 210 Athanasius, Sermo pro iis quo saeculo renuniciarunt, PG 28.1412; Evagrius, Sententiae, 48; Abba Isaias, ’Ασκητικόν, 4.51; Joannes Climacus, Scala Paradisi, 88.940. 211 See unit III.4.2 Negative views of sleep. 212 Proverbia, 6:4–5; 23:21; 24:33. 213 Plato, Phaedo 83d. 214 Ignatius Diaconus, Epistulae, 31.

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The idea that vigil helps attain apatheia 215 and even the concept of apatheia itself is less problematic than one might imagine, despite the fact that the word is associated with Stoicism, an objection raised by Bacht. 216 Apatheia is not impassibility in the Stoic sense, but a precursor to a greater love for God and man. 217 Two things should be noted; firstly, the notion of apatheia aside, these ideas were not influential for the performance of vigil; secondly, the same practice might be based on very different theoretical assumptions, while similar principles result in different conduct. 218 Whereas in paganism sleep was the vehicle of contact with the divine, in Christianity it was the vigil. The vigil itself had for the pagans no immediate metaphysical effect; it helped achieve mastery over the body, or clear the mind, or diminish the possibility of pollution during sleep. It was essentially a Schlaf-Askese – a sleepascesis as Bacht put it. 219 Since the Stoics were mentioned earlier, it should be noted that, despite their notions of apatheia, they devoted many treatises to subjects such as dreams and divinations, and they believed firmly in the extra-corporeal wanderings of the soul during sleep. The Greek Fathers were reluctant to affirm a communion with God in sleep, and certainly hostile to any such communion taking place in dreams. Moreover, vigil for Christians had immediate metaphysical results; not only was it communication with God, but it achieved immediate results, namely forgiveness of sins, 220 salvation, 221 and the averting of God’s wrath. 222 Joannes Damascenus, De Virtutibus, PG 95. 85. Bacht, ‘Agrypnia’, p. 360. 217 Ware, ‘Ways of Prayer and Contemplation. I. Eastern’, p. 398. 218 Sfameni Gasparo, ‘Asceticism and Anthropology: Enkratia and “Double Creation” in Early Christianity’, p. 129. 219 Bacht, ‘Agrypnia’, p. 356. 220 Joannes Chrysostomus, In Joannem, PG 59.227; Anastasius Sinaita, Quaestiones et responsiones, 87. 221 Basilius Caesariensis, Asceticon, PG 31.1109; Marcus Eremita, Consultatio, 4.18. 222 Basilius Caesariensis, Attende tibi ipsi, PG 31.28; Simocatta, Historiae, 1.11; Ignatius Diaconus, Vita Nicephori, 167. 215 216

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The Byzantines, occasionally, expressed sleep-abstinence in terms of Greek philosophy, but this was unavoidable to a degree. Nevertheless, their theology and practice of the vigil remained strictly within the confines of biblical orthodoxy. Sleep-abstinence, sleep-deprivation, and the Byzantines Although there were some precedents in the Old Testament, the roots of sleep-deprivation are found in the New Testament; the incessant prayer, the command to watch and pray for the Parousia, the fear of sudden death at night, the fear of demons operating in the darkness, the urge to pummel and subdue the body, did not simply justify sleep-deprivation, but either demanded it or caused it through feelings of stress and anxiety. 223 Of course, there were other answers to these demands, and calmer responses to these threats, both from within the same spiritual circuit, and from others such as the so-called Messalian spirituality. Nonetheless, the ‘orthodox’ response was confirmed by Greek philosophy, medicine and foremost personal experience. Sleep-deprivation reduces the time spent in sleep, minimizing the relaxation sleep offers as long as possible. Moreover, sleepdeprivation not only causes fatigue, but also lowers the levels of testosterone reducing sexual desire, penile errections and nocturnal emissions. Sleep-deprivation also reduces the time spent in REM sleep, which too contributes to less penile erections and emissions, but also decreases the number of sexual dreams. Most importantly, sleep-deprivation blocks all dreams and hence it bars any source of revelation and authority other than the Bible and the bishop (or abbot). While sleep-deprivation was becoming increasingly important for Byzantine spirituality and, indeed, Byzantine society the more they veered towards a monastic ideal, nonetheless sleep-abstinence remained normative. Moreover, sleep-abstinence depends on a number of factors, such as genetic inheritance, self-will and motivation, and the methods used to achieve goals. It is interesting to see See next chapter on vigil of monks, where I discuss Byzantine spirituality as a possible cause of idiopathic insomnia. 223

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how the Byzantines handled the tension between sleep-abstinence and sleep-deprivation, and how they performed each of them in monastic and secular settings.

5. THE VIGIL OF MONKS In Chapter 2, I discussed briefly the three types of vigil which Pachomios proposed to the monks accompanying him. It is time to settle the question as to which method was the easiest. These methods were not peculiar to Pachomios, but practised –in more or less the same manner – by all who kept vigil at night, monks and laypeople alike. The basis for all three is the rule that half the night must be devoted to watching and praying. According to the first method, one could sleep during the first half of the night and stay awake for the rest, without going back to sleep. Otherwise, one might stay awake during the first half of the night and then sleep until dawn, when morning prayers started. Finally, one could stay awake for half the night, sleeping before and after that. 1 It seems the monks were not accustomed to vigils, and Pachomios himself did not want to burden them with an arduous vigil. According to his Vita, Pachomios had been taught two forms of vigil, the allnight and the half-night vigil. 2 He presented the variants of the half-night vigil as three different methods, so as not to overwhelm the monks with a night-long vigil. 3 A person not suffering from any loss of sleep the previous 24 hours would find the first method relatively easy, even if their vigil coincided with the high sleep onset zone, when sleepiness increases. 4 The reason is that sleep, preceding wakefulness, reduces sleepiness. 5 If there was already sleep loss, sleepiness would be exacerSee chapter II The mechanics of sleep and sleeplessness. VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p. 6. 3 VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p. 60. 4 See chapter II The mechanics of sleep and sleeplessness. 5 Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 111. 1 2

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bated during the morning hours. 6 Another problem to consider is that sleeping would have coincided with a high sleep offset zone, which might hinder sleep initiation, thus increasing sleepiness and feelings of fatigue during the vigil. 7 Nonetheless, sleepiness would have waned with the morning prayers, at the high sleep offset zone, although tiredness might have persisted for the rest of the day. 8 As for the second method, the degree of difficulty would likewise depend on the amount of wakefulness prior to the vigil: the longer the prior wakefulness, the greater the pressure for sleep. 9 Sleep would have come easily as it coincided with the high sleep onset zone, so they would be refreshed during morning prayers and be more alert for the rest of the day. However, this does not mean that this is the best method. The circadian phase at which sleep occurs, affects the distribution of sleep stages. 10 If sleep onset is delayed until the peak REM phase of the circadian rhythm, i.e. early morning (4:00–7:00), 11 then REM sleep will probably predominate and may even occur at sleep onset. 12 At any rate, even if they fell asleep at 1:00 am, a significant part of their sleep would overlap with REM sleep peak time. The unfortunate monk, who chose to sleep during the latter part of the night, would have more dreams, more penile erections, and possibly a nocturnal emission. 13 There are problems with the third method, both textual and logical. When F. Halkin first edited the Greek Vita of Pachomios in 1932, the Florence MS he used had a lacuna in the description of the third method of vigil, which he filled based on a later text

Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 113. See chapter 2. 8 See chapter II on the mechanics of sleep. 9 On the amount of wakefulness rather than the length of vigil exacerbating the effects of sleep-deprivation, see Van Dongen, et al., ‘Cumulative Cost’, pp. 117–126. 10 See chapter 2. 11 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 147. 12 Carskadon, Normal, p. 20. 13 See chapter 2. 6 7

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known as Vita tertia. 14 The method proposed according to the amended text and the Vita tertia was sleeping before and after a period of vigil. 15 The amendment made sense; such a method is attested in the Vita of Melania the Younger, and it was recognised as the ‘easier’ approach to vigil. 16 It is no wonder that Pachomios’s monks chose this method, although Pachomios stayed awake throughout the night in sober quietude. 17 A. Van Der Mensbrugghe claimed that Halkin was mistaken in his choice of text, since both the Athenian MS and the Bohairic Vita prescribe the alternation of vigil and sleep, hour after hour, throughout the night, or, as Mensbrugghe put it, ‘several periods of watch sandwiched with periods of sleep’. 18 According to Mensbrugghe this is the oldest form of vigil. 19 Meensbrughe also claimed that Halkin’s version did not allow one to understand easily the rest of the story, but this is simply not true for the Greek Vita, where it is clear the monks chose what they thought of as the ‘easier’ vigil. Nevertheless, Halkin’s 1982 edition of the Vita of Pachomios, based primarily on the Athens MS, bears testimony to the alternation of sleep and wakefulness, with Pachomios proposing ‘let us start by sleeping a little and then pray a little until morning’. 20 In support of this form of prayer A. Veilleux claimed that the twelve prayers the angel ordered Pachomios to recite throughout the day and night, 21 were not meant as two clusters of prayers, but rather as a form of incessant prayer, with one prayer for each hour of the day and night. 22 Moreover, Veilleux presented a text with prayers van der Meensbrugghe, ‘Prayer–time in Egyptian Monasticism,’ p. 437, n. 3. 15 VP (Codice Atheniensi), pp. 41; 285. 16 Vita Melaniae junioris, 46. 17 VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p. 60. 18 Mensbrugghe, ‘Prayer–time’, p. 437 n. 3. 19 Ibid. 20 VP, (Codice Atheniensi), p.60; ἀπάρτι κοιμηθῶμεν ὀλίγον καὶ εὐξώμεθα ὀλίγον ἕως πρωΐ. 21 Palladius, HL, 32.6. 22 Veilleux, ‘ La liturgie dans le cénobitisme pachômien au quatrième siècle, p. 324–339. 14

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for the twelve hours of the night found in an ancient Egyptian tomb as a proof that Egyptians were familiar with this form of prayer before the advent of Christianity. 23 There are two objections concerning the latter claim. First, the inscription from the tomb is no proof that the Egyptian Christians continued this practice; Veilleux offers no lines of transmission to support it. Secondly, such prayers as those found in the tomb are connected with the belief that each hour of the nychthemeron has a special power, and part of the creation, inanimate and animate, is praying during it. This means that were one to be awake, then a certain prayer is necessary or appropriate for that particular hour, or had one a special request, then he ought to have known the auspicious time and the formula for it to be granted. Among Greeks, such a horarium was attributed to Apollonius of Tyana, and echoes of it are found in Christian texts. 24 All the same, the frequent alternation of sleep and vigil in one night, or the custom to awake every hour to pray during the night is unknown in the Greek sources. There is a reference in PsChrysostom’s De Precatione about offering one prayer each hour of the day, but it does not mention the same for the night. 25 A similar allusion exists in the Greek corpus of Ephraim the Syrian, which again mentions nothing about praying every hour during the night. 26 Constantinople’s sleepless monks said prayers for every hour of the night. 27 The gist of the prayers is different depending on the time of the night they were said, starting with the need for light in the evening, passing through the night with prayers for protection, renewal and confidence, and ending with praise for the Creator at sunrise. 28 This liturgical programme was possible simply because the nominally sleepless monks had abolished sleepabstinence. 29 The only indisputable reference to this way of prayer Ibid., 329. Chadwick, ‘Prayer at Midnight’, pp. 47–49. 25 Ps–Chrysostom, De Precatione PG 50.779. 26 Ephraim, Sermo alius in patres defunctos, 23. 27 Guillaume, Horologe des veilleurs: Les 24 heures des acémètes, pp. 54–94. 28 Wolfenden, Liturgical, p. 95. 29 On the Sleepless monks see chapter 3. 23 24

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comes from the Vita of Theophano (d.895) wife of Leo the Wise, a document dating from the early tenth century. 30 According to her Vita, Theophano hour after hour during the night got up from her mat and prayed. 31 The most important objection against this method concerns its feasibility. How could one ‘sleep a little’ and then wake only to ‘sleep a little’ for a second time, continuing thus throughout the night? Epiphanius claimed that the Pharisees in order to avoid nocturnal pollution slept either on narrow planks or between rocks or thorns. 32 This could be very effective; the person had to sleep on his side, and, whenever he turned, which could be up to five times per hour during sleep, 33 he would either fall from the plank or be nipped by the rocks and thorns, thus waking up. There is no difficulty with awaking, but periods of continuous sleep must exceed 10 minutes so that sleep can be restorative. 34 On the other hand, any amount of sleep of more than 20 minutes would probably result in sleep inertia. If, however, one could sleep for 20 minutes every two hours, i.e. 4 hours per 24, sleepiness would be much less than if the 4 hours were taken in a single stretch. This method is still in use by persons participating in long distance solo yacht races. 35 The problem with monastic vigil is that sleep – instead of being spread throughout the nychthemeron – would have to be condensed in the night, with 20 minutes of sleep followed by 20 minutes of wakefulness. Notwithstanding all this, there is no indication that Pachomios used a method similar to that described by Epiphanius, and so the question how he managed to wake up every twenty minutes, remains. Perhaps one is to understand, as Mensbrugghe does, Kurtz, Zwei griechische Texte uber die Hl. Theophano, die. Gemahlin Kaisers Leo VI, 1. 31 Vita Theophano, 15. 32 Epiphanius, Panarion, 16.1.2–4. 33 Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 219. 34 Forest, and Godbout, ‘Attention and Memory Changes’, p. 213. 35 Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 218–219. Ellen MacArthur recently demonstrated this method. 30

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κοιμηθῶμεν ὀλίγον does not necessarily mean sleep, but rest. 36 However, this is not likely, because the monks – in contrast with Pachomios – had not much experience in keeping vigil, and asked for what they thought of as the easier method. 37 This is a period of vigil, extending half the night, between two periods of sleep. The degree of difficulty with this method depends on the amount of sleepiness of the monks. A combination of lack of sleepiness with the sleep high offset zone might have robbed them of the first part of their sleep, leaving only 3 hours or less of sleep in total. Not only the vigil, but also the whole of the day would probably be beset with sleepiness. On the other hand, if they slept, having previously had a lengthy time of wakefulness, they might – upon awaking after the first sleep instalment – experience prolonged sleep inertia for up to half an hour, thus obstructing their vigil. The latter part of their sleep would come more easily, but, as in the previous method, it would be troubled with dreams. If, however, the monks slept fully during the first part, not only would their vigil be easier, but also, thanks to their second sleep, they Mensbrugghe, ‘Prayer–time’, p. 437, n. 3. There is a problem with the various texts regarding what Pachomios did during the night. Halkin’s original text reads ‘he remained till the morning sleepless and in soberly quietude the hours of sleep and prayer being experienced in keeping vigil’ ἔμεινεν ὁ μέγας ἀγρυπνῶν καὶ νηφαλίως ἡσυχάζων τὰς ὥρας τοῦ ὕπνου καὶ τῆς εὐχῆς ὡς πεῖραν ἔχων τοῦ ἀγρυπνεῖν. The text is clumsy, but it could easily be remedied by inserting the proposition κατὰ before τὰς ὥρας so it would read ‘he remained sleepless…during the hours of sleep and prayer’. The Vita Tertia’s text is better because instead of ἡσυχάζων has ἰσάζων and reads ‘he remained till the morning without sleep and dividing soberly the hours of sleep and prayer. Pachomios in both cases remained awake throughout, but in the second rendition, it is clear he made sure the monks could spent half the night in prayer if they wished and sleep the rest. The Athenian MS is similar to the Vita Tertia omitting only the ἀγρυπνῶν and reading ‘he persevered dividing soberly the hours of sleep and prayer’. Thus, if one accepts the last version it is impossible to assume as Mensbrugghe suggests that Pachomios did not sleep. 37 VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p 60. 36

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would be alert for a part of the day, probably till the mid-afternoon high sleep onset zone. There are two variations of the method. The first appears in Antioch 38 and Cappadocia; 39 the majority of sleep takes place at the start of the night, while there is a small repose for sleep around dawn or at sunrise. The second variation was recommended by John the Prophet, Barsanuphius’s disciple, where the major part of sleep is towards the morning. One is to sleep for two hours, keep a vigil for six, and then sleep the remaining four. 40 A similar regime was found in Melania’s convent, 41 and it seems that this was a variation popular in Palestine. The first variation avoids much sleep at the REM peak time; therefore there would not be many dreams disturbing the monks’ sleep. In addition, sleep-deprivation will increase the amount of NREM sleep at the first sleep instalment, further reducing REM and dreams. Chrysostom, a proponent of this method, is aware of this fact, and commends the monks for their peaceful sleep. 42 The problem with sleep early in the night is that it coincides with the sleep high offset zone, and if sleep is not initiated, the monks will be drowsy for the rest of the day. As with the original method, it all depends on the degree of the existing sleepiness of the monks. Nevertheless, the variation is difficult because the second instalment of sleep appears minimal. As for the second variation, it is also difficult since the initial two hours of sleep are likely to cause sleep-inertia. In the case of John the Prophet, this would throw the whole vigil out of synchronicity, because the calculation of the vigil’s length is based on the amount of prayers recited, which must expand through six nighthours. 43 If someone were disoriented for up to half an hour upon awaking it would certainly hinder the pace of his prayer, making for Chrysostomus, In epistulam i ad Timotheum (homiliae 1–18), 14.3–4, PG, 62.576. 39 Basilius Caesariensis, Asceticon magnum sive Quaestiones, PG 31.1016. 40 Barsanuphius et Joannes, Quaestiones et responsiones, 147. 41 Vita Melaniae junioris, 46. 42 In epistulam i ad Timotheum (homiliae 1–18), 14.3–4, PG, 62.576. 43 Barsanuphius et Joannes, Quaestiones et responsiones, 147. 38

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a longer vigil and fewer hours of sleep at the second period of rest, thus increasing his sleep-deprivation. Another problem is that the second instalment of sleep coincides with peak REM time and therefore there will be more dreams. Pachomios’s third method overcame the problems of the two variations by keeping the first instalment of sleep very brief. Thus, sleep inertia would have been avoided, while the monks having taken some rest could proceed with the vigil. The longer period of sleep at the end would be enough for them to perform morning prayers and go through the rest of the day, without much sleepiness. Moreover, as SWS recovery is stronger than the REM, and since this would not have been satisfied by the earlier brief period of sleep, dreaming would be limited. How did Pachomios and the monks really fare under this method? Pachomios stayed awake at least half the night, and then a whole night after that, i.e. more than 24 hours without sleep, during which he showed no signs of fatigue or sleepiness. During sleep-deprivation, much depends on the psychology of the person. Provided sleepiness itself is seen as a worthwhile challenge, the effects of it can be overcome. It is a case of ‘mind over matter’. 44 Thus, sleepiness and the psychological effects of TSD might be counteracted for up to 60 hours. 45 This shows that Pachomios’s vigil was not a supernatural feat, but a token of his commitment – an application of strong will. In contrast with Pachomios, one of the monks saw no point in staying awake, while the other collapsed immediately after vigil. 46 In view of this, it is time to examine how fervently and in what way other monks pursued sleep-abstinence.

MARATHON VIGILS As the story of Pachomios demonstrates, the division of the night into two halves – one for prayer the other for sleep – was meant as

Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 35. Ibid. 46 VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p. 60. 44 45

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a golden rule, to limit both sleep and excessive wakefulness. 47 Despite this, Arsenios proclaimed that one seasonal hour of sleep is enough for a monk if he is a fighter. 48 A seasonal hour in Lower Egypt has a maximum length of 70 minutes and minimum of 50 minutes, 49 a very small amount of sleep. Another follower of the 1 hour sleep rule – at least during Lent – was Symeon the New Theologian, 50 though this might be an invention of his hagiographer, who wanted to show Symeon as equal to or even superior to Arsenios. 51 Symeon had the technical advantage that the maximum length of a seasonal hour in Constantinople was 74 minutes, and the minimum 45 minutes. 52 A more plausible amount of sleep per 24 hours is that recorded for Anthony, who slept 3 to 4 seasonal hours from the start of the first sleep, which is about the third or fourth hour of the night, 53 until the middle of the night, which begins at the end of the sixth hour. 54 This means between 3.5–4.5 hours of sleep in the winter, and 2.5–3.5 in the summer. 55 Theodore of Edessa ranked between Arsenios and Anthony, as he slept 2–3 seasonal hours 56 (about 1.5–3.5 hours of sleep). Can the scientific study of sleep help us verify these claims?

Only in the Asceticon of Isaias of Sketis is it used to curb excessive vigils; Ἀσκητικόν, p. 51. 48 AP (collectio alphabetica), 92. 49 See Appendix. 50 Nicetas Stethatus, Vita Simeonis Novi Theologici, 28. 51 According to Nicetas, Symeon would stay sleepless from the evening before Sunday or a feast till the rising of the sun. Unlike Arsenios who would nod off briefly at sunrise, Symeon continued praying. Vita Simeonis, 25. 52 See Appendix. 53 Phrynichus, Preparatio Sophistica, 94.6 54 Palladius, HL, 22.8. 55 See Appendix. 56 Basil of Emesa, Vita Theodori Edesseni, 13. 47

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LIES AND EXAGGERATIONS A thing to take into account is that untruths were likely common; Theodore of Ferme ordered his disciple to tell visitors the truth if he were asleep and not to be afraid for fear that he might scandalise them. 57 A disciple of Luke Steiriotes did not believe that he kept vigil all night and had to peep through Luke’s door until morning to be convinced. 58 Symeon the New Theologian admitted that many feigned sleeplessness. 59 Sometimes, a rumour spread, which a saint did nothing to quell; when a visitor asked Symeon Stylites whether it was true that he never ate nor slept, Symeon readily admitted he was receiving food, but no reply is recorded as to whether he ever slept. 60 The relation of Symeon Stylites to sleep in Theodoret’s narrative is ambivalent. Theodoret in his prologue to Symeon’s life claims that those who are not initiated to the divine mysteries measure everything according to human nature and discard anything surpassing it; 61 he writes, therefore, in a cryptic way in order to confuse them, since his claims are beyond the ordinary. When referring to Symeon’s vigils Theodoret states that he passed the whole night turned to the east praying with his hands outstretched, without sleep beguiling him or pain conquering him. 62 The οὔτε ὑπὸ ὕπνου θελγόμενος leaves open the possibility that at other times Symeon was susceptible to sleep, but no clear admission is made. On the other hand, the description of Symeon’s 24 hour schedule omits sleeping time altogether. 63 The faithful and the unbelievers could draw their own conclusions. The lies and exaggerations about the amount of sleep obtained point to the fact that the restriction of sleep was an indicator of holiness par excellence. No other form of piety could brand a AP, (collectio alphabetica), 195–196. Vita Lucae Junioris Steiriotae, 24. 59 Symeon Neotheologus, Catecheses 1–34, 20.199. 60 Theodoretus, Historia Religiosa, 26.23. 61 Ibid., 26.1. 62 Theodoretus, Historia Religiosa, 26.25. 63 Ibid., 26.26. 57 58

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monk as a fighter than the ability to sleep for only 1 hour per 24; 64 during the vigil, the perfection of a monk was made manifest. 65 The pressure to conform to such measures and to perform such feats of sleeplessness must have been enormous; it is no wonder there were many inflated claims. Thus, Abba Anouph declared that he never slept at night, always seeking God. 66

SHORT SLEEPERS Nevertheless, claims of very brief amounts of sleep need not be dismissed out of hand. In a survey of 800,000 American adults 0.1% reported sleeping less than 4 hours per night. 67 Arsenios lived in the fourth century, Theodore of Emessa in the ninth and Symeon the New Theologian in the eleventh century; the cases of such short sleepers are so rare in the Byzantine sources, which makes them a statistical probability, i.e. it is likely that every few centuries an exceptionally short sleeper would appear. They would be naturally predisposed to sleep less than most people, and they made their genetic characteristic into a main feature of their monastic life. 68 As far as Arsenios is concerned, there is an additional explanation. Worried that he might be drifting into sleep, Arsenios asked two monks to monitor him during night prayers. In the morning, he breathed heavily three times, a sign of drowsiness, and asked them whether he had fallen asleep, but they could not answer because they themselves had slept. Arsenios replied that indeed he AP, (collectio alphabetica), 92. AP, (collectio alphabetica), 273–277. 66 Abba Anouph in, Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, 11. 67 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 346. 68 The above is valid for Anthony’s lower end of sleep–duration, but not for the higher, at least not at the same degree. The 4.5 hours of sleep is a more usual amount (Lavie, Enchanted, p. 113), while it has been already stated that 4 hours of sleep per 24 hours can be relatively restorative, if instead of being taken in a single block, they are divided into 20 minutes of sleep every 2 hours. The reason is that this sleep contains more SWS and hence it is more intense (Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 182–3). 64 65

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had dozed. 69 This is the earliest report of a microsleep, which is a short 1 to 10 seconds dip into stage 1 sleep. Microsleeps become more frequent after 40 hours without sleep and help alleviate the effects of sleep-deprivation. 70 Arsenios, a short sleeper by nature pressed himself beyond his limits becoming sleep-deprived –he therefore experienced a microsleep. Genetic predisposition alone cannot account for these exceptionally short periods of sleep. Of paramount importance was the determination of a person to stay awake, which could enable even average length sleepers perform feats of sleeplessness. However, in the case of an average-length sleeper sleep-deprivation would appear earlier and be more severe that in the short sleepers.

DYSSOMNIAS Some of those short periods of sleep may result from idiopathic insomnia, which is of unknown aetiology and is manifested with both onset and sleep maintenance problems. 71 There are also other forms of insomnia, which could have contributed to the long vigils. Generally speaking, sleep is an accurate barometer of a person’s mental condition, responding rapidly to situations of tension and anxiety even before any other bodily system does. Thus, stress, anxiety problems and phobic disorders cause difficulties with sleep onset. 72 Furthermore, people who are nervous, overactive, restless and apprehensive tend to have poor sleep maintenance with numerous awakenings associated with worried thoughts and anxious dreams. 73 Some people learn not to sleep, which is not strange because falling asleep has elements of learned behaviour and conditioning; 74 in some cases people have associated sleeping cues with not being able to sleep, sleeping better in another environment and at times actively tries not to sleep. 75 AP, (collectio alphabetica), 108. Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 358. 71 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 358. 72 Ibid., p. 350. 73 Ibid., p. 350. 74 Lavie, Enchanted, p. 169. 75 Moorcroft, Sleep, pp. 350–1. 69 70

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To what extent did Byzantine spirituality trigger such responses and are there any examples in the sources? Certainly, anxiety about salvation was an important factor of insomnia. Gregory Nazianzenus described vividly in a poem the terrifying thoughts and images about Judgment and hell, which curtailed his sleep. 76 Ephraim put it differently; whoever has no fear of God sleeps calmly. 77 Furthermore, in Chapter 4 sleep emerged from the Bible as a perilous time, a time of divine retribution, which might be general, as in the Parousia occurring at night, or personal, through sudden death when one is asleep. Apart from the threat of an avenging God, there was also the danger of demonic activity. The prayers for the vigil in the Euchologion, as presented in Chapter 3, reinforce those teachings. Thus, a unique characteristic of vigil as opposed to any other church service or prayer time is a sense of dread. It is not only the content of the prayers, which might be different in solitary vigils or in places outside Constantinople, which contributes to that feeling, but primarily the act of watching through the hours of darkness, when human beings are most vulnerable, safeguarding oneseself against a possible assault from the supernatural. Fear is hardly the best preparation for going to bed. Even if sleep were initiated, it would have been interrupted by anxious dreams and thoughts. Among the miracles of Theodore of Studion there is a case, which might have come from a modern handbook on insomnia. A monk was so much overtaken by fear that he would not sleep in his appointed quarters, nor do anything else because of the terror of the darkness. 78 This is the sort of learned or conditioned insomnia described on the start of this subchapter. This is a common incident; the Vita uses the word δειλία (cowardice) to describe the monk’s mental state, which is a terminus technicus for the fear that overcomes someone during the night. Comparatio vitarum, pp. 189–95. Sermo de virtutibus et vitiis, 3. See also Chrysostomus, In epistulam i ad Timotheum, PG 62. 576, on the fear of God interrupting sleep. The fear of God and the fire of the love for him curtail sleep, Theodorus Studites, Μεγάλη Κατήχησις, 5.480–1. 78 Vita S. Theodori Studitae, PG. 99. 234. 76 77

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The term was first used in the Vita Antonii where there is a differentiation between fear (φόβος) and cowardice (δειλία), the first being the result of divinely sent visions and the latter of demonic manifestations. 79 The cowardice overcomes the monk at night; it is triggered by apparitions, screams, noises and sounds, causing confusion and disorder to the soul and fear of death. 80 Evagrius also mentions that cowardice appears at night and it is caused by sounds 81 and accompanied by apparitions, which are so vivid that some lose their minds. 82 Evagrius mentions the case of monk who during vigil was assaulted by terrible apparitions; at the thought of next night’s vigil he went out of his mind with terror, and spent several nights in prayer trying to overcome it. 83 From the cases above a pattern emerges where during vigil a monk is overcome with fear. This leads to insomnia, which in turn leads to further vigils and certainly to sleep-deprivation. Thus, the Vita Antonii attributed awakenings for prayer to demonic activity to prevent the monks from totally losing their sleep. 84 With the obvious exception of idiopathic insomnia, the other types of insomnia presented earlier are associated with one’s lifestyle. 85 This means that Byzantine spirituality was responsible for causing insomnia to its followers, even though it perceived that insomnia, or aspects of it, as something pathological or even downright demonic.

POST TRAUMATIC STRESS DISORDER As part of the investigation into claims of very short sleep, we need to examine the possibility of Post-Tramautic Stress Disorder Vita Antonii, 35–37. Ibid., 36. 81 Evagrius, Tractatus ad Eulogium, PG 79, 1124. 82 Ibid., 1132. 83 Evagrius, Tractatus ad Eulogium, PG 79, 1132. On cowardice, demons and the night see also Barsanuphius et Joannes, Quaestiones et responsiones, 131; Joannes Climacus, Scala, 21; Joannes Damascenus, Expositio Fidei, 67. 84 Vita Antonii, 25.2; 27.4. 85 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 350. 79 80

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(PTSD). This is characterized by the recurrent, unwanted reexperiencing of a traumatic event. The trauma is one that everyone would consider profoundly disturbing, either a life-threatening or a profoundly life-changing event. 86 The symptoms of PTSD include difficulty sleeping and hypervigilance. 87 There are also recurring, intrusive, and distressing recollections of the event, dreams associated with it, hypnagogic hallucinations, and even acting and feeling by the patient as if the event was happening again (hallucinations). 88 It is worth considering whether Byzantium’s tumultuous history, with invasions, insurrections, religious persecutions and plagues, made PTSD likely, and so whether it might be behind the development of vigil or at least responsible for its length and popularity. Certainly, in a deeply religious society like the Byzantine even a major sin might trigger such a response. Some of the symptoms, such as hypervigilance, hypnagogic hallucinations (responsible for the accounts of demonic assaults), and the distressing, recurring thoughts about the event, all are reminiscent of a person performing extreme penance for a sin. I have tried to avoid wild speculations – despite the fact that both the medical and the Byzantine material lend themselves readily to such things – but, one cannot help wondering whether Evagrius of Pontus was suffering from PTSD. Evagrius displayed behaviour consistent with PSTD – he suffered for a long time, about six months, from a febrile disease, which is, possibly, how the hallucinations associated with PTSD were perceived by the doctors, who were baffled by his illness. 89 Evagrius also displayed hypervigilance, he claimed he was only snatching some sleep leaning on walls. 90 Finally, when he slept he suffered from hypnagogic

Stein, and Mellman, ‘Anxiety Disorders’, p. 1305. Ibid. 88 Ibid. 89 Palladius, HL, 38.3. 90 Evagrius, Practicus, Prologue-chapter-epilogue 94. 86 87

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hallucinations, which were of all three types (intruder, incubus, erotic) described in chapter 3. 91 What was the event causing PTSD? According to Paladius, while in Constantinople, Evagrius fell in love with the wife of a high official, and she reciprocated his feelings. 92 Evagrius prayed to God for deliverance from that passion, and was granted a dream, in which the local governor sent soldiers to imprison him at the request of the woman’s husband. 93 An angel, in the same dream, under the guise of friend, visited the imprisoned Evagrius and told him that it was in his interests to abandon Constantinople. Evagrius replied that if he could get out of his present predicament he would, to which effect the angel asked him to take an oath. Evagrius did so, and when he woke up he decided to leave Constantinople in haste. 94 Trauma related nightmares are a particular feature of PTSD. During the early aftermath of the trauma, there are dreams, which specifically replicate the memory of it. When PTSD enters a chronic phase, the dreams incorporate memories of frightening experiences without replicating the event. Nevertheless, they reinforce the trauma and increase the person’s distress. 95 Judging from the circumstances, and especially the content of the dream, we may conclude that Evagrius suffered a double trauma, being afraid he would lose both his life and his soul. If the dream Palladius reported followed immediately after the traumatic event, then it seems that Evagrius did receive a threatening visit from the governor’s men, or an actual friend informed him of the imminence of his arrest. If the dream was of latter date than the event, it is possible that the fear of fornication alone caused the trauma, the dream content bearing some of his memories at the time. Sinkewicz, Evagrius of Pontus: The Greek Ascetic Corpus, pp. xxv; xxviii–xxix. 92 Palladius, Historia Lausiaca, 38.3. 93 Ibid., 38.3. 94 Palladius, HL, 38.4–7. 95 Mellman, and Pigeon, ‘Dreams and Nightmares in Posttraumatic Stress Disorder’, p. 380. 91

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Now that the trauma is explained, other features of PTSD might be recognized in Evagrius’ behaviour. Those suffering from PTSD avoid stimuli associated with the trauma, while they display intense negative psychological and physiological response to any reminder of traumatic event. 96 Evagrius certainly proscribed all occasions for meeting women. 97 Moreover, according to Palladius when Evagrius was tempted by fornication, he stood naked in a tank of water and prayed throughout the night, until his flesh froze from the cold because it was winter, 98 an extreme response to a reminder of his trauma. It could be that Evagrian spirituality is not only the blending of philosophy with the ascetic praxis, but also the result of a troubled mind.

