Shepherds Who Write: Pastoral graffiti in the uplands of Europe from prehistory to the modern age 9781407357140, 9781407357164

Table of contents :
front cover
Of Related Interest
Acknowledgements
Contents
List of Figures
List of Tables
Preface
Introduction. Shepherds who write. A new frontier for ethnoarchaeology
Bibliography
1. Petroglyphs and graffiti in the Syunik highlands/Armenia – summer pasture for thousands of years
1.1. Rock art and geology in the Syunik high steppe
1.2. Depictions, distribution and presumable age of the petroglyphs
1.3. Transhumance and highland pastoralism during the course of time
1.4. Traces of shepherds and flocks/herds in Syunik
1.5. Trying the big picture: Land use, exploitation and rock art as a part of the pastoral life
Acknowledgements
Bibliography
2. Caves and shepherds’ engravings on the Majella mountains
2.1. The places of the engravings
2.2. Interpreting the engravings
2.3. A particular representation
Bibliography
3. Trial of the distribution of the shepherds’ writings in the Mont Bego region (Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, France)
3.1. Introduction
3.2. Description
3.3. Postulate
3.4. Methodology
3.5. The distribution of historical and pastoral engravings
3.6. Conclusion
Bibliography
4. Moving beyond the Bego God
4.1. Introduction
4.2. Presentation of the site
4.2.1. Geographical, geological and geomorphological contexts
4.2.2. Archaeological furniture and palaeoenvironmental data
4.2.3. Corpus and chrono-cultural attributions of prehistoric engravings
4.3. Historiography
4.3.1. Hypothesis no. 1: ex-voto and/or a sacred ‘stone-book’?
4.3.2. Hypothesis no. 2: pasture boundaries and/or pastoral path markings?
4.3.3. Hypothesis no. 3: the marks of male rites of passage?
4.4. Critical analysis
4.4.1. Recording methodology
4.4.2. Use of the chrono-cultural context and apprehension of diachrony
4.4.3. The qualitative, the quantitative, and comparisons proposal
4.5. Discussion
4.5.1. The pastoral function of the site
4.5.2. Engraving in modern alpine pastoral universe
4.5.3. Back to the hypothesis of male rites of passage
4.6. Conclusion
Acknowledgments
Bibliography
5. Igniting fire under mobile conditions and other Late Neolithic–Bronze Age shepherding traces
5.1. Introduction
Acknowledgements
Bibliography
6. Rock art in relation to pastoral villages in medium and high-altitude sites, in Valcamonica and in the Alps
6.1. Introduction
6.2. The relationship between man and environment was economic but was, most importantly, religious
6.3. The expressions of man in the Alps
6.4. Institutionalised ‘language’ and ‘minor manifestations’
6.5. Conclusions
Bibliography
7. Pastoral Graffiti in the Val Grande National Park and in the areas of Natural Parks of Ossola Valley. Results of a first mapping
7.1. Geography and environment of the mapped areas
7.2. Inscribed surfaces and techniques
7.3. Conclusions
Bibliography
8. Pastoralism and quarrying: possible typological divergences in the production of historical rock art in accordance with the sites intended use
8.1. Camuna historic rock art
8.2. The function of historical etchings
8.3. The Camuni sites
8.3.1 Campanine di Cimbergo
8.3.2 The Monticolo di Darfo
8.3.3 Archaeological area of Pisogne and Piancamuno
8.3.4 Other minor sites
8.4 ‘Schematic’ and ‘figurative’ rock art: a reading proposal
Bibliography
9. Beyond cup-marks: Writings, engravings and ethnography in Val Malenco: a first glimpse (Sondrio, Italy)
9.1. Introduction
9.2. Geography of Val Malenco
9.3. Settlements: Contrade and Quadre
9.4. Mines, lathes and rock engravings
9.5. Writings and engraved signs within the Contrade
9.5.1. Monograms, dates and crosses in the Contrade
9.5.2. Devotion
9.5.3. Mountain pastures, woods and property rights
9.5.4. Cup-marks
9.5.5. Other engravings
9.6. Writings on a soapstone oven: a unicum
9.7. The Ca’: a permanence?
9.8. Horns on barns: ancient protection for hay and crops
9.9. Conclusions
Bibliography
10. Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in Valcamonica high pastures
10.1. Introduction (JB, MM)
10.2. The area of study (JB)
10.3. Methodology (JB)
10.4. Results (JB)
10.4.1 The structures
10.4.1.1. Bait
10.4.1.2. Enclosures
10.4.1.3. Shelters
10.4.1.4. Stone mounds
10.4.1.5. Other structures
10.4.1.6. Chronology
10.4.2. Transformation of the landscape and resource exploitation (JB)
10.5. Spatial analyses (JB)
10.6. Pastoralism and rock art (JB)
10.7. Comparison with the pastoral structures in the Lessini highlands (MM)
10.7.1. The areas of study
10.7.2. Breeders’ houses
10.7.3. Shelters
10.7.4. Enclosures
10.8. Final remarks (JB, MM)
Bibliography
11. Pastoralism without writing? The case of Monti Lessini
11.1. Introduction
11.2. The Lessini highlands: a pastoral world without graffiti
11.3. The Illasi high valley: graffiti from a marginal landscape
11.4. The Agno-Leogra ridge: graffiti from a minery district
11.5. Discussion
Bibliography
12. Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval (S. Vito di Cadore, Dolomites, Veneto region, NE Italy)
12.1. The project and the area
12.2. The method
12.2.1. Historical data collection
12.2.2. Survey strategy and methods
12.2.3. Total archaeology and multiscale approach
12.2.4. Data management and elaboration
12.3. Results: human activities in the uplands
12.3.1. The circles and other engravings
12.3.2. Compass-made circle engravings
12.3.3. Circles iconography
12.3.4. Locational patterns and the landscape around the circles
12.4. Analogues
12.5. Discussion
12.6. Conclusions
Acknowledgements
Bibliography
13. A painted mountain: the figurative rock art of the shepherds of the Fiemme Valley
13.1. The writings of the shepherds
13.2. The writings database
13.3. Writings and drawings
13.4. The symbols of the valley floor
13.5. The symbols of the mountain
13.5.1. The animals
13.5.2. The domestic animals
13.5.3. The wild animals
13.5.4. The deer
13.5.5. The fantastic animals
13.6. Discussion: an interpretative model
13.7. Conclusion
Bibliography
14. A sign for every shepherd, for every shepherd a family: The signs of the house in the inscriptions of the shepherds of Mount Cornón in Val di Fiemme
14.1. Introduction about the writings
14.2. Process
14.3. Discussion of data
14.4. Conclusions
14.4.1. Successive steps
Bibliography
15. The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley
15.1. Introduction
15.1.1. The context of the writings
15.1.2. Writings and religion
15.2. The symbol of the cross
15.2.1. Chronology of the symbol
15.2.2. Spatial distribution
15.2.3. Position of the cross in the writings
15.3. The Christogram
15.3.1. Chronology of the symbol
15.3.2. Position of the Christogram in the writings
15.3.3. Typology
15.3.4. Symbol and sentences
15.4. The Sacred Heart
15.4.1. Chronology of the symbol
15.4.2. Position of the Sacred Heart in the writings
15.4.3. Typology
15.5. The Monogram of Mary
15.5.1. Chronology of the symbol
15.5.2. Typology
15.5.3. Symbol and sentences
15.6. Other representations of the cult
15.6.1. Objects
15.6.2. Churches
15.7. Conclusions: the religion of the shepherds
Acknowledgements
Bibliography
16. The mountain and the cross as centre of the maso
16.1. Written landscape, milèsimi and calvari
16.2. Where? Zooming into the various spatial scales
16.3. When? Long term and singular events
16.4. What? Origins, shapes and ‘behaviour’ of the symbol
16.5. Who? Between autonomous builders and specialists
16.6. Why? Improvised answers
Acknowledgements
Bibliography
Back cover

Citation preview

B A R I N T E R NAT I O NA L S E R I E S 2 9 9 9

Shepherds Who Write Pastoral graffiti in the uplands of Europe from prehistory to the modern age EDITED BY

M A RTA B A Z Z A N E L L A A N D G I O VA N N I K E Z I C H

2020

B A R I N T E R NAT I O NA L S E R I E S 2 9 9 9

Shepherds Who Write Pastoral graffiti in the uplands of Europe from prehistory to the modern age EDITED BY

M A RTA B A Z Z A N E L L A A N D G I O VA N N I K E Z I C H With a preface by M I C H A E L J. R O W L A N D S

2020

Published in 2020 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2999 Shepherds Who Write isbn isbn doi

978 1 4073 5714 0 paperback 978 1 4073 5716 4 e-format

https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407357140

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library © the editors and contributors severally 2020 cover image Shepherds’ writings on Mount Cornón in the Fiemme valley (Trentino-Italy; photo ©Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina)

The Author’s moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. Links to third party websites are provided by BAR Publishing in good faith and for information only. BAR Publishing disclaims any responsibility for the materials contained in any third party website referenced in this work.

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For more information, or to purchase these titles, please visit www.barpublishing.com

Acknowledgements Here we would like to thank the Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina and the Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici that made the meeting between researchers and the publication of this volume possible.  We are grateful to Silvia Sandrone of the Musée des Merveilles (Tende-France) for the help in the organisation of the Session ‘Pastoral graffiti. Old World case studies in interpretative ethnoarchaeology’ at the 20th International Rock Art Congress, IFRAO 2018, titled ‘Standing on the shoulders of giants’ held in Valcamonica, Darfo – Boario Terme (BS) – Italy from 29 August to 2 September 2018.

v

Contents Preface............................................................................................................................................................................... xix Michael J. Rowlands Introduction: Shepherds who write. A new frontier for ethnoarchaeology................................................................... 1 Marta Bazzanella and Giovanni Kezich 1. Petroglyphs and graffiti in the Syunik highlands/Armenia – summer pasture for thousands of years................. 7 Franziska Knoll 1.1. Rock art and geology in the Syunik high steppe....................................................................................................... 7 1.2. Depictions, distribution and presumable age of the petroglyphs.............................................................................. 8 1.3. Transhumance and highland pastoralism during the course of time....................................................................... 10 1.4. Traces of shepherds and flocks/herds in Syunik..................................................................................................... 11 1.5. Trying the big picture: Land use, exploitation and rock art as a part of the pastoral life........................................ 15 2. Caves and shepherds’ engravings on the Majella mountains.................................................................................. 23 Edoardo Micati 2.1. The places of the engravings................................................................................................................................... 23 2.2. Interpreting the engravings..................................................................................................................................... 23 2.3. A particular representation...................................................................................................................................... 26 3. Trial of the distribution of the shepherds’ writings in the Mont Bego region (Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, France)....................................................................................................................................... 29 Nathalie Magnardi 3.1. Introduction............................................................................................................................................................. 29 3.2. Description.............................................................................................................................................................. 29 3.3. Postulate.................................................................................................................................................................. 32 3.4. Methodology .......................................................................................................................................................... 32 3.5. The distribution of historical and pastoral engravings............................................................................................ 34 3.6. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................................. 34 4. Moving beyond the Bego God..................................................................................................................................... 37 Jules Masson Mourey and Nicoletta Bianchi 4.1. Introduction............................................................................................................................................................. 37 4.2. Presentation of the site............................................................................................................................................ 37 4.2.1. Geographical, geological and geomorphological contexts ............................................................................ 37 4.2.2. Archaeological furniture and palaeoenvironmental data ................................................................................ 37 4.2.3. Corpus and chrono-cultural attributions of prehistoric engravings................................................................. 40 4.3. Historiography........................................................................................................................................................ 43 4.3.1. Hypothesis no. 1: ex-voto and/or a sacred ‘stone-book’?............................................................................... 43 4.3.2. Hypothesis no. 2: pasture boundaries and/or pastoral path markings?........................................................... 43 4.3.3. Hypothesis no. 3: the marks of male rites of passage?.................................................................................... 44 4.4. Critical analysis ...................................................................................................................................................... 44 4.4.1. Recording methodology.................................................................................................................................. 44 4.4.2. Use of the chrono-cultural context and apprehension of diachrony ............................................................... 45 4.4.3. The qualitative, the quantitative, and comparisons proposal.......................................................................... 45 4.5. Discussion............................................................................................................................................................... 46 4.5.1. The pastoral function of the site...................................................................................................................... 46 4.5.2. Engraving in modern alpine pastoral universe................................................................................................ 46 4.5.3. Back to the hypothesis of male rites of passage ............................................................................................. 47 4.6. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................................. 49 5. Igniting fire under mobile conditions and other Late Neolithic–Bronze Age shepherding traces........................ 55 Giorgio Chelidonio 5.1. Introduction............................................................................................................................................................. 55 vii

Contents 6. Rock art in relation to pastoral villages in medium and high-altitude sites, in Valcamonica and in the Alps.... 63 Ausilio Priuli 6.1. Introduction............................................................................................................................................................. 63 6.2. The relationship between man and environment was economic but was, most importantly, religious.................. 64 6.3. The expressions of man in the Alps........................................................................................................................ 64 6.4. Institutionalised ‘language’ and ‘minor manifestations’......................................................................................... 66 6.5. Conclusions............................................................................................................................................................. 70 7. Pastoral Graffiti in the Val Grande National Park and in the areas of Natural Parks of Ossola Valley. Results of a first mapping........................................................................................................................... 71 Fabio Copiatti and Elena Poletti 7.1. Geography and environment of the mapped areas.................................................................................................. 71 7.2. Inscribed surfaces and techniques........................................................................................................................... 71 7.3. Conclusions ............................................................................................................................................................ 79 8. Pastoralism and quarrying: possible typological divergences in the production of historical rock art in accordance with the sites intended use....................................................................................................... 81 Federico Troletti 8.1. Camuna historic rock art......................................................................................................................................... 81 8.2. The function of historical etchings.......................................................................................................................... 81 8.3. The Camuni sites .................................................................................................................................................... 83 8.3.1 Campanine di Cimbergo................................................................................................................................... 83 8.3.2 The Monticolo di Darfo.................................................................................................................................... 86 8.3.3 Archaeological area of Pisogne and Piancamuno............................................................................................ 87 8.3.4 Other minor sites.............................................................................................................................................. 89 8.4 ‘Schematic’ and ‘figurative’ rock art: a reading proposal........................................................................................ 89 9. Beyond cup-marks: Writings, engravings and ethnography in Val Malenco: a first glimpse (Sondrio, Italy)... 93 Cristina Gastaldi 9.1. Introduction............................................................................................................................................................. 93 9.2. Geography of Val Malenco..................................................................................................................................... 93 9.3. Settlements: Contrade and Quadre.......................................................................................................................... 93 9.4. Mines, lathes and rock engravings.......................................................................................................................... 94 9.5. Writings and engraved signs within the Contrade................................................................................................... 94 9.5.1. Monograms, dates and crosses in the Contrade.............................................................................................. 94 9.5.2. Devotion ....................................................................................................................................................... 100 9.5.3. Mountain pastures, woods and property rights............................................................................................. 102 9.5.4. Cup-marks..................................................................................................................................................... 102 9.5.5. Other engravings........................................................................................................................................... 102 9.6. Writings on a soapstone oven: a unicum............................................................................................................... 102 9.7. The Ca’: a permanence? ....................................................................................................................................... 105 9.8. Horns on barns: ancient protection for hay and crops........................................................................................... 105 9.9. Conclusions........................................................................................................................................................... 105 10. Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in Valcamonica high pastures......................................................................... 109 Jessica Bezzi and Mara Migliavacca 10.1. Introduction (JB, MM)........................................................................................................................................ 109 10.2. The area of study (JB)......................................................................................................................................... 110 10.3. Methodology (JB)................................................................................................................................................111 10.4. Results (JB)......................................................................................................................................................... 113 10.4.1 The structures............................................................................................................................................... 113 10.4.2. Transformation of the landscape and resource exploitation (JB)................................................................ 121 10.5. Spatial analyses (JB)........................................................................................................................................... 121 10.6. Pastoralism and rock art (JB).............................................................................................................................. 123 10.7. Comparison with the pastoral structures in the Lessini highlands (MM)........................................................... 125 10.7.1. The areas of study........................................................................................................................................ 125 10.7.2. Breeders’ houses.......................................................................................................................................... 125 10.7.3. Shelters........................................................................................................................................................ 127 10.7.4. Enclosures................................................................................................................................................... 128 10.8. Final remarks (JB, MM)...................................................................................................................................... 128 viii

Contents 11. Pastoralism without writing? The case of Monti Lessini...................................................................................... 131 Mara Migliavacca 11.1. Introduction......................................................................................................................................................... 131 11.2. The Lessini highlands: a pastoral world without graffiti..................................................................................... 131 11.3. The Illasi high valley: graffiti from a marginal landscape.................................................................................. 135 11.4. The Agno-Leogra ridge: graffiti from a minery district...................................................................................... 138 11.5. Discussion........................................................................................................................................................... 140 12. Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval (S. Vito di Cadore, Dolomites, Veneto region, NE Italy)........................................................................................................................................ 147 Fabio Cavulli and Francesco Carrer 12.1. The project and the area...................................................................................................................................... 147 12.2. The method.......................................................................................................................................................... 147 12.2.1. Historical data collection............................................................................................................................. 148 12.2.2. Survey strategy and methods....................................................................................................................... 148 12.2.3. Total archaeology and multiscale approach................................................................................................ 148 12.2.4. Data management and elaboration.............................................................................................................. 148 12.3. Results: human activities in the uplands............................................................................................................. 149 12.3.1. The circles and other engravings................................................................................................................. 150 12.3.2. Compass-made circle engravings ............................................................................................................... 151 12.3.3. Circles iconography..................................................................................................................................... 151 12.3.4. Locational patterns and the landscape around the circles........................................................................... 153 12.4. Analogues............................................................................................................................................................ 154 12.5. Discussion........................................................................................................................................................... 157 12.6. Conclusions......................................................................................................................................................... 161 13. A painted mountain: the figurative rock art of the shepherds of the Fiemme Valley......................................... 165 Marta Bazzanella 13.1. The writings of the shepherds............................................................................................................................. 165 13.2. The writings database.......................................................................................................................................... 167 13.3. Writings and drawings........................................................................................................................................ 167 13.4. The symbols of the valley floor........................................................................................................................... 168 13.5. The symbols of the mountain.............................................................................................................................. 168 13.5.1. The animals................................................................................................................................................. 168 13.5.2. The domestic animals.................................................................................................................................. 172 13.5.3. The wild animals......................................................................................................................................... 172 13.5.4. The deer....................................................................................................................................................... 174 13.5.5. The fantastic animals................................................................................................................................... 177 13.6. Discussion: an interpretative model.................................................................................................................... 177 13.7. Conclusion.......................................................................................................................................................... 180 14. A sign for every shepherd, for every shepherd a family: The signs of the house in the inscriptions of the shepherds of Mount Cornón in Val di Fiemme........................................................................................ 183 Giovanni Barozzi and Vanya Delladio 14.1. Introduction about the writings........................................................................................................................... 183 14.2. Process................................................................................................................................................................ 185 14.3. Discussion of data............................................................................................................................................... 187 14.4. Conclusions......................................................................................................................................................... 189 14.4.1. Successive steps.......................................................................................................................................... 190 15. The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley................................................... 191 Giacomo Fait, Desirée Chini and Marta Bazzanella 15.1. Introduction......................................................................................................................................................... 191 15.1.1. The context of the writings.......................................................................................................................... 191 15.1.2. Writings and religion................................................................................................................................... 192 15.2. The symbol of the cross...................................................................................................................................... 192 15.2.1. Chronology of the symbol........................................................................................................................... 192 15.2.2. Spatial distribution...................................................................................................................................... 193 15.2.3. Position of the cross in the writings............................................................................................................ 193 15.3. The Christogram.................................................................................................................................................. 195 ix

Contents 15.3.1. Chronology of the symbol........................................................................................................................... 195 15.3.2. Position of the Christogram in the writings................................................................................................ 195 15.3.3. Typology...................................................................................................................................................... 198 15.3.4. Symbol and sentences................................................................................................................................. 200 15.4. The Sacred Heart................................................................................................................................................. 200 15.4.1. Chronology of the symbol........................................................................................................................... 200 15.4.2. Position of the Sacred Heart in the writings................................................................................................ 200 15.4.3. Typology...................................................................................................................................................... 200 15.5. The Monogram of Mary...................................................................................................................................... 202 15.5.1. Chronology of the symbol........................................................................................................................... 202 15.5.2. Typology...................................................................................................................................................... 202 15.5.3. Symbol and sentences................................................................................................................................. 204 15.6. Other representations of the cult......................................................................................................................... 204 15.6.1. Objects......................................................................................................................................................... 204 15.6.2. Churches...................................................................................................................................................... 204 15.7. Conclusions: the religion of the shepherds......................................................................................................... 204 16. The mountain and the cross as centre of the maso................................................................................................. 209 Gianfranco Bettega 16.1. Written landscape, milèsimi and calvari............................................................................................................. 209 16.2. Where? Zooming into the various spatial scales................................................................................................. 211 16.3. When? Long term and singular events................................................................................................................ 216 16.4. What? Origins, shapes and ‘behaviour’ of the symbol ...................................................................................... 221 16.5. Who? Between autonomous builders and specialists.......................................................................................... 227 16.6. Why? Improvised answers.................................................................................................................................. 229

x

List of Figures Figure 1.1 – The map shows all major and minor petroglyph sites, known from the Armenian part of the Southern Caucasus................................................................................................................................................................ 8 Figure 1.2 – Shaded relief map of the Syunik highlands indicating all rock-art surveys conducted so far.......................... 9 Figure 1.3 – The diagram represents all 198 modern graffiti documented within the fields Sepasar and Naseli............... 10 Figure 1.4 – Collection of recent graffiti recorded in the Syunik highlands....................................................................... 11 Figure 1.5 – Typical outer block of a boulder stream......................................................................................................... 12 Figure 1.6 – Typical sequence of animal pens.................................................................................................................... 13 Figure 1.7 – Round hut-like structure, built of dry stone masonry..................................................................................... 14 Figure 1.8 – Vertical aerial photograph of the modern graveyard next to the field Kepas (south up)................................ 14 Figure 1.9 – Muslim tomb, belonging to the grave yard shown in Figure 1.8................................................................... 15 Figure 1.10 – Digital terrain model of the field Sepasar..................................................................................................... 16 Figure 1.11 – Vertical aerial photograph of a campsite, installed in 2016 or 2017, documented in 2018 (south up)........ 18 Figure 1.12 – Campsite in the Syunik highlands in August 2018....................................................................................... 18 Figure 1.13 – Campsite Sepasar west, facing north, in the direction of the meltwater lake............................................... 19 Figure 2.1 – Pastoral cave La Cavaliere in the Pennapiedimonte (Pescara) valley............................................................ 24 Figure 2.2 – Pastoral cave La casa delle rondini (The swallows’ home) on the mountain at Lama de’ Peligni................ 24 Figure 2.3 – A shepherd preparing cheese in his cave........................................................................................................ 25 Figure 2.4 – An engraving with some names, some dates and a mythical beast drawing.................................................. 25 Figure 2.5 – An engraving of a crowned double-eagle attacking a sheep dog................................................................... 26 Figure 2.6 – The Albanian flag’s symbol with U. C. K. inscription................................................................................... 27 Figure 2.7 – A rocky relief with bas-relief figures.............................................................................................................. 27 Figure 2.8 – A detail of the bas-relief................................................................................................................................. 28 Figure 3.1 – Mont Bego regions map (from Magnardi and Breteau, 2005)....................................................................... 30 Figure 3.2 – Photos of different historical engravings; schematic or pagan, navals, religious and shepherds................... 31 Figure 3.3 – Photo of the shepherd Pierrin Palma and ‘Gias’............................................................................................. 33 Figure 3.4 – Rock marked with protohistorical and historical engravings......................................................................... 33 Figure 3.5 – Map of the displacement of two shepherds.................................................................................................... 35 Figure 4.1 – Location of Mont Bego (altitude 2872 m), in the southeast of France........................................................... 38 Figure 4.2 – View of Mont Bego (whose pyramidal top stands out in the background) from a large coloured slab in Val de Fontanalba.................................................................................................................................................... 38 Figure 4.3 – Archaeological material from the shelters...................................................................................................... 39 Figure 4.4 – Synthetic board of the main iconographic themes represented in the Mont Bego region.............................. 41 Figure 4.5 – Typo-chronology of pecked weapons of Mont Bego, from the Recent Neolithic until the Final Bronze Age.......................................................................................................................................................................... 42 Figure 4.6 – Different figurations of the ‘primordial divine couple‘.................................................................................. 44 Figure 4.7 – Comparison between the shelters and the pastoral structures of the Vallée des Merveilles........................... 47

xi

List of Figures Figure 4.8 – Modern pastoral engravings........................................................................................................................... 48 Figure 5.1 – The Costabella ridge (Monte Baldo chain/Italy)............................................................................................ 56 Figure 5.2 – Malga Basiana – Middle Palaeolithic flakes.................................................................................................. 56 Figure 5.3 – Pozza della Cola – Middle Neolithic blade.................................................................................................... 57 Figure 5.5 – ‘Blade-scraper’ found inside Ötzi’s belt pouch.............................................................................................. 57 Figure 5.4 – Prà Alpesina – Chalcolithic arrowhead.......................................................................................................... 57 Figure 5.6 – Costabella ridge – flint fire-striker with heavily worn ends........................................................................... 58 Figure 5.7 – Jupiter Feretrius’ ‘temple-hu’, erected on top of the Capitolium hill in Rome (about 2750 years ago)........ 59 Figure 5.8 – Mont Bego (Vallèe des Mervellies, France) the famous rock-engraved image called ‘the Sorcerer’............ 60 Figure 5.9 – Mont Bego (Vallèe des Mervellies, France) – the rock-engraved ‘Sorcerer’ on the background of a high mountain peak...................................................................................................................................................... 60 Figure 6.1 – Alta Valcamonica, Ponte di Legno – Montozzo (BS). Pastoral engravings at over 2,600 meters in altitude.... 65 Figure 6.2 – Alta Val Montozzo, Pejo, (TN). Boulder with engravings and pre-Latin inscriptions near a menhir in a pastoral area................................................................................................................................................................. 66 Figure 6.3 – Tesero, Val di Fiemme (TN). Shepherds’ writings......................................................................................... 67 Figure 6.4 – Valli di Sant’Antonio, Corteno Golgi – Corna di Büs (BS)........................................................................... 68 Figure 6.5 – Lago Nero, Monte Torena, Val Belviso, (SO). Engravings in a pastoral area................................................ 69 Figure 7.1 – Map of the considered areas: 1. Val Grande National Park; 2. Veglia-Devero Natural Park......................... 72 Figure 7.2 – Detail of a large rock wall with engravings in Alpe Sassoledo (area 1)......................................................... 73 Figure 7.3 – Engraved rock in Alpe Noccola (area 1)........................................................................................................ 73 Figure 7.4 – Inscription made by the shepherd Vittorio Perazzi (area 1)........................................................................... 74 Figure 7.5 – Engraved rocks in Alpe Steppio (area 1)........................................................................................................ 75 Figure 7.6 – Engraved rock at Alpe Serena: on the lower side, on the right the signature of Paolo Primatesta and the date 1929 (area 1)................................................................................................................................................... 76 Figure 7.7 – Engraved rock in Alpe Moier (area 2)............................................................................................................ 76 Figure 7.8 – Graffiti on a wall in Alpe Carreggia (area 1).................................................................................................. 77 Figure 7.9 – Rock paintings of historical age, Valle Antigorio (area 2)............................................................................. 77 Figure 7.10 – Hut door with graffiti in Alpe Faievo (area 1).............................................................................................. 78 Figure 7.11 – Photomosaic of a hut door with graffiti in Alpe Misanco (area 2)............................................................... 79 Figure 8.1 – Map of the sites.............................................................................................................................................. 82 Figure 8.2 – Campanine di Cimbergo, rock n. 50............................................................................................................... 84 Figure 8.3 – Campanine di Cimbergo, rock n. 98 B........................................................................................................... 84 Figure 8.4 – Campanine di Cimbergo, rock 7A.................................................................................................................. 85 Figure 8.5 – Monticolo di Darfo, rock n. 1......................................................................................................................... 87 Figure 8.6- Monticolo di Darfo, rock n. 2........................................................................................................................... 87 Figure 8.7 – Monticolo di Darfo, rock n. 2......................................................................................................................... 88 Figure 8.8 – Monticolo, rock n. 1....................................................................................................................................... 88 Figure 8.9 – Pisogne, Pe’ de l’Aden................................................................................................................................... 89 Figure 9.1 – Melirolo: written soapstone walled in a tower............................................................................................... 95 Figure 9.2a – Contrada Vetto: stone slab with a fifteenth-century date............................................................................ 101 Figure 9.2b – Zarri: the three Scilironi brothers............................................................................................................... 101 xii

List of Figures Figure 9.3a – Devotion: Primolo, Idio mi vede................................................................................................................. 103 Figure 9.3b – Darfo, Monticolo, Dio mi vede................................................................................................................... 103 Figure 9.4 – Devotion: Musci, chalice.............................................................................................................................. 104 Figure 9.5 – Carotte: a public record on the rocks............................................................................................................ 104 Figure 9.6a – Scaja: writings on an oven.......................................................................................................................... 105 Figure 9.6b – Scaja: the Ca’............................................................................................................................................. 106 Figure 9.7 – Map of the sites............................................................................................................................................ 107 Figure 10.1a – Northern Italy. Geographic location of the study area.............................................................................. 110 Figure 10.1b – Aerial photograph of the municipality of Vione and the surrounding area...............................................111 Figure 10.1c – Digital terrain model of Vionese territory with location of archaeological structures and seasonal farms.. 112 Figure 10.2a – Bait of the municipal territory of Vione: Malga Valzeroten, 2,220 m asl, rectangular bait associated with other bait and with the structures of Valzeroten seasonal farm........................................................................................ 114 Figure 10.2b – Bait of the municipal territory of Vione: Plazzo del Vecchio, 2,095 m asl.............................................. 114 Figure 10.2c – Bait of the municipal territory of Vione: Funtanì de Bles, 2,191 m asl.................................................... 115 Figure 10.2d – Al de Tremons, 2,318 m asl, circular bait associated with another similar structure and with the enclosure in Figure 10.3b............................................................................................................................................ 115 Figure 10.2e – Tor de Pagà, 2,218 m asl, rectangular bait with external apse................................................................. 116 Figure 10.3a – Enclosures of the municipal territory of Vione: Malga Tremonti, 2,095 m asl, circular fence associated with many dry structures and with the buildings of Tremonti seasonal farm................................................. 116 Figure 10.3b – Enclosures of the municipal territory of Vione: Aleta de Tremons, 2,315 m asl, circular fence with inner subdivision, associated with two bait............................................................................................................................... 117 Figure 10.4 – Shelters of the municipal territory of Vione .............................................................................................. 117 Figure 10.4a – Malga Tremonti, 2,083 m asl, simple makeshift shelter under a large boulder........................................ 117 Figure 10.4b – Val di Cané, 2,221 m asl, small room formed below the contact point of two large boulders, arranged through the construction of dry stone walls and a flat stone roof...................................................................... 118 Figure 10.5 – Stone mounds in Val di Cané, about 2,200 m asl....................................................................................... 118 Figure 10.6 – Other kinds of structures in Vionese high pastures.................................................................................... 119 Figure 10.6a – Malga Tremonti, 2,080 m asl, big dry stone structure of rectangular shape, built with stones coming from the dismantling of a nearby circular enclosure........................................................................................... 119 Figure 10.6b – Monte Calvo, 2,061 m asl, isolated dry stone structure of long and narrow shape, interpreted as a drinking trough.......................................................................................................................................................... 120 Figure 10.6c – Val di Cané, 1,950 m asl, partially below ground dry structure of rectangular shape, associated with other structures belonging to a twenty-century seasonal farm................................................................................. 120 Figure 10.7 – Solar radiation map..................................................................................................................................... 122 Figure 10.8 – Least cost path map representing the least expensive routes generated by the GIS in terms of time........ 123 Figure 10.9 – Monte Calvo, 2,050 m asl, engraved cross delimiting the boundary between the municipalities of Vione and Temù............................................................................................................................................................ 124 Figure 10.10 – Malga Valzeroten, one of the two drainage channels engraved on the boulder used as a cover of a bait.... 125 Figure 10.11 – The quotes of the various structures identified in Valcamonica, municipality of Vione.......................... 126 Figure 10.12 – The geomorphological context of the pastoral structures in the municipality of Vione........................... 126 Figure 10.13 – The geological context of the pastoral structures in the Lessini highlands.............................................. 127 Figure 10.14 – Comparison of the areas of structures and baiti in the municipality of Vione......................................... 127 Figure 10.15 – The area of the buildings devoted to recover the shepherds in the Vione municipality........................... 128 xiii

List of Figures Figure 10.16 – The area of the buildings devoted to recover the shepherds in the Lessini highlands............................. 128 Figure 11.1 – The investigated area with indication of: (1) the Lessini highlands; (2) the Ronchi Valley; (3) the Agno-Leogra ridge................................................................................................................................................ 132 Figure 11.2 – Distribution of sheep folders, shelters and breeders’ houses in the Lessini highlands............................... 133 Figure 11.3 – Registering a casone at Malga Spazzacamina, Lessini highlands.............................................................. 133 Figure 11.4 – A casotto at Folignano di Mezzo, Lessini highlands.................................................................................. 134 Figure 11.5 – A shepherd shelter at Castilverio, Lessini highlands.................................................................................. 134 Figure 11.6 – The sheepfold at Malga Dardo, Lessini highlands..................................................................................... 135 Figure 11.8 – Two anthropomorphs painted with live charcoal at Slitzegin shelter, in Val Revolto................................ 136 Figure 11.7 – Slitzegin shelter in Val Revolto.................................................................................................................. 136 Figure 11.9 – A bow painted with live charcoal at Slitzegin shelter, in Val Revolto........................................................ 137 Figure 11.10 – The view from Sbamal Bant shelter, in Val Revolto................................................................................ 138 Figure 11.11 – A man and a horse depicted at Sbamal Bant shelter, in Val Revolto........................................................ 139 Figure 11.12 – An anthropomorphous graffito at Lange Balt shelter, in Val Revolto...................................................... 139 Figure 11.13 – Passo Mucchione, dry-stone structure ‘R’................................................................................................ 140 Figure 11.14 – Passo Mucchione, the seventeenth-century shelter, half-buried in the basalt outcrops where engravings were found........................................................................................................................................... 141 Figure 11.15 – Passo Mucchione, a basalt rock covered with engravings........................................................................ 141 Figure 11.16 – Passo Mucchione, filiform signs cut in the basalt, together with small cupels........................................ 142 Figure 11.17 – Passo Mucchione, engraving a polissoir, Agno-Leogra Project............................................................... 143 Figure 11.18 -Passo Mucchione, engraving a polissoir representing a star,..................................................................... 144 Figure 12.1 – Archaeological remains in the study area................................................................................................... 149 Figure 12.2 – Compass-made single circle slab and its locational context...................................................................... 151 Figure 12.3 – Detail of a compass-made single circle slab............................................................................................... 152 Figure 12.4 – Contact drawing of compass-made double circles engravings with one contact point.............................. 152 Figure 12.5 – Slab with neighbouring circles engravings (with no contact points) and its locational context................ 153 Figure 12.6 – Concentric circles and neighbouring smaller external circle with one contact point ................................ 153 Figure 12.7 – Deep concentric circles engravings ........................................................................................................... 154 Figure 12.8 – Engraving representing a flower with six petals......................................................................................... 154 Figure 12.9 – Contact drawing of SV084......................................................................................................................... 155 Figure 12.10 – Chaotic circles slab................................................................................................................................... 155 Figure 12.11 – Chaotic circles slab................................................................................................................................... 156 Figure 12.12 – Mix of different engraving typologies on the same slab.......................................................................... 156 Figure 12.13 – Location of the compass-made circle engravings slabs........................................................................... 157 Figure 12.14 – Interpretation of the circle engravings slab (and cadastre crosses) alignments........................................ 158 Figure 12.15 – Location of the compass-made circles slabs and other remains around Col Piombin............................. 159 Figure 12.16 – Location of the compass-made circles slabs and other remains around the Giau Pass............................ 160 Figure 12.17 – Location of the compass-made circles slabs and other remains between the Giau saddle and Mondeval.... 160 Figure 12.18 – Non cadastre cross engraving................................................................................................................... 161 Figure 12.19 – Cadastre cross with number ‘13’ engraved.............................................................................................. 162 Figure 13.1 – Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley......................................................................................................... 166 xiv

List of Figures Figure 13.2 – Mount Cornón – Coròsso da l’Aqua: wall with writings........................................................................... 166 Figure 13.3 – Chronology of the writings of the shepherds............................................................................................. 167 Figure 13.4 – The distribution of the walls with pictograms on Mount Cornón.............................................................. 169 Figure 13.5 – Pictograms: main categories....................................................................................................................... 169 Figure 13.6 – Religious symbols...................................................................................................................................... 170 Figure 13.7 – Decorated wall on Mount Cornón.............................................................................................................. 170 Figure 13.8 – Distribution of the walls with animals’ depictions..................................................................................... 171 Figure 13.9 – The diets of the depicted animals............................................................................................................... 171 Figure 13.10 – Domestic, wild and fantastic animals on the walls of Mount Cornón...................................................... 173 Figure 13.11 – The species of the depicted animals......................................................................................................... 173 Figure 13.12 – Mount Cornón – Le Zigolade XXLI. 237: sheep depiction..................................................................... 174 Figure 13.13 – Cattle drawings distribution map and related chronology........................................................................ 174 Figure 13.14 – Hunting and mountain pasture distribution map...................................................................................... 175 Figure 13.14a – Trato XXVI.40: Mountain pasture scene................................................................................................ 175 Figure 13.15 – Distribution map of goat and sheep pictograms....................................................................................... 176 Figure 13.16 – Distribution map horse and rider.............................................................................................................. 176 Figure 13.17 – Mount Cornón – Corona dai Peci XCIII.33: bear depiction.................................................................... 177 Figure 13.18 – Distribution map of birds.......................................................................................................................... 178 Figure 13.19 – Deer distribution map............................................................................................................................... 178 Figure 13.20 – Mount Cornón Deer depictions: a) Buse dai Sassi CXCIII.2; b) Ronchi XXII.188; c) Corona dai Peci CIII.63; d) Corona dai Peci XCIII.35................................................................................................. 179 Figure 13.21 – Mount Cornón – Cava dal Ból XXXV.228: hunting scene...................................................................... 180 Figure 13.22 – Valsorda: Le Zigolade VIII.50: fantastic animal...................................................................................... 180 Figure 13.23 – Mount Cornón – Corona dai Peci XCIII.33: deer and unicorn................................................................ 180 Figure 14.1 – Distribution map and chronology of the family signs on Mount Cornón.................................................. 184 Figure 14.1a – Distribution map of the considered family signs and signatures.............................................................. 184 Figure 14.2 – Le Zigolade XXXVII.6: one of the symbols of the Felicetti family.......................................................... 185 Figure 14.3 – Distribution map of family signs and signatures on Mount Cornón.......................................................... 185 Figure 14.4 – Gola del Dugo LIX.133: one of the symbols of the Partel family............................................................. 187 Figure 14.5 – La Coronetta XXIII.918: one of the symbols of the Lauton family........................................................... 188 Figure 14.6 – Gola del Dugo LIX.134: one of the symbols of the Zorzi family.............................................................. 188 Figure 14.7 – Gola del Dugo XXXIX.8: one of the symbols of the Zanon family.......................................................... 189 Figure 14.8 – Roa Bianca LXII.28: one of the symbols of the Vanzetta family............................................................... 189 Figure 14.9 – Valaverta LXXVII.42: one of the symbols of the Giacomuzzi family....................................................... 189 Figure 14.10 – Gola del Dugo LXXIII.1: one of the symbols of the Dellagiacoma family............................................. 189 Figure 15.1- Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley: distribution of the inscriptions featuring religious symbols ........... 192 Figure 15.2a – Mount Cornón, examples of religious writings........................................................................................ 193 Figure 15.2b – All the sacred symbols in one inscription................................................................................................. 193 Figure 15.3 – Mount Cornón: Chronology of the inscriptions featuring religious symbols ............................................ 194 Figure 15.4 – Inscriptions featuring the cross per decade (1700-1980)........................................................................... 194

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List of Figures Figure 15.5 – Ratio of inscriptions featuring crosses to total inscriptions per decade (1700-1980) ............................... 195 Figure 15.6 – Attested actual use of the cross to mark borders by the Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme......................... 195 Figure 15.7 – Analysis of the density: the cross symbol................................................................................................... 196 Figure 15.8 – Analysis of the density: walls with inscriptions......................................................................................... 196 Figure 15.9 – All types of Greek cross on Mount Cornón................................................................................................ 197 Figure 15.10 – All types of Latin cross on Mount Cornón............................................................................................... 197 Figure 15.11 – All types of cross pattée on Mount Cornón.............................................................................................. 197 Figure 15.12 – All the types of cross with expanded ends on Mount Cornón.................................................................. 198 Figure 15.13 – All types of potent cross on Mount Cornón.............................................................................................. 198 Figure 15.14 – All types of two-barred cross on Mount Cornón...................................................................................... 198 Figure 15.15 – All types of monogrammatic cross on Mount Cornón............................................................................. 198 Figure 15.16 – Inscriptions featuring the Christogram per decade................................................................................... 199 Figure 15.17 – Different Christograms as regards to the type of the horizontal bar of the H per decade........................ 199 Figure 15.18 – Christograms that feature an H with double horizontal bar..................................................................... 200 Figure 15.19 – Christograms that feature an H with double horizontal bar that extends to connect all the letters.......... 200 Figure 15.20 – Inscriptions featuring the Sacred Heart per decade.................................................................................. 202 Figure 15.21 – Inscriptions featuring the monogram of Mary per decade....................................................................... 204 Figure 15.22 – Prayers to be recited by every faithful and good Christian: front page from the handwritten prayer book of Matteo Dallabona, 1841........................................................................................................................... 206 Figure 15.23 – Morning prayer from the diary of Matteo Dallabona written in 1841..................................................... 206 Figure 15.24 – Evening prayer for the morning as soon as you wake up; from de diary of Matteo Dallabona, 1841..... 207 Figure 15.25 – Page from the diary of Matteo Ballabona (MDB) written in 1841.......................................................... 207 Figure 15.26 – Le Zigolade VIII.75: writings with the presence of fantastic beings....................................................... 208 Figure 16.1 – Two milèsimi overlaying on the same door with a distance in time of one century................................... 210 Figure 16.2 – One of the most essential realisations of the mountain silhouette and the cross or the calvario. Transacqua, location of Sicone, 1770............................................................................................................................... 210 Figure 16.3 – Abacus of the morphological solutions of the symbol............................................................................... 210 Figure 16.4 – Territorial distribution of the symbols........................................................................................................ 212 Figure 16.5 – The great building consisting of stable and barn adjacent to the small casèra of a maso in Piereni in Tonadico........................................................................................................................................................... 213 Figure 16.6 – Zoom into the façade directed to the side of the mountain regarding the barn of the previous figure....... 213 Figure 16.7 – Façade in direction of the mountain of the barn of the maso Fosna dei Zelestìni in Tonadico.................. 214 Figure 16.8 – The stralaségne, the gutter of the roof, projects its perimeter onto the terrain below............................... 215 Figure 16.9 – The relation of the stable-barn to the surrounding pasture and the horizon of the mountain highlights the function of the calvario as synecdoche of the maso .................................................................................. 216 Figure 16.10 – Graph regarding the chronological distribution of the calvari for decades and illustration of their five main evolutionary stages............................................................................................................................... 217 Figure 16.11 – The most antique testimonial of a milèsimo and a calvario known today................................................ 217 Figure 16.12 – A calvario with a Greek cross surmounting a large semi-circular ‘mountain’ in the centre of the architrave above the open door of a barn.................................................................................................................... 218 Figure 16.13 – A milèsimo, maybe realized in various stages to reach this exceptional length of 8.20 meters............... 219 Figure 16.14 – A calvario positioned on the lower part of the apex beam on a mobile tablet, date with roman figures..... 219 xvi

List of Figures Figure 16.15 – A milèsimo containing inscription and calvario of reduced homogeneous dimensions........................... 220 Figure 16.16 – A pezòl or tasòl nailed upon the convergence of the fascia boards on the vertex of the roof of a newly constructed building........................................................................................................................................ 221 Figure 16.17 – Hypotheses of the origin of the calvario with regard to the trigram of Saint Bernardino of Siena......... 222 Figure 16.18 – Inscription engraved on plaster with a calvario in the form of the character omega and other adjacent symbols............................................................................................................................................................... 224 Figure 16.19 – A calvario with rectangular basement in the form of an altar.................................................................. 224 Figure 16.20 – A calvario showing, in regards to the equilibrium between cross and ‘mountain’.................................. 225 Figure 16.21 – For the purpose of adapting the calvario to the restricted space on the beam it is no longer orthogonal but parallel to the milèsimo and in this way accentuated............................................................................... 226 Figure 16.22 – A milèsimo with indication of the employer of the work......................................................................... 226 Figure 16.23 – Above the milèsimo ‘B. F. 17+77 F.’ a ‘touristic’ table has been added with the inscription BOIOLA / dei Busanadi / 1027 s.l.m. referring to the house name of the family who owns this maso........................... 228 Figure 16.24 – The magistri B. F. e Francesco Zu (Zugliano?) had such a high opinion of themselves to put their own names in front of the employer of the work.................................................................................................... 229

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List of Tables Table 3.1 – Themes and areas of the rock art...................................................................................................................... 35 Table 9.1 – list of the evidences found until 2018.............................................................................................................. 96 Table 13.1 – The main categories derived from the writings database, updated in May 2019......................................... 167 Table 14.1 – The main family signs.................................................................................................................................. 186 Table 15.1 – All types of Christogram on Mount Cornón................................................................................................ 201 Table 15.2 – All types of Sacred Heart on Mount Cornón................................................................................................ 203 Table 15.3 – All types of monogram of Mary on Mount Cornón..................................................................................... 205

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Preface Michael J. Rowlands University College London, Department of Anthropology see their art? Others would struggle to get to their location in remote sites, often difficult of access in caves and rock shelters. The aim of visitors anyway might well be to void or even remove the polluting contamination of the real rock art underneath. Part of the attraction of the graffiti is their eruptive and spontaneous character. Often repetitive, limited in form and scarcely constituting a graphic writing system, they would probably not have appealed to rock art experts, at least until now. This suggests they are produced by shepherds without an external audience in mind. The act of inscribing has something more to do with shepherds communicating with each other about their conditions, their hopes and feelings. An anthropological study of shepherds in Crete articulated their male cultural acts of sheep stealing and card playing as a ‘poetics of manhood’ (Herzfeld 1985). The ‘others’ may then be other shepherds inscribing over the graffiti of each other in competitive and rivalrous terms. None of which need be violent in intention; rather acts of mutual recognition in their desire to leave ‘tags of permanence’. Schubert’s Shepherd of the Rock was based on two poems expressing a masculinity of labour and isolation with the hope for return to domesticity. Who needs to know how ideal the Romantic movement would be if instead the emphasis was on escape from the domestic world of obligation to the wild freedoms of the mountains and their sheep?

To study graffiti as rock art is an unusual way to legitimise their illicit value. Urban graffiti, once treated as products of vandalism and as a form of visual pollution, is now taken seriously by the art establishment or shall we say the art market. A double sense of illicit value can also be attached to rock art graffiti. In many cases, as described in this seminal volume, the underlying rock art on which ‘graffiti’ is inscribed, Upper Palaeolithic in the case of Rouffignac, is ‘Art’ in a classical representational sense. Whilst this super positioning maybe be seen as evidence of the polluting character of graffiti, it is worth considering that their physical association maybe intentional. Rock art in its consistent association with hunter-gather and nomadic peoples of the past is invariably interpreted as religious in efficacy. Totemism and shamanism are the two dominant anthropological explanations for the widespread occurrence of rock art over the historical long term, as in the earliest known human inscription in red ochre on a chunk of rock in the Blombos cave, South Africa, dating to 73,000 years ago. The value of contemporary rock art graffiti, currently viewed as an unusual form of blasphemy when superimposed on rock art, can be reversed within a logic of the sacred. Several contributors in this volume encourage us to think more deeply on a shared value for graffiti as rock art. To inscribe (tagging) on an ‘already’ significant rock surface, names, events, family glyphs and devotional symbols may all be inspired by possibilities of recognition. Our editors describe these inscriptions as tags of permanence. A politics of recognition creates identity; it does not presuppose it. So, if there is a sense of permanence established through superlayering on older rock art, is it because the aura shines through? Is this enough for shepherds and the trouble they take to do their work in difficult and remote places, described by our editors as shepherds (male) wanting pride to be taken in their dangerous, solitary and downgraded trade? Recognition in the world of classical music is there already in Franz Schubert’s 1830 lieder Shepherd on the Rock expressing the loneliness and isolation of the shepherd’s world

Another paradox lies in the trouble taken to inscribe or tag on a rock surface. Rock art is rarely if ever art inscribed on stone as a blank surface. The rock, its texture, shape and colour, fissures in it, are treated as living agents, sites or portals to spirits residing within or behind it. Upper Palaeolithic cave art, for example, is now widely recognised to be chosen as more than a convenient rock surface but actively sought out for their spiritual qualities. If the artwork of contemporary shepherds is seen as graffiti, all this suggest that the long term presence of shared values may be implied in their historical linkage. Nor is this of local origin and meaning alone. One of the largest concentrations of rock art in prehistoric Europe is in the region of Bohuslan in Southern Sweden. Many examples of figures show animistic transformations of wild forms into human form, connected it appears with seasonal gatherings at socio- ritual sites. Parallels have been drawn on this theme with rock art at Valcamonica and elsewhere in the central Alps (Ling 2013). What gradually is emerging is a consensus on the broadly central European unity of cosmology with intense interactions and borrowings by the Later Bronze Age. The rock art graffiti of Alpine shepherds may not therefore be as isolated as might be thought.

When, from the highest rock up here, I look deep down into the valley, And sing, I am consumed in misery, Happiness is far from me, Hope has on earth eluded me, I am so lonesome here.

A seminal volume elicits ideas from readers sometimes much to their surprise given the subject matter. Some may

A paradox lies in the remoteness of the shepherds’ graffiti as rock art. Who else except other shepherds are going to xix

Michael J. Rowlands approach these studies of shepherds’ graffiti in the rock art of the Alps in this way and be glad of their pleasant surprise. References

Herzfeld, M. (1985) The Poetics of Manhood. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Ling, J. and Rowlands, M. (2013) ‘Structure from the North Content to the South. Rock Art, Metal Trade and Cosmological Codes’, in Anati, E. (ed.), Art as a Source of History XXV Valcamonica Symposium Papers. Capodiponte. Centro Camuno Studi Preistorici, pp. 187-196

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Introduction Shepherds who write. A new frontier for ethnoarchaeology Marta Bazzanella and Giovanni Kezich Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina, via Mach 2, I-38010 San Michele all’Adige (Trento)

standing fast all in a marvel, asked him if he wished to go to live with him.

Among the celebrated Palaeolithic caves of the Dordogne, that of Rouffignac is specially well known among prehistorians for the great host of mammoths, bison, horses, ibexes and rhinos which are outlined in black on the cave’s walls, dated at around 13,000 BP. The cave is also well known for the abundant evidence of the habitation of cave bears, who left the imprint of their claws in the soft rock, soon to be emulated by humans, possibly children, who left their squiggles alongside. Besides bears’ scratchings and human finger flutings, a third conspicuous layer of scrawls welcomed the prehistorians upon rediscovering the Rouffignac cave in 1956, and these were the innumerable tags scribbled in charcoal by local shepherds over a span of approximately 200 years, from the early 1700s to the late 1800s: so many of them, in fact, that the mammoths and the other Palaeolithic animal figures had to be ‘painfully teased out from the obscuring overlay of modern graffiti’. These were in fact painstakingly removed since, it is said, they ‘had no intrinsic interest save that of compiling a regional list of patronyms’ (Brunet et al., 1997), of which, however, to the best of our knowledge, no record has been published, if at all preserved.

The double ability to draw and to write in calligraphy, in fact, is but one of the distinguished capacities which was and still is traditionally ascribed to shepherds, alongside those of woodcarving, calculating, music and poetry. Fostered in our world since time immemorial by a specific ideology of pastoralism, such as leaning shepherds towards the fine arts, as well as religious enlightenment and philosophical speculation, has in fact been recorded in a number of European ethnographic settings, such as the Pyrenees (Fabre, 2005) and the Apennines (Trinchieri, 1953; Kezich, 1999). The exercise of some kind of calligraphy, with the impression of name tags and symbols, engraved or more rarely painted on the rocks, is thus part and parcel of the pastoral culture of Europe: a custom often found to emulate and protrude into the modern world as the engraving traditions of prehistory. In the Valcamonica (Central Alps), for example, the ancient custom of incising pitoti on the giant surface slabs of the valley slopes continued well beyond the Iron Age throughout Roman and medieval times (Chippendale et al., 2012), whilst in the Vallée des Merveilles on Mont Bego (Western Alps), modern shepherd engravings freely mingle on the rocks with incised testimonies of the Bronze Age (Giusto Magnardi, 1996).