NEITHER SLUMBER NOR SLEEP If claims regarding an hour or two of sleep are to be treated with caution, what can be said about claims of total sleep-deprivation lasting for days? The number of days varies; monks allegedly went sleepless for 4, 99 6, 100 7, 101 14, 102 20, 103 30 104 and 40, 105 while there are claims of being without sleep for some years 106 or without any sleep at all. 107 American Psychiatric Association, Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: DSM–IV, p. 450. 97 Sinkewicz, Evagrius, p. xxvii. 98 Palladius, HL, 38.11. 99 VP (Codice Atheniensi), p.100. 100 Vita sancti Athanasii Athonitae, Vita Prima 244. 101 Vita et Miracula Petri Atroatae, 4. 102 Abba Bisarion, AP, (collectio alphabetica) 140. 103 Abba Macarius of Alexandria, Palladius, Historia Lausiaca, 18.3. 104 Vitae Symeonis Stylitae Junioris, 38. 105 Abba Bisarion, AP (collectio alphabetica) 141; Abba Macarius of Alexandria, Palladius, HL, 18.14–15; VP, Vita Graeca Tertia, p. 356. 106 Abba Moses remained sleepless for six years, Palladius, HL, 19. 7–9; Pachomios, the length of his wakefulness is not stated: VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p. 22. 107 Abba Anouph in, Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, 11; Vita Sancti Evaresti, 21. 96

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Starting with the last two claims, today, persons asserting such things are considered either as publicity seekers, or as suffering from sleep state misperception. A third possibility is that they are people who nap, but they do not consider this as real sleep. 108 This last category could not have existed among the over-scrupulous monks, who reckoned as sleep even a momentary nodding off. 109 As to the second category, sleep state misperception is a disorder of unknown aetiology, the patients of which, though they experience normal sleep duration, report that they never slept. 110 There is only one other possible explanation: a rare, hereditary, degenerative disease of the central nervous system, which leads to death, called fatal familial insomnia (FFI). This is a remarkable case, because FFI is accompanied by not only a severe or complete lack of sleep, but also by cachexia. 111 Another symptom is the lapsing during sleep into a hallucinatory state accompanied by motor gestures related to the content of the dream. 112 This last feature resembles the REM behaviour disorder, mentioned in Chapter 4, which I suspect is the foundation for many stories about physical attacks by demons at night-time. Three of the hallmarks of sanctity – lack of sleep, lack of nourishment, and battle with demons – might be the result of FFI, which ironically is connected to a concept called agrypnia excitata. 113 The disease’s duration, defined from the onset of insomnia, varies from 8 months to 72 months, 114 which accounts for the reports of sleepless monastics. There are two objections; firstly, the rarity of the disease, which, however, is counteracted by the rarity of claims of total or long-term sleeplessHorne, Sleepfaring, p. 176. Arsenios in AP, (collection alphabetica), 108. 110 Thorpy, ‘sleep state misperception’, Encyclopedia of Sleep, pp. 225– 108 109

6.

111

Lugaresi, et al., ‘Familial and sporadic fatal insomnia’, pp. 167–76; p.168; Cachexia is loss of weight, muscle atrophy and fatigue p. 168. 112 Ibid., p. 167. 113 Agrypnia because of the organic insomia, and excitata due to the motor and autonomic hyperactivation associated with such lack of sleep; Ibid., p. 168. 114 Lugaresi, et al., ‘Familial’, p. 167.

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ness among the Byzantines. Secondly, the disease has a limited span and brings death, while none of the claimants in Byzantine sources died as a result of their sleeplessness. 115 Thus, these were not cases of FFI, and these claims of sleeplessness have to be dismissed. As for the other lengths of total sleep-deprivation, the longest recorded period of TSD is 11 days, 116 which allows us to accept the veracity of claims of a similar or smaller time-span. There is no conclusive evidence that 14, 20, 30 or 40 days of total sleepdeprivation are either possible or impossible. However, an absolute determination to succeed, together with the inevitable microsleeps, the support of constant monitoring, excitatory stimuli, and energetic physical exercise, when alertness slumps because of the circadian rhythms, can help someone stay awake for several days. 117 Did the monks, who claimed they remained sleepless for several days, follow such a regime as the one described above? The monks certainly had the determination to stay awake. No outside support is mentioned in the relevant stories; theirs was a solitary effort, apart from the case of Macarios of Alexandria, who was closely observed by the Pachomian monks. As for excitatory stimuli, the setting was the desert or the monastery, so the stimuli were limited. Moreover, no physical activity is recorded despite the fact that it was known to fight sleep. Even though some of the contributing factors for maintaining wakefulness are missing from the stories, the monks still succeed not to sleep, aided only by their will to do so. This is not impossible, since, according to sleep experts, the fight with sleep is primarily a case of mind over matter 118 or – in theological parlance – spirit over flesh. 119 To sum up, claims of very short lengths of sleep are possible due to genetic predisposition, will power or dissomnias, or a combination of those factors. Several days of total sleep-deprivation are Abba Moses, Palladius, HL, 19. 7–9; VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p. 22; Abba Anouph, Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, 11; Vita Sancti Evaresti, 21. 116 Dement and Vaughan, The Promise, pp. 242–247. 117 Lavie, Enchanted, p. 121. 118 Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 13. 119 Mt 26:41. 115

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also possible if there is enough will power and appropriate techniques. Finally, according to current medical knowledge, claims of total sleep-deprivation lasting for many months or years – unless the result of FFI – are false, either the result of sleep state misperception or conscious lies.

METHODS, CONTRAPTIONS AND THE FIGHT TO STAY AWAKE

The monks did not employ only willpower to stay awake, although this was considered paramount for sleeplessness. 120 The constant battle with sleep taught them how best to use their body against its natural urge. This practical knowledge, bequeathed from generation to generation through living example and the monastic literature, is a testimony to their aspiration to remain awake, and their success in doing so. Unfortunately, when the more subdued techniques failed – as they would after a certain period – the monks employed excessive methods, even dangerous ones, a testimony to their tenacity if not their wisdom. Among the natural techniques is activity, bodily posture, exposure to heat or cold, and dietary restriction. As for activity, no monk would sit for night prayers without being engaged in some work or another, usually the weaving of mats, although such mundane and repetitive work is not good for keeping someone alert. 121 This is why, as we saw with Pachomios, a more energetic activity was sought when sleep was approaching. Excesses appeared throughout the history of monasticism. I shall mention two cases only, about three centuries apart, in both of which the hero is a coenobite. Christophoros the Roman (ca. seventh century) did

The soul, which has conceived in full the greatness of God and desires to fulfil his commandments, is not assailed by excessive sleep, Basilius Caesariensis, Asceticon, PG 31.1104; The remembrance of God’s benevolence and mercy is enough to overcome sleep, Marcus Eremita, Ad Nicolaum praecepta animae salutaria, 3.1–8; whoever thinks that during the prayer he stands in front of God will become like an immovable column during vigil, and remain unassailed by the demons, Joannes Climacus, Scala Paradisi, PG 88.937. 121 Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 62–63. 120

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1800 prostrations per night while he was going down a flight of stairs leading to the grave of Saint Theodosius. There were 18 steps and he performed 100 prostrations on each. 122 Paul the Younger of Latros (ca. tenth century) spent the whole night walking around with two huge boulders hanging from his shoulders. 123 Of course, there were easier ways of keeping awake at night-time, if only they did their prayers standing. The Byzantine sources speak often of πάννυχος or παννύχιος στάσις, i.e. is standing throughout the night in prayer. 124 This method was used by coenobites and anchorites, priests and laypeople alike, communally and individually, regularly and at times of crisis. 125 Its purpose was not simply to add extra toil for the body, thus enhancing the efficacy of vigils; standing increases the sympathetic nervous system activity, which in turn increases alertness, 126 and thus it is conducive to vigils. For that, among other reasons, Evagrios preferred to sleep standing, since it would be more difficult to resume sleep once awake. 127 For those whose feet could not support them all night, the Byzantines invented the κρεμαστῆρες or μασχαλιστῆρες. These were one or two looped ropes suspended from the ceiling, through which a person could pass his arms, thus being supported upright, and thus remain standing in prayer or even could sleep without Joannes Moschus, Pratum Spirituale, PG 85. 2961. Vita sancti Pauli Junioris in monte Latro, 6. 124 4th c Gregorius Nazianzenus, Supremum vale, PG 36.489; 5th c Theodoretus, Historia religiosa, 24.2, 4; 6th c Cyrillus, Vita Cyriaci, 230; 7th Joannes Climacus, Scala paradisi, PG 88.656; 892; 1065; 8th Joannes Damascenus, De virtutibus et vitiis, PG 95.88; ninth Ignatius Diaconus, Vita Nicephori, 167; tenth Vita Evaresti, 21; eleventh Symeon Neotheologus, Catecheses 1–34, Oration 3. 125 See footnote 1070. 126 Bonnet, and Arand, ‘Level of arousal and the ability to maintain wakefulness’, pp. 247–254. 127 Evagrius, Practicus, Prologue-chapter-epilogue 94. Abba Bissarion did the same AP, (collectio alphabetica) 141. Also Abba John in Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, Vita 13.19. 122 123

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sitting down or lying. 128 Titus from Gaul even had a plank inserted, which at times he used as a pillow and at others as a book rest. 129 In both cases, a method used for vigil was used for sleeping as well. Extreme forms of the above emerged; Sisinnios spent three years standing day and night in a grave, 130 while Abba Sisoes of Calamon, hanged himself from a precipice, and was reproached by an angel for this foolhardy act. 131 Second to standing was to perform the vigil on a seat, which was also used for working and sleeping. 132 Sitting, to a lesser degree than standing, but more than lying down, increases alertness. 133 Therefore, the perception of sleeping in a sitting position as superior to χαμευνία, 134 was not unfounded, although this does not mean that sleeping on the ground (χαμευνία) was not highly prized. The fact that many monks in their secular life were accustomed to sleeping on the ground 135 also contributed to this, and, if not anything else, the novelty of having to adjust to sleeping while seated made it inconvenient. It might sound strange, but the posture in sleep is affected by culture and circumstances; Marcel Mauss claimed that during World War I he managed to sleep anywhere and anyhow from horseback, to standing up in the mountains, to Vita Sanctae Syncleticae, 483; Theodoretus, Historia Religiosa, 26.9 (Symeon Stylites); Vita S. Danielis Stylitae, 62–63; Cyrillus, Vita Euthymii, 34; Vitae Symeonis Stylitae Junioris, 37; Arethas, Scripta minora. Opus 8.85 (Euthymius of Constantinople); Vita Lazari in monte Galesio, 558; Menologii Imperiales, Vita Theodosii coenobiarchae, 13; Analecta Hymnica Graeca, Synaxar November, Day 13 canon 3, (John Chrysostom) 129 Vita Lazari in monte Galesio, 558. 130 Palladius, HL, 49.1. 131 AP (collectio alphabetica), 404. 132 Abba Bissarion, AP, (collectio alphabetica) 141; AP (collectio anonyma), 146; Historia monachorum in Aegypto, Vita 20.89; HL, 32.3; VP, (Codice Atheniensi), p. 104; VP, Vita Pachomii altera, p. 214. 133 Bonnet, and Arand, ‘Arousal Components Which Differentiate the MWT from the MSLT’, pp. 441–7. 134 Vitae Sancti Antonii Junioris, 103; Vita Athanasii Athonitae (II), 132; 135. 135 AP (collectio alphabetica), 104. 128

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heaps of stones. A period of adjustment was necessary, but that lasted only a night. 136 Maus also remarked on the custom of the Massai to sleep standing, and of other African tribes for resting in the fields on one foot like storks. 137 Because sleeping on a seat or on the ground is something that one can be accustomed to, extreme variations appeared. Paul the Younger, for instance, slept leaning upon a tree or a rock, 138 and Athanasia of Aegina and Theodora of Caesaris slept on a bed of rocks with only a cover over it. 139 For χαμευνία to be really effective, it must expose the sleeper to the extremes of cold and heat. Too cold and, to a lesser degree, too warm a room, will increase the time awake and alter the structure of sleep, with REM most vulnerable to a too cold/hot room. 140 That was understood by the Byzantines who either slept on the ground, sometimes only in their clothes, even in winter 141 and sometimes naked. 142 The use of the hairshirt in summer would have been enough to put anyone off their sleep, 143 although rather than the heat, it might have been the lice keeping them awake. 144 Dietary restriction promotes sleeplessness; people who dramatically lose weight experience shortened and fragmented sleep. Generally, hunger decreases total sleep time as does thirst, whereas acute starvation increases SWS. 145 An empty stomach was recommended for prayer, 146 but there also might have been excesses; Mauss, ‘Techniques of the body’, p. 80. Mauss, ‘Techniques of the body’, p. 81. 138 Vita sancti Pauli Junioris in monte Latro, 6. 139 Vita Athanasiae Aeginae, 214; Vita Theodorae Caesariis, 356; There is also a reference in Vita Syncleticae, 552. 140 Moorcroft, Sleep, pp. 59–60. 141 Vita Michaelis Maleini, 557. 142 Vita Euthymii Junioris, 184. 143 On the hairshirt see Basilius Caesariensis, Asceticon, 31.1145; Vita Syncleticae, 551. 144 Vita Sancti Antonii Junioris, 207. 145 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 59–60. 146 Basilius Caesariensis, Asceticon, PG 31.968; Epistulae, 2.6; Joannes Chrysostomus, In Matthaeum, PG 58.563; Evagrius, De octo spiritibus maliti136 137

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monks were sleeping to fight off hunger, 147 because, indeed, the feeling of hunger is suppressed by sleep, and as an alternative to eating, the body uses some of its stored energy reserves, especially body fat. 148 Finally, the division of sleep into short naps not exceeding 20 minutes throughout the day can be particularly restorative if they total at least 4 hours. 149 There is the question of calculating the time without a clock. Certainly, in the cells, the method ascribed to the Pharisees by Epiphanios, mentioned in the previous chapter, was workable, but there is no evidence that monks used this. Nevertheless, there are testimonies of other more imaginative methods; John the Faster, Patriarch of Constantinople, slept by laying his chest on his knees while holding a sewing pin (ραφίς) on a lighted candle, so that he would wake up when it became hot. 150 Symeon Stylites would stand on a piece of wood so that if sleep overcame him it would roll from under his feet awakening him. 151 How much sleep they got from such methods, and how refreshed they felt, is impossible to know. A similar, but less surreal, method was used in modern times by Salvador Dali, who relaxed on a chair while holding between thumb and forefinger a spoon over a pewter plate. When the spoon fell, he would awaken claiming to have had a refreshing nap. 152 Without a doubt, the monks were determined to limit their sleep to a bare minimum regardless if that was refreshing or not. The monks understood well the mechanics of sleep, and developed appropriate strategies to maintain wakefulness, a sign of their commitment to vigils. What is interesting is that personal vigils and the employment of mundane and extreme methods to acae, PG 79.1145; Theodoretus, Historia religiosa, Vita 3.3; Theodorus Studites, Sermones Catecheseos Magnae, 106.129. 147 Joannes Climacus, Scala Paradisi, PG 88.937. 148 Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 54. 149 Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 182–3. 150 Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopoleos mensis Septembris, Day 2 section 2. 151 Doran, The Lives of Symeon Stylites, p. 114. 152 Borbély, Secrets, p. 41.

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complish them, were not limited to anchorites; from the sources it is obvious the coenobites were equally determined and reckless in their pursuit of sleeplessness. One might wonder whether such actions reveal that vigil was somewhat neglected in the monasteries. If so, then although there was sleep-abstinence, there was no communal sleep-deprivation, forcing those more ascetically minded to add to their hours of vigil. For that reason, the place of vigils in the life of the monasteries needs to be made clear.

THE COMMUNAL PURSUIT OF SLEEPLESSNESS A community aiming at sleep-abstinence must keep the balance between those who desire a regime of acute privation and those who, either disagree on principle with an excessive regime or are unable to follow it. Therefore, it is difficult to impose a programme of severe sleep-deprivation upon a community, simply because a fair number will complain and cause discord. Alternatively, even if there were no complaints, the rate of failure might be high, creating an acute division among the monks between the drowsy and the vigilant. This is also the case with personal vigils. The anecdote about Macarios entering the monastery at Tabennisi and spending the whole of Lent standing in a corner, eating once a week, and never sleeping, to the consternation of the monks, was intented as a jibe at the Pachomian monasteries for their perceived lack of asceticism. Nevertheless, the monks’ reaction to Pachomios: ‘either you expel him (Macarios) from the monastery or we all go’ is very realistic. 153 Even if the vigil is successful, a regime of sleep-deprivation might incapacitate a large number of the community, thus paralysing the life of the monastery. This is why sleep-deprivation did not feature in the national convocations of Israel; in the same vein, the Qumran sectarians, though living in a state of acute eschatological expectation, did not extend their vigil beyond a third of the night. 154 Christians, on the other hand, chose total sleepdeprivation in their regular and extraordinary night-long assem153 154

Palladius, HL, 18.14–15. See Chapter III.

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blies, but solved the problem by not making their attendance obligatory. Nevertheless, the situation was more complicated for the monasteries, where a uniform life is expected, and the shortcomings of a member reflected upon the whole community. As Marcora noted, though the laity might not always have participated, they viewed vigil as synonymous with Christian perfection. 155 Apart from the outside pressure, the monks would have felt particularly obliged to follow the rule to spend half the night in prayer. The solutions followed for these problems were two: the first was no communal assemblies, but personal vigils, with or without compulsion; the other was strictly enforced communal vigils, which might or might not extend to the full half-night, and, perhaps, some personal vigil. Monastic communal vigils and compulsion appear closely connected since the days of the Qumran sectarians, who punished anyone sleeping during their assemblies. The reason is that excessive sleep, as excessive vigil, threaten both the unity (spatially, temporally) and the uniformity (common rule) of the community. Whenever one oversleeps, he is not where he is supposed to be, not doing what he is meant to do, and not participating in the life of privation common to all. As soon as the anchorite Publius acquired followers, he spent the night spying as to whether they were awake. If anyone was caught asleep, he was awakend, and received a very stern reprimand. 156 The difference in spirit can be seen when comparing Publius to Poemen, a no less stern hermit himself, but without a large entourage. Poemen advised keeping sleep to a minimum, since it is impossible to eradicate it totally. 157 Nevertheless, when some monks asked him whether they should shake a drowsy brother during vigil to awaken him, Poemen replied that if he saw anyone looking sleepy, he would offer him his knees as a pillow to rest him. 158 Marcora, Liturgia, p. 155. Theodoretus, Historia Religiosa, 5.3 157 AP, (collectio alphabetica), 368. 158 AP, (collectio alphabetica), 334. 155 156

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Compulsion in lavriotic and coenobitic communities took various forms; noise was made to waken the monks, either with hammers on their doors, 159 or with human voices combined with calls from a wooden percussion instrument known as ξύλo. 160 The abbot in the monasteries of Antioch would lightly spur the sleeping monks with his foot to awaken them, 161 while in Gaza, 162 Cappadocia 163 and Constantinople, 164 a monk called ἐξυπνίζων or ἀφυπνιστὴς, i.e. ‘awakener’, was especially appointed for that purpose. The pressure to attend the vigil took other forms as well. If anyone resisted or abused the awakener, he was punished, at first with exclusion from the life of the community and extra fasting, and on re-offending with expulsion from the monastery. 165 The awakener’s office was highly praised by the abbots, 166 but the brothers themselves protested against being appointed, 167 obviously because of the abuse they suffered, a sure sign that the programme of vigils was exhausting.

Palladius, Historia Lausiaca, Vita 43.3; it called the awakening hammer ἐξυπνιστικῷ σφυρίῳ. 160 Descriptio constitutionis monasterii Studii, 1704; Knocking the door and screaming was Publius’ own variation; Theodoretus, Historia Religiosa, 5.3. 161 Joannes Chrysostomus, In epistulam i ad Timotheum, PG 62.576. 162 Dorotheus Gazaeus, Doctrinae diversae i–xvii ; Didaskalia 11.117. 163 Basilius Caesariensis, Asceticon, PG 31.1109. 164 Theodorus Studites, Iambi de variis argumentis, Iamb 16, Dedicated to the awakeners. Also they are mentioned in Μεγάλη Κατήχησις, 16,110; 46,336; 101, 733; 102,745; 120, 896; and, of course in Typikon of Studion, Descriptio constitutionis, 225; 232. 165 Basilius Caesariensis, Asceticon, PG 31.1109. 166 Basilius Caesariensis, Asceticon, PG 31.1109; Dorotheus Gazeus, Doctrinae diversae i–xvii, Didaskalia 11.117; Theodorus Studites, Iambi de variis argumentis, Iamb 16; Theodorus Studites, Μεγάλη Κατήχησις, 102,745–7. 167 Theodorus Studites, Μεγάλη Κατήχησις, 102, 745–7. 159

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According to the Typikon of Studios, the awakeners were used also during the services to awaken gently the brothers. 168 Not everyone was gentle in awakening the sleepers though; when Paul of Latros caught for a second time someone yawning and stretching during matins, he slapped him on the jaw. 169 On the other hand, Lazarus of Mount Galesion, because he was on the column, kindly requested another brother to deliver the slaps to those nodding off. 170 Finally, those who complained of being tired because of the vigil were punished with extra fasting. 171 Notwithstanding the length of vigil in the monasteries, the methods used to waken the monks, some drastic, and to keep them awake during the services, show that the monasteries took no less seriously the obligation to watch through the night. The question is whether the communal nocturnal prayers were long enough, and whether they could be classified as partial sleep-deprivation. Before answering this, the time of cock-crowing should be decided, since that was the time most monastic vigils started.

COCK-CROW Cock-crowing is often mentioned as signalling the start or the end of a vigil; however, it is difficult to place exactly the time of first crowing. Mark 13:35 has long been thought of as providing the names of the four Roman night watches. Every watch lasted about 3 seasonal ‘hours’; ἀλεκτοροφωνία or cock-crowing is the third watch, which in Jerusalem at the time of Egeria would fall between 23:37 and 02:07 in summer, and 23:35 and 02:35 in winter. 172 It is Descriptio constitutionis, 232; Athanasius of Athos did the same, Vita (I), 39 although their duties included making sure that nobody spoke, smiled, slackened their body or suffled their feet. 169 Vita sancti Pauli Junioris in monte Latro, 6. This tradition happily continues in Mount Athos; where a monk kicked me on the shin to awaken me while I was asleep during a vigil. I hasten to add in his defence that he claimed they did not mind me sleeping, but the snoring really put them off their prayers. 170 Vitae Sancti Lazari, 576.2–577.1. 171 Vita Athanasii Athonitae (I), 179. 172 See the Appendix for the relevant calculations. 168

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reasonable to suppose that during the ‘cock-crowing’ watch, cockerels did crow. T. Martin, assuming that cockerels do not crow that early, and based on some Greek texts which associate the cockerel with dawn, claimed that ἀλεκτοροφωνία in Graeco-Roman practice ought to be assigned to the fourth watch, which he placed after 03:00. 173 According to Martin, the reason behind this misunderstanding in Mark is the fusion of the Roman four-watch system with the Jerusalem usage, which knew of only three watches, and ascribed ἀλεκτοροφωνία to the last, i.e. third watch. 174 The second component of the synthesis in Mark is the early Greek reckoning of night-time, which also had only three watches, 175 the final one being called ‘cock-crowing’. Phrynichus stated that cock-crowing extends from the start of the ninth hour until sunrise, 176 which is the period of the last watch in a three-watch system. This is not much earlier than the fourth watch according to the Roman reckoning, which started from the tenth hour of the night. 177 Yet, even half an hour might make a difference between partial sleep-deprivation and regenerating sleep. In Jerusalem, the third watch according to the Graeco-Jewish reckoning would fall in winter at about 02:00 and in summer at 01:20, while the fourth watch according to the Roman reckoning would have started at 03:00 and at 02:00 respectively. Nevertheless, the question posed by Martin, how early do cockerels crow, still needs to be answered. Pliny, certainly, confirms that the cockerels signalled the beginning of the fourth watch. 178 On the other hand, there are several testimonies for a very early cock-crow in classical and post-classical

Martin, ‘Watch during the Watches (Mark 13:35)’, pp. 687–9. A. Baumstark based on Pliny identified the fourth watch as that of cock– crowing already in 1957; Nocturna Laus, p. 151. 174 Martin, pp. 692–696. 175 Julius Pollux, Onomasticon, 1.68–71. 176 Phrynichus, Praeparatio sophistica, 94.6. 177 Porphyrius, Contra Christianos, Fragment 55. 178 Rackham, Pliny: Natural Histo, 320–23. 173

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Greek texts. 179 Moreover, T. Brady, in a survey of the literature on cock-crowing, found instances where cock-crowing occurred between midnight and 03:00. 180 More pertinent is a passage in the Catechetical discourses of Symeon the New Theologian, written sometime between the end of the tenth-beginning of the eleventh century: ‘the cockerel signalled the middle of the night (νυκτὸς τὸ μέσον); soon after, the churches gave the call for matins. He got up to pray according to custom, having not slept at all that night’. 181 The νυκτὸς τὸ μέσον signifies the actual middle of the night, which is not the same as midnight according to the modern reckoning. This in Constantinople could be at about 00:25 in winter when the night is longer, and at 00:00 in summer, when nights are shorter. This time approximately coincides with the beginning of the third watch, the ‘cock-crowing’ watch in Mark 13:35. The fourth watch, during which, according to Martin, cock-crowing ought to take place, would start at 03.46 in winter and at 02:15 in summer. In Jerusalem during March and April, when Easter would be celebrated, the third watch according to the Roman reckoning would start at 23:43 and 23:38 respectively, while the fourth at 02:43 and 02:26 respectively. If cock-crow were placed sometime during the third watch according to the Roman reckoning, and vigils started at that time, it would concur with the advice to sleep half the night and watch the rest, and would certainly lead to partial sleep-deprivation. On the other hand, if cock-crowing were placed at the fourth watch, then, even if one did not sleep immediately after sunset, he would not have been sleep-deprived at all if he woke after 02:00. The same applies for cock-crowing calculated according to the Graeco-Jewish reckoning. In Jerusalem, the last watch in the Graeco-Jewish system would start at 01:23 in March and at 01:28 in April. Provided one slept immediately after sunset, he might not have been sleepdeprived if he woke after 01:00 am. Without knowing the time of Aesopus, Fabulae, Fable 55, but see also Martin’s interpretation; Aristophanes, Aves, 492–6; Nubes, 1–5; Ecclesiazusae, 30–31; Anthologia Graeca, 5.3; 12.137. 180 Brady, ‘The Alarm to Peter in Mark's Gospel’, p. 50. 181 Symeon Neotheologus, Catecheses, Oration 22. 179

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cock-crow, it is difficult to ascertain whether those participating in the vigils were sleep-deprived or not. Anna Comnena makes a case for a cock-crow later than the middle of the night; in her Alexiad, the first cock-crow takes place when most, but not all of the night is spent. 182 The second cockcrow is before dawn, 183 which is confirmed by Aristophanes, 184 and the third before the sun is bright. 185 Certainly, if the first cock-crow were as early as the middle of the night, Egeria also would have given an indication. Then again, it must have been relatively early and not before dawn because some people, the bishop included, went to their homes to rest before the service at dawn started. 186 H. Kosmala, during his stay in Jerusalem, recorded that cockerels crowed at 12:30, 01:30 and 02:30, with a variation of 15–20 min. 187 Martin objected to that on the basis that Jerusalem had electricity and this would affect the cock-crowing. 188 There is no research on the effects of artificial light on cockerels, but research on the singing behaviour of American robins found that it is affected by artificial light, thus starting earlier; 189 this might well be the case for the domestic chicken. A recent PhD dissertation, comparing captive versus wild chickens, found that ‘most crowing calls were heard around dawn with a second peak around sunrise and all populations (of chicken) showed high agreement regarding time of first crowing call in the morning, and last crowing call in the evening’. 190 The dissertation Alexias, 2.5. Alexias, 3.8. 184 Aristophanes, Ecclesiazusae, 30–31. 185 Alexias, 4.4. 186 Egeria, 24.12. 187 Kosmala, ‘The Time of the Cock–Crow,’ p. 118. 188 Martin, ‘Watches’, p. 689. 189 Mille, ‘Apparent Effects of Light Pollution on Singing Behavior of American Robins’, pp. 130–139. My sincere gratitude to Dr A. Horn, lecturer at Dalhousie University, Canada, for pointing out to me the relevant literature on cock–crowing and for clarifying several points for me. 190 Håkansson, Behavioural aspects of conservation breeding: red junglefowl (Gallus gallus) as a case study, p. 16; p. 21. 182 183

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does not state that all crowing came at dawn, only the majority. Moreover, the author claimed that her findings were in agreement with those of Collias and Collias, 191 who recorded crowings of the red jungle fowl at 02:30, i.e. the beginning of the fourth watch, while the dawn came between 05:30 and 05:45. 192 Thus, the first cock-crow should be placed at the beginning of the fourth watch, according to the Roman reckoning, perhaps slightly earlier. The start of the fourth watch in Jerusalem throughout the year would be approximately between 02:00 and 03:00 and for Constantinople between 02:15 and 03:40. It is difficult for a vigil starting as late as this one to count as partial sleep-deprivation; especially in winter, much depends on the time of sleep onset, and whether there was any additional sleep during the day. Since, at least in Jerusalem, daily vespers did not end before darkness had settled, 193 it is likely that those attending services got less than 6 hours sleep, and hence they were partially sleep-deprived. Nevertheless, as Jungmann noted, even a not so early service would disrupt sleep, and for this reason, in the west the vigil was placed closer to dawn and combined with the morning prayers to avoid sleep disruption. 194 Thus, although vigils at cock-crow might not always qualify as partial sleep-deprivation, they certainly qualify as sleepabstinence.