There is no point in discussing here whether this modern graffiti might have deserved a little more attention, if only out of respect for the many adventurous individuals who braved their way into the depths of the dark cave, about half a mile from the entrance, to leave a sign of their own. What matters, rather, is to recognise that the modern graffiti at Rouffignac can be identified as part of a widespread custom of the wandering shepherds throughout the Old World, often competing with the prehistoric artists for the same surfaces, within very similar strategies of graphic expression, and are thus in some respects worthy of interest for their own merit.

In Europe, a number of sites bearing witness to the custom of pastoral tagging have been identified and adequately studied: noticeably, so far, the Eastern Pyrenees (Martzluff, 2019); the lowlands of Crau near Marseille (Lebaudy, 2006) and the Col di Tenda in the Western Alps (Giusto Magnardi, 1990); the Abruzzi (Micati, 2000) and the Lucchesia in the Appennines (Bonaventuri and Sani, 2019). To these, we must now add the Fiemme Valley in the Eastern Alps (Bazzanella, et. al., 2013; 2014; 2016), where a spectacular repertoire of nearly 50,000 graffiti has been discovered (Vanzetta, 1991). These are painted in red ochre, rather than engraved as is most common, thanks to the abundance of pigment known as ból, or ból de bessa (stamp or sheep stamp), which is quite easily quarried out of the pastoral uplands.

An interesting passage of Giorgio Vasari’s Lives (1550) takes us to the core of this custom as we see the celebrated Florentine painter Cimabue, sometimes around 1280, accidentally make the acquaintance of shepherd boy Giotto while he marks a rock with the image of an ewe: Cimabue, going one day on some business of his own from Florence to Vespignano, found Giotto, while his sheep were browsing, portraying a sheep from nature on a flat and polished slab, with a stone slightly pointed, without having learnt any method of doing this from others, but only from nature; whence Cimabue,

Besides specific functions, such as marking the territory, and giving proof of one’s own presence in a specific 1

Marta Bazzanella and Giovanni Kezich their graffiti, while attending to their own individual acts, performed in a random sequence at different moments in time.

place at a certain moment in time, these writings seem to represent the individual shepherd’s wish to exhibit his own literacy as a sort of prestige item which, as has been noted elsewhere in regards to primitive or incipient literacy (Macdonald, 2018), can be also considered an end in itself, rather than a means towards a communicative end.

The forbidding locations of the sites, as well as the specific skills of the art of writing, handed down from generation to generation of shepherds, have enabled a shroud of secrecy to be constructed around the act of tagging, which is only open to initiated members of the pastoral fraternity. In writing a tag, the individual shepherd crosses over a specific social boundary, endowing himself with a kind of ability which is purportedly superior. In that, his act is ‘transgressive’, breaking social as well geographical limits, and entering a world for initiates in which only himself, the ‘shepherd who writes’, is master. On such grounds, he is free to impress on the rock, as against the surrounding stratified social world, the pride of his own difficult, dangerous, solitary, downgraded trade, expressing his own unease, regret and revenge. An admixture of guilt and pride, which often has come to the surface when the few surviving informants have been called upon to comment on their art, referred to sometimes as a ‘sin’ tout court.1

In this book, through a collection of often groundbreaking essays, we contend that such repertoires of pastoral graffiti, which are often grafted into significant pre- and protohistoric traditions of their own, can be considered in their own merit and profitably studied in at least two important respects. First is the amount of information they provide about the community of writers who have inscribed names, dates, cattle counts, family glyphs and devotional symbols, as well as short messages and diary notations, thus providing us a glimpse into their daily life, their social world and their belief system. Second is the way in which modern graffiti projects into the future a set of conventions established in prehistoric times, so that they can be used with caution, as valuable touchstones for interpreting prehistoric rock art. Not unlike their prehistoric forebears, modern pastoral tags are invariably found to be ‘remote’, ‘random’ and ‘conventional’:

This book collects the essays of authors from different countries presented at the session Pastoral Graffiti: Old World Case Studies in Interpretative Ethnoarchaeology of the 20th International Rock Art Congress, IFRAO2018 entitled ‘Standing on the Shoulders of Giants’ held in Valcamonica, Darfo – Boario Terme (BS) – Italy from 29 August to 2 September 2018.

• remote: Tags are positioned in forbidding sites, difficult to access and to reach out for. These can be the depths of caves or, as in Fiemme, the boulders of distant cliffs, hidden in the middle of steep woodlands, at a distance of some hours’ walk from the village, and up to eight or ten metres high. Evidently, the tags increase in value and prestige according to the relative difficulty of accessing their location. • random: Tags are evidently positioned at random on each chosen surface, which reveals the extemporaneous, unplanned nature of their inscribing, as the outcome of some completely casual, unwarranted drive to write. Tags freely conglomerate close to one another, or even over each other, on certain portions of the surface, while other portions are left void or almost void, for no evident reason. • conventional: Tags are highly conventional in style. Given some wide-ranging, catch-all stylistic conventions, the gamut of individual variations and/ or innovation is very limited, and can be recapitulated with hindsight into very broad categories, covering huge time spans.

The aim of the session, chaired by Giovanni Kezich, Marta Bazzanella and Silvia Sandrone, was to investigate the figurative expression of wandering shepherds from ancient to modern times. These signs that we call ‘graffiti’ can often be fully alphabetic as well as drawing upon ancient symbolic repertoires. In all their forms, they can aid in the interpretation of rock art as a whole genre of human expression, and can be projected back, in their significance and their mode of appearance, to the earliest prehistoric times. Starting from groundbreaking research on the shepherds’ writings of the Val di Fiemme (Trentino, Italy cf. http:// www.scrittedeipastori.it) the session intended to bring together evidence from similar cases in other Eurasian settings, so as to further the specialists’ acquaintance with this still largely unplundered terrain. What binds together all these contributions is their being set in a context of vertical transhumance, i.e. the movement of livestock between higher pastures in summer and lower valleys in winter, a context which over the past fifteen years has increasingly come into the archaeologists’ focus. On this specific topic, this book provides new material from recent surveys, together with studies on the whole

Despite such parallels between prehistoric and modern graffiti, there is, however, one important difference, that is the use of ‘alphanumeric signs’, which makes modern tags accessible in their literal meaning, and is of course unthinkable in a prehistoric context. Also, on rare occasions, as in the case of Fiemme valley, writers may be still alive and willing to cooperate and shed some light on to the concept and the specific motivations behind

1  ‘Here it is, my sin!’, shepherd Ferruccio Delladio, ‘Fero cursòr’ (19282016), said half-jocularly, handling a slab bearing his name tag inscribed in 1940, at age 12 (Delladio, 2015).

2

Introduction des Merveilles tells us in her contribution (‘Trial of the distribution of the shepherds’ writings in the Mont Bego region (Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, France)’), the amount of superimpositions between modern shepherds’ inscriptions (about 5500 drawings and texts, dated since 1836) and picked engravings is very high. To explain this proximity, Mont Bego’s engravings have been analysed in the light of the history of local pastoralism.

range of art on rocks and wood from the Neolithic to the mid-twentieth century. The papers have been arranged keeping the Val di Fiemme in the Eastern Alps as a focal point, and in geographical order, from the farthest sites (Armenia, Abruzzi . . .) to those in the Alps, running across the mountain range from the West (Mont Bego) to the centre (Valcamonica, the Lessini . . .) and finally to the East (Val di Fiemme).

Jules Masson Mourey and Nicoletta Bianchi in their article ‘Moving beyond the Bego God: Some new remarks about the interpretation of the prehistoric engravings of the Vallée des Merveilles and the Val de Fontanalba (Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, France)’ present an overview of the main explanatory propositions of the prehistoric engravings in the Mont Bego region. However, in view of the intrinsic features of the site (isolated, difficult to access, inhospitable), and of its eminently pastoral vocation since the Neolithic, together with some regional ethnographic comparisons, the authors support the idea that the act of engraving might have been connected to the rites of initiation of young boys, which were most likely performed, as it is customary in tribal contexts worldwide, in great remote outdoors such as the summer high-altitude pastures.

Following this order, Franziska Knoll presents a contribution about the petroglyphs and the graffiti of the Syunik highlands in Southern Caucasus, Armenia (‘Petroglyphs and graffiti in the Syunik highlands/Armenia – summer pasture for thousands of years’). The investigated area includes 3493 basalt rocks decorated since Neolithic times. On almost 193 of these rocks, recent graffiti have been detected. The shepherds left on the rocks their names or initials and the year of their visit. Names were written in Cyrillic or Latin alphabet and the dates range from the 1930s to the 1980; portraits, pastoral scenes and objects related to the area also appear. The graffiti provides an immediate insight into local history, when the border between Azerbaijan and Armenia was still open. The aim of the project presented in this paper is to understand the relationship between rock art and landscape. A full record of all natural and man-made features, as well as all petroglyphs, allows for an integrative analysis and interpretation of land use in the context of transhumant pastoralism through the ages.

The contribution of Giorgio Chelidonio (‘Igniting fire under mobile conditions and other Late Neolithic-Bronze Age shepherding traces’) also takes care of some rock engravings of Mont Bego, generally recognized as ‘ritual’ in character, such as those of the ‘Sorcerer’ or the ‘Tribal chief’, starting from a recent finding of a flint tool used as an igniter on the Monte Baldo ridge just north of Verona, at 1734 meters of altitude.

A further contribution outside the alpine range is that of Edoardo Micati (‘Caves and shepherds’ engravings on the Majella mountains’), who presents the engravings left by shepherds on the rocks of the Majella Mountains in the Apennines of Central Italy, and informs us about 300 years of exploitation of this land. On the Majella there existed a double system of transhumance: short distance transhumance of the local communities aiming at the highest pastures looming over the villages, as well as long distance transhumances of big herds, coming from afar and crossing over the mountains on their way to the Apulian coastal plains, who passed through the same places. The engravings that these shepherds left on the rocks represent personal names, often accompanied by dates, village names and various symbols such as the cross, or the monsters they admired on the marble capitals of their village churches, or even the ships they saw at sea once the much-longed-for Apulian shores had finally been reached.

Almost every mountain in the Alps bears traces not only of material culture, settlements, equipped shelters and organized spaces, but also of graphic expressions in the form of engravings, scratchings and paintings, sometimes even in monumental form. This art, as Ausilio Priuli tells us (‘Rock art in relation to pastoral villages in medium and high-altitude sites, in Valcamonica and in the Alps’), is the outcome of a ritual necessity to establish a relation with the world of superior beings and spirits that dwell in the mountains, in the rocks and in everything that surrounds the human being. The evidence of the shepherds’ expressiveness in the Alpine region is indeed quite rich. In the Western Alps, in particular in the Valgrande National Park and in the nearby Natural Park of Veglia Devero, in Piedmont, Fabio Copiatti and Elena Poletti (‘Pastoral graffiti in the Val Grande National Park and in the areas of Natural Parks of Ossola valley: Results of a first mapping’) have tried to trace the chronology of the evidence starting from their mapping of engravings and paintings on rock or wood. The collected examples document the shepherds’ desire to leave traces of their permanence on the mountains through names, dates and diary notes, accompanied by symbols, especially the cross.

Two papers introduce us to the region of Mont Bego (Alpes-Maritimes, France), where more than 36,000 engravings are concentrated between 2000 and 2700 m of altitude. The signs of man on this mountain date back to the Neolithic, protohistory, classical Antiquity and the Middle Ages, but also to early and late modern times, when shepherds left their names, dates and messages on the same rocks inscribed by their prehistoric ancestors. Here, as Nathalie Magnardi of the Musée Départemental 3

Marta Bazzanella and Giovanni Kezich In all these cases, it would appear that the degree of literacy acquired by the villagers was sufficient to allow them an extended usage of writing. Painting is occasionally opted for in presence of hard stones, together with the availability of pigment. Haematite, where available, was in fact used in the Alps not only for graffiti, but also for practical purposes, such as marking livestock or decorating houses with simple patterns.

architectural features. Archaeological findings dating to the final phases of Bronze Age and to historical times were also found and put in connection with pastoral dwellings. Except for a few cases found on the edge of the Lessini highlands, where significant traces of mining activity have been recorded, no traces of writings have been found: this absence, probably due to several reasons, is compared with archaeological and ethnographic data from nearby areas.

Moving towards the Eastern Alps, we find another wellknown prehistoric and protohistoric rock-art complex, that of Valcamonica and its surroundings. In this area ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological researches have been conducted by Gastaldi, Troletti, Bezzi and Migliavacca, who tackle the interpretation of the signs on rocks and not just rocks, on the basis of field observations and the analysis of high-altitude anthropisation in its various forms. In many cases, and for a long time, analysis of stone engravings and depictions from historical times has been poorly regarded by archaeologists, due to the fact that these signs were ‘recent’. Alternatively, in a grossly reductive, sensationalist interpretation, these signs, always overtly Christian in character, were thought to represent a re-sacralisation of pre-existing pagan sites: a very attractive interpretation for the wide readership interested in witchcraft and pre-Christian cults. While such aspects of the fruition of these ancient sites can certainly not be ruled out, they cannot become the key to understanding all engraving phenomena of the Christian era.

Francesco Carrer and Fabio Cavulli, on the bases of documentary sources on spatial distribution, land use and other information, analyse the alpine pastures between the Giau pass and Mondeval, a region with some significant evidence of human activity from Mesolithic to present times (‘Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval (S. Vito di Cadore, Dolomites, Veneto region, NE Italy)’). The main reason for the intense occupation of this area, located between 1900 and 2700 m above sea level, is related to the exploitation of ore resources (galena mining), as well as faunal, forestry and other environmental resources such as animal husbandry and hay-making, replaced today by Alpine hiking. In this area, particular engravings have been detected: compassmade circles, with variable grooves (from large and deep to shallow), often concentric, sometimes organized in geometric patterns or lacking any geometric organization. This type of evidence, which is difficult to date, has few comparable examples and might have been used as boundary markers within the commons of San Vito di Cadore.

Along such lines, Federico Troletti in his contribution (‘Pastoralism and quarrying: possible typological divergences in the production of historical rock art in accordance with the sites intended use’) envisages a clearcut distinction between engravings of shepherds and those of miners in the Valcamonica, which can be represented in terms of ‘figurative’ versus ‘schematic’ rock art.

Lastly a group of four papers deals with the theme of the shepherds’ writings of the Val di Fiemme (Trentino, Italy), which is the specific case study underlying the whole session, after twelve years of research conducted by the Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina (Trentino Folklife Museum). In the Fiemme valley, on a limestone ridge, Mount Cornón, between the mid-fifteenth and mid-twentieth centuries, shepherds made more than 47,500 writings in red ochre. Over time, sheep farming has profoundly changed the natural landscape of these highlands and over 2000 limestone walls bear traces of this economic activity. The writings or ‘tags’ consist of initials, dates, cattle counts, family symbols, pictographs and short messages. The resulting visual effect of this painting activity is that of a kind of rock art reminiscent of other well-known sites such as Mont Bego or Valcamonica. The archaeological investigations carried out on Mount Cornón in two rock-shelters with documented evidence of pastoral activity show the presence of man on this mountain since the Copper and Bronze Ages, a long time before the oldest evidence of pastoral writing on the rocks. To clarify this aspect, more than 5500 depictions have been analysed to find some drawings dating back to more ancient times. Marta Bazzanella discusses these results in her paper (‘A painted mountain: the figurative rock art of the shepherds of the Fiemme valley’), which aims to provide an interpretative model for the shepherds’ figurative art in this as well as many other parietal art contexts in the Alps.

In ‘Beyond cup-marks: Writings, engravings and ethnography in Val Malenco: a first glimpse (Sondrio, Italy)’, Cristina Gastaldi tells us about the development of research on the engravings in some miners’ villages and mountain pastures of the Val Malenco and shows us how engravings are intimately bound to everyday life, to the local crafts and to the social recognition of property. The work of Jessica Bezzi and Mara Migliavacca (‘Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in Valcamonica high pastures’) focuses on the archaeological traces of pastoral exploitation detected on the high pastures of Vione in upper Valcamonica, where it has been possible to outline the history of pastoral activities and that of landscape transformation, from the end of the Middle Ages. These data have been compared with those that have emerged from the Lessini highlands north of Verona. In this area, as Mara Migliavacca points out in her contribution (‘Pastoralism without writing? The case of Monti Lessini’), a systematic field survey was carried out and more than 600 pastoral structures were discovered, recognised and recorded in databases, collecting their geomorphological location and 4

Introduction Rock Art (La Paz, Bolivia, 25-29 June 2013), Boletin del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, 19, 1, pp. 21-33.

Giovanni Barozzi and Vanya Delladio (‘A sign for every shepherd, for every shepherd a family: The signs of the house in the inscriptions of the shepherds of Mount Cornón in Val di Fiemme) focus their contribution on a specific class of symbols, known as the noda or the ‘family sign’, which is frequently featured within some of the graffiti, making it possible to identify unambiguously each of the community lineages.

Bazzanella, M., Kezich, G. and Pisoni, L. (2016) ‘The Pastoral Writings of the Fiemme Valley (1650–1950): Lapidary vs. Extemporaneous Expressions’, in Biagetti, S. and Lugli, F. (eds), The Intangible Elements of Culture in Ethnoarchaeological Research, Springer, pp. 161-168. Bonaventuri, D. and Sani, R. (2019) Antichi graffiti in val di Lima. Guida alle incisioni rupestri del Prato Fiorito e Monte Limano. Lucca: Pro Loco Bagni di Lucca.

The most represented symbols among the depictions of the shepherds of the Fiemme Valley are sacred ones. Mainly they are representations of the cross, but also of the Holy Heart, as well as monograms of Christ and Mary, aedicules and monstrances, all of which express a strong radicalisation of the valley’s devotion. Within settled areas, on the sides of mountain roads and pathways, at crossroads, bridges and stopping stations, there were always erected sacred aedicules, tabernacles and small shrines, to provide reassurance to believers. Therefore, in most cases, the crosses depicted on the rocks of Mount Cornón have been interpreted as gestures of extemporaneous devotion, probably emulating crosses drawn by other shepherds with auspicious intents. The cross is depicted in many different shapes, and Giacomo Fait, Desirée Chini and Marta Bazzanella (‘The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley’) offer in their contribution an in-depth study of its typology.

Brunet, J., Guillamet, E., Plassard, J. and Vidal, P. (1997) ‘L’élimination des graffitis de Rouffignac’, INORA – International Newsletter on Rock Art, 17, pp. 11-15. Chippendale, C. and Baker, F. (eds) (2012) PITOTI Digital rock art from prehistoric Europe: heritage, film, archaeology’, (photographs by Hamish Park). Milano: SKIRA. Delladio, F. (2015) Pastore nel sangue. Ricordi del Fèro Cürsór. Trento: Grafiche Futura. Fabre, D. (2015) ‘Le arti del pastore: scrittura, misura e malinconia’, in Antonelli, Q. and Iuso, A. (eds), Lasciar traccia. Scritture del mondo alpino. Trento: Museo Storico in Trento, pp. 143-176. Giusto Magnardi, N. (1996) Les bergers de Tende au XIXe siècle et leurs écritures rupestres dans la région du mont Bego (Alpes-Maritimes): approche ethnohistorique. Nice: PhD Thesis University of Nice – SophiaAntipolis.

A particular shape of the cross symbol, evoking Mount Calvary with a cross on its summit, is widespread from the sixteenth century in Primiero in Eastern Trentino, as Gianfranco Bettega tells us in his paper (‘The mountain and the cross as centre of the maso’). The symbol is positioned in the centre of the milèsimo – i.e. the date of the construction or re-construction of the maso, the mountain farmstead – and it is carved into the doorframe of its barn. The symbol also finds numerous comparisons with depictions present in the shepherds’ writings of the Fiemme Valley.

Kezich, G. (1999) ‘I poeti pastori del Centro Italia. Angelo Felice Maccheroni e ’, Atti dell’Accademia Roveretana degli Agiati, 249, VII series, vol. IX, A, pp. 147 – 158. Kezich, G. (2013) ‘Il peccato dei pastori. Il graffitismo pastorale fiemmese in prospettiva antropologica. Note di introduzione generale’, in Bazzanella, M. and Kezich, G. (eds), APSAT 8. Le scritte dei pastori: etnoarcheologia della pastorizia in val di Fiemme. Mantova: SAP, pp. 9-20.

The wish of the editors is that, spurred on by the growing interest in ‘writing in public spaces’ worldwide, other case studies may follow, bringing more light to this conspicuous, rich and grossly underestimated field of human expression.

Lebaudy, G. (2006) ‘Gravures et graffiti dans l’expression des pasteurs alpins et provençaux’, in JourdainAnnequin, C. and Duclos, J.-C. (eds), Aux origines de la transhumance des Alpes et la vie pastorale d’ hier et aujourd’hui. Paris: Picard, pp. 25-37.

Bibliography Bazzanella, M., Kezich, G. and Pisoni, L. (2013) ‘Shepherds’ writings and shepherds’ life on Monte Cornón (Valle di Fiemme, Trentino): an ethnoarchaeological perspective’, in Lugli, F., Stoppiello, A.A. and Biagetti, S. (eds), Ethnoarchaeology: Current Research and Field Methods. Conference Proceedings Rome, Italy 13th-14th May 2010. BAR International Series 2472, Oxford: BAR Publishing, pp. 174-180.

Macdonald, M. (in print) ‘Tags from an ancient desert: nomads who used literacy purely for tagging’, (paper presented at the 2nd TAG Conference, Amsterdam, 6-7 december 2018. Martzluff, M. (2019) ‘Roches Ornées, Roches Dressées. Aux sources des arts et des mythes. Les hommes et leur terre en Pyrénées de l’Est’, in Guilaine, J. (ed.), Entre historiographie et souvenirs: Jean Abélanet et les racines du Roussillon. Perpignan: Presses Universitaires de Perpignan, pp. 35-38.

Bazzanella, M., Kezich, G. and Pisoni, L. (2014) ‘Adio pastori! Ethics and aesthetics of an alphabetized pastoral subculture. The case of Fiemme in the Eastern Alps (1680-1940)’. International Congress Archaeology and 5

Marta Bazzanella and Giovanni Kezich Micati, E. (2000) Grotte e incisioni dei pastori della Majella. Pescara: Carsa. Trincheri, R. (1953) Vita di pastori nella campagna romana. Roma: Fratelli Palombi. Vanzetta, G. (1991) Le scritte delle Pizzancae e la ‘cava del bol’. Calliano (TN): Manfrini. Vasari, G. (1913) Vite de’ più eccellenti architetti, pittori et scultori italiani. (1st edn. 1550). Firenze: Adriani Salani Editore.

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1 Petroglyphs and graffiti in the Syunik highlands/ Armenia – summer pasture for thousands of years Franziska Knoll Institut für Kunstgeschichte und Archäologien Europas, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg – Prähistorische Archäologie – Halle (Saale), Germany

Abstract: Today abandoned, this volcanic shaped, alpine steppe was used for grazing sheep flocks during the snow-free summer months at least since the Neolithic times. Within an Armenian– German project all topographic, manmade and rock-art features were documented and mapped in high resolution over two major investigations areas covering a total of 2.4 km². At least 198 out of the 3,493 decorated basalt rocks bear recent graffiti, most of them incised, whereas the ancient depictions were pecked into the varnished surface. Predominantly, the shepherds left their names (or initials) and the year of their visit. The dates given range from the 1930s to the 1980s. Names were written in Latin and Cyrillic alphabet. In combination, some portraits, pastoral scenes and objects related to space (especially rockets) appear. The graffiti provides an immediate insight into the Soviet history, when the border between Azerbaijan and Armenia was open and the highland pastures became populated again after a long time of vacancy. Keywords: Southern Caucasus, alpine transhumance, pastoral graffiti, prehistoric petroglyphs, spatial analysis, GIS/DTM 1.1. Rock art and geology in the Syunik high steppe

resources, which are crucial for animal husbandry.

The Syunik highlands, located in southeastern Armenia, close to the boarder to Nagorno-Karabakh, form part of the Southern or Lesser Caucasus (Figure 1.1). These alpine mountains range between Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and north-western Iran. The Syunik range forms part of a Neogene-Quaternary volcanic belt. The two major volcanos are Mounts Tskhouk and Ishkhanasar, both marking the southern frontier of the territory (cf. Meliksetian, 2013).

The first rock art in Syunik was recorded by a team of the National Academy of Sciences at Yerevan in the 1960s and roughly published (Karakhanian and Safian, 1970). The cited volume contents redrawings of the depicted motifs, although unfortunately a map is missing. Another survey was undertaken und published about ten years ago (Shahinyan, 2010). Shahinyan was the first to locate the main rock-art areas on a contour map. The published petroglyphs, as we know from our extended surveys conducted until 2018, spread at least over an area of 20 square kilometres (Figure 1.2). The most famous or common site is doubtlessly the surroundings of the Ughtasar Lake, which has been under record by an Armenian–English team since 2009 .

The Syunik petroglyph area is one of the at-least seven major petroglyph regions known in the Southern Caucasus so far. The area, investigated within an Armenian–German cooperation project since 2012 (Knoll, 2017; Knoll and Meller, 2015; Knoll et al., 2013), lies between 2,900 and 3,200 m above sea level, thus above the limber line. The landscape is open and can be characterised as volcanic high steppe, shaped by the last glacial period. But the high altitude also means limited access. The extended grasslands can be reached only during the snow free summer months, whereas most time of the year the surface is covered by a compact snow layer (e.g. Wilkinson, 2016). On the other hand, the snow, when melting, leads to sufficient water

The aim of our project was not to collect and present even more depicted panels, but to understand the relationship between rock art and the landscape. To succeed, a full record of all natural and man-made features, as well as all petroglyphs, was needed. Two research areas, both measuring more than one square kilometre and named after the nearby volcanos (Naseli and Sepasar), were chosen and flown by drone. The photographs and measurements 7

Franziska Knoll

Figure 1.1 – The map shows all major and minor petroglyph sites, known from the Armenian part of the Southern Caucasus. The Syunik highlands represents the southernmost petroglyph area in this context and is located close to the border of Nagorno Karabakh in the east (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt, GIS processing T. Rödel, MLU Halle).

cattle or oxen predominantly appear as yoke, pulling four or two-wheeled charts or a travois. Indeed, the high steppe is accessible by these load-carrying vehicles. That means the shepherds as ‘artists’ depicted scenes of their everyday life. Nevertheless, there are complex scenic drawings, as well as map-like features (see Knoll, 2017, p. 79-80). The common idea of ‘bored shepherds’ who pecked in order to relieve their boredom (e.g. Bahn, 2002) as the origin of the petroglyphs should therefore be avoided.

taken provided high resolution, georeferenced areal maps, and digital terrain models (DTM). This huge data base now allows for an integrative analysis and interpretation regarding the land use in the context of transhumant pastoralism through the ages. 1.2. Depictions, distribution and presumable age of the petroglyphs Comparing to other major rock-art sites in Eurasia, the Armenian repertoire of motifs seems quite simple. Within three fieldwork campaigns from 2012 to 2014, 3,500 rocks containing ca. 11,000 single figures were recorded. About half of the depictions can be addressed as animals. With a few exceptions, all are, or once were, native species like ibexes, leopards and other big cats, deer as well as some bears. Goats (in this case Bezoar or Capra aegagrus aegagrus) make up the largest part and are mainly shown as hunting preys. Just in some cases are goats displayed related to the shepherds and their herding dogs. But regardless whether they were hunted or raised, they surely might have been the main source of subsistence for the ancient highland shepherds. Instead,

Contrary to the ‘ancient’ pecked petroglyphs, the recent ones were either incised or – rarer – scratched. In total 198 recent graffiti were documented. They are still clearly visible, because of the less weathering they have been subjected to. Furthermore, the motifs differ (Figures 1.31.4): though sometimes goats do still form part of the recent graffiti, the depictions are more topical and bear relation to current events like the ‘space race’ between the Soviet Union and the United States in the 1960s (cf. Knoll, 2017, p. 80-81) or the Olympic Games in Moscow in 1980. Apart from that, the shepherds left their names or initials and the date of their stay. The dates given range from the 1930s to the 1980s, until the end of the Soviet Union. Comparable 8

Petroglyphs and graffiti in the Syunik highlands/Armenia – summer pasture for thousands of years

Figure 1.2 – Shaded relief map of the Syunik highlands indicating all rock-art surveys conducted so far. The green spaces mark the two vast, aerial documented fields, called Naseli and Sepasar (after the nearby volcanos), which were fully recorded 2012–2014. A third, small area in-between, called Kepas, was also under full record, because of its unique (prehistoric?) depictions. In addition, several surveys were carried out, outlined in green and blue, apart from our own investigations, the Ughtasar Project in the south and several survey fields in grey, published by Shahinyan in 2010 (J, CH, V and GO) are shown (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt, GIS processing T. Rödel, MLU Halle).

All rock art recorded in the Syunik highlands was made by removing the stone surface, either by pecking, scratching, or incising the figures. The term ‘petroglyph’ unites these different techniques at best. The shimmering ironmanganese crust, covering some of the basalt blocks, provides the ‘canvas’ for the pictures. Unfortunately,

graffiti were detected at the rock-art site of Tamgaly, Kazakhstan, by Luc Hermann. During Soviet times, this area was used by the Red Army for military manoeuvres. This is why military subjects, symbols like the red star, or portraits of Lenin appear together with the names and dates of the authors (Hermann, 2012). 9

Franziska Knoll

Figure 1.3 – The diagram represents all 198 modern graffiti documented within the fields Sepasar and Naseli. Most of them bear names and years the shepherds left to perpetuate their visit. Very rare are concrete depictions like portraits or objects.

between petroglyphs and the ‘main road’ crossing the Syunik highlands. Well-placed and good visible boulders, located on waypoints, were used for petroglyphs and graffiti during the millennia (Figure 1.5). Another relationship can be observed between rock art and water. As mentioned above, the yearly melting snow leads to a broad river system and refills the lake basins with water. There is plenty of evidence especially of ancient rock art on the washed-out basalt blocks inside bigger melting water rivers (e.g. the river bed at Naseli, cf. Knoll, 2017, p. 76-77). Other petroglyph concentrations are known to be slightly above the southern banks of the meltwater lake at field Sepasar.

the origins of this type of patina, better known as ‘rock varnish’, are still under geological discussion. Research carried out by Krüger and Borg (2013) provides that the crust, measuring only 0.1 to 0.2 mm in the cross section, is made up of ten or more single layers, differing in their content of iron and manganese minerals. According to the authors, the iron-manganese crust, which of course has to be older than the petroglyphs pecked inside, could probably be dated with the 40Ar/39Ar method, used to detect the geological age of rocks containing manganese oxide. Another promising method to date basaltic lava streams uses cosmogenic 3He isotopes, but the deviation of the generated ages is too large to apply it for archaeological purposes. Nevertheless, this method was used for an absolute dating of the last glacial maximum in the Syunik highlands. A basalt bolder of the last moraines inside the Tsghuk crater (next to Lake Ughtasar) was chosen as a sample. The rock showed glacial polish on its surface and revealed the date of exposure of the sampled surface as 17.0 ± 1.7 Ka (Mkrtchyan et al., 2014, p. 5). This age corresponds with the estimated date for the last glacial maximum from 20,000 to 18,000 BP (Chataigner and Gratuze, 2014, p. 56). Even if there is no direct dating of the rock varnish so far, this date permits a terminus post quem for the petroglyphs, because they use surfaces polished by glaciers and patinated with an iron-manganese crust.

Of course, there is a strong connection between stone structures and the pastoralists, as well as their flocks, which will be discussed further on. In contrast, there seems to be no convincing relationship between the few burial sites, small cemeteries or dwelling-like structures we localized. 1.3. Transhumance and highland pastoralism during the course of time Transhumance or local pastoralism with vertical movement, using high-altitude grass lands as summer pasture, came into archaeological focus within the past fifteen years. Other comparable high alpine mountain ranges like the Alps (e.g. Hafner, Brunner and Laabs, 2017; Mahlknecht, 2006) or the Andean Belt (Capriles and Tripcevich, 2016) have been under interdisciplinary research for years. To detect pastoralism in an archaeological context, the integration of several scientific disciplines is necessary: archaeozoology to determine the livestock’s species as well as the slaughter age, archaeobotany to reconstruct the paleoenvironment, and of course archaeometry as well as sedimentology to track anthropogenic traces (e.g. trampling by micromorphology) and date them.

Of course, the distribution of the petroglyphs is bound to the availability of suitable rock surfaces. Most of the petroglyphs are located in extended boulder streams. These basalt block accumulations, locally called chingils, originated near Upper Pliocene eruptions and formed due to glacial transport and erosion. Their texture is of blocky lava flows (Meliksetian, 2013, p. 250). Few are hidden inside, but the majority are located on the margins of the streams and thus visible to passing people. There is also evidence of a connection 10

Petroglyphs and graffiti in the Syunik highlands/Armenia – summer pasture for thousands of years Bronze Age is marked by a change in mobility patterns, land use, and animal preferences. With the beginning of the Early Bronze Age, or in this case the Early Transcaucasian Culture, Piro (2008) could prove by the examination of animal bones at Sos Höyük, Erzurum, that there was a notable increase of Bos (cattle) in the faunal remains of the site. She was able to detect the same pattern in the faunal assemblages of two contemporaneous Armenian sites: Shengavit and Mokhra Blur, both southwest of Lake Sevan. That means herding strategies changed. Cattle need more grasslands to feed than do goats and sheep. Probably the Caprine were therefore brought to higher altitudes for summer pasture. At the same time, mid-fourth millennium BC, climate changes became visible thanks to pollen records. A sediment core retrieved from the southeastern shore of Lake Sevan, Armenia, shows a change from a more forested zone to an open-land vegetation (Leroyer et al., 2016). Moving forward in time, there is the first written evidence of non-sedentary cattle herders in the Late Bronze Age in the mountainous central Pontus, who according to Hittite texts plundered harvested crops and carried away livestock (Yakar, 2006, p. 51-53). For the Iron and Roman Ages, there is poor evidence of either nomadic or semi-nomadic communities practicing transhumance (Hammer and Arbuckle, 2017, 247). Again, Late Ottoman sources describe Kurdish tribes, called Hayderanlı and Badikanlı, who trekked to the mountains around Lake Van for summer pasture (Yakar, 2006, p. 48-51). Even today this region is highly frequented by mainly Kurdish herders, guiding their cattle to the high-altitude pastures on the lower foothills of the Taurus mountains during the summer months (Thevenin, 2011). Especially the areas southeast of Lake Van and in the Erzurum, as well as in the Kars region, are known as extensive petroglyph sites (see Uyanik, 1974; Sagona and Zimansky, 2009, p. 32-33; Yamaç, 2016). The same ‘combination’ can be observed in major Armenian petroglyph regions: the grasslands of the Gehgama mountain range and the southeastern Aragats slope, east resp. west of Yerevan, are frequented by Yezidi, moving from Iraq with their livestock (mainly sheep) to these grasslands.

Figure 1.4 – Collection of recent graffiti recorded in the Syunik highlands. The few examples illustrate the different techniques used (incising, pecking and scratching) as well as the repertoire of motives: portrait, rockets and knives. But the most important content were the names and dates of stay. The same behaviour is known from any kind of tourist all over the world (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt).

Summing up, the highlands of eastern Anatolia, as well as the western Armenian ones, were used as summer pastures with varying intensity at least from Late Neolithic resp. Chalcolithic to modern times.

A series of works dealing with the different concepts and terms ‘nomadism’, ‘semi-nomadism’ and at least ‘transhumance’ and their applicability to prehistoric conditions (cf. Abdi, 2015; Spindler, 2003) were followed by several case studies carried out in high mountain ranges. Unfortunately, this kind of research has been missing for the Armenian uplands. But taking into account the nearby Anatolian highland, which has been examined quite well up to modern times, some general aspects can be considered. Beginning with the Chalcolithic period, local mobility to seasonal pastures can be attested (Hammer and Arbuckle, 2017, p. 246-247). The transition to the Early

1.4. Traces of shepherds and flocks/herds in Syunik Rock art is, with single exceptions, the only evidence of the presence of pastoralists besides several above-ground structures made of stone. Of course, ceramic sherds, usually scattered all over archaeological sites, are not to be expected in this place. Mobile people don’t move with hard, breakable vessels and containers, but with those made of organic material like wood, leather or textile, which 11

Franziska Knoll

Figure 1.5 – Typical outer block of a boulder stream. Because of their size and the polished plain surface covered with a iron-manganese crust the blocks provide the perfect ‘canvas’ for petroglyphs. This clearly visible example is located on a prominent waypoint, where several paths cross. At least three different ancient pecking phases can be deducted due to overlapping style. On top four recent inscriptions were scratched and incised, dating to the twentieth century (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt, J. Lipták).

Cime de Causéga. Also these high-altitude pastures are known for petroglyph findings. One pecking came into light in the Vallée des Merveilles, showing a kind of mesh or grid structure, which is well comparable to the ground plan of the pens, stuck together and following the natural relief.

will not survive in an archaeological context. Indeed, the survey seasons did not reveal one prehistoric sherd. Single surface findings of medieval ceramic have been made; some tin ware from very modern times can be added. More frequent are obsidian fragments, mainly flakes. But these do not allow for chronological classification and their appearance is no surprise, given that the next deposit is 20 kilometres linear distance away. As well, hard to date are the preserved stone structures. They can be divided into three major categories, all built of dry stone masonry, gathered nearby:

2. Camp sites and dwelling features. The evidence of dwellings, recognisable by the dry stone masonry built at the surface, remains poor. In contrast to the European Alps, the herders in the Southern Caucasus never practiced Almwirtschaft. Almen (stable buildings used as homestead during the summer pasture) in the Austrian Alps can be dated back till the Bronze Age. Most archaeological invested sites account for Roman and Late Medieval times (e.g. Mandl, 2017, p. 43-47). However, apart from these ‘residential’ buildings, several other structures have been documented, mainly hut-like features, consisting of one single small room, either rectangular or rounded. Weishäupl (2014) excavated three of these in the Kühtai, Northern Tyrol. The excavation, combined with radiocarbon dates gained from the sampled soil, have made it possible to determine the chronological setting: two of the rectangular structures were built in the Iron Age. Prior to the excavation, only one up to three, partly fallen inside, dry stone layers were visible on the surface. This

1. Pens, corrals or kraals, surrounded by dry stonewalls with a rounded irregular structure (Figure 1.6). Often several pens were put against each other. Thanks to the cropmarks, their function is easy to figure out. Due to the accumulation of excretion from the penned-in animals, the phosphate concentration is higher than outside. Subsequently, the vegetation grows much better. Unfortunately, there is no scale for measuring how long it takes until the phosphate decreases to the ground level under the regional high steppe conditions. The intensity of the crop marks, therefore, cannot be used to determine when the animals were penned in for the last time. It is worth noticing that Geist (2006, p. 180-182) observed similar pen structures in the French part of the Alps at 12

Petroglyphs and graffiti in the Syunik highlands/Armenia – summer pasture for thousands of years

Figure 1.6 – Typical sequence of animal pens. Due to the higher phosphate content inside the dry stone enclosures, caused by the accumulation of excretion, the crops are growing much higher than outside (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt).

Furthermore, two prehistoric cromlechs are known from the Syunik highlands; they are located about 3 km further to the north, awaiting archaeological investigation.

exact pattern can be observed several dozen times within the Syunik investigation areas. On the other hand, higher masonry, up to seven or eight stone layers, is rare (Figure 1.7). Probably, these were annually reused huts, covered with either wood or blankets. These structures as well could have served as a tent foundation and windbreaker, as known from the Upper Tigris Valley (Hammer, 2014). In order to obtain datable organic material an excavation of some of these simple structures seems promising even for Syunik. But unlike the Alps, the soil conditions in the Caucasian high steppe are problematic. Bioturbation, caused by soil-burrowing animals, is extremely high, such that no soil horizons have been distinguished. So far, we have created a few small trenches in front of petroglyphs in weather-protected sites (sediment traps), but even the micromorphological analysis has not been able to detect anthropogenic depositions.

Neither the supposed prehistoric nor the younger graves have any relation to the petroglyphs or graffiti. All in all, there is very poor evidence of prehistoric burials and rock art in Armenia. Petrosyan and Muradyan (2012) investigated one cromlech from Aghavnatun, dating to the Late Bronze Age; the outer stone ring (re-)used a smaller engraved basalt block. More common seems the connection between this type of burial and another kind of rock art: the so-called vishap, menhir-like dragon stones which may have marked (probably Middle) Bronze Age tumuli (Gilibert, Bobokhyan and Hnila, 2012). A similar lack of connection has to be postulated as well for the combination ‘rock art – dry stone structures’ in the Syunik highlands. Petroglyphs, as well as graffiti, were not realised next to huts and animal pens or vice versa, as the mapping illustrates (Figure 1.10). Moreover, the main distribution areas of older petroglyphs and younger graffiti do not overlap; it is exactly the opposite. That means, the preferred topographic features have changed over time.

3. Burial sites and graveyards are often hard to discern. Most of the graves might not be marked on the surface. Easier to identify are younger Muslim burials, because of their east–west orientation, facing south towards the Mecca. The place where the head laid was often commemorated with a marker stone (Insoll, 2001, p. 129130). In the present case flat stone plates of different shape were placed. During the 2018 field survey we recorded by aerial and conventional photography a big graveyard, containing more than 30 burials (Figures 1.8-1.9).

After all, this is a crucial observation, indicating that rock art in the Syunik pastoral case does not form part of a domestic or religious (related to burial rites) space. 13

Franziska Knoll

Figure 1.7 – Round hut-like structure, built of dry stone masonry. The feature is preserved up to the height of 50 cm and shows an annex (for storage purposes?), still covered by stone slabs, on the left (detail). Probably this structure may have served as an annually reused tent foundation, as comparable stone packings, found in the Upper Tigris Valley, did (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt).

Figure 1.8 – Vertical aerial photograph of the modern graveyard next to the field Kepas (south up). Two bigger, rectangular grave gardens are visible in the right half of the picture. In total about 30 tombs (see Figure 1.9), stone cists and packings were identified (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt, Lukas Fischer).

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Petroglyphs and graffiti in the Syunik highlands/Armenia – summer pasture for thousands of years

Figure 1.9 – Muslim tomb, belonging to the grave yard shown in Figure 1.8. This type of grave is clear to identify, because of its east-west orientation and the marker stone, placed beneath the head of the buried (here left image margin) (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt).

village of Angeghakot. Rescue excavations ahead of the processing open cast mine were conducted here during the early twenty-first century with the involvement of the French ‘Mission Caucase’. The assemblage of findings was extremely rich in obsidian, tools as well as cores. The provenience of every analysed piece points to the Sevkar deposits (Chataigner et al., 2010, pp. 389391). The raw material was either taken from the nearby Vorotan River, washed down from the spring next to the Sevkar deposits, or taken directly from the outcrops. As mentioned above, there still are plenty of small obsidian flakes found on the surface in-between the petroglyphs in the highland pastures. The obvious explanation seems that the prehistoric (as well as historic) herders went to the Sevkar deposits during their summer pasture at the petroglyph fields of Naseli and Sepasar (16 to 17 km linear distance from Godedzor), gathered obsidian blocks for immediate use and took some back down to the settlement in autumn.

Despite that, the depicted basalt blocks were integrated in the shepherds’ daily life, which primarily occurred when the animals were fed by grazing and watered (see above). This might have been the best opportunity for the herders to start pecking or scratching their motifs. But, as mentioned above, the motivations for the petroglyphs are not all about ‘bored shepherds’. 1.5. Trying the big picture: Land use, exploitation and rock art as a part of the pastoral life Combining all considerations, scientific facts and archaeological evidence collected for the Syunik highaltitude pastures, there are some hints that could be described preferably as ‘pull factors’ for moving to the highlands during the summer. Apart from the pastures, several deposits, originated by volcanism, abound. One of the largest obsidian deposits, composed of the sites Bazenk, Sevkar and Satanakar (Chaitigner and Gratuze, 2014, p. 49), is located slightly 20 km north-west of our investigation areas. In fact, other major petroglyph sites in Transcaucasia and Eastern Anatolia, such as in the Geghama and Kars regions, stand out due to obsidian deposits.

Both kinds of cores, pebbles and unweathered small blocks, were not only kept at Godedzor. Some pieces have been recently found at Kul Tepe, Julfa, Iran (Khademi Nadooshan et al., 2013). Obsidian findings with the chemical signature of the Sevkar group are known from some contemporaneous settlements at Lake Urmia (Chataigner and Gratuze, 2014, pp. 63-64). The other way round, Ubaid-like painted ware was brought to light during the excavations at Godedzor. Finally, there are

In the case of our petroglyph site at Syunik, a local exploitation of obsidian resources is proven by findings at the Chalcolithic (stable) settlement site of Godedzor, located about 1700 m above sea level and west of today’s 15

Franziska Knoll

Figure 1.10 – Digital terrain model of the field Sepasar. All recent graffiti (green), artificial stone structures (black; pens and foundations) and stone cairns that might have served as markers (pink) are mapped together. It is striking that there is a connection between cairns and pens. But all rock art, ancient petroglyphs and recent graffiti do not correlate with the distribution of the stone structures. Moreover, the core areas of petroglyphs and graffiti do not overlap. This might indicate a change in spatial land use over time (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt, GIS processing T. Rödel, MLU Halle).

16

Petroglyphs and graffiti in the Syunik highlands/Armenia – summer pasture for thousands of years alphabet in Soviet Azerbaijan, which was used until the USSR collapsed in 1991. But the Azeri summer pasture ended earlier. The youngest date given on a graffiti dates back to 1989, which marks exactly the first year of the Karabakh Conflict, which remains unresolved until today. Because of its vicinity to the Karabakhian border, the Syunik highlands remained abandoned for the next almost 40 years.

petroglyphs in the closer surroundings of the Godedzor settlement showing depictions similar to those in the Syunik high-altitude areas. The exchange of goods in both directions over long distances might imply that there was a kind of regular trade over a range of more than 150 km linear distance from Syunik to north-western Iran at the end of the fifth / beginning of the fourth millennium BC. Maybe the exploitation of obsidian was an important factor in spending the summer on the mountain pastures. Of course, only the climatic changes at the beginning of the Subboreal enabled the vertical movement (see above). Shifting in time, during the Early Bronze Age, namely the Kura-Araxes Culture or the Transcaucasian Early Bronze Age (chronologies cf. Wilkinson, 2014, p. 30; for Armenia: Avetisyan and Bobokhyan, 2012, p. 18), a considerable increase in the use of high altitudes becomes visible. One reason for the enhanced mobility might be the required metal for bronze casting. Wheeled transport must have played an important role, even to reach the high altitudes (Sagona, 2013). Actually, about 50 known vehicle depictions in the Syunik high ranges do reflect this.

Since the summer of 2016, the shepherds have returned to the Syunik highlands and the vast pastures are under use again. During our last field survey in August 2018, we had the opportunity to meet some of them. According to their accounts, all ‘new shepherds’ come from the Goris region, which is still in Armenia, but about 40 km to the southeast. They herd respectable sheep flocks on behalf of the flocks’ owners, who remain in Goris and pay for this service. The shepherds, usually travelling in a community of two or three guys, move to the Syunik area for summer pasture and to lower lands, close to the Iranian border, for winter. While in the Syunik highlands, they change their campsite once or twice in order to provide sufficient pastures for grazing.

The use of the highlands continued during the Middle Bronze Age (ca. 2400 to 1500 BC). For this period the best stylistic comparisons between the petroglyphs and other type of finds are known. Ceramic vessels, found mainly in rich burials beside the shore of Lake Sevan, show painted animal friezes with the same repertoire: goats, deer and cattle. Few of them are not painted (black on red), but pecked, just like the petroglyphs are (Knoll et al., 2013, p. 228).

Within the recorded area of Sepasar, two campsites, used in 2016 and 2017, were documented. Both situated east and west of the meltwater lake, they look very similar, but are not the same size. They are composed of a rectangular pen, delimited by a metal fence in the north (close to the water), a hut-like tent constructed by a metal frame and covered by plastic planes, and two or three fire places for different purposes, like heating water, heating milk and producing cheese (Figures 1.11 and 1.12). Both campsites show no permanent structures at all. That means, the recorded dry stone walls must date to earlier periods.

Passing on to the subsequent Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages, any kind of clear evidence of land use in the Syunik high range has been lacking so far. But this can result from the continuity in style and technique of producing petroglyphs. The same gap must be postulated for all following historical periods. Unlike eastern Anatolia, for example (as discussed above), the engagement with written sources is still to be carried out, with a special regard to seasonal movements and the use of high-altitude pastures in the Armenian uplands. The next period for which we can reconstruct land use is the Soviet Era. The Soviet Union (USSR) was established in 1922. At that time all borders between the member states were open. That meant the highland pastures – where no visible borders existed unlike today – were frequented even by shepherds from other states. In the case of the Syunik highland, this circumstance becomes comprehensible by reading the pastoral graffiti. Most of the names written are of Azeri origin. The typical names imply that Azeri people from the close-by Azerbaijan resp. Nagorno Karabakh moved west to spend the summer with their herds in the Syunik highlands. This assumption may be confirmed by the years in which many petroglyphs were made and the different alphabets used. The oldest inscription with a year mentioned is from 1934 (see Figure 1.4). This date could mark the beginning of Soviet land use. The name is written in Latin alphabet, which was used until 1939 (e.g. Hatcher, 2008). This year marks as well the change to the Cyrillic

This short ethnoarchaeological record furthermore points out that these purely removable campsites leave almost no potential archaeological features. The only surviving structures are the loose stone rows used to fix the planes with cords, and, if erected, the stone frame for the herds (Figure 1.13). Acknowledgements Initiated in 2012, this project could not have been realised without a huge number of involved German and Armenian institutions, colleagues, students and friends, who gave their scientific input and sometimes the moral support needed. I am grateful to the German Foreign Office and to the Federal State of Saxony-Anhalt for their financial support over the past years. For this publication I am indebted especially to the team of the 2018 survey: Ruben Davtyan, Jonathan Schulz, Bagdasar Azoyan, guiding us safe and defending us against the shepherd’s dogs, and Lukas Fischer, who carried tons of technical support with him to supply aerial photographs, Structure from Motion files and movies. Furthermore, I want to thank Tim Rödel, Halle University, who spent one year of work with me to proceed the mappings in ArcGIS. 17

Franziska Knoll

Figure 1.11 – Vertical aerial photograph of a campsite, installed in 2016 or 2017, documented in 2018 (south up). It was placed directly west of the lake in the field Sepasar. Although it was covered by snow once or twice the removed structures are still visible on the ground: the pen, the tent (measuring 5.10 to 3.80 m) and two fire places (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt, Lukas Fischer).

Figure 1.12 – Campsite in the Syunik highlands in August 2018. The plastic blankets cover a simple, hut-shaped metal framework and are fixed by white plastic ropes, which are tied around big stone blocks, laid on the ground. Behind the tent, which is of comparable size with the documented groundplan at the field Sepasar (see Figure 1.11), the L-shaped, fenced-in sheep pen is visible (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt).

18

Petroglyphs and graffiti in the Syunik highlands/Armenia – summer pasture for thousands of years

Figure 1.13 – Campsite Sepasar west, facing north, in the direction of the meltwater lake. In the foreground fire place 1 and the stones, used for fixing the plastic tent cover, are visibile. The plastic cords used for that purpose are still placed (detail bottom right). These stone rows as well as fire place 2, with a stone construction for cooking purposes (top right), is all that will ‘survive’ (©LDA Sachsen-Anhalt).

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Knoll, F. and Meller, H. (2015) ‘Goats – as far as the eye can see. Recording Rock Art in the Syunik highlands (Armenia)’, in: Troletti, F. (ed) Prospects for the prehistoric rock art research. 50 years since the founding of Centro Camuni. Proceedings of the XXVI Valcamonica Symposium, September 9 to 12, 2015. Capo di Ponte: dizioni del Centro, pp. 153-158. Available at: https://www.ccsp.it/web/SITOVCS2015/ programma%20e%20pdf%20vari/pdf_articoli/ Knoll&Meller.pdf

Piro, J. (2008) ‘Pastoral economies in Early Transcaucasian communities from the mid-4th to 3rd millennium BC.’, in Vila, E. (ed) Archaeozoology of the Near East VIII. Actes des huitièmes Rencontres internationales d’Archéozoologie de l’Asie du Sud-Ouest et des régions adjacentes. Lyon: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée Jean Pouilloux, 2008, pp. 451-463.

Knoll, F., Meller, H., Figur, B., Knoche, G., Schunke, T., Dresely, V., Avetisyan P., Koiki, T., Lipták, J. and Poppe, A (2013) ‘Die Felsbilder im Hochland von Syunikʼ, in Meller, H. and Avetisyan, P. (eds) Archäologie in Armenien II. Halle (Saale): Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte, pp. 209-230.

Sagona, A. (2013) ‘Wagons and carts of the TransCaucasus’, in Tekin, O., Sayar, M.H., Konyar, E. (eds) M. Tarhan Armağani, Taner Tarhan’a Sunulan Makaleler – Essays in Honour of M. Taner Tarhan. Istanbul: Ege Yayınları, pp. 277-279.

Krüger, M. and Borg, G. (2013) ʻDes Künstlers Leinwand. Charakterisierung von Eisen-ManganKrusten der Felsbilder aus dem Hochland von Syunik, Südost-Armenienʼ, in Meller, H. and Avetisyan, P. (eds) Archäologie in Armenien II. Halle (Saale): Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte, pp. 235-243.

Sagona, A. and Zimansky, P. (2009) Ancient Turkey. London: Routledge. Shahinyan, S. M. (2010) Petroglyphs and ancient symbols of Armenian highland. Yerevan: Zangak-97.

Leroyer, C., Joannin, S., Aoustin, D., Ali, A.A., Peyron, O., Ollivier, V., Tozalakyan, P. Karakhanyan, A. and Jude, F. (2016) ‘Mid Holocene vegetation reconstruction from Vanevan peat (south-eastern shore of Lake Sevan, Armenia)’, Quaternary International, 395, pp. 5-18.

Spindler, K. (2003) ‘Transhumanz’, Preistoria Alpina, 39, pp. 219-225. Thevenin, M. (2011) ‘Kurdish Transhumance: Pastoral practices in South-east Turkey’, Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice, 1 (23), pp. 1-24. Available at: http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/1/1/23

Mahlknecht, M. (2006) ʻDer Brandopferplatz am Grubensee (Vinschgau-Südtirol). Prähistorische Weidewirtschaft in einem Hochtalʼ in Mandl, F. (ed) Alpen – Archäologie, Almwirtschaftsgeschichte, Altwegeforschung, Dendrochronologie, Felsbildforschung, Geomorphologie, Geschichte,

Uyanik, M. (1974) Petroglyphs of Southeastern Anatolia. Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt. 20

Petroglyphs and graffiti in the Syunik highlands/Armenia – summer pasture for thousands of years Weishäupl, B. (2014) ʻSteinstrukturen, Hufeisen und Freischurftafeln. Bilanz der Ausgrabungen im Kühtaier Wörgetal 2010 und 2011ʼ, in Andergassen, L., and Frick, M. (eds) Conservatum est. Festschrift für Franz Caramelle zum 70. Geburtstag. Schlern-Schriften 363. Innsbruck: Wagner, pp. 457-474. Wilkinson, T.C. (2014) Tying the threads of Eurasia. Transregional routes and material flows in Transcaucasia, eastern Anatolia and western central Asia, c. 30001500BC. Leiden: Sidestone Press Dissertations. Wilkinson, T.C. (2016) ‘Steps Toward the Study of Seasonality and Trade’, ArchAtlas, (Version 4.1). Available at: http://www.archatlas.org/occpaper/ Wilkinson.php [Accessed: 10 January 2017] Yakar, J. (2006) ‘Traits of Nomadic People: Ethnoarchaeological and Archaeological Research in Turkey’, in Hauser, S. R. (ed) Die Sichtbarkeit von Nomaden und saisonaler Besiedlung in der Archäologie. Mitteilungen des SFB ‘Differenz und Integration’ 9. Halle (Saale): Orientwissenschaftlichen Zentrum der Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, pp. 4563. Yamaç, A. (2016) ‘Volcanic Caves & Petroglyphs of Borluk Valley’, Kars Filippi, M. and Bosák, P. (eds) 16th International Congress of Speleology. Czech Republic, Brno July 21–28, 2013. Praha: Czech Speleological Society, pp. 168-169.

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2 Caves and shepherds’ engravings on the Majella mountains Edoardo Micati Independent researcher

Abstract: On the Majella mountain the migration of sedentary shepherds to summer pastures and the transhumance of big herd firms to the same places allowed for a complete study of these two aspects of sheep farming. The pastoral sites, realised in caves and in rockshelters, present different typologies according to the permanence of the shepherds in the sites even during the night. The engravings left on the rocks by the shepherds acquaint us with 300 years of their history. Looking at these engravings, we discover these shepherds cursing the mountain or expressing their happiness for their departure. The engravings represent crosses, monsters they had admired on the capitals of their village churches and the big ship they saw during their long transhumance trips towards the sea of Puglia; but they wrote many names, many dates and the names of their villages. All these engravings deserve our attention and are the signs of on ancient world which has disappeared. Keywords: Sheep farming, Caves, Engravings, Majella, Summer pasture 2.1. The places of the engravings

to find engravings: sometimes this is due to the ground being so poor of emerging rocks, but other times it is due to the extreme hardness of the rocks, or on the contrary, to its extreme friability. The Majella limestone, after having scratched its grey surface, can be easily hollowed, showing its tender and white insides. But there are also other reasons not connected with the type of ground. Almost all the engravings belong to shepherds who came from a faraway land and it was quite spontaneous for them to write their names in such places so far from home. Truth is that pilgrims generally tend to write their name in sanctuaries quite far from home, for a need of privacy, feeling some sort of shame towards their fellow villagers. That’s why we find a very low percentage of local shepherds’ names, even though the shepherds who climbed to those summer pastures were in fact numerous (Figure 2.4 and Figure 2.5).

On the Majella Mountain, the migration of sedentary shepherds to those summer pastures situated near caves, together with the transhumance of big herd firms to higher pastures, are of great importance, and allow for a complete study of these two aspects of sheep farming. The pastoral sites, realised in caves and in shelters situated under rocks, present different typologies of enclosure made with dry stones and scrub pine branches, changing according to the possible permanence or not of the shepherds during the night (Figures 2.1-2.2). The engravings that the shepherds left on the rocks enable us to become acquainted with 300 years of their history: it’s a story of poor people, of their sufferings and loneliness (Figure 2.3).

2.2. Interpreting the engravings

Looking at these engravings, we discover these shepherds cursed the mountain, or expressed their relief for their departure. The engravings represent various subjects, such as crosses, or the monsters they admired on the capitals of their village churches, or even a big ship they saw during their long transhumance trips towards the sea of Puglia; but the engravings represent their home as well, and the shepherds wrote again and again many names, many dates, and the name of their villages.

We are often quite astonished when we find some perfectly plain rocks, situated in dominating positions, completely empty, without any sign. On the other hand, we happen to find by chance a name or a date on a very small spiky rock, suddenly emerging from a pasture. Actually, we find engravings almost everywhere, although some zones are limited and particularly concentrated: they are crucial points in the road network, from where there is a dominating view of the valleys below, or lonely stops in the pastures. Some of these places seem to be particularly important as if the pastoral society transformed them into sanctuaries by continuing to repeatedly engrave on the rocks; other rocks quite close to these particular areas have been completely ignored.

All these engravings deserve our attention: they are the signs of on ancient world which has disappeared and to whose passing we didn’t pay any attention! On the other mountains in Abruzzo, representing other summer destinations of the pastoral society, it is quite rare 23

Edoardo Micati

Figure 2.1 – Pastoral cave La Cavaliere in the Pennapiedimonte (Pescara) valley (photo E. Micati).

The phenomenon of engravings, which we find distributed across several centuries, in many places of the massif, reveals a recent and quite interesting aspect, limited to a particular zone of the west Majella, and only for a period of few decades. The whole zone included between the 800 m of Piano delle Cappelle and the 1100 m of the Neviera (Serramonacesca-Pescara) presents some rupestrian inscriptions dating from the second part of past century to the first decade of the current one. Sedentary shepherds used this area till the end of the eighteenth century, but the eversion of feudalism, the crisis of sheep farming, and a remarkable demographic increase during the first half of the nineteenth century increased the cultivation of all arable lands, even using terrace cultivations that reached an altitude of 1400 m. The farmers were in need of soil and so adapted to cultivate in a desert of stones. After the Second World War, all those agricultural grounds were abandoned and became once more pasture land for shepherds who lived in the villages nearby (Lettomanoppello and Serramonacesca). Nevertheless, quite soon the few pastoral farms entrusted their flocks to shepherds coming from Eastern Europe, especially from Albania and Macedonia. To confirm what happened on the high mountain pastures during the past centuries, in this case we find that the authors of the engravings are extraneous to the local communities. Here

Figure 2.2 – Pastoral cave La casa delle rondini (The swallows’ home) on the mountain at Lama de’ Peligni (Chieti; photo E. Micati).

24

Caves and shepherds’ engravings on the Majella mountains

Figure 2.3 – A shepherd preparing cheese in his cave (photo E. Micati).

Figure 2.4 – An engraving with some names, some dates and a mythical beast drawing (photo E. Micati).

25

Edoardo Micati About 10 cm to the right, we find a female half-length figure, deeply engraved in the rock; it is 41 cm high and 29 cm large. The figure is quite elementary, almost a child drawing. According to an informer, this figure once presented prominent breasts, now disappeared. In the central part of the rock we find a little chiselled zone where, according to the informer’s words, there were two little engraved figures, now completely disappeared. The last figure is preceded by some engravings not very comprehensible today. It is a male figure, in the same position as the first one, but of bigger dimensions: it’s 46 cm high, 24 cm large and it sticks out of the rock for around 10 cm. In this figure too, the testicles are evident. This engraving reveals the shepherd’s sufferings for his absence from home. Bibliography Micati, E. (2000) Grotte e incisioni dei pastori della Majella. Pescara: Carsa Edizioni.

Figure 2.5 – An engraving of a crowned double-eagle attacking a sheep dog (photo E. Micati).

too, we find names, dates, and the countries of origin. Interesting drawings which reflect our age testify to the recent events between Serbs and Albanians. In fact, the double-headed eagle has been found in three sites, engraved on the rocks with the mark U. C. K.: meaning Ushtria Çlilimtare e Kosovës, the name of the Albanian army for the liberation of Kosovo (Figure 2.6). 2.3. A particular representation The most interesting evidence engraved on the rocks of this area has probably been left by a Slavonic shepherd. In fact, they were the only ones who made this kind of engraving: figures engraved on the vertical frontage of a large rocky stone, 6 m long and 70-200 cm high. Only one of these figures is complete; others have suffered great damage by men or passing time. The figures are connected to each other thanks to an engraved, curved base, forming a kind of small channel (Figures 2.7-2.8). Starting from the left, the shortest side of the rocky front, we find a nude male figure with his back to us. Turned to the rocky wall, it shows his nudity. The figure, deprived of its head, is 36 cm high on the complete side; 10 cm wide, and stretches out from the rocky basis about 6 cm; the testicles are clearly visible. 26

Caves and shepherds’ engravings on the Majella mountains

Figure 2.6 – The Albanian flag’s symbol with U. C. K. inscription (photo E. Micati).

Figure 2.7 – A rocky relief with bas-relief figures (photo E. Micati).

27

Edoardo Micati

Figure 2.8 – A detail of the bas-relief (photo E. Micati).

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3 Trial of the distribution of the shepherds’ writings in the Mont Bego region (Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, France) Nathalie Magnardi Independent researcher, Musée départemental des Merveilles, Tende (F)

Abstract: The region of Mont Bego (Alpes-Maritimes, France) is known as a major rock-art concentration in western Europe with some 36,000 pecked engravings (or ‘protohistoric’) and thousands others incised concentrated at approximately 2500 meters high. Pecked engravings are dated to Neolithic, lato sensu; the incised engravings form a much more heteroclite and diachronic group: construction lines for weapons figurations (Neolithic), arboriforms (Protohistory, Antiquity, Middle Ages), surnames and shepherds’ inscriptions (early and late modern period). The spatial correlations, between shepherds’ inscriptions and pecked engravings is very high: three-quarters of these historical engravings are on the same rocks as Neolithic engravings. To explain this correlation, Mont Bego’s engravings have been studied with a particular attention to the history of pastoralism and relative contexts of graphical expressions. First, we focus on shepherds’ engravings and related ethnological data, then we examine the more ancient periods: pecked and ‘schematic-linear’ engravings, indexes of anthropic pressure, etc. Keywords: Alps, Mont Bego, pastoralism, rock art, engravings, shepherds’ writings.

3.1. Introduction

on the right bank of the lakes is reserved for the Saorgiens (Figure 3.1).

From Antibes to Ventimiglia, in the French and Italian Riviera, Mont Bego stands out with its massive silhouette among the distant peaks. The Roya Valley throws its eponymous 59-kmlong river amid the tight gorges of the region.

This pasture is separated from the commune of Tende; it is an undivided land and has a lazaret function which, thanks to the veterinary progress, converted it into a mountain pasture for the ‘poor’, i.e. those who cannot afford to gather enough to rent a bandit. However, the access dates are the same, with the obligation to access from the 24th to the 30th of June and to leave by the 29th of September at the latest.

Since 5500 BC, during spring, Neolithic shepherds have been moving their cattle up this valley, naturally leading them to its growing and green grass. At the end of June, after several days of walking, the shepherds could take advantage of the highest mountain pastures, to then descend in mid-October, keeping the same pace until they reached the seaboard coast again, well into autumn.2

3.2. Description The engravings of the so-called ‘historical periods’, counting at around 6,000, are incised with a metal tool presenting a fine line. However, these engravings, here called historical (chronological name), linear (technical name), or popular (cultural name), are frequent from the sixteenth century onwards, and lasted until about 1970. Several corporations have expressed themselves extensively through them (Figure 3.2):

The appellation vallée des Merveilles, valley of Wonders, is a recent and touristy appellation. For the inhabitants of the municipality of Tende, this pasture is called Inferno, alias Hell. It is an altitude land undivided between Tende and Saorge, and since the thirteenth century it has been home to sick cattle (sheep and goats) from both communities. Of the lakes present on the slope, the soil of the left bank is owned by the Tendasques. On the other hand, the Ubac

• the clergy and pilgrims who came to ‘Christianise’ the place; • the Lettrés, the literati (sixteenth to eighteenth century), with their signatures, coats of arms and emblems; • sailors passing by, depicting their boats (sixteenth to twentieth century);

 The bandit is a system of mountain pasture rental. This is strictly speaking a right of ‘depaissance’ on the growing grass, but whose legal definition is complex. 2

29

Nathalie Magnardi

Figure 3.1 – Mont Bego regions map (from Magnardi and Breteau, 2005). Mont Bego surrounded by the engraved sectors of Merveilles, Fontanalbe, Valmasque and Sabion.

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Trial of the distribution of the shepherds’ writings in the Mont Bego region (Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, France)

Figure 3.2 – Photos of different historical engravings; schematic or pagan, navals, religious and shepherds (photo N. Magnardi)

Thus, there is a total of 6,000 historical engravings; it is on the example of the remaining 4,000 that we decided to base our statistics.

• the military (late fifteenth to mid-twentieth century); • the shepherds who left drawings and texts (midnineteenth to mid-twentieth century); and • finally, a whole series of travellers, peddlers, smugglers, hunters, dam workers, foresters, surveyors and curious wanderers (often leaving their initials). • Besides those, are also present the so-called ‘schematic’ engravings, presenting a sacred character (inscribed from the Iron Age to the pagan periods).

The study of historical engravings was initiated in 1991,3 and I quickly focused on the writings and drawings of the shepherds, developing a thesis by 1996. Of the 6,000 historical engravings, 58 per cent are drawings and 42 per cent are texts (half of which were written by the shepherds, while almost a quarter were also drawn). In total, pastoral engravings represent a third of the historical engravings; we have reported that, to date, 993 texts have been recorded, left by 102 shepherds in two sectors of the Merveilles (dated 1836 to 1986), to which are to be added another 1065 pastoral inscriptions by anonymous writers. It is on the basis of these figures that we have developed our findings.

The heterogeneity of the themes, their periods and distributions, as well as their quantity, led us to subtract from the study: • military representations, not very representative of a defined path (about 500 badges and texts scattered according to the factions to which the men belonged); • the engravings of the Lettrés (divided into the heterogeneous categories of ‘blazon’, ‘weapon’, ‘initials’ or ‘texts’, and therefore not counted within their group); • ‘initials and dates’ of whose authors’ nature is often not known and distributed in a disorderly manner (about 1300 engravings).

This research was of course supported by numerous interviews with families of shepherds, archival research,   Under the scientific direction of Henry De Lumley, director of the Musée e l’Homme and then the Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle. 3

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Nathalie Magnardi 3.4. Methodology

and detailed observations, but above all by the friendship born with Pierrin Palma, a shepherd in Inferno. At my request, he accompanied me along some paths and named many rock shelters, called Gias,4 which he had seen both inhabited and not. So, in 1998, I started a survey and a precise inventory of the shelters and enclosures of Inferno’s pasture. A specific typology has emerged (based on orientation, environment, constitution, etc.), and some of these huts have been probed and in fact revealed, without surprise, archaeological and historical material, testifying to their use over time. The human intervention, observed by the elevation of low walls, the pavement on the ground, and the construction of enclosures, are all decisive elements for their authentication (Figure 3.3).

In 1948, archaeologist Carlo Conti circumscribed the 12 km2 site, outlined by the natural boundaries (the ridge and stream bank) into 21 zones divided into groups. Each rock has a number completed with the group and zone number (Conti, 1972). This numbering, although very suitable to studying the engravings, does not take into account the diverse typology of the terrain from a pastoral point of view, i.e. coherent in regards to the elaboration of a daily route, which would change every day. Before, when several shepherds lived together in Inferno, the elders one would enjoy the nearest pastures. Indeed, it would be the shepherd to opt for an early morning milking and to guide his animals, but it was sometimes also the animals themselves which would induce this daily choice.

A large majority of the shelters used in historical times are near the lakes, in the southern zone of the pasture, an area of flat land, water and firewood. Unfortunately, the geological regularity of the fine sandstone in this area has limited the shepherds’ acts of engraving.

All the historic and protohistoric shelter engravings are included in surveys, plans, description sheets and photographs and are, with the paths, positioned by GPS and then plotted on a background map, allowing us to see both an initial global vision of the distribution on the site and whether it responds to a logical concentration or distribution similar to that of the marked engravings.

3.3. Postulate Each shepherd thus makes a daily journey starting from his hut or shelter, a trip consisting of ‘passage’ zones, ‘grazing’ zones and ‘stubble’ zones, on the way up and down to the grazing area, forming a loop constantly renewed depending on the weather conditions.

J. Bégin (2017, p. 45) explains in his book: ‘We had highlighted [. . .] that engravers had very often selected the surfaces they engraved, giving priority to certain petrostructural types of the rock (fineness, hardness, schistosity . . .). In particular, only surfaces perpendicular to the schistosity [..] were used, for reasons of cohesion and resistance to erosion’.

A good route would consist, first of all, in making the herd drink, climbing with the sun on the back while grazing here and there, resting in the shade of the rocks from 11 am to about 3 pm, then resuming the ascent of the grassy valleys. At around 5-6 pm, the descent is made through another access, in order to be able to carry out the second milking at the hut before night (this until the end of July). Several generations of entire families of shepherds have engraved their names with a sharp or chiselled metal tool on the rocks surrounding them on their route (starting from the 1920s).

Hence, the schistosity, perpendicular to the surface to be engraved, seems as an essential element, and the general orientation of most of the engraved blocks is south, southeast. However, the distribution of the engravings, in addition to the choice of the support, is subjected also to other imperatives; for example, the choice of the pattern, which could have been made according to the place, or the choice of the colour of the rock (the reds being the preferred ones). Moreover, the majority of rocks chosen to be written on are those on the edge of the path, with the smooth side well exposed to the eye, and those that can be engraved while in a comfortable way: sitting, squatting or kneeling. Finally, it is the edges of the rocks that are preferably engraved for historical (and protohistoric) engravings.

The study of the distribution of pastoral engravings, that of the shelters, and the paths used (determined by three shepherds of the site) will be our research postulate. There is an overlap between protohistoric engraved rocks (and what possible theme stands out) and those from the nineteenth / twentieth centuries; we already know that 82 per cent of the latter are on surfaces already marked during protohistory. Let us not forget that ‘graffiti’ tend to gather, juxtapose and overlap everywhere in the same places. Besides this anthropological evidence, the movements on this steep and uneven terrain induce in many places easier, if not even ‘force’ passages (Figure 3.4).

Eighty-two per cent of the historical engravings are on rocks already engraved. Also, during protohistory, very few of these incisions were isolated on a rock. And, as for the remaining 18 per cent, most of them are rocks collecting dated names, such as the concentrations found on the Ciappes (also called ‘whale backs’; it is a local term that indicates large smooth rocky plateaus) or on the peaks, etc. The topography of the terrain, composed of many

In 1722, in a municipal council decision, it was settled to designate ‘small rudimentary dry-stone huts covered with branches or sheepskins and attached to a rock. These Gias are most often built on the adrets, in the vicinity of streams.’ Dr. Henry, on an excursion in 1877 to Les Merveilles, adds that ‘Le Gias, is a meeting of huts or shelters, covered with larch bark.’

4 

32

Trial of the distribution of the shepherds’ writings in the Mont Bego region (Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, France)

Figure 3.3 – Photo of the shepherd Pierrin Palma (Photo Daniel Ponsard) and ‘Gias’ (photo N. Magnardi)

Figure 3.4 – Rock marked with protohistorical and historical engravings (photo N. Magnardi)

33

Nathalie Magnardi grassy valleys, favours natural slopes that were used in protohistory, and are still in use today (although landslides may have modified some routes). The movements of the shepherds do not correspond to those of an excursionist or a traveller; thus, some slopes (especially in ridges) seem to have been abandoned or are used very little today by shepherds.

or in groups. Consisting of large slabs bordered by grassy valleys, it is ‘dangerous for grazing’ as the engraving of a shepherd says, and not very appropriate for herding, so it is a poorly marked area, except along the path leading to zone IV, and down to the river. Also zones VII and VI have almost the same percentage of pastoral engravings.

3.5. The distribution of historical and pastoral engravings

Zone VII, a very narrow area, surrounds the trail Lac des Merveilles and the stream. It is a bit of a ‘must’ fast passage. However, it contains only 7 per cent of the shepherds’ texts and the same percentage of initials. It is a typical crossing area, in which one does not park, and crosses without stopping for a long time, since not very suited to rest.

Let us first look at the distribution of the religious, boat and schematic engravings. Half of them are in zone IV, in the neighbouring valley of La Vésubie, leading through the Pas de l’Arpette to the church of Notre-Dame des Fenestres, where many processions were held. Of these three types of ‘sacred’ engravings, there are very few traces on the ascending path (zones V, VI, VII), very few on the left bank (zones IX, X, XI), and an insignificant number at the valley bottom (zone XII).

Zone V is an awkward area, consisting of many small plateaus and sloping valleys which are more like accesses or climbs; there is only 6.5 per cent of pastoral inscriptions here.

On the other hand, the distribution of shepherds’ engravings shows a good distribution in all areas. The writings of the shepherds, classified in descending order, do not give the same classification as all the historical engravings, and are divided according to zones: IV, X, XI, V, VIII, VII, VI, XII and IX.

Zone XII is a crossing zone to go to Valmasque but also a sort of dead end, since it represents the northern border of Hell’s Pasture. Located in the north-western part of the Merveilles Valley, this vast area, rich in pelites and sandstone schists, climbs to Lac des Conques and to the top of the Grand Capelet through steep valleys. Only goat herds would appreciate its heights and large slabs (5.6 per cent of the registrations).

Zone IV was one of the most important areas, in both historical and Neolithic times, because it was, already back then, one of the largest grazing areas (it includes the slopes leading to the Pas de l’Arpette). Consisting of grassy and slightly rocky valleys, it is rich in schist in the form of walls or blocks on the ground. As much as 36.5 per cent of the shepherds’ engravings are present here.

Zone IX is the last of the areas to be marked by shepherds, with 8 inscriptions. Since it corresponded for a long time to a militarised zone, on the left banks of the two Lac Long Supérieur and Lac Long Inférieur, it also includes many sandstones and sandstone shales that have not been incised by shepherds. Although this area generally shelters shepherds’ huts, it was a fast passage, a starting and finishing point that shepherds did not care about, since they weren’t rooted here.

Next comes zone X (and not zone VIII since with other historical incisions) with 13 per cent. Zone X covers the left bank of Lac des Merveilles, at the foot of Mont Bego, grassy plateaus in the middle of slabs and scree. It is a small area with a big difference in altitude, appreciated by goat herds, but also with nutritious herbs for sheep. It is also a ‘corridor’ crossed to get further down into the valley, or across to the right bank.

Zones IV, X and XI are the most marked, but also the highest in altitude, Zones IX and XII the least marked.

Zone XI is the third zone, inscribed mainly by shepherds (10.7 per cent). It is a rather vast area on the left bank in the Merveilles Valley, with grassy areas punctuated by shale. It is part of the western flank of Mont Bego and one of the highest in altitude.

We were able to reconstruct the movements of those shepherds who had incised the same day several times (which is rare, because on average we found that the trend was one incision every two days). These incisions are either spread over several surfaces in the same area, as Battista Marro did on the 2nd of August 1928, or on the rocks along the shepherd’s path, as Emilio Gaglio did on the 15th of August 1944. We do not know whether these shepherds engraved on their way up or down (Figure 3.5.

Zones V and VIII are in fourth position, almost equal (9 per cent and 8.9 per cent). Zone V is a pleasant area west of the shores of Lake Long Supérior, quite extensive, offering pastureland on the shores of the lake (very popular coasts) and allowing access to zone IV through small grassy valleys. However, it remains a ‘low’ area traversed mainly on the way back and hence not very marked.

3.6. Conclusion It is possible to speak of a current of writing common to everyone: a commemoration, a sign of either each individuality or of the collective, an exercise, hobby or claim. By engraving, everyone participates in a takeover

Zone VIII, made up of Ciappes, as well as a beautiful scree, was mainly inscribed by those who came on pilgrimage 34

Trial of the distribution of the shepherds’ writings in the Mont Bego region (Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, France)

Figure 3.5 – Map of the displacement of two shepherds (from Nathalie Magnardi’s PhD thesis) Table 3.1 – Themes and areas of the rock art Themes/Areas

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

Religious

45.5%

11.4%

5 .1%

/

27.4%

/

6.6%

/

3.4%

Boats

63.4%

/

/

/

24.3%

/

12.1%

/

/

Geométric Schematics figures

51.8%

7.4%

8%

/

24.2%

/

4.3%

/

7.1%

Shepherds texts

36.5%

9%

6.5%

7%

8.9%

/

15.3%

10.7%

5.6%

TOTAL AREAS

41.6%

6.8%

6.4%

4.6%

17.8%

/

10.1%

5.5%

6.8%

35

Nathalie Magnardi Stratigraphie et attribution culturelle des niveaux archéologiques, in Lumley de, H. (ed.), Le mont Bego. Une montagne sacrée de l’âge du Bronze. Sa place dans le contexte des religions protohistoriques du Bassin Méditerranéen, (Colloque international, Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, 5-11 juillet 1991). Paris : Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle 1, pp. 146-152.

and in marking the possession of the territory. Often shepherds return to each engraved text, completing it or adding a new date. Working in this environment, which felt secretive, writing fulfilled identity quests. Also, those who were amongst the poorest, on the margins of the pastoral corporation, were included. Although there are no direct factual links between the protohistorical and historical engravings, it is undeniable that the former influenced those of the shepherds; it is also certain that they were aware of them. The choice of the same engraved rock surfaces remains troubling. An undeniable collective memory, symbolised by the act of engraving, bathes the place. And while the shepherd makes the engraving, we can also say that in a way also the engraving makes the shepherd. In any case, engraving his name alongside his predecessors is a means of fully acquiring a professional identity, of signing his entry into the circle of shepherd society. This engraving works as a form of initiation, and reflects a very powerful concern for the collective affirmation.

Lumley de, H. (ed) (2003) Les Gias de la Zone III. In Gravures protohistoriques et historiques de la région du mont Bego. Zone III, Tome 5. Aix-en-Provence: Edition Edisud. Magnardi, N. (2010) ‘Structures d’habitats et enclos d’altitude de la vallée des Merveilles’ in AA.VV., Bilan scientifique de la région Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, 2009. GAP: Imprimérie Louis Jean, pp. 80-82. Magnardi, N. and Sandrone, S. (2010) ‘Premiers résultats de la prospection inventaire dans la haute vallée de la Roya. (Actes de la table ronde internationale de Gap)’, Tzortis, S. and Delestre, X. (eds) Archéologie de la montagne européenne. Paris: Editions Errance, pp. 5765.

Bibliography

Campmajo, P. (2012) Ces pierres qui nous parlent. les gravures rupestres de Cerdane (Pyrénées orientales) de la fin de l’âge du fer à l’époque contemporaine. Perpignan: Editions Trabucaire.

Magnardi, N. (2013) ‘Archéologie du passage. Un chercheur et un découvreur (Livio Mano)’, in Sandrone, S., Simon, P. and Venturino Gambari, M. (eds) Actes du colloque transfrontalier 3/4 août 2012. Archéologie du passage. Echanges scientifiques en souvenir de Livio Mano. Monaco: Editions du Musée d’Anthropologie de Monaco, pp. 201-204.

Conti, C. (1972) Corpus delle incisioni rupestri di Monte Bego, fascicolo I. Zone I. Regione dei Laghi Lunghi. Prefazione di Piero Barocelli. Bordighera: Istituto Internazionale di Studi Liguri.

Magnardi, N. and Breteau, E. (2005) Roches confidentes. Dessins et témoignages gravés de la vallée des Merveilles du moyen-âge à nos jours. Marseille: Edition Images en manœuvre.

Huet, T. (2017) ‘Les gravures piquetées du mont Bego (Alpes-Maritimes). Organisation spatiale et sériation (VIe-IIe millénaire av. J.-C.)’, Mémoires de la Société préhistorique française, 63. Paris: Societé préhistorique française.

Magnardi, N. (2001) ‘Place et rôle des bergers dans les gravures rupestres du mont Bego (Tende, AlpesMaritimes)’, in Martzluff, M. (ed) Roches ornées, roches dressée. Aux sources des arts et des mythes. Les hommes et leur terre en Pyrénées de l’Est. Actes du colloque en hommage à Jean Abélanet, (Actes du Colloque de l’Association Archéologique des Pyrénées Orientales) Hommage à Jean Abelanet. Perpignan: Presse Universitaires de Perpignan, pp. 257-283

Begin, J. (2017) Quand les humains signifiaient le divin. Paris: Editions Edilivre.

Huet, T. and Alexander, C. (2014) ‘Méthodes informatiques en art rupestre. Étude de acs: le Valcamonica (Italie) et le Mont Bego (France)’, in Cervel, N., Nordez, M. and Rousseau, L. (eds) Recherches sur l’âge du Bronze. Nouvelles recherches et perspectives. Journées d’études de l’APRAB. Paris: Musée d’Archéologie Nationale Saint-Germain en Laye, p. 5

Magnardi, N. (1996) Les bergers de Tende au XIX siècle et leurs écritures rupestres dans la région du mont Bego (Alpes-Maritimes: approche ethno-historique, (Thèse de Doctorat en Sciences Humaines). Nice: Université Nice-Sophia Antipolis: Faculté Lettres, Arts et Sciences Humaines et Sociales.

Lebaudy, G. (2016) Les métamorphoses du bon berger: mobilités, mutations et fabrique de la culture pastorale du Sud de la France. Avignon: Edition Cardère.

Magnardi, N. (1997) ‘Activité pastorale dans la Haute Roya et la sélection des races locales au XIXe’, Nice Historique, 2, pp. 74-79.

Lumley de, H., Bégin-Ducornet, J., Échassoux, A., Fournier, A., Giusto-Magnardi, N., Lavigne, G., Lumley, M.-A. de, Machu, P., Mano, L., Meslin, L., Park, Y.-H., Rey, M., Romain, O., Romain, S., Saguez, S., Serres, T. and Villain-Rinieri F. (1995) Le Grandiose et le Sacré. Aix-en-Provence: Edisud. Lumley de, H., Mano, L., Kadar, S., Échassoux, A. and Meslin, L. (2002) ‘Le Gias del Ciari à Tende. 36

4 Moving beyond the Bego God Some new remarks about the interpretation of the prehistoric engravings of the Vallée des Merveilles and the Val de Fontanalba (Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, France) Jules Masson Mourey* and Nicoletta Bianchi** *Aix-Marseille Univ, CNRS, Minist Culture, LAMPEA, Aix-en-Provence, France **Istituto Italiano di Archeologia Sperimentale, Genova, Italia

Abstract: In this article, we present an overview of the explanation of the main proposals about the prehistoric engravings in the Mont Bego region. There are three kinds of hypothesis: that engravings were a sort of religious expression (it is, among others, the Bego God theory, popularised by Henry de Lumley et al.); that engravings were used to define pasturelands and to guide herds; and, lastly, that engravings were used to mark male rites of passage. A part of these works suffers from recurrent methodological gaps: poor quality recordings, neglect of the chronocultural context of the engravings and their diachrony, pre-eminence of the qualitative analyses upon quantitative analyses or unsuitable comparisons. However, in view of the intrinsic features of the site (isolated, difficult to access, inhospitable), of its vocation, a priori eminently pastoral since the Neolithic, together with some regional ethnographic comparisons, we support the idea that the act of engraving could have had the function of materialising the social promotion of young boys in summer pastures on the site during the prehistoric period. Keywords: Alps, rock art, Neolithic, Bronze Age, interpretation, mythology, critical analysis, pastoralism, ethnology, functionalism, rites of passage.

4.1. Introduction

and difficult to access, corresponds to the southeastern border of the Argentera-Mercantour Crystalline Massif (Figure 4.1). The two main archaeological areas, Vallée des Merveilles and Val de Fontanalba, are essentially composed of Permian deposits, among which shale and sandstone constitute the only support for the engravings. The current landscape, snowy during the majority of the year (from the end of October to mid-June), results from the withdrawal of the big Würmian glacier at the beginning of the Holocene global warming era.

During the past 150 years, the prehistoric rock engravings of the Mont Bego region have been the subject of a multitude of interpretations, mainly religious. We wanted to realise an overview and a critical analysis of these hypotheses. By relying on the intrinsic features of the site, objective archaeological facts and some ethnographic comparisons, as well as a functionalist approach to these rock pictures, we will provide our contribution to the debate. 4.2. Presentation of the site The prehistoric engravings of Mont Bego (Tende, AlpesMaritimes, France) are the second largest concentration of rock carvings in Western Europe, after the ValcamonicaValtellina’s set in Lombardy (Italy). Thanks to its exceptional nature, the site has been listed Monument Historique in 1989.

The peculiar shape of the reliefs is closely linked to this event. In fact, the present valleys were the ancient U-shaped glacial valleys. The coloured surfaces of the rocks (green, orange, purple, pink) are polished and very soft, easy to engrave especially by pecking or incision (Figure 4.2). These characteristics, unique to the Meridional Alps, have undoubtedly played a key role in the making of the engravings left by prehistoric man.

4.2.1. Geographical, geological and geomorphological contexts

4.2.2. Archaeological furniture and palaeoenvironmental data

In this high region, the engravings and shelters (occupied since the beginning of Neolithic) are distributed between 2000 and 2900 m altitude, on 1400ha. This region, isolated

A review of the archaeological artefacts discovered during the rare excavations of shelters was performed on occasion of the project ‘Évolutions, Transferts, Inter-Culturalités 37

Jules Masson Mourey and Nicoletta Bianchi

Figure 4.1 – Location of Mont Bego (altitude 2872 m), in the southeast of France (CAD J. Masson Mourey).

Figure 4.2 – View of Mont Bego (whose pyramidal top stands out in the background) from a large coloured slab in Val de Fontanalba (photo J. Masson Mourey).

38

Moving beyond the Bego God dans l’Arc Liguro-Provençal’ (ETICALP), managed by Didier Binder (CEPAM – UMR 7264, Université Nice – Sophia-Antipolis). The aim was to establish a rigorous and consistent chronological framework and to analyse the prehistoric ways this site was attended. The evaluation mainly concerned the artefacts coming from the Gias del Ciari (Conti, 1943; 1972, pp. 107-121; Louis and Segui, 1949, p. 150 sq.; Lumley et al., 1991; 1995, pp. 299-312) and from some other shelters nearby, in the Vallée des Merveilles (Bianchi, 2013, pp. 49-69).

While the Chassean culture is recognised, in spite of the uncertain stratigraphy, the transition between the Final Neolithic and the oldest phases of this era (1 and 2, ca. 3350-2500 BC) is difficult to observe. This is an unknown period in the whole Alpes–Maritimes (Cauliez, 2009, p. 343) and the lack of absolute datings as well as of reliable stratigraphic data prevents a clear recognition in this area. So the question concerning the modalities of human attendance on the site during the Copper Age remains open. With that said, the engraving activity seems to have flourished on Mont Bego (see below) like in most alpine rock-art sites (Arcà, 2013).

The oldest lithic and ceramic assemblages may be attributed to the Early Neolithic Era, especially to the Cardial (ca. 5450-5100 BC) (Figure 4.3: 1), but it’s in the Chassean Middle Neolithic (old and late, ca. 4800-3650 BC) that the human seasonal (summer) presence was undeniably the utterly most meaningful. Characteristic ceramic containers and lamellae in bedoulian blond flint were sometimes subjected to a thermal treatment (Figures 4.3:2-4), and, moreover, corings made on the Lac Long Inférieur, in the Vallée des Merveilles, show a slight anthropisation during the fifth millennium BC (Beaulieu and Goeury, 2004, p. 165).

The third phase of the Final Neolithic (ca. 2500-2150 BC) is better represented than the previous two, in particular thanks to the presence of common Bell Beaker ceramic and to a characteristic beaker fragment (Figures 4.3: 5-7). As of the Early Bronze Age (ca. 2150-1600 BC), attendance in the higher valleys of Mont Bego is less documented, although sherds of carinated vases, attributable to the Bronze and Iron Ages, have been identified in Gias del Ciari (Figure 4.3: 8). Nearby, significant sites (such as

Figure 4.3 – Archaeological material from the shelters. 1: Cardial culture from Gias del Ciari; 2-4: Chassean culture from Gias del Ciari; 5-7: Bell Beaker culture (5-6 from Gias del Ciari, 7 from Gilbert Shelter); 8: Middle-Recent Bronze Age from Gias del Ciari (drawings L. Mano, Museo Civico, Cuneo).

39

Jules Masson Mourey and Nicoletta Bianchi rock number (R), and an own number to each engraved motif.

the open-air habitat of the hamlet of Vievola in Tende) testify to the permanent settlement in that region during the Bronze and Iron Ages.

From the beginning of the research, the figurations of weapons have been considered as the most significant for establishing a chronological attribution of the engraving activity (Hildebrand, 1876; Rivière, 1878). Since 1967, Henry de Lumley and his team have dated the site through typological comparisons between pecked daggers, halberds and axes and real objects from archaeological excavations of the alpine sites in Southern France and Northern Italy (in particular Rhodanian, Remedello, Villafranca-Tivoli and Polada cultures). Thus, the engravings were dated to Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age, successively between 1800 and 1500 BC (Lumley et al., 1976), 2500 and 1700 BC (Lumley et al., 1995) and 3300 and 1800 BC (Lumley and Échassoux, 2011).

The Final Neolithic and the Bronze Age correspond to the paleoclimatic stage of the Subboreal (ca. 3500-800 BC), a phase of climatic cooling during which the cembro pine, as well as the larch, was expanding strongly. The gradual decrease of this forest and the simultaneous increase of certain plant species could coincide with the beginning of pastoral activity (Kharbouch, 2000, p. 892; Finsinger, 2001, p. 230). Near the Lac des Grenouilles, the increase of the NonArboreal Pollen reveals an anthropozoogenic action (Kharbouch, 1996, pp. 142, 199). The importance of the Chenopodiaceae rate indicates that there was certainly a sheepfold next to the lake (ibid., pp. 143-144).

But, according to the most recent works, this interval may be extended. Indeed, the last exhaustive study about the engraved weapons of the site (Bianchi, 2013) (Figure 4.5) suggests several comparisons with the most archaic productions of Italian copper metallurgy, especially the dagger blades coming from the Rinaldone necropolis of Ponte S. Pietro in Italy (3750-3537 BC) (Dolfini et al., 2011) and Waldsee-Reute / Schörrenried in Switzerland (3738-3731 BC) (Honegger, 2006). As shown by superimpositions and comparisons with other engraving sites (in particular Valcamonica), the main phase of the actual engraving of the weapons (between the Final Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age, ca. 33501900 BC) (Bianchi 2013, p. 322) was probably preceded by the realisation of certain geometric figures such as circles, reticulates and ‘topographic’ motifs (engravings usually formed by a rectangle associated with a circle or a semicircle, filled with cup-marks), at the end of the Middle Neolithic, in the first half of the fourth millennium, maybe before the first metallic productions (Arcà, 2009, pp. 287-288; Casini and De Marinis, 2009, p. 76; Huet and Bianchi, 2016).

With the Subatlantic, from around 800 BC, we finally see a decrease of the subalpine forest (pines and larches), and the installation of a prairie landscape proving an intensive pastoralism (Kharbouch and Gauthier, 2000, pp. 250, 256; Kharbouch, 2000, pp. 893-894). The attendance of this site started from the Early Neolithic and continued until the Iron Age, and it carries on today. 4.2.3. Corpus and chrono-cultural attributions of prehistoric engravings Mont Bego’s engraving corpus of prehistoric figurations, although very abundant (around 36,000 engravings according to the last census), is not really varied. Five major iconographic categories, subdivided into several subcategories, are generally highlighted (Blain and Paquier, 1976; Lumley et al., 1995, p. 60): horned figures (single or harnessed), weapons, geometric figures, anthropomorphs and non-figurative figures (Figure 4.4). The most part results from agglomerations of cup-marks made by pressure-rotation or direct and indirect percussion with a blunted tip, probably in quartz, causing a strong abrasion of the rock (ibid., p. 53). Nevertheless, some prehistoric engravings have been realised or completed by linear incisions (Bianchi, 2016a). Non-figurative engravings (mainly irregular areas of cup-marks) (Figures 4.4: 43-48) form about 42 per cent of the entire corpus. Among the figurative engravings, the single horned figure (Figure 4.4: 1-6) is the major representation (about 37 per cent), and the most frequently encountered weapon is the dagger (Figures 4.4: 12-22) (5 per cent), followed by the halberd (Figures 4.4: 23-25) (1.4 per cent) and the axe (Figures 4.4: 26-30) (less than 1 per cent). Reticulates (geometrical figures divided into several squares) (Figures 4.4: 31-36) constitute 3 per cent of the engravings, whereas anthropomorphic representations (Figures 4.4: 56-62) appear as quasi anecdotal from this point of view (less than 1 per cent) (Huet, 2017, p. 40). The engraving number system created by Carlo Conti (1972) allows the attribution of a zone number (Z), a group number (G), a

At the other extremity of the chronological axis, the absence of sword and spearhead representations is often an argument to support the hypothesis that the climatic deterioration and cultural upheavals that supposedly occurred at the end of the Early Bronze Age would have led to the abandonment of the site and the abandonment of the engraving tradition (Romain, 1991; Lumley et al., 2003a; 2003b; Lumley and Échassoux, 2011). However, it must be considered that certain figurations of very long blade daggers correspond to productions from more recent phases of the Bronze Age. The ‘pistil-shaped’ blade daggers, hitherto regarded as purely symbolic representations, refer to certain objects from Northern Italy and Southern France dating from the Middle or Late Bronze Age (Bianchi, 2013, pp. 198-199). Still other motifs can be identified as razors, very present in the material cultures of the Bronze Age and the Iron Age (Bianchi and Rubat Borel, 2017). Axe blades with circular or spatulate cutting edges, current from the end of the Early Bronze 40

Moving beyond the Bego God

Figure 4.4 – Synthetic board of the main iconographic themes represented in the Mont Bego region. 1-6: Horned figures; 7-11: Ploughs; 12-22: Daggers; 23-35: Halberds; 26-30: Axes; 31-36: Reticulates; 37-42: Reticulates with fringes; 43-48: Areas of cup-marks; 49-55: Sinuous lines and zigzags; 56-62: Anthropomorphs (from Lumley and Échassoux 2011, p. 33, fig. 9).

41

Jules Masson Mourey and Nicoletta Bianchi

Figure 4.5 – Typo-chronology of pecked weapons of Mont Bego, from the Recent Neolithic until the Final Bronze Age.

42

Moving beyond the Bego God particular attention to the history of the Mediterranean Basin and the Middle Eastern regions, they endorsed the idea of the Bull God (or Bego God), bearer of lightning, and of his consort, the Earth Goddess: they had to mate in order to bring back the seasonal rebirth of vegetation for men (Figure 4.6). According to this version, Mont Bego was therefore a sacred mountain, where initiated priests indulged in oribasie every year in order to pay homage to the ‘primordial divine couple’ and to attract their favours. The act of engraving would have permitted intercession with the gods, so that they could solve their economic issues such as, first and foremost, the irrigation of the cultivated fields and pastures thanks to the rain (Lumley and Échassoux, 2011). This explanation had a great success and has been relied upon on many occasions (Abélanet, 1986, p. 227-232; Gueguen, 2003; Marro, 2003). It remains to this day the most popular theory.

Age in Western Europe, could also have been represented (Masson Mourey, 2019a). On the basis of occasional comparisons with the funeral iconography of the Iron Age (among other things), the chronological attribution of the famous anthropomorphs currently designated ‘the Christ’, in the Vallée des Merveilles, must be re-examined (Spagnolo Garzoli, 2009; Masson Mourey, 2018). A lot of incised and sometimes pecked motifs witness the continuity of the engraving practice until present day. The engravers were essentially shepherds, but also travellers or soldiers which, in Antiquity (Gascou, 1976), Middle Ages (Lumley et al., 1992, p. 119) and later still (Lumley et al., 1995, p. 414-417; Giusto-Magnardi, 1996), drew and wrote on the rocks of the site. So, the engraved corpus of Mont Bego must be interpreted on the ‘temps long’ (Braudel, 1949). 4.3. Historiography

The second interpretation of the religious hypothesis mainly corresponds with the work done in the 1990s by Roland Dufrenne (1985; 1996; 1997) and Émilia Masson (1992; 1993). Both used archetypal concepts resulting on one hand from the works of Mircea Eliade (1965) or the identification of Mont Bego as a prehistoric axis mundi, and on the other hand from the works of Georges Dumézil (1977) about the approximation of certain engravings or compositions with the Indo-European tripartite function. They also relied upon many epigraphic data from Hittite and Sanskrit and developed – like many of their colleagues – important comparisons with the Neolithic Near East and Anatolia, the Indus valley, Egypt, Minoan Crete, Vedic India, etc. (Dufrenne, 1997, p.168, table 29). In addition, both insist on the grandiosity of this mineral and stormy place and on the specialisation of Val de Fontanalba and the Vallée des Merveilles (dichotomy noted by many authors); the first had been a secular space devoted to fertility and to the myth of creation of the world, and the second a sacred space related to cosmology and active energies. Although Roland Dufrenne and Émilia Masson agree to recognise in the engravings of Mont Bego the manifestation of mythologies documented elsewhere in the Indo-European world, their interpretations diverge: the first considers the site as a space where age class initiations were expressed by an elite and the second as an open-air sanctuary, consecrated by rites, processions and prayers.

Between the first publication of the engravings – by M.-F.G.-S. Moggridge (1869) – when their archaeological value was finally recognised and now, many researchers have tried to decode the meaning and/or to explain the function of these thousands of prehistoric images. Their hypotheses may be classified into three major categories. 4.3.1. Hypothesis no. 1: ex-voto and/or a sacred ‘stone-book’? The most common hypothesis ascribes the engravings to a religious character. On the one hand, their realisation would have had a propitiatory value; on the other hand, they would have embodied a prehistoric mythology. This religious hypothesis can be divided into two versions. The first version has its roots in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. It’s supposed that, because of the site’s inhospitality, the engravings had been dedicated to an evil deity associated with the storm (Blanc, 1878, p. 81). Clarence Bicknell (1911, p. 67) also suggested that it might have been a sanctuary and a place of pilgrimage, although he weighed the so-called evil nature of the deity and specified a possible function of the engravings: ‘we therefore consider these innumerable rock engravings to have been a sort of votive offering, reminders to unseen powers good or malignant, of the people’s needs or fears, the expression of their desires for the well-being of their beasts, the safety of their settlements, the increase of their property and general prosperity and good luck in agriculture or in hunting. These enduring prayers in stone would have been a witness not only for a moment but for ages to come’. The omnipresence of the horned figures even suggests, in later times, a tauromorphic aspect to this deity (Barocelli, 1921, pp. 31-37; Lamboglia, 1947, p. 6). This general idea led the way (Louis, 1952, p. 310; Louis and Isetti, 1964, p. 70) up until Henry de Lumley and his collaborators (Lumley et al.,1976; 1992; 1995; Lumley, 1977) took it back and developed it further. With

4.3.2. Hypothesis no. 2: pasture boundaries and/or pastoral path markings? The hypothesis – more ‘profane’ – that the engravings had the function of delimiting pastoral spaces appeared timidly at the beginning of the twentieth century (Issel, 1901, p. 255). This proposal was long neglected before being readopted in a different form in the late 1980s by Louis Barral and Suzanne Simone (1989; 1990). According to statistical calculations carried out on a sample of around two hundred and twenty ‘slabs’, the distribution of the engravings on the rocks fits well with Poisson’s law: 43

Jules Masson Mourey and Nicoletta Bianchi 4.3.3. Hypothesis no. 3: the marks of male rites of passage? Finally, the hypothesis developed by Lawrence Barfield and Christopher Chippindale at the end of the 1990s (Barfield and Chippindale, 1997) is based primarily on the recognition of a large number of weapons (mainly daggers) represented in the Mont Bego region. The two British researchers propose a parallel with data from funeral contexts of the Final Neolithic in North-eastern Italy, especially those from the necropolis of Remedello Sotto in the province of Brescia (ca. 3400/3300-2400 BC) (De Marinis, 1997; De Marinis and Pedrotti, 1997). In this site, deposits of objects (more often flint or copper daggers and arrows) tend to accompany individual burials of adult men. Young individuals are not buried with daggers but with small flint blades. As pointed out earlier by Lawrence Barfield (1986), ‘this indicates a distinction of age as well as gender, showing that the full dagger is specific, not just to the male but to the adult male in society’ (Barfield and Chippindale, 1997, pp. 116-117). This proposal also seems to be supported by the presence of many male menhirstatues with daggers from Northern Italy and the Alpine Arc (Lunigiana, Valle d’Aosta, Swiss Valais, etc.). Thus, the dagger would be a characteristic attribute of adult male individuals in the Final Neolithic – period during which they are represented in large numbers on the rocks of the Mont Bego region (see above). Horned figures (often combined with daggers in the Neolithic Sardinia), halberds and ploughs (associated with small male characters in the Val de Fontanalba) would also be an expression of fertility, wealth, status and masculinity. For Lawrence Barfield and Christopher Chippindale, the engravings were thus closely related to the role of the male individual in the prehistoric communities of transhumant shepherds. Either the teenagers climbed on the site to achieve their masculine status after gaining this place in their community, or such a social position was acquired following the realisation of this mark, on the occasion of a summer pasture.

Figure 4.6 – Different figurations of the ‘primordial divine couple‘ (Bull God/Bego God on the left, Hearth Goddess on the right) on the rocks of the Mont Bego region. 1: ZIV.GIII. R16D; 2: ZVII.GI.R8; 3: ZIV.GII.R11A; 4: ZVIII.GII.R3(4) and 3(2) (from Lumley and Échassoux 2011, p. 329, fig. 343).

4.4. Critical analysis It can be seen that the engravings lead to various interpretations. Among those, however, we identified a number of recurring methodological weaknesses.

thus, the iconographic themes are independent of each other, they do not respond to any syntactic logic and the associations of engravings does not therefore have semantic value. The redundancy of the sign does not make the information more explicit but rather more visible. Their work also highlights the fact that the engravings are mainly oriented towards the upper edge of the supports and in the direction of the upstream path. The assumption is that the engravings, regardless of the themes represented, would have served as ‘signposts’ to guide shepherds and their herds up to the pastures: ‘[. . .] au fil de l’enquête, la dalle ornée des Merveilles a consenti à expliciter quelque peu sa raison d’être: orienter, conduire. Voilà que s’éclairent la pauvreté du répertoire et la monotonie des tableaux’ (Barral and Simone, 1989, p. 157).