SHARING SLEEPLESSNESS Egypt The Pachomian monasteries had two communal gatherings for prayer, one in the morning, when there was adequate light to commence work, and the other in the evening, but no communal vigil. 195 This does not imply a lack of abstinence from sleep; on the Håkansson, Behavioural, p. 21. Collias and Collias, ‘A Field Study of the Red Jungle Fowl in North-Central India’, p. 365. 193 Egeria, 24. 194 Jungmann, Pastoral, p. 117. 195 Veilleux, La liturgie dans le cenobitisme pachomien au IVe siecle, p. 291; pp. 302–3. 191 192

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contrary, vigils of a penitential character were an important feature of their life, which was based on the Gospel. Nevertheless, the vigils were optional, depending on the strength of each person. 196 If Rousseau is right in asserting that for Pachomios compulsion ruled out merit, 197 then he must have considered the vigil as particularly meritorious to omit it from the rule of obligatory communal prayer. Taft calls these vigils private, 198 but such a term is at odds with coenobitic life. According to Veilleux, the character of Pachomian prayer was personal; a personal communication with God, which was expressed either in one’s heart or in common with the brothers. 199 However, even at its most solitary manifestation, their prayer was communal because it was a prayer offered for everyone. 200 Nonetheless, following Pachomios’s death, things started changing. The rule of Orsiesios stipulates that a number of prayers should be recited before the morning synaxis; the monks could recite them at night, but if they failed to do so, their cell-mate had to waken them in order to recite them before the morning gathering. 201 Once more communal life, vigil and compulsion seem inextricably linked. Regarding the rest of Egypt, if Cassian may be trusted, the monks of Sketis in Lower Egypt started their common vigil at cock-crow. 202 This was on Saturdays and Sunday only when there were common assemblies. According to Taft, this office, which began at the second half of the night, after the monks had their rest, and finished at dawn, was not a communal nocturnal vigil but a very early morning office. This happened because the monks slept less, so they woke up earlier. 203 Prayers late at night were not Veilleux, La liturgie, p.289. Rousseau, Pachomios, p.102. 198 Taft, Liturgy, p. 180. 199 Veilleux, La liturgie, p. 276. 200 Ibid., 292. 201 Veilleux, La liturgie, p. 291. 202 Taft, Liturgy, p. 60. 203 Ibid. 196 197

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the result, but the cause of sleep-restriction. The monks curbed their sleep to pray at a highly symbolic hour. Since this office started at cock-crow, one cannot speak of sleep-deprivation, unless personal prayer preceded the communal vigil. This would undoubtedly have happened judging by the dedication of the Egyptian monks to unceasing prayer. If anything else, the common gatherings would be an opportunity to increase further their vigil. Finally, Egyptian monks participated also in the vigils at the parish churches with the lay people. 204 Palestine According to Cassian’s testimony, the monks at his monastery in Bethlehem woke up for vigil at cock-crow, but after dawn, they returned to their beds until the third hour of the day. 205 Even if supper, accompanied by prayers preceding and following it, took place after vespers, and even if one added to these the bed-time prayers, 206 and supposed the monks to have slept after the third hour of the night, they would still have had about 9 seasonal hours of sleep. This is an inordinate amount of sleep, unless cock-crow started at the end of the sixth hour of the night and not at the beginning of the tenth. It seems, though, that the monks overslept, because a new, morning office was introduced at sunrise, so they would not return to sleep. 207 On Fridays, there was an all-night vigil lasting from the evening until dawn, or until the fourth cock-crow during the long winter nights. 208 As in Egypt, the monastics participated in the services of the local churches, in this case in the Holy Sepulchre. The picture Etheria sketches is that of conscientious monks and nuns keeping a daily vigil, which they even increased on Sundays. This vigil will be examined in a later chapter. Athnasius, Apologia ad Constantium, 25; Apologia de fuga sua, 24; Historia Arianorum, 81; Socrates, HE, 2.11. 205 Taft, Liturgy, p. 79. 206 Ibid. 207 Ibid. 208 Ibid. 204

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Regarding later evidence, the Georgian Lectionary stipulates extended vigils at vespers and vespers at midnight on the eve of great feasts like Christmas. From the nearby Gaza, Isaiah of Scetis, late fifth century, and John the disciple of Barsanuphios, mid-sixth century, both advocated the half-night vigil rule. 209 Even later, at the end of the sixth century, the meeting of the future Patriarch of Jerusalem, Sophronios, and John Moschos with Nilos of Sinai, reveals that vigils started after supper in order to sanctify the night. 210 Antioch Vigils in Antioch started at cock-crow too. In the evening, vespers were followed by supper; after supper, the monks prayed again before retiring to sleep. 211 If they went to sleep at about the end of the third hour of the night and woke up at the tenth, then they would have passed only half the night asleep in accordance with the patristic rule. However, the monks rested between dawn and sunrise, when they started their brief morning office and this adds to the hours of sleep at night. Nevertheless, this programme comes very close to the patristic rule. As in Egypt and Palestine, so also in Antioch monks and nuns participated in the vigils of the local churches. 212 Cappadocia Since Basil advocated half the night to be spent in prayer for everyone, 213 it is reasonable to anticipate that this would be the practice in his monastic communities. The question is the arrangement of sleep and wakefulness. The Longer Rules institute prayers for the

Abba Isaias, Ἀσκητικόν 51; Barsanuphius et Joannes, Quaestiones et responsiones, 158. Also, 147. 210 Woolfenden, Liturgical, p. 36. 211 Joannes Chrysostomus, In epistulam i ad Timotheum, PG 62. 575– 77; In Matthaeum, PG 58, 644–46. 212 Theodoretus, Historia Religiosa, 30.1. 213 Basilius Caesariensis, In martyram Julittam, PG. 31.244. 209

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beginning of the night, a midnight office or Mesonyktikon, and then morning prayers before sunrise. 214 Basil states that the monks should rise in prayer before dawn, because the sun should not find them in bed and sleeping. 215 It seems clear that between the end of Mesonyktikon and before sunrise there was a period of sleep. This might have been a short one though; in his letter to Gregory Nazianzenus, Basil says that the middle of the night is for the monks as the dawn for the laymen, 216 which, if taken literally, implies that the majority of sleep took place before the midnight office. Apparently, the monks were allowed a brief sleep after the Mesonyktikon, most probably between dawn and sunrise as a compensation for the loss of sleep on account of the prayers at the beginning of the night. This arrangement, major sleep event early at night, brief sleep in the morning, would have resulted in reduced REM sleep, and for that reason Basil, who was concerned with the avoidance of unseemly dreams, 217 would have preferred it. Basil did not encourage sleep after all-night vigils, 218 thus total sleep-deprivation on those days was assured. Rufinus, in his translation of Basil’s rules, has added that on exceptional circumstances, the abbot might allow a nap during the day, 219 but such a decree does not exist in the Greek corpus. I suggest this is Latin charity trying to amend the Greek austerity on sleep matters. Finally, Basil was not favourable towards personal vigils: only after someone asked the abbot’s permission, explaining to him the reasons for such a request, and only if the abbot judged it expedient could one proceed with such vigils. Otherwise, personal vigils are the result of contentiousness, love for vainglory, and self-pleasing. 220 Basilius Caesariensis, PG 31.1013–16; See also Sermo Asceticus, PG 31.877; Epistulae, 2.6. 215 Asceticon magnum, PG. 31.1016. 216 Asceticon magnum (Longer Rules) PG 31.1016; Epistulae, 2.6. 217 Epistulae, 2.6. 218 Prologus 3, PG 31.1080. 219 Gain, ‘Sommeil et vie spirituelle chez S Basile de Césarée’, p. 486. 220 Basilius Caesariensis, Asceticon magnum (Short Rules), 31. 1173. 214

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Constantinople Little is known on the liturgical life of the Constantinopolitan monasteries before the fifth century. Nevertheless, since Antioch influenced the church life and liturgy of Constantinople, it is reasonable to expect that this influence extended to the life of the monasteries, especially after the brief patriarchate of John Chrysostom (398–404), although it has been asserted that in liturgical matters Constantinople was influenced by Jerusalem. 221 This would make little difference to the liturgical organisation of the life in the monasteries, since both in Jerusalem and Antioch the vigil started at cock-crow, and both places seem to have adhered to the patristic rule recommending half the night to be spent in prayer. The Akoimetes are an interesting case, since, like the Pachomians, their communal services did not cause sleep-deprivation, not because they were short of services though, but because they had too many. Divided into three groups, the monks offered constant adoration to God, day and night, hence their name ‘sleepless’, each group completing a course of 8 hours of prayers. 222 The monastery of Studios formerly belonged to the Akoimetes, but a new brotherhood from Bithynia took it over around 798 or 799. 223 The new Abbot, Theodore, was committed to sleep-abstinence; his teachings on the subject codify the tradition of the Eastern Church whether patristic, monastic, hagiographic or liturgical. Theodore regarded sleep satiety among the main reasons for moral deviation in the Old Testament. 224 Sleep-abstinence is necesTaft, The Byzantine Rite: A Short History, p. 56. For the akoimetes and their liturgical life see Φουντούλης, Ἡ εἰκοσιτεράωρος ἀκοίμητος δοξολογία (Αθῆναι, 1963), especially pages 47– 52; Guillaume, Horologe des veilleurs: les 24 heures des Acémètes (Rome, 1990). On the akoimetes see also Caner, Wandering, Begging Monks: Spiritual Authority and the Promotion of Monasticism in Late Antiquity (Berkeley, CA, 2002). 223 Miller, ‘Stoudios: Rule of the Monastery of St. John Stoudios in Constantinople’, p. 67. 224 Sermones Catecheseos Magnae, 58.163. 221 222

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sary for salvation, 225 a virtue, 226 an occupation most befitting monks, 227 a safeguard against sudden death, 228 a shield against demons, 229 a prevention of nocturnal emissions, 230 and a tool for pummelling the body. 231 Theodore’s preoccupation with vigil is shown in his many references on the appropriate conduct during it, 232 the appointment of awakeners even during services, 233 and the usage of a water clock at night-time. 234 Theodore stated that he followed the ordinances of the Fathers regarding the services. 235 Theodore was influenced by Basil in liturgical and ascetic matters, and certainly the establishment of the Mesonyktikon was due to that influence. 236 This means that the Studites divided the night into two halves, one for sleep, the other for prayer. Following Basil’s programme, they slept during the first part of the night and woke up at midnight or a little earlier 237 for the combined service of Mesonyctikon and Orthros, which they called Canon. 238 This allowed them a maximum of 7 hours 30 minutes of

225

102.739.

Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 65.460; 78. 546; 79.556; 81.569; 88. 627;

Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 119.890. Sermones Catecheseos Magnae, 86.40; 102.745. 228 Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 73. 505; Parva Catechesis, 82.25. 229 Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 13.88; 18.127; 82.579; 90.639. 230 Sermones Catecheseos Magnae, 17.48. 231 Parva Catechesis, 1.19; 2.28. 232 Μεγάλη Κατήχησις, 22.158; 41.298; 51.370; 79.557; 106.775. 233 Theodorus Studites, Iambi de variis argumentis, Iamb 16, Dedicated to the awakeners. Also they are mentioned in Μεγάλη Κατήχησις 16.110; 46.336; 101.733; 102.745; 120.896; and in the typicon, of Studion, Descriptio constitutionis, 225; 232. 234 Acta Monasterii Studii, PG, 99, 1704. 235 Parva Catechesis, 52.10. 236 Leroy, ‘Le cursus canonique chez S. Théodore Studite’, Ephimerides Liturgicae 68, p. 17–19. 237 J. Leroy, ‘La vie quotidienne du moine studite.’, p. 30. 238 Leroy, ‘La vie’, p. 31. 226 227

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sleep during winter and a minimum of 4 hours 30 minutes during summer. 239 At dawn, when the Canon finished, the monks could sleep again, if they so desired, until sunrise and the start of the morning prayers. 240 This is also in accordance with Basil’s decrees. Theodore, depending on the season and the length of sleep previously obtained, would either allow this sleep 241 or try to discourage it; 242 he preferred the monks to rest and meditate but not to sleep, 243 unless they were absolutely weighed down by sleep. 244 At any rate, this was not extra sleep; the dinner and the compline took place after sunset 245 infringing upon the sleep of the monks. Thus, Theodore by trying to curtail this sleep appears stricter than Basil. Theodore’s eager emphasis on sleep-abstinence was evident in his complete rejection of the Akoimetes’ Typikon 246 until then in use throughout Constantinople. 247 Nevertheless, Theodore introduced an innovation unknown until then to any of the monasteries in the East, the afternoon siesta. 248 Although the monks were free to sleep, this did not stop Theodore warning them against it, 249 which shows the uneasy relationship between the pursuit of sleeplessness and the effort to have a rule of life to which everyone can adapt.

Leroy calculated about 8 hours maximum and 4 hours minimum. Leroy, ‘La vie’, p. 30. 240 Parva Catechesis, 108.14. 241 Sermones Catecheseos Magnae, 19.72; Parva Catechesis, 108.14. 242 Sermones Catecheseos Magnae, 17.47. 243 Sermones Catecheseos Magnae, 17.47; Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 24.167, mentions resting after the service. 244 Sermones Catecheseos Magnae, 17.48. 245 Leroy, ‘La vie’, p. 48. 246 Leroy, ‘La vie’, p. 27. 247 Miller, Studite, p. 34. 248 Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 67.472; 116.859. 249 Μεγάλη Κατήχησις, 14.94; 65.460; 67,859. 239

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MONASTIC SLEEP-ABSTINENCE It is possible, now, to answer definitely a few questions regarding monastics and sleep. Did they all pursue sleep-abstinence? With the ironic exemption of the ‘Sleepless’ monks, everyone else practised the command to watch and pray at night (Mk 13.33). How long did they stay awake, and how much sleep did they get in a typical 24 hour period? The majority of Fathers and ascetic instructors ordered that half the night be spent in prayer and the rest devoted to sleep. This is the minimum amount of wakefulness, practised especially in monasteries where a level of hardship endurable by all was necessary for the cohesion of the community. Nevertheless, the amount of sleep obtained varied according to seasons; thus, in Constantinople during the winter they could sleep for about 7 and a half hours while during summer only 4 and a half hours. This does not always equal the amount of sleep obtained in each 24 hour period, because from the ninth century onwards there is evidence of a midday nap during the summer months in the monasteries of Constantinople Occasionally, some coinobiates pursued their own programme of lengthier vigils as well, but this was not universally tolerated. Hermits and lavriotes kept vigils longer than half the night, and even frequently night-long vigils. How fervently did they pursue sleep-abstinence, and how successful were they? Sleeplessness became a sort of spiritual growth chart, the less one slept the more spiritually advanced advanced he was thought to be. Thus, it was pursued vigorously, becoming an end in itself. Monks had to be reminded that even sleep might be more beneficial than vigil for vigil’s sake. 250 During the fifth century, monastic literature attempted to diminish the value of vigil as an act by itself presenting pagans and demons as performing it. 251 As a Athanasius, Sermo pro iis qui saeculo renuntiarunt [Sp.]. PG 28.1412; Evagrius, Sententiae ad monachos, Sententia 51 2; Isaias, Asceticon, Sermo 4, p. 51.21–24. 251 Pagans: AP (collectio alphabetica), 313 (Olympius) AP (collectio anonyma), Apophthegm 342; Demons: AP (collectio alphabetica), 204 (Amma Theodora); 268 (Macarius). 250

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last resort, apparently for those who developed behavioural insomnia, monastic texts warned that not being able to sleep might be the result of demonic temptation. 252 Despite the advice and the warnings, even during the sixth and seventh centuries Barsanuphius and Anastasius of Sinai had to reassure monks and laypeople alike that the inability to perform vigils would not hinder their salvation. 253 The contraptions and methods used to stay awake indicate that Byzantine monks pursued sleep-abstinence vigorously and successfully, since modern medical research into sleep confirms that those methods related to posture, temperature, calorie intake, hinder sleep. There was also coercion, punishments and foolhardy attempts to stay awake, which were rarely castigated. 254 They provide a further proof of how determined Byzantine monks were not to sleep. Considering that the battle to stay awake is one of mind over the matter, Byzantine monks were very well equipped to win it. What about sleep-deprivation? Sometimes it was not consciously pursued, but simply the result of seasonal and geographical factors – as in Constantinople during the summer months. Generally, sleep-derivation was actively pursued because it pummelled and subdued the body and also it suppresses the REM state and the phenomena associated with it (dreams, penile erections, and nocturnal emissions). That sleep-deprivation was a desired effect is obvious not only in Arsenios’ definition of a perfect monk as someone who sleeps only one hour, 255 but also in the recommendation of those who acquired what the Byzantines perceived as signs of excessive sleeplessness, such as looking like a shadow. 256 252

36; 224.

Vita Antonii, 25.2; 27.4; AP (collectio anonyma), Apophthegm,

Barsanuphius, Quaestiones et responsiones, 88; Anastasius Sinaitta, Questiones et responsiones, Question 87. 254 AP, (collectio alphabetica), 404. 255 AP, (collectio alphabetica), 92. 256 Basilius, Epistulae, 46; Palladius, Historia Lausiaca, 43; Michael Syncellus; Vita Cosmae Melodi et Joannis Damasceni, 284; Methodius, Encomium et vita Theophanis, Addendum line 27; Vita Bacchi Junioris, 3. 253

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Finally, the excessive methods employed by the monks show that theirs was an effort to stay awake beyond human endurance. I. Hausherr stated that the Fathers learned how to pray from their families. 257 In the next chapter we will investigate whether vigil was pursued with the same vigour among the Byzantine laity.

257

Hausherr, ‘Comment priaient les pères’, p. 33.

6. THE SLEEP OF LAITY Having examined the monastic vigil in respect of its frequency, length and the need for fortitude in its worshippers, and having looked at how fervently it was pursued and whether it caused sleepdeprivation, we will now ask the same of the vigil of lay persons. Perhaps, it would be more pertinent to ask whether lay people performed any vigils at all. There is no easy answer to this question, because our sources do not focus on the daily life of ordinary men and women. There is however ample information on the lives of saints before their renouncing of the world, stories where vigils figure prominently; this is a common hagiographic topos showing that the hero had been chosen from the womb 1 or that since their youth they had shown an inclination for this sort of life. 2 Nonetheless, despite being a topos, such stories should not be dismissed from the outset, especially considering what has been said in the previous chapter about natural short sleepers and idiopathic insomnia, the latter often appearing in childhood. 3 Incidents described in the hagiographies might well be true, but however one classifies them, i.e. predestined or genetically predisposed, ascetically inclined or simply insomniac, it should not be forgotten that they are rare, and do not account for the majority of the Byzantines. Therefore, in this chapter I will focus on married men and women, on persons who did not start on a monastic path from the outset, Psalm 70:6; Is. 49:1, 5; Gal. 1:15. Psalm 70:5, 17; 128:1–2; 1Reg. 17:33; Sap Sol. 8:2; Sirac 51:15; Acts 26:4. On the extraordinary powers with which the saints were endowed since childhood, including asceticism, see, Browning, “Low Level”, p.121. 3 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 350. 1 2

191

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although marriage for the Byzantines was no safeguard from monasticism.

VIGILS AT HOME Certainly, even before the appearance of monasticism, Christians were advised to keep vigil at home. Clement of Alexandria (c. 150– 215) in his Paedagogus considered that Christian training included the regulation of sleep. 4 The aim of this is to invite the Logos to the Christian’s sleep. 5 For that, Clement prescribed prayer before sleep 6 and frugality concerning the bed, mattress and bedding. 7 He also recommended a light diet and abstinence from wine, 8 without which sleep is heavy. Light sleep is necessary if one wants to wake up in the night to pray so that the Lord will not find the believer asleep when He returns, 9 which shows that for Clement night prayer had an eschatological character. What is more important, Clement advocated not simply sleep-abstinence, but sleepdeprivation since he advised against compensating for the loss of night sleep with sleeping during the daytime. 10 After prayer, people may resume their daily work and not go to sleep. 11 Clement’s pupil, Origen (c. 184–253), is an interesting case. Drink considered that Origen was primarily influenced by Greek philosophy, and that behind his attitude towards sleep lay the belief that there can be no regeneration of this world whilst we still have bodily needs like food, drink and sleep. 12 Drink supported his view with the testimony of Eusebios on Origen’s excessive asceticism. 13 However, Origen never advocated an excessive regime of sleepabstinence, nor theorised on the need for prolonged wakefulness. Paedagogus, 1.12.99. Ibid., 2.2.25. 6 Ibid., 2.4.44. 7 Clemens Alexandrinus, Paedagogus, 2.9.77–78. 8 Ibid., 2.9.80–81. 9 Clemens Alexandrinus, Paedagogus, 2.9.79. 10 Ibid., 2.9.81. 11 Ibid. 12 Drink, ‘Schlafentzug’, p.51. 13 Ibid. 4 5

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Origen in fact reproached those who tormented themselves by advocating sleep-abstinence to the extremes of human endurance for refusing to pay a legitimate tax to the Caesar, which is the body. 14 Origen’s advice on night-time prayer is biblical, advocating prayer at midnight based on Psalm 118:62 and on the vigil of Paul and Silas. 15 Night for Origen was an auspicious time for meditation, sacred reading and prayer as the senses relax and the soul turns into itself – an idea he supports with quotations from the Psalms and the Prophets. 16 Night, however, was also a time of demonic activity against which vigilance was necessary. 17 Finally, Origen, like Clement, perceived night-time prayer as being connected to the Parousia. 18 If Baldovin is right in his assumption that the document known as Apostolic Tradition was written in Egypt around the early third century, 19 there is a third testimony confirming the practice of prayer at home during midnight, at least for that region. The Apostolic Tradition instructs the couple to wake up and pray together, but if one of them is not yet baptised, then the Christian spouse has to pray alone in another room and then return to bed. The reason for prayer at midnight is the tradition handed from the elders that the whole creation praises the Lord at that time. 20 Families that pray together If family vigils at home were a feature of Christian life in the East since at least the end of the second century, it seems strange that around the end of the fourth century John Chrysostom, patriarch Commentarium in evangelium Matthaei, 17.27. De Oratione, 12. 2. 16 Fragmenta in Lamentationes, 60. Clement made a similar comment in Sromata 4.22.140. 17 Fragmenta in Lamentationes, 60. 18 Ibid. 19 Baldovin in his article ‘Hippolytus and the Apostolic Tradition: Recent Research and Commentary’, pp. 520–542, summarised the latest research on Hippolytus and the Apostolic Tradition. On the possible Egyptian origin, see p. 542. 20 Bradshaw, et al., Apostolic Tradition: A Commentary, p. 198. 14 15

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of Constantinople, complained that laypeople were not keen to wake up in the middle of the night to pray. The women, he claimed, slept throughout the night, and the men did not even stir in their sleep! 21 According to Chrysostom, the Church did awake in the middle of the night, and everyone ought to turn their home into a church at that time. Not only men and women, but also their children should awake for prayer even if they were very young; one or two prayers will suffice to form a habit. 22 Chrysostom’s sermons frequently give the impression that Christians fell bellow his standards, especially since he desired a more observant society, where the same level of piety would be displayed in private and public life as in church. 23 Another issue is that much of the behaviour Chrysostom castigated was stock subject matter, condemned also in pagan moral treatises. 24 Nevertheless, counter to J. Maxwell’s assertion that these admonitions should not be taken at face value because of their rhetorical and prescriptive nature, 25 there is no good reason to assume they did not refer to contemporary problems, albeit in a stilted manner that might hide the real issue. Certainly, Chrysostom’s disapproval of people sleeping allnight long is reminiscent of Homer’s ‘a man of counsel should not be sleeping throughout the night’, 26 which appeared in treatises on Rhetoric as a standard example of an apotreptic gnome (dissuading In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.203; Also In Genesim, PG 53. 281–2; Expositiones in Psalmos, PG 55.386 (Psalm133), In Psalmum 145, PG 55.526; In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.257; In epistulam i ad Timotheum, PG 62. 575; In epistulam ad Hebraeos, PG 63.164. 22 In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.203; in other instances Chrysostom expects that most of the night be spent in prayer: In Genesim (homiliae 1–67), PG 53.281–2; In Matthaeum, PG 58.752; In epistulam ad Hebraeos, PG 63.116. Basil of Caesarea expected nothing less than half the night should be spent in prayer by every able person in a family; In martyram Julittam, PG. 31.244. 23 Maxwell, ‘Lay piety in the sermons of John Chrysostom’, p. 19. 24 Ibid, 20. 25 Maxwell, ‘Piety’, p. 20. 26 Iliad, 2.23–26; 9.1–4. 21

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maxim). 27 Nonetheless, prayer at home during the night was an established Christian tradition, the decline of which should cause concern to every preacher. The problem with Chrysostom castigating his flock for not keeping a vigil is that he could not possibly have known how many slept and how many prayed. Chrysostom rebuked his contemporaries for their observance of Jewish customs, participation in pagan festivities and the attending of the races, 28 all of which are public acts or at least easy to notice, while one’s sleep is usually not a public event. On the other hand, Chrysostom’s concern seems earnest, especially as he advises how vigils at home might be established through cultivating the habit of waking up in the night to pray. A counter-argument is that his concern though real should be regarded as part of his effort to Christianise the whole life of his flock and create a church at home. Thus, he took it as granted that they failed to pray at night as they failed in their other Christian duties, and offered the same remedy as always: the cultivation of habit. 29 The cultivation of habit is of paramount importance for the transmission of many religious observances. Anthropologists have noted how in a religion basic patterns of practice are acquired informally, by example and through constant exercise, and become elaborated through formal teaching. 30 People learn to pray by prayer, they kneel, stand, learn how (and when) to make the sign of the cross, and of course how and when to wake up for prayer. 31 What happens, though, when the practical impetus is lost and only the theoretical demand remains? Depending on the flexibility of the religion and the importance of the practice, it either becomes a dead letter or causes a backlash between those responsible for preserving the theory and those called to put it into practice, as in the Hermogenes, Progymnasmata 4; Aphthonius, Progymnasmata 4; Theon, Progymnasmata, 5. 28 Maxwell, ‘Piety’, p. 21, pp. 30–31. 29 Maxwell, ‘Piety’, p. 30. 30 Davies, Anthropology and Theology, p. 37. 31 In Psalmum 145, PG 55.526; In epistulam i ad Timotheum, PG 62. 575. 27

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case of Chrysostom and his flock. The question is how the habit to perform vigils was lost and why. To answer the question above, there are three things to consider; first, Chrysostom states that the Church celebrates every night a vigil, but he does not invite his flock to participate in them nor does he complain at their non-attendance. Second, he admits that men attended some of those vigils at church, but states that the women waited at home. Third, he tries to convince his audience that there is no need to be a multitude to perform a vigil, even a single person is enough. 32 Chrysostom did not invite his flock to regular vigils at church, because he did not approve of women attending vigils, 33 unless they were vigils for great feasts 34 or extraordinary events like the reception of a relic. 35 This impeded families praying together at night, because, apparently, some men, thought their weekly attendance of vigils at Church as sufficient, 36 and they did not feel the need to keep a vigil at home. On the other hand, some women, having been taught to pray with the rest of their community or at least with their family, thought that a solitary vigil was not valid. 37 This would have created a generation unaccustomed to vigils, unless the fathers were willing or able to take the children with them to church, and even this would perpetuate a bad situation where only males would keep one vigil per week, while the females none. It is possible that those most affected by this disruption to family prayer life were the newly converted pagans to whom the habit of vigil was not strong. Men coming from a tradition alien to vigils at home, but familiar with occasional public religious gatherings at night-time, found it easier to attend occasionally vigils at In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.203–204. Palaldius, Dialogus de vita Joannis Chrysostomi, 32. 34 Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica, Sozomenus, 8.21. 35 Chrysostomus, Homilia dicta postquam reliquiae martyrum, PG, 63 467–472. 36 Weekly vigils in Constantinople with the participation of men only Palaldius, Dialogus de vita Joannis Chrysostomi, 32. 37 In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.203. 32 33

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church, even night-long ones, 38 rather than pray at home regularly. The women accustomed until then to communal worship at public and in private, were at a loss as to what was normative. Of course, this did not happen with all women. In the next chapter I will examine the case of Matrona of Perge, a mid-fifth century married woman, who – rather than obey her husband and stop attending vigils – divorced him and joined a monastery. Of course, Matrona, came from a Christian family. 39 Chrysostom was not exaggerating when he asserted that women were keener than men to keep a vigil. 40 Judging from Chrysostom’s sermons, the same breakdown in vigils already existed in Antioch, 41 which comes as no surprise since the reaction against women attending public vigils started there. 42 In other areas such as Alexandria, Jerusalem and Cappadocia women were not restricted from attending vigils, so the pattern of praying together at church and at home was not disturbed. In the next chapter, I will examine the participation of women to public vigils in detail. As for Constantinople, the problem was solved twenty years after Chrysostom’s death (407), when the empress Pulcheria clashed with patriarch Nestorios, another Antiochian, over the right of women to attend public vigils. 43 Following Pulcheria’s victory, from the mid-fifth almost to mid-eighth century, women attended vigils in the churches of Constantinople freely, often accompanied by their children. This stopped during the major disruption to vigils at church caused by Iconoclasm (730–787; 814–842). When the second phase of iconoclasm ended (842 AD), In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.203. Although not much is said in her Vita about her parents, it is implied that they were Christians. Moreover, there is no reference to a conversion in her Vita. Vita Sancctae Matronae, AASS Nov 3790–813. 40 In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.203. 41 The following sermons trying to convince the laity to pray at home were preached in Antioch In Genesim, PG 53. 281–2; Expositiones in Psalmos, PG 55.386 (Psalm133); In epistulam i ad Timotheum, PG 62. 575. Φούσκας, Πατρολογία, pp. 127–128. 42 See the following chapter, ‘The Vigil of Laity’. 43 See the following chapter, ‘The Vigil of Laity’. 38 39

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women, apparently became once more excluded from regularly attending public vigils, at least in Constantinople, and the nearby major cities, as the life of Mary the Younger reveals. 44 Nevertheless, by then a three century long tradition of performing vigils was established, and women found no difficulty in praying at home alone. 45 Women and vigils Chrysostom did not exaggerate when claiming that women were more eager to perform vigils. According to Leontos the presbyter, a sixth century church author from Constantinople, 46 women had proved their love of all-night vigils throughout the ages, even unto his own time, 47 a remark that undoubtedly included married women. Certainly, Gorgonia, a fourth century housewife, was praised for her persistence in vigil as surpassing even the most devout men, although this praise came from her own brother. 48 At the end of the fourth century, Melania the Younger, another married woman, miscarried possibly because of the harshness of an all-night vigil. 49 Married women were credited with all-night vigils even into the ninth and tenth centuries, like Theophano, 50 the wife of Leo VI, Maria the Younger 51 and Thomais of Lesbos. 52 None of the aforementioned women, again to Chrysostom’s credit, 53 was accompanied by a spouse in nightly devotions. Perhaps, the vigil was an excuse for avoiding unwanted attention during night and not only an act of devotion. Nonetheless, abstinence from sex is a core element of vigil, and it is impossible to determine Vita Mariae Iunioris, 694. Ibid. 46 Datema, ‘When Did Leontius, Presbyter of Constantinople, Preach?’, pp. 346–351. 47 In sanctum pascha, 82. 48Gregory Nazianzenus, In laudem sororis Gorgoniae, PG 35.800. 49 Gerontius, Vita Melaniae, 5. 50 Vita Theophano, 14; 21; 22. 51 Vita. Mariae Junioris, 701, 704. 52 Vita Thomaidis, 236. 53 In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.203–4. 44 45

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precisely why a woman would keep a vigil. But if a woman kept vigil to avoid marital rites, this would have been another reason why men preferred occasional vigils at church rather than regular ones at home. Men and sleep-abstinence Concerning married men keeping vigils, we have information for no fewer than three emperors keeping night-long vigils. 54 The sleep of emperors is very difficult to estimate. According to T. Wiedeman control over sleep is a standard item of (Roman) panegyric. It occurs in many claims that the person described, praised or defended was of the highest moral character. The higher the subject of praise, the more he had to be represented as in control of his sleeping-patterns. The good emperor had to be represented as sleeping sparingly. 55 The opposite, of course, was true as well; wicked emperors were described as overindulging in sleep. 56 Tacitus went a step further, and portrayed Tiberius as practising vigil to evil effect with grim overtones from such contexts as black magic. 57 It is obvious, that the attitude towards the sleep of emperors was not confined only to panegyrics, but also biographies and histories. 58 All this helps us understand Justinian’s attitude towards sleepabstinence, and the descriptions by his panegyrists and detractors of this attitude. Justinian is an interesting case, because he made sleep-abstinence an official policy by ordering the priests of the empire to perform a vigil every night (528). 59 A. Cameron argued that this was part of a wider plan for moral re-armament; 60 if so, Justinian valued vigil so highly that he included it in such a proJustinian, Procopius, De Aedificis, 1.7.7–10; Nicephoros Phocas, Leo Diaconus, Historia, 86; 89; Georgius Monachus, Chronicon Breve, PG 110.1208; Romanos Argyros, Chronicon Breve, PG 110. 1221. 55 Wiedemann, ‘The Roman Siesta’, p. 134. 56 Ibid., 134. 57 Dowden, ‘The Value’, p. 153. 58 Wiedemann, ‘Siesta’, p. 134–135. 59 Justinianus, Codex, I.3.42, 24–25. 60 Cameron, Procopius and the sixth century, p. 256. 54

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gramme and imposed it by law. Marcora, on the other hand, saw in the law a proof of the vigil’s popularity. Laypeople might not have been eager to stay awake every night but viewed sleep-abstinence as a token of Christian perfection to be expected from the clergy. 61 In this case, Justinian either shared the popular opinion or at least wished to gratify it. Whatever the reason, it seems that Justinian’s law testifies to his belief in the efficacy of sleep-abstinence. Vigil, for Justinian, was necessary for the spiritual and material well-being of the empire, and had to be undertaken as a communal effort. Since not everyone was able or willing to stay awake, Justinian established vigil by substitution. 62 It was left to the priests to do the watching on behalf and for the benefit of the rest of the population. Justinian’s preoccupation with sleep-abstinence appears in another law in which he dictates the sleeping arrangements of the monks. In Nov. 5. published in 535 63 the monks were ordered to have a common place to sleep not only for the prevention of sexual impropriety, but also to make sure that they did not oversleep. 64 The law was repeated in 539. 65 After re-iterating the arrangements about the common sleeping quarters, it states that the younger monks should respect the age of those supervising these things (i.e. among other things the sleeping arrangements), and dutifully take over sleep-abstinence, so that neither anything improper happens while asleep, nor they present an unseemly sight to each other, but uphold their dignity even during sleeping. 66 Here vigil is the foremost antidote against sexual impropriety. The law was also repeated in 546. 67 Marcora, Vigilia, p. 155. Nonetheless, Justinian with the same law castigated the priests for using others as substitutes for performing the services. Justinianus Imperator, Codex, I.3.42, 24–25. 63 Frazee, ‘Late Roman and Byzantine Legislation on the Monastic Life from the Fourth to the Eighth Centuries’, p. 272. 64 Nov.5, p. 31. 65 Frazee, ‘Byzantine Legislation’, p. 273. 66 Nov. 133, p. 667. 67 Nov. 123, p. 619. Frazee, ‘Legislation’, p. 274. 61 62

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Apart from promoting or safeguarding the sleep-abstinence of others, Justinian’s laws advertise his lack of sleep on behalf of the state, describing him as practising ἀγρυπνία and working ἀγρύπνως for the good of his people. 68 The laws, through these expressions of sleeplessness, reveal a constant care for the people, and also a tireless, relentless scrutiny of all things related to the governing of the empire. 69 The laws, which were written in the 530s, and particularly the prefaces, are specimens of imperial propaganda, presenting Justinian and his reforms precisely as he wished. 70 According to Maas, in the Novelleae Christian and Roman expressions of authority were reconciled on the person of the emperor as legislator. 71 This is obvious with the theme of sleeplessness; at the beginning of this unit, abstinence from sleep was associated with temperantia – an important virtue for a Roman ruler. Nonetheless, sleeplessness in the Bible is a hallmark of divine providence, since ‘he who watches over Israel shall neither sleep nor slumber’. 72 Thus, Justinian emerges from the Novellae as the self-denying and tireless Roman emperor, and also as God’s representative and imitator on earth, 73 his sleeplessness having both human and divine dimensions. Sometime between 527 and 532 74 – slightly earlier than the Novellae presented above – another testimony regarding Justinian’s sleeplessness appeared: the dedicatory inscription at the church of Saints Sergios and Bacchos at Constantinople, in which Justinian is described as ἀκοιμήτοιο, ‘sleepless’. 75 There has been some speculaNovellae 7(535CE), 8 (535CE), 15(535CE), 30 (535CE), 59 (536CE). Pazdernik, ‘Justinianic Ideology and the Power of the Past’, p. 201. 70 Maas, ‘Roman History and Christian Ideology in Justinianic Reform Legislation’, p. 18. 71 Ibid., p. 29. 72 Ps. 121. 3–4. 73 Nov. 73 (535). 74 Bardill, ‘The Church of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus in Constantinople and the Monophysite Refugees’, p. 4. 75 Ἀλλ’ ἐνὶ πᾶσιν κοιρανίην βασιλῆος ἀκοιμήτοιο φυλάξοι; may (God) preserve in all things the rule of the sleepless King. See Mango, 68 69

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tion about the significance of this appellation. Mango thought that it might reflect the truth about Justinian’s sleeping habits. 76 Bardill doubted that the reference to Justinian’s sleeplessness and Theodora’s charity were standard themes, and surmised that it might not be a topos. 77 Croke, on the other hand, despite attributing the reference to Justinian’s sleeplessness to a topos, admitted that Theodora’s charity was well attested, 78 which makes it possible to accept Justinian’s lack of sleep if there were sufficient evidence. The problem with sleep in general and with Justinian’s in particular, is the private nature of sleep – even the emperor’s sleep. Theodora’s charity can be traced in a number of public actions, but all that is known about Justinian’s nocturnal habits comes from documents, both positive (Novellae, John Lydos’ De magistratibus, Procopios’ De Aedificiis) and negative (Procopios’ Historia Arcana), and this inscription. Regarding the other written testimonies, Procopios in his De Aedificiis – a panegyric written around 554, 79 which could have been commissioned by Justinian himself 80 – claimed that Justinian during Lent performed vigils, adding extra toils to the fast prescribed by the church. 81 Another source is John Lydos’ De magistratibus populi Romani, written some time between 557 and 561, 82 in which Justinian is called the most sleepless of all emperors, 83 which seems to be not only a topos, but also a hyperbole. This is a work where Roman antiquity holds prominent position, 84 and though critical of ‘The Church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus at Constantinople and the Alleged Tradition of Octagonal Palatine Churches’, p. 190. 76 Ibid, p. 190. 77 Bardill, p. 4. 78 Croke, ‘Justinian, Theodora, and the Church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus’, p. 48. 79 Cameron, Procopius, p.10. 80 Ibid., p. 9. 81 De Aedificiis, 1.7.7–10. 82 Maas, John Lydus and the Roman Pass, p. 8. 83 Joannes Lydus, De magistratibus populi Romani, 218. 84 Maas, John Lydus, p.84.

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Justinian, it presents him in the light of this tradition in which the sleeplessness of the emperor was a common praise. Returning to the inscription, the focus should be on the word ἀκοιμήτοιο. First, this is the only time the word is used for Justinian, all other times the noun ἀγρυπνία and the adjective γρυπνος are associated with him. Second, the choice of the word is strange since the Homeric adjective υπνος 85 would have fitted better than the ἀκοιμήτοιο, which is not found in Homer, with the other Homeric words such as κοιρανίην, 86 σκηπτοῦχος, 87 and βασιλῆος. 88 Third, both in pagan and Christian texts the adjective ἀκοίμητος is never attributed to humans; the appellation ἀκοίμητος of the ‘sleepless’ monks was only a derivative from the mode of their worship. 89 Finally, the word ἀκοίμητος in Christianity is associated with divine justice 90 and retribution. 91 Justinian’s lack of sleep is political and religious, human and divine, but there is nothing to suggest actual sleeplessness. The inscription connects ἀκοιμήτοιο with Homeric words of authority, the word by itself representing a standard virtue for a Roman emperor, and it evokes divine governance. Furthermore, especially as it is set within a church, it brings vigils to mind. Il. 9.325; Od. 9.404; 10.84; 19.340; 19. 591. Il. 2.204, 207, 487, 760.Od. 1.247; 13.377. 87 Il. 1.279; 2. 86; 14. 93; Od. 2.231; 5.92. 88 Il. 1.279; 2. 86; Od. 2.231; 5.92. 89 Vita Alexandri, 700; ὸ ἐπιλεγόμενον τῶν ἀκοιμήτων διὰ τὴν ἀκατάπαυστον αὐτῶν καὶ πάντη ἄϋπνον δοξολογίαν is called the monastery of the sleepless due to their ceaseless and completely sleepless worship. 90 ἀκοίμητος ὀφθαλμός: sleepless eye Basilius, Homiliae in hexaemeron, Homily 7; Chrysostomus, De Lazaro, PG 48. 973; Ad populum Antiochenum PG 49. 203; In Juventinum et Maximum martyres PG 50. 576; De sancta Pelagiae, PG 50.584; In Genesim, PG 53.64. 91 ἀκοίμητος ὀφθαλμός: Athanasius, Expositiones in Psalmos, PG 27.1 69; Basilius, Enarratio in prophetam Isaiam (Dub.), 5.157; Ephraem Syrus, Sermo asceticus, 181; Chrysostomus, De paenitentia (sermo 2) (Sp.) PG 60 704; Cyrillus Alexandrinus, De exitu animi, PG 77. 1080. 85 86

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When Procopios completed the Historia Arcana, an invective directed at Justinian 92 written around 550, 93 he used the theme of sleeplessness to attack him on all fronts. The sleepless care for his subjects turned into devising misfortunes for them, 94 the church vigils became debauchery, 95 and, generally, sleeplessness – far from being a God-like attribute – was transformed into the hallmark of demonic nature and activity, 96 one that contributed crucially to the downfall of the empire. 97 There is a possibility that a nucleus of truth might exist behind all these reports on Justinian’s lack of sleep. Procopios mentions that Justinian slept for only one hour per night 98 and mentions his interminable walks at night-time. 99 Whether Justinian was a natural short sleeper, an insomniac, a great ascetic in Arsenios’ mould, or an over-conscientious ruler, we will never be able to ascertain the truth behind the propaganda. The other two emperors do not present the same problems as Justinian; Nikephoros Phocas’ ascetic lifestyle is well attested, 100 while Romanos Argyros’ vigils, 101 though attributed by Psellos to showing off, are not disputed. 102 This section has focused instead on the vigils of emperors, because of the paucity of the sources on the sleeping habits of Byzantine laymen. Nonetheless, the sleep of emperors and even the propaganda about it might give an indication about the popularity of vigil among their subjects; unless this practice was genuinely Ibid., 58. Cameron, Procopius, p. 9. 94 Procopius, Historia Arcana, 13.28–33. 95 Ibid, 12.27. 96 Ibid, 12.20–21, 27. 97 Procopius, Historia Arcana, 13.32–33; 15.11. 98 Historia Arcana, 13.30. 99 Historia Arcana, 13.30; also 12.21. 100 Leo Diaconus, Historia, 86; 89; Georgius Monachus, Chronicon Breve, PG 110. 1208. 101 Georgius monachus, PG 110. 1221. 102 Psellos, Chronographia, 3.13. 92 93

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held in high esteem, there would be no reason to advertise an emperor’s vigils. Married couples There were some married couples, who prayed together, like Theophanes the Confessor and his wife, 103 but this again might be a hagiographic topos, the ascetic life of the saint remaining uninterrupted even through marriage. Theophano supposedly encouraged Leo to pray with her at night, but this lasted only during his imprisonment by Basil I. 104 Perhaps, it was only those monastically inclined who performed vigils at home; the Byzantine sources are not abundant concerning couples performing vigils, at least not couples that remained married until the end of their lives. An exception was the parents of the aforementioned Thomais, who prayed every night, and the wife did not become a nun until after the death of her husband. 105 Of course, caution is needed even when reading the Vita of a happily married saint. Since every Vita mirrors the beliefs of its author, if this happens to be monk, monastic practices will certainly be projected into the life of its hero. Possibly, many performed vigils in obscurity, like the poor couple in Paul of Monembasia’s stories, 106 who retained their anonymity even after a miraculous event brought them to the attention of a high-ranking state official. Nevertheless, based on the aforementioned cases, it would appear that things were better than Chrysostom presented; lay people, not satisfied with a small interruption to their sleep, were conducting a pannuchis every night. Chrysostom addressed all his congregation irrespective of class. Those mentioned above, with the exception of the anonymous couple, were ranging socially from middle (Thomais and parents) to upper class and aristocracy (Maria, Gorgonia, Theophanes and his wife, Melanie), to royalty (Theophano, Nicephoros, Romanos). Since they had no urgent work in the morning, it would have been easy for them to follow such a Methodius, Encomium et vita Theophanis, 8.27–28. Vita Theophano, 14. 105 Vita Thomais, 235. 106 Narrationes, 5. 103 104

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regime of sleep-deprivation during the night, and sleep some time during the day, perhaps at dawn, as some of the monks did. It might seem an unfair assessment of Byzantine piety, but it appears that night-time prayer at home was popular among the wealthy and the monastically inclined, those who had satisfied their earthly needs and those who were about to renounce them. In the next chapter, it will be shown that the Byzantines preferred vigils at church; this does not mean that these vigils were considered more efficacious or were seen as a form of entertainment and an excuse to leave the house. Sleep experts view the fight with sleep as primarily a case of mind over matter; 107 those who have not sufficient motivation or whose mind is preoccupied will lose the battle. Solitary vigil is more difficult than keeping watch with others, who might offer support and whose presence might act as a sleepdeterrent. 108 John Climacos put it succinctly: everyone can pray with the multitude, for many it is fitting to pray only with someone sharing the same spiritual nature. Only few can practise solitary prayer. 109

FIRST SLEEP Things become more complicated in assessing the extent to which lay persons embraced sleep-abstinence, because of a theory advanced by R. Ekirch that people in pre-industrial times did not sleep at one stretch like us. On the contrary, their sleep was naturally segmented with a small period of quiet wakefulness of about two hours around midnight, between two almost equal periods of sleep. 110 The implication for Byzantium is that even if everyone prayed at that time of the night, it did not qualify as sleep-abstinence, because it happened in any case when people were awake, and the duration of their sleep was not restricted at all. Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 13. Joannes Climacus, Scala Paradisi, PG 88, 941. 109 Joannes Climacus, Scala Paradisi, PG 88, 941; also 937. 110 Ekirch, ‘Sleep We Have Lost: Pre-Industrial Slumber in the British Isles’, p. 364; At Day's Close: Night in Times Past, pp. 300–08. 107 108

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Ekirch establishes his theory through an appeal to the vocabulary of European languages and diverse literary sources from the 12th to the 17th centuries; he also identifies the two periods of sleep as ‘first sleep’ and ‘morning sleep’, and the intervening period of wakefulness as ‘watch’. 111 The awakening at midnight, and the name of this period of wakefulness, i.e. ‘watch’, suggest the traditional Christian break of sleep for prayer at midnight, which was described earlier in this chapter. 112 Nevertheless, Ekirch rejects outright the possibility that the breaking of sleep at midnight was a ‘cultural relic rooted in early Christian experience’. 113 According to Ekirch, the church colonized the period of wakefulness between the two periods of slumber, and it is not responsible for introducing segmented sleep. 114 Thus, Ekirch sets out to prove that sleep fragmentation is a natural occurrence inhibited by the use of artificial lighting, not a learned behaviour established by the Church. For that purpose, he appeals to literary texts from pre-Christian times, where the phrase ‘first sleep’ appears, and the Bible. Ekirch also makes use of medical research, which supposedly reproduces the night-time conditions of pre-industrial times, and replicates the pattern of sleep at that period. 115 I shall start with the Bible, then examine the literary texts, and close with an examination of the medical research.

Ekirch, ‘Sleep We Have Lost’, p. 364; At Day’s Close, pp. 300–4. Midnight prayer at home was recommended in both the East and the West from the end of the second century (Taft, Liturgy, 18, 23–27). Ekirch placed the beginning of this custom in the 6th c., attributing it to the influence of St Benedict; At Day’s Close, p. 302. 113 At Day’s Close, p. 302. 114 Ibid. 115 At Day’s Close, 311–12. The research quoted from is T. A. Wehr, ‘A ‘clock for all seasons’ in the human brain’, in R.M. Buijs et al. (eds), Progress in brain Research, vol. 111 (Amsterdam,1996), 322; ‘The impact of changes in nightlength (scotoperiod) on human sleep’, in F.W. Turek and P.C. Zee (eds.), Regulation of Sleep and Circadian Rhythms (NY, 1999), 265. 111 112

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Segmented sleep in the Bible Regarding the evidence from the Bible, Ekirch admits that there are no direct references to first sleep, but cites an incident where Samson woke up at midnight and stole the doors of Gaza’s gate. 116 Nevertheless, from the context it appears that everyone expected Samson to be asleep, otherwise he could not have caught the guards unawares. Ekirch does not supply any other verses, but had he done so, those would be mentioning some activity at midnight. T. Mcalpine in his thorough study of sleep in the Old Testament and the neighbouring cultures does not report, however, any usual break in sleep at midnight. 117 Obviously, there is not any evidence in the Bible suggesting a naturally segmented sleep. Classical and post-Classical testimonies about ‘First sleep’ Regarding the classical and post-classical texts to which Ekirch appeals, it should be made clear that the phrase ‘first sleep’ does not guarantee sleep fragmentation. The phrase might well have changed usage after the advent of Christianity and the establishment of midnight vigils. The primary example of such a change is the noun κοίμησις, the verb κοιμῶμαι, and the adjective κοιμώμενος (the last two mostly in past tenses), which pagan Greeks used always for sleeping, but Greek-speaking Christians used for death, dying, and the dead respectively. Consequently, the word κοιμητήριον changed from pagan dormitory 118 to Christian cemetery. 119 Likewise, the verb ἐγείρω and the noun ἔγερσις, which pagan Greeks used exclusively for awakening from sleep and never for rising from death, became associated with the resurrection thanks

Judges 16:3. McAlpine, Sleep Divine, pp. 109–113. 118 Dosiadas, Fragmenta, Fragment 1.16. 119 It appeared for the first time in Origen’s, In Jeremiam (homiliae 1– 11), Homily 4.3,16. 116 117

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to the New Testament. 120 Thus, the phrase ‘first sleep’ alone is not enough in to confirm Ekirch’s theory; it should correspond to the first part of a biphasic mode of sleep at night-time. As the main proof for the existence of segmented sleep in pre-Christian times, Ekirch cites Eidothee’s advice to Menelaos on how to apprehend her father Proteus, from Odyssey 4.414: τὸν μὲν ἐπὴν δὴ πρῶτα κατευνηθέντα ἴδησθε. He claims that the only right translation of this verse is that of G. Chapman published in 1616, which reads, ‘in his first sleep’. 121 According to Ekirch, all later English versions have missed the point, because the translators lived in post-industrial times, and hence they never experienced ‘first sleep’ as Chapman did. Furthermore, Ekirch noted that the original classical Greek (sic) and the Modern Greek translations agree with Chapman. 122 Ekirch’s claims are wrong; the original verse from Homer reads, ‘after you have made sure at first that he is asleep’. The adverb πρῶτα, which indicates time/sequence is connected to the verb ἴδησθε and not to the participle κατευνηθέντα. Moreover, no Modern Greek translation renders the verse as ‘first sleep’. 123 Another point to consider is that Proteus’ sleep takes place at noon, and not at night-time, and even if it were fragmented it bears no relevance to Ekirch’s claims. Finally, there are several passages in Homer, which indicate that people slept throughout the night. 124 There are scant references to ‘first sleep’ (πρῶτoς ὕπνος) in classical and post classical literature. No mention is made of the phrase ‘first sleep’ or of the phenomenon of segmented sleep, eiMt 16:21; 17:9, 23; 20:9: 26:32; Mc 14:28; Lk 7:14; 9:22: Jn 12:1, 9, 17; 21:14; Acta 3:15; 4:10; 5:30; 10:40; Rom 6:9; l 7:4; 8:34; 1Cor 6:14; 15:15; 2Cor 4:14; 5:15. 121 Ekirch, ‘Sleep We Have Lost’, p. 384. 122 Ibid, 384, n.127. 123 Ι. Πολυλάς, Ὁμήρου Ὀδύσσεια (Ἐν Ἀθήναις, 1912); Α. Εφταλιώτης, Ὁμήρου Ὀδύσσεια (Αθήνα, 1946); Γ. Δ. Ζευγώλης, Ομήρου Οδύσσεια (Αθήνα, 1955); Ζ. Σίδερης, Όμηρος. Οδύσσεια (Αθήνα, 2, 1956); Ν. Καζαντζάκης, και Ι. Θ. Κακριδής, Ομήρου Οδύσσεια (Αθήνα, 1965); Δ. Μαρωνίτης, Ὁμήρου Ὀδύσσεια (Αθήνα, 1996). 124 Iliad, 2.24; 61; 10.2; 159; 24.678; Odyssey, 7.288. 120

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ther in Plato or in Aristotle. Plato, actually, castigated those who were sleeping throughout the night, which appears to have been the norm. 125 Furthermore, the complete absence of such a supposedly natural phenomenon in sleep from Aristotle’s detailed work on the subject, should, at least, raise some doubts as to its existence. The majority of references on ‘first sleep’ point to it as a division of the night. 126 Julius Pollux (second c. CE) considers the expression πρῶτoν ὕπνον a vulgar alternative for phrases such as ‘beginning of the night’ (νυκτὸς ἀρχή, καὶ νυκτὸς ἀρχομένης), ‘first night’ (περὶ πρώτην νύκτα), ‘first watches’ (περὶ πρώτας φυλακὰς), and ‘first part of the night’(περὶ πρώτην μοῖραν). 127 It is tempting to think that since there is a second and third watch or part of the night, there is also second or third sleep. However, firstly there is no such instance of second or third sleep in the sources, and secondly the reference to ‘first night’ shows that ‘first’ rather than indicating sequence simply means ‘beginning’; hence ‘first sleep’ is the start of sleep as ‘first night’ signifies the start of the night. Apparently, the start of the night was also the time most people went to sleep, and the two phrases became synonymous. Nevertheless, the meaning of the phrase was not fixed, and it may mean the start of sleep, independently of the time of the day, or the start of the night. Thus, ‘first sleep’ indicates the beginning of sleep in the Hippocratic De Diaeta (ca. fifth–fourth century BCE), which remarks that when, at the beginning of sleep, the food heats up and spreads throughout the body, some people tend to sweat a lot. 128 Nevertheless, in the De Epidemiae, from the same collection,

Leges, 807e–808a. Thucydides, Historiae, 2.2.1; 7.43.2; Hippocrates, De morbis popularibus, 5.1.22; 7.1.25; Dionysius Halicarnassensis, Antiquitates Romanae, 3.56.3; Plutarchus, Lysander, 28.3, Lucianus, Philopseudes sive incredulus, 31; Toxaris vel amicitia, 17; Aelius Aristides, Ἱεροὶ λόγοι δ΄, Jebb p. 329; Pausanias, Graeciae descriptio, 4.25.10. 127 Onomasticon, 1.70. 128 De Diaeta, 3.78. 125 126

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‘first sleep’ clearly indicates time and not sleep, since the person to whom the phrase was applied was awake. 129 Apart from the meaning of ‘first sleep’ alternating between ‘start of sleep’ and ‘start of the night’, the time of ‘first sleep’ was also variable. Rather than indicating the start of the night and, equally, the start of the first night-watch, Phrynichos (second century CE) placed it at about the third or fourth hour of the night, 130 which is a long time after nightfall, and at the end of the first watch. Nevertheless, this is how the reference, which Ekirch cites, about Nicias and ‘first sleep’ should be understood; instead of sleeping at nightfall, Nicias slept about three to four hours later. 131 There are some obscure references; Sosias in Aristophanes’s Wasps (fifth–fourth century BCE) relates a dream he had during his first sleep. 132 This might imply segmented sleep. Another explanation is that slaves were considered particularly susceptible to excessive sleep, 133 and the usage of ‘first sleep’ is ironic, it shows that Sosias was sleeping frequently. Nonetheless, the reference to ‘first sleep’ in the Wasps can be understood better combined with Sosias’ admission that his sleep was wine-induced. 134 Greek oniromancy deemed as unreliable all dreams appearing at the beginning of sleep or in the middle of the night, because the effects of wine were still strong. Only dreams appearing at dawn or at sunrise were thought of as truthful. 135 To signify the start of sleep, oniromancers used the phrase ‘first sleep’, 136

De Epidemiae, 7.1.25. Phrynichus, Preparatio Sophisitca, 94.6. 131 Plutarchus, Nicias, 5.5.; Also similar Lysander, 28.3. 132 Vespae, 31. 133 Libanius, Progymnnasmata, 9.6; Chrysostomus, In epistulam i ad Timotheum, PG, 62.575; See also T. Wiedemann, ‘The Roman Siesta’, in Sleep, 132–33. 134 Vespae, 9. 135 Philostrartus, Vita Apolonii, 2.37; See also White, The Interpretation of Dreams, p. 70. 136 Philostrartus, Vita Apolonii, 2.37. 129 130

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while they spoke also of sleep in the middle of the night, further disproving Ekirch’s theory of a break in sleep at midnight. 137 Another, problematic, quotation comes from Dionysios of Halicarnassos; it reads μετὰ τὸν πρῶτον ὕπνον ἀναστήσας τὸ κράτιστον τοῦ στρατοῦ μέρος ἄξειν ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἔμελλεν ἔρυμα, 138 that is following the first sleep he intended to arouse the strongest part of the army and lead them to the entrenchments of the Romans. This might represent a tradition peculiar to the Sabines, where sleep was fragmented. On the other hand, it can be translated more comprehensibly: he intended to arouse the strongest part of his army after the first watch and lead them to the entrenchments of the Romans. ‘First sleep’ as ‘first watch’ appears also in another instance of Dionysios’ work. 139 The only quotation where ‘first sleep’ appears to signify first instalment of sleep comes from Oribasios’ Medical Collections, and it originated in the work of Rufus of Ephesos On Vomit (ca. 1 century BCE). It reads διαλιπεῖν χρή ποτε καὶ κοιμηθῆναι τὸν πρῶτον ὕπνον· οὕτως γὰρ διαχαλᾶται ἡ γαστὴρ καὶ ἐπανέρχεται τὰ σιτία εὐκόλως, meaning, it is necessary sometimes to forego the first sleep; that way the stomach relaxes and the food might be vomited easily. It is clear that first sleep here indicates the first part of sleep. Nonetheless, first part of sleep does not necessarily imply segmented sleep; it might indicate a difference in the quality of sleep, rather than two parts of sleep separated by wakefulness. The early part of the night is dominated with SWS, which is deeper and mostly dreamless. The first REM period starts about 90 minutes into sleep, with a small episode, but as the night advances and sleep prolongs REM sleep increases in frequency and length. The reason is twofold: firstly, the homeostatic need for SWS has been fulfilled in the earlier part of the night; and secondly, early morning is the peak circadian time for REM sleep. 140 Thus, one might speak of ‘first sleep’ as referring to either the first cycle of 137

Ibid. Antiquitatae Romanae, 5.41. 139 Antiquitatae Romanae, 3.56. 140 For the relevant literature on sleep architecture, see the chapter ‘The Mechanics of Sleep and Sleeplessness’. 138

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sleep before the appearance of REM sleep or the earlier part of the night when SWS is dominant (about first 4 hours of sleep). Phrynichos limited ‘first sleep’ to one or two hours, 141 and taking into account the seasonal variations of the hour’s length, this identifies it with the first sleep cycle of NREM sleep. On the other hand, Julius Pollux identified first sleep with the first watch; SWS is dominant for about the first four hours, and usually occurs in the earlier part of the night, which coincides with the first watch according to the Greek reckoning. 142 Therefore, both explanations are possible. Rufus, then, might well have meant that the deeper sort of sleep should be avoided, by sleeping later in the night. ‘First sleep’ as ‘first sleep cycle’ or ‘SWS dominated sleep’ emerges from the Byzantine sources. Choricios speaks about ‘first sleep’ as that time of the night when the senses are at their most quiet. 143 Simocatta speaks of sleep at the first watch of the night as the heaviest sleep, 144 and in the Vita St Evaresti, ‘first sleep’ is described as the sweetest. 145 ‘First sleep’ in Byzantine sources is πρωτοΰπνιον or πρωθύπνιον. This might also describe the first part of the night 146 or a monastic prayer time. 147 Only in the Vita of St Porphyry of Gaza, does ‘first sleep’ stand for ‘first instalment of sleep’. 148 Nevertheless, the division of sleep into two parts, not necessarily equal, with an intervening period of wakefulness for prayer, was by that time (fifth century AD) an established method for performing vigil. To summarise, there is no pre-Christian Greek literary source in which the phrase ‘first sleep’ suggests segmented sleep as described by Ekirch, with the possible exception of the passage from Rufus’ On Vomit. Nevertheless, there is no other instance of this Phrynichus, Preparatio Sophisitca, 94.6. Onomasticon, 1.70. 143 Opera, 3.2.22. 144 Historiae, 2.9.1. 145 Vita Sancti Evaresti, 10. 146 Ps-Athanasius, De virginitate, 23; Historia monachorum in Aegypto, Vita 8; Palladius, HL, Vita 22.8. 147 Callinicus, Vita Sancti Hypatii, 26.2. 148 Marcus Diaconus, Vita Porphyrii episcopi Gazensis, 15. 141 142

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phrase in Rufus’ work, and its meaning is open to interpretation. Most importantly, the phenomenon of a naturally fragmented sleep is not mentioned in any ancient Greek work on sleep, dreams, human physiology or in any medical collection, and it might be safely concluded that the Greeks were ignorant of it. Medical data and ‘First sleep’ Ekirch appealed to a research conducted by T. A. Wehr, which supposedly reproduced the conditions of night-time in preindustrial times, replicating, thus, the sleeping-pattern of that period. The established opinion on human sleep is that it differs from those of animals in that it is monophasic, i.e. consolidated in one single uninterrupted bout. 149 But, the human circadian pacemaker works in a similar manner to those of the animals as it is entrained primarily by light (or its absence) and anticipates the transitions between night and day, triggering appropriate behaviour like wakefulness and sleep. 150 Thus, the pacemaker creates a day and night within the organism, which mirrors and anticipates the world outside. 151 Also in a similar fashion to animals, the pacemaker detects seasonal variation in the day’s length, the duration of diurnal and nocturnal periods of the endogenous daily rhythms (the day and night within) to the available light. 152 A legitimate question is whether humans, experiencing absence of artificial light for a period equal to a long winter’s night, would exhibit the same pattern of segmented sleep as animals. T. A. Wehr and his colleagues conducted a study in which 15 (originally 16), healthy young adults (14 men, 1 woman) were subjected for a 1 month period to 14 hours of darkness in every 24 hour period. 153 This experiment showed that 80% of the particiWehr, et al., ‘Conservation of photoperiod-responsive mechanisms in humans’, p. 853. 150 Ibid, 846. 151 Wehr, ‘A ‘clock for all seasons’ in the human brain’, p. 322; ‘The impact of changes in nightlength (scotoperiod) on human sleep’, p. 265. 152 Wehr, ‘Conservation’, p. 846. 153 Wehr, ‘Conservation’, p. 847. 149

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pants 154 displayed fragmented sleep, i.e. two or more periods of sleep, with intervals of wakefulness. 155 Wehr’s interpretation of the findings was that sleep consolidation is the result of modern lighting technology. 156 What should be noted in the first instance is that the study examined a small homogenous group of young healthy males, which cannot be considered representative of the wider population, thus compromising the findings. Secondly, the experiment does not appear so far to have been replicated by other researchers. Moreover, the study ignores the fact that sleep is not only a biological, but also a social event, a learnt practice with a high degree of socio-cultural plasticity or variability. 157 One month in a laboratory cannot reproduce the behaviour exhibited in sleep by those who were born in pre-industrial times, and had all their life to adjust to those conditions. The fragmented sleep displayed in the study is more likely to be the reaction of modern people, who have learned to sleep between 7 to 8 hours, 158 to a forced rest spanning 12 to 14 hours, and not the practice of those actually living and sleeping in preindustrial times. Finally, activities such as exercising or listening to music were not permitted during the dark period. 159 This is significant because Wehr’s theory that sleep consolidation is the result of modern lighting technology is based on the assumption that in preindustrial times the sources of lighting at night were either insufficient or not widely used, and so darkness was equal to enforced rest and confinement. 160 What affects human sleeping patterns, however, is not the strength of the artificial light, but the fact that it enables activities and states of arousal unlikely to occur in dark-

Ibid, p. 856. Ibid, p. 853. 156 Ibid, p. 853. 157 Williams, Sleep and Society, p. 3. 158 Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 172. 159 Wehr, ‘Conservation’, p. 847. 160 Wehr, ‘Conservation’, p. 855; ‘Clock’, p. 336–337. 154 155

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ness. 161 If it were demonstrated that in pre-industrial times, despite the darkness, there were such states of arousal that sleep was inhibited or that there was sufficient lighting, which made work at nighttime possible, then the theoretical background of the experiment would collapse. Byzantium by night Byzantine people were likely not incapacitated by darkness and their sleep was more disrupted than the one period of wakefulness claimed by Wehr – although what is said here is also valid for the Classical, Hellenistic, and Late Antique periods. The only notable exemption to the above is the daily nocturnal vigil, which is a unique feature of Christianity. To begin with, prayer needs little or no light at all to be performed. Moreover, as shown in the previous chapter, the sense of terror brought up by the act of keeping a watch at night, and the content of the prayers, which mention the Final Judgement, sudden death, and demons, would cause a heightened state of arousal and hence inhibit sleep initiation. Of course, the problem is that one cannot be certain how many prayed at home. Nonetheless, for those who did pray, their sleep would have been affected. Apart from prayer, the Byzantines engaged in a multitude of tasks at night with or without the assistance of illumination. Often in homilies promoting sleep-abstinence, night-time secular occupations are cited either as a proof that the night is not exclusively for sleeping, or to make an unfavourable contrast with Christians who had less fervour for vigil than those pursuing their livelihood. 162 The occupations mentioned include night guards, 163 artisans, 164 Mrosovsky, et al.; ‘Behavioural entrainment of circadian rhythms’, pp. 696–702. 162 It is interesting to note that these examples show no dependence upon Sirach 38:26–30 where a number of people are described as staying sleepless over their work (farmers, craftsmen, smiths, potters). 163 Johannes Chrysostomus, Ad Stagirium a daemone vexatum II, PG 47.458; In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.204. On the night guards in Byzantium see Κουκουλές, Βυζαντινῶν Βίος και Πολιτισμός, 3, pp. 211–214. 164 In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.202. 161