4.4.1. Recording methodology Recording is the first step of the chaîne opératoire specific to the study of engravings. It is a key exercise on which the identification of the motifs, their chronological attribution and their interpretation are based, and it must not suffer from any approximation. Various techniques for recording and reproducing engravings have been implemented on the site; from hand-drawing (late nineteenth century) to photography and moulding, through stamping, and rubbing (early twentieth century) and, from 1967 and the beginning of Henry de Lumley’s work, contact recording (on cellophane or transparent polyester film). Because of its simplicity and precision, this last technique is the 44

Moving beyond the Bego God group of images whose context of production and use are unknown. Besides these two very caricatural examples, it is regrettable that during the past fifty years Henry de Lumley and his teams – whose scientific rigor is obviously of a completely different kind – have not undertaken any further excavations in the shelters (only 9 in the Vallée des Merveilles were excavated between 1995 and 1997), at the bottom of the engraved walls or in the lakes and bogs, to better understand the modes of prehistoric attendance of the site.

one still in use today. However, the recordings made by Henry de Lumley’s teams don’t take into account the incised engravings, preventing a complete and realistic reading of the complete surface of each engraved surface, as well as a correct recording of the superimpositions between motifs. Indeed, starting from the premise that only pecked engravings date back to prehistory (Lumley et al., 1976; 1992; Abélanet, 1986, pp. 232-234, 295-301), the existence of incised linear engravings superimposed by pecked figurations – and therefore also prehistoric ones – have been neglected, and the chronology of the engraving activity has been biased. The same observation is unfortunately valid for the study of superimpositions between the pecked engravings, still incomplete because of the absence of indications on the records. However, these records are still better than the productions of those searchers who, not only reproduced the engravings very roughly (and often without scale), but also did not indicate the location, the colour, the dimensions, the orientation or the dip. In short, no indications relative to the supports themselves. Such a lack of scientific rigor is explicitly illustrated by Émilia Masson’s records, taken from photographs (with the deformations involved), the simple sketches without scale by Franco Amirante and Nico Vatteone (1980; 1983) – extensively used by Louis Barral and Suzanne Simone for their work – or, to a lesser extent, by the imprecise records of Roland Dufrenne, Lawrence Barfield and Christopher Chippindale (see above). Such records tend to discredit the hypotheses resulting from them. From now on, digital techniques such as photogrammetry and reflectance transformation imaging (Masson Mourey, 2019b) are called upon to support contact records.

To this variable interest for the chrono-cultural context of the engravings, another important gap is added or sometimes substituted: the apprehension of their diachrony. We have seen that the practice of engraving probably extends from the end of the Middle Neolithic to the Iron Age (not to mention its perduration during these historical periods), over a time span of several millennia. It is, thus, very likely that a large number of engraved ‘compositions’ considered as a homogeneous, made in one go, and analysed as such, result in fact from successive additions throughout time. The engravings of the Mont Bego region do not correspond to a single archaeological event and do not form a single coherent symbolic ensemble, as pointed out (explicitly or not) by the authors (mainly Henry de Lumley, Roland Dufrenne and Émilia Masson) who found in them a religious nature. Thus, we can question the ‘narrative’ character of the ‘scenes’ described and interpreted by them. 4.4.3. The qualitative, the quantitative, and comparisons proposal The third (and last) step in the chaîne opératoire of the study of the engravings can be considered the interpretation phase. Most of the time (and especially in the case of religious hypotheses), the qualitative value of engravings overtakes their quantitative value. According to Henry de Lumley and his collaborators (whose process of recording engravings tended admirably to a certain degree of completeness), a handful of exceptional anthropomorphs (Figure 4.6) embody a prehistoric pantheon able to illuminate the meaning of the whole engraved corpus; the omnipresence of the horned figures is considered as a ‘Leitmotiv’ of the Mediterranean symbolic thought (see above). However, the Bego God and the Earth Goddess are represented in a great variability of forms. Their union is not figured identically twice! Even if the history of religions is obviously full of avatars or deities with an abstract physical appearance or changing according to the episodes of their lives, this element can’t be ignored. Without considering the use of statistics as a panacea, we agree with Lawrence Barfield and Christopher Chippindale’s criticism (1997, p. 105) of the qualitative approaches adopted by Émilia Masson and Roland Dufrenne: ‘There is a fundamental issue of method here [. . .] Unusual and unique figures can be extra-special, but they may just be marginal anomalies’.

4.4.2. Use of the chrono-cultural context and apprehension of diachrony To continue the metaphor, the chronological and cultural attribution of the engravings must constitute the second step in the chaîne opératoire of the study. But here it is: ‘hormis l’établissement d’une étroite relation avec la famille indo-européenne, nous nous sommes abstenus jusqu’ici d’évoquer le problème de l’identité des graveurs du mont Bégo. A vrai dire, ce sujet n’est pas essentiel dans notre travail de recherche, mais il n’est pas non plus sans intérêt’ (Dufrenne, 1997, p. 197). Émilia Masson (1993, p. 19) is no less laconic: ‘[. . .] les possibilités matérielles de datation situent, rappelons-le, l’ensemble de ces pétroglyphes dans une fourchette d’au moins trois siècles, entre ± 1800 et 1500 av. J.-C’. These excerpts from the two main works of Roland Dufrenne and Émilia Masson are symptomatic of the obvious lack of interest of many searchers in the chrono-cultural attribution of the engravings. As we have shown at the beginning of this article, this is certainly a complex and controversial subject, but still no serious interpretative hypothesis can escape it. It is absolutely essential to consider rock engravings as archaeological objects in their own right (Chenorkian, 1995; Boissinot, 2011, p. 15; Demoule, 2011, p. 31). We cannot pretend to understand the meaning of an image or a

Finally, incomplete or false records, the omission of chrono-cultural context and diachrony of the engravings 45

Jules Masson Mourey and Nicoletta Bianchi and the pre-eminence of qualitative approaches constitute the breeding ground for inappropriate comparisons. What is there to say about the comparison proposed by Roland Dufrenne between the engraving of ‘la Danseuse’, in the Vallée des Merveilles, attributable to the first half of the third millennium (Masson Mourey, 2017, pp. 87-88), and a modern image of Siva Natarâja whose origins are in Southern India (Dufrenne, 1979, p. 168, table 29)? Examples of this type of iconographic convergences, certainly fortuitous, are very numerous. Keep in mind that the Mont Bego region is at the crossroad of Italian Piedmont, Liguria, Provence and the Rhône valley. The most reliable comparisons have necessarily to come from these areas, in a time frame comparable to that established above or, as we will see, from economically similar human groups. Our moderation of diffusionist analogies is motivated in particular by the revise of the debate on the existence or not of an Indo-European people (Demoule, 2014). In the same spirit, the notion of a ‘primordial divine couple’ built by James Mellaart (1971) from the site Çatal Höyük in Turkey (ca. eight – sixth millennium BC) is now obsolete. Formulated by Jacques Cauvin (1994), it inspired Henry de Lumley and his collaborators to support the hypothesis of a sanctuary dedicated to the Bull God (or Bego God) and of his consort, the Earth Goddess. This scheme that was supposed to account for the ‘Neolithic religions’ was recently defeated (Hodder, 2006; Guilaine, 2011; Lesure, 2017). Alain Testart also argued that ‘dans aucune religion connue, il n’existe de dieu-taureau. Il n’en existe pas plus dans les religions du Proche-Orient ancien ni de l’Antiquité classique’ (Testart, 2010, p.72), and questioned ‘[. . .] ce qui nous fait croire que les religions néolithiques auraient été vouées au culte des DéessesMères? Uniquement les statuettes de femmes dénudées, et rien d’autre’ (ibid., p. 15).

how the summer pasture to the Mont Bego region could have been reached from this mid-altitude site (690 m), 30 km as the crow flies? Some of the pastoral structures of the Vallée des Merveilles and of the Val de Fontanalba can thus be compared with the pastoral structures of the Écrins massif, used for the summer pasture from at least the Final Neolithic (Mocci et al., 2005; 2008; Walsh et al., 2010; 2013). The engraved representations seem to abound in this sense, since the ‘topographic’ motifs (first half of the fourth millennium, see above) mainly located along the drailles (pastoral paths used since ancient times) (Huet and Bianchi, 2016) could, with their pastoral structures precisely represent shelters (enclosures, etc.) (Figure 4.7). The large compositions of horned figures in line along pastoral paths may symbolise, for their part, the flock moving towards the pasture (Bianchi, 2016b). In the Southern Alps it was not uncommon for pastoral activities to coexist with rock engraving practices at the end of prehistory and/or during protohistory. In addition to Valcamonica (De Marinis,1988; Alexander, 2011), it is worth mentioning the sites of Monte Bracco and Bric Lombatera in Cuneese (Venturino Gambari and Davite, 1995; Venturino Gambari et al., 1999). Such a model also finds good echoes on the other side of the Mediterranean, in another large contemporary rock-art ensemble similar to the ones on Mont Bego. For example, the similarities with the Moroccan High Atlas (Chenorkian, 1988, pp. 125, 346; Auclair et al., 2018) are flagrant. By approaching resources and putting in place the system of summer pasture necessary for its economic survival, the prehistoric man created a symbolic and ritual production in parallel to its adaptation to the environment.

4.5. Discussion

We have insisted on the continuity of the engraving practice in the Mont Bego region, from the Neolithic until today (see above). In the nineteenth century and in the first half of the twentieth century in particular, more than a thousand texts (not counting the drawings) were incised by the pastors of Tende during the summer grazing on the rocks of the Vallée des Merveilles and the Val de Fontanalba (GiustoMagnardi, 1996). The summer grazing is a fundamentally male environment and so these ‘shepherds-engravers’ were mainly men. More specifically, for the period 1860-1960, 70 per cent of the pastoral texts were made by young men between the ages of 15 and 25 (ibid., p. 360-361) (Figure 4.8: 1). Up until the first half of the twentieth century in Tende, it was even common to instruct the children to watch the animals in the meadows, so that they could learn this practice as soon as possible. By the age of 6, some boys were able to maintain alone a herd of 200 heads (ibid., p. 265). The essential part of the modern community of ‘shepherdsengravers’ of Mont Bego therefore appears to have been children, adolescents and young adults who were not the owners of the herd, but in charge of it, and for whom ‘la gravure revêt alors une fonction qui inscrit le jeune homme dans son nouveau rôle et dans sa promotion sociale [. . .]’ (Magnardi and Breteau, 2005, p. 73).

4.5.2. Engraving in modern alpine pastoral universe

Therefore, most of the hypotheses presented can be questioned in light of these methodological flaws. While trying to avoid such pitfalls, can we now move further on to understanding the engravings of the site? 4.5.1. The pastoral function of the site Mont Bego region is characterised not only by its many rock engravings, but also by its rich pastoral structures. Already during prehistory – as in other historical periods (see below) – it is possible that these two realities were intimately linked. Indeed, the Neolithic artefacts found in the structures surveyed (see above) refer to the economic activities of the first pastors of the Alps (Maggi and Nisbet, 1990; Jospin and Favrie, 2008; Marzatico, 2009): flint lamellas used for the cutting of cereals, remains of faisselles used for the production of cheese and arrowheads attesting hunting practices. Numerous correspondences were found with ceramics from the Pendimoun shelter in Castellar (Alpes-Maritimes), whose cave-sheep function from the Early Neolithic was clearly evidenced by archaeological excavations (Binder et al., 1993). Is it possible to imagine 46

Moving beyond the Bego God

Figure 4.7 – Comparison between the shelters and the pastoral structures of the Vallée des Merveilles (1), the Col du Sabbion (2) and the Val de Fontanalba (3) and the engraved ‘topographic motifs’ (4: ZXVII.GI.R41α-2; 5: ZXIX.GIV.R13α-21) (photographs N. Bianchi, J. Masson Mourey; records Laboratoire de Préhistoire de Nice-Côte d’Azur).

stay in the coussouls. In fact, the first engraving carries a solemn dimension, a very special symbolic charge. It actively participates in the formation of the young shepherd identity in the early days of his emigration to Basse-Provence, in that it represents a permanent, ‘official’ and public record of the young man’s integration into the pastoral corporation (ibid., pp. 32-35).

Generally, the act of engraving the stone (but also the wood or the horn) was, in the last century still, a tradition deeply anchored in the pastoral world of the South of France (Lebaudy, 2010, p. 15). Thus, more than 3,000 rock inscriptions have been recorded on the alpine sites of the Ubaye valley; there are patronyms, maxims, representations of buildings, animals, characters, flags and emblems (Figure 4.8:2). The ethnographic investigation conducted on the spot by Pierre Martel (1994) revealed that at the beginning of the twentieth century, one was entitled to engrave one’s name on the rock starting from the year when one was responsible for the herd, a responsibility that then made him a man. Likewise, in the western part of Provence, in Crau, the courses of the herds in the steppic part of the plain (the coussouls) are marked out by numerous pastoral engravings (cattle counts, but above all toponyms, patronyms and dates) (Figure 4.8: 3). These inscriptions, made during wintering usually with a nail and a pebble, adorn the walls of sheepfolds, sheds, wells and stone terminals (Lebaudy, 2006, pp. 26-29). In this area, the engravers are mainly between 18 and 20 years old, leaving their mark on occasion of the very first

4.5.3. Back to the hypothesis of male rites of passage Of the three major hypotheses relating to the semantic and function of the prehistoric engravings of Mont Bego, the third, that of the male’s rite of passage, leaves little room for criticism. Lawrence Barfield and Christopher Chippindale focused on the general trends of the corpus, rather than on exceptional engravings, but they also drew comparisons in the chrono-cultural context close to the site (see above). It is likely that the first engravers on Mont Bego were pastoral shepherds, since the pastoral vocation of the site starts appearing as early as in the Neolithic (see above), although this remains to be confirmed by new excavations. Besides this economic aspect, a social function could be outlined. 47

Jules Masson Mourey and Nicoletta Bianchi

Figure 4.8 – Modern pastoral engravings. 1: Le capre di Cavallo Nicola capraio a Vievola di Tenda. Fato il giorno 19 Agosto del 1936. Cavallo Nicola figlio di Giovan Battisto e di Landra Caterina. Nato a Tenda il 26 Settembre del 1918. Anni 18. Viva il 18 (Val de Fontanalba); 2: Arnaud Isidore berger en 1891 (Ubaye valley); 3: Mathieu Raoul berger ici 1922. Né à Allos 1904. Basses Alpes (plain of Crau) (Magnardi and Breteau 2005: 113, fig. 80, CAD J. Masson Mourey).

The parallelism is indeed striking between the pattern of the summer grazing (climb to the mountain pastures; isolation; back down to the village) and the ‘classic’ rite of passage. The three main stages are as follows: preliminary phase (separation from the previous world); margin phase; aggregation to the new world. Arnold Van Gennep (1909) does not hesitate comparing these two patterns, especially in Savoie, Switzerland, Tyrol and the Carpathians, where the departure and return of the shepherds always included – at least at the subactual time – communal meals, village feasts, processions and blessings. We have seen that in the alpine pastoral world, at least until the first half of the twentieth century, the act of engraving was used to celebrate materially, in intimacy, the metamorphosis from a young boy into a shepherd, and, therefore into a man. It is an indelible mark placed on the rock, often during the first summer pasture, when one becomes an adult, and that will be repeated and multiplied throughout the career of the shepherd (see above).

concepts, possibly related to metaphysical beliefs and concerns. But these concepts are now inaccessible, and it is safe to say that they were first concerned with breeding, agriculture and metallurgy. Jérôme Baschet (2008, p. 67) considers that we must take into account the nature and the functions of the place which the images constitute the decoration and accompany the use. The images-lieux of Mont Bego belong to an altitude, isolated and inhospitable site, the main interest of which for human communities has probably always been pastoralism. ‘Quel sens l’image mobilise-t-elle? Quels effets produit-elle? Il n’y a pas à choisir entre ces deux questions, qui doivent être posées ensemble [. . .]’ (Baschet, 2008, p. 187). In our case, it is very difficult to answer the first question, referring to the meaning of the engravings, so we favour the second, which will put us closer to understanding the function of engraving. As long as such hypotheses are convincingly argued, we can’t exclude that the engravings of Mont Bego represent various mythical or mythological concepts (concomitant or successive). They were also objects used to engage in social practices,

The prehistoric engravings of Mont Bego are most of the time read in their representative dimension, for their semantic content. It is undeniable that they express abstract 48

Moving beyond the Bego God Amirante, F. and Vatteone, N. (1980) I libri di pietra del Monte Bego, I, La valle delle Meraviglie, Imperia Oneglia, Dominici Editore.

as the pastoral engravings are still recent. Independent of the themes represented, their production was probably invested with an important function, acting on the young prehistoric engraver himself. While guarding or owning a herd in these high valleys, for long summer months, lonely, he celebrated materially, in intimacy, his metamorphosis into a shepherd, thus into a man. To paraphrase the title of a famous article by François Sigaut (1991), we consider that the engraving serves not only to represent, but also ‘by representing’. This general hypothesis, to which Jean Guilaine seems to subscribe, although without mentioning the pastoral dimension (Guilaine and Zammit, 2001, pp. 251-255; Guilaine, 2015, p. 151), will of course recall some of Philippe Hameau’s (2013) propositions regarding the initiatory function of the Neolithic painted shelters of Provence and of the Iberian Peninsula.

Amirante, F. and Vatteone, N. (1983) I libri di pietra del Monte Bego, II, La valle Fontanalba, Imperia Oneglia: Dominici editore. Arcà, A. (2009) ‘Monte Bego e Valcamonica, confronto tra le più antiche fasi istoriative. Dal Neolitico al Bronzo Antico, parallelismi e differenze tra mervegie e pitoti dei due poli dell’arte rupestre alpina’, Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche (Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria), LIX, pp. 265-306. Arcà, A. (2013) ‘L’arte rupestre nell’età del Rame: il Monte Bego’, in De Marinis, R.-C. (ed) L’età del Ramela pianura padana e le Alpi al rempo di Ötzi. Brescia: Compagnia della Stampa, Massetti Rodella Editori, pp. 141-160.

4.6. Conclusion The hypothesis of male rites of passage, superimposed on the notion of ‘art discret’ introduced by Geoffroy de Saulieu (2004), is not opposed to the nature of unequal societies in full construction (Guilaine, 1994; 2007) and is hence advantageous, because it is not exclusive. But, because this hypothesis is based upon the supposed pastoral function of the site since the Neolithic, the most recent debates on prehistoric transhumance in the Alps should be taken into account. Anyway, it should not be forgotten that the exceptional geology of the Mont Bego region (natural availability of coloured surfaces, smooth and soft) is the main explanation for the realisation of such a profusion of engravings (Bicknell, 1911, p. 43; Barfield and Chippindale, 1997, p. 116; Huet, 2017, p. 159).

Auclair, L., Ewague, A. and Hoarau B. (2018) Les paysages gravés du Haut-Atlas marocain, Ethnoarchéologie de l’agdal. Paris: Errance. Barfield, L.-H. (1986) ‘Chalcolithic burial ritual in Northern Italy: problems of interpretation’, Dialoghi di Archeologia, 2, pp. 241-248. Barfield, L.-H. and Chippindale, C. (1997), ‘Meaning in the Later Prehistoric Rock-Engravings of Mont Bégo, Alpes-Maritimes, France’, Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, 63, pp. 103-128. Barocelli, P. (1921) Val Meraviglie e Fontanalba (note di escursioni paletnologiche, Società piemontese di archeologia e belle arti). Torino: Fratelli Bocca.

In no circumstances does this article attempt to deconstruct gratuitously the interpretive hypothesis of our predecessors, or current counterparts, and we keep our distance from big censors such as those who attacked the theory of prehistoric shamans in the mid-1990s (Clottes and Lewis-Williams, 2015). Through this important bibliographic synthesis, we hope, firstly, to have presented the state of the research, secondly, to have highlighted the main weaknesses of the previous works and finally to have established a series of new problematics for future studies, in the perspective of a new approach to the site resolutely modern, and rid of old paradigms.

Barral, L. and Simone, S. (1989) ‘Que sont les Merveilles?’, Bulletin du Musée d’Anthropologie Préhistorique de Monaco, 2, pp. 109-159. Barral, L. and Simone, S. (1990) ‘Calculs et graphes aux Merveilles’, Bulletin du Musée d’Anthropologie Préhistorique de Monaco, 33, pp. 99-111. Baschet, J. (2008) L’iconographie médiévale, Paris: Gallimard. Beaulieu, J.-L. de and Goeury, C. (2004) ‘Les premiers signes d’anthropisation des Alpes françaises d’après l’analyse pollinique’, in Richard, H. (ed), Néolithisation précoce. Premières traces d’anthropisation du couvert végétal à partir des données polliniques: résultats du programme CNRS «Paléoenvironnement, évolution des Hominidés», Collection Annales Littéraires. Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, pp. 163-171.

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Jules Masson Mourey and Nicoletta Bianchi C., Magnaldi, B., Ponsard, D. (2003b) Région du mont Bego. Gravures protohistoriques et historiques. Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, Tome 14. Secteur des Merveilles. Zone du Grand Capelet, Zone XII. Groupes I à VI. Aixen-Provence: Edisud.

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Lumley, H. de and Échassoux, A. (ed.), Bianchi, N., Le Breton, G., Percic, P., Romain, O., Fauquembergue, E., Fregier, C., Guilard, R., Magnald, B. (2011) La montagne sacrée du Bego. Préoccupations économiques et mythes cosmogoniques des premiers peuples métallurgistes des Alpes méridionales. Proposition de lecture. Paris: CNRS.

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Lumley, H. de, Fonvielle, M.-E. and Abélanet, J. (1976) ‘Les gravures rupestres de l’âge du Bronze dans la région du mont Bego’, in Anati, E. (ed.), Les gravures protohistoriques dans les Alpes. (Prétirage IX Congres UISPP 1976). Nice: Université de Nice, pp. 7-35.

Magnardi, N. and Breteau, E. (2005) Roches confidentes. Dessins et témoignages gravés de la vallée des Merveilles du Moyen-âge à nos jours. Marseille: Images En Manœuvres. Marro, A. (2003) Le culte du Dieu Taureau et de la Déesse Mère au Chalcolithique et à l’âge du Bronze d’après les gravures de la région du mont Bego, dans le contexte des premiers peuples agriculteurs et pasteurs et des premiers métallurgistes du Bassin méditerranéen, (Ph.D Thesis). Paris: Museum National d’Histoire Naturelle.

Lumley, H. de (1977) ‘Au pied du mont Bégo. Un prodigieux musée’, Dossiers de l’Archéologie, (La vallée des Merveilles. 100000 gravures rupestres. L’âge du Bronze dans les Alpes), 23, juillet-août, pp. 26-57. Lumley, H. de, Mano, L., Kadar S., Échassoux, A. and Meslin, L. (2002) ‘Le gias del Ciari à Tende. Stratigraphie et attribution culturelle des niveaux archéologiques, in Le mont Bego. Une montagne sacrée de l’âge du Bronze. Sa place dans le contexte des religions protohistoriques du Bassin Méditerranéen, (Colloque international, Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, 5-11 juillet 1991). Paris: Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle 1, pp. 146-152.

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Lumley, H. de (ed.), Bégin-Ducornet, J., Échassoux A., Giusto-Magnardi, N., Lumley, M.-A. de, Machu, P., Park, Y.-E., Romain, O., Saguez, S., Serre,s T. and Villain-Rinieri, F. (2001) ‘Le mont Bego, vallées des Merveilles et de Fontanalba’, Guides archéologiques de la France. Paris: Imprimerie nationale.

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Lumley, H. de (ed.), Bégin-Ducornet, J., Échassoux, A., Fournier, A., Giusto-Magnardi, N., Lavigne, G., Lumley, M.-A. de, Machu, P., Mano, L., Meslin, L., Park, Y.-H., Rey, M., Romain, O., Romain, S., Saguez, S., Serres, T. and Villain-Rinieri F. (1995) Le Grandiose et le Sacré. Aix-en-Provence: Edisud.

Masson Mourey, J. (2018) ‘De l’ancienneté du «Christ», dans la vallée des Merveilles’, Préhistoires Méditerranéennes [on line], 6, http://journals. openedition.org/pm/1501 Masson Mourey, J. (2019a) ‘«Keyhole» figures and the «anthropomorph with zigzag arms» of the vallée des Merveilles (Tende, Alpes-Maritimes, France)’, International Newsletter On Rock Art, 83, pp. 24-30.

Lumley, H. de (ed.), Archiloque, A., Échassoux, A., Foucaut, L., Le Breton G., Machu P., Magnardi, N., Mano, L., Radulesco, N., Romain, O., Serres, T., Strangi, J.-M., Viers, R., Villain-Rinieri, F. and Mace, C., Magnaldi, B., Ponsard, D. (2003a) Région du mont Bego. Gravures protohistoriques et historiques. Tende, Alpes-Maritimes. Tome 5. Secteur des Merveilles. Zone de la cime des Lacs. Zone III. Groupes I et II. Aix-en-Provence: Edisud.

Masson Mourey, J. (2019b) ‘First application of Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI) on Prehistoric Rock Engravings of the Monte Bego (Tende, AlpesMaritimes, France)’, International Newsletter On Rock Art, 84, pp. 25-30.

Lumley, H. de (ed.), Archiloque, A., Échassoux, A., Foucaut, L., Le Breton, G., Machu, P., Magnardi, N., Mano, L., Radulesco, N., Romain, O., Serres, T., Strangi, J.-M., Viers, R., Villain-Rinier, F. and Mace,

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Mocci, F., Palet-Martinez, J., Segard, M., Tzortzis, S. and Walsh, K. (2005) ‘Peuplement, pastoralisme et modes d’exploitation de la moyenne et haute montagne depuis la Préhistoire dans le Parc national des Écrins’, in Verdin, F. and Bouet, A. (eds) Territoires et paysages de l’âge du Fer au Moyen Âge. Mélanges offerts à Philippe Leveau. Bordeaux: Presses universitaires, pp. 197-212.

Walsh, K., Mocci, F., Tzortzis, S., Bressy, C., Talon, B., with the coll. of Richer, S., Court-Picon, M., Dumas, V. and Palet-Martinez, J. (2010) ‘Les Écrins, un territoire d’altitude dans le contexte des Alpes occidentales de la Préhistoire récente à l’âge du Bronze (Hautes-Alpes, France)’, Archéologie de la montagne européenne, (Actes de la table ronde internationale de Gap, 29 septembre-1er octobre 2008, BiAMA), 4, Errance, pp. 211-225.

Mocci, F., Walsh, K., Talon, B., Tzortzis, S. and CourtPicon, M. with the coll. of Bressy, C., Dumas, V., Gassend, J.-M. and Py, V. (2008) ‘Structures pastorales d’altitude et paléoenvironnement. Alpes méridionales françaises du Néolithique final à l’âge du Bronze’, in Jospin, J.-P. and Favrie, T. (eds), Premiers bergers des Alpes. De la préhistoire à l’Antiquité. Grenoble: Musée dauphinois, pp. 93-101.

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Moggridge, M.-F.-G.-S. (1869) ‘The Meraviglie’, in International Congress of Prehistoric Archaeology, transactions of the third session, 20th-28th August, Norwich/London. London: Longmans Green, pp. 359362. Rivière, E. (1878) ‘Gravures sur roches des lacs des Merveilles au val d’Enfer’, Association française pour l’Avancement des sciences, Congrès de Paris, séance du 23 août 1878, 7, pp. 783-793. Romain, O. (1991) ‘Les gravures du mont Bego’. Etude des gravures d’arme: typologie, attribution culturelle et datation, Ph.D Thesis. Paris: Museum National d’Histoire Naturelle. Saulieu de, G. (2004) Art rupestre et statues-menhirs dans les Alpes. Des pierres et des pouvoirs. 3000 – 2000 av. J.-C. Paris: Errance. Sigaut, F. (1991) ‘Un couteau ne sert pas à couper mais en coupant. Structure, fonctionnement et fonction dans l’analyse des objets’, XI Rencontres Internationales d’Archéologie et d’Histoire d’Antibes, (25 ans d’études technologiques en Préhistoire Juan-les-Pins, APDCA), pp. 21-34. Spagnolo Garzoli, G. (2009) ‘La stele figurata di Komevios e l’enigma della struttura 120’, in Spagnolo Garzoli, G. (ed.), I Celti di Dormelletto. Gravellona. Toce: Press Grafica, pp. 41-48. Testart, A. (2010) La Déesse et le Grain. Trois essais sur les religions néolithiques. Paris: Errance. Van Gennep, A. (1909) Les rites de passage: étude systématique des rites. Paris: Libr. Émile Nourry. Venturino Gambari, M. and Davite, C. (1995) ‘Barge, Envie, Paesana, Revello, Rifreddo, Sanfront, loc. Monte Bracco. Indagini archeologiche preliminari in area di insediamenti preistorici’, Quaderni della 53

5 Igniting fire under mobile conditions and other Late Neolithic–Bronze Age shepherding traces Giorgio Chelidonio Accademia della Lessinia Onlus, Italy

Abstract: The availability of fire in high-altitude alpine contexts was significant for the late prehistoric pastoral frequentation, as the discovery of the Iceman confirms. Ötzi had in his belted pouch a piece of Fomes fomentarius (a fungus that could be used as a tinder) and a flint stone tool suitable as strike-a-light. During the fourth millennium BC, this igniting technology was widely adopted: the recent finding on the Monte Baldo ridge of a flint tool with specific traces confirms that this kind of fire-making kit was used in alpine areas, maybe in shepherding, and/or hunting strategies. Nevertheless, fire representations seem mostly uncommon in rock engravings, despite several ethno-archaeological sources which highlights the importance in the Alps area of fire ignition as a sacral meaning, such as those ritual blazes that took place on the uplands (Brandopferplätze), and served as messages to the ‘heavenly beings’.5 These considerations aim to promote a wider interpretation of those rock engravings representing fire and/or lightning symbols, engravings such as that of ‘the Sorcerer’ or of ‘the tribal chief’ on Mont Bego. Keywords: strike-a-light, flint, pyrite, tinder, fire strategies.

5.1. Introduction

been surface-collected. So far, a dozen Mousterian sites have been discovered, the highest being Bocca Paltrane (1,830 m asl), where a discoidal core has been found (Chelidonio, Dozio and Rosà, 2015). Despite Monte Baldo’s slopes having been ice free for the past 15,000 years BP, very few Pleistocene findings have been detected so far, although pastoral activities are said to have started at least from Late Neolithic in the Adige Valley.

The recent finding of a flint fire-striker with evident traces of usage on top of Costabella ridge (Figure 5.1) at 1734 meters of altitude (Chelidonio and Gonzato, 2018) is discussed alongside its possible connection to human slash-and-burn farming and forest clearing traces during the Holocene, in an attempt to provide wider considerations on the functional and ritual meanings of this kind of tool; and the impact that lightning could have in terms of pastoral risk and its impact on the origin of the ‘Storm Gods’ myths and their potential representation, if any, in Alpine rock art. The Costabella ridge belongs to the southern part of Monte Baldo, a 40-km dorsal chain located between Lake Garda and Adige Valley (Verona, Italy).

One of the highest Neolithic tools found so far in the aforementioned area is a long and standardised flint blade (Maiolica vitreous flint) (Figure 5.3) discovered at Pozza della Cola (Chelidonio and Rosà, 2014), an important pass located at an altitude of 1,289 meters, in the northeastern part of Monte Baldo. Several Chalcolithic flint arrowheads (Mellini, 1981; Capuis et al., 1988; Cipriano et al., 1990) have been found also at various high-altitude areas of Monte Baldo: at the Telegrafo peak at an altitude of 2,147 meters asl and on Prà Alpesina, at 1,850 meters (Figure 5.4). A quite similar arrowhead was found at the ritual site of La Vela (sector IX -Trento) dated to 33403300 BC (Endrizzi et al., 2011). Anyway, the meaning of the relevant number of flint arrowheads found so far on Monte Baldo ridges must be further detected, analysed and interpreted.

Monte Baldo reaches its highest altitude (2,218 m above sea level (asl)) on the Valdritta peak. During the Würm Ice Age two glaciers, the Adige and the Lake Garda ones, surrounded the Monte Baldo dorsal ridge, reaching 1,200 meters asl near Monte Altissimo (the northern part of this chain) and at 600-400 meters in its southern moraines (Bassetti and Borsato, 2007). Because of the thickness of these two glacier tongues, the erosion spared some Middle Palaeolithic traces (Figure 5.2), but only on the slopes over 1,000 meters in altitude, such as in Val Basiana (1,060 m asl), where some multidirectional patinated flakes have

Concerning the relationship of fire use and forest clearing in northern Italy, the eldest ‘slash-and-burn’ traces, probably connected with summer pasture activities, date back to the seventh millennium BC (Le Mogge di Ertola, Genova) (Maggi, 2003).

5  Niederwanger and Tecchiati, 2000; Oberrauch, 2014; Tecchiati, 2012; 2017.

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Figure 5.1 – The Costabella ridge (Monte Baldo chain/Italy) (photo G. Gonzato)

Figure 5.2 – Malga Basiana – Middle Palaeolithic flakes (photo G. Chelidonio)

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Igniting fire under mobile conditions and other Late Neolithic–Bronze Age shepherding traces

Figure 5.5 – ‘Blade-scraper’ found inside Ötzi’s belt pouch (from Wierer et al., 2018, with two short captions added by G. Chelidonio)

Figure 5.3 – Pozza della Cola – Middle Neolithic blade (drawing by G. Chelidonio)

As per flint fire-strikers, this kind of stone tool has been widely used at least from 5500 years BP, in residential sites (Tosina di Mozambano, MN; Lo Vetro, 2015) and, most likely, in mobile activities connected with shepherding. Another piece of evidence of Neolithic fire-strikers used in the higher mountain areas is the formerly called ‘bladescraper’ found within Ötzi’s kit (Brillante and De Marinis, 1998): recently it has been confirmed that it had also been used as fire-striker (Figure 5.5) (Wierer et al., 2018). Within western Europe Neolithic, flint fire-strikers were used since 15,000 years BP (Stapert and Joahnsen, 1999), also in funeral rites, at least from the Late Neolithic, as proved by the Schipluiden cemetery (Netherlands, dated to 5500 years BP) (AA.VV., 2006), or in the Valtenesi rock-shelter graveyard (Manerba/BS), dated to 4500 years BP (Barfield, 2007). However, detecting traces that a flint tool had the function of a fire-striker is not always easy, because the pyrite nodules often dissolve inside of the archaeological strata. Despite its long-term use, as the traces of abrasion document, the Costabella fire-striker is a very atypical tool (Figures 5.6 a-b) since it has been retouched (along its long sides) on a heavily patinated flint clast. Nevertheless, its blade-like symmetry suggests that it belongs to the Late Neolithic typology. However, another bifacially flaked type of flint fire-strikers, possibly ranging from Late Chalcolithic up to the Middle Bronze Age, has been detected within the Monti Lessini sites (Avanzini, Chelidonio and Rosà, 2017), like the one from the Dosso

Figure 5.4 – Prà Alpesina – Chalcolithic arrowhead (photo G. Gonzato)

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a

b

Figure 5.6 – Costabella ridge – flint fire-striker with heavily worn ends (photo G. Chelidonio)

Folesani site (776 m asl; Chelidonio and Piccoli, 2018). A few years ago, just in the Costabella narrow ridge (1,734 m asl), where the aforementioned flint fire-striker was collected, a flock of 300 sheep was killed as a consequence of a single lightning.6 Other similar historical cases have been documented worldwide, such as the heard of more than 300 wild reindeers killed by lightning (August 2016) during a severe thunderstorm in the grass fields of Hardangervidda, a high mountain national park in Norway.7

Although this kind of sheep hecatomb seems to be rare, it’s well known that on mountain peaks or ridges, lightning strikes can cause natural fires.8 So, it’s most likely that this kind of risk could be connected to the ‘Storm God’ myths’ origins, probably worshipped by prehistoric shepherds. Many ‘Storm Gods’9 were known in protohistorical times: Teshub, worshipped by the Hurrians (in Mesopotamia/ Anatolia, at least 4000 years ago);

  http://ricerca.gelocal.it/mattinopadova/archivio/mattinodipadova/2006/ 07/03/VB6PO_VA620.html 7   https://news.nationalgeographic.com/2016/08/norway-reindeerlightning-weather 6

8   http://girovagandoinmontagna.com/gim/paganella-bondone-stivomonte-baldo/(bondone)-il-cornetto-che-non-ti-aspetti 9   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_thunder_gods

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Igniting fire under mobile conditions and other Late Neolithic–Bronze Age shepherding traces • Zeus Keraunos, from the Dodoni sanctuary (530-520 BC) cited in the Iliad – book XVI; • Jupiter Feretrius, whose ‘temple-hut’ (Figure 5.7) was erected on top of the Capitolium hill in Rome (about 2750 years ago), where this peculiar ‘lightning God’ was worshipped as Lapis silex, probably a big paleotool or a meteoric hard stone (AA.VV., 2000).

as a ‘Storm God’ being worshipped for bringing rain to the mountain grasslands (De Lumley, 2009) dried during hot summers (Magail and Giaume, 2005; Sandrone et al,. 2013; Bianchi, 2013; 2015; 2016; Huet, 2017).

• Teshub, who announced, by thunder and lightning, the fertilising rain which was so necessary in the SyroMesopotamian steppe; • Zeus Keraunos, as the eldest Greek oracle in the Dodoni sanctuary; • Jupiter Feretrius, as a guarantor of foedera, the civic pacts or treaties according to which betrayers will be struck by lightning.

Indeed, its prayerful-like position (oriented to the main mountain peak) could, potentially, confirm this firmly established hypothesis, but the two ‘daggers’ (near but unconnected to his wide-open hands) look as if ‘being hurled’, somehow similarly to the keraunos wielded by the other mythical ‘Storm Gods’. In conclusion, my hypothesis (which needs to be further analysed and discussed, particularly considering the great distance between the two sites) leaves an open question: could the ‘Sorcerer’ of Mont Bego be a ‘facial-like’ symbolic scheme of a ‘Storm God’? That is to say, some kind of a ritual icon, oriented to a ‘mountain top God’ (Figure 5.9) ‘implored’ by pastoral communities to spare their sheep flocks from being suddenly struck by lightnings?

But, despite the worldwide diffusion of these myths, is there any ‘Storm God’ represented by rock-art engravings? And, if any, could its worship have been related to prehistoric summer shepherding risks? The only one I know of is the famous rock-engraved image called ‘the Sorcerer’ (Figure 5.8) from Mont Bego, which has been mainly interpreted

Nevertheless, all elements considered must be analysed and verified within the pastoral strategies and sceneries of the third millennium BC, including the diffusion of flint fire-strikers, traces of slash-and-burn activities and all the environmental risks alpine colonisation brought about during Late Prehistory.

Moreover, all these ‘Storm Gods’ were worshipped for diversified ‘superpowers’, e.g.:

Figure 5.7 – Jupiter Feretrius’ ‘temple-hut’, erected on top of the Capitolium hill in Rome (about 2750 years ago), where this peculiar ‘lightning God’ was worshipped as ‘Lapis silex’ (from Carandini and Cappelli, 2000, p. 328)

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Figure 5.8 – Mont Bego (Vallèe des Mervellies, France) the famous rock-engraved image called ‘the Sorcerer’ (photo© Musée Départemental des Merveilles – CD06)

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Figure 5.9 – Mont Bego (Vallèe des Mervellies, France) – the rock-engraved ‘Sorcerer’ on the background of a high mountain peak (photo© Musée Départemental des Merveilles – CD06)

Bianchi, N. (2013) ‘Proposition pour une attribution chronologique des gravures rupestres protohistoriques de la région du Mont Bego (Tende, Alpes Maritimes)’, in Sandrone, S., Patrick, S. and Venturino Gambari, M. (eds) Archeologia del passaggio Scambi scientifici in ricordo di Livio Mano, Atti del convegno transfrontaliero di Tende – Cuneo 3-4/8/2012. Monaco (F): Éditions du Musée d’Anthropologie Préhistorique, pp. 153-160.

Acknowledgements The author thanks the following for discussing the theme and for the bibliographies suggested: Maria Borrello (University of Geneva), Umberto Sansoni (Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici), Nicoletta Bianchi (University of Perpignan), Umberto Tecchiati (University of Milano), Lorenza Endrizzi (Archaeological Heritage of Trento) and Roberto Maggi (Archaeological Heritage of Liguria).

Bianchi, N. (2015) ‘Dinamiche culturali e manifestazioni simboliche tra Cuneese e Monte Bego: dall’arte rupestre al pastoralismo di un territorio montano durante la preistoria recente’, Quaderni della Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte, 30, pp. 13-35. 60

Igniting fire under mobile conditions and other Late Neolithic–Bronze Age shepherding traces Bianchi, N. (2016) ‘La région du mont Bego au Néolithique. Premières observations sur la cohabitation de structures pastorales d’altitude et gravures’, Archéam, 22, pp. 140-146.

Lo Vetro, D. (2015) ‘Le pietre focaie’, in Poggiani Keller, R. (ed) Contadini, allevatori e artigiani a Tosina di Monzambano (Mn) tra 5° e 4° millennio a.C.. Calcinato (BS): Acherdo edizioni, pp. 87-102.

Brillante, G. and De Marinis R.C. (1998) Ötzi, l’uomo venuto dal ghiaccio. Venezia: Marsilio Editori.

Magail, J.E. and Giaume, J.M. (eds) (2005) Le site du Mont Bego. De la protohistoire à nos jours. Actes du Colloque de Nice, 15-16/3 2001, Nice(F): Serre Editeur.

Capuis, L., Leonardi, G., Pesavento Mat, S. and Rosada’ G. (eds) (1988) Carta Archeologica del Veneto, vol. I, Modena: edizioni Panini.

Maggi, R. (2003) ‘Pastori, miniere, metallurgia nella transizione fra Neolitico ed età del Rame: nuovi dati dalla Liguria’, in Ferrari, A. and Visentini, P. (eds) Il declino del mondo neolitico. Ricerche in Italia centrosettentrionale. Fra aspetti peninsulari, occidentali e nordalpini (Atti del Convegno di Pordenone 5-7-aprile 2001). Pornenone (I): Quaderni del Museo Archeologico del Friuli occidentale, 4, pp. 437-440.

Cipriano, S., Marcassa, P. and Stocco, R. (eds) (1990) Carta Archeologica del Veneto, vol. II, Modena: edizioni Panini. Carandini, A. and. Cappelli, R, (eds) (2000) Roma. Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della città. Milano: Electa.

Mellini, A. (1981) ‘Reperti litici a Punta Telegrafo di Monte Baldo, m. 2200. Dati della frequentazione preistorica’ Studi per l’Ecologia del Quaternario, 3, pp. 161-174.

Chelidonio, G., Dozio, A. and Rosà V. (2015) ‘I più antichi abitanti dell’Alto Garda’, Judicaria, 89, pp. 22-40. Chelidonio, G. and Gonzato, G. (2018) ‘Nuove tracce preistoriche sulle creste del Monte Baldo’,Il Baldo, 29, pp. 60-81.

Niederwanger, G. and Tecchiati, U. (2000) Acqua, Fuoco, Cielo. Un luogo di roghi votivi di minatori della tarda età del Bronzo. Bolzano/Vienna: Folio editore.

Chelidonio, G. and Rosà V. (2011) ‘Tracce neanderthaliane e manufatti musteriani sul Monte Baldo’, Il Baldo, 22, pp. 43-71.

Oberrauch, H. (2014) ‘Pigloner Kopf, un rogo votivo dell’età del Rame. Il rito di deposizione di oggetti in un’area sacra’, in De Marinis, R.C. (ed.) Le manifestazioni del sacro e l’età del Rame nella regione alpina e nella pianura padana, (Atti del Convegno, 2324 maggio 2014). Brescia: edizioni Euroteam.

Chelidonio, G. and Rosà V. (2014) ‘Una lama di selce come indizio delle frequentazioni tardo-preistoriche baldensi’, La Giurisdizione di Pénede, 42, pp. 101-112. Chelidonio, G. and Piccoli, G. (2018) ‘Tracce di fuochi tardo-preistorici a Folesani di San Mauro di Saline: alcuni strumenti litici tardo-preistorici probabilmente utilizzati per accendere il fuoco’, in AA.VV., La Lessinia ieri oggi domani, pp. 97-102, Lavagno (VR): La Grafica editrice.

Sandrone, S., Patrick, S. and M. Venturino Gambari (eds) (2013) Archeologia del passaggio Scambi scientifici in ricordo di Livio Mano, Atti del convegno transfrontaliero di Tende – Cuneo 3-4 agosto 2012. Monaco: Éditions du Musée d’Anthropologie Préhistorique. Sansoni, U. and Gavaldo, S. (2006) La sacralità della montagna: la Valsaviore, le Alpi, i monti degli Dei in Valcamonica e Valtellina. Capo di Ponte (BS): edizioni del Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici.

De Lumley, H. (2009)’ Lecture des idéogrammes du chalcolithique et de l’âge du Bronze Ancien de la région du mont Bego’, Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 153 (1), pp. 389-392.

Sansoni, U. (2007) ‘Simboli e Archetipi nell’arte rupestre. Per un’archeologia cognitiva, psichica e simbolica’, in XXII Valcamonica Symposium. L’arte rupestre nel quadro del patrimonio Culturale dell’umanità. Capo di Ponte: edizioni del Centro, pp. 423-431.

De Lumley H., Echassoux, A. and Serres, T. (1995) ‘Signification des gravures corniformes du Chalcolithique et de l’âge du Bronze ancien de la région du Mont Bégo’, Société Valdôtaine de Préhistoire et d’Archéologie (4ème colloque sur les Alpes dans l’Antiquité, Chatillon, Vallée d’Aoste, Mars 1994), V-VI, pp. 80-141.

Sansoni, U. (2014) ‘Il senso del sacro durante il Calcolitico nell’arte rupestre della Valcamonica: pugnali, mappe e oranti a Boscatelle, roccia 8, e a Foppe di Nadro, roccia 6’, in De Marinis, R.C. (ed) Le manifestazioni del sacro e l’età del Rame nella Regione Alpina e nella Pianura Padana. Brescia: Euroteam, pp. 127-146.

Endrizzi, L., Mottes, E., Nicolis, F. and Degasperi, N. (2011) ‘New evidence of ancestral landscape in Trentino in the Copper and Bronze Ages: the ritual sites of Cles-Campi Neri and La Vela di Trento’, Ancestral Landscapes, 58, pp. 511-522.

Stapert, D., Joahnsen, L. (1999) ‘Making fire in the Stone Age: flint and pyrite’, Geologie en Mijnbouw, 78, 2, pp. 147–164.

Huet, T. (2017) ‘Les gravures piquetées du mont Bego (Alpes-Maritimes). Organisation spatiale et sériation (VIe-IIe millénaire av. J.-C.)’, Mémoire Société Préhistorique Française, 63, 166 p.

Tecchiati, U. (2012) ‘Luoghi di culto e assetti territoriali nell’età del Rame della regione atesina’, Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, 12 (2004), pp. 15-30. 61

Giorgio Chelidonio Tecchiati, U. (2017) ‘Troppo (poco) umano: alcune considerazioni in materia di antenati ed eroi nella preistoria recente e nella protostoria dell’Italia settentrionale’, in Cupit, M., Vidale, M. and Angelini, A. (eds) Beyonds Limits. Studi in onore di Giovanni Leonardi, (Antenor Quaderni, 39). Padova: Uuniversity Press, pp. 609-620. Wierer, U., Arrighi, S., Bertola, S., Baumgarten, B., Kaufmann, G., Pedrotti, A., Pernter, P. and Pelegrin, J. (2018) ‘The Iceman’s lithic toolkit: Raw material, technology, typology and use’, PlosOne, June 20, 2018, pp.1-48, (https://doi.org/10.1371/journal. pone.0198292).

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6 Rock art in relation to pastoral villages in medium and high-altitude sites, in Valcamonica and in the Alps Ausilio Priuli Museo didattico di arte e vita preistorica di Capo di Ponte (BS), Italy

Abstract: The mountains have often been conceived as sacred places, but they also have been economically productive places for communities that have practiced the alpine meadows for pastoral activity, in some cases combined with the extraction of minerals. Almost every mountain in the Alps bear traces not only of material culture, settlements, equipped shelters or organized spaces, but also of graphic expressions in the form of engravings, scratching’s, paintings, sometimes even in monumental form. This art is the outcome of a ritual necessity to establish and maintain a good relationship with the world of superior beings and spirits that dwell in the mountains, in the rocks and in everything that surrounds human beings. The case of Mont Bego is emblematic in this sense; its most famous rock art is the result of the activity of a few artist-priests, while the simpler expressions, like the cup-marks which are found almost everywhere, are the result of popular religiosity. Key words: Rock Art, Landscape Archaeology, Pastoralism. 6.1. Introduction

forest with the valleys suddenly crossed by impetuous rivers, fed by tropical rains. Enough to say that the timber forests grew over 2,300 m altitude, as evidenced by the findings of pine trunks, residues of an extensive forest near Lago Nero of Gavia, and by pollen analysis of numerous samples of Alpine peat bogs.

Palaeolithic men lived on the edge of glaciers, on mountainsides overlooking lowlands, on plains – tundra, in shelters, cave entrances and temporary encampments. They were nomads and lived in small groups, with a predatory economy.

The richness of vegetation and, by consequence, of huntable fauna; the abundance of edible vegetables, fruits and berries; the domestication of some animals (sheep, goats, cows, pigs) and the possibility of practicing sheep farming and the cultivation of some cereals induced some human groups to colonise the low valley, hills and slope hills. It also led to the creation of real villages, used as the base for the periodical practice of hunting and pastoral activities.

Later, in Late Glacial and in Preboreal times, the gradual increase in temperature led glaciers to melt more quickly, leaving the Alpine valleys and mountains free from ice. This change led groups of Late Palaeolithic and Mesolithic hunter-gatherers to the valleys, where they started the first summer seasonal colonisation of the area, which was left only in wintertime when they would go back to the lowlands and onto the morainic hills at the foot of the Alps. Upon first contact with hunter-gatherers, what could have been referred to as ‘nature’ started turning into a defined ‘landscape’.

The Alpine world in the Neolithic became populated and changed into an anthropic landscape in which man, directly or indirectly, was able to intelligently adapt to nature or adapt nature to its needs.

For about 5,000 years valleys and mountains were frequented almost only from May to the end of September. The traces left by men are those of small camps, equipped under-rock shelters and tent settlements used, restored and reused for long times both along the mountainsides and at higher altitudes, even beyond 1,800-2,000 meters.

Mankind had a rational and religious respect for the land: they deforested enough to have small plots of land to cultivate cereals and pastures for the little livestock they needed and, through the practice of agricultural rotation, they had fields of wheat and pastures for their livestock, without affecting the wood resources and the habitat of the animals they hunted.

The climatic adjustment of the Boreal age was followed by the long, hot and humid Atlantic age (7,500-4,500 years ago), which saw the Alpine world turn into an immense 63

Ausilio Priuli 6.2. The relationship between man and environment was economic but was, most importantly, religious

at least from the end of the Neolithic to the Middle Bronze Age (Priuli, 1984); Val Montozzo in the upper Peio valley, in the province of Trento, and on the border with the upper Valcamonica (Figure 6.2), where at an altitude of 2,700 m some inscriptions in Rhaeto-Etruscan characters have been engraved on a large rocky slab, probably with the intention of transforming it into an altar, and next to which a large menhir dominating the valley below has been erected (Priuli, 2010); Turicla di Edolo in the upper Valcamonica, where, in recent prehistoric times, the top of the mountain was ‘elevated’ with an enormous truncated cone structure about 60 m in diameter and 25 m high. There a great fire was lit, probably immediately after the summer solstice, gifts and sacrifices were offered to the Sun God and minerals and work metals got melted (Priuli, 2012).

The prehistoric men dwelling in the Alpine world were ‘animists’: cutting down a tree, for them, meant taking away a child from ‘mother earth’; burning down a forest meant violating the spirits that dwelt there and upsetting the structure the creator and the ‘ordering beings’ gave to the world. Their fear was that, by doing so, the world would return to primordial chaos. For this reason, every material action presupposed a ritual activity aimed at appeasing the spirits of nature that lived inside everything, so that such spirits did not rebel against the disintegrating actions of the primordial order, but instead cooperated in its maintenance. For the man of our remote past, a landslide, a hurricane, a flood, a lightning strike, a thunder were not ‘natural events’, just as the growth of the grass, of a tree, the transformation of a flower into a fruit, birth and death were not ‘natural events’. They were indeed considered a manifestation of the ‘sacred’, as the ‘sacred’ was to be found everywhere. Immanent. Consequently, men felt the need to communicate with it and used to do so through rituals, which are thought to be the activity occupying most of their time.

Valleys and mountains since the Mesolithic, but especially since the Neolithic ages, have been in some cases difficult places to live in, with considerable seasonal temperature changes, even though strategically safe and economically productive. They were able to ensure economic stability for the individual, for the family and for the community, in accordance with unwritten rules nevertheless respected by everyone. Resources were considerable, often even in abundance compared to their real needs.

This is testified by the infinite number of rock engravings found not only in Valcamonica (Figure 6.1), but in many other places of the Alpine world, and also by the simple cup-marks found almost everywhere scattered on the rocks and boulders from the bottom of the valley up to an altitude of over 2,800 meters. This is also testified by the frequent traces of votive depositions in the lakes and rivers; those ‘founding rituals’ and traditions have often lasted until almost the present day. Some examples are the Fuochi di San Giovanni (Fires of St. John), still lit at the end of June, often in places where in prehistoric times votive pyres got lit in honour of the Sun, aimed at slowing down its race towards the winter sunset.