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mule-drivers, 165 merchants, 166 coppersmiths, 167 goldsmiths, 168 fishermen, 169 potters, 170 and female weavers. 171 Other sources reveal that even building and construction work could take place after sunset; the column of Daniel the Stylite was erected in the dark, 172 while in the life of Euthymios the Younger the construction of a church continued into the middle of the night. 173 Moreover, some tasks could not be performed, unless under the cover of darkness; Pachomios with his monks cleaned the latrine pit at night. 174 Finally, one should not forget the night-thieves. 175 Necessity and poverty were not the only causes for staying awake and working; entertainment might also be a reason. According to Choricios, many worked overtime at night in order to finish their tasks earlier and to go to the theatre 176 whose spectacles lasted

Chrysostomus, In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.202. Chrysostomus, In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.202.; In illud: Vidi dominum.1.1. Libanius claimed that the market in Antioch was open even at night; Orationes, 11.255. That merchants operated at night is not surprising; texts confirm that lighting was provided for porticoes by governors or shopkeepers in Antioch, and in Edessa, Ephesus, Constantinople, and elsewhere Mundell Mango, The Commercial Map of Constantinople, p. 195. Libanius, actually, complained to Emperor Theodosius about Tisamenos, the governor of Antioch, who ordered the workshops to triple their lighting. Orationes, 33.35–37. See also Κουκουλές, vol. 3, p. 213. 167 In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.204; Ephraim Syrus, Sermones paraenetici ad monachos Aegypti, Oration 20; Symeon Neotheologus, Hymni, Hymn 33. 168 Symeon Neotheologus, Hymni, Hymn 33. 169 Ephraim Syrus, Sermones paraenetici ad monachos Aegypti. Oration 20. See also Κουκουλές, vol. 5, pp. 334–5. 170 Ephraim Syrus, Sermones paraenetici ad monachos Aegypti. Oration 20. 171 Symeon Neotheologus, Hymni, Hymn 33. 172 Vita Danielis Stylitae, 25. 173 Vita Euthymii Junioris, 29. There is nothing miraculous about carrying on work in the dark; it is only an indication that the work was urgent and necessary. And of course there is some light – either moon and stars or lamps and candles. 174 VP, Vita Prima Graeca, p. 70. 175 Κουκουλές, vol. 3, pp. 210–214. 176 Choricius, Opera, 32.2.127. 165 166

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all night and were attended even by young women. 177 Another occasion for not sleeping was the feast of Calends, which was celebrated with revelling, 178 assisted by the lighting of lamps in the Forum. 179 Night-time was a time for drinking, 180 visiting prostitutes, 181 and all sort of riotous living. 182 Not every night-time celebration was debauched; in Alexandria, a week after the birth of a child it was customary to hold an all-night banquet, and judging from the vision reported by one of the participants of that feast, a vast quantity of wine was consumed. 183 Although some of the nocturnal occupations and entertainments were possibly limited to the big cities (night watchers, illumined streets, theatre), the rest show that generally there was no lack of commotion in Byzantium at night-time. Wehr’s hypothesis that in pre-industrial times a lack of light led to forced rest such as that in his experiment is wrong. Sleep fragmentation Another problem with Wehr’s theory is the assertion that sleep fragmentation took the form of two equal periods of sleep with a period of wakefulness in-between. Although Wehr, following his Ibid, 32.2.51; Chrysostomus, In epistulam ad Titum, PG 62.693. Chrysostomus, In Kalendas, PG 48.954. 179 Chrysostomus, In Kalendas, PG 48.957. 180 Chrysostomus, In Genesim, PG. 53.23; Chrysostomus, In epistulam ad Hebraeos, PG 63.116. 181 Chrysostomus, In epistulam ad Hebraeos, PG 63.116. 182 Ibid. 183 Theophilactus Simmocatta, Historiae, 8.13.9–11. The reveller, a calligrapher, witnessed some statues coming to life and talking about Emperor Maurice’s demise. Simocatta, in a tongue in cheek comment, admitted earlier that the banquet ended because everyone was satiated. Theophanes the Confessor reworked the story; the pannuchis was not drunken vigil, but a church vigil, the calligrapher not a jolly reveller, but a pious man, Theophanes Confessor, Chronographia, 291. This gives an indication of the difficulties mapping the night-time habits of the Byzantines and ascertaining the extent of vigils. Had only Theophanes’ version survived, we would have had a grimmer image of night-time in Byzantium. 177 178

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communication with Ekirch started mentioning only two periods of sleep, 184 before that he wrote about two or more such periods. 185 From the charts of the volunteers’ sleeping times, it can be verified that often there was more than one awakening, and hence more periods of sleep. 186 Furthermore, nowhere in Wehr’s published papers does midnight feature as a special time for awaking as Ekirch has insisted. Once more, the charts point out that people woke well after midnight. Sometimes their period of wakefulness ended at midnight or started before that time and continued after it. 187 Of course, in the long night simulated in the laboratory (6.00 pm–8:00 am), the middle of the night as calculated by Greeks fell at 01:00 am, but even then there are no more initiations of wakefulness than at other times. Taking into account what has been said about the Byzantine night, it is certain that there was plenty of noise: men and their beasts travelling through a town; markets and sellers; drunken revelers; even the noise of a clock striking every hour. 188 Christopher from Mytilene wrote a poem about an owl that woke him up. 189 Closer to home, the cry of a baby 190 or the continuous murmur of a spouse keeping vigil would be enough to disrupt one’s slumber. Wood movement (expanding and shrinking woods), leaking roofs, draughty walls, and open chimneys would all have contributed towards a sleepless night. 191 Apart from auditory stimuli, smells coming from bakers, 192 and perhaps others who worked overnight, assaulted the nostrils of sleeping Byzantines. Wehr, ‘The impact of changes’, p. 265. Wehr, ‘Conservation’, 853; ‘Clock’, p. 334. 186 Wehr, ‘Conservation’, p. 852 fig. 6. 187 Wehr, ‘Conservation’, p. 852 fig. 6. 188 Procopios of Gaza described such a clock. Dohrn-van Rossum, History of the Hour, p. 28. 189 Carmina Varia, 131. 190 Basilius Caesariensis, Homilia dicta in Lacisis, PG 31.1453. 191 Ekirch, At Day’s Close, p. 293; On the Byzantine house see Κουκουλές, vol. 4, pp. 249–317. 192 Mundell Mango, p. 191. 184 185

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Regarding beds, it would be a mistake to assume that the poor slept badly because they had to lie on hard surfaces. People tend to adapt to their typical bed, 193 which shows that even chameunia (sleeping on the ground), far from being an ascetic feat, is simply a matter of habit. Rather than searching for the perfect mattress, sleep experts insist that the best method for combating insomnia is an untroubled mind at the time of retiring to bed. 194 Nevertheless, Clement of Alexandria lamented the rich who ended up constrained by their own soft mattresses. 195 A nuisance that befell rich and poor alike was the various bugs, lice, fleas, ticks, and bedbugs. Psellos wrote a playful encomium to the tick, which ‘guards us in our sleep and inhabits our bed, and is found even under the pillows’. 196 Theodore the Studite considered it a monastic prerogative to be lice-infested and fleabitten, 197 but certainly, the bugs would not have been discriminating. Another bane was mosquitoes, whose number and ferocity was such that this kept Nicetas the Patrician from sleeping. 198 Finally, Clement described the nooks and crannies of beds with ornate feet as heaven for crawling insects; though he probably meant scorpions, bedbugs are also known for hiding in bed frames. Only a saint, like John the Divine, could effectively control the bedbugs by ordering them to march off his bed; 199 for the rest, the night was a very scratchy affair. Bugs would have been a mild nuisance in comparison to rats, which could attack someone asleep, inflicting serious injuries, 200 even death. Sleepers in the Byzantine countryside were also in dan-

Thorpy, pp. 27–28. Also, p. 226 on sleep surfaces. Horne, Sleepfaring, pp. 227–229. 195 Paedagogus, 2.9.1–3. Neither does Chrysostom think much of soft beds; De virginitate, 70. 196 Oratoria minora, Oration 29. 197 Theodorus Studites, Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 106.778. 198 Vita Nicetae Patricii, 2.7. 199Acta Joannis, 60–61. 200 Vita sancti Fantini iunioris, 13. 193 194

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ger from snakes 201 and even leopards. 202 It is possible that because of rodents or other animals, people throughout the Empire could have been apprehensive of noises in the dark, and thus easily awoken. Pain has long been described by Hippocrates as a hindrance to sleep; it is worth mentioning, though, that cluster headaches, congestive heart failure, gout, gallbladder attacks, toothaches, as well as peptic and gastric ulcers tend to worsen at night. 203 Certainly pregnant women then, 204 as today, 205 would have had difficulty sleeping. Apart from bodily discomfort, mental stress, strains, and worries would also have disrupted one’s sleep. 206 The worries of the Byzantines were not greatly different from ours, with the addition of religion as a major paragon of stress as seen in Chapter 5. Others stayed awake because of love. 207 More mundane thoughts – for instance about debts – disturbed the sleep of Byzantines as well. 208 Church authors considered the rich as particularly bad sleepers, because of worries connected to their wealth. 209 Certainly, fear of thieves upset many a rich person’s slumber. 210 In contrast to the Theodoretus Historia religiosa, 22.5; Orestes, Vita et conversatio Sabae Junioris, 41. 202 Vita Symeonis Stylitae iunioris, 178. 203 Ekirch, ibid, p. 288. 204 Chrysostomus, In Genesim, PG 53.144. 205 Moorcroft, Sleep, p. 61–64. 206 Horne Sleepfaring, p. 208. 207 Chrysostomus, In epistulam ad Ephesios, 62.32. 208 Basilius Caesariensis, Homiliae super Psalmos, PG 29.273. 209 Basilius Caesariensis, Homiliae super Psalmos, PG 29.273; Consolatoria ad aegrotum, PG 31.1717; Chrysosotomus, Expositiones in Psalmos PG 55.59; In epistulam i ad Timotheum, PG 62.600; In epistulam ad Philippenses, PG 62.195 Vita Syncleticae, 141; Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Commentarii in Lucam, PG 72. 736. 210 Basilius Caesariensis, Consolatoria ad aegrotum, PG 31.1717; Chrysostomus, De profectu evangelii, PG 51. 314; In epistulam ad Philippenses, PG 62.195; In epistulam i ad Timotheum, PG 62. 577; On night thieves, see 201

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fretful and idle rich, 211 the poor were thought of as having better sleep, 212 although in reality hunger, thirst, heat and cold, would have disrupted their sleep greatly. 213 Chrysostom offers a grim picture of the poor sleeping in the streets, near baths, trembling from the cold and suffering from hunger. 214 Possibly the rest of the population experienced troubled sleep during Lent because of the fast, which might have lead them to perform vigils more frequently. From the discussion above, it is obvious that a number of issues could have disrupted a Byzantine’s sleep, hour after hour, night after night, creating irregular patterns of sleep. Moreover, several factors would have hindered sleep initiation. It is important to understand that Wehr’s experiment, even if it confirms Ekirch’s claims, mirrors optimum sleep conditions, which have nothing to do with a typical night in Byzantium. Spells and amulets inducing sleep, 215 as well as an overwhelming amount of advice on sleeping potions 216 verify that sleep was at a premium. Actually, Byzantine physicians greatly improved upon Greek and Roman pharmacopoeia, allowing the use of herbs with sedative properties in standardized Κουκουλές, vol. 3, pp. 211–214. Stanley, ‘Who’s Afraid of aThief in the Night?’, pp.468–486. 211 Chrysosotomus, De virginitate. 71; In epistulam i ad Thessalonicenses PG 62.428. 212 Basilius Caesariensis, Homiliae super Psalmos, PG 29.273, Chrystomus, De virginitate, 70. 213 Moorcroft, Sleep, pp. 59–60. 214 Chrysostomus, De Lazaro, PG 48.973; De diabolo tentatore. PG 49.270; In epistulam i ad Corinthios, PG 61.94. 215 Rautman, Daily Life in the Byzantine Empire, p. 303, p. 305. 216 Clemens Alexandrinus, Paedagogus, 2.8.71; Gregorius Nyssenus, Adversus eos qui castigationes aegre ferunt, PG 46. 309; Basilius Caesariensis, Homiliae in hexaemeron, 5.4; Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Glaphyra in Pentateuchum, PG 69.220; Theodoretus, Explanatio in Canticum canticorum, PG. 81. 197; Pseudo-Caesarius, Quaestiones et responsiones, 85. The Geoponica and the Syntagma de alimentorum facultatibus of Symeon Seth name several vegetables as sleep-inducing, among them the lettuce (Geoponica, 12.13; Symeon, letter mu line 210), an opinion held also by Psellos, Poemata, 9.90. On Byzantine medical authors and sleeping potions, see next footnote.

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doses, avoiding their potentially lethal side-effects, 217 an achievement which shows a measure of preoccupation with the issue of sleeplessness. The Byzantines apparently had more than one chance to awaken during the night, but whether they saw these disruptions as an opportunity to pray and study or to munch some lettuce and go back to sleep, is something we cannot know. Nonetheless, if they prayed, this took place on the expense of their sleep, and not during a sleep-free zone as Ekirch claims. A number of issues such as the fragmentary nature of the sources, rhetoric conventions, imperial propaganda, lack of focus on the daily life of simple people, and the private character of sleep, do not allow us to reach a safe conclusion about the extent of sleep-abstinence among Byzantine laity at home. The research on sleep-abstinence will be on a more secure ground with the vigils at church, whose frequency, length, and attendance can in theory be determined more accurately.

Ramoutsaki, et al., ‘Pain relief and sedation in Roman Byzantine texts: Mandragoras officinarum, Hyoscyamos niger and Atropa belladonna’, p. 50; See also Scarborough, ‘Early Byzantine Pharmacology’, pp. 213–232. 217

7. THE VIGIL OF THE LAITY Spending the night in prayer at home was not the only option for lay people; they could also attend vigils in a church. These vigils need to be examined as to their length and frequency and as to whether they were open to everyone. Some scholars claim that before the Peace of Constantine there were no such vigils. 1 Others assert that in pre-Constantinian times there was only one vigil – the Paschal. 2 These views are in contrast with the expectation of a nocturnal Parousia and the tradition of night-time prayer inherited from Judaism. Despite the above, from the fourth century onwards there is abundant information on vigils celebrated in churches. These vigils are usually examined according to the division established by A. Baumstark, 3 and further elaborated by J. Mateos, 4 between cathedral, desert monastic and urban monastic offices. This division, useful as it may be for the field of liturgics, is mainly concerned with the form of the vigil, 5 and certainly not with sleep-abstinence, which is the subject of this study. I do not dispute the usefulness of this taxomnomy for the field of liturgics; it is, however, superfluous, for the needs of this research as the boundaries between secular and monastic vigils were obscure in Byzantium. Often monks and nuns performed vigils at parish churches, while laypeople followed the ‘monastic 107.

1

Dix, The Shape of the liturgy, p. 325. Jungmann, Pastoral Liturgy, p.

Taft, Liturgy, p. 9. Baumstark, Comparative Liturgy, pp. 111–129. 4 Mateos, ‘The Origins of the Divine Office’, pp. 477–485. 5 Bradshaw, ‘Cathedral and monastic: What's in a name?’, p. 342. 2 3

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rite’ at home vigils. Furthermore, the Byzantine monks themselves would not admit any such distinction. When John Moschus told Abba Nilus of Sinai that he was not following the rite of the church, Nilus objected saying he could never recite those portions pertaining to an ordained person. As Uspensky noticed, ‘the monastic rite’ was the result of the monks lacking what parish churches had – namely priests, trained cantors, oil or wax, and incense. Most of the monks living alone could not even perform antiphonal singing. 6 P. Bradshaw in a further revision of Baumstark’s theory referred to ‘desert’ and ‘city’ ways of praying, concentrating on the content and purpose of the prayer as distinguishing the two modes. 7 Thus, Bradshaw distinguished between individual vs communal, and inward- vs outward-looking prayer. As Bradshaw put it, the ‘city’ way of prayer entails, ‘Participation in the unceasing priestly prayer of the whole church, and that priestly prayer necessarily involves prayer in the name of others, praise on behalf of God’s creation, and intercession for the needs of the world’. 8 Such a prayer, according to Bradshaw, even if performed in the midst of the desert by a single person, would still qualify as a ‘city’ prayer. 9 This definition allows for the examination of common vigils between monastics and laypeople, like those described by Egeria, without worrying that these were part of a monastic office in which the participation of laypeople was exceptional. On the other hand, Bradshaw’s description of desert prayer as ‘inward-looking and meditative, directed to personal sanctification’, 10 and his perception of it as the cause of sleep-deprivation among Egyptian monks are unfair and lack support from the sources. Uspensky, Evening Worship in the Orthodox Church, pp. 55–58. See also Stewart, ‘Heart’, p. 220 for a Syrian text, which acknowledges that monastic services lack holy table, incense etc, but claims that the sanctified bodies and lives of the monks have replaced these things. 7 Bradshaw, ‘Cathedral’, p. 342. 8 Bradshaw, ‘Cathedral’, p. 344. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid., p. 345. 6

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Rather than following any of the above systems, vigils at church will be examined in accordance with their frequency, divided into regular and special ones. Regular were the vigils on Friday and Saturday night culminating in the Eucharist, the vigils for Easter and Pentecost, the vigil for Epiphany and later the Christmas vigil, and those on the eve of a saint’s feast. Among the special vigils were the wakes for the dead, supplicatory vigils because of a natural catastrophe, and celebratory vigils for the reception of relics, icons or the opening of a new church. All vigils will be examined also as to the length of sleep-abstinence, their popularity, their function in Byzantine piety and their impact on Byzantine life.

THE EASTER VIGILS The celebration of Easter is paramount for this research because the Sunday Eucharist is a weekly re-enactment of the Paschal feast. 11 In Jerusalem, according to Egeria, a late fourth-century pilgrim from Spain, Easter was celebrated with an all-night vigil, as was customary in her own church. 12 As for the number of people involved, there were many at all services. 13 Around the same time, large crowds were attending Easter services in Cappadocia and in Constantinople so that Gregory of Nyssa and Gregory of Nazianzus respectively spoke of the multitude of light held by the people at the Easter vigil, which turned night into day. 14 Palladios in his Dialogus de vita Joannis Chrysostomi, gives a number of three thousand catechumens to be baptised during the Easter vigil, but this might be an exaggeration aimed at demonstrating Chrysostom’s remarkable pastoral ability. 15 In Egypt a Novatian Easter vigil, which ended in a stampede, counted 70 dead, which is another indication of the numbers involved at these celebrations. 16 Eusebius, De Solemnitate Paschalis, PG. 24.701–705. Egeria, 38.1. 13 Egeria, 36.3. Wilkinson, 79 n.7. 14 Gregorius Nyssenus, In Sanctum Pascha (Or. 45), 9.309; Gregorius Nazianzenus, In Sactum Pascha, PG 36.624. Egeria reported that 200 hundred candles were given to the faithful to illumine the night, 36. 15 Dialogus de vita Joannis Chrysostomi, 57–58. 16 Socrates, Historia Ecclesitastica (HE), 6.5.23. 11 12

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Egeria is vague about the time at which the Easter service ended, noting only that it was the same as in her native church in Spain. 17 Eusebios, more than half a century earlier, commented that it was customary to break the Easter fast either on the midnight of Saturday or on cock-crowing or at about dawn 18 – times which must have coincided with the end of the Paschal Litury. In late fourth and early fifth century Constantinople, the Resurrection vigil and Liturgy lasted until first cock-crow, 19 and this was possibly the custom in other places. 20 The Easter vigil would have been shorter because of the vigils of other days that preceded it. 21 In Jerusalem during Holy Week, late services and all-night vigils were conducted on Tuesday, 22 Thursday, 23 and Friday, 24 the last one being not obligatory but open to those who had the stamina. Eusebios called the Easter vigil the last of the all-night Paschal services, indicating that there were more. 25 Epiphanios, a contemporary of Egeria, noted that during Holy Week some kept vigil for six days, while others only on Holy Thursday and Saturday nights. 26 Assessment is difficult due to the different local methods used to calculate the days and amount of time spent in vigil. The minimum appears to be two all-night vigils on Thursday and Saturday nights, and the maximum six. The question remains as to the length of sleep-abstinence. What makes things even more difficult, not only for Jerusalem, but for other places as well, is that not everyone attended a vigil throughout. Certainly, according to Egeria, during the vigil on Holy Thursday night, no one left until morning Egeria, 38.2. Eusenbius, Quaestiones evangelicae ad Marinum, PG 22.941. 19 Palladius, Dialogus de vita Joannis Chrysostomi, 57. 20 Cyprus, Epiphanius, Panarion, 3.523–524; Syria, Constitutiones Apostolorum, 5.19. 21 Egeria, 38.2. 22 Ibid. 33.1. 23 Egeria, 35–6. 24 Ibid. 37.9. 25 Eusebius, HE, 6.34. 26 Panarion, 3.523. 17 18

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arrived, 27 which implies that this was not so with other vigils. The vigil on Holy Friday night was not obligatory, but Egeria testifies that most of the people did watch. 28 Some left before the morning; others came not from the start but later on, and some even at midnight. 29 Women participated in all vigils, while children are particularly mentioned at the vigil on Holy Thursday night. 30 Returning to the question of the extent of sleep-abstinence among those attending all the Holy Week services, Egeria mentions the day stated as it was customary with prayers at cock-crow. 31 This refers to the voluntary daily vigil at Anastasis, which took place throughout the year. 32 In Chapter 5, the time of cock-crow for Jerusalem during April and March was calculated at about 1:30 am. At any rate, from Egeria’s account of the Sunday vigil, which started also at cock-crow, it appears that the church was illumined and the service ended before daybreak. 33 Thus, it was still night when the services started. This would raise the number of Holy Week vigils to six, but only for those who participated in the unofficial vigils at cock-crow. The combination of late night services with the very early ones would certainly have led to partial sleep-deprivation of the faithful attending them.

SOME MUST WATCH, WHILE SOME MUST SLEEP Egeria also offers information of other vigils taking place in Jerusalem. Every day the faithful gathered at the Anastasis before cockcrow to keep vigil. There seems to have been a majority of monastics, but there were some lay men and women. 34 The number of laypeople increased on Sundays at the official vigil, which started at cock-crow. Some people arrived before the start of the vigil and prayed, remaining in prayer after the vigil ended, until the start of Egeria, 36.3. Ibid., 37.9. 29 Egeria, 37.9. 30 Egeria., 36.3. 31 Ibid., 30; 32–36. 32 Ibid. 24.1. 33 Ibid., 24.9–12. 34 Egeria, 24.1. 27 28

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the morning service. 35 Unlike the daily vigils, it seems that the majority was from the laity. It is possible to discern several categories among the laypeople attending Sunday vigils. There were those who attended the weekly vigils; they would come earlier and stay after the end of the official vigil. It has been suggested that in this way they preserved their private/monastic vigil, which was interrupted by the communal/cathedral office. 36 Those who kept a vigil daily might have wanted to make some extra effort to honour the day, and since fasting and prostrating was prohibited on Sundays, 37 vigil was the only form of embodied prayer. A second category is people who did not attend the daily vigils, and for this reason, they extended their Sunday vigil in order to compensate for the rest of the week. A third category must have been those who attended only the official vigil, returning to their homes to sleep until the morning service, and, without doubt, there would have been laypeople not attending the vigil. Among the weekly vigils in Jerusalem, one ought to mention the one taking place every Friday night of the Lent. This was an allnight vigil starting from the end of the evening service until dawn. 38 Finally, yearly regular vigils included those at Epiphany, 39 forty days after Easter, 40 Pentecost, 41 and possibly the Encaenia. 42 Indirect information on daily vigils of the laity in sixth century Palestine comes from a letter to John, the disciple of Barsanuphios. A layman asked whether he should keep his vigil at home or at Ibid., 24.1. Bradhaw, Daily Prayer, p. 85. 37 Epiphanius, Panarion. 3.523. 38 Egeria, 27. 7–8. 39 Ibid, 25.6–7. 40 Ibid. 42. 41 Ibid, 43. 42 Ibid. 49. Encaenia is the feast of the dedication of the church at Golgotha (Martyrium); it is also the day when the Holy Cross was supposedly found. Wilkinson, p. 79, p. 232. There were also numerous saints’ days celebrated with a Eucharist, but Egeria does not mention any vigil in connection with them. Wilkinson, p. 71. 35 36

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church, and the answer was that he should pray at home because at church there is too much idle talk. 43 This is important also because it confirms that in the East there is no real distinction between private and corporate, liturgical and individual prayer, only one vigil. A number of laypeople were present at the daily vigils, more appeared at the Sunday ones, but the greatest number participated in the Holy Week vigils. Definitely, there were enough lay people ready to watch and pray, although it is difficult to ascertain what percentage of the population and to what degree, if any, were sleep deprived. Only during the vigils of Good Thursday, Easter Sunday, Pentecost, and Epiphany, could one claim with certainty that a great part of the population took part and that they became sleepdeprived. During Sundays, there was a large enough crowd, which would have been sleep-deprived, had they attended the vespers service on the previous evening. As for daily vigils in the church, only a small number of laypeople attended them. Alexandria There is not much information on vigils in neighbouring Alexandria. There are several accounts of the same vigil, in which soldiers tried to arrest Athanasios at the instigation of Arians. 44 This took place some thirty years before Egeria visited Jerusalem. 45 The important details are that the vigil took place on a Thursday night; it was apparently a regular vigil, which was to last all-night, culminating with the Eucharist. The vigil was attended by so many men and women that a large army detachment was needed to effect the arrest; but, due to the great number of worshippers, Athanasios man-

Barsanuphius et Joannes, Quaestiones et responsiones ad laicos et episcopos, 741. 44 Athnasius, Apologia ad Constantium, 25; De fuga sua, 24; Historia Arianorum, 81; Socrates, HE, 2.11. 45 Athanasius’ vigil took place on 8 February 356; Egeria’s pilgrimage took place between 381–4. 43

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aged to escape unnoticed in their midst while coming out of church. 46 From Athanasios’s description, there seems to be a definite link between vigil and the Eucharist. The Eucharist in Alexandria in the fourth century was celebrated on Saturdays and Sundays, 47 and, apparently, Fridays. The Friday Eucharist was preceded by a vigil, and it is likely that, in Imitation of Easter, the Sunday one was as well. In the middle of the fifth century, there was a daily celebration of the Eucharist in Alexandria, 48 and, perhaps too, these were preceded by a vigil. Undoubtedly, the legacy of Clement and Origen, and Alexandria’s proximity to the great monastic centres would have influenced laypeople to spend more than once a week the whole night in prayer. Antioch At the beginning of the fourth century, two laymen, Flavian and Diodorus, in order to rally the orthodox of Antioch, performed vigils at the tombs of the martyrs, in which antiphonal singing was instituted. 49 From Theodoretus’s account, it emerges that those vigils were frequent, all-night long, and attended by many. The early Christians had prayed at night-time during persecution, 50 and the

Baumstark remarked that at the vigil the whole community was not present, because Athanasius spoke of ‘some of the people’ in the De fuga sua. Moreover, according to Baumstark, Socrates changed Athanasius’ account from speaking of ‘some of the people’ to the ‘people’ in general. Baumstark, Nocturna Laus, p. 77. But, in the De fuga sua Athanasius wrote that Surianus went to arrest him with five thousand soldiers, while the Historia Arianorum reported many legions of soldiers. The reference to ‘some of the people’ is an understatement in order highlight the exact opposite, or at least the disparity between armed men in force and faithful supporters. 47 P. Bradshaw, ‘Cathedral’, p. 344. 48 P. Bradshaw, ‘Cathedral’, p. 344. 49 Theodoretus, Historia Ecclesiastica, 154. 50 Acts 12:12, 16:23. 46

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martyrs performed vigils before being put to death. 51 With their vigil, Flavian and Diodorus declared their party both persecuted and heir to the church of the martyrs. Taft considers the vigils of Flavian and Diodorus as private, obviously, because they were not led by a priest. However, there was no other choice, since Leontios, the bishop of Antioch, did not ordain anyone who was not Arian, and intimidated those faithful to the Nicene faith. 52 The vigils were a quasi proclamation of schism from a bishop, who, according to Theodoretus, took every precaution to conceal his Arian sympathies. 53 Leontios’s invitation to perform those vigils at his churches does not mean that he instituted vigils where previously there were not any. Rather, in an effort to exercise some form of control and to prevent the schism from becoming open, he allowed those lay vigils to take place at church. That vigils at home or even solitary vigils might substitute for church vigils is attested by the Apostolic Constitution, a document from Syria at the end of the fourth century. The Apostolic Constitutions decrees a daily church vigil at cock-crow, but if the people were unable to go to a church because of the unbelievers, i.e. heretics, they might assemble in a house. If even that is impossible, two or three together, or even one by themselves might pray. 54 The distinction between public and private is of no importance, only the fulfilment of the obligation to pray matters. Chrysostom is another witness to the acceptance of nocturnal prayer at home as a legitimate substitute for church vigils, although he considered the former as the least one could do. 55 This is interesting considering that Chrysostom complained both of people’s disorderly conduct during vigil (they were over-enthusiastic and theatrical), 56 as well as after it (men and women tended to get Basilius Caesariensis, In Gordium martyrem, PG 31.496; Chrysostomus, In Juventinum et Maximum martyres, PG 50.574–5; Gregorius Nyssenus, De sancto Theodoro, PG. 46.745. 52 Theodoretus, Historia Ecclesiastica, 153. 53 Theodoretus, Historia Ecclesiastica, 153. 54 Constitutiones Apostolorum, 8.34. 55 Expositiones in Psalmos, PG, 55.386. 56 Chrysostomus, In illud: Vidi dominum, 1. 51

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drunk, and some men visited brothels). 57 Perhaps, these experiences led Chrysostom to claim in his De Sacerdotio that the bishop ought to prohibit the virgins under his charge from going out to wakes or vigils. 58 John was not alone in that opinion; a homily on virginity by an unknown author, also written in Syria 59 during the first half of the fourth century, 60 advised fathers not to let their daughters attend all-night vigils and wakes, because ‘while lighting the lamp of vigil they might extinguish the lamp of chastity’. 61 At some point, the prohibition to attend vigils was extended to married women; there are sermons by Chrysostom preached during vigils in Antioch, which seem to be addressing an exclusively male audience. 62 Furthermore, Chrysostom in a homily on the Acts of the Apostles, written in Constantinople at the end of the fourth century, spoke of married women staying at home while the men attended vigils. 63 Palladios narrated how Chrysostom instituted processional vigils in Constantinople to counteract the vigils of the Arians, but asked the men to leave their wives at home, because the women supposedly could pray in the day while men only had the night. 64 Possibly, the exclusion of women from the processional vigils was due to Chrysostom’s foresight; there was violence from the Arians, rocks were thrown, the imperial eunuch heading the procession was injured, and men from both sides were killed. 65 Some twenty years after Chrysostom, Nestorios, another Syrian who took high office in the church of Constantinople, prohibited the emperor’s sister Pulcheria and her virgins from attending Chrysostomus, Homilia in martyres, PG 50.663. Chrysostomus, De sacerdotio (lib. 1–6), 3.13. 59 Mendieta, ‘La virginité chez Eusèbe d'Émèse et l’ascétisme familial dans la première moitié du IVe siècle,’ p. 818. 60 Mendieta and Moons, ‘Une curieuse homélie grecque inédite sur la virginité adressée aux pères de famille’, p. 238. 61 Ps-Basilius Caesariensis, De virginitate, 2.34–37. 62 Chrysostomus, In illud: Vidi dominum, 1.1; 4.1. 63 Chrysostomus, In Acta Apostolorum, PG 60.203. 64 Palladius, Dialogus de vita Joannis Chrysostomi, 32. 65 Socrates, HE, 6.8 (Bright). 57 58

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vigils and wakes, because this could lead to promiscuity with men. 66 Though the above events relate to Constantinople, they are mentioned under Antioch, because, clearly, barring women from attending nightly services outside their houses for fear of immorality is a tradition originating from Syria. Nevertheless, the effort to impose this tradition on the capital failed. Even in Syria, in the middle of the fifth century, Domnina, a female ascetic, attended vigils daily at her local church unhindered. 67 Returning to Chrysostom, during his time in Antioch there were vigils starting at midnight and all-night vigils, 68 but none of these were the daily vigils he mentions. 69 It would have been odd if the vigils in the parishes were longer than in the monastic communities, which started at cock-crow. 70 Probably, the midnight vigils were in honour of martyrs, 71 as in Cappadocia, and the all-night ones were conducted on Sundays as prescribed by the Apostolic Constitutions. 72 Apart from Sundays, the liturgy in Antioch was celebrated on Fridays and Saturdays, 73 and it is likely these liturgies were also preceded by a vigil starting at midnight. The daily vigils, as the story of Domnina confirms, would have started at cockcrowing. Finally, Chrysostom praised the great number of those attending the vigils. 74 It is difficult to ascertain whether church vigils were conducted in parishes after the Arab conquest, and if so how many of the laity participated. At least in Syria, vigils must have taken place, Limberis, Divine Heiress, p. 54. Theodoretus, Historia Religiosa, 30.1. 68 Chrysostomus, In illud: Vidi dominum, 4.1. 69 Chrysostomus, Expositiones in Psalmos, PG, 55.386. 70 Chrysostomus, In epistulam i ad Timotheum (homiliae 1–18), 14.3–4, PG, 62.576. 71 Chrysostomus, Homilia in martyres, PG, 50.663–4. 72 Constitutiones Apostolorum, 2.59; Taft, Liturgy, 45; Joncas, ‘Daily Prayer in the Apostolic Constitutions’, pp. 134–5, disagrees that the Sunday vigil is mentioned here. 73 Taft, ‘Daily’, p. 15. 74 Chrysostomus, Homilia in martyres, PG, 50.663; In illud: Vidi dominum, 4.1. 66 67