Mountainsides could accommodate permanent housing units in close proximity to cultivable areas. The sunny hillsides often characterised by hanging terraces of glacial origin were home to seasonal settlements where livestock were brought in the spring and autumn seasons, while the higher meadows nearby were used in the summer as pastures for flocks of sheep, goats and cows. The slopes of the mountains, and the valleys wedged between them, were rich hunting grounds used to integrate the profits of pastoral activity, together with the search for mineral deposits and the subsequent crafting of metals. In Valcamonica, but also in many other Alpine valleys, can be found many material traces of permanent settlements at the bottom of the valley, on the hillsides – frequented in spring and autumn – and at higher altitudes. The surface explorations carried out in recent years have revealed new important findings every day (Priuli, 2010). The traces found near the settlements scattered in the territories used for pastoral activities are just as numerous and show particular rock engravings.

6.3. The expressions of man in the Alps The mountains, nowadays considered as barriers – although still crossed by carriageways, or borders of territories, nations and cultures – in the distant past were considered as such only in rare cases. Very often, they were meeting places, and were climbed with totally different intentions from today. Mountains were the ladder people had to climb to get closer to the world of the Gods, and often on the top, among the peaks, they met other people climbing from different paths and directions, in order to celebrate rituals.

We should point out that for many years, and until recent times, the people of the Alps attributed the rock engravings – figurative or not – uniquely to the shepherds. It was thought that these people, having so much free time available and little to do while looking after the flock or cattle grazing, started drawing, engraving and carving into and on the rocks just to ward off boredom.

Examples in this regard, to name a few, are the Vallée des Merveilles and Val Casterino at the foot of the Mont Bego peak in the Maritime Alps, where about 100,000 rock engravings attest to the cult of God Taurus, the Sun, and Mother Earth, practiced periodically for many centuries,

Since the presence of these signs could not be explained, it was natural to attribute them to the shepherds, also 64

Rock art in relation to pastoral villages in medium and high-altitude sites, in Valcamonica and in the Alps

Figure 6.1 – Alta Valcamonica, Ponte di Legno – Montozzo (BS). Pastoral engravings at over 2,600 meters in altitude (photo A. Priuli)

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Ausilio Priuli

Figure 6.2 – Alta Val Montozzo, Pejo, (TN). Boulder with engravings and pre-Latin inscriptions near a menhir in a pastoral area (photo A. Priuli)

Often the simple presence of signs led to the creation of other signs near them and in some cases the phenomenon has become contagious.

because in some cases some shepherds actually left marks or figures on the rocks. An emblematic example is the one engraved in Giadeghe-Le Crus di Capodiponte, representing two shepherds leading a couple of animals to a church, while another one kneels, praying in front of a crucifix.

The thousands of drawings, writings, acronyms and representations of devotional signs painted in red on the rocks of the steep slopes of Mount Cornón in Val di Fiemme (Trentino) are not only relatively recent, but also of pastoral origin (Figure 6.3). On the other hand, painted on the rocky walls of places difficult to reach, and frequented only by shepherds and quarrymen of ochre rock, some subjects, especially those zoomorphic, echo similar prehistoric and protohistoric representations, common especially in Valcamonica. For the shepherds of the Cornón it was a hobby, but also a need, as you can tell from the wooden scaffolding they were sometimes forced to build to reach very high surfaces (Bazzanella and Kezich, 2013).

Besides this, many others can added, such as the numerous cruciform signs, drawings and graffiti scattered around Mount Beigua in Liguria (Priuli, 1994); the vast majority of engravings identified in the Apuan Alps (Sani, 2009); many representations, symbols and inscriptions of the Val Grande in Verbano (Copiatti and Poletti Ecclesia 2014) and the many engravings that dot the western Alps, particularly Susa Valley. We could discuss endless examples. Many of them are difficult to place in chronological order, because often the executive techniques and the figurative typologies or signs present on the rocks or on boulders are common to both prehistory and history; others are easier to place in temporal order because they can be typologically associated with Christian symbology, or are accompanied by dates, acronyms or the names of the authors. Very often, however, the shepherds, in their idleness, devoted time to engraving, drawing and representing, in some cases for the sake of doing so, in others to attest to their presence in those places, in others still to pray or communicate with their own ‘spirit’ protectors, with saints or with God, to ask for help.

6.4. Institutionalised ‘language’ and ‘minor manifestations’ We must make a general premise, in order to grasp the formal and content differences of the various expressions, and to have convincing parameters that will enable us to identify pastoral expressions. It has been said on several occasions and in several situations (Priuli, 2006) that rock art – a transitory or permanent ritual 66

Rock art in relation to pastoral villages in medium and high-altitude sites, in Valcamonica and in the Alps

Figure 6.3 – Tesero, Val di Fiemme (TN). Shepherds’ writings (photo A. Priuli)

slopes of Monte Baldo on Lake Garda, Valtellina and the site of Carschenna in the Swiss Grisons, just to name but a few, in which the rocks smoothed by the glaciers were considered ‘altars’ on which the engraving rites were to be consumed, and places that have been characterised by the construction of ‘shrines’ that have housed special structures, monuments, stelae, anthropomorphic stelae and statues stelae in the form of a permanent ritual language, such as the megalithic shrine of St. Paul Martin de Corlèans in Aosta (Mezzena, 1981), or the Sardinian megalithic sanctuaries of Sarcidano (Atzeni, 1979/80) to name but a few, and sometimes even within larger natural sanctuaries, as in the cases of Camonica and Valtellina (Priuli, 2011).

language (Priuli, 2013) – is the result of an ‘institutionalised rituality’, i.e. the result of activities of specialists of the rite who have worked in particular places full of sacredness – which we can define as ‘shrines’ – and worked through a ‘personal rituality’, carried out with different forms of graphic language, not in the sanctuary areas, but in places often frequented for economic reasons, almost everywhere. While the ‘institutionalised language’ has seen the creation of figurative and symbolic works, full of narrative content, a commemorative and celebratory re-enactment, the personal language of ordinary people has generally been a simple, repetitive, mostly non-figurative language, limited to those expressions that elsewhere would be defined as ‘minor manifestations’ (Priuli, 1977).

In some cases, these ‘sanctuaries’ have maintained their sacredness for millennia, as in the case of Valcamonica. Some of them were used for shorter periods of time, as in the case of Mont Bego or the western slopes of Monte Baldo; in other cases they have been only occasionally abandoned and reused sporadically, as it seems to have happened in Valtellina, and for even more sporadic occasions such as in the cases of La Balma dei Cervi in Val Antigorio (De Giuli and Priuli, 2012) and Carschenna in the Swiss Grisons.

The ritual ‘institutionalised language’ characterises places – more or less extended territories – particularly recognised as sacred: sanctuary areas, spiritual centres, morphologically singular or anomalous places, or in which unexplained phenomena occurred, interpreted by non-scientific cultures as hierophanies, theophanies or other supernatural events. Some examples are the caves where men engraved, scratched, sculpted and painted for millennia; places that have already been mentioned such as Valcamonica, Mont Bego, the Assa Valley on the Asiago highland, the western

If we analyse the case of Mont Bego, we discover that the sanctuaries at high altitude of this area are almost only 67

Ausilio Priuli figurative and symbolic expressions of an ‘institutional’ type, while are very rare ‘minor manifestations’, quite common in the territories surrounding Mont Bego, in the nearest valleys and along the Ligurian Riviera (Priuli and Pucci, 1994). In the case of Valcamonica, it can be observed that in the different sanctuary areas that characterise the extensive territory, there are absolutely no minor events and in particular there are no traces of coppelle as in some cases in Piancogno; there are few in the central territory of the valley surrounding Capodiponte, characterised by ‘institutional’ figurative culture; instead there are many in the adjacent territories, where there are almost no or sporadic ‘institutional’ figurative expressions (Figure 6.4). The only places where the two types of expressions are present together are those that saw the disappearance of the institutional use of a place of sacredness, followed by a popular use of the same land. Examples are some rocks of the Park of Luine and Crape of Boario Terme in Valcamonica, the territory of Grosio and Teglio in Valtellina and the one mentioned above of Carschenna in Grisons. Even in megalithic sanctuaries from the Copper Age, the demolition of the anthropomorphic stele following the desacralisation or conversion of the site for other ritual purposes was followed by their reuse for the realisation of burials, and on the same were realised several times numerous cupels; in this regard, see the case of St. Martin de Corleans of Aosta.

Figure 6.4 – Lago Nero, Monte Torena, Val Belviso, (SO). Engravings in a pastoral area (photo A. Priuli)

Minor manifestations are often present in mountain areas where pastoral activity and mineral research and crafting activities have been practiced, such as in the aforementioned Val Racines in South Tyrol, Cortenedolo and Vico di Edolo or Dos Curù di Cevo in Valcamonica.

In the Alpine world there are relatively few sanctuary areas, and they are quite well defined territorially. The expressions of personal rituality, i.e. the ‘minor manifestations’, are therefore massive and scattered everywhere. We find them by the sea on the rocks of Capo S. Ampelio in Bordighera in western Liguria, along the entire chain of the western Alps (Priuli, 1999) and at an altitude of 2,800 m at the beginning of Valcamonica in the Central Alps; in the Sardinian Domus de Janas, as well as along the paths of Val Senales crossed by Ötzi or at an altitude of over 2,000 m in Val Racines (Bolzano) near the entrance of a rich mining deposit probably exploited since prehistoric times (Priuli, 1991)

They are frequent in highly man-made sites and territories characterised by settlements for residential and productive use, such as in the territory of Pianvalle (Priuli, 1991b), and along the slopes of Monte Croce near Como (Magni, 1901), where the signs found are several thousand. Those municipalities are near seasonal pastoral settlements as in the upper Valcamonica, in the upper Val Brembana in the province of Bergamo or around Lago Nero del Torena in Valtellina, at over 2,000 meters in altitude. They are very common in funerary contexts: they are present in the Sardinian hypogenic tombs, on burials covering slabs, from the Copper Age onwards, until the end of the Middle Ages and even engraved on pebbles laid on recent burials in many cemeteries in South Tyrol, on slabs of tombs of the Golasecca culture and, still in relation to the cult of the deceased, on the facade of churches, such as the Romanesque church of S. Zeno in Verona.

In addition, the minor events characterise a very long period of time, starting from the Upper Palaeolithic and perhaps even from the Middle one, up until present day. The environmental and cultural contexts that host them are the most heterogeneous. Along paths of ascent towards the Alpine prairies and in the same prairies where the summer mountaining of the cattle happened – and it happens – there are numerous examples of rocks and boulders with cupels, often presenting graffiti or fusiform created by repeating scratches. The examples found in the Alps are endless (Priuli, 1991, pp. 1417-1435).

In the valleys and on the Alpine chain it has been discovered that the ‘minor manifestations’ are the most common graphically etched expressions that can be easily traced back to the pastoral culture. 68

Rock art in relation to pastoral villages in medium and high-altitude sites, in Valcamonica and in the Alps The list of sites and rocks with cupels, with non-figurative graffiti and with repeated-scratches fusiforms identified in Italy and especially in the Alpine world could be endless; much has been written about them (Priuli, 2006) and many more are discovered every day, so here we mention only a few examples that characterise the illuminating sites of obvious pastoral frequentation. On the Alpe Colla Superiore of the Colma di Craveggia, in the upper Val Vigezzo (VCO), of the numerous cupels which characterise rocks scattered in the pastures, some have been carved in a relatively recent age by herdsmen who would like the lightning to avoid striking the grazing cattle (AA.VV., 2003). At the foot of Mount Torena, at the watershed between Valcamonica and Valtellina, as already mentioned, the many hundreds of cup-marks and repeated-scratches made on the rocks surrounding Lago Nero (Figure 6.5) and Lago dei Purscei, over 2000 meters above sea level (asl), characterise an area frequented for pastoral purposes probably from the Neolithic to the present day (Priuli, 1989). Around the Lago Nero of Gavia, at an altitude of about 2,300 m, at the head of the Valcamonica, in a place that has seen human presence since the Mesolithic (Priuli, 2010), numerous cup-marks are still used for pastoral purposes. Figure 6.5 – Valli di Sant’Antonio, Corteno Golgi – Corna di Büs (BS) (photo A. Priuli)

Still in the upper Valcamonica and at its head, always in places of summer pastoral frequentation, many boulders are at the foot of the Corno di Montozzo (Figure 6.3), as well as on the adjacent Piano dei Laghi di Ercavallo, between 2,500 and 2,800 meters asl. On the opposite Val Montozzo, in Trentino territory always between 2,500 and 2,800 meters of altitude (Figure 6.2), among other things there is the exceptional presence of a boulder-altar with inscriptions in Rhaeto-Etruscan characters associated with a large menhir, now lying down, but of which you can still see the stone wedges that kept it upright (Priuli, 2010).

Even in Monno, upstream of the large house, dominating the extensive Rhaetian-style residential and productive settlement of Savena, a cupped rock dominates the valley and the village. Dos Curù of Cevo, a hill in the middle of Valcamonica, is a clear example of the relationship between cupels and pastoral activity: here the extensive settlement, which also housed two large stables, in addition to offering some inscriptions in pre-Latin Camunian characters, has in the surrounding territory a large series of boulders with cupels of obvious pastoral use (Figure 6.5).

In upper Valcamonica, in addition to the presence of boulders with cupels on rocks and outcrop boulders scattered across the extensive prairies of high-altitude, almost every protohistoric pastoral settlement sees the presence of at least one boulder with cupels.

If we had to map the distribution of the rocks and cupped boulders of the Alpine world, we would discover that the vast majority are located along the ascents to the middle and high mountain pastures and in the alpine meadows. Even when they are at low altitudes, they are generally in poorly productive areas from an agricultural point of view, and therefore are mainly used for pastoral purposes.

Here, the surface survey conducted in the first decade of our century has allowed the author to identify a dense series of settlements in the valley bottom, others of first spring grazing, and others still of summer grazing. In close proximity to the spring and summer mountain settlements, cupped boulders have been found (Priuli, 2016).

It should be noted, however, that in the Sanctuary areas, such as the territory surrounding Mont Bego, where their function as a spiritual centre is no longer recognised and the productive activity of pastoral type has increased, the shepherds remain aware of the sacredness of the place and are still strongly linked to the traditional animist way of life that characterised them for thousands of years. Shepherds

In this regard we can mention the settlement of Premia di Vione, of Ravinale di Pezzo and of I Zoc di Sant’Apollonia at the entrance to the Valle delle Messi, not far from Ponte di Legno. In both cases at least one cupped boulder is placed at the top of the ancient settlement and in a dominant position. 69

Ausilio Priuli Copiatti, F. and Poletti Ecclesia, E. (eds) (2014) Messaggi sulla pietra. Vogogna (VB): Parco Nazionale della Val Grande.

continue to consider those rocks full of sacredness and inner strength, and have continued to engrave them. The same can be said concerning the hundreds of rocks scattered around the Alps, on which we find an infinite number of engraved crosses and other Christian symbols: clear signs of an epoch-making transition from one religion to another: from animism to Christian monotheism; from the need to communicate with the gods and the spirits of nature to the need to affirm one’s belonging to a new creed and, consequently, to the need to communicate, always by engraving, with the new crucified God.

De Giuli, A. and Priuli, A. (2012) ‘Le pitture parietali della Balma dei Cervi in Valle Antigorio’, Oscellana, XLII, 3, pp. 121-168. Magni, A. (1901)’ Nuove pietre cuppelliformi nei dintorni di Como’, Rivista Archeologica dell’Antica Provincia e Diocesi di Como, 43-44, pp. 19-139). Mezzena, F. (1981) ‘La Valle d’Aosta nella preistoria e protostoria’, in AA.VV. (eds) Archeologia in Valle d’Aosta. Dal Neolitico alla caduta dell’Impero Romano 3500 a.C.-V sec.d.C. (Catalogo della mostra). Aosta: Regione Valle d’Aosta, pp. 15-60.

6.5. Conclusions There is no doubt about the macroscopic difference in form and content between the figurative and symbolic engravings and the ‘minor manifestations’ intended as cupels. Those cupels, small and filiform channels, and fusiforms caused by repeated scratches are still called by some ‘polissoire’ engravings.

Priuli, A. (1977) ‘Proposta per una classificazione delle incisioni rupestri’, in Copiatti, F. (ed.) La preistoria dell’arte, Margozzo: Antiquarium Mergozzo, pp. 17-21. Priuli, A. (1984) Le incisioni rupestri di Monte Bego. Ivrea: Priuli & Verlucca.

Beyond the formal aspect, there is no doubt that the two main categories of engraved expressions characterise, with rare exceptions, different places: the first sanctuary areas, the second the more peripheral areas, almost all of which are characterised by human frequentation for productive purposes, in particular agricultural, pastoral and hunting as well as mining.

Priuli A. (1989) ‘I Graffiti filiformi e le incisioni della Val Belviso nel più vasto quadro della produzione italiana’, Quaderni Camuni, 46, pp.155-174. Priuli, A. (1991) La cultura figurativa preistorica e di tradizione in Italia. Pesaro: Edizioni Giotto Printer. Priuli, A. (1999) ‘Le incisioni rupestri nel mondo alpino occidentale, dalla Liguria di ponente al Ticino’, Archaologie und Felsbildforschung’, 19-20 (1-2), pp. 68-73.

The engravings of the former are almost always the result of institutionalised ritual activities, therefore the work of specialists in the rite that, through the activity of engraving, have or wanted to come into contact with the ultra-earth world and the entities that live there, often according to the needs of the individual or the community that commissioned them. On the other hand, the engravings of the latter are the result of the personal need to ‘pray’ that could be satisfied in any place, even in places of usual frequentation for productive use.

Priuli, A. (2006) Il linguaggio della preistoria. Torino: Ananke. Priuli, A. (2010) Etnoarcheologia in alta Valle Camonica e il mistero dei villaggi scomparsi. Brescia: Unione dei Comuni dell’Alta Valle Camonica. Priuli, A. (2011) Preistoria in Valle Camonica. Ivrea: Priuli & Verlucca.

It also seems conceivable that there was, and still is, a taboo to carry out the same work that is done in the sanctuary areas by the ‘priest artists’, which is understandable considering that those who are not priests cannot celebrate mass but can still recite their own personal prayers, addressing indifferently, according to need, God, their dead relatives or any entity in which they believe, and can do so anywhere.

Priuli, A. (2012) ‘L’antropizzazione antica in Valle Camonica. Insediamenti di tipo retico tra 1000 e 1800 mt. di altitudine’, in Poletti Ecclesia, E. (ed) Inter Alpes. Insediamenti in area alpina tra preistoria ed età romana, Atti del Convegno in occasione dei quarant’anni del Gruppo Archeologico Mergozzo, 23 ottobre 2010. Mergozzo: Gruppo Archeologico Mergozzo, pp.70-94. Priuli, A. (2013) Segni come parole. Ivrea: Priuli & Verlucca.

Bibliography

Priuli, A. (2016) ‘Valle Camonica. Mappe e insediamenti ad uso abitativo a confronto’, Bollettino del Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici, 41, pp. 85-103.

Atzeni, A. (1979-80) ‘Menhir antropomorfi e statuemenhir della Sardegna’, Annali del Museo Civico della Spezia, II, pp. 9-64.

Priuli, A. and Pucci, I. (1994) Incisioni rupestri e megalitismo in Liguria. Ivrea: Priuli & Verlucca.

Bazzanella, M. and Kezich, G. (eds) (2013) Le scritte dei pastori. Etnoarcheologia della pastorizia in Val di Fiemme. Mantova: SAP Società Archeologica.

Priuli, A. and Pucci, I. (2009) Incisioni rupestri e megalitismo in Liguria. Ivrea: Priuli & Verlucca.

Copiatti, F., De Giuli, A. and Priuli, A. (2003) Incisioni rupestri e megalitismo nel Verbano Cusio Ossola. Domodossola: Edizioni Grossi.

Sani, G. (2009) I segni dell’uomo – Incisioni rupestri della Toscana. Empoli: Editori dell’Acero. 70

7 Pastoral Graffiti in the Val Grande National Park and in the areas of Natural Parks of Ossola Valley. Results of a first mapping Fabio Copiatti* and Elena Poletti** * Parco Nazionale Val Grande ** Civico Museo Archeologico Mergozzo

Abstract: The Val Grande National Park is a protected area located in the Italian Alps. It is mostly wild and uninhabited, but retains fragments of the pastoral civilization of the past. The actual communication presents a first mapping of the so-called ‘pastoral graffiti’, sometimes painted, but mainly engraved on rock and wooden supports in the territory of the National Park and in the nearby Natural Park of Veglia Devero. The writings are mostly initials of the authors’ name and surname, followed by dates, accompanied by drawings, symbols, short messages and diary annotations. The graffiti of the Ossola shepherds date back from the seventeenth century to about half of the twentieth century, until the conclusion of what is known as the ‘Mountain Rural Civilisation’, in some cases certainly showing continuity in the same sites and with the same techniques of prehistoric rock art. Keywords: Valgrande, Veglia Devero, Alps,Westernalps, graffiti on wood, graffiti on rock, painted graffiti, engraved graffiti, Valgrande National Park

7.1. Geography and environment of the mapped areas

The survey presented here considers the pastoral graffiti by classifying them into groups depending on the surface on which they are displayed, and on the technique adopted to inscribe them: in the two areas we found engravings on rock, paintings on rock and engravings on wooden elements of architectures.

This contribution is about two protected areas, located on the Italian southern slope of the Alps, in North-Eastern Piedmont, i.e. the Val Grande National Park and the Veglia-Devero Natural Park (part of the Protected Areas of Ossola).

The richest and most representative site in the sample of rock graffiti is Alpe Sassoledo, municipality of Trontano (1,600 m asl), in the Val Grande National Park. Here, we found numerous rocky outcrops and a large rock wall with graffiti (Figure 7.2), which were the first pastoral engravings mapped in this territory (Valsesia, 1985; Copiatti and De Giuli, 1996; Copiatti and Poletti Ecclesia, 2014).

In both areas we found an Alpine environment. The Val Grande National Park is mostly wild and uninhabited, though it retains fragments of the mountain civilization of the past, including rock carvings. The Veglia-Devero Natural Park, northern district of Ossola Reserves, includes two mountain basins: Alpe Veglia and Alpe Devero, alpine environments shaped by man, the result of the toil of many generations of mountaineers. (Figure 7.1)

Besides the richness of the writings on the rock, the site is relevant for the presence of a peculiar engraving, the socalled ‘man-tree’, the symbol which inspired the logo of the National Park.

7.2. Inscribed surfaces and techniques

The logo of the National Park is reminiscent of this petroglyph, documented on the rocks of Alpe Sassoledo and on the stone lintels of medieval buildings that are still standing in some of the surrounding villages (Calderini and De Giuli, 1999; Copiatti, 2014; Copiatti and Poletti Ecclesia, 2015a; 2015b).

In the territory of the two parks there are rock engravings – especially cup-marks – located and studied for a long time (Bertamini, 1971; Biganzoli, 1992; Copiatti, 1995; Copiatti, De Giuli and Priuli, 2003; Copiatti, and Poletti Ecclesia, 2014). More recently (2012), in the area of Veglia-Devero Park, rock paintings have been discovered (De Giuli and Priuli, 2012; Rubat Borel, Carlone and Arcà, 2013).

On the rocks of Sassoledo, we detected a very high range of graffiti: trees, cup-marks, crosses and many 71

Fabio Copiatti and Elena Poletti

Figure 7.1 – Map of the considered areas: 1. Val Grande National Park; 2. Veglia-Devero Natural Park

figure, in praying position, engraved with the polissoire technique (rubbing of a knife), possibly dating back to prehistoric ages. It seems to belong to the very first layer of engravings, in some way proving that men have been writing on these rocks for centuries.

dates and letters, initials of the names and sometimes complete signatures of the shepherds who brought their cattle to the site for the summer transhumance. They stayed away from home for at least three months, because the site and its pastures are 4 hours far from the village – nowadays, as well as in the past, Sassoledo can be reached only by walking – therefore it is not surprising that the shepherds wanted to leave a trace of their passage.

Another notable example of multilayered graffiti is a big stone in Alpe Noccola (1,609 m asl), always in the municipality of Trontano and not far from Sassoledo. Here, the high concentration of engravings shows mainly crosses, dates and signatures (Figure 7.3). Some of the signatures, very recent, were made by modern excursionists and mineral collectors. Among the ancient ones, the dates

The dates go back to 1718, but most of them are from the nineteenth century (Poletti Ecclesia, 2014). Among the symbols we recognised also an anthropomorphic 72

Pastoral Graffiti in the Val Grande National Park and in the areas of Natural Parks of Ossola Valley

Figure 7.2 – Detail of a large rock wall with engravings in Alpe Sassoledo (area 1)

Figure 7.3 – Engraved rock in Alpe Noccola (area 1)

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Fabio Copiatti and Elena Poletti go back to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Copiatti and Poletti Ecclesia, 2014). The pastoral graffiti on the southern slopes of the Val Grande Park, looking down at the beautiful Lake Maggiore, are pretty different from the ones mentioned above. We did not record examples of stratified incisions and the graffiti were made as single acts of engraving. At the site of Motta d’Aurelio (828 m asl), a pasturing area between the hamlets of Miazzina and Cossogno, there are many engraved rocks, mainly with cupmarks and crosses. There are also a few dates (in a rocky outcrop we observed 1767), and a human figure (Copiatti and Poletti Ecclesia, 2014). Proper pastoral writings are not very common; therefore the one of the young shepherd Vittorio Perazzi, in its simple and clear composition, enlightens the observer about the conditions of work and life of the shepherds: the young boy declares that he was 14 years old at the time of the writing in 1936, and reveals trough the inscription that he had a good educational level (Figure 7.4). The writing is long and well made and says ‘Marzo 1936 / Perazzi Vittorio / nato il 15 / luglio / classe / 1922’ i.e. ‘March 1936 Perazzi Vittorio born on the 15th of July 1922’ (Poletti Ecclesia, 2014). A very accurate engraving technique is also evident on two stone boulders in Alpe Steppio (902 m asl), in the Verbano area. Here, the regular and well-spaced inscriptions retain the dates 1876 and 1877 and a series of initials (Figure 7.5). The epigraph box, accurately bush-hammered and smoothed, suggests the intention of the author to produce a long-lasting message: these are not impromptu graffiti, but information about property boundaries and plots of land that had to be visible and clearly read.

Figure 7.4 – Inscription made by the shepherd Vittorio Perazzi (area 1)

eldest 1820), many initials and the name of the place (site reported and documented by Tim Shaw) (Figure 7.8). Graffiti painted on rock is well known in some areas of the Alps, particularly in Val di Fiemme (Bazzanella and Kezich, 2013). In that valley, the shepherds left messages by painting on stone with ferrous pigments of mineral origin (hematite) mixed with organic binders (animal fat and saliva). This kind of writing is not as common as the engravings, because it is highly perishable. However, in the considered area, an example of rock painting was recorded in 1992 in Alpe Veglia and, recently, a large pictorial cycle made with ochre pigment has been discovered in the site named ‘Balma dei Cervi’ (municipality of Crodo, Antigorio Valley, Veglia-Devero Natural Park). The first studies date it back to prehistory – possibly late Neolithic or Copper–Bronze Age (De Giuli and Priuli, 2012; Rubat Borel, Carlone and Arcà, 2013).

The graffiti written by Paolo Pablin Primatesta of the village of Colloro is also significant: the shepherd left on a rock the engraving P.P. Paolo 15.9.1969 at the end of his last season spent at Alpe Serena (Val Grande), just on the day he went back home (Figure 7.6). After him, no shepherd brought their cattle for seasonal pasture in the whole Val Grande area anymore. An interesting example of pastoral graffiti in the VegliaDevero Natural Park is the large engraved rock found and reported by Martina Merlo in Alpe Moier (1,705 m asl). On this stone we observe the same complexity of engravings as on the rocks in Sassoledo and Noccola mentioned above, with different layers of incisions belonging to different ages (Figure 7.7). Most of the graffiti are dates and alphabetic initials. There is also a drawing: we suggest it could represent a monstrance (Troletti, 2013).

The two previous findings brought greater attention to this kind of graffiti, and other examples have been reported in the past years: a small rest of painting of a spiral and circles, next to the engraved date 1629 on a rock shelter in Baceno, and an alphabetical writing and a cross, always in the Antigorio Valley (site reported by Filippo Pirazzi and Sonia Vella) (Figure 7.9). In the writing, we recognised the word ricordate (remember).

To be used as a surface for graffiti were not only the natural rocks and outcrops; we observed inscriptions on stone slabs of buildings and walls too. It happened in Alpe Carreggia (1,050 m asl), where you can find dates (the 74

Pastoral Graffiti in the Val Grande National Park and in the areas of Natural Parks of Ossola Valley a

b

Figure 7.5 – Engraved rocks in Alpe Steppio (area 1)

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Fabio Copiatti and Elena Poletti

Figure 7.6 – Engraved rock at Alpe Serena: on the lower side, on the right the signature of Paolo Primatesta and the date 1929 (area 1)

Figure 7.7 – Engraved rock in Alpe Moier (area 2)

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Pastoral Graffiti in the Val Grande National Park and in the areas of Natural Parks of Ossola Valley

Figure 7.8 – Graffiti on a wall in Alpe Carreggia (area 1)

Figure 7.9 – Rock paintings of historical age, Valle Antigorio (area 2)

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Fabio Copiatti and Elena Poletti All the paintings are located in sites called balme, a place name which indicates sloping rocky walls that used to offer natural shelters to the shepherds, sometimes equipped with the construction of small huts. The natural protection offered by these rocks allowed for the conservation of the paintings too.

the sites of Sassoledo and Noccola mentioned above. In this site, the door of a shepherds’ hut bears incisions of dates and signatures, in some cases inside squares or houses (Figure 7.10). Nearby the same hut there are stone slabs with engraved initials. This circumstance, combined with the high density of reviewed engravings, highlights how writing activities were frequently practiced by shepherds during the long season of summer grazing in the mountains.

The small rests of paintings are really meaningful witnesses that rock painting was a phenomenon more widespread and long-lasting than what we thought. Men have painted on rock since prehistory and till historical ages. On the other hand, they testify that hematite ochre pigment, well known and studied in Val di Fiemme, is present also in the western Alps, particularly in the Antigorio Valley. Here is one of the few alpine hematite fields, supplying the raw material for the red colour.

We mapped most of the sites with wood carvings in the Veglia-Devero Park, especially in the Devero high pasture. The richest site in graffiti on wood is Alpe Misanco (1907 m asl). It was a pasture site of public property of the municipality of Mozzio, but in use to the people of the municipality of Crodo. Every season, the municipality hired the pasture with its huts and stables to a shepherd and cheese-maker. The tenant had to manage his own cattle and the cattle of other people of the village who paid for this service, often with a portion of the produce (milk, butter and cheese).

Especially for the IFRAO Congress (International Federation of Rock Art Organisations), we considered for the very first time mapping a new kind of pastoral graffiti, i.e. engravings on wood. We detected pastoral graffiti mainly on doors of huts and stables in seasonal settlements of shepherds, in both the Val Grande and Veglia Devero Parks.

Many doors in this site are marked with engraved signs. The main hut is notable for the density of inscriptions on the wooden door, and on the door jambs and lintel (Figure 7.11). As for those on rocks, the graffiti are mainly dates and initials or names. The most ancient date is 1620; we found

In Val Grande, a good sample of wood graffiti is in Alpe Faievo (990 m asl), municipality of Trontano, not far from

Figure 7.10 – Hut door with graffiti in Alpe Faievo (area 1)

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Pastoral Graffiti in the Val Grande National Park and in the areas of Natural Parks of Ossola Valley

Figure 7.11 – Photomosaic of a hut door with graffiti in Alpe Misanco (area 2)

also 1750, but the majority of them is from the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. The engraved symbols are crosses and long series of notches. We interviewed one of the last shepherds who managed the pasture of Misanco, Daniele Taddei, about the habit of writing on doors. He confirmed that the notches correspond to the days spent in the pasture. They were made with a pointed nail.

graffiti could, however, lead us to suppose that it follows a tradition that has its roots in ancient times. 7.3. Conclusions The examples collected in this first mapping document the desire of shepherds to leave traces of their permanence in the Alps through names, dates, diary notes and systems of marking of elapsed time (notches). These writings are also accompanied by symbols – especially the cross – but also the alberiform symbol and others. We can observe that literacy was sufficiently acquired by the mountain dwellers to make it possible for them to correctly and amply use written language.

In the basin of Devero pastures, engraved wooden doors have been mapped not only in Alpe Misanco, but also in Buscagna Inferiore and Superiore, Spigher, Vallaro and Corte Corbernas. In several cases the buildings are in a state of disrepair and the engraved doors are in poor condition. Certainly, many have been lost in modern remakes or to the decay of no longer used huts. The present mapping also represents an appeal to save the still-preserved examples, keeping them in situ where possible, or displaying them in museums.

It is evident how the shepherds filled the long and slow time of the summer season through writing and using materials and techniques which they were familiar with. In the considered area, the inscriptions on rock are by far the most widespread.

Whilst a continuity from prehistory to historical age can be demonstrated for incisions and paintings on rock, it cannot be done for wood, due to the perishability of the support. The diffusion in some sites of this particular kind of

The stone, especially in the Ossola-Vigezzo areas, is soapstone, a soft variety that was also quarried during the 79

Fabio Copiatti and Elena Poletti Calderini, O. and De Giuli, A. (1999) Segno e simbolo su elementi architettonici litici nel Verbano Cusio Ossola. Ivrea: Priuli e Verlucca.

summer season and brought downstream to be worked and turned during the winter season (Viridis Lapis, 2012). The engraving technique of leaving a mark of one’s own passage went hand in hand with the expertise of cutting and engraving the stone elements used in everyday life and in traditional architecture.

Copiatti, F. (1995) Incisioni rupestri in Val Grande e dintorni, Oscellana XXV, pp. 17-22. Copiatti, F. and De Giuli, A. (1996) Incisioni di età storica all’alpe Sassoledo (Trontano), Oscellana XXVI, pp. 182-186.

The engraving technique of soapstones is mainly to rub it with a blade (polissoire). In case of more tenacious rocks, such as the gneisses of the Antigorio Valley, painting was preferred. The coexistence of engraving and painting on stone is rare, whereas we observed a long continuity of the habit of engraving and painting on rocks, although for the latter there are only a few examples. A clear limit to any statistical consideration is represented by the perishability of the paintings and the opposing durability of the incisions.

Copiatti, F., De Giuli, A. and Priuli, A. (2003) Megalitismo e incisioni rupestri nel Verbano Cusio Ossola. Domodossola: Grossi editore. Copiatti, F. and Poletti Ecclesia, E. (eds) (2014) Messaggi sulla pietra. Censimento e studio delle incisioni rupestri del Parco Nazionale Val Grande. Vogogna: Ente Parco Nazionale Val Grande. Copiatti, F. (2014) ‘Adoriamo i boschi sacri e, in questi boschi, il silenzio». Le incisioni alberiformi e ramiformi’, in Copiatti, F. and Poletti Ecclesia,E (eds) Messaggi sulla pietra. Censimento e studio delle incisioni rupestri del Parco Nazionale Val Grande. Vogogna: Ente Parco Nazionale Val Grande, pp. 75-80.

In the sample area it is, however, possible to distinguish sites and stone varieties in which engraving (OssolaVigezzo) is exclusive, and others in which the few paintings (Antigorio-Divedro) are concentrated. The choice of painting is due, on one hand, to the presence of very hard kinds of stone, and on the other hand, to the nearby presence of the pigment. Hematite, where available, was used in the Alpine tradition not only for graffiti, but also for practical purposes, such as marking livestock or decorating houses with simple patterns.

Copiatti, F. and Poletti Ecclesia, E. (2015a) ‘A protezione della soglia. Simboli incisi su architravi di edifici medievali nel Verbano Cusio Ossola’, Bollettino Camuno di Studi Preistorici, 39, pp. 73-92. Copiatti, F. and Poletti Ecclesia, E. (2015b) ‘L’alberiforme da incisione rupestre a logo di un’area protetta: l’esperienza di studio dei petroglifi del Parco Nazionale Val Grande’, Proceedings XXVI Valcamonica Symposium, Prospects for the Prehistoric Art Research 50 years since the founding of Centro Camuno (Capo di Ponte September 9-12), 2015, pp. 93-100.

The woodcuts turned out to be a new and fruitful field of investigation, although even for these, as for the paintings, we had to deal with the limit of any statistical consideration, invalidated by the decay of many testimonies. In addition to the perishability of the wooden organic matter, we must consider that in the still-used mountain huts the wooden elements had been renewed and replaced.

De Giuli, A. and Priuli, A. (2012) ‘Le pitture parietali della Balma dei Cervi in Valle Antigorio (nota preliminare)’, Oscellana, XLII (3), pp. 121-168.

We are nevertheless convinced that shepherds traced many writings on wood, since they were very familiar with this material. Wood, especially that of larch, was in fact widely carved for the production of tools and furnishings of everyday life.

Poletti Ecclesia, E. (2014) I graffiti alfabetici e numerici: una particolare fonte storica, in Copiatti, F. and Poletti Ecclesia,E (eds) Messaggi sulla pietra. Censimento e studio delle incisioni rupestri del Parco Nazionale Val Grande. Vogogna: Ente Parco Nazionale Val Grande, pp. 117-124.

We aim to spread the awareness that even this type of historical document is worth preserving: the management of both protected areas share this goal with us.

Rubat Borel, F., Carlone, A. and Arcà, A. (2013) ‘Crodo. Balma dei Cervi. Pitture rupestri preistoriche’, Quaderni della Soprintendenza archeologica del Piemonte 28, pp. 289-290.

Bibliography Bazzanella, M. and Kezich, G. (eds) (2013) Le scritte dei pastori. Etnoarcheologia della pastorizia in val di Fiemme. Mantova: SAP Società Archeologica s.r.l.

Troletti, F. (2013) ‘Crosses and monstrances in the historical rock art of Monticolo. Some Considerations and interpretation proposal’, Proceedings XXV Valcamonica Symposium, Art as a source of history, (Capo di Ponte September 20-26, 2013), pp. 113-120.

Bertamini, T. (1971) ‘Un centro di culto preistorico in Val Vigezzo’, Oscellana, pp. 58-62. Biganzoli, A. (1992) ‘Incisioni rupestri nel Verbano. Descrizione e censimento’, Bollettino Storico per la Provincia di Novara LXXXIII, pp. 399-406.

Valsesia, T. (1985) Val Grande ultimo paradiso, Verbania Intra: Alberti.

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8 Pastoralism and quarrying: possible typological divergences in the production of historical rock art in accordance with the sites intended use Federico Troletti University of Lisbon – Faculty of Fine Arts Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici – Capo di Ponte (BS) Italy

Abstract: Historical rock art has seen an increase in interest over the past 15 years thanks to an increase in studies, conducted by several researchers. The previous contributions, which are both small in terms of quantity and not exhaustive in terms of the investigation, have shown a fair interest, although always mediated and in some cases obscured by the protohistorical rock art which in many cases lives side by side with that of the modern era. The analysis of historical engravings and pictorial on stone phenomena has been, in many cases and for a long time, little considered. In the past there have been simple reports, often without detailed investigations and documentation. There was in the perception of the archaeologists a kind of disinterest in these signs since they were recent. On the other hand, there were researchers who offered, although objectively shareable interpretations, a valid approach to the phenomenon. In general, I believe that every sign must be recorded; documented with multidisciplinary support; and interpreted in the wider context of the place where it was made.   Keywords: Valcamonica, historical rock art, pastoral engravings, miners’ engravings. 8.1. Camuna historic rock art

of the funds. Some are places where the exploitation of the territory for the quarrying of stones and metal minerals is documented. It follows that those who conducted the search and documentation of these places were interested in the study of metallurgy and, in the background, rock art. Thanks to these works – and in particular the studies of Gian Claudio Sgabussi – we have a decent documentation on which are based various considerations of this article. It should be noted that another site with historical history is located in Piancogno, but the graffiti, already discreetly documented (Priuli, 1993), is still to be traced back to the Roman era, and that’s why they will not be taken into account in this study.

The places on which I dwell are all within the rock art of the Camonica Valley Unesco site (Figure 8.1), known all over the world, and destination of a ‘pilgrimage’ for every researcher who deals with rock art. Within the Unesco site, that in truth is divided into a myriad of parks and museums managed by diverse entities, there are some areas that are affected by historical rock art. The investigations carried out in recent decades, mostly by the missions of the Camuno Centre of Prehistoric Studies, have made it possible to identify a wide range of signs certainly to be dated to the modern era. For the Darfo Mountains site (now within the Park of Lake Moro, Corni Freschi, Luine, Monticolo, Sorline), there is still no relief and therefore no complete catalogue, whereas for the Campanine resort (within the largest park of the Unesco site, i.e. the Ceto Regional Nature Reserve, Cimbergo, Paspardo) the complete catalogue of signs with reliefs has been published. The complete catalogue has also been published for the resorts surrounding Pisogne and Gratacasolo. Other areas with rock art are located on the left side of the valley in the municipality of Esine. Unfortunately, as the result of non-organic reports, only the locations are known. They are still in privately owned funds to which access for researchers has been denied. There are also many sites with rock art, but not organised as a museum. The absence of a museum context is due to the nature of the engravings, and the destinations of use

The average visitor thinks the Camuni engravings are only prehistoric ones. This probably happened because of the vast prevalence of pre-Christian rock art compared to that from the modern era, but possibly also because of the focus placed by archaeologists on prehistory. 8.2. The function of historical etchings At the origin of this study there was the question, which arose during previous research work, of who engraved the figures of the historical era in Valcamonica. It is obvious that we do not refer to individual authors, but to social categories. The questions are who for, and why was the rock art of the historical era realised? Thanks to the more in-depth studies that have been conducted in Campanine 81

Federico Troletti

Figure 8.1 – Map of the sites (© CCSP)

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Pastoralism and quarrying an hypothesis was formulated, suggesting that the area was frequented at least from the fifteenth century up to the twentieth century by locals for breeding reasons, and also, although less, by farmers and pickers.

and archaeological sources there are about two centuries. I believe that the use of the land has not changed substantially over the decades. In conclusion, the ‘signs’ of the historical era of Campanine were carried out in those areas where the main activities were herding and harvesting forest products (chestnuts, firewood, fruits).

With regard to the dating of the engraving phenomenon, I would like to reiterate how the practice of protohistoric rock art in Valcamonica stopped towards the first centuries after Christ, to then resume in the fifteenth century at the threshold of the modern era. These are not medieval engravings, as many scholars have thought in the past and have continued to propose even recently. We are at the beginning of the Renaissance and the objective data also suggest whether we can talk about a period of ‘renaissance’ of rock art. The motivations of the iato are not known. The most interesting question, for which I am unable to formulate an answer, is why after more than a millennium of silence and abandonment of the practice, was it resumed? To this consideration I add the note that even in the valley of Fiemme, as Giovanni Kezich has pointed out to me, shepherds have been writing on the rock faces of places frequented for grazing since the sixteenth century. In the state of the research, this feedback is considered a mere coincidence, but it deserves at least a future verification.

Although it is not certain whether the same visitors of the places were also the engravers of the rocks, it is assumed that there was a relationship. The forests were considered a source of wealth for the exploitation of products and for grazing sheep and goats. The visitors were also necessarily the holders of the rights of exploitation. In the area of Campanine there was a way of communication: a small path (documented in the nineteenth-century land and partly still present) that connected the Sante of Capo di Ponte to the village of Cimbergo. On this communication route therefore passed the inhabitants of the village of Cimbergo and those of Paspardo, a town at a higher altitude. Cimbergo’s Campanine catalogue has returned a varied mosaic of signs, of writings in vernacular and Latin, and of dates that we could catalogue, according to the typical classification of scholars of rock art, with the genre ‘figurative’ (Figures 8.2-4). This definition, although a slang, is a concrete formula that can be explained with ‘images that form a figure’: they are therefore signs on the rocks recognisable as an object, an animal, an anthropomorphic, a construction, etc.

8.3. The Camuni sites In this chapter I will summarize the methodology, type of engraving, history of studies and theories, interpretive issues and the state of the research referring to the specific bibliography which, as you will see, for some sites is numerically considerable. In contrast, there are other places with rock art where the research has been limited to a little more than just signalling and recording the place, the rock and the engraved marks.

I avoid in this publication the analysis of the subjects and interpretation of the signs to focus on why there is a preponderance of recognisable images as real objects and a small presence of schematic signs. Campanine seems to witness a schedule of signs that ‘narrate’ concepts of a story: in the history of art it would be called a cycle, that is, a series of images that are small episodes of a wider story. Not all signs are interconnected, but what also affects the average visitor to this site is the visual component of effect, the pleasure in ‘drawing’ that the unknown engraver experienced. As a result, there is also a certain path in aesthetic taste in tracing the sign and also a certain skill: characteristics that allow you to hypothesise even a not negligible use of time. But who could have spent time carving the rock, taking hours off the day’s work? I hypothesise the shepherds because, while the flocks were grazing, they had time when they were not occupied. The area of Campanine where the engravings are located was frequented by shepherds: this is confirmed by the nineteenth-century register that identifies large areas as grazing destinations.10 There are also religious subjects in Campanine, as well as well-wishful

8.3.1 Campanine di Cimbergo This is not the place to reconstruct the methodology used and to illustrate the results of previous studies; however, it is good to offer some data. At the Campanine site in Cimbergo, modern engravings are thus dated: the oldest are from the fifteenth century onwards, with a qualitative and quantitative peak around the sixteenth century; the phenomenon continued in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; the last engravings are of the nineteenth century (Gastaldi and Troletti, 2009; Troletti, 2009). The names of the fund owners and the use of the land were obtained by verifying the placement of the engraved rocks within the particles of the nineteenth-century Austro-Hungarian land. Many lands were owned by the municipality of Cimbergo and used for grazing. In other lands there was the harvesting of chestnuts. Sources show that agriculture was less practiced, and this is still evident today, because of the shape of the place. The mining and quarrying of the building stone should be excluded. It should also be noted that the data of the register are from the first decades of the nineteenth century, while many engravings are dated to the sixteenth century, so between documentary

10   The issue, reference for all data, has been dealt with and published previously (Troletti 2013b, p. 430; 2013c). From the register it is obtained that particle 5031, in which the rocks are located (47, 49, 52, 67) and that is owned by the Municipality of Cimbergo, covers more than 40 thousand square meters of surface area, and is used for grazing. The other interesting lots with rocks engraved during the modern era are used to produce chestnuts.

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Figure 8.2 – Campanine di Cimbergo, rock n. 50 (© CCSP, Centro Camuno Studi Preistorici)

Figure 8.3 – Campanine di Cimbergo, rock n. 98 B (© CCSP)

inscriptions, which are to be interpreted as a spontaneous manifestation of the private faith. It is to be excluded that it is a form of re-sacralisation of the territory organised by the ecclesiastical authorities. I have already written that if the Church wanted to bring the pagan worship of a rock into Catholic orthodoxy, she would not hesitate

to destroy the engravings. It would have been enough to light fires on the rocks to destroy the surface layers of the stone. This conclusion does not exclude the possibility of non-shepherds among the creators of the engravings. Nevertheless, the consideration that it takes a long time to produce images on rock remains valid. 84

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Figure 8.4 – Campanine di Cimbergo, rock 7A (© CCSP)

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Federico Troletti 8.3.2 The Monticolo di Darfo

The clarification recorded by the Austrians makes it possible to state that the main activity in this particle was harvesting and the cutting of timber. I do not rule out, however, that it was also a place of herding, particularly of goats. The place is characterised by rough rocks unsuitable for grazing cattle. Still today on Monticolo, at certain times of the year, you will encounter flocks of goats. It was then seen that land particle 1536 in Cossere, property of the Factory of the Parish of Erbanno, up to today does not seem to have been affected by engraved rocks (Troletti 2015a, p. 61, note 43). Data from the documents confirm that the main work on the Monticolo was the cutting of timber. In contrast, no data suggest mining, at least on top of the hill.

The cave carvings from the historical era on the Darfo Mountains are dated between the eighteenth and twentieth centuries, but for the most part date back to the nineteenth century. On this site there are mostly religious subjects, although there is no shortage of secular signs: inscriptions of phrases, initials of people, dates, zoomorphes, buildings (Figures 8.5-8). For religious subjects, the interest of this area is considerable, as there are depictions that refer to the worship of the dead. The cult of the dead is suggested by the presence of monstrances, coffins, angels and scenic machines similar to those used in many parishes of Valcamonica (Troletti, 2013a; 2014; 2015a; 2015b; 2016; Passamani, 2009). The cult of the dead in Valcamonica has been documented with a specific ceremonial, at least since the eighteenth century: the ceremony uses the stage machine set on the main altar of the church. The rite is divided over three days that corresponded to the so-called Triduo dei Morti (Triduum of the Dead). The celebration, which in the past coincided with the last weeks of Carnival, included days of meditation on the theme of death and prayers for the suffrage of the souls of Purgatory. This rite imposes the presence of an empty coffin and a stage apparatus in which to place the ostensory, often supported by statues of angels. These elements are depicted among the engravings of the Darfo Monticolo. I personally investigated the archives of the parishes surrounding the Monticolo hoping to find documentary support that linked the engravings with processions, community prayers, rites promoted by the parish priest or the spontaneous devotion of the faithful. Unfortunately, I didn’t get any feedback. I therefore hypothesised that the devotion to the souls of the dead and the ritual of the Triduum in which the devotees participated in the church had then inspired them to engrave the subjects on the Monticolo. Also, for this site I wonder who attended it and who engraved it on the rocks. On the rocks of the Monticolo there are signs with subjects that make a recognisable figure. There is only a small presence of schematic engravings. To determine the use and attendance of the area, I verified the data contained in the Austro-Hungarian Catasto. I have verified that land particle 1172, indicated with Monticolo, covers more than 50 per cent (about 0.38 km2) of the whole hill and is owned by the Municipality of Erbanno. The land particle is recorded as a ceppo boscato forte (strong wooded strain) and includes the most important engraved rocks. These data are significant because the Catastrophe corresponds to the same century as most of the engraved depictions on rocks presenting dates.11

In conclusion, I hypothesise that the engravings of Darfo Monticolo are to be assigned to the local population (who lived in the neighbouring countries) for timber harvesting and for herding. In this site the extraction of stone is not documented and in fact there are no rock carvings with schematic depictions. There are also border signs on Monticolo. They include a series of crosses and letters that, thanks to the crosssearches between archival documents and investigations on the territory conducted by Alberto Bianchi and me, are to be blamed on a dispute between the communities of Erbanno and Montecchio. The survey, very interesting because of the methodology used, showed how the border signs have all been found on the rocks of the Monticolo. They had been recorded in a document written by a notary (in the year 1462, then recalled in 1587 and transcribed in 1618), to redeem a border dispute between the two communities; the crosses, each associated with a letter of the alphabet, drew a border line certified by the notary and written on the document.12 The study is published in an article on the BCSP (Troletti 2015a). Various signs that match the notary act are mentioned. Subsequently, the investigation identified all other letters with their relative signs. The document (as well as in Franzoni 2006) is also reported by Sgabussi 1996, p. 57, who nevertheless writes that he did not find, during his examinations of the territory, the signs described in the act, except for the letter ‘E’. The letter ‘E’ is identified by Sgabussi (with a cross near it and the date 1825) on the ‘big rock’ of the Monticolo (now catalogued with No. 1). Sgabussi’s version was disproved by the discovery of the series of letters: the ‘E’ is placed on another rock. In addition, the letter ‘E’, identified on rock 1 by Sgabussi, is most likely to be associated with other engravings of the same rock and therefore to be dated to the nineteenth century. The same document talks about the Dos de Castel ‘antich (which Sgabussi recognizes in the hill south of the Monticolo, called Castelletto); in fact, the bump and the castle were identified (Troletti, 2015a, p. 67) also on the Monticolo thanks to the cross and the letter ‘M’ (described in the notary’s document) engraved near a fortified structure highlighted by an archaeological survey. This structure is to be considered part of a fortification. Another castle, called Zandastre (always mentioned in the notary’s document), was discovered, on top of which had been engraved a cross and the letter ‘O’ (Troletti 2015a, p. 66-67). Both engravings are located on the rocky tip where today the Archeopark sign is mounted. Yet another cross reported in a transaction (always cited by Sgabussi, 1996, p. 57) of 1789 rogated by the notary Bartolomeo Librinelli of Esine was not found by the scholar. The document talks about the ‘cross che già esisteva sul corno del Monticolo, quasi al piede di detto Monticolo alla Tovera’; I think it is very likely that it is instead the border sign placed (right at the foot of the hill) near the large boulder with the alabards of the Copper Age, that was associated by me with the border sign described as ‘crucemfixam in Cornu delle Falx, et ab ispa cruce deli Falx’. The Latin inscription is contained in the count between Herrbanno and Montecchio

12 

11  All the data with other details were published in a previous article (Troletti 2015a, p. 60-61) which also shows the presence, at a lower altitude, of a sawmill. The term Ceppo boscato (Wooded Strain) is perhaps to be interpreted as more rocky areas with a lower yield than the average wood. In fact, by frequenting the top of the hill, but also on the access paths of the Monticolo, you can see rocks emerging without plants, only with shrubs. In addition, from the deliberations of the ‘neighbours’ (self-governing bodies of the ancient inhabitants of the place, a kind of municipal council of family leaders) it is known that in the area was in force the ius plantandi, that is, the right to plant chestnuts in the communal land for the original inhabitants only. The right to exploit this natural resource was a second income to support the first occupation.