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because, according to Theophanes, Abdelas Ibinalim prohibited them. 75 Abdelas became governor of Syria in 750, and he was executed in 766. 76 For Jerusalem, the death stroke came in 1009 with the destruction of the Holy Sepulchre and other severe measures against Christians by the Fatimid Caliph Ali al-Mansur in 1009. 77 Nevertheless, vigils would not have stopped; Christians continued inhabiting these lands, and for those who cared enough, vigil at home was a legitimate substitute for the vigils at church. Cappadocia Basil’s letter to the clergy of Neocaesarea bears witness to the practice of watching and praying at church in Cappadocia. Basil mentions that the people, without distinction of sex, were keeping vigil from night until dawn. 78 J. Mateos claimed that this letter described the vigil of Basil’s urban monastic communities, which started from midnight, and only a few zealous laypeople attended; 79 B. Gain followed Mateos’s conclusions. 80 Today, the consensus is that the letter refers to a cathedral vigil. 81 The phrase κ νυκτὸς γὰρ ὀρθρίζει and the information that the psalms were sung throughout the night, led Taft to claim that this was an all-night vigil, and hence not a daily one. 82 The phrase is explained in the commentary on Isaiah, whose authenticity as Basil’s work is disputed. 83 The meaning given is that most of the night has passed, but not all, and the day is approachTheophanes, Chronographia, 439. Ibid. 77 Taft, The Byzantine Rite: A Short History, p.79. 78 Ἐκ νυκτὸς γὰρ ὀρθρίζει παρ’ ἡμῖν ὁ λαὸς ἐπὶ τὸν οἶκον τῆς προσευχῆς; Basilius Caesariensis, Epistulae, Epistle 207. 79 Mateos, ‘L'Office Monastique à la fin du IVe Siècle: Antioche, Palestine, Cappadoce’, pp. 85–86. 80 Gain, L'Eglise de Cappadoce au IV siècle d'après la correspondance de Basile de Césarée (330–379), p. 175. 81 Taft, Liturgy, p. 40. 82 Ibid. 83 Quasten, Patrology, vol. 3, pp. 218–9. 75 76

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ing. 84 This is strongly reminiscent of Anna Comnena’s description of the first cock-crow. Moreover, Is. 26.9 is the invitatory verse at the monastic vigil described by Chrysostom, which started at cockcrow. 85 If the vigil Basil described was a daily one, it might have started at cock-crow like those in Jerusalem and Antioch. Actually, Basil in his letter claimed that there was universal agreement among the churches on the way vigils were performed, and possibly this was not limited only to the form, but also the time they started and their length. On the other hand, even if the vigil started at midnight, it does not mean that it was a special vigil or that not many laypeople participated. Firstly, Basil expected everyone to spend half the night in prayer. 86 Secondly, a half-night vigil does not necessarily mean that the participants were severely sleep-deprived since winter nights in Cappadocia are particularly long. 87 Finally, even during summer, when nights are much shorter, the people could have attended the vigil, and slept in the afternoon, as happened in some monasteries in tenth-century Constantinople. 88 Undoubtedly, daily attendance at an all-night vigil would have been difficult both for a monastic community and for the laity, although it was shown earlier that both hermits and lay individuals did keep such vigils. The frequency of all-night vigils might be connected with the celebration of the Eucharist, which in Cappadocia took place on Wednesdays, Fridays, Saturdays, and Sundays, and on the feast days of Martyrs. 89 There is abundant information on the latter; Basil, in one of his sermons, said that the people had gathered in the church for the martyrs’ vigil from the middle of the night. 90 This does not necessarily mean midnight as suggested 91, but any time between the Basilius Caesariensis, Enarratio in prophetam Isaiam, 5.162. In epistulam i ad Timotheum (homiliae 1–18), 14.3–4, PG, 62.576. 86 Basilius Caesariensis, In martyem Julittam, PG. 31.244. 87 See Appendix. 88 Symeon Neotheologus, Catecheses 1–34, Oration 26, line 254. 89 Basilius Caesariensis, Epistulae, 93. 90 Homiliae super Psalmos, PG 29.484. 91 Leemans, ‘Celebrating the Martyrs. Early Christian Liturgy and the Martyr Cult in Fourth Century Cappadocia and Pontus’, p. 255. 84 85

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fifth and eight hours of the night, according to the Greek reckoning, and the fourth and sixth, according to the Roman. At that particular celebration, the people stayed until midday, the following day, because Basil was delayed. 92 This is a very long vigil spanning more than 12 hours, but it seems that in Cappadocia, as in Jerusalem, not everyone stayed for the duration of the service. Gregory of Nyssa mentions that he went to sleep in a nearby room, while a vigil for the Forty Martyrs was taking place. 93 Leemans is right that Gregory’s public admission that he took a nap shows that this sort of behaviour was common. 94 The numbers attending the celebrations for the martyrs were great. Basil compares them with a swarm of bees, 95 while at other times he claimed that they were a multitude 96 and that the whole city was celebrating. 97 Gregory of Nyssa on one occasion claimed the faithful were so many, they were squashed and the church overflowed, 98 while in another, that people arrived from the city and the villages, 99 and that they were like ants. 100 Women were not excluded from the vigils; actually, the original vigil for the Forty Martyrs in Annesi was instituted by Gregory of Nyssa’s mother. 101 Basil in a sermon complained that women displayed inappropriate behaviour at the evening of Easter Sunday, by dancing in a provocative way. 102 Although this did not take place immediately after the Paschal vigil, it shows what might happen at a secular celebration following a church festival. It is also evidence that women were far from being confined to their homes. Basil’s sermon is also important because it testifies to the existence Basilius Caesariensis, Homiliae super Psalmos, PG 29.484. Encomium in xl martyres ii, PG. 46.785. 94 Leemans, ‘Martyrs’ 256. 95 Basilius Caesariensis, In Gordium martyrem, PG 31.489. 96 Epistulae, 95. 97 Basilius, In Mamantem martyrem, PG 31.592. 98 Gregorius Nyssenus, Encomium in xl martyres i, PG. 46.749. 99 Gregorius Nyssenus, De sancto Theodoro, PG 46.736. 100 Ibid., 46.745. 101 Gregorius Nyssenus, Encomium in xl martyres ii, PG. 46. 784–5. 102 Basilius Caesariensis, In Ebriosos, PG 31.445. 92 93

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of vigils during Lent, even though he expresses his doubts about how many people attended them. 103 These vigils, as in the case of Saturday Lent vigils in Jerusalem, might have been longer than the usual ones. Constantinople Taft claims that in Constantinople common vigils were only occasional assemblies. He bases this on Chrysostom’s Homily 26 on the Acts of the Apostles, 3-4, The Greek text is: Οὐ διὰ τοῦτο γέγονεν ἡ νὺξ, ἵνα διαπαντὸς καθεύδωμεν καὶ ἀργῶμεν. Kαὶ τοῦτο μαρτυροῦσιν οἱ χειροτέχναι, οἱ ὀνηλά-ται, οἱ ἔμποροι, ἡ Ἐκκλησία τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐκ μέσων ἀνισταμένη νυκτῶν 104 Taft translates it thus: Not for this was the night made, that we should sleep through it and be idle. To this the artisans, the porters, and the merchants bear witness: the Church of God rising up in the midst of the night. 105

A more accurate translation is possible: The night was not made for this, so we would sleep through it and be idle. And the artisans, the donkey-drivers, the merchants, the Church of God rising in the middle of the night, testify to this.

It makes no sense to claim that that merchants, artisans, etc bear testimony to the Church rising up; rather all those professionals and the Church, which rises in the midst of the night to pray, testify that the night was not created for sleep only. Just as those people work every night, so the Church is also rising every night to pray. This is certainly a proof of a daily vigil in Constantinople at the end of the fourth century. 103

Ibid. Chrysostomus, PG, 60.202. 105 Taft, Liturgy, p. 171. 104

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Nevertheless, Chrysostom might have been referring to the Church in general and not to his own diocese in particular. During Chrysostom’s tenure the Arians every Friday and Saturday, spent most of the night in public squares singing antiphonally; in the morning, they formed processions to their places of worship to celebrate the Eucharist. 106 Chrysostom did the same to counteract them, despite the opposition from his clergy. 107 The priests might have objected only to all-night vigils, while they were happy to conduct the usual vigils at cock-crow. This, though, cannot be verified, and there might not have been any vigils in Constantinople before that time. On the other hand, Gregory Nazianzenus in his Συντακτήριος, εἰς τὴν τῶν ρνʹ ἐπισκόπων παρουσίαν, delivered in 381 CE, bids farewell to the night-long stations in the churches of Constantinople, 108 which shows that vigils were taking place and, probably, they were frequent.

THE ACME OF VIGILS: FIFTH TO SEVENTH CENTURIES Pulcheria, the sister of Theodosios II, some time at the end of the first half of the fifth century, supposedly instituted a vigil every Tuesday in the church of Hodegetria, and another every Wednesday at the church of the Virgin Mary at Chalkoprateia. 109 This possibly indicates a rota system for vigils among the churches of Constantinople, which hints either at unwillingness from the clergy to participate in them, or low levels of attendance, or both. On the other hand, Pulcheria’s vigils might have been different in content, focusing more on the Virgin Mary, and thus they were extra vigils conducted in parallel with the usual ones at other churches. Pulcheria was mentioned earlier in Nestorios’ prohibition for virgins to attend vigils. This could only mean daily vigils since women could not have been excluded from major feasts such as

Socrates, HE, 6.8 (Bright). Palladius, Dialogus de vita Joannis Chrysostomi, 32–33. 108 Gregorius Nazianzenus, Supremum Vale, PG. 36.489. 109 Limberis, Heiress, p. 106. 106 107

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Easter, Epiphany, etc. 110 Moreover, even from Chrysostom’s writings it appears that women attended the special vigils for the martyrs, 111 and they would have attended the regular celebrations as well. 112 Thus, one explanation is that there were daily vigils and women were barred only from them. Nevertheless, the prohibition might have concerned vigils before the Saturday and Sunday Eucharist. As already seen in Jerusalem, and among the Arians of Constantinople, the vigil was not one service with the Eucharist. Therefore, it was possible to prohibit women from attending vigils without excluding them from the Eucharist. The question about daily vigils in Constantinople and the participation of women during the fourth and fifth centuries cannot be answered with certainty. A possible confirmation of daily vigils in Constantinople in the fifth century comes from the Vita of Matrona of Perge. 113 Matrona lived at the second half of the fifth century – early sixth, but her Vita was written most probably after the middle of the sixth century, though based on earlier material. 114 It is difficult, but not impossible to ascertain, what is really pertaining to the life of Matrona and her times, and what has been devised by the hagiographer, which reflects the concerns of the mid sixth century or even later. Matrona’s Vita describes Eugenia, her spiritual teacher, as one of those women devoted to vigils, and Mango takes this as indicating membership of a voluntary confraternity centred on a shrine. 115 There is information on female charitable confraternities and professional guilds, which also had a religious character, but these date Sozomenus, 8.21; women and children at Chrysostom’s Easter vigil interrupted by soldiers at 404 AD. 111 Chrystomus, Homilia dicta postquam reliquiae martyrum, PG 63.467– 472. 112 Palladius, Dialogus de vita Joannis Chrysostomi, 57–58. 113 Vita Matronae, 792. 114 Featherstone and Mango, ‘Life of Saint Matrona of Perge’, pp. 15–16. 115 Featherstone and Mango, p. 20. 110

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from the sixth century onwards. 116 If such all-female religious confraternities performing vigils existed at all, did they appear as early as the fifth century? It is not simple to answer this question, because even the information on male confraternities devoted to vigils is scant, first appearing in the sixth and seventh centuries. 117 Leontios, a presbyter from Constantinople, in the middle of the sixth century, 118 noted that his women contemporaries were very keen to attend vigils; 119 an indication, perhaps, that such confraternities were possible at the time the present Vita was written. On the other hand, considering the association of women with wakes, it is possible that women formed ‘burial societies’, which attended to the dead with no relatives and from the wakes for the dead, they moved to the vigils of the saints. This might help us accept the existence of such confraternities and place them even earlier than the middle of the fifth century, which makes it possible this part of Matrona’s life is close to contemporary. The Vita also informs us that Matrona often attended allnight vigils in shrines. Her nightly outings made Dometianos, her husband, think that this was a pretext for adultery, prohibiting her The Vita of Andronicus and his wife Athanasia speaks about the female chapter of a charitable confraternity helping those too ill to wash themselves (L. Clugnet, ‘L’orfèvre Andronicus et Athanasie son épouse’, p. 371). On female guilds, see Laiou, ‘The Festival of ‘Agathe’: Comments on the Life of Constantinopolitan Women,’ pp.111–122, which describes the festival the female textile workers held in honour of St Agathe in the eleventh century. On the confraternities in Byzantium in general see Horden, ‘The Confraternities of Byzantium’, pp. 25–45. 117 The sixth century Vita of Severus speaks of those men who conducted vigils at the church of St Stephen and were not much different from monks; Kugener, Vie de Sévère, PO 2.54–55. See below about the seventh century ‘society of the friends of all-night vigils’ connected with the relic of St. Artemios. 118 Datema, ‘When Did Leontius, Presbyter of Constantinople, Preach?’, pp. 346–351. 119 Leontius, In sanctum pascha, 82. 116

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from going to vigils. 120 This event was paramount to Matrona’s decision to abandon him and join a monastery and, as such, it would have been preserved by her hagiogrpahers. As her husband’s concern echoes Chrysostom and Nestorios’s reservations against vigils, a fifth-century origin of the story seems plausible. Matrona’s Vita offers a wealth of information for vigils in fifth century Constantinople. Firstly, there were often vigils during the week, which were popular, at least among women, and they were centred on the shrines of saints. Possibly, women even formed confraternities, which took care of various aspects of the vigils. Secondly, men were not as keen to go to church to attend vigils, a thing upon which Chrysostom had commented. Finally, whereas Chrysostom and Nestorios’s efforts to ban women from attending vigils came to nothing, their smear campaign left traces on men’s minds. During the sixth century, Justinian obliged by law the priests to conduct nightly services, 121 a token of Justinian’s faith in the efficacy of vigils. Certainly, vigil was considered important in appeasing divine wrath, and it will be shown that local communities used it thus when the circumstances arose. This is the first time that vigil is used not for a local community in distress, but for the whole empire, not once or twice until deliverance, but daily, not to express repentance or preserve holiness, but to increase holiness in hope of divine succour. Daily vigils for this purpose are clearly a Christian invention, apparently by Justinian himself, with no parallels in Judaism or Paganism. The law testifies not only to the great popularity of vigils, 122 and to the faith in their potency, but also to the continuing dislike of vigils by parish clergy, a reaction already encountered by Chrysostom during his effort to establish processional vigils. Important information on vigils in Constantinople comes from a collection of miracles of Saint Artemios, which was written in the middle of the seventh century, a century after the death of Vita Matronae, 791. Nov. I.3.42.24–25. 122 Marcora, Vigilia, pp. 155–156. 120 121

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Justinian. 123 There was every Saturday an all-night vigil with a procession from the church of St John in Oxeia, where the relics of Artemios were housed, to the nearby church of St Anastasia. 124 Another vigil with a procession was held on June 24 in honour of Saint John the Baptist. 125 The office of ἀρκάριος τοῦ φιλικοῦ τῶν τῆς παννυχίδος (treasurer of the society of all-night celebrants), and the fact that the singing at the vigils was conducted by people staying close to the church, 126 show that laypeople actively supported vigils, whereas the priests were less eager. 127 Women were also allowed to participate; 128 a widow was asked by the saint to attend the vigils in his honour as long as she was able, to show gratitude for the cure of her son. 129 An interesting feature of this collection of miracles is the number of people reported as falling asleep during the vigils. No fewer than three of the saint’s supplicants dozed off during the night prayers, 130 one left the vigil to sleep, 131 and another did not attend at all, although a monk, and the vigil was for the feast of the saint. 132 The saint, who appeared in their dream, not only did not taunt them for sleeping, but also bestowed to them the desired cure. The fact that incubation was the means for receiving this More precisely around 658–668; V. S. Crisafulli, and J. W. Nesbitt, The Miracles of St. Artemios: a collection of miracle stories by an anonymous author of seventh century Byzantium, p. 7. 124 Miracula xlv sancti Artemii, 14, 50. 125 Miracula, 42. 126 Crisafulli, St. Artemios, p. 24. 127 This does not mean that the vigil was a ‘lay diaconate’ or a ‘lay organisation’ in the sense that it was conducted without clergy, as this is not supported by the text or the practice of the time. Crisafulli, St. Artemios, p. 24. 128 Crisafuli, St. Artemios, p. 247. 129 Miracula, Miracle 36 (p.58). 130 Miracula, Miracles 29 (p. 42), 40 (p. 68), 41 (p. 69). 131 Ibid., Miracle 33 (p. 50). 132 Ibid., Miracle 37 (p. 60). 123

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cure, 133 and that these men were ill, made sleeping during vigil more acceptable. Nevertheless, it appears to be a common and more or less tolerated practice. There was an abundance of celebratory all-night vigils in Constantinople; St John at Oxeia had not only the feasts of the Forerunner and St Artemios, but also that of St Febronia. 134 The church of Hagia Sophia had forty such celebrations, 135 the Holy Apostles had eighteen, 136 the Mother of God at Chalkoprateia ten, 137 as well as another five connected with the chapel of St James, 138 while the Mother of God at Blachernae had seven. 139 This is only a small sample of churches from Constantinople and their feasts; there were many more churches and monasteries to provide and consequently many all-night vigils throughout the year. During the seventh century, the popularity of vigils at church was widespread among the laity, irrespective of gender age or class. Devotional groups were formed, whose purpose was to administer the various functions related to vigils. This might have been the result of not only piety and the desire to serve the saint and gain merit, but also a practical need to counter the reluctance of parish clergy to participate in such nocturnal services. The vigils were more than ever connected to shrines housing holy relics and miraculous icons; this caused a strange pairing of vigil with incubation, which introduced a laxity to the latter, apparent in the lenience shown towards those slumbering during services. Generally, it seems that though the vigil gained in popularity, it may have lost in ardour.

ICONOCLASM AND VIGILS A century after the miracles of St Artemios, the life of St Stephen the Younger described how his mother, who was frequenting the Crisafulli, St. Artemios, p. 23. Janin, La Géographie ecclésiastique de l'Empire byzantin 1, p. 420. 135 Ibid., p. 468. 136 Ibid., p. 46. 137 Ibid., pp. 239–40. 138 Ibid., p. 254. 139 Ibid., p. 170. 133 134

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Friday vigil at the church of Vlachernae, once, while prostrating, fell asleep, and the Virgin Mary in a dream promised her that she would have a son. She did not wake up until the service was over. 140 Evidently, the hagiographer draws a parallel between Samuel’s miraculous birth and that of Stephen; 141 but, sleeping in the church was not necessary for this. Hannah did not sleep in the temple at Shiloh, and when in a similar fashion the mother of Daniel the Stylite prayed at night for a child, the dream announcing that her request will be granted came after she went home and slept. 142 Apparently, the hagiographer, Stephen the deacon, wanted to combine vigil and incubation, two acts of devotion paramount for the iconophiles due to their close association with the veneration of icons and the cult of the saints. 143 Thus, he provided his hero not simply with a miraculous birth, but with one, which was the result of the traditional piety. 144 Theophanes mentions vigils among the proscribed practices by the iconoclasts. 145 Similarly, Constantine, Bishop of Tios, wrote that Leo III destroyed the relics of the martyrs calling those attending their vigils ‘bone-worshipers’, 146 while his son, Constantine Copronymous, not only destroyed relics, but also forbade the all-night vigils honouring the martyrs. 147 Stephanus Diaconus, Vita Stephanii Iunioris, 4. Auzépy, L’Hagiographie et I’Iconoclasme Byzantin: Le cas de la Vie d’Étienne le Jeune, pp. 21–23. 142 Vita S. Danielis Stylitae, 2. 143 For incubation as complementary to icon piety see Booth’s paper ‘Incubation, Icons and Imperium in Early Byzantium’ (unpublished) given at Imperium and Culture: 15th Biennial Conference, 8–10 February 2008, University of New South Wales. Theophanes the Confessor was hinting at this when saying that the iconoclasts persecuted anyone who ‘when in pain … was habituating the churches’; Chronographia, 442. 144 Auzépy concentrates on the miraculous intervention of the icon of the mother of God, Auzépy, pp.21–23; nevertheless, the framework in which the miracle takes place, vigil and incubation, is no less important. 145 Chronographia, 442. 146 Translatio Santae Euphemiae, 2. 147 Ibid., 10. 140 141

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The importance of vigils for the iconophiles is reinforced at the end of Stephen’s Vita; the Emperor was informed that Stephen ‘turned the prison into a monastery conducting vigils and teaching people to worship idols’. 148 This supposedly incensed Constantine V so greatly that he immediately ordered Stephen’s execution, although later he temporarily relented. 149 Stephen the Younger started and ended his life with a vigil. Notwithstanding the hagiographers’ effort to promote vigil, there is some important information in the Vita of Stephen the Younger; firstly, not only women, 150 but also children frequented vigils. 151 Moreover, though the whole story about Stephen’s conception might be fictional and aimed at upholding vigil and incubation, such a contrivance would not be possible if sleeping during services was frowned upon, or if parish churches, like monasteries, had someone appointed for awakening those dozing off. Therefore, sleeping during services was both common and tolerated. Saint Stephen the Younger was born around 715 and martyred at 767 while his Vita was written in the first decade of the ninth century, 152 shortly before the second wave of iconoclastic persecution. The beginning of the ninth century has been described as a time when ‘iconoclasm was menacing’. 153 Theophanes composed his Chronographia during this time, and his reworking of Simocatta’s story, already mentioned, takes a new meaning. Simocatta described how an inebriated reveller in Alexadria, returning home from a night-long celebration, witnessed some statues coming alive and announcing to him Maurice’s demise. 154 Theophanes had instead a sober man returning from a vigil; 155 this was not an effort to make the story more respectable or credible. Rather, considering the time the Chronographia was written and the opposition of the Vita Stephanii Junioris, 62–63. Vita Stephanii Iunioris, 62–63. 150 Vita Stephanii Iunioris, 4; 8. 151 Ibid., 8. 152 Auzepy, La vie d'Etienne le Jeune par Etienne le Diacre, pp.8–9. 153 Auzepy, La vie d'Etienne le Jeune, 9. 154 Theophilactus Simmocatta, Historiae, 8.13.9–11. 155 Theophanes Confessor, Chronographia, 291. 148

149

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iconoclasts to vigils, Theophanes’s account is a promise to the iconophile community that those upholding the traditional piety will witness the downfall of their persecutors. At the beginning of the ninth century too, Theophylact became bishop of Nicomedia, a city not far from Constantinople; an ardent iconophile, not only did he restore icons, but he also increased the number of vigils and invented new feasts and celebrations. 156 This further attests not only to the iconophile predilection for vigils, but also shows that vigils were ever increasing and developing. The iconophiles celebrated their final triumph with an allnight vigil on 19 February 842; it started early, on Saturday evening of the first week of the Lent at the church of the Theotokos in Blachernae, and in the morning, a procession was formed from there to Hagia Sophia, where the Eucharist was celebrated. 157 The second wave of iconoclasm began and ended with a vigil.

DECLINE: EIGHTH-ELEVENTH CENTURIES It seems, however, that the vigils did not recover totally from the iconoclastic onslaught because in the second half of the ninth century, Photios complained that the Constantinopolitans attended vigils en masse only when facing invasion. 158 The problem with the notion of decline is that though sleepabstinence and vigil have been treated as synonymous in this study, nonetheless, in regard to public vigils are concerned, what appears as a decline of the one might not be a decline of the other. To be more specific, frequent short vigils early in the night drawing large crowds, might show reduced enthusiasm for sleep-abstinence, yet they remained popular. Further, when an adjustment in the length of the services takes place and there is a change from sleepdeprivation into sleep-abstinence, this cannot be justifiably called decline. On the other hand on the basis of the patristic rule that half the night should be spent in prayer, any shortening of the serVita Theophylacti Nicomediensis, 4. Ps-Symeon, Chronographia, 651. 158 Photius, Homiliae, 31–32; 37. 156 157

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vices must be considered as a decline, even if more people were attending. A case of a short popular vigil might be that of St Artemios; Crisafulli and Nesbitt following the ODB describe the Saturday Pannychis as a short service; 159 the ODB, actually, attributes to the Pannyhis the same length as Compline, which is a very short service indeed. 160 Nevertheless, there are several indications that this was not the case with St Artemios’ vigil. Firstly, the existence of the ‘society of friends of the all-night vigils’ is evidence that the logistics of such service were considerable; this does not correspond with a short service. Secondly, the vigil mentioned in Miracle 33 included evening antiphons, but it extended into midnight, 161 and there is no reason to assume, as Crisafulli and Nesbitt did, that this was the concluding portion of the vigil with the distribution of the wax-salve. 162 On the contrary, the Miracles of St Cosmas and Damian, which Crisafulli and Nesbitt used to analyse their text, 163 show that after the distribution of the wax-salve at the sixth hour of the night, the vigil continued for at least three hours until the ninth hour. 164 This is undoubtedly longer than any Compline, and as long as the Easter Pannychis. Finally, the author of the miracles does not distinguish between those vigils, which certainly lasted all night, like the one for the nativity of the Forerunner 165 and that for the feast of St Artemios, 166 and all other vigils. 167 Nevertheless, evidence from an eighth century Euhologion indicates that the zeal for vigils had diminished, since instead of a Crisafuli, St Artemios, 22; 246. R. Taft, ‘Vigil’, ODB, 3, 2166. 161 Miracula, Miracle 33(p. 50). 162 Crisafulli, St. Artemios, 279. 163 Ibid., 23, 26, 27. 164 L. Deubner (ed.), Kosmas und Damian, Texte und Einleitung (Berlin, 1907), 175. 165 Miracula, Miracle, 18 (p. 42); Crisafulli, St. Artemios, p. 246; p. 251. 166 Ibid., Miracle 37 (p. 60). 167 Ibid., Miracles 15 (p. 140); 29 (p. 42); 36 (p. 59); 40 (p. 68 ); 41 (p. 69). 159 160

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lengthy vigil, there was a daily Mesonyktikon, which briefly interrupted the sleep at night. 168 There can be no comparison between this Mesonyktikon and that prescribed by Basil, which occupied half the night. Although, it took place at a time of high sleep-onset, and therefore qualifies as sleep-abstinence, there can be no question of suffering partial sleep-deprivation because of it. Another interesting point in the Euchologion is that despite matins usually curtailing some of the time available for sleep, when the Pannychis was celebrated, Matins was abbreviated. 169 It seems that the amount of sleep was safeguarded on every occasion. A decline in the length and frequency of public vigils during the late seventh – early eighth centuries might be expected due to the social and financial decline which was experienced in Constantinople. 170 Vigils were an expensive venture; the existence of a ‘treasurer of the society of all-night celebrants’ shows that considerable amounts of money were spent so that a specially appointed person was necessary to manage it. Money would have to be spent on the illumination of the church, and possibly the cantors received a payment, 171 although at St Artemios’ the singing was conducted by volunteers. 172 If there was to be a procession, then there would have been more expenses, as shown by the financing of Chrysostom’s vigils by the palace. 173 Finally, further expenses would have occurred from the distribution of the wax-salve. The brevity of the nocturnal services in the Euchologion might also be an indication of the priests’ continuing resistance to vigils; since they could not avoid them, they could, at least, curtail them. Although the author of the prayers and of the structure of the service would have been a bishop – in this case Germanos of ConArranz, ‘La Liturgie des Heures selon L'ancien Euchologue Byzantin’, pp. 1–19. 169 Arranz, ‘Les Prières Presbytérales et la ‘Pannychis’ de L’anciene Euchologe Byzantine et la ‘Pannykhida’ des défunts’, pp. 135. 170 Mango, Byzantium: The Empire of the New Rome, pp. 77–81. 171 Vita St Georgii Amastriensis, 30. 172 Crisafuli, St. Artemios, 24. 173 Socrates, HE, 5.7 (Maraval). 168

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stantinople –, 174 it is likely that he either acquiesced to the protests of the priests or that he was not eager for vigils. From 730 to 842, with an uneasy respite between 787 and 814, iconoclast emperors tried to ban vigils. They would have had a doubtful future in any case following the depopulation caused by the plague of 745–747 as there would not have been enough people to attend services or assist with them. Moreover, the plague would cause further economic decline affecting the vigils. Nonetheless, I am convinced that it was primarily iconoclasm which broke the habit of attending vigils for most people, so that Photios complained about the lack of attendance. Of course, iconophiles were in favour of reintroducing vigils as the case of Theophylact shows; Photios coming from an iconophile family belongs to the same category as Theophylact. Things did not seem to improve even long after iconoclasm ended. The tenth century Typicon of Hagia Sophia bears another testimony to the reduced zeal for sleep-abstinence: lengthy vigils were held for only about twenty services. 175 Two Vitae and a beneficial tale from the tenth-eleventh centuries tell a different story as to the length and frequency of vigils, however. The beneficial tales were written in the tenth century, and the material apparently includes events of which the author himself had knowledge. 176 In the story ‘about the pauper who prayed at the church of the Mother of God at Chalkoprateia’, a high state official notices the piety of a man during an all-night vigil on Friday at the church of Chalkoprateia. When the man leaves the vigil at cockcrow, the official follows him to the church of St John the Divine in Diipion, whose doors were closed but opened miraculously through the prayers of that man. 177 There are several interesting points; the man left the vigil at cock-crow, but this was not when the service ended, it seems it would have lasted until dawn. Wortley claims that the all-night vigil Arranz, ‘Pannychis’, p. 135. Mateos, Le Typicon de la Grande Église, vol. 2, p. 311. 176 Wortley, The Spiritually Beneficial Tales of Paul, Bishop of Monembasia, 174 175

p. 43.

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Paulus Monembasiensis, Narrationes, Narration 5.