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Figure 8.5 – Monticolo di Darfo, rock n. 1 (© F. Troletti)

8.3.3 Archaeological area of Pisogne and Piancamuno In the municipalities of Pisogne and Piancamuno, located in the lower Valcamonica on the plain where the River Oglio enters Lake Iseo, there are many testimonies of rock art, mostly located at half-altitude coast on the left orographic side, in places quite far from the towns. The area was the subject of an investigation and full detection of the signs engraved on the lithic surfaces by the Camuno Centre of Prehistoric Studies; the data are published in a volume with the contribution of multiple authors.13 The interpretive cut of the work is perhaps all too complacent with a reading of the ‘imaginary territory’ that, often in a forced way, decrees links between the signs engraved on the rocks with traditions and popular religiosity. The contribution of ethnoanthropology to the study of rock art, particularly of historical times, is certainly a valuable contribution. However, in the study of the areas of Pisogne there was no precise validation with the parish archives. The volume entitled Il segno minore is credited with providing an exhaustive catalogue with surveys, and clarifying the links between some locations. In particular it was understood that some areas designated for mining and drawn up in the act of 1462. The document is currently also the oldest evidence that reports, although without awareness of the importance of the engravings, the hallabardes engraved on the boulder at the foot of the Darfo Mountains. 13  The survey took place in 1998 and involved 23 locations spread between Pisogne (16 sites) and Piancamuno (7 sites), for a total of 80 engraved rocks.

Figure 8.6- Monticolo di Darfo, rock n. 2 (© CCSP)

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Federico Troletti large millstones. In fact, even today, in the resort as well as in other neighbouring areas, there are many millstones (brought to the gardens or left in the woods) unfinished, or that got damaged during processing. Other signs (dates, inscriptions, crosses, begin) are engraved on rocks distributed near the Miniere (mines) of Dosso Seradino by Pisogne (Sgabussi, 1999; Franzoni and Sgabussi, 1999), while in the mine of the Rizzolo Mill (Pressò, in Trobiolo valley) are also documented rock writings traced with the black smoke of torches of the mine workers.14 Sgabussi suggests that the writings inside the mines are a way of indicating ownership and mining concession.15

Figure 8.7 – Monticolo di Darfo, rock n. 2 (© CCSP)

In the place Pe’ de l’Aden (Donkey’s Foot), situated 650m above a rock located on the path that joins the church of Pontasio (community of Pisogne) and the mining area of Trobiolo, engravings of letters, crosses, coppelles and horseshoes (fingerprints of equide) are present. As with other sites,16 the footprints of equids, also associated with crosses, are used as a border mark (Figure 8.9). Pisogne’s engravings are composed of more geometric signs (coppelles, ducts, topographical), and signs that industry specialists would catalogue as ‘schematic’, but which here I prefer to qualify as ‘of utility’. With this definition I would like to explain that the goal of many signs is not an aesthetic component of complacency, but a precise usefulness in the immediate: the function of communicating and marking on the territory where to make the stone, the ownership of the site, the mining concession. There are also signs on the same sites that, I suppose, have been created for devotional purposes. Some crosses, engraved or painted at the entrance or in the Two of the writings are listed to understand the content: ‘Piccinelli Luigi di Luigi there 14 November 1919’ and ‘Pontasio Luigi Piccinelli there 28.12.1920’. 15  Sgabussi (2000) also reports crosses to Paisco-Loveno painted at the mouth of the mines, with an interpretation of protection for those who entered; so, a devotion. 16  Sansoni, Marretta and Lentini, 2001, p. 84; the authors bring up in support of the hypothesis data (unfortunately not limited by bibliographic contribution or document, which makes it unverifiable) inherent in an administrative dispute between the communities of Ossimo and Borno, in which crosses and equine footprints were adopted with border function. More detailed is the case (taken from the Archive of the Pia Foundation of Malegno, b. 524, fasc. 7, reported by Franzoni 1996, p. 85, and taken up by Troletti, 2015a, p. 69, note 59) which documents disputed events that lasted invigoratingly several decades in the nineteenth century (March 20, 1843) between Cividate and Malegno: the people of Cividate called the border a sign of the oldest place on ‘una pietra lavorata esistente in a courtyard of the Pio Luogo, the demarcazione di confine consiste nella figura di tre ferri di cavallo scolpiti regolarmente a scalpello in forma di triangolo [. . .]. The habitants of Cividate also said – almost to corroborate if ever there had been a doubt about the divisive function of the horseshoe – that ‘la linea di confine tra Malegno ed Ossimo trovasi pure in qualche punto demarcata con ferro di cavallo scolpito sulla viva pietra’ and they added that ‘anticamente i punti di confine territoriale tra comuni e comuni che dietro litigio venivano stabiliti da sentenza del giudice e dietro ispezione del consesso giudiziale che volgarmente chiamavasi cavalcata, venivano demarcati con pedes equi’. For Pisogne it is very likely, as Sgabussi wrote 2006, p. 130, that the border sign was then interpreted as the imprint of the horse of San Carlo Borromeo and then reproduced by the faithful on the same rock as a propitiatory gesture. 14 

Figure 8.8 – Monticolo, rock n. 1 (© CCSP)

stone mining use were also affected by cave engravings. It should be noted that many of these engravings had been previously documented by Sgabussi (1999a; 2000; 2006). Because of a lack of space, we will not look at all the individual cases already documented, focusing instead on only a few examples useful for this reconstruction. There is a number of subjects (single letters, crosses, canals, crosses associated with letters, canals between two coppelles) in Gippone called ‘schematic’. The signs are interpreted, in my opinion rightly so, as border marks, brands owned by quarries. The authors believe, for example, that the ‘M’ is connected to the quarrying of stones for the production of 88

Pastoralism and quarrying engravings distributed in small locations do not allow for an exhaustive evaluation in this article. It is therefore imperative to refer to the specific bibliography. What is captured in an overview is the increased concentration of signs such as crosses – with a bordering, devotional function, a reminder of a tragic event – dates, signs to indicate concessions of exploitation, names of owners and workers. In some mines there are also signs of internal boundaries that are interpreted as ‘internal distributions of metal strands’; the hypothesis is also validated thanks to archival documents.19 All this heritage of signs provides a varied, but clearly very distant– in numerical concentration – and iconographic schedule of what is visible in the sites of Campanine and Monticolo.

Figure 8.9 – Pisogne, Pe’ de l’Aden (© F. Troletti)

immediate vicinity of the mines, had a religious function. There were dangers in the mine that were always looming. The entrance to the mine likely posed every day a journey without return to the bowels of the earth. There could be material collapses and explosion scuffles that could cause serious injuries and deaths of workers. It is therefore likely that some crosses were placed in memory of tragic events that occurred during the work.

8.4 ‘Schematic’ and ‘figurative’ rock art: a reading proposal The objective diversity – iconographic and numerical – highlighted above obliges one to reflect on the function assigned to engravings and areas with rock art. It is convenient to use the two terms known to the specific historiography of rock art: schematic and figurative signs. The definition is not exhaustive, but still useful for including in two larger macro categories all the marks engraved on the rocks. Some signs can be forcibly inserted into one or the other category, generating inaccuracies. At other times even a subjective interpretation of the information can generate confusion and diversity in the cataloguing process.

8.3.4 Other minor sites Among the myriad reports from several researchers are some areas that, because they have very few marks engraved on rocks, are relegated among the smaller sites. Clouded by the great figurative heritage of most wellknown parks, they are places often far from towns. In the past, these sites have been the subject of attention for mineral extraction and stone quarrying. Many of these places, now forgotten and often swallowed by forests abandoned by man, have been well documented thanks to the investigations, accompanied by surveys of the engravings and archival data, by Gian Claudio Sgabussi.17 From these studies, I sourced the materials used in this article. The identified areas are distributed between Lower and Upper Valcamonica. Interesting for the vastness of the site and for the discovery of engravings is the macro area, already mentioned above, that starts from Pisogne, passes through the hamlet of Gratacasolo and ends at Pian Camuno. From Pisogne, you can also climb to the Palot Valley; however, the activity also extends to smaller sites such as Sonvico, Dosso della Regina and Vissone (Pian Camuno), just to name a few. Other sites were found in Valcamonica towards the north. All in all, 170 mines, 28 mill quarries and 32 underground excavating sites of roofing slabs have been tested.18 In addition to these numbers, there are also other areas still under investigation.

I believe that figurative rock art is present in sites where herding and agriculture are prevalent. The explanation is perhaps to be found in the greater ‘free’ time available to the shepherds during the surveillance of the flocks. Shepherds can spend more time organising more complex signs, with a greater narrative component in a cycle, i.e. more detailed images, and with a more accurate executive technique. The shepherds have returned a group of, to our eyes, aesthetically more pleasant depictions. Even the creators were looking for a sense of beauty, of complacency for the success of their ‘art’. What has been seen in Valcamonica is also reflected in the historical epoch engravings of Mont Bego where the activity of high-altitude herding, possibly in those areas specifically for summer pasture, was the main reason the mountain was frequented. It is well known how well groomed the historical engravings of Mont Bego have been finished in detail. The aesthetic-narrative component,

The many reconnaissances have made it possible to document the engraving phenomenon in a chronological arc from the fourteenth to the twentieth century. The many

19  Sgabussi 2006, pp. 136-137, note 32: in the Bergamo State Archives (Notarile Fund, n. 3688, vol. 2) of the notary Taddeo Albrici in which some portions of excavation are defined for the Scalve Valley, it is stated that ‘il termino et confine fra l’una e l’altra parte delli litiganti in detto luogo contentioso sia et debba essere cominciando da una croce fatta fare nel cielo della frera sopra il forame prima fatto per quelli di Gievernego qual si sbocca nella frera della Volta discendendo perpendicolo in giù passi nove, cosiché ritrovandosi vena verso matina fora del sobalzo resti et sia raggion de quelli della Volta et così parimente tutta la vena qual resta verso sera dentro dal sobalzo resti et sia raggion di quelli de Givernego. . ..’.

Sgabussi has produced many publications listed in the general bibliography of this article. 18  Sgabussi 2006, p. 128. The municipalities concerned are Cerveno, Ono San Pietro, Capo di Ponte, Sellero, Berzo Demo, Saviore dell’Adamello, Cevo, Paisco Loveno, Malonno, Sonico, Corteno Golgi. 17 

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Federico Troletti moreover, is very impressive even in the vision of contemporary men. A similar figure is also observed among the rocks of Carona, in Bergamasca, divided between the sites of Le Torbiere, the flap of Mount Aga, and Camisana. The 33 boulders of the locality Le Torbiere were impacted by engravings dated, thanks to the thousands of subjects, between the sixteenth and twentieth centuries (Casini, Fossati and Motta, 2008, pp. 76-79). Again, it is very likely that attendance aat the site was mainly for summer herding; this is at an altitude of more than 2,350 m above sea level. The engravings of Le Torbiere seem to have nothing to do with the schematic signs encountered near the stone quarries and metal mines in Valcamonica. There are, in fact, signs similar to the carvings of Campanine, such as, for example, Solomon knots, fillets, crosses, lattices, scaliforms, five-pointed stars, dwelling with trees forms, both generic and sexually defined anthropomorphs (even with traditional clothes), fantastic animals and deer-hunting scenes. In the other two locations we see the same catalogue of images, plus some warriors (Aga location); there are wolves and an armed man (dated to the thirteenth century) on rock 1 in Camisana. The armed character anticipates the frequenting of the site, or rather the resumption of engraving activity, from the twentieth century. Interesting are the oral tales collected by Sara Bassi to whom goes the credit of having associated some inscriptions of the twentieth century to the shepherds who used to frequent the place during the summer. Francesco Scandella recounts that as a child he engraved (on rock 1 (A117) of the site Le Torbiere) an inscription, still present, with his surname, first name, pastor’s profession, and years, date and city of origin: ‘Scandella Francesco pastore anni 14 1961 Clusone’ (Bassi, 2008; Casini, Fossati, and Bassi, 2013). The single case cannot be an interpretive key of all the writings and signs engraved; it is, however, a useful clue for assigning some of the engravings to the shepherds. The presence of shepherds and depiction of signs, dates and acronyms, makes it possible to compare the writings and signs painted by shepherds in the valleys of Fiemme and Fassa in Trentino (Bazzanella, Pisoni and Toniutti, 2013; Bazzanella and Kezich, 2015). Even in these sites the activity of writing on the stone with pigments by shepherds present during the work is well documented. The historical epoch engravings of the Pasubio20 massif deserve an in-depth analysis to see whether, as I hypothesise, they can be attributed to the shepherds. In general, it has also been confirmed that

literacy among shepherds was more widespread than what was believed up until several decades ago (Berruti, 2001). The data collected by various researchers and in different sites seem to point to a single explanation. I hypothesise that it was, in fact, the shepherds who performed the ‘artistic’ depictions on rock during the herding at high and low altitudes: all the ‘signs’ are to be included in that category that I have defined as ‘figurative’. In contrast, all the signs seen in the areas used for the quarrying of the stone and extraction of metal are schematic: they are simpler subjects, generally less cared for, typical of those who were engaged many hours a day without pause in their mining work. In the rocks engraved by miners are also absent those schedules that I have defined narrative. In conclusion, I think that the signs of the miners have a useful function; that is, they were made for a practical need to identify and mark ownership and the mining concession. I do not rule out that there was also a more intimate component among the marks engraved (or painted) by workers in the mines. I am referring to the presence of some crosses with a protective function or in memory of an unfortunate event. It seems, therefore, that the bucolic world of herding had more time to devote itself to engraving, thanks to which it has produced figurative art that is attentive to the aesthetic component. In contrast, the harsh activity of the quarrymen left little time for engraving, which is perceived as more useful rather than interesting from an aesthetic point of view. Bibliography Avanzini, M. and Bisoffi, L. (2009) ‘Incisioni rupestri di epoca storica nel massiccio del Pasubio (Trento)’, Preistoria Alpina, 44, pp. 259-270. Bassi, S. (2008) ‘Le incisioni rupestri storiche di Carona (Bergamo). La roccia 1 di Le Torbiere’, Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, 16, pp. 249-278. Bazzanella, M. and Kezich, G. (2015) ‘Dentro le scritte dei pastori delle valli di Fiemme e Fassa’, in Troletti, F. (ed.), Prospects for the prehistoric art research, Proceedings of XXVI Valcamonica Symposium 2015 (Capo di Ponte, 9th -12th September 2015). Capo di Ponte (BS): Edizioni del Centro, pp. 33-38. Bazzanella, M., Pisoni, L. and Toniutti, G. (2013) ‘Montagne dipinte: le scritte dei pastori fiemmesi tra etnoarcheologia e studi di cultura materiale’, Archeologia Postmedievale, 17, pp. 357-367.

20  The site was presented (although already known) by Avanzini and Bisoffi (2009) with a good scientific contribution, although a now dated one; in light of the studies produced over the past two decades, in fact, the engravings of the massif of Pasubio (Trento) deserve a review study. The two authors complain about ‘the scarcity of timely comparisons’ so as to consider ‘for the very particular modalities of the figurations’, and that their site ‘seems to represent a unicum in the mountainous territory of the Alps’ (p. 266). This uniqueness is now disproved so much so that the images of Pasubio are compared with other depictions known in other places. Even the idea that ‘the presence of animals in cave figures of historical times is very rare’ is today disproved by many survey campaigns that have highlighted a discreet presence of zoomorphes of historical times. However, the statement of Avanzini and Bisoffi, (2009, p. 266) is noteworthy: ‘the engravings depict mostly domestic species effigy of shepherds in the long hours of idleness during the control of the herds.’

Berruti, M. (2001) ‘I diari pastorali di Omobono Zuelli. Un pastore-imprenditore di fine ‘700’, in Berruti, M. and Maculotti, G. (eds), Pastori di Valcamonica. Studi, documenti, testimonianze su un antico lavoro della montagna, Brescia: Grafo, pp. 99-114. Casini, S., Fossati, A. and Bassi, S. (2013) ‘Arte dei pastori e relazioni con l’economia negli alpeggi (XVXX secolo)’, Bulletin d’etudes prehistoriques et archeologiques alpine, XXIV, pp. 207-224. 90

Pastoralism and quarrying Troletti, F. (2013a) ‘Crosses and monstrances in the historical rock art of Monticolo. Some Considerations and interpretation proposal’, in Anati, E. (ed.), Art as a source of history, (Papers of XXV Valcamonica Symposium, Capo di Ponte 20-26 September 2013). Capo di Ponte (BS): Edizioni del Centro, pp. 113-120.

Casini, S., Fossati, A., and Motta, F. (2008) ‘Incisioni protostoriche e iscrizioni leponzie su roccia alle sorgenti del Brembo (Val Camisana di Carona, Bergamo). Note preliminari, Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi, 16, pp. 75-101. Franzoni, O. (1996) Segni di Confine. Gli eventi. Breno (BS): Tipografia Camuna.

Troletti, F. (2013b) ‘Incisioni di epoca storica e frequentazione umana in alcuni siti rupestri della Valcamonica’, Archeologia Postmedievale, 17, pp. 289-300.

Gastaldi, C. and Troletti, F. (2009) ‘La fase IV. L’età storica’, in Sansoni, U. and Gavaldo, S. (eds), Lucus Rupestris. Sei millenni d’arte rupestre a Campanine di Cimbergo. Capo di Ponte (BS): Edizioni del Centro, pp. 339-378.

Troletti, F. (2013c) ‘Methodology for research in Common Era rock engravings. An example: comparing the Austrian Cadastre with the site of Campanine di Cimbergo’, in Anati, E. (ed.), Art as a source of history, (Papers of XXV Valcamonica Symposium, Capo di Ponte 20-26 settembre 2013). Capo di Ponte (BS): Edizioni del Centro, pp. 423-430.

Passamani Bonomi, I. (2009) Il disegno dei tridui. Il tempo e la memoria nello spazio della chiesa. Breno (BS): Opera San Francesco di Sales. Priuli, A. (1993) I graffiti rupestri di Piancogno: le incisioni di età celtica e romana in Vallecamonica, in Darfo Boario Terme: Società editrice Vallecamonica.

Troletti, F. (2014), ‘Testi e schede’, in Ruggiero, M.G. and Poggiani Keller, R. (eds), Il Progetto ‘Monitoraggio e buone pratiche di tutela del patrimonio del sito UNESCO n. 94 Arte rupestre della Valle Camonica’, Quaderni, 5 – Parco Nazionale delle Incisioni Rupestri Capo di Ponte, Bergamo: Sestante Edizioni, pp. 96, 133-137, 139, 152, 237.

Sansoni, U., Marretta, A., and Lentini, S. (2001) Il segno minore. Arte rupestre e tradizione nella Bassa Valcamonica (Pisogne e Piacamuno). Capo di Ponte (Bs): Edizoni del Centro. Sgabussi, G.C. (1996) Segni di Confine. I gesti. Breno (BS): Tipografia Camuna.

Troletti, F. (2015a) ‘Alcune precisazioni e qualche novità sull’area archeologica del Monticolo di Darfo: il Cornu delle Falx’, Bollettino del Centro Camuno di Studi preistorici, 39, 1, (2015), pp. 43-72.

Sgabussi, G.C. (1999a) ‘Dal buio circondati’, in Franzoni, O. and Sgabussi, G.C. (eds), Le miniere delle Valle Camonica. Fonti e territorio. Breno (BS): Tipografia Camuna, pp. 59-138.

Troletti, F. (2015b) ‘Gli ostensori nell’archeologia rupestre: alcuni esempi e proposte di confronto’, in Troletti, F. (ed.), Prospects for the prehistoric art research, Proceedings of XXVI Valcamonica Symposium 2015 (Capo di Ponte, 9-12 September 2015). Capo di Ponte (BS): Edizioni del Centro, pp. 311-317.

Sgabussi, G.C. (1999b) ‘Rilevamento delle evidenze viarie e storico-archeologiche della valle di Saviore’, in Franzoni, O. (ed.), Verso il dizionario toponomastico camuno. Un esperimento in Valle di Saviore. Breno (BS): Tipografia Camuna, pp. 75-94.

Troletti, F. (2016) ‘Le incisioni storiche del Monticolo e il Castellino’, in Poggiani Keller, R. (ed.), Guida archeologica al parco sovraccomunale del lago Moro. Darfo Boario Terme (BS): La Cittadina, pp. 45-56.

Sgabussi, G.C. (2000) ‘Armonie sotterranee e geometrie di superficie. Le miniere di Paisco Loveno e le cave di Gratacasolo’, in Franzoni, O. and Sgabussi, G.C. (eds), La sorgente dei metalli. Le miniere di Valle Camonica tra Otto e Novecento. Breno (BS): Tipografia Camuna, pp. 43-102. Sgabussi, G.C. (2006) ‘In questo monte vien cavata la vena: siti minerari e archeologia rupestre in valle Camonica (Brescia)’, Archeologia Postmedievale, 10, pp. 127-139. Standing on the shoulders of giants (2018). Papers of 20th International rock art congress IFRAO 2018, Darfo Boario Terme (Bs), 29 August – 2 September 2018. Capo di Ponte (BS): Edizioni del Centro. Troletti, F. (2009) ‘Architettura militare sulle rocce di Campanine di Cimbergo: ipotesi ricostruttive e confronti’, in Anati, E. (ed.), XXIII International Valcamonica Symposium. 23th. Capo di Ponte (BS): Edizioni del Centro, pp. 337-348. 91

9 Beyond cup-marks: Writings, engravings and ethnography in Val Malenco: a first glimpse (Sondrio, Italy) Cristina Gastaldi Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici, Capo di Ponte (Brescia – Italy)

Abstract: Involved in research about schematic engravings in the land of Sondrio twenty years ago, the writer noticed, particularly in Val Malenco, the wealth of ethnographic witnesses scattered through villages, on mountain pastures, on the trail; those first knowledges were integrated with a further documentation in 2018. This paper wants to offer some suggestions in order to start an analysis of these witnesses, well beyond the mines (the most known ancient craft of the area) and to show how engravings are bound to everyday life and linked with property, as well as crafts. Not only can the scholar find ways of living dating back to the Iron Age, such as a fireplace in the middle of the kitchen in stone houses (the so-called Cà), he can also notice a rich system to show property rights in a sort of public record, often linked to eponymous villages (the Contrade). Keywords: Val Malenco, rock engravings, eponymous villages (Contrade), property borders, building techniques.

9.1. Introduction

There was a main road (Cavallera road) departing from Masegra Castle over Sondrio and leading north. This ancient road ran through the entire valley and led to Switzerland across the Muretto or the Tre Mogge passes. In recent times, these ancient communication routes were used not only for trading goods but also for smuggling. From Vassalini another road departed to Lanzada and towards the Canciano and Confinale passes and reaches Swiss Val Poschiavo.

During the summer of 1997-1998, the author was involved in research on schematic rock engravings in the area of Sondrio, particularly in Val Malenco. Whilst working in the area, she noticed the abundance of ethnographic evidence scattered throughout the villages, on mountain pastures and trails. During the summer of 2018 the author came back to the area of Torre di Santa Maria and Lanzada in order to check again what she had seen and collected twenty years before: as time went by, therefore, much evidences had been lost, as most villages had been abandoned, heavily restored or collapsed. This paper aims to initiate an analysis of the still-remaining evidence, well beyond the mines (the most well-known ancient craft of the area), and to show how historical engravings are bound to everyday life and linked with property as well as crafts.

9.3. Settlements: Contrade and Quadre

9.2. Geography of Val Malenco

From the beginning of the twelfth century and until 1800, the ‘Magnificent Valley of Malenco’ was organised in a peculiar way. In Val Malenco, indeed, it makes no sense to talk about municipalities (such as Torre or Chiesa). We need to talk instead about the different and various Contrade, a lot of little built-up areas, sometimes villages, the fulcrum of social and economic life in the valley.

Sculpted from different layers of crystal shale rocks, dating back to a pre-Mesozoic Era, with insertion of Mesozoic limestone and shale, Val Malenco faces Sondrio on its south side while it leads north to the ranges of Mount Disgrazia, Bernina and Pizzo Scalino. Along its side (about 16 miles), the narrow and steep landscape is excavated by the river Mallero, which has its springs near Chiareggio. Four are the most important tributaries: on the right bank, the streams Torreggio and Vandone, on the left, the streams Lanterna and Antognasco. Those streams and their connection with the valley and the mountainside were crucial for the inhabitants when they had to choose where to set villages, land terracing and pastures.

These sites – the Contrade – were often inhabited by a single, huge family (and often were eponymously named after the family itself, such as Scilironi), or by groups of families strictly related to each other. This kind of settlement offered the possibility of exploiting the land for agricultural purposes as well as for pastures. Property rights, owned by the whole Contrada, were then divided between families. Besides that, while building a house very close to another one, the builder could share an entire wall, receiving goods or money from the other owner as a payment, because the pre-existing house had the benefit of being protected from the cold. These sets of close houses originated the so-called trune, covered passageways, 93

Cristina Gastaldi 1797 A+Ω.8 M), walled near a window in a tower (Figure 9.1), could be a proof of soapstone craft in Melirolo too.

sometimes impressive in length as we can still see in the Truna di Caspoggio. Sometimes, the Contrada was built in order to exploit the outmost peculiarities of the land, such as that exposed to the sun, the presence of streams and water and the possibility of terracing to cultivate rye, wheat, potatoes and vineyards. As an example, Scilironi was built on a steep and rocky hill protruding south, as a gigantic prow, protected from landslides, and benefiting from very good exposure to sunlight. Stone houses and trune were built also using big rock boulders to insulate them from snow, cold and humidity. The most ancient part of the site has now collapsed, due to the negligence of the owners, while ancient features have faded away.

9.5. Writings and engraved signs within the Contrade In such inaccessible and steep lands, often hit by floods and landslides, inhabitants struggled to exploit the resources of the earth. On every little square of flat land, a stone village was built; terracing, deforestation and burn beating were used to snatch little orchards, fields and pastures from the mountain. As the knowledge of writing progressed, on stone houses, on lintels, over the windows and on wooden doors, one can find monograms, dates and crosses: it was necessary to leave a sign indicating one’s property rights, the building of a new house and usufructs on a pasture. A preliminary analysis shows the richness of this evidence, also linked with the presence of cup-marks rocks, as shown in table 9.1.

In order to regulate pastoral and agricultural activities, the villages were part of the so-called Quadra, a sort of political structure with a council of elders. Six Quadre were present along the valley: Bondoledo, Campo, Melirolo, S. Giacomo, Caspoggio and Lanzada.

A first typological division could be between signs related to family names, property and dates and signs related to devotion, passage rites and other features like objects, both in villages and in pasture sites. A further study relating those writings to cadastral surveys is compelling too.

9.4. Mines, lathes and rock engravings Archaeological evidence shows human presence and mining since the first Iron Age, as scums from copper reduction were found in Val Lanterna, as well as mining sites in Campomoro and Alpe Musella. The best known mining activity, however, has been linked with the extraction of shale, used for roof tiles, and soapstone, which is a variety of serpentine with a high percentage of talc or chlorite. This pietra ollare (named after its use to make saucepans, i.e. olle) is soft, heat-resistant and easy to work. Most of the soapstone quarries are located around Chiesa in Val Malenco and in the district of Valbrutta near Lanzada; where possible loathes were built to work the stones directly on the spot, exploiting the rushing water of the streams. Mining sites (trone), especially Alpe Pirlo and Val Giumellino (Chiesa), have handed down to us important evidence of rock engraving, as miners used to mark their names as well as dates and trademark at the entrance to the quarries, as owners or workers. In Val Giumellino is not only the oldest attested date of exploitation of soapstone (1560), but also the tradition continued with names and dates until the nineteenth century. Among them are some monograms with dates like Á+S 1795, 1850 GS, 1883 SA (Schenatti Abele), BD 1945 (Bagliolo Dino; the engraving is under the date 18+80) and 1950 GS (Gaggi Silvio, the last soapstone worker still alive). Nowadays it is very difficult to reach the site, due to its altitude (1,197 ft.) and the state of neglect of the extraction places. In the area of Alpe Pirlo (Trone di Ui), near the entrance to Trona del Cirul was a boulder (now destroyed) with a non più speranza 1690 (No more hope: linked to the exhaustion of the copper and iron vein in the mine). Other writings refer to miners, such as the Dell’Andrino (VCG: 12: 1884 + RD DA, 1838 GDA) and the Ferrari (1886 F).

9.5.1. Monograms, dates and crosses in the Contrade Everywhere in the Alps, man felt the need to leave signs that marked a border against the hostile forces of nature and granted protection. On the houses, that was a way to live peacefully in an inhospitable land, transforming it into a sort of genius loci. Lintels, as well as walled and corner stones, attest to both the pride of families in building their shared houses and the will to place them under divine protection. Hence, the abundance of crosses, Calvaries and signs of Christ IHS placed to defend walls, corners and especially doors and windows, the less safe parts of the house. A premise has to be made: not everywhere can the research be carried out, because some of the oldest Contrade, such as Cagnoletti and Cristini are now heavily restored and some of their old towers and buildings were destroyed; elsewhere, such as Spriana and Scilironi, the oldest core collapsed or was deleted by landslides. The earliest evidence can be found in Vetto (a rich Contrada of Lanzada), with a serpentine slab bearing a fifteenthcentury date (MCCC) and a 15+99 on a walled soapstone (Figure 9.2a). Chiesa has a 1563 soapstone plaque once walled in the Ca’ di Nann, also testifying to mining, because the Ca’ was an important stage on the Cavallera trade road. Well known in documents since 1211, Melirolo preserves the remains of ancient tower houses, also with a dovecote. It was also the headquarters for members of the Quadra. First destroyed during the fifteenth century by an earthquake or a landslide, it was finally abandoned on the verge of the seventeenth century, due to several outbreaks of plague. A stone slab with a rough engraving with a Crucifix surrounded by symmetric patterns could be coeval with the slab in Vetto that shows similar signs. It was during the nineteenth century, however, thanks to increasing education, that writing increased widely. In

Also over Melirolo near Contrada Gianni were soapstone quarries and lathes (Scénc’ del levegè). In 1675, Giovanni Moizi from Chiesa gave his brother a lathe on the Mallero stream in Contrada Melirolo. A soapstone plaque (MC 94

Beyond cup-marks

Figure 9.1 – Melirolo: written soapstone walled in a tower (photo S. Masa)

95

Cristina Gastaldi Table 9.1 – list of the evidences found until 2018 Municipality and Contrade, midmountain and high pastures

Writings and engravings on stone bricks, lintels and on plaster of stone houses

Writings and engravings on wooden doors or lintels

Writings and engravings on stone slabs (seat slabs, windowsills, steps)

Writings and engravings on boulders

SPRIANA Piazzo

3 cup-marks on two slabs

Cucchi

1 cup-mark

Bedoglio

a. 1 cup-mark; monograms: DT

16 cup-marks with gutter system W 1938

b. 4 cup-marks with gutter system c. 1 cup-mark

Case Gaggi

a.13 cup-marks with gutter system, 2 mine holes b. 6 cup-marks with gutter system; 1 mine hole

Scilironi Marveggia

7 cup-marks on stone steps Lintel: 1 Calvary, 1 Greek cross, 1 date: 17 **, monograms: P A, P

TORRE DI SANTA MARIA Cagnoletti Bressia

(destroyed in 1966): 21 cupmarks with gutter; 2 human figures; 1 face; 2 Greek crosses; 1 Calvary; monograms: DAE, DAE; monograms with date: DAE 1924, DIO 1937; W 1924

Cagnoletti

Walled in a house: date with monogram: 1881 PD

2 cup-marks on a slab and 1 on a windowsill

Ca’ Bianchi

Lintel: date and monogram: 1781 M M(?)

Round altar slab (now in Torre): 39 cup-marks with gutter system; b. 29 cup-marks on 2 stone seats and on stone steps; c. stone slab with 3 cup-marks and a monogram: FF

San Giuseppe

Musci

1 heraldic shield, 3 cup-marks

a. 2 cup-marks b. landmark: arrow sign between two circles Door: 18, the initial D and a monstrance

5 cup-marks on steps

96

Writings and engravings in mines area

Beyond cup-marks Municipality and Contrade, midmountain and high pastures

Writings and engravings on stone bricks, lintels and on plaster of stone houses

Pizzi

Writings and engravings on wooden doors or lintels

Writings and engravings on stone slabs (seat slabs, windowsills, steps)

Beam: date(?) 4 2.5.

Ciappanico Ciappanico Masoni Corlatti

14 cup-marks on 5 steps and on one seat a. Walled in a house: monogram and date: G+C 1835 (C: Corlatti?); b. Walled corner stone with date: 1855 c. Walled corner stone with date: 1868

Ciappanico: alpe Son

a. Door: monograms: VPM; b: Door: monograms: C, FA, AE, FC b. Lintel and door: 1893 1893

a. Door: monograms: AV, CP, CA, C, C, G; a horse, a star, a house b. Door: monograms: VVL, A, CF, VA, VAV; monogram and date: «VV«1926«

Seat: 6 cup-marks Steps: 11 cup marks on 4 steps

Torre di Santa Maria Volardi

2 Slabs: 7 cup-marks and a gutter

Pra’ Marsciana

On plaster, around a fresco: IHS, MATER SALVATORIS, 1742 AEFO

Crum

Lintel: date 1734

Sant’Anna

Window lintel with three Greek crossed, one superimposed on an enhanced cross

Lintel: 542 (?); lintel: 541 1 cup-mark on a step

Conti

Zarri

Writings and engravings on boulders

7 cup-marks on three slabs; 2 cup-marks on a step

Monograms and dates: a. Walled in a house: i 3 FS + 1879 (in a square); b. Walled in a house: i 5 FC + 1895; c. Walled in a house: C + 1880 R; d. Walled in a house: 18 CF 61; e. Walled in a house: F. S 1876 (date in a square); f. walled over the entrance of a house: +1804; g. RS ++ 1981, on plaster

a.Threshold: 10 cup-marks, initials R, P, L; b. Step: male profile; c. Slab: monogram G+C;7 cup-marks on two slabs; 6 cup-marks on two steps; d. slab with two cup-marks near a stable

a. Door: monogram CA A, pointed compass circle, initial A; b. lintel with 3 crosses

97

Two cars, a table, a chair

Writings and engravings in mines area

Cristina Gastaldi Municipality and Contrade, midmountain and high pastures

Writings and engravings on stone bricks, lintels and on plaster of stone houses

Writings and engravings on wooden doors or lintels

Writings and engravings on stone slabs (seat slabs, windowsills, steps)

Writings and engravings on boulders

Cristini

(lost) Lintel with 3 square signs, an anthropomorphic figure, other curvilinear signs

a. Door: Cignaz, 1964, 1964; 2. Lintel: initial E

a.Seat slab: 3 cupmarks, one enhanced cross; b. 2 cup-marks on steps

Big boulder in the centre of the village: 10 cup-marks of various sizes, a square basin, 1 cross, monogram P;

Scaja

Writings on a soapstone oven: monograms AT TTT AM AM; dates and monograms: I 1818 L; 1844 T.T.,T; 3 Calvaries, cross, other unreadable scratchings

a. lintel: monograms VSC F MS FV; b. door: initials M, T and unreadable others; c. Door: 4 compass concentric circles d. Door: geometric scratchings; e. Door: W Inter;

Steps: cross, 2 Latin crosses, 1 Greek cross, 1 cup-mark

Foiani

Walled on houses: a. Date i728; b. Calvary; in a square: F 1907 D; c.; scratched on a threshold: FIG, a house.

a. Lintel: Greek cross; b. door: 5 compass circles; other scratched signs; monograms DF AD F PF GF GFD A AF GF

12 cup-marks of various sizes with irregular gutter

Gianni

a. On a fountain: date and monogram 1885 F; b. Between two doors: date and monogram F 1880 G

Melirolo

a. Walled near a tower window, on soapstone: MC 1797 A+Ω 8 M; b. On plaster: date 1705; c. Lintel: between two rows of symmetric patterns, a Calvary with anthropomorphic figure

Lintel: date 1719 (?)

Little boulder: a cross, a ‘phi’ sign, 3 cup-marks with gutter

CHIESA Chiesa Valmalenco

a. On arch: date i77i; b. lintel: date 1619; c. (previously inCa’ di Nann, now in a B&B wall): date 1639 on soapstone

Faldrini

On plaster: date 1609

Carotte

A big surface (2 sectors) with 31 dates, monograms and surnames, interlaced to crosses of various typology: Greek, Latin, enhanced,

98

Writings and engravings in mines area

Beyond cup-marks Municipality and Contrade, midmountain and high pastures

Writings and engravings on stone bricks, lintels and on plaster of stone houses

Writings and engravings on wooden doors or lintels

Writings and engravings on stone slabs (seat slabs, windowsills, steps)

On plaster: IHS A1766 F

Chiareggio Alpe Forbesina

Writings and engravings in mines area

buttomed: among them, Lillia, ROSS, RESA, 18+56 MG, 5+6 BP, T+L, VB, AP+LANZA, BL, GIAI, AIB, G+A, CG, FNA, BL+A, + LP, + G, LPB, LBAO ++, M+Z, M+ZG, F+9 FP, P, ML, LMI, T+L, MO+DP, F+C.

Carotte (cont.)

Primolo

Writings and engravings on boulders

Lintel: AF 1767 IHS IDIO MI VE[DE]

Flat stone in the woods: cross

Lintel: date 18+85 Lintel: monograms IP MA D+P BP

Alpe Fora

Squared rock: initials and monograms: F, F, F.D, LD, LI, LP, LV, LV; 5 crosses, 7 cup-marks of various sizes; other signs

Alpe Pirlo

Trona del Cirul: Non più speranza 1690; monograms with dates: VCG: 12: 1884 + RD DA, 1838 GDA, 1886 F

Val Giumellino

Dates: 1560, 18+80; monograms with dates: Á+S 1795, 1850 GS, 1883 SA, BD 1945, 1950 GS

LANZADA Lanzada

a. On plaster, date 1631; b. Arch: a cross; c. on a window frame, carved on plaster: date 1802; d. a Calvary

a. Door: ADI 31 GENAIO 1750 GAC FECIT; b. Lintel: X + X; c. Lintel, partially covered with lime, with monogram and date: 17 B + 7 [ ..]

Seat: 2 cup-marks

Vetto

a. Soapstone lintel: date MCCCC[..], 5 crosses, a symmetric pattern; b. walled over a window: IHS; c. on plaster: various 1770 and1800 dates on windows (parish house): 1825, 1813, 1719, 1891, 1804, [ ] 795, 1805; d. walled over a door: monogram with date: 17+74 D.V. .I.. C;

Door: monograms: PN, DA, BN, L

Seat: cup-mark

99

Cristina Gastaldi Municipality and Contrade, midmountain and high pastures

Writings and engravings on stone bricks, lintels and on plaster of stone houses

Vetto (cont.)

e. walled over a door, soapstone; monogram with date and Calvary: 15+99 I_V; under, on plaster (lintel) B 1882 A

Ganda

a. On plaster: A + M 1708; b. On plaster, with pebbles: monogram with date AP+AR MDCCCLI (Parolini?); c. on red plaster: date 1906; d. corner stone: date 1785

Writings and engravings on wooden doors or lintels

Writings and engravings on stone slabs (seat slabs, windowsills, steps)

Writings and engravings on boulders

Writings and engravings in mines area

a.On a door: monogram PD; b. Window lintel with date and monogram: 1866 G+M

La Brüsada

a.Rock on the trail: 2 crosses, 1 cross on a circle, 1 date: 1851, monograms: Q [?] I, BO., O., PPR V(?). b. boulder near stone huts: 7 cup-marks on line, 9 cupmarks, 3 crosses, 1 Calvary, date: 1887; monograms with Calvary: B+A, B+G, G+D, C+8; monogram: GI, other figures; c. boulder between huts; dates: 4-11-1918, 1927; numbers: 4,5,; monograms with crosses: B+A, B+LBM, P+R,; monograms: ‘A’, BC, B.E., BL, BL., BO, BR, IB, L, 4L, M.B., MBL., NA, PM, W, two circles

Alpe Musella

EZIO 69; 4 nine men’s morris, monogram CF

9.5.2. Devotion

Contrada Zarri, as an example, dating back at least to 1413 (in contrada de zaris vallis malenchis), and well known because it was the centre of wicker basket making, three main families were inhabitants, divided into different branches, Cometti, Scilironi and Zopatti. Writings relating to Scilironi and Cometti are spread everywhere. As familiar groups used to buy land and build huge houses together, two slabs inserted on stone walls witness the union of brothers to build shared homes: in 1879 (I 3 FS + 1879) three Scilironi brothers, and in 1895 (I 5FC +1895) five Cometti (Figure 9.2b).

Catholic Valtellina, to which Val Malenco belongs, is covered with evidences of a rich religious sense. Despite the presence of some Protestant families, due to the Swiss Grigioni dominion, no traces of disputes (which also took place and culminated in the massacre of 1620) can be found on engravings, as happened in Piedmont, in the Occitan area of Maritime Alps. Every Contrada, instead, is full of frescoes, shrines and chapels testifying to a deep faith and the will to put the entire community, as well as 100

Beyond cup-marks

Figure 9.2a – Contrada Vetto: stone slab with a fifteenth-century date (photo C. Gastaldi)

Figure 9.2b – Zarri: the three Scilironi brothers (photo C. Gastaldi)

101

Cristina Gastaldi Last, but not least, the incredible open-air public record in Carotte, near Chiesa in Val Malenco: an astonishing rock with thirty-one testimonies of ownership or usufructs of the woods and the meadows from 1856 onwards, which deserves serious archival research (Figure 9.5).

buildings, under the protection of Christ, the Virgin Mary and various Saints. This faith is naturally linked also with superstition and pagan persistence, as everywhere in the Alps. Crosses, Calvary and IHS are frequently engraved, but rarely do they show a pure devotional motivation, related as they are also to apotropaic reasons, as shown above. The brightest example of contamination between orthodoxy and ancient superstitions was Ca’ Bianchi. In the enchanting setting of an alpine village now deserted, a round, flat slab literally covered with cup-marks was put in a round little square, in front of a chapel dedicated to the Virgin of the Rosary. The women of the Contrada used to gather here and, while praying, blessed water was poured in the cup-marks as stoups. The slab is now in the gardens of the Town Hall in Torre di Santa Maria, so the ancient context no longer exists. Other interesting suggestions, with comparisons to devotional engravings in Monticolo di Darfo, can be found. In Primolo, on a wooden lintel, a writing, with the monogram and date AF 1767, the sign of Christ IHS with the cross, shows also IDIO MI VEDE (God sees me), a sort of warning towards good behaviour. The same writing is on the rock in Monticolo (Figures 9.3a-b). On a wooden door in Musci is scratched a chalice (Figure 9.4), a devotion sign and unicum in Alpine area (in Monticolo there are monstrances related to the Triduum of the Dead).

9.5.4. Cup-marks Not including the slab of Ca’ Bianchi, most of the cupmarks found in villages, as well as in mountain pastures, seem to be functional. They are often engraved in stone seats and on flat steps and according to an oral tradition collected in 1996 they were used as a sort of mortar in order to crush nuts and extract their precious oil. 9.5.5. Other engravings Conscription festivals, a sort of passage rite for 18-yearsold boys who would now join the army, were born after the Italian Unity (1861). They were linked with the first medical recruiting examination and enjoined all the males born in the same year. Between spring and summertime, the Contrada celebrated those new adults with a day-long festival, in which wine flowed and balls were given until dawn. In Cucchi and in Cagnoletti (on a boulder now destroyed), we have attestation to this rite, testified by the writing ‘W’ (long live the year) followed by the date: W 1924 (Cagnoletti), W 1938 (Cucchi). Other evidence is depicted on a wall in Ganda: W 1925, W 1935, W 1937. It is interesting to notice that all these permanent writings refer back to the Fascist Era, in which military rhetoric was shared strongly also in peripheral areas. In Scaja, which was inhabited until 1990, a football fan left his trace on a wooden door, celebrating his favourite team: W (long live) INTER.

9.5.3. Mountain pastures, woods and property rights From May to September, shepherds left their villages towards the Alps with their herds of cows, goats or sheeps. Transhumance was gradual, first to the maggenghi, midmountain (around 4,900 ft. high) settlements, then, during the months of July and August, to the Alpi, high mountain pastures (up to 6,500 ft.). Some of the maggenghi witness property rights, as Masoni Corlatti (Mason meaning barn or cowshed), others the use of burn beating, as La Brüsada. This interesting maggengo site in the municipality of Lanzada has pastures and stone huts divided between families coming from Vetto, Ganda, Tornadri. On the trail leading to La Brüsada, one can find the first rock with a date (1851) and many monograms, all probably linked to the right laws. In the settlement, however, are two boulders, facing one another and near the stone huts; their monograms relate to property and families that lived in the place, such as the Bergomi and the Giordani (B+A, G+D, B+G, BL, for instance). The first boulder seems to bear properties dating back to the nineteenth century (1887). On the second one, instead, we find the date of the end of the first World War (4-11-1918) and a 1927. The boulder, besides bearing a tangible sign of relief due to the end of the conflict, seem then to record a more recent series of owners.

Elsewhere, as in Zarri, Foiani, Sun, we have a celebration of everyday life, with the scratching of houses, horses, a table with chairs and cars, a sign of the new and advanced means of transport that totally changed our way of moving. 9.6. Writings on a soapstone oven: a unicum In an old fraction of Dagua, Scaja, now abandoned but well preserved, behind a building that houses a shrine dedicated to the Virgin Mary and facing a round little square, two ovens are preserved. Owning an oven was very important to the community, because it granted bread baking: that was often made collectively, as we know from Scilironi, where a certain Filomena Marveggio was the owner of the oven and allowed use of it in exchange for sufficient yeast for the subsequent baking. The soapstone oven in the first basement room is covered in signs and writings and it is an extraordinary unicum in the Alpine area. Further researches will clarify who were the families that owned the place, as the monogram T TT frequently occurs, related to the year 1844. Crosses and Calvary were scratched as an apotropaic protection from the heath and the fire. A terminus post quem for the artifact can be the date 1818 scratched on its base; an old newspaper on the raw floor

Even in high pastures shepherds left writings and signs, from the high trail of Alpe Fora, towards the Tremogge pass, towards Alpe Forbesina and Alpe Musella; names, crosses, dates and games such as ‘the nine men’s row’ (Alpe Musella) tell us again the will to leave some sort of trace. 102

Beyond cup-marks

Figure 9.3a – Devotion: Primolo, Idio mi vede (photo S. Masa)

Figure 9.3b – Darfo, Monticolo, Dio mi vede (photo C. Gastaldi)

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Figure 9.4 – Devotion: Musci, chalice (photo S. Masa)

Figure 9.5 – Carotte: a public record on the rocks (photo C. Gastaldi)

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Beyond cup-marks 9.8. Horns on barns: ancient protection for hay and crops

witnesses the end of its use around the year 1986, when the entire Contrada of Dagua was abandoned gradually, and the school of Foiani was closed (Figure 9.6a).

Wandering around the ancient sites of Val Malenco, another sign of ancient traditions catches the eye of the researcher, the presence of cattle or ibex horns hung on the thresholds of barns and cowsheds: Zarri, Foiani and Ganda offer examples of this use. The protective value of this act towards crops and animals is largely known among scholars along with the recognition of its antiquity, dating back to the Alpine Iron Age. In Valcamonica rock art, for instance, barn engravings (the so-called huts) often bear horns on their roof.

9.7. The Ca’: a permanence? In Val Malenco, in the oldest dry-stone houses, the so-called Ca’ is a basement room under the ground level with an earthen floor, accessible via a stone staircase. A hearth with four squared stones lays usually in the middle, surrounded by wooden benches while some rough wooden shelves lean against the sooty walls. Since there was no chimney, the smoke came out of a little window. The Ca’, being under the ground level, guaranteed a good isolation from the bitter winter cold and from humidity. Here food was cooked and the members of the family spent their evenings together. Some Ca’ still exist, for instance, in Scaja and Zarri (the one in Scilironi is now collapsed), but none of them are still in use. Looking at these particular basement rooms, one cannot help but think of the Rhaetic Iron Age houses, such as the one recently found in Pescarzo (Valcamonica). Val Malenco seems to have perfectly preserved an extremely functional system for living in dry stone houses until the beginning of the twentieth century (Figure 9.6b).

9.9. Conclusions Twenty years ago, many Contrade were alive, even if only during the summer. Today, many are abandoned, others have been heavily restored, other have litteraly collapsed. Some witnesses no longer exist or have been destroyed. Despite this, the peculiarity of what still exists shows that Val Malenco (Figure 9.7) confirms itself as an extremely rich territory for ethnographic research and worthy to be protected against neglect.

Figure 9.6a – Scaja: writings on an oven (photo C. Gastaldi)

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Figure 9.6b – Scaja: the Ca’ (photo C. Gastaldi)

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Figure 9.7 – Map of the sites (created by C. Gastaldi)

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Bibliography Benetti, A. and Benetti, D. (1984) Valtellina e Valchiavenna: dimore rurali. Sondrio – Milano: Jaca Book. Gastaldi, C. (1999) ‘La Valmalenco’, in Sansoni, U., Gavaldo, S. and Gastaldi, C. (eds) Simboli sulla roccia. L’arte rupestre della Valtellina Centrale dalle armi del Bronzo ai segni cristiani, Capo di Ponte: edizioni del Centro, pp. 130-160. Masa, A. (1972) Inventario dei toponimi valtellinesi e valchiavennaschi. Territorio comunale di Spriana. Società storica valtellinese. Sondrio: Mevio Washington. Masa, S. (2018) ‘La comunità di Torre di S. Maria dalle origini alla prima età moderna (sec.XVI)’, in Gruppo di ricerca toponomastica di Torre di S. Maria (ed) Inventario dei toponimi valtellinesi e valchiavennaschi. Territorio comunale di Torre di S. Maria. Società storica valtellinese. Villa di Tirano: Poletti, pp. 9-31. Pavesi, E. and Pavesi, E. (1968-1969) ‘Nuove indagini sulla preistoria della Val Malenco’, Rivista Archeologica dell’antica provincia e diocesi di Como, pp. 150-151. Picceni, S.P., Bergomi, G. and Masa, A. (1994) Inventario dei toponimi valtellinesi e valchiavennaschi. Territorio comunale di Lanzada. Società storica valtellinese. Villa di Tirano: Poletti. Rossi, F. (1999) ‘La casa camuna di Pescarzo di Capo di Ponte’, in Santoro Bianchi, S. (ed) Studio e conservazione degli insediamenti minori romani in area alpina. Atti dell’incontro di studi, Forgaria del Friuli, 20 settembre 1997. Imola: University Press Bologna, pp. 143-150. Troletti, F. (2013) ‘Crosses and monstrances in the historical rock art of Monticolo. Some considerations and interpretation proposal’, in Art as a source of history. Proceedings of the XXV Valcamonica Symposium 2013. Capo di Ponte: edizioni del Centro, pp. 113-120.

10 Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in Valcamonica high pastures Jessica Bezzi* and Mara Migliavacca** * Archaeologist, indipendent researcher **Dipartimento di Culture e Civiltà, Università di Verona, Viale dell’Università 4 – 37129 Verona

Abstract: This paper is aimed at presenting the results coming from the study of archaeological traces of pastoral exploitation of the high pastures over the past centuries. The work focused, with a multidisciplinary approach, on a sample area of upper Valcamonica, namely the municipality of Vione, Northern Italy, where many structures of different kind have been detected and recorded. Despite the few pieces of chronological information, it has been possible, thanks to the information coming from different sources, to outline the history of the pastoral activities and that of the landscape transformation, at least starting from the end of the Middle Ages. These data have been compared with those emerged from a similar kind of study in another area of the Alps, the Lessini uplands. Keywords: Ethnoarchaeology, Valcamonica, pastoralism, uplands. 10.1. Introduction (JB, MM)

Over the millennia, the anthropic presence at high altitude has modified, sometimes unexpectedly, the environment to its advantage, creating a palimpsest that, if analysed, can highlight the evolution of the relationship between man and mountain.

The purpose of this contribution is to show what emerged from the work of the master’s thesis of one of the writers and to compare some significant data obtained from this research with those emerged from a similar kind of study in another part of the Alps. We hope both to contribute to the knowledge of pastoralism in the Alps and to introduce a valid method in the archeological studies about pastoral activities, by exploiting landscape archaeology and ethnology, in areas – such as Valcamonica – where this kind of research had never been carried out before. The large-scale study of a territory and the contemporary use of different tools and approaches are referred to the former; to the latter are instead referred those elements belonging to a not-too-distant past that can be reconstructed through information obtained by interviewing shepherds and elderly inhabitants. In this sense the use of the terms ethnoscapes and ethnoarchaeology can be explained. The model for this modus operandi was the research carried out in the Lessini mountains, in Veneto, by a team of researchers led by Ugo Sauro, Mara Migliavacca, Vincenzo Pavan, Fabio Saggioro and Damiano Azzetti (Sauro et al., 2013). They carried out an exhaustive study on the traces left in the landscape and environment of the high pastures by all those people who, in the past, exploited for their own survival the resources that the high mountains offered.