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was for a feast of the Mother of God, 178 but nothing is said about a liturgy or a feast on the following day, and the vigil might be a weekly occurrence despite not being mentioned in the Typicon of Hagia Sophia. Moreover, when the official explained that he could not visit the pious man on Saturday or Sunday, he claimed that he had ‘some work’ to do, not the way to describe his participation in an imperial ceremony for a feast of the Mother of God. Another important point is the freedom to come and go from a vigil at will, without being hindered or chastised for doing so. Significant also is the fact that the man went to the vigil without his wife. There is no question of her having to attend to children, because they always lived in chastity. Her presence would have encumbered his personal communication with God, because out of humility he would not have performed the miracle of opening the doors. The official was certain of the wife’s ignorance regarding the husband’s powers. Nevertheless, it is peculiar that though they were such a pious couple the wife did not go the vigil, and it would be even more peculiar if Wortley is right, and the vigil was for a feast of the Virgin Mary. On the other hand, no criticism is offered for the wife’s absence, so it might have been normal for women to stay at home. Finally, throughout the story three different vigils are mentioned: a communal/weekly in Chalkoprateia; a private/extraordinary one in Diipion; and a daily at home. However, there is no differentiation between them, no higher value placed on the one or the other, which shows that distinctions between private and public, communal and individual do not hold for the vigil in Byzantium. Another interesting story is that of Mary the Younger. The saint lived during the end of the ninth century, 179 but her Vita was written in the eleventh, possibly based on earlier material. 180 When Mary moved to Vizye from a smaller place, she stopped her daily visits to church, and performed her devotions at home. 181 If the Vita was composed long after Mary’s death, it is difficult to ascerWortley, Beneficial, p. 175. Laiou, ‘Life of St Mary the Younger’, in Holy Women, p. 241. 180 Laiou, pp. 242–5, 7. 181 Vita Mariae Junioris, 694. 178 179

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tain whether she made this decision because of her social status, thus reflecting ninth century attitudes, or whether the hagiographer is showing his own view from a century later that women ought to stay at home. The veracity of the incident has not been challenged, and it is possible that Mary either of her own accord or after pressure from her environment decided to stay at home. Whatever the motives of such a decision, Mary is not censured. Rather the hagiographer presents her choice as a sensible move. He sees no difference between Mary’s devotions at home and at church. St Thomais lived during the first half of the tenth century, 182 and her Vita was written some time shortly after her death, during the mid-tenth century. 183 The saint was living in Constantinople and attended vigils at church every night, 184 among them every Thursday night the vigil at Blachernae, which was instituted in the early sixth century, and included a procession to Chalkoprateia, 185 until her husband prohibited her from doing so. Although this was the result of Thomais’s erratic behaviour (once after church she gave her clothes to a pauper and walked the streets naked), 186 it seems that during the late ninth and tenth centuries, there was a tendency to restrain women from attending regular vigils. This conservative turn is a result of social pressure and was not initiated or sanctioned by the church; there is no contemporary official decree or even sermon castigating women’s attendance of vigils. Once more it is seems that the iconoclastic prohibition of vigils caused such a disruption to the public devotions of the Byzantines that women could not appeal to the tradition for attending public vigils. The lack of distinction between public and private vigil would have assisted in barring women from attending the public ones. The switch from public to private worship in Thomais’ Vita does not suggest that a higher form of religious life had been reduced to a lower, but that each form of piety was of the same quality. Hallsal, ‘Life of St Thomais of Lesbos’, pp. 291–292 Laiou, p. 252–2; Hallsal, p. 292. 184 Vita Thomaidis, 235; 237. 185 Janin, Géographie, p. 169. 186 Vita Thomaidis, 236. 182 183

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The image emerging from these three texts is that in Constantinople, during the nine and tenth centuries, daily vigils took place and were attended by (some of) the laity. The vigils were long, obviously finishing late, so that objections arose to the participation of women. Nonetheless, the confinement of women at home did not affect private vigils as it did in the late fourth early fifth centuries, a sure sign that vigils and sleep-abstinence were well established. The question is whether the zeal for sleep-abstinence decreased. I think this can be more easily traced in monastic literature. In Chapter 5, I presented briefly Hausherr’s claim that the Fathers learned how to pray from their families. In Chapter 6 I confirmed this statement by detailing the importance of the family in instilling religious truths and practices through example. In Chapter 5, I also claimed that the monasteries in order to maintain their cohesion had to keep a level of hardship acceptable to everyone. It is obvious that unless a monastery had a very rigid abbot, it mirrored to a great degree the average piety among the laity. Theodore of Studios abandoned the Typikon of the Akoimetes and re-established sleep-abstinence in the monastery of Studios. 187 However, Theodore allowed a siesta during the Easter season, 188 and during harvest. 189 We do not know how long that siesta was. It was certainly an innovation intended to offer some rest to the monks, but not to counteract reduced sleep. Theodore was averse to πολυυπνία, 190 but he regarded sleep as an acceptable rest from toil. 191 The Studite Typicon, written sometime between Theodore’s death (826) and the middle of the tenth century 192 introduced siesta. The Italo-Greek version of the Studite Typikon prescribes two seasonal hours of sleep when the Hours are not sung, i.e. at EasterSee chapter VI.The sleep of laity. Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 116.859. 189 Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 67.472. 190 Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 56.339; Sermones Catecheseos 7.17;18.52; 84.32; 85.38; 106.130; Parva Catechesis 27.29. 191 Iambi de variis argumentis. 20.1. 192 Miller, ‘Stoudios’, p. 91. 187 188

Magnae,

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tide. 193 Since Easter according to the Julian calendar falls between 22nd March and 22nd April, this means approximately 2 hours of sleep. 194 During April the total amount of sleep would have been 7.5 hours per 24, and in June around 6.5 hours per 24. This is between the usual amount of sleep they would have obtained in winter and sleep-deprivation. What is more, this regime would last only for 50 days, namely from Easter day till Pentecost. Yet it is still an innovation and one that comes to contrast with Late Antique notions on sleep-abstinence. Things are very different with version A of the Studios Typikon. It allows throughout the year a period of sleep the length of three seasonal hours, from the midday meal till the ninth hour. 195 During Lent it also allows 3 seasonal hours of sleep from the ninth till vespers. 196 This is positively oversleeping and though at nighttime there is sleep-abstinence, there is no real sleep-restriction throughout the nychthemeron. The amount of sleep in winter could reach a maximum of 9.5 hours and during summer a maximum of approximately 8 hours, so there is no sleep-deprivation at all, unless the monk was willing not to sleep during those times. Curiously, the time of sleep allocated for Eastertide is only one seasonal hour. 197 Thus, it would be possible to become sleep-deprived if Easter fell late in the season, but this is the only occasion for collective sleep-deprivation, and it is, probably, meant to counteract the increased calorie intake during Eastertide. If Miller is right and version A is close to the original document, 198 then things must have considerably deteriorated after Theodore’s death regarding both sleep-abstinence and sleep-deprivation. This lessening of zeal is obvious in Symeon Studites’ (917– 199 986) advice for a core vigil of 4 seasonal hours with an optional Hypotyposis, PG 99.1717. See Appendix. 195 A. Dmitrievsky, Opisanie liturgicheskikh rykopisei, vol. 1, p. 236. 196 Ibid. 197 Ibid., 236. 198 Miller, ‘Studios’, p. 88. 199 Hausherr. Un grand mystique byzantin, p. xc. 193 194

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extra of 1 to 2 hours. 200 The longer vigil taking place at winter should include two hours recitation, two hours compunction with tears, any canon, Psalm 118 and the prayer of St Eustratios. Psalm 118 is the longest psalm, but the prayer of St Eustratios is short, and, depending on the canon, I do not think the three combined would have exceeded one seasonal hour. The monk might also recite whichever 12 psalms he chose, adding another seasonal hour. Thus, the limit of half the night is reached, but only on long winter nights; on shorter nights Symeon allowed the vigil to be abbreviated, 201 that is why he speaks of a vigil of 4 hours in another place. 202 Symeon’s disciple, Symeon the New Theologian (949–1022) expressed admiration for his spiritual father not taking a siesta despite being an old man. 203 The elder Symeon, however, ordered that the monk should keep a vigil for the first watch of the night, then sleep till the middle of the night (three seasonal hours), then repeat the vigil for another three seasonal hours, and then sleep till the morning office at dawn. 204 No extra sleep was allowed after the morning office, apart from a brief siesta during summer. 205 Symeon followed the patristic rule of dividing the night into two halves, but the variation of two periods of vigil and two periods of sleep is not attested anywhere else. Symeon’s is the case of an abbot with zeal for sleepabstinence. He recognised, though, that this rule was difficult for most, and that anyone following it would provoke the anger of his fellow monastics. 206 This is a proof that the average monk was below the expectations of the patristic rule regarding sleepabstinence. Athanasios the Athonite realised this, and in his Rule the vigil during Bright week started at the tenth hour of the night, 207 and from Thomas’ Sunday till All Saints’ Day, the nocturOratio Ascetica, 24. Oratio Ascetica, 24. 202 Oratio Ascetica, 9. 203 Symeon Neotheologus, Catecheses, 16. 8–39. 204 Catecheses, 26.181. 205 Catecheses, 26.254. 206 Catecheses, 26.224–231. 207 Meyer, Die Haupturkunden für die Geschichte der Athosklöster, p. 130. 200 201

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nal office was not only small, but it was joined with the Compline early at night. 208 Matins usually started at the eight hour, i.e. the monks had seven seasonal hours of sleep most days, apart from Sundays when they had six, namely half the night. 209 Only during the feasts of the Lord their sleep was curtailed to 4 seasonal hours, but this was only eight times a year. 210 Despite all this, Athanasios according to his Vitae practised sleep-abstinence with vigour. 211 Nevertheless, the two Vitae treat Athanasios’ sleep-abstinence differently, which shows a change of attitude. The Vita Prima, by its own admission, treats cursorily the vigils of Athanasios’ early monastic life. 212 It does the same regarding his later life, simply stating that despite his age he continued keeping vigils, staying sleepless for nights, without suffering any ill effects. 213 The Vita is rather sparse on information about sleepabstinence; if it was, indeed, written in Constantinople, 214 it might be yet another proof of the decline of vigils in the capital. The second Vita is much more detailed regarding Athanasios’ sleep-abstinence; it claims that he fought with the tyranny of sleep from a young age, 215 and that to stay awake he threw cold water on his face, which formed crystals on it because it was the middle of the winter. 216 Moreover, Athanasios slept on the ground. 217 When Ibid, p. 131. Ibid., p. 134. 210 Elevation of the Cross 14/09; Christmas; 25/12; Epiphany; 06/01; Presentation in the Temple 02/02; Palm Sunday (movable); Ascension (movable); Pentecost (movable); Transfiguration 06/08. Easter vigil Started at the tenth hour. 211 Vita Athanasii Athonitae (I), 14.9; 26.14; 143.67–68. Vita (II), 9.136. 212 Vita (I), 26.14; Καὶ ἵνα τὰ κατὰ μέρος αὐτῷ παραδράμωμεν διηγωνισμένα, οἷον νηστείας, ἀγρυπνίας, χαμευνίας, στάσεις καὶ κλίσεις ὁλονύκτους γονάτων, καὶ συνόλως πανημερίους τε πόνους καὶ παννυχίους. See also 14.9 where vigil is also mentioned in a cursory way. 213 Vita (I), 143.67–68. 214 Noret, Vitae duae antiquae sancti Athanasii Athonitae, P. xxi. 215 Vita (II), 7. 132–133. 216 Vita Athanasii Athonitae (II), 7.132. 208 209

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he started his eremitic life, his spiritual father to subdue his will and moderate his asceticism ordered him to sleep on a chair, and keep only a short vigil on Sunday and great feasts. 218 Nonetheless, his hagiographer noted that Athanasios continued progressing in the spiritual life with vigil and all-night genuflections, and nocturnal toils. 219 Athanasios, even when he became abbot, did not stop his vigils, which turned night into day; his feet became swollen from standing all-night long. 220 When he had to sleep, he did so lying on the ground. 221 Finally, it is mentioned that after a long vigil, when the monks could not perform their duty and knead the dough because of the lack of sleep, Athanasios punished them, leaving them three days without food. 222 Athanasios, like Theodore and Symeon, took a realistic view, and adjusted his rule to the abilities of his monks. Nonetheless, there is a sting in the Athonite Typikon; Nicephoros Phocas is described as having surpassed the monks of Athos in the vigour of his vigils and in sleeping on the ground. 223 Considering that the Athonite Typikon was written during the reign of Tzimiskes, 224 Nicephoros’ assassin, any praise to Nicephoros would seem foolhardy. Nonetheless, the message could not be misinterpreted; Athanasius was the good sower and Nicephoros the good earth; 225 for the small yield of sleep-abstinence among the monks Athanasios was not to blame. It seems that the Iconoclastic disruption of vigils affected sleep-abstinence among the laity, which is obvious from the lessened zeal of monks for it. It is more than likely that had they been Vita Athanasii Athonitae (II), 7.132. Vita Athanasii Athonitae (II), 10.136. 219 Ibid. 220 Ibid., 42.175. 221 Ibid. 222 Ibid., 48.183. 223 Meyer, Haupturkunden, P. 103. 224 Lemerle, et al., Actes de Lavra, pt. 1: Des origines à 1204, p. 17. 225 Mk 4.1–20, Mt 13.1–23; Lk 8.1–15. 217 218

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accustomed to vigils from an early age, they would have also pursued them as monks. This was the result of the Byzantines’ preference for public vigils; once these were banned, the habit of keeping a vigil fell to disuse. Thus, generations grew up untaught how to watch at night.

SPECIAL VIGILS Apart from the regular vigils, daily weekly, or festal, there were a number of extraordinary vigils, which were well attended. They might be divided into those connected with special religious events such as the translation of holy relics to a city or the encaenia of a church, natural catastrophes and invasions, and wakes. Concerning the wakes one need not say much; their popularity, especially among women, is attested by the efforts of church authorities to prevent them from participating in them. Gregory of Nyssa claimed that his sister Macrina’s wake was attended by a great number of neighbours, men and women alike. The wake lasted until morning and Gregory likened it to a vigil for the martyrs. 226 Considering the reaction of some bishops against women attending wakes, one cannot be certain whether they were as solemn events as Gregory described. Nevertheless, there are no specific reports of inappropriate behaviour during wakes; possibly, they were tainted by association, or condemned through the perspective of mysogyny. Simocatta offers the description of another wake, that for Emperor Tiberius II, 227 which took place two centuries after the death of Macrina (379 AD). It also lasted until morning, it was attended by a great multitude, and there is no reason to suppose that women were excluded. The death of saints and emperors might have been a rare occurrence, but every Byzantine would have had a circle of family, friends, and neighbours, and it is likely they attended a number of wakes each year. The translation of relics even within the same city was a major religious event. A vivid description of such an occasion is given by 226 227

Gregorius Nyssenus, Vita sanctae Macrinae, 33. Simocatta, Historiae, 1.2.4.

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Chrysostom in his sermon Homilia dicta postquam reliquiae martyrum. 228 There was a vigil with procession for the relics of some martyrs, whose names are not known. The procession started from Hagia Sophia and concluded at the church of St Thomas at Drypia, a distance of about nine miles. 229 The vigil started in the middle of the night and ended at dawn. Everyone was there, men and women, young and old, rich and poor, citizens and strangers, even the empress. Chrysostom likened the crowd to a sea, and to a river of fire, because of their candles, which shows the great number of the participants. Whatever the restrictions for women attending vigils, those were lifted or simply disregarded for the festival, which was organized by the empress. Chrysostom said that Eudoxia arranged when her husband would attend; this was important because the emperor’s absence from the nocturnal procession made it easier for the people to follow it, but also his visit the next day prolonged the feast. 230 However, it is reasonable to assume that the empress took care of other aspects of the vigil as well, such as the provision of candles, the carriage carrying the relics, the linen covering them, even, perhaps, the large number of the aristocracy attending. 231 It would not have been the first time Eudoxia assisted Chrysostom in his vigils; the vigil for the martyrs took place in 398, and three years earlier, Chrysostom organised vigils with processions, to counterbalance those of the Arians. The empress then offered the money for silver crosses with candle holders, while one of the empress’s eunuchs headed the singing. 232 Eudoxia through her patronage and her presence at the vigil for the martyrs wanted to associate herself, and the dynasty, with the potent relics. The mass participation in the procession publicized widely Eudoxia’s relation with the relics. 233 It was not only the relics that attracted the multitude; vigil was a very a popular Homilia dicta postquam reliquiae martyrum, PG, 63 467–472. Janin, Géographie, pp. 251–2. 230 Homilia dicta postquam reliquiae martyrum, PG, 63.472. 231 Homilia dicta postquam reliquiae martyrum, PG, 63.469. 232 Socrates, HE, 5.7 (Maraval). 233 Holum, Theodosian Empresses, pp. 57–58. 228 229

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expression of piety, the reason for it will be explained further, and the politically astute Eudoxia did not miss an opportunity to influence the public. Among the special vigils for religious purposes should be counted the protest vigil, which is a Byzantine invention. The Alexandrians, in order to have Athanasios ordained as their bishop stayed several nights in church. 234 A similar tactic was followed by the Nicomedians who wanted Gerontius to remain their bishop; instead of staying in church, they took to the streets of Nicomedia and Constantinople singing hymns. 235 Vigils were the means to protest for Flavian and Diodor, but this time against the local bishop. Although their vigil was the daily one, the places they congregated, and the form of their worship, sets them equally among the special vigils. Of course, the most famous protest vigil is the one by patriarch Nikephoros on the eve of the second wave of iconoclasm. 236 Supposedly, the vigil was conducted ‘for the emperor to change his mind’. 237 More than that, the vigil was a call to arms and a display of determination from the iconophiles. Vigils were a major expression of piety towards saints and icons and inextricably related with monasticism. Nikephoros himself was noted for his vigils, 238 a night gathering against the emperor’s policy portends sedition, and Nikephoros was banished for his efforts. It is difficult to know the numbers of people attending these protest vigils, or if women were allowed. Nevertheless, the Athanasius, Apologia contra Arianos sive Apologia secunda, 6.5. Although Sozomen does not explicitly refer to night procession, this might be inferred by his simile that they went around the streets singing hymns as if an earthquake, drought or other calamity had taken place. Stational vigils were common when such catastrophes occurred. Therefore, it is more than likely that the Nicomedians held such nocturnal processions. 8.68. 236 Alexander claimed Nicephorus held two vigils (The Patriarch Nicephorus of Constantinople, p. 129.), but there is no conclusive evidence of this. 237 Scriptor Incertus de Leone Armenio, De Leone Armenio, 354. 238 Ignatius Diaconus, Vita Nicephori, 148; 199. 234 235

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usage of vigil for protest is a testimony to belief in its potency and its popularity among Byzantines. Natural catastrophes and foreign invasions, especially if they happened at night, offered an occasion for vigil. A homily of Chrysostom after an earthquake in Antioch indicates that women were absent from the Pannychis. 239 Since there were tremors for three days, and that vigils were held every night, it is difficult to imagine that some would have left their families to go to church at night or that women would be happy to be left alone in these circumstances. Perhaps, there were women present; but Chrysostom addressed only the men. Vigils, because of earthquakes, were common in Constantinople, which between 404 and 960 was shaken eighteen times. 240 Vigils with processions are recorded for the earthquakes in 447, 241 450, in which the emperor participated barefoot, 242 and in 533 when the whole city was gathered at the forum of Constantine, although the earthquake was not severe. 243 In 557 when a major earthquake shook Constantinople many, including slaves who disregarded their masters, went to churches to pray. 244 It seems that in Constantinople women were not excluded from those vigils. Not all vigils for earthquakes took place in the afflicted area; according to the Vita of Symeon Stylites the Younger, the Antiochians after a destructive earthquake affecting Constantinople and Nicomedia started processional vigils pleading for mercy for those affected and for themselves. 245 Apart from earthquakes, drought and famine were an occasion for vigil. The Vita of Saint Porphyry of Gaza describes an allnight vigil, in which men, women and children participated. All the De terrae mottu, PG 50. 713–716. Baldovin, Urban Chracter of Christian Worship, p. 171. 241 Chronicon paschale, 586. 242 Chronicon paschale, 589. For the dating of the earthquakes see G. Downey, ‘Earthquakes at Constantinople and Vicinity, A.D. 342–1454’, Speculum 30, 4 (1955), 596–600. 243 Malalas, Chronographia, 478. 244 Agathias, Historiae, 167. 245 Vita Symeonis Stylitae Junioris, 106. 239 240

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spiritual armoury of the church was used; fasting, genuflections, singing, processions, and the sleeplessness of the vigil encompassing them all. 246 What really makes the prayer of the Eastern Church embodied is not the movement and various postures or even the participation of all senses in it, but the belief that physical discomfort and even pain fuels and validates this prayer. This is obvious not only from the practice of the church, in which the vigil in times of distress holds an important place, but also from the writings of the Fathers where the sleeplessness is presented as a means of expiation for personal and communal sins, of appeasing God and of averting his wrath. 247 Simocatta summarised this in his account of the methods the Christians of Herakelia used to restore the myrrhstreaming miracle into the relic of St Glykeria. This had stopped because the bishop accidentally used a bowl previously employed in magic to collect the saint’s myrrh: For this reason, they lay down fasting and prayer, employ tears, assign sighs, equip themselves with all-night prayers, and use everything that can be used to turn a God-sent sorrow into mercy. 248

Finally, while under siege by foreign armies, the Byzantines held vigils with processions, in which the whole city participated. 249 It would be reasonable to expect vigils for deliverance from pestilence, hailstorms, conflagrations, floods, and locusts, times at which people would have gathered at church in any case. The Byzantines, and especially the Constantinopolitans, responded to danger not simply with liturgical supplications and processions, 250 but Marcus Diaconus, Vita Porphyrii episcopi Gazensis. 20.2. Basilius, Homiliae super Psalmos, PG 29.469; Chrysostomus, In illud: Vidi dominum. 1.2; In Joannem. PG 59.227; Marcus Eremita, Consultatio intellectus cum sua ipsius anima, 4; Anastasius Sinaïta, Questiones et responsiones, Question 87; Questiones et responsiones[Sp.], Appendix 6; Joannes Climacus, Scala paradisi, PG 88.901; Theodorus Studites, Μεγάλη κατήχησις, 65.460. 248 Simocatta, Historiae, 1.11.13. 249 Theodorus Syncellus, Homilia de obsidione Avarica Constantinopolis, 79. Photius, Homiliae, 3.31–32; 37, 4.45. 250 Baldovin, Urban p. 189. 246 247

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with nocturnal supplications and processions, because the sleeplessness added extra potency to their prayer.

THE VIGIL OF THE LAITY Notwithstanding complaints, the Byzantine laity, men, women, and children regularly kept a watch through a part of the night at home and at church, at least until Iconoclasm, which restricted public vigils, and latter affected the private ones too. A main characteristic of the Byzantine vigil is the lack of distinction between individual and corporate, private and public prayer. It seems, however, that Byzantines were keener to participate in communal nocturnal ceremonies. Baumstark saw in those a continuation of the pagan mysteries. 251 There was no need for such a derivation; the vigil, combines the proclamation of salvation as already received through the Passion and Resurrection of Christ and as something to be fulfilled with the Parousia, while offering thanksgiving to God for the gift. 252 The imagery of the victory of light over darkness symbolizing the victory of good over evil and life over death, with the additional symbolism of light as Christ and the new creation, found in vigil, especially the all-night one, its perfect setting. Yet, as the saying goes, scratch the Christian and find the pagan spoiled. 253 Often, after vigils, Christians behaved in a riotous and licentious manner. This happened not only after great festivals, but also, even when returning home from a regular vigil one could encounter a prostitute and be tempted by her, as the story of Cornelius reveals. 254 Though the vigil might have had an impeccable biblical pedigree, the activities following it were sometimes decidedly unchristian. Baumstark, Nocturna Laus, pp. 21–26. Baumstark, Nocturna Laus, pp. 21–26. 253 Zangwill, Children of the Ghetto, p.301. 254 Actually, it was Cornelius who tried to entice a woman he thought was a harlot to have sex with him, not the other way round. The event indicates the temptations one might encounter returning form a vigil. AASS, Mai 6th, 761–3. 251 252

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Some bishops, especially those of Syrian origin, tried to protect the women at least by prohibiting their participation at vigils and wakes. Their efforts came to nothing, not least because two empresses, Eudoxia and Pulcheria, offered their patronage and were themselves eager to participate themselves in vigils. Thus, while in the West the Synod of Elvira banned women from attending vigils of the martyrs, 255 no such official measures were taken in the East, which testifies to the importance of vigil in the life of the Byzantines. Nevertheless, the great numbers of participants and the obscurity of the darkness offered concealment and anonymity, making it impossible to ascertain whether someone was actually attending the vigil or what they were doing during it. Considering that sleep-deprivation might result in the loosening of social inhibitions, the disregard of normal social conventions, and even inappropriate behaviour, 256 a vigil might well become an opportunity for licentious behaviour or a riot. Attempts to suppress it by emperors, bishops, fathers and husbands were efforts to maintain control and order. It would be unfair to think that the popularity of the vigil at church was mainly due to the opportunity they afforded for mischief or because they were a diversion during the long winter nights. During the vigils and the processions, which were usually part of them, there was an equality and solidarity, which was seen only in times of disaster. Agathias described the situation immediately after the earthquake of 557 as follows: Large numbers of women and not just members of the lower classes, but even persons of breeding and distinction roamed about and mingled freely with men… the ordered structure of society with its due observance of decorum and respect for privilege and proper distinctions of rank was trampled under-

255 256

Taft, Liturgy, p. 166. Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 80.

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The description of the relationships among citizens in a Constantinople shaken after a great earthquake is not different from Chrysostom’s description of the relationships during the vigil for the translation of some martyrs’ relics to the church of St Thomas. 258 The barriers of age, sex, and rank dissolved, and one could see the empress walk among the lowliest of her subjects without military escort, purple mantle or crown. 259 The penitential character of the vigils would have contributed to this feeling of equality. It is commonplace in Western culture to assert that sleep is classless and that the master has no advantage over their subjects when both are asleep. 260 However, the equality and the freedom that goes with it are experienced in solitude, while in the Byzantine vigil, equality and freedom from conventions were experienced communally, and this could be one of the main reasons for its popularity. 261 Sleep-deprivation, which might cause the loosening of social inhibitions, the disregard of normal social conventions, Frendo (tr.), Agathias The Histories, p. 138. Homilia dicta postquam reliquiae martyrum, PG 63.467–472. 259 Ibid., 469. 260 Ekirch, At Day’s Close, pp. 286–287. 261 Another case worth mentioning appeared in the Pratum Spirituale; amma Damiane, while still a laywoman, visited the church of Sts Cosmas and Damian every Friday and stayed there throughout the night. Once she took her niece with her; Diamane mentions their family connection to Emperor Maurice, when an old woman from Galatia approached them, distributing alms according to her custom. Damiane’s niece showed displeasure, but she was ordered to accept them. Although this was the result of Damiane’s admiration for the old woman’s piety and charity, it must have been more easily done in a vigil, where it seems people were divested of their rank, aided not only by the penintential character of the vigils, but also by the lack of light. It is doubtful whether Damiane would force her niece to accept the alms during a morning service. Joannes Moschus, Pratum spirituale, 127. 257 258

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and even inappropriate behaviour, 262 might have greatly contributed to those feelings of equality and freedom. Two more things should be considered regarding the popularity of vigils; firstly, it was the only form of bodily discomfort allowed even when fasting and prostrating was prohibited, that is on Sundays and during the period from Easter to Pentecost. Since for Byzantines bodily discomfort enhanced the power of prayer, it is obvious that vigils were highly prized when all other means for producing this discomfort were excluded, but not only then; the combination of vigil with fasting and prostrations enhanced the prayers even more. This is why vigil was preferred both during sudden catastrophes, but also as a daily expiation of the sins of the empire in Justinian’s legislation. Secondly, it seems that Byzantine children were accustomed at an early age to vigils both at home and at church. At home, even if the parents did not pray during the night, a child would become acquainted with vigils in the wakes for relatives. At church, there would be an opportunity to participate in vigil during Holy Week and at Easter, and at the celebrations for the local saints. Children participated in vigils at times of natural disaster, such as drought. All life’s dramatic events and the church’s major celebrations were marked by a vigil. The children during these times were taught how to enter into communion with God using their bodies, by becoming patient in standing for prayer, and they would certainly continue this into adulthood, not only communally or at wakes, but also at times of personal crisis. Nevertheless, as the Byzantines preferred public vigils, which were affected by the financial and social decline of the seventh and eighth centuries, and the disruption of nocturnal services caused by Iconoclasm, the attendance of vigils decreased, and the zeal for sleep-abstinence lessened. Thus, during the ninth and tenth centuries the monasteries were obliged to relax their policy on sleepabstinence, because the majority of new recruits were not accustomed to it. The main question as to whether the Byzantine laity was sleep-deprived is difficult to answer. Those keeping vigil at home 262

Horne, Sleepfaring, p. 80.

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either stayed awake throughout the night, sleeping a little at dawn, or kept watch for half the night; in both cases sleep-deprivation would ensue. It seems that lengthy vigils at home were the privilege of wealthy individuals and those monastically inclined. There were many more people in the latter category, but they were not the majority in Byzantine society. Certainly, the combination of both characteristics in the cases of Theodore the Studite, Symeon the New Theologian, and Athanasios the Athonite, accounts for their devotion to sleep-abstinence, when most people were not as fervent about it. Regarding daily vigils at home or church, more popular by far were the vigils at cock-crow. 263 According to Woolfenden, the vigil at cock-crow was a watchful preparation for the rising sun representing the risen Christ. 264 Apart from that, they were much shorter, and easier to perform as they did not involve a major disruption of sleep. Even placing cock-crow at the earliest possible time, it is doubtful whether attending the vigil at that time would lead to partial sleep-deprivation. Other church-vigils started from evening and lasted until cock-crow or dawn, or from the middle of the night until dawn. These vigils cover both the traditional times the Parousia was expected, adhere to the advice of spending half-the night in prayer daily, and would result in sleep-deprivation. Such vigils were usually held on great feasts or, at best, weekly on Friday and Saturday nights. Moreover, the Byzantines were lax concerning the time they started attending the vigil and the time they left, while slumbering during it was tolerated, if not regarded as a form of incubation. Thus, outside the vigils for great feasts and the extraordinary vigils, it is impossible to establish how often, how much, and how many of the Byzantines suffered sleep-deprivation due to their attendance of religious services. What can be said in general about the vigils of the laity, both at home and at church, is that there was certainly sleep-abstinence; vigils held in the middle of the night or at cock-crow coincide with the high sleep-onset zone. There was a struggle to stay awake, not 263 264

Woolfenden, Hours, p. 24. Ibid.

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always successful, but a struggle against sleep nonetheless. Moreover, the time of vigil was preceded and followed by high sleepoffset time, and this might have resulted in insomnia, which would cause partial sleep-deprivation, accumulating sleepiness. The vigil is festal and penitential, exuberant and sober; it is conducted in remembrance of the Resurrection and in anticipation of the Judgement. This is why the vigil can be celebrated every day of the year, and why abstinence from sleep is the only form of bodily discomfort allowed even on Sundays and great feasts when all other penitential acts (fasting, kneeling) are prohibited. Although one cannot speak with certainty about the number of people keeping vigil daily or the length of their vigil, from the vigil’s popularity in times of celebration and in time of danger, it is possible to assume that it was used by the Byzantine laity frequently to express also personal repentance, ask for deliverance from danger, or offer thanksgiving to God.

8. CONCLUSIONS The starting point of this research was the claim that sleepdeprivation was part of the monastic life in Byzantium, which led to the wider question whether the Byzantines were sleep-deprived and why. Sleep-deprivation is a medical term, which cannot be used loosely to describe any amount of sleep-loss, and it was furthermore essential to differentiate between total and partial sleep deprivation, and in order to do so it was necessary to examine the medical research on sleep. The scientific data on sleep show that total sleep deprivation occurs when a person does not sleep for at least 24 hours. Partial sleep-deprivation means something not readily quantified: i.e., obtaining less sleep than a person needs per 24 hours. The ‘right amount’ varies with the individual. The basal sleep need is about 7 hours for most people, although some need more and other less sleep than that. Severe partial sleep-deprivation occurs with less than 4 hours of sleep per nychthemeron, unless one is an exceptionally short sleeper. The term sleep-abstinence on the other hand, can be used for any amount of sleep-loss, but I have used it to signify the loss of superfluous sleep only. Again, this also is a variable notion. More specifically, since testimonies from Homer to Byzantium show that most people habitually slept throughout the night, sleep-abstinence refers to the restriction of sleep to less than the full length of the night, but no less than the basal sleep-need, i.e. 7 hours. An issue rose with Ekirch’s claim that as far as prayer at midnight is concerned, the church simply colonised a natural break in sleep and did not create it itself. Were Ekirch right, there would have been no sleep-abstinence, because people were in any case awake at that time. But, Ekirch has misinterpreted the Homeric and Classical passages, using only one medical study which had several shortcomings, and from which he glossed over some of the 271

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scientific findings. Furthermore, it is clear from the historical data that the Byzantines did not act as Ekirch concluded. Rather, they kept a watch and prayed at any point in the night in accordance with the warnings about the Parousia, and not only at midnight. To return to the question of sleep-deprivation, everyone in Byzantium experienced occasional total or severe partial sleepdeprivation; mothers with babies, those sleeping next to loud snorers, the old, the ailing, the bereaved, those with financial or other worries, those having to work at night, the revellers and the lovestricken. Those affected by external noises, smells, and pests could also become sleep-deprived. At times of extreme cold heat or natural catastrophes like earthquakes, sleep would be hard to come by. Moreover, whole populations under siege or during periods of civil unrest suffered from sleep-deprivation. Sometimes, sleepdeprivation might last for a brief period and at others might be prolonged. The religious observances of the Byzantines caused them sleep-deprivation; at least once a year almost everyone would have suffered sleep-deprivation participating at the all-night Easter vigil. Apart from that, the sources reveal large-scale participation in the vigils for Holy Week, Christmas, Epiphany, and a church’s patronal feast, usually related to a saint. These occasions were no more than 10–15 per year, although there might be more than one church in an area, as well as regional pilgrimage sites associated with relics. There were extraordinary all-night vigils, which attracted numerous participants as well. These were vigils for the reception of a relic, supplicatory vigils at times of siege, famine, drought, earthquakes, and other times of emergency. The wakes for the dead gathered people not only from the immediate family and community, but even farther afield if the deceased happened to be a saint or an emperor. It is not possible to estimate how many of those extraordinary vigils took place in each area per year. People of both sexes (even eunuchs) and every age (including children) and class (from emperors to paupers) took part in those regular and extraordinary vigils. There was mass participation and widespread sleep-deprivation. Vigil was an important part of the religious formation of children in Byzantium, so every child would have been sleep-deprived at some point. There should be further research on how often children were sleep deprived, and the effect it had on their psychologi-

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cal and physiological development. Particular reference should be made to children who entered monasticism at a very young age, either following a parent to the desert or joining a monastery. There were other regular vigils, which might have caused sleep-deprivation to those attending them, although it is not always possible to establish their duration or how many people did attend them. Regular vigils were conducted on Friday and Saturday before the Liturgy; there could have been up to four such vigils per week, depending on the customs of a local church related to the celebration of the Eucharist. Other regular vigils were those associated with relics and holy objects, like the weekly vigils at Vlachernae and at Chalkoprateia. Finally, there are testimonies for daily public vigils at Jerusalem, throughout Cappadocia, and in Constantinople. Most of those vigils started at cock-crow, and would not have caused sleep-deprivation if sleeping was initiated at sunset. Even vigils beginning in the middle of the night and lasting for the second half of the night would not have caused sleep-deprivation unless the night was less than 13 hours long. On the other hand, weekly vigils at important shrines and wakes were all-night affairs sleep-depriving those attending. There was an issue with the attendance here; daily vigils, though open to everyone, were frequented mostly by ascetics and the ascetically inclined. The majority of the laity, probably, tried to catch up with some sleep-deprivation at the Saturday vigil. Wakes and weekly vigils at important shrines were more popular especially with women, and the latter were often attended by children. From the end of the fourth to the middle of the fifth century, there was an attempt in Syria and Constantinople (under Antiochian bishops) to ban women from attending all vigils apart from those for the great feasts and the reception of relics. Women, from empresses to housewives and female ascetics, either ignored or actively resisted the ban, but not before it affected vigils. Sleepabstinence like any other religious practice is learned through example and practice. During the ban, men attended alone all-night vigils at church even as much as twice weekly (Chrysostom’s processional vigils); satisfied they had fulfilled their duty, they would not pray at home. The women had the choice of praying at home alone or not at all, and as they were accustomed to communal prayers they chose the latter. This created a generation of children not fully instructed in the performance of vigil.