In Valcamonica, a land historically known for its pastoral activity, and archaeologically exceptional for the phenomenon of rock engravings, research on the archeology of pastoralism at high altitude had never been carried out. For this reason, it seemed necessary to develop this issue, starting from the area of the municipality of Vione, in which recent archaeological investigations discovered a multi-layered fortified site at high altitude, as well as some buildings probably used by shepherds (Bellandi et al., 2015). The research’s aim, from a purely archaeological point of view, was to look for, and take a census, of the structures related to the pastoral activity: cataloguing into types, understanding their function and, possibly, reconstructing their absolute or relative chronology and analysing their link with rock art. From the wider point of view of the landscape study, the research was intended to understand the topographic location of the structures as well as their link with the territory and to investigate pastoral strategies and their change over time. It was all carried out without the use of the most classical of the archeology instrument – excavation – but instead through the combination of information coming from different tools, such as field recognition, remote sensing and analysis of historical cartography, of historical land registers and of written sources.

If in the collective imaginary the high-altitude landscape represents an uncontaminated area, never affected by the presence and, above all, never transformed by human action, actually the situation could not be more different. 109

Jessica Bezzi and Mara Migliavacca Some of the most significant data that emerged from the study of the high altitude of Valcamonica can be compared with those coming from the Lessini area, demonstrating the influence that the geological and geomorphological characteristics of the territory had on the same pastoral activity.

the two slopes, occupied by pastures and unproductive land. The Vione settlement is organised in a ‘vertical’ system: the permanent dwellings are located on the valley floor (Stadolina, 1,117 m above sea level) or on morphological shelves (Vione, 1,250 m and Cané, 1,476 m of altitude), while at higher altitudes there are seasonal farms and mountain huts, productive buildings inhabited only in summertime. From the geomorphological point of view, the valley floor is characterised by the presence of a large area of alluvial deposit, colonised by vegetation and occupied by extensive grassland spaces. On the other hand, the leftand right-side slopes, respectively located to the south and to the north of the Tonale fault line, present a variegated lithology, consisting of gneiss, schist, marble, granite and diorite, alternating with morainic deposits, alluvial fan and ground debris. The band of the lower right side, closer to the inhabited areas, was once an intensely terraced zone, used for cultivation. Today, however, the fields have given way to woods, on the left orographic side mainly to spruce (Picea abies), and larch (Larix Decidua) on the right orographic side. These, interspersed with several pastures, extend up to an altitude of 1,950-2,000 m. Over 2,000 m, the territory is occupied by pastures and land that, as the altitude increases, become more and more unproductive and stony.

10.2. The area of study (JB) The chosen area of study, quite small and marked out by administrative, rather than by environmental boundaries, is a representative sample of a situation that could be similar in the surrounding areas. This area includes the municipal territory of Vione, located at the extreme northern area of the Camonica Valley, a glacial valley of the central-eastern Alps that stretches, with SE–NW directrix, for a length of about 90 km between the Passo del Tonale and Lake Iseo, in the province of Brescia. The territory of Vione has an area of about 35 km2; it includes a valley floor occupied by the Oglio River and two mountain slopes that extend up to the Monticello peak to the north and up to the Vallaro peaks and Mezzodì Mountain to the south (Figure 10.1). The area in which the research was concentrated is located at an altitude above 1,650 m and corresponds to the top of

Figure 10.1a – Northern Italy. Geographic location of the study area. The municipal territory of Vione is highlighted in grey (drawing J. Bezzi)

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Figure 10.1b – Aerial photograph of the municipality of Vione and the surrounding area (GIS processing J. Bezzi)

10.3. Methodology (JB)

presence and use of resources, management and administration, activities carried out), as well as in the identification of archaeological remains.

The archaeological analysis of the high Valcamonica pastoral activity was carried out using a multidisciplinary approach, different tools and the combination of data coming from different fields of study. The first phases of the research consisted of the scanning and analysis of:

Meanwhile, the grazing areas located within the municipal boundaries of Vione, at an altitude of over 1,650 m, were subjected to an archaeological survey that rapidly detected the identified structures. The exploration of the high pastures, although strongly influenced by the morphological characteristics and by the vegetation cover of shrubby plants (such as juniper and rhododendron), proceeded in a systematic way in order to identify a very specific category of anthropic evidence: dry stone structures. These constructions were positioned by GPS, photographed, quickly detected and classified according to a numerical progression. Their main characteristics were then summarised using specific reference sheets in order to facilitate the phase of comparison of the structures. The paths used to reach the higher altitude pastures from the inhabited centres were also traced by GPS, so as to be able to compare the current paths and communication routes with the historical ones, obtained from the nineteenthcentury cadastres.

• aerial photographs, both recent and historical: they made possible to identify, even through the manipulation of images, structures or anomalies in the ground, whose nature was then verified with an autopsy examination; • historical maps: archaeological evidences and landscape features no longer recognisable in the more recent ortho-photographs were identified; • nineteenth-century cadastres, which individually provided information on place-names, on the historical road system, on the dimensions and arrangement of villages, on the owners of buildings and land parcels: the comparison with each other in the different versions that followed during the nineteenth century gave us an overview of the diachronic change of the landscape and of the use of land; • documentary sources (from the medieval period to the present day) that furnished some news concerning, in a more or less direct way, the world of pastoral activity; • place-names, that supported us in the understanding of the organisation of a certain area (division of territory,

The survey data were included in a GIS platform, which made it possible to highlight the relationship between the edifices and the geomorphology of the territory, and that between the structures themselves. With the same software, 111

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Figure 10.1c – Digital terrain model of Vionese territory with location of archaeological structures and seasonal farms (GIS processing J. Bezzi)

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Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in Valcamonica high pastures to which the structure is attached to, is not preserved. The discovery of some wooden planks next to some bait, together with the written sources (Berruti, 2013), confirm the hypothesis that the roofs consisted of a framework made of wooden beams, and that the cover was made up of branches or wooden slats, the so-called scandole. Most of the bait have a single opening on the eastern or southern side, corresponding mostly to the portions downstream of the structure and better exposed to the sun. The internal surface is generally very small, suited to accommodate just one person and sometimes even not too comfortably: while the narrowest measures 2.70 m2, and the widest reaches 13.30 m2, the majority have an extension between 3 and 6 m2. The preservation state of the structures is variable and may depend, as well as on the different levels of exposure to those natural factors that may cause damage (wind, water, snow, landslides), on their antiquity. The variability of the shapes and dimensions of this kind of structure probably confirms their use in different chronological phases, and for different type of exploitation of the high altitudes. In most cases bait are located in grazing areas, so in direct relationship with a pastoral use. These buildings, although built with ‘poor’ materials and with relatively simple techniques, were well structured in order to withstand the extreme weather conditions of the mountain, and sometimes even presented some tricks to make them more comfortable, like the paved floors, or the stone entrance threshold and rainwater drainage channels produced by tapping on the stone roof. This shrewdness would hardly have been reserved for buildings that were rarely used, or just employed in case of sudden necessity. Presumably, the bait housed the shepherds for the long summer period and were designed to last over the years. It is a valid hypothesis, for some structures, that they were also used by persons not involved in pastoralism but in other activities, such as stone extraction or coal production. At last, it is also possible that these buildings were used not only as shelters for people but also for other functions, such as the storage of objects related to pastoral activity or dairy products.

using the DTM at a resolution of 5m, to contextualise and better understand the function, distribution and characteristics of the archaeological evidences found, the following spatial analyses were carried out: • An estimate of the solar exposure of the territory taken into consideration (solar radiation); • A visualisation of the cost, in terms of energy, to move from one point to another (cost distance); • An estimate of the time taken to move from a fixed point to all the other points of the considered territory; • An estimate of the less expensive route, in terms of energy, to move between two established points (cost path). With this approach it was also possible to recognise a series of anthropic evidence related to other activities carried out at high altitude, such as hunting, stone mining and lime and coal production. 10.4. Results (JB) 10.4.1 The structures The dry stone structures found during the field survey were subdivided, according to their dimension, morphology and building technique, into five categories – bait, enclosures, shelters, stone mound and other structures. These categories were defined on the basis of the ethnographic information gathered from the shepherds and local populations, and of the comparison with the Lessini case study. 10.4.1.1. Bait21 In the high pastures of Vione 20 bait (Figure 10.2) were found, but there are at least 8 other structures of this kind reported by place-names (Gallina & Tognali, 2014). All bait are built with the technique of drywall using easily available local raw materials, that is to say stones coming from the cleaning of the surrounding pastures that do not present any sign of processing or roughing.

10.4.1.2. Enclosures

The walls, which have a thickness generally between 40 and 80 cm, are made up of stones of small and medium size, arranged in sub-horizontal rows of varying height. Some bait have larger stones at the corners. Twelve per cent of them use a large boulder already present on the ground for one or more walls (Figures 10.2a-b) or for the roofing (Figure 10.2c). The shapes are different and numerous: in most cases bait are polygonal, but they can be also square, rectangular, semi-circular, circular (Figure 10.2d) and oval. One of those surveyed is equipped in the upstream portion with only an external apse, built to protect it from the thrust of snow during the winter season (Figure 10.2e). The floor level is generally in clay and in some cases arranged with flat slabs of stone. The cover, except for the cases in which it is made up of the stone

The stone enclosures (Figure 10.3) represent the ancestors of the current electrified fences used for livestock. The herds of sheep-goats or cattle were gathered within them to spend the night, in case of bad weather or during milking. Six enclosures have been found in the study area, but the place-names (Gallina & Tognali, 2014) inform us about the presence of at least three others. From the diary of a Vionese shepherd from the beginning of the twentieth century (Tognali, 2001), it emerged that also temporary enclosures were used, probably made of wood. The inside of the enclosure, particularly rich in humus, is characterised by a plant cover consisting of alpine rhubarb and wild spinach. Fences were built using the drywall technique with local stone recovered from the cleaning of the pastures. These stones, which do not show any sign of workmanship or roughing, are extremely variable in size: walls are made of sub-horizontal rows of varying thickness

A small dry stone structure used as shelter. The word is the diminutive form of baita, meaning mountain hut (Gnaga, 1936).

21 

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Figure 10.2a – Malga Valzeroten, 2,220 m asl, rectangular bait associated with other bait and with the structures of Valzeroten seasonal farm. The boulder used as wall has two drainage channels on the top (photo J.Bezzi)

of large and medium-sized rocks, with gravel filling the interstices. The thickness of the walls is extremely variable, from 30/40 cm to 130, not only among different structures but also within the same enclosure. Their shape is generally oval or sub-circular (Figure 10.3a), and some present an internal partition consisting of a dividing wall that extends between two sides of the structure leaving an opening for the passage between one portion and the other (Figure 10.3b). The surface of the enclosures can even exceed 200 m2. Of course, their dimension was influenced by the quantity of cattle to be introduced, the type and availability of material and the orographic conformation of the territory. As well as for the bait, their state of preservation depends on their exposure to natural factors that cause damages and on their antiquity. 10.4.1.3. Shelters Shelters (Figure 10.4) are very similar to bait but they can be distinguished by the prevalence of natural components: natural elements such as rock walls or jutting boulders are chosen as shelter and, sometimes, modified by man to make them more comfortable throughout excavation works, floor tiling, insights or the construction of walls. Only two structures of this kind have been identified in the high pastures of Vione, both of which are located on flat pastures: one consists of a simple makeshift shelter under a large boulder (Figure 10.4a) and the other consists of a small room formed below the contact point of two

Figure 10.2b – Plazzo del Vecchio, 2,095 m asl, isolated bait located in a panoramic area along the right orographic side (photo J. Bezzi)

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Figure 10.2c – Funtanì de Bles, 2,191 m asl, big rectangular isolated bait (photo J. Bezzi)

Figure 10.2d – Al de Tremons, 2,318 m asl, circular bait associated with another similar structure and with the enclosure in Figure 10.3b (photo J. Bezzi)

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Jessica Bezzi and Mara Migliavacca large boulders, arranged through the construction of dry stone walls and a flat stone roof (Figure 10.4b). At least two other shelters are known thanks to the bibliography (Sgabussi, 2004), but because of the massive growth of vegetation over the past years in the area where they are located, they were not found during the archaeological survey. 10.4.1.4. Stone mounds The stone mounds are made up of various shapes and sizes of the lithic material coming from the cleaning of the pastures. The construction of these piles represents, from the diachronic point of view, one of the first stages of the process of creating a grazing area, and witnesses the need to take full advantage of the pastureland. Many mounds are simple agglomerations of randomly arranged boulders, while others consist of stacks of square, rectangular, polygonal or semi-circular shapes erected with a specific building technique consisting in using the stones of larger dimensions as angular, those of average dimensions for the external walls and the smallest ones for the internal filling (Figure 10.5). Their height varies between 40 and 120 cm. Another type of heap is the one structurally similar to a wall, but without any specific function. Particular types of mounds are the ‘functional’ ones, in which the displaced stones are used for the construction of those structures necessary for the management of grazing, such as terracing wall or boundary walls.

Figure 10.2e – Tor de Pagà, 2,218 m asl, rectangular bait with external apse (photo J. Bezzi)

Figure 10.3a – Malga Tremonti, 2,095 m asl, circular fence associated with many dry structures and with the buildings of Tremonti seasonal farm (photo J. Bezzi)

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Figure 10.3b – Aleta de Tremons, 2,315 m asl, circular fence with inner subdivision, associated with two bait (Figure 10.2d) (photo J. Bezzi)

Figure 10.4a – Malga Tremonti, 2,083 m asl, simple makeshift shelter under a large boulder (photo J. Bezzi)

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Figure 10.4b – Val di Cané, 2,221 m asl, small room formed below the contact point of two large boulders, arranged through the construction of dry stone walls and a flat stone roof (photo J. Bezzi)

Figure 10.5 – Stone mounds in Val di Cané, about 2,200 m asl. (photo J. Bezzi)

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they seem to date back at least to the Copper Age (Walsh et al., 2005; Walsh et al., 2007). Therefore, it is probable that also the Vionese buildings have a much longer history than that attested by the sources. It is assumable, rather than a continuity of use from the prehistoric to the modern era, that cyclical phases of construction and abandonment of the structures took place – furthermore testified by their different levels of degradation. The only chronological element in our possession for Vione is provided by an enclosure that was dismantled for the construction of another building near Malga Tremonti (Figure 10.6a). Regarding shelters, although archaeologically known from the Mesolithic for housing purposes (Douka et al., 2014), and as used by shepherds from the Copper Age (Sgabussi, 2004), there are no elements to provide chronological information. We have a few chronological references only for some of the buildings generically grouped in the category of the other structures: some buildings are surely pertinent to seasonal farms built in the twentieth century; for others, on the other hand, a chronology was hypothesised of a bit earlier time, referring to the epoch in which the conversion towards bovine pastoralism led to the erection of stables and buildings at a high altitude for the dairy products storage.

There are also other structures which do not belong to the aforementioned categories. They are not always drybuilt; they differ for architecture, construction techniques, materials and state of conservation (Figure 10.6). Their interpretation, in some cases, is very hard: the placement of these structures in high-altitude areas does not necessarily imply a link with pastoral activities. Furthermore, different structural characteristics, dimensions and locations can be connected not only to different types of exploitation of the mountain resources but also to different chronological horizons (even if unfortunately there are very few elements available to date these buildings). 10.4.1.6. Chronology With the total absence of archaeological data, the chronological attribution of these structures is very complex. Bait and enclosures are attested in written sources relating to Valcamonica starting respectively from the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries (Franzoni, 2004; Berruti, 2013). In some areas of Europe and of the Alps, these types of buildings have been archaeologically investigated, and

Figure 10.6a – Malga Tremonti, 2,080 m asl, big dry stone structure of rectangular shape, built with stones coming from the dismantling of a nearby circular enclosure (photo J. Bezzi)

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Figure 10.6b – Monte Calvo, 2,061 m asl, isolated dry stone structure of long and narrow shape, interpreted as a drinking trough (photo J. Bezzi)

Figure 10.6c – Val di Cané, 1,950 m asl, partially below ground dry structure of rectangular shape, associated with other structures belonging to a twenty-century seasonal farm (photo J. Bezzi)

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Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in Valcamonica high pastures 10.4.2. Transformation of the landscape and resource exploitation (JB)

size were transformed into the long and narrow structures that today dot the high alpine pastures (Volanti, 1934).

In the past centuries, in a mountain area offering very few resources, sheep farming must have been the main means of support for the population. Although this activity was of primary economic importance, the archaeological and documentary traces left by it are few and weak. For this reason, reconstructing the history of pastoral activities and the strategies carried out has not been simple. However, as it is easy to guess, it was immediately clear that studying this issue meant analysing the changes that occurred in the landscape and vice versa. Since there were missing specific documentary sources, the reconstruction of pastoral strategies and their change over time had to be based on the analysis of more or less direct news and clues. At least starting from the Middle Ages, pastoralism played a major role in the livelihood of the population. This can be witnessed by the many contentions for the possession of pastures between the municipalities of the upper Valcamonica, attested in sources from the eleventh century (Valetti Bonini, 1976; Berruti, 2012a), and in the municipal statutes that dedicate a large part of their chapters to the regulation of pastures and pastoral activities (Trebeschi, 1968; Maculotti, 2009).

From the comparison between cadastral maps and the charts from different periods, it emerges that in the territory of Vione some changes related to the need to get new space for pastoral activities also took place, as well as those occurring in many other Alpine areas in the past two centuries, such as the expansion of villages, the decrease of cultivated land around the settlements, the raising of the forest line and the development of viability. In the first few decades of the nineteenth century, many fields used for haymaking in Case di Vialazzo, Priz and Cortebona were converted to pasture meadows. In the same period many mountain huts were built, typical two-floor buildings comprising of a stable and a barn, used for hay, and by shepherds, in spring as a step towards the ascent to high altitudes, and in autumn towards the descent to the valley floor. Also, the place-names provide some information, albeit without a chronological coupling, about those interventions aimed at deforestation, or at the arrangement of certain areas, thus distinguishing the areas used for cattle grazing from those used for sheep grazing.

The most ancient indirect traces of pastoral activity refer to the practice of vertical transhumance. The so-called buried villages are groups of buildings whose perimeter can be seen in the ground, located both in the valley floor and in the areas from middle to high altitude. They were probably used seasonally, at least since the Iron Age, as stages of the journey to the high altitudes (Priuli, 2010). The horizontal transhumance seems to have been introduced only from the end of the fifteenth century, when, as witnessed by the coeval Estimi, an exponential increase in the quantity of cattle owned by the shepherds of Vione took place (Franzoni, 2004). The need for a much bigger grazing area transformed Valfurva, Valdidentro, Valle di Livigno and the Pianura Padana into a horizontal transhumance area. Throughout the Middle Ages, up until the end of the sixteenth century, the wool industry was one of the leading sectors of the economy of Northern Italy (Berruti, 2012b). Wool transhumant pastoralism was mainly ovine. From the seventeenth century, the crisis in the wool sector and the birth of large stables in Pianura Padana took away the winter pasture from the flocks of the Valcamonica, causing a crucial change, culminating in the nineteenth century in high-altitude pastoral strategies (Della Misericordia, 2009). Cattle pastoralism, previously relegated to the few animals kept in the permanent settlements of the valley floor, became the main activity, while the number of sheep decreased drastically (Franzoni, 2004). This change explains the reason why until 1800 in the areas of seasonal farm there were no buildings, except for fences and small structures such as bait and shelters, suitable to accommodate livestock or people. With the arrival of cattle at higher altitudes, stables and buildings for the conservation of dairy products began to be built. However, it was only in the Fascist Era that these buildings of modest

The solar radiation analysis aimed at confirming the easily conceivable exploitation of the sunniest areas as stationing points by shepherds and cattle was carried out in two different ways: first of all, considering the diffused homogeneous radiation from all directions in the sky, and then considering the variations of the flow according to the zenithal angle (Fu and Rich, 1999). The differences between the two analyses revealed negligible results for archaeological purposes: all the surveyed structures are concentrated in the areas of greatest solar radiation in both calculations. As can be seen in Figure 10.7, where the chromatic scale going from blue to red represents the increase of solar exposure towards the latter colour, the structures are placed exclusively in areas well exposed to sunlight in order to obviate the problem of the rigid highaltitude climate.

10.5. Spatial analyses (JB)

The less ‘expensive’ routes to connect two points were calculated thanks to the Least Cost Distance analysis. As an example, the three inhabited areas of the municipality of Vione were taken into consideration as starting points and as the arrival points the current seasonal farms, located near the areas with the greatest concentration of pastoral structures. Two different procedures were used to establish the less expensive paths in terms of time and energy. The first one uses the Tobler equation to correlate the walking speed with the slope of the ground, while the second is an algorithm that tries to reduce as much as possible the height difference to walk (Herzog, 2013). These two estimations produced rather different results. The first procedure generated paths taking advantage of the minor slopes and which, sometimes, crossed municipal boundaries looking for passages placed in more flat areas. The second originated ideal streets as straight as possible and often 121

Jessica Bezzi and Mara Migliavacca

Figure 10.7 – Solar radiation map (GIS processing J. Bezzi)

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Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in Valcamonica high pastures very steep (Figure 10.8). In some cases, the current and historical roads and paths obtained from the nineteenthcentury cadastral maps coincided, more or less perfectly, with those developed by the software. Two examples are the routes calculated with the Tobler equation connecting Vione to the seasonal farms of Val di Cané and the route estimated from the point of view of energy expenditure linking Cané, to the Tremonti pastures. In regards to the Calvo Mount pastures, located on the left orographic side, the situation is completely different. Whatever the point of departure might be, the least strenuous route always passes through the municipal territory of Temù. This is not surprising: the current road, built only a few years ago in the municipal territory of Vione, is extremely winding and the paths connecting Paghera with the Calvo Mount, where the historical roads end, are equally long and inaccessible. For this reason, we may suppose that in the past the road leading to the Calvo Mount passed through the municipal territory of Temù.

of a watercourse and often associated with other kinds of structures, such as bait and shelters, constituting the essential elements of the pasture station. Furthermore, the fact that they are located along the preferential access routes to the high pastures, in areas very close to roads and paths and at increasing heights, reflects the sequential use of these structures during the summer season. The small number of findings makes it difficult to formulate statistical hypotheses regarding the locational characteristics of the shelters. 10.6. Pastoralism and rock art (JB) It frequently occurs to find engravings on rocks dotting the high-altitude panorama. These engravings are cupmarks, crosses or initials that witness the passage of the transhumant shepherds or their stay in the high pastures for longer periods. However, in the Vionese highlands, where the archaeological survey took place, no examples of rock art were found.

With the use of GIS, the spatial distribution of the recorded pastoral structures was also analysed, relating it closely to their function. Both bait and enclosures are located in flat pasture or gently sloping areas, characterised by excellent sun exposure. The former are located at altitudes between 1,853 and 2,318 m, the latter at altitudes between 1,765 and 2,385 m. They are always in the immediate proximity

A few engraved rocks in the area were already known: two rocks with cup-marks, one of which has connecting channels between them, located in the area of Premia, a mid-altitude pasture area with numerous remains of probably protohistoric buried villages; a rock with a basin, traditionally interpreted as the footprint of S. Cristoforo,

Figure 10.8 – Least cost path map representing the least expensive routes generated by the GIS in terms of time (yellow line) and in terms of energy expenditure (red line) connecting the permanent settlement of Vione to the seasonal farms of Tremonti and Casine di Bles (GIS processing J. Bezzi)

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Jessica Bezzi and Mara Migliavacca near the road leading from the village of Stadolina to the Val Vallaro, along the left orographic side (Sgabussi, 2003); a boulder with a pair of crosses in the area of Cascina di Rovaia, on the right orographic side (Sgabussi, 1996). Other examples, found alongside the border with Vezza d’Oglio, are constituted by boundary signs. Dating back to before 1585, the three boundary signs placed at 1,040, 1,530 and 1,630 m above sea level consist of a cross flanked by two letters (Sgabussi, 1996). A cross-border sign, not yet cited in the bibliography, was found during field surveys alongside the border with Temù, on Monte Calvo, at an altitude of 2,060 m asl (Figure 10.9), in the immediate proximity of an extremely long and narrow dry structure interpreted as a drinking trough (Figure 10.6b).

not seem to have been engraved by shepherds, but rather for sacral purposes. Every year, to avert the danger of drought, 12 virgins of the village were sent in procession to the boulder. They had the task of collecting water from the source and performing propitiatory rites, reciting prayers to St. Paola on the cup-mark (Testini, 1944). The scarcity, or the almost lack of engravings left by shepherds, leaves us perplexed especially considering that carving was one of the few ways they had to spend time, or to leave a small trace of their presence while waiting for the flocks to graze. This scarcity may perhaps be due to the type of stone (schist and gneiss) that characterises the area of Vione. It is not particularly smooth, and therefore not suitable for engraving.

A trace of the use of the engraving technique for practical rather than symbolic purposes is constituted by the two drainage channels on one of the boulders used as a cover of a bait (Figure 10.10). The two ducts, placed on the sloping sides of the boulder, have a width of about 7-8 cm and a length of over 2m and convey the water outside the walls delimiting the bait.

Another likely hypothesis explaining why shepherds did not leave traces is that they used those shelters and structures only in case of emergency, and not systematically. Yet, the constructive characteristics of these buildings have demonstrated their use for prolonged periods of time in the season and through the years. Therefore, this point, linked to the social aspect of the engravings, should be further analysed. It is probable that the shepherds from Vione did not leave traces of their passage since they did not need to claim their position. They played a rather eminent role

In seventeenth-century sources, not far from one of the current municipal seasonal farms, a rock with cup-mark is mentioned near a water source. However, this ‘hole’ does

Figure 10.9 – Monte Calvo, 2,050 m asl, engraved cross delimiting the boundary between the municipalities of Vione and Temù (photo J. Bezzi)

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Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in Valcamonica high pastures 10.7.1. The areas of study First of all, comparing the pastoral structures found in the municipality of Vione, in Camonica Valley, and in the Lessini highlands, we should emphasise the environmental differences. Lessini Mountains (Sauro et al. 2013) are the group of Venetian Prealps more protruded inside the Po plain, at the foot of which the town of Verona is located: it has been founded at a fluvial bend where a meander of the Adige River touches the slopes. This explains the close relationships between the town and this mountain group. The upper plateau area has always been accessible from the plains in one or two days’ walking, along the natural pathways following the main valleys, called vaj. A vajo is a deep canyon, like an incision, trending along the meridians, starting wide at first from the plain, and then more and more narrow. The grazing area corresponds to the upper part of the plateau, between 1,300 and 1,800 m of altitude, for a total area of about 80 km2. Here, the ridges are wide and rounded, intercalated by smooth basins and easy to be crossed in east–west direction. A first difference is concerned with the quotes of the seasonal pastoral structures (Figure 10.11), significantly higher in the Valcamonica than in the Lessini highlands. From a geological point of view, the Lessini plateau consists of a series of tectonic blocks made up of limestone formations of the Jurassic and Cretaceous Ages, which mainly are the group of Calcari Grigi, the Calcari Oolitici di San Vigilio, the Rosso Ammonitico (that can be quarried in slabs used for the construction of the buildings) and the Maiolica. Therefore, a second difference is the geological context in which the pastoral buildings were found, as in the highlands of the municipality of Vione there are gneiss, schist, marble, granite and diorite, which alternate with morainic deposits (Figures 10.12-13).

Figure 10.10 – Malga Valzeroten, one of the two drainage channels engraved on the boulder used as a cover of a bait (photo J. Bezzi)

in a society whose livelihood was almost exclusively based on pastoralism. These claims, not only by the Vionese shepherds but by all the shepherds of the upper Camonica Valley, come to light in the form of engraved initials or names and surnames in the pastures of Valfurva and Engadina where they were considered as much as foreigners, at the bottom of the social pyramid. Here is a demonstration of how the phenomenon of rock engravings reflects the history of pastoralism and, in particular, the history of the upper Valcamonica economy.

10.7.2. Breeders’ houses In the Lessini highlands, different types of buildings have been recognised as connected with animal husbandry, and the breeders’ houses are amongst the most difficult to define. The traces are also not easy to detect; consisting of simple – if any – stone alignments remaining on the ground, they present a great variability. A first distinction was made looking at the dimensions, as the length of these structures is bi-modal, with a group arranging around 3 metres and another around 12 metres.

10.7. Comparison with the pastoral structures in the Lessini highlands (MM) In the Lessini highlands a project was undertaken from 2005 to 2010, in order to gain information about the most ancient exploitation of the zone, and also to detect traces left on the ground by activities performed in historical times. As the first step, it focused on the shepherds’ activities. A systematic field survey covered all the Lessini highlands. In this way, more or less 600 pastoral structures were discovered, recognised and registered in databases collecting their geomorphological collocation and architectural features (Sauro et al. 2013). The buildings were also put on a map thanks to GPS technology. A GIS was realized using ArcView GIS 9.0 software.

This second group, consisting of large buildings, from 9 to 17 m long and 5-6 m wide, is probably formed by the remains of wooden casoni, large buildings connected with cattle husbandry where many activities (surely involving milk processing in a room, cheese storage in another) were performed. Quoted in historical sources since the fifteenth century, they were replace by malghe built out of stone during the nineteenth century, although some of them were 125

Jessica Bezzi and Mara Migliavacca

Figure 10.11 – The quotes of the various structures identified in Valcamonica, municipality of Vione, and in the Lessini highlands (Verona) (graph J. Bezzi)

Figure 10.12 – The geomorphological context of the pastoral structures in the municipality of Vione, high Camonica Valley: the most are built in schist and gneiss (graph J.Bezzi)

to 11 square metres), suggesting a function of simple repair: they were connected with sheep farming, and the similarity of dimensions with the bait of the municipality of Vione is striking (Figures 10.15-16). In most cases, the traces of these small buildings are hollows lightly buried in the soil, sometimes with remains of stone walls that supported a wooden elevation. In some cases, these structures are not far from charcoal pits, and can be connected with the casotto/kasun, a very rough woodenor leather-made repair, observed by Baragiola at the end of the nineteenth century in the Asiago plateau (Baragiola, 1908, fig. 15, 67, 93, 94), used by shepherds, woodcutters

still in use in the 1950s: a stone basement supported the wooden blockbau structure. It is worth mentioning that these large structures, devoted to cattle husbandry, are not present in the highlands of Vione, which are higher and mainly unfit for cattle. Still, other structures are present in the municipality of Vione, the use of which is unclear, but whose dimensions are comparable with the Lessini ones (Figure 10.14). In the Lessini, the group of buildings arranging around 3 metres in length presents a very small area (from 4 126

Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in Valcamonica high pastures

Figure 10.13 – The geological context of the pastoral structures in the Lessini highlands: 28 per cent are in the group of Calcari Grigi, 25 per cent in the Calcari di San Vigilio, 41 per cent in the Rosso Ammonitico, only 6 per cent in the Maiolica called also Biancone (graph J. Bezzi)

Figure 10.14 – Comparison of the areas of structures and baiti in the municipality of Vione (Valcamonica) and in the Lessini highlands (graph J.Bezzi)

10.7.3. Shelters

or charcoal-burners. In other cases, these small buildings were completely realised in stone and carved with remarkable ability, probably by the stone-cutters who appeared in the high pastures during the sixteenth century, when there was a switch from the wooden-built structures to the stone-built ones. They carried out the construction of the most impressive buildings in the pastoral economy of the Lessini, the cheese storehouses (casello/ cassina/ casera), the first stone-built buildings in the highlands. These edifices have an area ranging from 10 to 40 square metres, high, thick, often double courtained stone walls and sometimes a half-buried foundation. These cheese storehouses are not present in the municipality of Vione.

In the Lessini highlands, similarly to what happened in Valcamonica, the simplest natural shelters first used by the shepherds were the few caves and many natural rocky overhangs. Most of the natural shelters are situated within the outcrops of the limestone formation of Rosso Ammonitico. They usually are very low, and only a few square metres in surface, good for a recumbent stay for one or two persons. Probably, the first users improved their protective characters with canopies covering the outer side. Only with the arrival of the stonecutters were many shelters partly closed with stone slabs or dry walls. Most of the used 127

Jessica Bezzi and Mara Migliavacca

Figure 10.15 – The area of the buildings devoted to recover the shepherds in the Vione municipality (bait) (graph J.Bezzi)

Figure 10.16 – The area of the buildings devoted to recover the shepherds in the Lessini highlands (graph J.Bezzi)

shelters were in sight of a sheepfold, to give the possibility of controlling the flock during the night. Dairy and general farm-products, with the milk of both sheep and cattle, were carried out elsewhere not by the shepherds.

improve or complete the closures of a fold, besides the natural obstacles such as the small cliffs of the Rosso Ammonitico blocks, the shepherds had to construct wooden fences. Starting from the fifteenth century, the stonecutters, interacting with the shepherds, built many new fences made of dry stones and slabs walls. Some folds are subdivided into multiple compartments in which the flocks were kept, separated according to sex and age, as it is in use in the municipality of Vione.

10.7.4. Enclosures The folds identified in the Lessini highlands are very different in size: the average is around 1,500 m2, but the variability is high, also because of the restraints of some natural niches. It is worth emphasising that they are much wider than the Vione enclosures. In the Lessini, some folds are located in karstic and periglacial hollows, some in karst dolinas, while others still are located in karst corridors in Rosso Ammonitico, locally called vallina; there are also folds realised inside quarry depressions. To

10.8. Final remarks (JB, MM) Despite the different geomorphological and geological situations, both in the municipality of Vione and in the Lessini highlands, the elements of the pastoral system, or economy, seem to be the same. 128

Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism in Valcamonica high pastures Berruti. G. (2013) Per una storia dell’economia della Val Camonica tra il X e il XVIII secolo: le fucine da ferro, la tessitura, la coltura dell’olivo. Giuseppe Berruti Editore.

Of course, as can be seen in Figures 10.12 and 10.13, all the structures related to pastoral activity are built with easily available local raw material. In both areas there are enclosures, for sheep recovering, and structures to take in the shepherds, such as shelters or bait, quite similar in dimensions and features. In regards to the first one, in high Valcamonica most bait have an area of less than 4 m2 or falling between 10 and 13 m2, while in the Lessini most have an intermediate surface, falling between 5 and 10 m2 (Figures 10.15, 10.16). However, the medium area of bait is quite similar in the two areas, being a little bit more than 5 m2 in Vione and more or less 7 m2 in the Lessini (Figure 10.14). Regarding the characteristics, these buildings opportunistically exploit the technique of drywall, sometimes employing a large boulder already present on the ground for one or more walls or for roofing. Thanks to written sources and photos, we know that their roofs were made of wooden beams covered by scandole.

Della Misericordia, M. (2009) ‘I nodi della rete. Paesaggio, società e istituzioni a Dalegno e in Valcamonica nel tardo Medioevo’, in Bressan, E. (ed.) La magnifica comunità di Dalegno dalle origini al XVIII secolo. Breno: edizione dei Comuni di Ponte di Legno e di Temù, pp. 113-352 Douka, K., Higham, T.F.G., Wood, R., Boscato, P., Gambassini, P., Karkanas, P., Peresani, M. and Ronchitelli, A. (2014) ‘On the chronology of the Uluzzian’, Journal of Human Evolution, 68, pp. 1-13. Franzoni, O. (2004) ‘Pascoli e bestiame nella storia di Valle Camonica’, in Franzoni, O. and Sgabussi, G.C. (eds) Terre alte di Lombardia. Breno: Tipografia Camuna, pp.200-305.

On the other hand, a different organisation, at least as far as the scale of the phenomenon is concerned, can be detected in the Lessini thanks to some hints, such as the presence of the cheese storehouses and the definitely larger dimensions of the sheepfolds, not to mention the impressive structures for cattle husbandry, widespread in the Lessini, and missing in the municipality of Vione, at least until the nineteenth century. In this area, sheep rearing seems to have been a family affair at a subsistence level, while in historical times the Lessini highlands were controlled by the town organisation of Nobile Compagnia through massari, casari and vaccari (Sauro et al., 2013).

Fu, P. and Rich, P. M. (1999) ‘Design and implementation of the solar analyst: an ArcView extension for modelling solar radiation at landscape scales’, in Arbor, A. (ed.) Proceeding of the Nineteenth annual ESRI User Conference, San Diego. Lake Buena Vista: ERIM International, pp. 357-364.

It is worth emphasising that, in both areas, no engravings were found in association with pastoral buildings (Migliavacca, in this volume), if we bypass boundary signs like crosses, sometimes accompanied by initials or number, and those engravings made for practical rather than symbolic purposes, such as the drainage channels on the cover of some bait to collect water.

Herzog, I. (2013) ‘The potential and limits of optimal path analysis’, in Bevan, A. and Lake, M. (eds) Computational approaches to archaeological spaces. Walnut Creek: Institute of archaeology publications, pp. 179-212.

Gallina, D. and Tognali, D.M. (2014, Vione con Stadolina e Cané nel Catasto Napoleonico e nella toponomastica. Breno: Comune di Vione. Gnaga A., (1936) Vocabolario topografico-toponomastico della provincia di Brescia, Brescia: Tipografia Pedrotti & C.

Maculotti, G. (2009) ‘Gli statuti del comune di Ponte di Legno del XVI-XVII secolo’, in Bressan, E. (ed.) La Magnifica Comunità di Dalegno. Breno: edizione dei Comuni di Ponte di Legno e di Temù.

Bibliography Baragiola, A. (1908), La casa villereccia delle Colonie Tedesche Veneto-Tridentine. Vicenza: Comunità Montana dell’Altopiano dei Sette Comuni (anastatic reprint 1980).

Priuli, A. (2010), Etnoarcheologia in alta Valle Camonica e il mistero dei villaggi scomparsi, Breno-Brescia: Unione dei Comuni dell’Alta Valle Camonica. Sauro, U., Migliavacca, M., Pavan, V., Saggioro, F. and Azzetti, D. (2013) Tracce di antichi pastori negli Alti Lessini. Verona: Gianni Bussinelli editore.

Bellandi G., Cesana D., Fanetti D., Scippa A. and Vignola M. (2015), ‘La fortificazione di Tor dei Pagà a Vione (Valcamonica, BS). Risultati delle campagne archeologiche 2011-2014’, Archeologia Medievale, XLII, pp. 95-118.

Sgabussi, G.C. (1996) ‘Da un versante all’altro. Dal Corno Pornina alla sommità del Monte Rovaia’, in Franzoni, O. and Sgabussi, G.C. (eds) Segni di confine. Breno: Tipografia Camuna, pp. 148-151.

Berruti, G. (2012a) Villaggi, fortezze, boschi in alta Valtrompia e in alta Valcamonica tra il VI e il X secolo. Giuseppe Berruti Editore.

Sgabussi, G.C. (2003), ‘Per i sentieri dell’immaginario’, in Franzoni, O. and Sgabussi, G.C. (eds) Il bosco nella storia del territorio. Breno: Tipografia Camuna, pp. 259-347.

Berruti, G. (2012b) Società ed economia nell’alta Valle Camonica tra la fine dell’alto Medio Evo e il secolo XVIII. Giuseppe Berruti Editore. 129

Jessica Bezzi and Mara Migliavacca Sgabussi, G C. (2004) ‘Storie di pietre ricamate nell’erba’, in Franzoni, O. and Sgabussi G.C. (eds) Terre alte di Lombardia. Breno: Tipografia Camuna, pp. 306-631. Testini, C. (1944), Illustrazione dell’antico castello di Vione. Breno: Tipografia Camuna. Tognali, D M. (2001) ‘Il diario di un macil. Le memorie di Giovan Maria Cattaneo di Cané’, in Berruti M. and Maculotti G. (eds) Pastori di Valcamonica. Studi, documenti, testimonianze su un antico lavoro della montagna. Brescia: Grafo edizioni. Trebeschi, C. (ed.) (1968) Statuto del Comune di Vione: 1787. Brescia: Provincia di Brescia. Valetti Bonini, I. (1976) La comunità di valle in epoca signorile. L’evoluzione della comunità di Valcamonica durante la dominazione viscontea (secc. XIV-XV). Milano: Vita e pensiero. Volanti, U. (1934) Bonifica dei pascoli, Milano: Hoepli editore. Walsh, K., Mocci, F., Tzortzis, S. and Palet-Martinez, J. (2005) ‘Dynamique du peuplement et activités agropastorales durant lâge du Bronze dans les massifs du Haut Champsaur et de l’Argentierois (Hautes-Alpes)’, Documents d’Archéologie méridionale, 28, pp. 25-44. Walsh, K., Mocci, F. and Palet-Martinez, J. (2007) ‘Nine thousand years of human/landscape dynamics in a high-altitude zone in the southern French Alps (Parc National des Ecrins, Hautes-Alpes)’, Preistoria alpina, 42, pp. 9-22.

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11 Pastoralism without writing? The case of Monti Lessini Mara Migliavacca Dipartimento di Culture e Civiltà, University of Verona (Italy)

Abstarct: In the Lessini highlands a project, underway since 2005, focused on shepherds’ activities. The aims of the project were to locate and document the traces of shepherds and sheep farming in the area, distinguishing them from the traces left by the other activities performed in the territory, such as cattle farming; and to understand the changes that pastoral structures underwent through time. A systematic field survey covered the whole of the Lessini highlands. About 600 pastoral structures were discovered, recognised and recorded in databases collecting their geomorphological location and architectural features. Archaeological findings dating to the final phases of Bronze Age and to historical times were also found: they are possibly connected with some pastoral structures (Sauro et al., 2013). Except for a few cases found on the edge of Lessini highlands, where significant traces of mining activities were recorded, no traces of writings were found: the paper will try to check this absence and its reasons. Keywords: Lessini highlands, ethnoarchaeological survey, shepherds’ activities and structures, pastoral writings, Final Bronze age

11.1. Introduction

Very little is known about the exploitation of the high grazing area in Roman times and before, although a series of significant fortified hill top settlements (such as Monte Loffa, Monte San Giovanni, Le Guaite, Sottosengia, Monte Purga, San Vitale) occupied, during the Iron Age, the southern fringe of the high plateau. Some of them (Monte Purga, for example) were occupied by Roman soldiers, and it is difficult to think that the Romans living in Verona were not interested in exploiting and controlling this mountain area.

The Italian Prealps between Lake Garda and River Brenta are a natural passage between the alpine world and the Po plain (Figure 11.1). They have been exploited from historical times to the present day for many purposes that are typical of a mountain zone, such as charcoal production, a poor agriculture, mining activities, open quarries. Since prehistoric times, one of the most important activities in the uplands has been stock raising. In this paper, the focus is on the absence/presence of graffiti in three key areas of these Eastern Italian Prealps: the Lessini highlands, north of the city of Verona, where hundreds of sheep folds and shepherds’ shelters have been located (area 1); more to the east, the Illasi high Valley, where few shepherds’ shelters have been detected (area 2); and the Agno-Leogra ridge, where pastoral activities were linked to the mining work of the Recoaro-Schio minerary district (area 3).

In the highlands a project was undertaken from 2005 to 2010 focusing on the shepherds’ activities. A systematic field survey covered all the Lessini highlands, discovering more or less 600 pastoral structures that were recognised and registered in databases collecting their geomorphological collocation and architectural features. A GIS was realised using ArcView GIS 9.0 software (Figure 11.2). Three types of buildings have been recognised as connected with sheep husbandry: the breeders’ houses; the shelters; the sheepfolds. The breeders’ houses were distinguished into two groups: the first, large buildings, from 9 to 17 m long and 5-6 m wide, were probably the remains of the wooden casoni, connected with cattle husbandry where many activities (surely involving milk processing in one room, cheese storage in another) were performed (Figure 11.3). They are quoted in historical sources since the fifteenth century, and were substituted by the malghe built out of stone during the nineteenth century. A second significant group of squared buildings has a very small area (from 4 to 11 square metres), suggesting a function

11.2. The Lessini highlands: a pastoral world without graffiti Lessini upper plateau (Figure 11.1; Sauro et al., 2013) has always been accessible from the plain in one or two days walking, along the natural pathways following the main valleys. The grazing area corresponds to the upper part of the plateau, between 1,300 and 1,800 m of altitude, consisting, from the geological point of view, of a series of tectonic blocks made up of limestone formations of Jurassic and Cretaceous Age. 131

Mara Migliavacca

Figure 11.1 – The investigated area with indication of: (1) the Lessini highlands; (2) the Revolto Valley; (3) the Agno-Leogra ridge (graphic processing F. Ferrarese and M. Migliavacca).

few caves and many natural rocky overhangs, but it was not possible to carry out archaeological excavations, so there are no available data to date their first exploitation. More recent shelters are those made up of stone slabs, probably realised starting from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when the stonecutters began opening quarries in the summer grazing areas and to build constructions of limestone. Most of the used shelters were in sight of a sheepfold, to make it possibile to control the flock also during the night. A sheepfold (Figure 11.6) is a closed structure bounded by a natural barrier, or by a fence, normally situated in a natural niche. The folds identified are very different in size: the average is around 1,500 m2, but the variability is very high, also because of the restraints of some natural niches.

of simple repair: they were connected with sheep farming (Figure 11.4). In most cases, the traces of these small buildings are hollows lightly buried in the soil, sometimes with the remains of stone walls that supported a wooden elevation. In some cases, these structures are not far from charcoal pits. As a matter of fact, the casotto/kasun, a very rough wooden- or leather-made repair observed by Baragiola at the end of nineteenth century in the Asiago plateau (Baragiola, 1908, fig.15, p. 67, 93, 94), was used by the shepherd, woodcutter or charcoal-burner. In other cases, these small buildings were completely realised in stone and worked out with ability, probably by the stonecutters who appeared in the high pastures during the sixteenth century, when there was a change from the wooden-built structures to the stone-built structures. They carried out construction of the most impressive buildings in the pastoral economy, the cheese storehouses (casello/ cassina/ casera), the first stone-built buildings in the highlands. These buildings have an area ranging from 10 to 40 square metres and are settled in most cases in situations open to winds in order to keep the cheese fresh. The same preoccupation explains the high (up to 1.70 – 1.90 m), thick (up to 70 – 80 cm), often double courtained, stone walls and sometimes the half-buried foundation.

In this landscape, very rich with pastoral traces already described in some papers (Bezzi and Migliavacca in this volume; Migliavacca, 2016; Migliavacca, Saggioro and Sauro, 2013; Sauro et al., 2013), no graffiti was found at all, despite more than 600 identified structures. A possible explanation for this absence could obviously be the archaeologists’ inattention: although we were very watchful of buildings, perhaps we were not careful enough with other kinds of traces. This is possible, although not very probable, as our investigation was very thorough and lasted a number of years. Another possible explanation is

As far as the shelters are concerned (Figure 11.5), the most simple natural shelters first used by the shepherds were a 132

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Figure 11.2 – Distribution of sheep folders, shelters and breeders’ houses in the Lessini highlands (graphic processing F. Ferrarese and M. Migliavacca).

Figure 11.3 – Registering a casone at Malga Spazzacamina, Lessini highlands (photo U. Sauro)

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Figure 11.4 – A casotto at Folignano di Mezzo, Lessini highlands (photo U. Sauro).

Figure 11.5 – A shepherd shelter at Castilverio, Lessini highlands (photo U. Sauro).

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Pastoralism without writing? The case of Monti Lessini and nineteenth centuries, they were part of the world of the town of Verona, so the world of pastures was included and socially accepted by the society of the town. Therefore, there was no reason to use writing and engraving as a tool of self-assertion or communication, or as means of defining grazing areas already clearly defined and accepted (Kezich, 2013). 11.3. The Illasi high valley: graffiti from a marginal landscape Moving slightly east and southwards, though, the landscape changes. The wide and rounded ridges, intercalated by smooth basins and easy to be crossed along the east–west direction, typical of the Lessini highlands, are replaced by a harder, mountainous landscape. At about 800/900 metres above sea level, the fields are located on terraces, closed by slabs or stone walls; the economy is more self-sufficient and poorer of relationships. ‘Un nodo di relazioni umane e di ambiente preciso’ (Turri, 1969, p. 32-38) is connected with the passage from the hill to the mountain zone, a passage that is not only physical but also cultural. This passage was surely more precise in ancient times, when the flowing asphalted roads were not available, and the mountain world seemed far away, even exotic in its laboured economy made of sheep husbandry, forest exploitation and poor agriculture. Figure 11.6 – The sheepfold at Malga Dardo, Lessini highlands (photo U. Sauro).

In the summer of 2018 a first, quick exploration was made in the narrow and steep Revolto Valley (Figures 11.1, 11.2). It lies between the rich grazing area of the Parpari Basin to the north and the village of Giazza to the south, where the Illasi branches off in the Revolto Valley to the west and the Fraselle Valley to the east. Nowadays this zone is not exploited anymore, no traces of path are visible and the itinerary is very difficult. But in the past things were different: the Parpari Basin, very close to the north, was considered one of the best grazing areas of the Lessini highlands. In addition, the via vesentina crossed this area, linking the high valleys of Chiampo, Alpone and Illasi to the Ronchi Valley and, through it, to the Adige Valley. The route ran through Campofontana – Lobbia Peak – Malga Fraselle – Plische Mountain – Campo Brun not far from the Scalorbi Refuge – Pertica pass and was already used at the beginning of the fourteenth century AD for the seasonal transhumance of the sheep moving to the summer pastures in Trentino and in the mountains of Brescia, and by smugglers in more recent historical times (Migliavacca, 2008). The via vesentina was used also in elder times, as suggested by a series of metal artifacts (among which was a rough copper ingot), indicating a traffic of metals between the Veneto Prealps and the very rich copper deposits in Trentino-Alto Adige, dating back to the final Bronze Age (Migliavacca, 2013).

that pastoral graffiti were present in the Lessini highlands, but they were eroded and destroyed over time by exogenous agents. We could emphasise also that the plateau consists of a series of tectonic blocks made up of limestone formations of Jurassic and Cretaceous Age, which mainly are the groups of Calcari Grigi, Calcari Oolitici di San Vigilio, Rosso Ammonitico (that can be quarried in slabs used for the construction of buildings), and Maiolica. This rocky holder is not apt for the engraving or painting of graffiti, as demonstrated in the Valcamonica case. As a matter of fact, in Valcamonica no engravings were found on the limestone, whereas the availability of glacially polished verrucano lombardo sandstone was ‘. . . the ideal canvas for the execution of engravings’ (De Marinis, 1988; Alexander, 2011). In addition to this, it is worth emphasising that since the tenth century AD, shepherds have been using the high pastures according to the will of important monasteries and influential families in Verona. The sheep went up to the high pastures from the plain, crossing the deep woodland belt; the shepherds used temporary shelters up in the high pastures for short summer periods, while the first permanent settlements spread between 900 and 1,300 m asl only with the arrival of the German groups during the thirteenth century. The highlands were controlled by the town organisation of Nobile Compagnia through massari, casari and vaccari; at least between the fifteenth

The people now living in Giazza and in the surrounding districts still speak Cimbro, an Old High German language that developed in situ after the arrival of the first woodsmen from Bavaria in the eleventh century AD (Rapelli, 2017). Trusting their memory, in the steep Revolto Valley, 135

Mara Migliavacca children grazed goats, which enjoyed the narrow slopes of the place, while cows were pasturing in the fruitful Parparo Basin more to the north. As far as recent times are concerned, we are dealing here with the domestic breeding of sheep and goats linked to the life of the Contrada or the village, on the edge both of the rich cattle rearing in the Parpari Basin and of the agriculture and exploitation of the wood. It was a microcosm in which pastoral graffiti could mean a confirmation and a claim to one’s existence and individuality, as suggested with the experience of Val di Fiemme (Bazzanella, 2013; Kezich, 2013). In the Revolto Valley, it was possible to visit the Slitzegin shelter (Figure 11.7). The name looks like an adaptation of the Veneto dialect of a Cimber word, meaning ‘slippery’, and probably refers to the rock in which the shelter – as happened with all the shelters I visited in the zone – is hosted, the group of Calcari Grigi. Although this limestone formation is not particularly apt for drawing or engraving, on the walls of the Slitzegin shelter there are live charcoal drawings. A drawing depicts two anthropomorphs (Figure 11.8) in a very ingenuous, even childish way; floreal figures, animal figures and a bow (Figure 11.9) are depicted in a similar way. The drawings are all of small dimensions, not more than 10 centimetres high or long. A series of stones put as a semi-circle at the base of the shelter are further traces of anthropic use, possibly being the foundation of a tent or a repair of another kind of perishable material. The Sbamal Bant shelter (the swallows’ rock in Cimber language) is very high, in a wonderful panoramic position,

Figure 11.7 – Slitzegin shelter in Val Revolto (photo M. Migliavacca).

Figure 11.8 – Two anthropomorphs painted with live charcoal at Slitzegin shelter, in Val Revolto (photo M. Migliavacca).