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Nonetheless, the impetus for sleep-abstinence, and even for sleep-deprivation, remained strong, and during the mid-sixth century the daily performance of vigils became a legal obligation, and popular. On the whole, from the fourth to seventh centuries, most Byzantines suffered regularly mild to severe sleep-deprivation, and even total sleep-deprivation, because of their religious observances, but this was not a daily occurrence and it did not render them chronically sleep-deprived. The question is why Byzantine laity chose to be sleep-deprived. First, sleep-deprivation had become one of the foremost expressions of holiness among the monks; since they were the models of sanctity for the Byzantines, the laity strove to imitate them within the limits of secular life. Second, physical suffering was regarded by the Byzantines as conferring spiritual benefits; it humbled one’s body and soul, a necessary precondition for prayer. It was also regarded as a sort of sacrifice, which enhanced prayer, made merit, atoned for sins, and averted God’s wrath. Sleep-deprivation with the sacrifice of the necessary sleep and the ensuing feelings of fatigue fulfilled those conditions, with the additional advantage that it could be performed throughout the year, both on fasting and festal days. Thus, the all-night vigil became the first response at times of national or personal crisis. Third, in practice, sleep-deprivation was imposed on the laity, not only by the length of the services, but also because of the demand of sexual abstinence (including the avoidance of nocturnal emissions) as a necessary precondition for resceiving communion. Sleep-deprivation as an act of praying throughout the night either at home or at church, kept the spouses from the temptations rising from lying in the same bed, and from polluting dreams. Fourth, sleep-deprivation for prayer might simply be an excuse for avoiding sex. While marital relations were suspended during the fasting period, one would still have to lie in the same bed with a partner one loathed or feared. Apart from that, notwithstanding how long the fasts were, there were periods of remission when ‘normal’ relationships could be resumed. On the other hand, all-night vigils released a person from the obligation of going to bed, being performed at church, removed someone altogether for the presence of a spouse, thus becoming a temporary refuge from an abusive relationship.

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All-night vigils could cause a marital collapse through either a lack of sexual intercourse (possibly the case of Theophano and Leo the Wise) or the suspicion of infidelity (Thomais of Lesbos). The possible causes are not only the physical distance when one marriage-partner prays and the other sleeps at home, but also the fact that prayer precludes any sexual activity – although according to Paul both spouses must give their consent for a period of abstinence. Most importantly prolonged sleep-deprivation lowers the sex-drive, reducing the desire for sexual intercourse, causing disagreement, perhaps violence, and even more vigils. Regarding the suspicion of infidelity, a long absence from the house under the cover of night would unavoidably lead to recriminations, especially as vigils often ended in debauchery. Sleep-deprivation in the form of all-night vigil emerges as a cause, result and sign of a broken relationship. Today if a husband or wife sleeps in another room it is seen as an indication of temporary estrangement; likewise, if one of the couple sleeps under another roof, it is often taken as a sign of a permanent estrangement and a proof of infidelity. In Byzantium, standing in a corner mumbling prayers while a spouse lay in bed or absconding for an allnight vigil, underlined the collapse of a marriage, especially as going alone to all-night vigils was regarded as an excuse for extra-marital affairs. Since the vigil features often in stories of dysfunctional marriages (Matrona of Perge, Theodora and Leo the Wise, Nicephoros Phocas, Romanos Argyros, Thomais of Lesbos, Mary the Younger) further research is necessary for the part it played in the married life of the Byzantines. Another thing to consider is that the Byzantines participated in all-night vigils despite the prospect of sleep-deprivation. All-night vigils offered a novel form of entertainment; the multitudes, the processions, the candles, the singing, the display of church treasures, the participation of the aristocracy, the occasional scuffle with the heretics – all these made vigil worth the sacrifice of sleep. In addition, the large crowds, the darkness, the movement through the streets, and the late hours, made all-night vigil an ideal opportunity for mischief. Sleep is associated with irresponsibility

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from perception and action; 1 it bestows on night-time a social atmosphere in which demands for conformity and protection of status are greatly lowered, therefore making transgressive behaviour more likely to occur. The tendency for mischief was aided by the fact that one of the effects of sleep-deprivation is a loss of conventionality, social awareness and inhibitions, and a display of inappropriate interpersonal behaviour. The warnings by church officials against the moral perils of public vigils were not unfounded. Finally, the social atmosphere described above, the loss of social awareness and conventionality during sleep-deprivation, and the penitential character of vigils made them occasions in which the barriers of age, sex, and rank dissolved. The Byzantine vigil offered a feeling of equality and freedom from conventions experienced communally, and these elements were central to its popularity. The eighth century was pivotal, because the vigil was affected by the social and economic decline, and the persecution of the iconoclast emperors, who regarded it as closely associated with the veneration of icons and relics. The social and economic decline meant smaller churches being built, smaller congregations, less money for candles and cantors, fewer or no processions, and in general less pomp and ceremony. At one stroke all the exciting and useful aspects of a public all-night vigil were gone; no crowds to hide in, no free movement around the city, no entertainment, no chance of a pious brawl. One might as well stay at home and sleep. The iconoclastic ban gave vigil the final blow; since the Byzantines preferred by far to practise nocturnal prayer at church, the prohibition of vigils created several generations unaccustomed to sleepabstinence and sleep-deprivation. Thus, from the ninth century onwards, the majority of the Byzantines were not so ready to participate in public vigils as in centuries past. This becomes obvious in the years following iconoclasm from the shortening of the nocturnal services, and the relaxation of rules in the monasteries regarding sleep, which included the introduction of an afternoon siesta. On the other hand, the feeling that they ought to be sleep-deprived remained strong; in a fit of ono1

Aubert, Sociology of Sleep, p. 53.

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matopoeia characteristic of the Byzantines, they created the pannychis, which, although it unashamedly bore the name of the all-night vigil, was but a small service taking place at the earlier part of the night. Nonetheless, it could still count as sleep-abstinence, since people used to sleep throughout the night. The problem was that the Byzantines were still taught, with the exception of iconoclastic Vitae, that sleep-deprivation was a marker of holiness, but were missing the example from living practitioners, both in their families and in the church. Unlike the earlier crisis, vigil had been under persecution throughout the Eastern Christian world; the Muslim conquerors were as hostile to vigil as the iconoclasts in Byzantium. What kept the vigil alive were a few pious families, who held to the tradition of praying every night during the time of persecution. When the persecution ended, their scions attempted to restore sleep-abstinence, taking into account that the majority was unaccustomed to it. The sources point out that vigils at home were the privilege of the rich and the ascetically inclined; those two groups provided the bishops and abbots who were to reinstate sleepabstinence. Regarding the monks, hermits and lavriotes kept vigils for at least half the night, and even frequently night-long vigils. There was, certainly, sleep-deprivation, which for them became a sort of spiritual growth chart, the less one slept, the more spiritually advanced he was thought to be. Sleeplessness was pursued relentlessly, becoming an end in itself, so that monks frequently had to be reminded that they should not keep vigil for vigil’s sake. The contraptions and methods used to stay awake indicate that Byzantine monks were determined to be deprived of sleep and did so successfully, since modern studies of sleep confirm that those methods related to posture, temperature, and low calorie intake, hinder sleep. There were also coercion, punishments and foolhardy attempts to stay awake. As the battle to stay awake is one of mind over matter, Byzantine monks were very well equipped to win it. The reasons they became sleep-deprived can be divided into spiritual, practical, genetic, pathological, and circumstantial. As to the spiritual reasons, the influence from pagan religion and philosophy is negligible, the practice of sleep-deprivation is firmly founded on the New Testament; the incessant prayer, the command to

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watch and pray for the Parousia, the fear of sudden death at night, the fear of demons operating in the darkness, and the urge to pummel and subdue the body. There were other responses, especially the call for unceasing prayer, which did not include selfharming, such as considering the whole life, provided it were holy, as an embodied prayer, reading something from the Scriptures, so that memory could retain it during sleep, using surrogate prayers, and finally, admitting the possibility that a person can pray while asleep. Nevertheless, sleep-deprivation was the method of choice, and this had to do with its practical benefits; it weakens the body, while it also suppresses the REM state and the phenomena associated with it (dreams, penile erections, and nocturnal emissions). Moreover, sleep-deprivation lowers the levels of testosterone and of the androgens, reducing the sex-drive, thus releasing the monk from the temptations of the flesh in the morning. The practical benefits were not all related to the averting of sexual activity; the suppression of dreams guaranteed that there could be no source of revelation and authority other than the Bible and the bishop. The belief that sleep-deprivation, because of the struggle it entails and the fatigue it causes, was a sort of sacrifice, which enhanced prayer, made merit, atoned for sins, and averted God’s wrath, also assisted in the proliferation of this practice. As to the genetic factor there would have been exceptionally short sleepers, who used this natural characteristic in their monastic vocation; in this case there was no sleep-deprivation, unless they reduced their sleep even further than their usual few hours. The pathological causes include idiopathic insomnia, an inability to sleep of unknown aetiology, behavioural insomnia, related to anxiety and stress. The Byzantine spirituality, through the threat of sudden death, demonic attacks, and the anxiety about one’s salvation, would more than likely have caused behavioural insomnia. Other possible pathological cases are post-traumatic stress disorder resulting from Byzantium’s tumultuous history (invasions, civil strife, religious persecutions) and a spirituality preoccupied with sin and retribution. There is also the case of the rare fatal familial insomnia in which a person becomes unable to sleep and suffers from cachexia, two of the hallmarks of sanctity according to the Byzantines. Finally, among the pathological reasons, there are also the demonic attacks resulting from hypnagogic or hypnopom-

8. CONCLUSIONS

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pic hallucinations, which create to the sufferer the impression of a sexual or violent attack. Concerning the circumstantial reasons for sleep-deprivation, there is the patristic rule that half the night should be spent in prayer and the rest devoted to sleep. This regime would cause in Egypt very mild sleep-deprivation, in Palestine and Mesopotamia would significantly reduce the amount of sleep during the summer, but would not cause any sleep-deprivation during the winter, and in Cappadocia and Constantinople would almost reach the level of severe partial sleep-deprivation for the summer period, but it would remain slightly above the normal limit during the winter. The rule was not created with sleep-deprivation in mind, and this is the reason the monasteries, where a level of hardship endurable by all was necessary for the cohesion of the community, preferred vigils equal to or shorter than half the night. Apart from the need to maintain a commonly accepted level of suffering, simultaneity of sleep is connected to simultaneity of other activities, which is significant for solidarity in groups. Occasionally, some coenobites pursued their own programme of lengthier vigils as well, but this was not universally tolerated because of the effect it could have on the morale and life of the community. Total or severe sleep-deprivation was never meant to be a daily occurrence in the monasteries; it was reserved for the Saturday vigil and feasts, not very different from the practice in the secular churches. Nevertheless, it was not until the ninth century, when a radical change in lay piety took place, that the monasteries mitigated the seasonal phenomenon of sleep-deprivation by allowing an afternoon siesta. Apart from sleep-abstinence, the coenobites opted For uncomfortable sleep, which with its numerous awakenings would prevent one entering the REM phase, but it might also hinder SWS, which, practically, equals sleep-deprivation. There was always a tension between sleep-abstinence and sleep-deprivation in Byzantine spirituality. Often excessive sleeploss was castigated, but, naturally, there seems to have been a difficulty defining an excessive loss of sleep. Thus, throughout the period under consideration, the leading example for the performance of vigil was Arsenios, whose teaching and practice on the subject could not have been any more excessive by any criterion. What is more surprising, the Byzantines thought that prolonged sleep-deprivation could be harmful, its side-effects ranging

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from severe sleepiness, 2 exhaustion and illness, 3 even to madness, 4 and death. 5 Madness aside, most sleep-experts would acknowledge the above as consequences of sleeplessness, although the research on this topic is far from conclusive. This is the reason I did not include a chapter about the effects of sleep-deprivation on the Byzantines, although a future study should look into it, and especially the possibility that accedia was a result of prolonged partial sleepdeprivation. There would still be a degree of speculation, but since most of the characteristics of accedia are psychological, and there is a consensus on the psychological effects of sleep-deprivation, one would be on safer ground. The hallmarks of accedia – i.e. listlessness, tiredness, sleepiness, contentiousness and irritability – can be identified with the effects of sleep-deprivation. I hope that in the future I will be able to investigate a link between those two. The majority of the Byzantines rather than actively practising sleep-deprivation, suffered it – some gladly and others grudgingly – because figures of authority in the church regarded it as the solution to many practical problems; preservation of purity before communion, pummeling of the body, suppression of dreams, lowering of sex drive, even an answer to the injunction for incessant prayer. Sleep-deprivation was perpetuated through teaching, example, and practice; when this chain broke, John founder of the monastery of Phoberos, 6 was able to claim that the extremes harm equally, both excessiveness in vigils and being saturated with sleep. 7 John was the first monk to ask God to free him from protracted Palladius, HL, 2.3. Basilius, Epistulae, 46; Palladius, Historia Lausiaca, 43; Michael Syncellus; Vita Theodori Sycaeotae, 162; Vita Cosmae Melodi et Joannis Damasceni, 284; Methodius, Encomium et vita Theophanis, Addendum line 27; Vita Bacchi Junioris, 3. 4 Chrysostomus, Ad Stagirium a daemone vexatum, PG 47.450; Palladius, HL, 18.3. 5 Chrysostomus, Ad Stelechium de compunctione II, PG 47.418. 6About the monastery see Talbot, ‘Phoberou Monastery’, p. 1665. 7 Joannes monachus, Constitutio monasterii Prodromi τοῦ Φοβεροῦ, 5.14. 2 3

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sleeplessness; 8 on the other hand, he never made it into sainthood, which shows that, in theory at least, as far as sleep-deprivation was concerned, it was plus ça change with the Byzantines.

8

Ibid.

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Anastasius Sinaïta, Capita vi adveersus monothelitas, K.-H. Uthemann, Sermones duo in constitutionem hominis secundum imaginem Dei necnon opuscula adversus Monotheletas, CCG 12 (Turnhout, 1985), 10.3, 10.5. ———, Questiones et responsiones, J.A. Munitiz and M. Richard, Anastasii Sinaitae Questiones et Responsiones, CCG 59 (Turnhout, 2006), 87. ———, Viae dux, K.-H. Uthemann, Anastasius Sinaïtae viae dux, CCG 8 (Turnhout, 1981), 13.3; 13.7. Anaxagoras, Testimonia, in Fragmente, T. 103. Anna Comnena, Alexias, B. Leib, Anna Comnène. Alexiade, 4 vols. (Paris, 1937–1945), 2.5, 3.8, 4.4. Anthologia Graeca, H. Beckby, Anthologia Graeca, 4 vols, (Munich, 1965–1968), 5.3; 12.137. Antiochus Monachus, Pandecta scripturae sacrae, PG 89.1428–1849 (1427–1430). Apocalypsis Esdrae, C. Tischendorf, Apocalypses apocryphae (Leipzig, 1866), 28. Aphthonius, Progymnasmata, H. Rabe, Aphthonii progymnasmata, Rhetores Graeci 10 (Leipzig, 1926), 4. Apophthegmata patrum (collectio alphabetica), PG 65.72–440 (92, 96, 104, 141, 204, 253, 268, 277, 313, 342, 376, 404). ———, (collectio anonyma), F. Nau, ‘Histoires des solitaires égyptiens’, Révue de l’Orient Chrétien, 12(1907); 13 (1908); 14 (1909); 17 (1912); 18 (1913), 12.48–68, 171–181, 393–404; 13.47–57, 266–283; 14.357–379; 17.204–211, 294–301; 18.137– 146(146)3 ———, (collectio systematica), C. Guy, Les apophtegmes des pères. Collection systéma–tique, SC 387; 474 (Paris, 1993; 2003). Arethas, Scripta minora, L.G. Westerink, Arethae archiepiscopi Caesariensis scripta minora, vol. 1–2 (Leipzig, 1968/1972) 1.8.85. Ariston of Pella, Testimonia, in Fragmente, Fragment 403.

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INDEX ANCIENT, CHRISTIAN AND BYZANTINE AUTHORS Achiles Tatius 27 Aelius Aristides 210 Aeschylus 81–82, 84,96–97 Aesopus 178 Alcmaeon 87, 101 Anastasius Sinaïta 135, 136, 163, 263 Anaxagoras 87, 89 Anna Comnena 179, 237 Antiochus Monachus 133 Aphthonius 195 Arethas 170 Ariston of Pella 87, 93 Aristophanes 178, 179, 211 Aristotle 34, 84–91, 210 Athanasius Alexandrinus 17, 1121, 126, 142–143, 146, 176, 188, 203, 231–232, 261 Ps-Athanasius Alexandrinus 111, 121, 213 Barsanuphius et Joannes 6, 28, 30, 93, 122, 155, 162, 183, 189, 230, 231 Basilius Caesariensis 6, 12, 16, 30, 105, 110, 111, 118, 122, 126–128, 130, 132, 135, 143, 145, 146, 155, 157, 167, 171, 175, 183– 184, 186–187, 194, 203, 220, 221, 222, 233, 236– 238 Ps-Basilius 117, 234 Basil of Emesa 157

Pseudo-Caesarius 222 Callinicus 213 Choricius 217 Christophorus Mytilenaeus 219 Clement Alexandrinus 11, 93, 125–126, 130, 135, 192– 193, 220, 232 Constantinus episcopus Tii 246 Ctesias 96 Cyrillus Alexandrinus 46, 140, 204, 221, 222 Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus 118 Cyrillus Scythopolitanus 117, 169, 171 Demosthenes 5 Diogenes of Appolonia 87 Dion Chrysostomus 88 Ps-Dionysius Areopagita 119, 129 Dionysius Halicarnassensis 210, 211 Dorotheus Gazeus 175 Dosiadas 103, 208 Empedocles 87, 101, 126 Ephraem Syrus 6, 30, 110, 11, 112, 119, 122, 139, 141, 152, 161, 203, 217 Epictetus 88 Epiphanius 28, 105, 136, 141, 163, 172, 227, 228, 230

329

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Euripides 5, 8, 81, 82, 83, 96– 97 Eusebius Caesareansis 67, 110, 135, 143, 192, 227, 228 Evagrius Ponticus 14, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 118, 128–129, 137, 138, 145, 162, 163–165, 169, 171, 188 Georgius Monachus 199, 204 Gerontius 198 Gregory of Crete 104 Gregorius Nazianzenus 103, 109, 111, 115, 127, 143, 161, 169, 184, 198, 227, 240 Gregorius Nyssenus 119, 128, 129, 143, 161, 169, 184, 198, 227, 233, 238, 259 Hermas 117 Hermogenes 195 Hesiodus 81, 959, 96, 98 Hippocrates 91, 92, 126, 144, 210, 221 Homer 13, 34, 80–81, 83, 86, 95, 96, 97, 98, 101, 105, 107, 194, 203, 209, 271 Iamblichus 85, 124 Ignatius Diaconus 105, 145, 146, 169, 261 Isaac Syrus 111 Isidorus Pelusiota 143 Abba Isaias 6, 30, 122, 145, 157, 183, 188 Johannes Chrysostomus 17, 23, 34, 36, 46,104, 105, 109, 111, 118, 119, 129, 132, 137, 138–139, 143, 144, 146, 152, 155, 161, 171, 175, 183, 193–198, 203, 205, 211, 216, 217, 218, 220, 221, 222, 227, 228, 233–236, 237, 239–

241, 243, 260, 262, 263, 273, 280 PS-Chrysostomus 152 Joannes Climacus 111, 115, 129, 130, 145, 162, 168, 169, 172, 206, 263 Joannes Damascenus 146, 162 Joannes Lydus 202 Joannes Malalas 262 Joannes monachus 280 Joannes Moschus 120, 169, 226, 266 Flavius Josephus 56, 67, 68, 69, 104 Julianus 105 Flavius Claudius Julianus 103 Flavius Justinianus 122–123, 199–204, 243–244, 267 Justinus 78 Leo Diaconus 199, 204 Leontius Constantinopolitanus 198, 242 Leontius Neapolitanus 123 Leucippus 87 Libanius 211, 217 Lucianus 210 Marcus Diaconus 213, 263 Marcus Eremita 146, 168 Maximus Confessor 129, 130 Ps-Maximus Confessor 111 Methodius Confessor 189, 205, 280 Michael Syncellus 104, 144, 189, 280 Mnesimachos 98 Moeris 67 Nicon Nigri Montis 6 Orestes 81, 104, 221 Origenes 11, 14, 17, 103, 109, 114, 115, 121, 125–126, 132, 192–193, 208 Palladius 143, 151, 157, 163, 164, 165, 167, 170, 173,

INDEX 175, 189, 213, 228, 234, 240, 241, 280 Paulus Monembasiensis 205, 251 Pausanias 210 Philo 45, 56, 60–69, 124, 125, 126 Flavius Philostratus 211 Phrynichus 157, 177, 211, 213 Photius 248, 251, 263 Pindar 84, 99 Plato 34, 83–86, 88, 89, 93, 99, 101, 103, 124, 128, 140, 143, 145, 210, 263 Plutarchus 210, 211 Julius Pollux 177, 210, 213 Porphyrius 103, 177 Procopius 27, 199, 202, 204 Pythagoras 84, 85, 101, 124, 125 Michael Psellus 204, 220, 222 Socrates 182, 227, 231, 234, 240, 250, 260 Sophocles 81, 96, 97 Salaminius Hermias Sozomenus 196, 241, 261 Stephanus Diaconus 246

331 Nicetas Stethatus 117, 157 Symeon Metaphrastes 104 Symeon Neotheologus 120, 158, 169, 178, 217, 237, 256 Symeon Seth 222 Theodoretus 5, 19, 119, 131, 158, 169, 170, 174, 175, 183, 221, 222, 232, 233, 235 Theodorus Studites 139, 143, 161, 172, 175, 185–187, 220, 221, 254–255, 263, 268 Theodorus Studites 139, 143, 161, 172, 175, 185–187, 220, 221, 254–255, 263, 268 Theodorus Syncellus 263 Theophanes Confessor 218, 236, 246, 247–248 Theophilactus Simmocatta 217, 247 Theophilus of Ephesus 104 Thucydides 210 Xenophanes 87 Xenophon 84, 85, 86, 100

NON-MEDICAL AUTHORS B. Aland 49 P. Alexander 262 D. Amand de Mendieta 234 M. C. Moons 234 M. Angold 1 M. Arranz 133–134, 250, 251 V. Aubert 26, 276 M.-F. Auzépy 246–247 H. Bacht 12–13, 16, 17, ,85, 93, 105, 109, 111, 112, 136, 142, 146 V. Balabanski 49 F. Baldovin 192, 262, 263 H. Balz 95

J. Bardill 201–202 J. Barnes 99 J. M. Baumgarten 67, 68 A. Baumstark 177, 225, 226, 232, 264 J. Behr 137 Ε. Best 75 J. Boardman 95 M. Bonnet 3, 5, 30–33, 39, 146, 169–170 P. Booth 246 P. F. Bradshaw 193, 225, 226, 232 D. Brady 178

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D. Brakke 1, 115, 126, 141– 142 W. Bright 234, 240 M. Broshi 67 H. Eshel 67 P. Brown 1, 39 R. Browning 109, 191 R. Bultmann 47 J. Bury 80 W. C. Bushell 142 S. Byl 91 A. Cabaniss 74, 78, 79 A. Cameron 5, 199, 202, 204 D. Caner 185 H. Chadwick 152 B. Childs 64 E. A. Clark 1, 115, 140 G. Clark 1, 115, 140 L. Clugnet 242 G. H. Conzelmann 118 E. Collins 9, 16 V. S. Crisafulli 244, 245, 249 B. Croke 202 C. Datema 198, 242 D. Davies 67, 195 G. Delling 118 J. de Romilly 80, 92 L. Deubner 249 A. de Vogüé 118 A. Dmitrievsky 255 G. Dix 225 E. R. Dodds 45, 99 G. Dohrn-van Rossum 27, 219 R. Doran 172 K. Dowden 79, 82, 86, 87, 92, 118, 199 G. Downey 262 L. Drink 9–12, 17, 93, 105, 109, 112, 124, 136, 142, 192 Α. Εφταλιώτης 209 W. Eichrodt 101, 102

Roger A. Ekirch 7–8, 18, 54, 111, 206–223, 266, 271, 272 H. Essler 136 J. Featherstone 242 P. Feiler 72 A.-J. Festugière 112, 117 Γ. Φίλιας 79 Ι. Φουντούλης 123, 185 Κ. Φούσκας 198 J.-P. Ford Rojas 2 S. Fraade 9, 57 B. Gain 9, 15, 16, 120, 184, 236 D. Gallop 88 D. Guillaume 152, 185 N. C. Habel 54 F. Halkin 150–151, 154 I. Hausherr 109, 110, 117, 120, 190, 254, 255 C. T. R. Hayward 56 M. Haran 59 W. Harper 46 D. J. Harrington 66 W. Harris 4, 126 M. Helms 119 R. Helms 72 H.-U. Hergemöller 13–15, 109, 115 M. Hilonenko 69 C. Irvine 2 R. Janin 245, 253, 260 P.-P. Joannou 113, 121 P. Johnston 52, 104 J. M. Joncas 235 R., H. Jordan 28 J. Jungmann 180, 225 A Kamesar 45 B. Kaye 74 Ν. Καζαντζάκης 209 C. S. Keener 100 H. Kosmala 179 Φ. Κουκουλές 216, 217, 219, 222

INDEX K. Kroker 84 M.-A. Kugener 242 D. C, Kurtz 95 E. Kurt 95, 153 J. Lambrecht 48 A. Laiou 242, 252, 253 A.R.C. Leany 66 J. Leemans 237, 238 H. Leeming 69 J. Le Goff 130 J. Lemaitre 124, 125 P. Lemerle 258 H. G. Liddell 140 V. Limberis 235, 240 A. Lobeck 88 G. E. R. Lloyd 101 H. Lloyd-Jones 99 J. Longrigg 100 V. Lossky 109 M. Maas 201–202 T. McAlpine 51, 53, 94, 95, 98, 136, 208 F. Mcdonald 2 G. W. Macrae 80 J. McGuckin 57 C.A. Mango 201, 202, 241, 250 M Mango-Mundell 217, 219 P. Maraval 250, 260 C. Marcora 17 C. Marelli 141, 144 Δ. Μαρωνίτης 209 J. Marsh 95, 99, 100 T. W. Martin 76, 177, 178, 179 M. Marx 114 J. Mateos 225, 236, 251 Ν. Ματσούκας 115 M. Mauss 170–171 J. Maxwell 194, 195 J. Meyendorff 124, 127 Patricia Miller Cox 85 M.C. Moons 234 R. Morris 1

333 G. Mylonas 96 J. W. Nesbitt 249 A. D. Nock 87 J. Noret 257 M. Noth 65 A. Oepke 45, 71, 115 M. Ogle 94–98, 113 C. Pazdernik 201 R. Parker 98, 99, 101 F. Pfister 45 W. G. Pierpont 48 L. E. Phillips 7, 8 Ι. Πολυλάς 209 T. Pratsch 6 J. Quasten 236 H. Rackham 178 M. Rautman 222 F. Refoulé 125, 128 J. Riaud 63 I. Ridpath 29 M. A. Robinson 48 E. Rohde 45 Ι. Ρωμανίδης 115 W. Rordorf 78 J. Royce 60 J. L. Rubinstein 59 K. Rudolph 118 D. Runia 124, 127 J. B. Russell 73, 114, 115 K. O. Sandnesn 74 I. Sandwell 139 M. L Satlow 57, 93 E. Sapir 5, 93 J. Scarborough 223 B. Schwartz 136, 137 R. Scott 140 J. B. Segal 59 G. Sfameni Gasparro 146 R. Sinkewicz 113, 114, 128, 164, 165 Ζ. Σίδερης 209 R. Smith 2 D. C. Smythe 5, 6 E. Stafford 81, 92

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C. Stewart 131, 226 A. Stock 27 G. Stroumsa 126, 130 F. Suso 109, 132, 135 E. Summers-Bremner 110 R. Taft 77, 181, 182, 185, 207, 225, 233, 235, 236, 239, 249, 265 M. A. Talbot 280 S. Talmon 65–66 J. E. Taylor 67 B. Thiering 66 T. Thomas 2 J.G S. S. Thomson 44, 101, 102 N. Uspensky 226 P. van der Eijk 84, 88, 89, 90, 91, 100 P. van der Horst 63, 64

A. van der Meensbrugghe 151 E. Vermeule 95 A. Veilleue 151, 152, 180, 181, 185 T. Vivian 141 E. von der Goltz 111 K. Ware 142–143, 146 A. Weiser 48, 75 H. White 211 R. J. White 26, 211 T. Wiedemann 199, 211 H. Wijsenbeek-Wijler 85 S. Williams 4, 21, 22, 140, 215 D. Winston 4, 60 G. Wöhrle 94, 95, 101 J. Wortley 251–252 I. Zangwill 264 Γ. Δ. Ζευγώλης 209

MEDICAL AUTHORS H. W. Agnew 4, 30 D. Arand 4, 30, 169, 170 J. Axelsson 142 N. T. Ayas 34, 39 S. Banks 3, 34 P. Belcher 22 L. Berkman 34 M. Bonnet 3, 4, 30, 31, 32, 33, 39, 145, 169, 170 A. Borbély 25, 26, 36, 172 S. Brown 39 M. A. Carskadon 2, 24, 25, 29, 90, 150 J. A. Cheyne 116 C. Cirelli 39 N. E. Collias 180 E. C. Collias 180 S. Coren 32 V. Cortes-Gallegos 142 L. De Gennaro 26, 205 W. C. Dement 2, 22, 23, 25, 94, 167 D. Dinges 2, 3, 22, 34

M. Ferrara 26, 205 L. Fineli 145 G. Forest 153 R. Godbout 153 J. Håkansson 179, 180 J. Horne 3, 4, 23, 25, 26, 28, 31–34, 38, 39, 40, 140, 149, 153, 156, 159, 166, 167, 168, 172, 206, 215, 220, 221, 265, 267 M. Irwin 38 N. Kleitman 25 P. Lavie 8, 23, 24, 30, 32, 35, 37, 159, 165, 167 E. Lugaresi 166 W. H. Moorcroft 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 30, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 82, 90, 116, 137, 145, 150, 159, 160, 162, 171, 191, 221, 222 M. W. Mille 179 S. Motivala 38 R. D. Ogilvie 25

INDEX S. H. Onen 38 I. Ramoutsaki 223 A. Rechtshaffen 90 T. Roehrs 36, 66 M. Schmidt 140 K. Spiegel 38, 39 G. Tononi 39 M. J. Thorpy 8, 137, 139, 140, 166, 220

335 H. P. A. Van Dongen 32, 33, 34, 150 C. Vaughan 22, 167 M. Hotz Vitaterna 26 T. A. Wehr 18, 33, 207, 214– 216, 218–219 W. B. Webb 4, 30 D. Wingard 34