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Figure 11.9 – A bow painted with live charcoal at Slitzegin shelter, in Val Revolto (photo M. Migliavacca).

order to establish the possible provenance of prehistoric archaeological ochre, so a systematic collection and analysis of the materials was done (Cavallo et al. 2015). The terre coloranti (‘colouring earths’ as they are locally named) from the Lessini Mountains are infilling sediments of palaeokarst caves, most probably used since prehistory as raw materials for utilitarian and symbolic practices. In the nineteenth century, the province of Verona was one of the most important districts in Italy and Europe for the exploitation, processing and trading of high-quality natural Fe-based yellow, red and green colouring earths, including black and white earths as well. Red earth sites occur not far from the shepherd shelters described above, in the Revolto Valley itself at Minerthal; in the Alpone Valley at the palaeokarst cave at Selva di Progno, locality San Bortolo delle Montagne (where yellow and black earths also occur); in the Illasy Valley at the palaeokarst cave in locality Sant’Andrea; in the Eocene basalt outcropping area at San Giovanni Ilarione, locality Viale (Zorzin, 2005; Cavallo, Riccardi and Zorzin, 2015; 2016).

and currently not very frequented by humans, as testified by the eagle that flew away as we arrived (Figure 11.10). Possible ochre veins seem to lie among the rock layers, and what seems to be red ochre has been used to write an acronym (AD) and a date (1831?). As a matter of fact, it was not possible to analyse the pigment, so a new expedition will be organised to check it. It is worth emphasising that acronyms and dates, written in an ochre/red earth locally called ból, are very often present in shepherds’ graffiti in the Fiemme Valley; dates around 1830 are the most frequent (Carfora et al., 2013, p. 218-219). Most interestingly, in the same shelter, not so close to the other already descripted signs, an animal (possibly, a little horse with the tail ending in a tuft) and a man have been depicted (Figure 11.11). The man has something long in his hands (a stick? a spear?) and strange headgear. As far as the use of ochre is concerned, it is worth emphasising that this geomaterial is widespread in the Monti Lessini, as demonstrated by geological studies (Zorzin, 2005; Cavallo, Riccardi and Zorzin, 2015) made by the researchers of the Civic Museum of Natural History in Verona, together with researchers of the University of Ferrara. These studies were suggested by the discovery of red and yellow ochre-painted figures dating back to the Upper Palaeolithic in the Fumane Cave (Broglio and Dalmeri, 2005). The research project carried out was initiated in

In Val Revolto, at the Lange Balt shelter (the Long Rock shelter in Cimber language), also a schematic, anthropomorphous graffito, not painted but engraved, is visible (Figure 11.12), suggesting that the limestone rock, although difficult to cut, was not an unsolvable problem. 137

Mara Migliavacca Along the Leogra River, between Pievebelvicino and the Margherita Fountain, there is the third type of layer consisting of seams set within the Crystallin Basement. They are quite rich with copper consisting of nodules of chalcopyrite, together with pyrite, ferriferous sphalerite, galena, pyrrhotine and uncommon haematite in a siderite, calcite and quartz gangue. At the top of the Agno-Leogra ridge, fieldwork carried out from 2005 to 2010 in the high-altitude ridge of Montefalcone-Cima Marana (more than 1,500 m above sea level) stressed traces of human exploitation from 100,000 BP until World War II (De Guio and Migliavacca, 2010). During the Bronze Age, the passage from the Veneto Prealps to the very rich copper deposits in Trentino-Alto Adige is signed by a series of metal artefacts (among which a rough copper ingot) indicating a traffic of half-worked metals and a route still used by shepherds and smugglers in historical times. No traces of human exploitation date to the Iron Age, although important Iron Age sites are not far from the ridge, along the Chiampo and Agno Valleys. The Iron Age people seem to have preferred other routes. This is especially evident in the Agno Valley, where the finds dating to the First Iron Age indicate the importance of the connection between the Agno Valley and the Leogra one, where there is evidence of iron working at the site of Santorso. Therefore, the general scarcity of finds in the highlands during the Iron Age could be explained with the loss of importance of the copper and bronze trade with Trentino Alto Adige through the prealpine area, as the focus was perhaps now in the Recoaro–Schio minery district, where not only copper but also iron sources were available.

Figure 11.10 – The view from Sbamal Bant shelter, in Val Revolto (photo M. Migliavacca).

11.4. The Agno-Leogra ridge: graffiti from a minery district Graffiti was found also most eastwards, in the AgnoLeogra ridge, which is known also as the Schio–Recoaro minery district (Figures 11.1, zone 3). It corresponds to the most eastern part of the Lessini Mountains, embracing the upper Agno Valley, the Leogra Valley, the Posina River basin, the Tretto area and the Sinello Valley in the Trentino region. In this zone the Crystallin Basement of PrePermian Age comes out together with the sedimentary and volcanic strata lying above it (Zamperetti, 2000; Mietto, 2003). Three are the main types of minery sources. The most important is between the volcanites and the previous carbonate rocks such as the Calcare di M. Spitz, the Calcare di Recoaro and the Gracilis Formation. It consists of zinc, leader, iron, copper and silver sulphides, lying from the northeast to the southwest from the Tretto area, through the Varolo Mountain and the Mercanti Valley, to the Spitz Mountain. The highest minery concentration is between Torrebelvicino and the Spitz (Frizzo, 2001).

In this area, archaeological fieldwork, both surface survey and excavation, has been carried out since 2011 (De Guio and Migliavacca, 2012; Migliavacca et al., 2013). The surface survey was especially devoted to the identification and recording of the traces left by the exploitation of the numerous mines of the area, surely worked during the domination of Venice (fifteenth–seventeenth centuries) and afterwards until the beginning of the twentieth century. It is very probable though that the exploitation of the mineral resources had begun in antiquity, as suggested by many hints. Roman coins dating to Augustus time were found among the slags of an old blast furnace in the Astico Valley and near ancient mines in the Tretto area (Fabiani, 1930); bronze axes dating to the final Bronze Age and the beginning of Iron Age were found in the eastern (Pievebelvicino) and in the western (Novale, San Quirico) Piedmont areas. The axes were used to clear out trees in order to gain more space for agriculture and husbandry, but wood was important also for the first processing of the extracted minerals. The important settlement of Magrè was born in the Middle–Final Bronze Age in the eastern Piedmont area of the mineral district, and became a sanctuary in the Final Iron Age; not far from the district, at Bocca Lorenza, 3 axes were found together with VBQ

The second, less common type of minery layer is composed of seams of mixed sulphides set within the volcanites. Typical elements are chalcopyrite and galena, found especially in the Mercanti Valley (Trisa, Varolo Mountains and Manfron Pass) and on Guizza-Faedo Mountain. 138

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Figure 11.11 – A man and a horse depicted at Sbamal Bant shelter, in Val Revolto (photo M. Migliavacca)

ceramic fragments which are at the moment the most ancient metal artefacts of the area; during the Final Iron Age, Santorso became a centre for iron processing (Balista and Ruta Serafini, 1988; Panozzo, 2004; Pearce, 2007). The survey identified more or less 20 mines spread among Val Mercanti, the longest and most passable of the eastern slopes; the narrow and steep valley where contrada Manfron and Monte Cengio are set; the larger but higher Val Riolo; and the northeastern side of the Civillina Mountain. A hidden, multistratified minescape showed the twentieth-century system of galleries and shafts continuing and effacing the fifteenth- to seventeenthcentury exploitation; the twentieth-century mineral village of Valbella completely buried by the beech forest; near the entrance to the galleries, twentieth-century washing tanks together with not easily datable terraces for the deposition of excavated minerals and heaps of rubble; and remains of cableways that replaced in the past century the tiring hand-pull cart and horse or mule wagon (Migliavacca et al., 2013). Some of these mines could be ancient: in the highest place of Val Riolo there is a large flat area just before the passage towards Val Mercanti, where a large, not very deep excavation trial for chalcopyrite suggests an ancient technology of research. On the northeastern side

Figure 11.12 – An anthropomorphous graffito at Lange Balt shelter, in Val Revolto (photo Antonia Stringher).

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Mara Migliavacca of the Civillina Mountain, in a place called Sassi Neri, the municipality Montecatini was excavating a gallery in 1922 when traces of an ancient punta e mazza exploitation of a lead-glance vein were discovered, possibly of Venetian, if not even Roman times, according to local sources. In the same area, large and deep excavation trials, similar to the Val Riolo ones, can be found (Casolin, 2000, pp. 35–36).

occupied also in historical times: at the top of the hill, a shelter, half-buried in the soil, was discovered: the traces of fireplace in it were dated to the seventeenth century AD thanks to radiocarbon dating (Figure 11.14). Natural walls, one and a half meters high, made of basalt outcrops close the shelter to the south and to the north. These basalt walls, and some basalt rocks nearby (Figure 11.15), are covered with engravings that surely date to different ages: as a matter of fact, they are superimposed to each other. Many engravings surely date to recent and very recent times; but quite often under the recent petroglyphs other engravings are visible, which are not as easy to date. The mapping and detection of petroglyphs have been undertaken, thanks to photographs, direct drawing and frottage: not an easy work – also because of the irregular surface of the rocky outcrops – and not finished yet. No interpretation of the undated graffiti is proposed in this paper: the most interesting are filiform signs cut in the basalt with a sharp tool, together with small hollows which can be compared with cupels (Figure 11.16); others are thin and superficial engravings made thanks to many scratches with the technique a polissoir and representing stars or undefinable figures (Figures 11.17-18).

Therefore, it is quite interesting that on the top of the Civillina Mountain, not far from these traces of possibly ancient mining excavation trials, many pieces of broken pottery vessels, dating to the First Iron Age, were found during the 2011 archaeological excavation. Not far from Civillina, archaeological fieldwork discovered another interesting site at Passo Mucchione, where a small, possibly fortified protohistoric settlement was identified, with hundreds of broken pieces of Final Bronze–First Iron Age pottery and dry-stone structures still in situ (Figure 11.13). The hill is a volcanic peak not rich with water springs, so its use as a permanent settlement does not seem plausible. Some hints, such as the presence of carbonised animal bones and of petroglyphs of different ages, suggest that it could have been used for strategic or ritual purposes. It is worth remembering that the Agno-Leogra ridge, which is the core of the Schio-Recoaro minery district, was a frontier zone: at the end of the Bronze Age, between the Luco culture from Trentino and the Protovillanovian culture in the plain; and in the Iron Age, between the peoples of Raeti from the mountains and the Veneti placed in the plain. The settlement at passo Mucchione was

11.5. Discussion This contribution is intended to present the pastoral graffiti of the Lessini, a mountain area very significant both for pastoralism and for pre-protohistory, without the claim of dating or explaining the described occurrences. Only in the case of the Lessini highlands can we discuss a long

Figure 11.13 – Passo Mucchione, dry-stone structure ‘R’ (photo © Andrea Baldrani).

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Figure 11.14 – Passo Mucchione, the seventeenth-century shelter, half-buried in the basalt outcrops where engravings were found (photo © A. Baldrani).

Figure 11.15 – Passo Mucchione, a basalt rock covered with engravings (photo © A. Baldrani).

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Figure 11.16 – Passo Mucchione, filiform signs cut in the basalt, together with small cupels. Agno-Leogra Project 2012 (drawing M. Menato).

fieldwork, the results of which have already been studied and published; the project in the Agno-Leogra ridge is still a work in progress, and the graffiti of the Revolto valley was visited in a quick one-day survey, long enough though to decide to come back to work in the valley in the future.

frequent in the subalpine ecozone (up to 600-800 m asl.) and in the passage from subalpine to prealpine ecozone (at around 800 m asl), and less frequent in the high summer grazing lands, although an important palaeokarst system, rich with coloured earth, is at Ponte di Veja, Sant’Anna d’Alfaedo, quite close to the western Lessini highlands.

Firstly, it is possible to point out that Monti Lessini is not a monolithic world, but is characterised by different situations from a geological, archaeological and historical point of view. Hence, the presence and the features of pastoral graffiti are different. The absence of graffiti in the highlands cannot be explained by geological outcrops in which the shepherds’ shelters were built, as the same limestone formations are present also in the Revolto Valley where pastoral graffiti has been recorded. The presence of natural-coloured earths to be used for graffiti is more

We could emphasise that all the shelters we visited in the Revolto Valley are natural rocky overhangs, while most of the hundreds of shelters studied in the highlands were made up of stone slabs, realised starting from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when stonecutters began to open quarries in the summer grazing areas and the most important buildings in the highlands became the casoni, connected with cattle husbandry. Perhaps the natural rocky overhangs of the Lessini highlands are worth another project; but the overexploitation of the highlands since the 142

Pastoralism without writing? The case of Monti Lessini

Figure 11.17 – Passo Mucchione, engraving a polissoir, Agno-Leogra Project (drawing M. Menato).

in stone or painted with coloured stuff, they represent anthropomorphous, animal and floreal figures. All the graffiti found at the Mucchione site is schematic. It is interesting the comparison we can make with the situation of historical graffiti in Valcamonica, especially in the area of Campanine di Cimbergo studied by Troletti (2013), who was able to connect the engravings with the work of the engravers. He pointed out that shepherds and farmers were figurative in their representation, while in the areas where mines and quarries were exploited, schematic signs, acronyms, crosses, dates and inscriptions were prevalent,

fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was connected with the business of the town of Verona, so the world of summer grazing was deeply integrated with the town. On the other hand, as already written above, in the marginal world of Val Revolto, pastoral graffiti could mean a confirmation and a claim to one’s existence and individuality. Another interesting remark is possible as far as the AgnoLeogra ridge is concerned, especially in comparison with the other graffiti present in the Revolto Valley. The Revolto graffiti is mostly figurative: either engraved 143

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Figure 11.18 -Passo Mucchione, engraving a polissoir representing a star, Agno-Leogra Project (drawing M. Menato).

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Migliavacca, M., Sauro, U. and Saggioro, F. (2013) ‘Ethnoarchaeology of pastoralism: fieldwork in the highlands of the Lessini plateau (Verona, Italy)’, in Lugli, F., Stoppiello, A.A. and Biagetti, S. (eds) Ethnoarchaeology: Current Research and Field Methods. (Conference Proceedings, Rome, Italy, 13th–14th May 2010). BAR International Series 2472, Oxford: BAR Publishing, pp. 217-223.

De Guio, A. and Migliavacca, M. 2010 (eds) (2010) ‘Basto al Campetto (Recoaro Terme, Vicenza). Risultati della campagna 2009’, Quaderni di Archeologia Del Veneto, XXVI, p. 108-109. De Guio, A. and Migliavacca, M. (2012) ‘Monte di Malo e Valdagno, località Mucchione. Progetto Agno-Leogra, campagna 2012’, NAVe, 1, pp.148-152.

Panozzo, N. (ed.) (2004) Grotta Bocca Lorenza. Santorso. Schio (VI): Menin.

De Marinis, R. (1988) Le popolazioni alpine di stirpe retica. In Italia omnium terrarum alumna. La civiltà dei Veneti, Reti, Liguri, Celti, Piceni, Umbri, Latini, Campani e Iapigi. Milano: Garzanti-Scheiwiller, pp. 101-158.

Pearce, M. (2007) Bright Blades and Red Metals: Essays on North Italian Prehistoric Metalwork. London: Accordia Research Institute. Rapelli, G. (2017) ‘Dalla Baviera al Veneto: arrivo e diffusione dei Cimbri nelle Prealpi venete’, in Sauro, U., Bidese, E., Bonomi, E. and Massalongo, V. (eds) Cimbri dei Monti Lessini. Vago di Lavagno: La Grafica Editrice, pp. 25-34.

Fabiani, R. (1930) Le risorse del sottosuolo della provincia di Vicenza. Vicenza: Peronato. Frizzo, P. (2001) ‘Giacimenti minerari e attività estrattive della Valle dell’Agno’, in Cisotto, G.A. (ed) Storia della 145

Mara Migliavacca Sgabussi, G.C. (2006) ‘In questo monte vien cavata la vena: siti minerari e archeologia rupestre in valle Camonica (BS)’, Archeologia postmedievale, 10, pp. 127-139. Sauro, U., Migliavacca, M., Pavan, M., Saggioro, F. and Azzetti, D. (eds) (2013) Tracce di antichi pastori sugli Alti Lessini. Verona: Gianni Bussinelli Editore. Troletti, F. (2013) ‘Incisioni di epoca storica e frequentazione umana in alcuni siti rupestri della Valcamonica’, Archeologia postmedievale, 17, pp. 289299. Turri, E. (1969; 2005) La Lessinia. Sommacampagna (VR): Cierre. Zamperetti, G. (2000) Sentiero Geologico Mineralogico. Schio: Comunità Montana Leogra-Timonchio. Zorzin, R. (2005) ‘Le terre coloranti dei Monti Lessini’, in Broglio, A. and Dalmeri, G. (eds) Pitture Paleolitiche nelle Prealpi Venete. Grotta di Fumane e Riparo Dalmeri. (Memorie del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Verona, 2 serie – Sez. Scienze dell’uomo, 9), pp. 47-50. Zorzin, R. (2016) Rocce e fossili del monte Baldo e dei monti Lessini veronesi. Caselle di Sommacampagna (VR): Cierre Edizioni.

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12 Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval (S. Vito di Cadore, Dolomites, Veneto region, NE Italy) Fabio Cavulli* and Francesco Carrer** *LaBAAF, Laboratorio Bagolini Archeologia, Archeometria, Fotografia – Dep. of Humanities, University of Trento, Italy; **McCord Centre for Landscape, School of History, Classics and Archaeology, Newcastle University, United Kingdom

Abstract: The uplands between the Giau pass and Mondeval (1,900-2,700 m asl) yielded significant evidence of human activities, from the Mesolithic to the present. The main reason for the intense occupation of this area is related to the exploitation of ore resources (galena), as well as faunal, forestry and other environmental resources. In three areas, characterised by a gentle terrain and open vegetation, clusters of engravings have been identified on volcanic rocks or bedrock outcrops. These engravings are compass-made circles, with variable grooves (from large and deep to shallow), often concentric, sometimes organized in geometric patterns or lacking any geometric organization. This type of evidence, which is difficult to date, has few comparable examples. Analysing their spatial distribution, the land use of the area and the information provided by documentary sources, we suggest that they might have been used as boundary markers within the old community of San Vito di Cadore. Keywords: Rock engraving; Compass-made circles; Boundary markers; Mountain Archaeology; Landscape Archaeology; Alps cultures 12.1. The project and the area

approach: every human evidence was recorded, regardless of the chronology, the type and the size (from scatter finds to large infrastructures). The research is still ongoing, and now involves archaeological excavations to assess deposit, function and chronology of the evidence recorded during the survey (Cavulli et al., 2015; Visentin et al., 2015; 2016).

In 2011 a new archaeological research started in the mountain area of S. Vito di Cadore (Belluno, Italy). Archaeological survey was coordinated by the authors, in collaboration with the University of Ferrara (Federica Fontana and Davide Visentin) and the financial support of the City Council of S. Vito di Cadore. The final goal was to set up a centre for exhibition and recording of environmental, ethnographic and archaeological data of S. Vito, Cednea (Centro espositivo e di documentazione naturalistica, etnografica ed archeologica; http://www. cednea.it/). The centre was promoted by Andrea De Lotto and Daniele Lucia, and supported by the City Council, the Regole di S. Vito and Union Ladina d’Oltreciusa.

The surveyed area corresponds to a wide mountain sector of open pastures above the current timberline, between 1,800 and 2,700 m of elevation. It is centred on the Giau pass, and it includes the high plateaus of Mondeval and Malga Prendera, Croda da Lago, the Zonia Valley and Mount Pore. These areas, part of Cadore in the Veneto region, currently belong to four different municipalities: San Vito di Cadore, Selva di Cadore, Cortina d’Ampezzo and Colle Santa Lucia. However, this whole upland sector is still part of the so-called Regola Granda di San Vito, a local institution of medieval origin that manages and protects the commons (pastures, woodlands, etc.).

This landscape archaeology project was aimed at recording and interpreting the evidence of human occupation of a mountain environment in an upland area of the Dolomites, from prehistoric to modern times. During four survey campaigns, between 2011 and 2014, more than 400 sites were recorded. A preliminary interpretation of their function and locational pattern was suggested as well. The main characteristic of this research project is the diachronic approach, also named ‘total archaeology’

12.2. The method The area has been surveyed by local amateurs, such as Vittorino Cazzetta, since the late 1970s. Collaboration 147

Fabio Cavulli and Francesco Carrer of these amateurs with archaeological research groups enabled the first identification of some important prehistoric contexts in the area (like the rock-shelters of Mondeval de Sora, occupied between the Mesolithic and historical periods, and Mandriz, occupied between the Neolithic and Copper Age), as well as of numerous surface find-spots (Visentin et al., 2016). Interesting rock engravings and agro-pastoral sites were recorded as well, providing evidence of a long-term human occupation of the mountain landscape. These preliminary data collection initiatives enabled a more accurate planning of the survey strategy. Our survey contributed to reinforcing the reliability of amateurs’ reports, by assessing the presence of sites at the suggested locations and by surveying those areas for which no archaeological sites were reported. Furthermore, local amateurs were directly involved in the survey, in order to get precise indications of the position and characteristics of the identified sites. Therefore, the survey campaigns were not based on regular and homogeneous prospections, like in flat plains, even though most of the aforementioned upland territory was accurately surveyed.

was audio-recorded. Detailed photos were taken for every structure, scattered finding or rock engraving, as well as for the landscape around the evidence. In specific cases, dedicated pictures were taken for 3D reconstruction (SfM). Significant rock engravings were also drawn using contact method with transparent plastic sheets and frottage method. The profile of the engravings was drawn with the profilometer used to draw ceramic sherds. Scattered surface findings, such as metal, flint and pottery fragments, were positioned, described, photographed, collected and archived.

12.2.1. Historical data collection

Three types of evidence were identified, based on their size: macro-, meso- and micro-evidence. The macroevidence refers to anthropogenic ground features, structures or infrastructures visible on the surface: terraces, huts, enclosures, quarries or mines, roads, etc.; the meso-evidence includes less obvious anthropogenic features, such as rock engravings, border marks, etc.; the micro-evidence is mainly small artefacts found in surface erosions, which are more difficult to record through an extensive survey. Thanks to the increasing calibration of the method based on first experiences and repeated surveys of the same areas, the multiscale approach was used in the whole research area, providing a complete, various and important archaeological dataset.

The different phases of the research were often filmed and the videos uploaded on the Cednea website. In addition, sketches and notes were used to better describe the recorded evidence. The goal of the survey was to produce a homogeneous prospection of the study area, thus ensuring the uniformity and exhaustivity of the recorded evidence. 12.2.3. Total archaeology and multiscale approach

Archive surveys started at the beginning and continued throughout the project. Local and historical archives, such as the Archivio di Stato di Venezia, were visited to identify medieval and post-medieval documents and maps that might be useful for interpreting some of the identified sites, especially the most recent ones. Some of the documents referred to mountain landscape management, such as border conflicts, field renting and mining permits, and revealed important local land-use strategies. Publications regarding local history and geography provided important information as well. 12.2.2. Survey strategy and methods

At the same time, different archaeological remains were homogeneously investigated, regardless of their chronology: prehistoric flint flakes, medieval potsherds, glass bottles, tin cans and hut remains have been recorded using the same methodology. This diachronic perspective breaks the chronological boundaries, reaching the contemporary period, and contributes to investigating the equilibrium and change in the relationship between human groups and mountains. The key questions we addressed were: What is the origin of this upland landscape? And what can the study of this landscape tell us about the (pre) history of local mountain communities?

The starting point of the archaeological research was the analysis of cartography, which was discussed with local informants and used to gather suggestions and share knowledge. Thematic maps, DTM (Digital Terrain Model) and geological maps have proven useful in locating morphologically homogeneous areas for extensive and intensive archaeological surveys. Remote sensing was used to identify potential targets for the survey. Using aerial photos and orthophotos several features were identified in the high pastures. The location of these features was recorded, and some of them were checked on the ground during the survey. Some of these features turned out to be interesting anthropic structures, mostly attributable to the medieval, post-medieval and modern period.

12.2.4. Data management and elaboration Data collected in the field have been processed and imported into a WebGIS platform. This is the ‘Archaeological Information System’ (AIS) hosted by the Laboratorio Bagolini of the University of Trento. It consists of an online geodatabase and a series of maps that provide the geographical framework. The result is an interactive map showing the location and the information of each recorded

Field-walking was undertaken in the selected areas, trying to cover as much surface as possible. Each anthropic evidence on the ground was positioned using handheld GPS (Global Positioning System), and related information 148

Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval site. There are two different levels of interaction with the AIS WebGIS: simple users can only visualise sites and the base map, while scholars involved in the project can also upload new data, modify the existing tables and undertake simple attribute queries or spatial analysis and visualise different raster and vector maps.

recorded and described (Figure 12.1). They are prehistoric remains dated to Mesolithic periods (all flint artefacts), Copper Age (flint points) and Middle Age (mainly potsherds and glass/metal fragments). The complex and varied range of activities which can be called agro-silvopastoral farming is also confirmed by the identification of salt-rocks, remains of animal enclosures and barns, huts and summer farms.

The last phase of the research corresponds to the elaboration and interpretation of the field data and historical information collected. The dataset was divided into subsets, according to the assumed function of the identified features and assemblages and their chronology. The AIS WebGIS does not enable complex statistical analyses. Thus, all the data, description (tables) and location of the sites (points) have been exported as vector shape files (*.shp) and managed with various GIS software, open-source (Grass, QuantumGIS, OpenJUMP) or commercial (Esri ArcGIS). R, an open-source software and programming language for statistical analysis and data visualisation, has been used to assess the importance of environmental variables (elevation, slope, aspect) for the locational patterns of archaeological evidence and combining them with historical cartography.

Mining activity in the Giau pass has been historically documented since the first half of the sixteenth century (Richebuono, 1974). The mining area (for the extraction of galena) corresponds to a sector of the private meadows located between Col Piombin and La Vares. These meadows, known as Ciostego, were part of the territory of San Vito di Cadore, but owned (at least since the midfourteenth century; Richebuono, 1968) by families of Ampezzo. Since 1510 Ampezzo was part of the Austrian jurisdiction; hence, the first miners to exploit the resources of the area were from Tyrol. However, the legislation of metal ore extraction stated that underground resources belonged to the State, not to the owners of the parcels where the extraction activities occurred; therefore, the right of extraction in the area pertained to the Republic of Venice (under the jurisdiction of which was San Vito di Cadore), not to the Austrian Empire. Endless disputes between the two neighbouring communities, and between the two States, started over this issue. These disputes were

12.3. Results: human activities in the uplands During three campaigns (2011-13) hundreds of archaeological remains of different chronology have been

Figure 12.1 – Archaeological remains in the study area (GIS elaboration F. Cavulli)

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Fabio Cavulli and Francesco Carrer further nourished by the fact that the canopi (miners) were presumptively accused of operating outside the aforementioned Ciostego. After centuries of fights between the two parties, and pleas from the central authorities (recorded in the archives: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Provveditori ai Confini, busta 201), the mine was eventually closed around the mid-eighteenth century because it was no longer productive (Richebuono, 1968, pp. 43-55). At the same time and in the same area, at the upper-limit of the forest between Giau wall and La Vares, another important activity was documented: charcoal production.

the same rocks with other engravings, which could have given an indication of their relative chronology. Among the rock engravings that can be recognized in the area, official border signs commissioned by the Tyrolean and Venetian governments stand out. It is worth pointing out that the border between San Vito and Ampezzo was a State border between 1511 and 1918. These border marks date to the mid-eighteenth century, and belong to a frontier assessment that was carried out alongside the construction of a wall (Muraglia or Marogna di Giau), aimed at resolving the endemic conflict between the two neighbouring communities. These markers can be found on border stones or more frequently finely engraved on prominent cliffs, to be visible and easily identifiable. Most of these markers follow the current borders between the municipalities of San Vito di Cadore and Cortina d’Ampezzo and are known to local policy-makers. A number of cross marks are on the northern slope of Col Piombin (4 engravings), two are even down in the Loschi valley.

Charcoal production sites (carbonaie) can be archaeologically identified as circular or ovoidal platforms with charcoal emerging from the topsoil. Some of them have an axis of 5 to 6 m, others can reach 20 m. The large number of carbonaie identified in the territory is associated with an intensive charcoal production that occurred between the sixteenth and the end of the eighteenth century. However, the activation of this production during the fourteenth or fifteenth century cannot be ruled out, as much as its continuation during the nineteenth century. Charcoal production, in turn, is related to mining and metalworking, as charcoal was used for smelting. Archive documents concerning mining activities in the Giau pass provide interesting insights into charcoal production in the same area. A report produced by Caspar Mor in 1588 shows how people from Ampezzo, despite the official ban, kept cutting trees in the pass, leading to a dearth of fuel and timber for San Vito. In 1732, when ore extraction started once again, Tyrolean miners expanded their mining activities in the territory of San Vito, and they took significant advantage of the forestry resources of San Vito, which were used as building material for their barracks and as fuel for their furnaces. These historical sources suggest that intensive charcoal production was carried out in the Giau pass between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries.

The Sasso Rosso (literally ‘red stone’) represents a unique example of border marker that significantly predates the eighteenth-century assessment. It is a large boulder of red sandstone, used as territorial marker before the construction of the Giau wall and incorporated into the wall itself during the 1750s. A large portion of the boulder, especially the top, is covered in engravings, of different chronology and function. Most of them correspond to segni de ciasa, symbols used to identify lineages within the community during the medieval and post-medieval period. However, a much older chronology cannot be excluded for some of the less recognizable signs carved into the Sasso Rosso (Sansoni, 2010). Other engraved stones embedded in the wall have been recorded in the vicinity of the Sasso Rosso. Much older engravings have been identified in the area of Mondeval (Municipality of San Vito di Cadore) and Monte Pore (Municipality of Colle Santa Lucia). An inscribed stelae was found near the summit of Monte Pore in the nineteenth century. Written in Venetic alphabet, and dated to pre-Roman period, it was tentatively interpreted as a funerary element (epitaph?). A similar interpretation was suggested for the two fragmentary slabs (based on the tentative interpretation of some words as personal names) found in 1999, 2003 and 2008 in Mondeval,22 and dated to the same chronological phase (Marinetti, 2002, p. 203204). Nevertheless, the interpretation of these interesting archaeological finds as territorial markers, recording land ownership, access rights or boundaries, cannot be completely ruled out, and it would confirm complex landmanagement systems at high altitude since a very early age. Close to these inscriptions another slab with multiple circles engraved has been documented.

If the treeline was exploited for charcoal production, the open meadows in the Giau pass were used for hay making and animal grazing (the latter occurring primarily in Val di Zonia). Remains of small huts, used as dwellings or storage infrastructures by the local farmers, as well as circular enclosures for animals, are still visible. However, their chronological attribution is difficult without stratigraphic investigation. 12.3.1. The circles and other engravings Ninety-two stones with engravings were documented on the fragile rocks of S. Vito uplands, particularly subjected to erosion for the extreme weathering of the area. The engraved surfaces chosen for compass circles are dark grayish or blackish volcanoclastic sandstones (Wengen formation of Ladinico Superiore), while for crosses, cupmarks and initials, limestone and Dolomia are used, which are more worn away by rainfall. The circles are the largest group of marks (55 engravings) and they are very rarely on

22   The fragments are 3: one found in 1999 (and published in Marinetti, 2002), one in 2003 with some inscriptions not studied yet and one fragment in 2008, which complements the first one (Daniele Lucia personal communication).

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Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval 12.3.2. Compass-made circle engravings

12.3.3. Circles iconography

The engraved circles are 8 to 15 cm in diameter, with a well-defined centre mark. The best carved and preserved examples are large and 1cm deep. The profile of the engravings suggests the use of a metal tool.

Different patterns of circles on the rocks can be identified, from simple to much more complex and chaotic: • Single circle (Figures 12.2-3) or double circles (Figure 12.4): rock surfaces with only one or two simple circles. • Neighbouring circles, with one or no contact points (Figures 12.5-6): one of the most complex iconographies shows dozens of circumferences that do not intersect each other. • Concentric circles (Figure 12.7): the most accurate figures are concentric circles with engravings very deep and large. Usually these stones are the most evident and for this reason, unfortunately, some of them have been identified before our survey and removed from their original location. • Geometric compositions: many rocks with the geometric design of the so-called Alps flower or Alps sun, shepherds’ or Celtic or Carolingian rose, Life flower, . . . This is a geometric figure with hexagonal symmetry where the centre of each circle is placed on the first circumference and all the circles have the same size and together resemble a sort of flower with six petals (Figures 12.8-9). This shape is often documented on wooden doors, or butter mould and, as sun symbol or spring flower narcissus, was possibly perceived as a symbol of renaissance, regeneration and hope (Gross,

The circle engravings are always drawn with the compass. For this purpose, it is not necessary to use an actual compass. It can be done with two metal points, one in the centre and the other to trace the circle, tied together by a rope, which determines the radius. The engraved surfaces are always flat and regular. In few cases these surfaces are bedrock outcrops (2 engravings) or large cobbles. Most of the times they are middle/small slabs, 30-50 cm long and 5-10 cm thick, engraved on one face. Only one slab shows alphanumeric signs (initials and a date: 1743) alongside the circle. The stones with a single circle are less numerous than the ones with many circles (23 versus 32). In several cases the slabs are elongated and the engravings are on one side of the surface, not in the centre, with few exceptions. The idea of a standing stone with one or more circles marked on the upper part is quite reasonable. To reinforce this hypothesis, some slabs show working marks on the sides, outlining a regular shape to the support. Like the circles, these working marks seem to be done using a metal tool.

Figure 12.2 – Compass-made single circle slab and its locational context (credits F. Cavulli)

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Fabio Cavulli and Francesco Carrer

Figure 12.3 – Detail of a compass-made single circle slab (credits F. Cavulli)

Figure 12.4 – Contact drawing of compass-made double circles engravings with one contact point (drawing F. Cavulli)

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Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval 1998: 20; Priuli, 2004; Jorio, 2004); it was widespread in the Greek, Etruscan and Roman world. • Chaotic circles (Figures 12.10-11): Signs crossing (secant) or not, with different radius, with or without an order . . . Different typologies of circles can co-occur in the same slab/rock. Some of the circles are also incomplete, mostly because poorly preserved or partially covered by lychens. 12.3.4. Locational patterns and the landscape around the circles Stones with compass-made circles are not scattered but clustered in specific locations. They are never located in woodlands or on ridges; instead they are on valley bottoms or open field slopes (Figure 12.13). Four main areas can be identified: (1) the smooth northeast slope of the Giau pass, historically used for hay making; (2) the west fields (Prai de Zònia) on the other side of the pass; (3) the valley of Loschi stream closed by Formin massif to the east and Piombin mountain to the west which encompasses the areas known as Lavares and Penes, probably used as a seasonal settlement for miners; and (4) the area between Giau saddle, Baste lake and Mondeval de Sora, probably exploited for hay making. The latter is the highest and (today) more isolated area with engraved bedrocks (Wengen formations) as well as

Figure 12.5 – Slab with neighbouring circles engravings (with no contact points) and its locational context (credits F. Cavulli)

Figure 12.6 – Concentric circles and neighbouring smaller external circle with one contact point (credits F. Cavulli)

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Fabio Cavulli and Francesco Carrer small slabs. In the other locations only slabs of the same formation are used. It is worth noticing that the slabs or rocks chosen for engraving the circles are rarely close to one another. The exceptions are Rio Loschi, where 4 stones are at a distance of 8-14 m; over Mondeval hut, 4 slabs are at a distance of 10-20 m; and west of Giau pass, 2 rocks are 10.6 m apart. In fields northward and westward of the Giau pass and (partially) in the Lavares there is no overlapping of engraving types, whereas in Mondeval there are cupmarks, initials and compass circles in the same area even if cup-marks are less clustered and extend southward. In Penes two cup-marked stones are located in an area with a good concentration of circular engravings. In general, the compass-made circles do not seem to be consistently related to any other anthropic evidence. It is difficult to note any particular spatial patterning between single circle-engraved stones and complex ones (concentric, chaotic or rose design). Single and complex circles co-occur in all the aforementioned areas. The only isolated cluster of complex circles has been identified near Malga Mondeval (No.4). 12.4. Analogues Figure 12.7 – Deep concentric circles engravings (credits F. Cavulli)

Compass engravings quite similar to those recorded around the Giau Pass and Mondeval can be found in the valley

Figure 12.8 – Engraving representing a flower with six petals (SV084; credits F. Cavulli)

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Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval

Figure 12.9 – Contact drawing of SV084 (scanned contact drawing F. Cavulli)

Figure 12.10 – Chaotic circles slab (credits F. Cavulli)

bottom, in the municipality of Borca, Domegge e Vodo di Cadore (Michielli, 2016-17), and in other sectors of the Dolomites, like Val di Fassa (Doleda, Penia di Canazei, TN; Priuli 1991), Forni di Sotto (UD; unpublished) and Monte Baldo (TN; unpublished). Other similar engravings, geographically further but typologically more significant, can be found in the main rock-art districts: Valcamonica (BS), precisely at Paspardo, Sottolaiolo

R.2, Luine (Anati 1982), Campanine R.80 (Sansoni and Gavaldo, 2009, p. 199) and Nadro, Foppe, R. 27 (Priuli, 1991, p. 871), Valtellina, San Giovanni di Teglio (Sansoni et al., 1999) and the Vallee de Merveille of Mont Bego (De Lumley, 1996, p. 409). Unfortunately, these parallels do not provide any clear indication of the chronology of our engravings. The use of iron tools for marking these circles and their sometimes remarkable preservation suggest that 155

Fabio Cavulli and Francesco Carrer

Figure 12.11 – Chaotic circles slab (credits F. Cavulli)

Figure 12.12 – Mix of different engraving typologies on the same slab (credits F. Cavulli)

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Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval

Figure 12.13 – Location of the compass-made circle engravings slabs. Small black squares = other remains (see Figure 12.1) (GIS elaboration F. Cavulli)

they might date to historical periods. However, no precise chronology can be suggested, and they can be dated to the Middle Ages as much as the early modern period.

fields longitudinally; the middle part of the alignments draws a sort of geometric zig-zag, with approximately 90° angles. This is particularly clear in two cases in the La Vares–Rio Loschi, where 20 stones (of which only 8 with isolated circles) create a N-S oriented line 1.6 km long, between 1,980 and 2,150 m asl. The line under the pass is 700 m long and is composed of 8 small–medium size slabs (4 with multiple circles) between 2,113 and 2,234 m with single or multiple circles and 3 with other engravings (cross, letters and signs). The alignment on the east of the Giau pass is similar, although the angles are not 90°. The reason could be that the most eye-catching stones (with concentric very deep circles) have been largely removed from this area. Other stones, which could have completed the perimeter of the borders, might have been lost, displaced or not identified during the survey.

12.5. Discussion Several interpretations for the compass-made circles can be suggested: from leisure activity, to decorations, to astronomical representations . . . In this paper we argue that these circles might have been used to mark administrative border within the Regola of San Vito (Figure 12.14). Col Piombin, with galena and blenda mining area, is between two alignments of circles: one in the Giau Pass westward and one along La Vares-Rio Loschi eastward (Figure. 12.15). No mining traces are recorded outside this area, whereas the remains of structures related to charcoal production are only documented outside this area. Charcoal production sites are clustered in the lower sector of the area, close to the Giau wall and the eastern part of Rio Loschi. This suggests that the stone alignments could correspond to internal boundaries, possibly related to land use and resource exploitation. In other words, it can be reasonably argued that the circles divide areas where different activities took place (in this case mining and charcoal production). In both the alignments the engraved stones follow a line which divides the valley/

On the western side of the Giau Pass the alignment of 8 slabs, 3 with single circle and 5 with complex multiple circles, is 900 m long and shares the same characteristics with lines described above (Figure 12.16). Half-way between the Giau saddle (Forcella Giau) and the site of Mondeval de Sora, the distribution of compass engravings seems to follow the morphology, and in particular the dorsal/ridge discontinuities created by long rock outcrops (Figure 12.17). In two cases the engravings 157

Fabio Cavulli and Francesco Carrer

Figure 12.14 – Interpretation of the circle engravings slab (and cadastre crosses) alignments (GIS elaboration F. Cavulli)

are located on rock outcrops, and show complex iconographies. Engraved slabs produce two parallel alignments NW-SE which turn NE just before the steep slope that divides the Mondeval de Sora plateau, following the morphology. The northernmost alignment, 900 m long, includes 12 slabs (only 3 with single circle) between 2218 and 2312 m asl. The southernmost alignment includes 7 stones (3 with single circle) and is 700 m long. Both these alignments are SE-NW.

describes border markers between Misurina di Auronzo and Larieto d’Ampezzo: feriendo in duos pizollos forcellos signatos, habentes duas rottas signatas in dictis pezollis (. . . pointing towards two forked spruce trees, showing two marked wheels. . .; Zanderigo Rosolo, 2010, p. 159). Richebuono (1993, p. 85), discussing the same border dispute that led to the production of the quoted document, states that medieval border marks used to be circles engraved in the bark of recognizable trees or stones (if there were no suitable trees in the area). This document provides strong evidence to support the hypothesis that the compass-made circles recorded around the Giau pass and Mondeval were border markers.

The 5 cup-marked rocks do not seem to be related to the circles located in the same area, and they show a random spatial distribution. In the La Vares–Rio Loschi area two cup-marked rocks are close to 4 circle slabs (1 single and 3 multiple circles). On the other hand, the protohistoric inscribed slabs (Marinetti, 2002) perfectly match the circles’ alignments. Circles and crosses, instead, are never spatially correlated, apart from the isolated case of La Vares–Rio Loschi. All the slabs with compass-made circle engravings are located at an elevation between 2,000 and 2,300 m asl.

It can be argued that mobile slabs are not suited for marking borders, because they can be moved or removed. It is worth pointing out, though, that these visible signs might have been used to mark the location of the actual border stones, which were probably buried to prevent their removal or displacement. Compass-made circles are not associated with the boundaries between different communities (and States), but they probably marked administrative borders within San Vito. The existence of internal borders is documented by the territorial controversies occurring since the fourteenth century, and by the Napoleon Cadastre, produced in 1816.

Considering the alignments of engraved rocks in the Giau saddle–Mondeval, and considering that this area lacks trees or evident landmarks, the interpretation of these signs as border markers is quite plausible. An important document dated 1381, June 29, supports this inference. It 158

Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval

Figure 12.15 – Location of the compass-made circles slabs and other remains around Col Piombin (GIS elaboration F. Cavulli)

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Fabio Cavulli and Francesco Carrer

Figure 12.16 – Location of the compass-made circles slabs and other remains around the Giau Pass (partially overlapping with Figure 12.15; GIS elaboration F. Cavulli)

Figure 12.17 – Location of the compass-made circles slabs and other remains between the Giau saddle and Mondeval (GIS elaboration F. Cavulli)

160

Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval In particular, the stone alignments in Mondeval de Sora correspond to four parcels in the historical cadastre. For the Giau area, instead, it is more difficult to match the identified alignments with the historic maps.

pass). Alignments of engraved slabs in the Mondeval area match land parcels recorded in the nineteenth-century cadastre, whereas no precise cartographic matching has been identified for the alignments in the Giau pass. Further field and archive research is necessary to validate this working hypothesis. But it can be preliminarily claimed that the analysis of the spatial distribution of compassmade circles, complemented by the study of historical documents related to upland land use and management in the area, enabled us to identify the borders of the Ciostego, previously unknown in the historical literature.

12.6. Conclusions In the mountains of S. Vito, four distinct areas are characterised by the occurrence of compass-made circles engravings. The location and characteristics of these stones suggest that these circles might have been border markers. However, as in most cases related to nonfigurative engravings, they are difficult to interpret and date. Landscape analysis and archive sources provide complementary support to the interpretation.

Acknowledgements We are grateful to Daniele ‘Petito’ Lucia and Andrea De Lotto for providing the location of some of the main compass-made circles, and to the San Vito di Cadore City Council for their financial support to the project. Special thanks to Giandomenico Zanderigo Rosolo for suggesting the archive documents that supported the interpretation of the circles as border markers.

Traces of mining activities, charcoal production, hay making, animal grazing and, possibly, hunting have been documented through archaeological survey and confirmed by archive sources. This suggests that the area was relevant for local economy and subsistence. Historical documents show that two different communities gravitated around this territory: S. Vito di Cadore as part of the Republic of Venice and Cortina d’Ampezzo as part of the Austrian Empire (since 1511). Historical sources also reveal the rivalry between these two communities for the use and control of the area.

This paper is the result of the joint effort of the two authors. The two authors equally contributed to research design, data collection and interpretation, and writing. Drawings, maps and photos were produced by Fabio Cavulli.

The first border conflicts are recorded in a document dated 1331 AD, which refers to pre-existing border marks. In 1753 the construction of a wall closes the Giau valley northward and fixes the border between Tyrol and S. Vito. From 1377 the historical documents record the existence of a Ciostego in Giau area, a series of public land parcels belonging to San Vito and landed to farmers/herders of Cortina. The rivalries and conflicts between commoners of the Regola Granda and the people managing and exploiting these parcels continued for centuries, since the community of S. Vito established the borders of these areas in 1445. However, the actual location of the borders of the aforementioned Ciostego is not clear. Furthermore, since the seventeenth century some sectors of the Col Piombin were landed to miners from Tyrol. This, in turn, exacerbated the conflicts between the community of San Vito and these foreign miners. Greek crosses are the standard border markers in this area, as in many other areas (Gaggia, 1999; Figures 12.18-19). However, not so many crosses engraved on the rock have been recorded and they are dated to a more recent era (see inscribed dates and limestone support). A document from Misurina (16 km north of the Giau pass, as the crow flies) suggests that other common border markers, during the medieval times, were ‘wheels’ carved on trees or stones. This evidence further strengthens the hypothesis that the circular engravings recorded in the investigated area might be border markers. Their number is justified by the conflict between the two communities on local resources and landscapes, as well as by the existence of privatelymanaged parcels of pasture (like the Ciostego in the Giau

Figure 12.18 – Non cadastre cross engraving (credits F. Cavulli)

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Fabio Cavulli and Francesco Carrer

Figure 12.19 – Cadastre cross with number ‘13’ engraved (credits F. Cavulli)

Bibliography

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Cavulli, F., Carrer, F., Fedele P., Valt G., Bertola S., Cesco Frare P., Fogliata G. and Pedrotti, A. (2015) ‘Recenti rinvenimenti di cuspidi a ritocco piatto coprente in alta quota dal territorio bellunese: Lastoni del Formin e Malga Pradazzo’, in: Leonardi, G. and Tinè, V. (eds), Preistoria e Protostoria del Veneto, Firenze: Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, 2015, pp. 619-623.

Michielli, F. (2016-17). Le incisioni rupestri di Domegge e Vodo di Cadore: posizionamento, rilievo, analisi, confronto e interpretazione. (Elaborato scritto di prova finale, supervisore Cavulli, F.). Trento: Università degli Studi di Trento.

Chatelain, J. (1998) Marcare il pane, decorare il burro. Gesti e stampi nella vita quotidiana. Grafismi e simbolismi nelle Alpi Occidentali. Ivrea: Priuli & Verlucca.

Priuli, A. (1991) La cultura figurativa preistorica e di tradizione in Italia. Pesaro: Giotto Printer, pp. 17-22.

Lumley de, H. (1996). Le rocce delle meraviglie. Sacralità e simboli nell’arte rupestre del monte Bego e delle Alpi Marittime. Milano: Jaca Book.

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Gaggia, F. (1999) ‘La croce di confine: un segno ricorrente tra le incisioni rupestri’, in Gaggia, F. (ed.) Il Garda, l’ambiente, l’uomo. Verona: Cierre Edizioni, pp. 43-58.

Richebuono, G. (1974). Storia di Cortina d’Ampezzo. Studi e documenti dalle origini al 1915. (Cassa Rurale Artigiana di Cortina d’Ampezzo). Milano: Mursia.

Gros, C. (1998) ‘Segni, nell’anima?’, in Chatelain, J. (ed.), Marcare il pane, decorare il burro. Gesti e stampi nella vita quotidiana. Grafismi e simbolismi nelle Alpi Occidentali. Ivrea: Priuli & Verlucca, pp. 17-21.

Richebuono, G. (1968) Contese per i confini tra le Comunità di Ampezzo e di San Vito di Cadore. Cortina d’Ampezzo: Cassa Rurale e Artigiana di Cortina d’Ampezzo. 162

Compass-made circle engravings from Giau Pass and Mondeval Richebuono, G. (1993) Storia d’Ampezzo. Studi e documenti dalle origini al 1985. Cortina d’Ampezzo: La Cooperativa di Cortina. Sansoni, U. (2010) ‘Il Sasso Rosso’, in Sansoni, u. (ed.), L’arte rupestre delle Alpi, International Congress, Capo di Ponte, 21-24/10/2010. Capo di Ponte (BS): Edizioni del centro, pp. 145-147. Sansoni, U. and Gavaldo, S. (eds) (2009) Lucus rupestris. Sei millenni d’arte rupestre a Campanine di Cimbergo. (Archivi, vol. 18). Capo di Ponte (BS): Edizioni del Centro. Sansoni, U., Gavaldo, S. and Gastaldi, C. (1999) Simboli sulla roccia, L’arte rupestre della Valtellina Centrale dalle armi del Bronzo ai segni cristiani. (Archivi, 12). Capo di Ponte: Edizioni del Centro. Visentin, D., Carrer, F., Fontana, F., Cavulli, F., Cesco Frare, P., Mondini, C. and Pedrotti, AL. (2015) ‘Prehistoric landscapes of the Dolomites: Survey data from the highland territory of Cadore (Belluno Dolomites, Northern Italy)’, Quaternary International, 402 (2016), pp. 5-14, ISSN: 1040-6182, doi: 10.1016/j. quaint.2015.10.080 Visentin, D., Fontana, F., Cavulli, F., Carrer, F., Cesco Frare, P., Mondini, C. and Pedrotti AL. (2016) ‘The ‘Total Archaeology Project’ and the Mesolithic occupation of the highland district of San Vito di Cadore (Belluno, N-E Italy)’, Preistoria Alpina, 48 (2016), pp. 63-68. ISSN 2035-7699 Zanderigo Rosolo, G. (2010) ‘Rocce di confine’. Geoarcheologia, 159.

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13 A painted mountain: the figurative rock art of the shepherds of the Fiemme Valley Marta Bazzanella Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina, San Michele all’Adige (Trento-Italy)

Abstract: On Mount Cornón, in Fiemme Valley (Trentino region – NE Italy), unlike most of the alpine inscriptions, usually engraved on rock, more than 47,700 writings were painted with a red ochre. These writings consist of initials, dates, cattle counts, family symbols, pictographs and short messages. The resulting visual effect is that of a painted mountain, which reminds of sacral places such as Mont Bego, or Valcamonica. The chronological context, however, is more recent, going from the fifteenth century to the second half of the twentieth, when the depopulation of the mountain caused the abandonment of the husbandry, the economic activity that induced the realisation of all these writings. Still, the prelude to the writing activity on this mountain might be even older. The archaeological investigations carried out in two rock-shelters with documented evidence of pastoral activity, in fact, shows the presence of man since the Copper and Bronze Ages. To clarify this aspect, more than 5,500 depictions detected on Mount Cornón have been analysed, constituting the subject of this contribution, which also aims to provide an interpretative model for many other parietal art contexts in the Alps. Keywords: Shepherds writings, landscape archaeology, pastoralism, rock art, ethnoarchaeology

13.1. The writings of the shepherds

of men and animals, sacred images, doodles, greeting messages, anecdotes and brief diary notes also accompany the writings (Figure 13.2). From a chronological point of view, the writing activity of the shepherds, which amount to more than 47,000 writings, is between the second half of the fifteenth century and the first half of the past century (Bazzanella, 2013a; Bazzanella and Pisoni, 2013; Bazzanella et al. 2013; 2014; 2016), with high frequency peaks between 1750 and 1920 (Figure 13.3). This period coincides with an intense exploitation of the mountain by the four communities located at its foot, and an increase in the valley’s economy, with its demography and the load of livestock on the mountain pastures (Nequirito, 2011; Perini, 1852).23

The centuries-old activity of sheep farming has left on rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley (Figure 13.1) thousands of inscriptions made by shepherds with a red ochre, locally called ból. With the pigment of this hematite, which is easily found in various parts of the mountain, shepherds used to mark the fleece of goats and sheep in order to distinguish to which owner they belonged. Using the same pigment, shepherds took advantage of moments of idleness to let loose their fantasies, painting with autographic inscriptions the white rocky walls that they encountered in their movements from the villages at the bottom of the valley, Tesero, Panchià, Ziano di Fiemme and Predazzo, towards the top of the mountain. It is the shepherds of these four communities that have over time divided up the exploitation of the whole mountain behind them: the high-altitude meadows used for haymaking, and forbidden to herds for most of the summer; the steep slopes overlooking the villages, where the no-longerpracticable agriculture left space for woodland, useful for timber exploitation; the grassy gullies, a resource for breeding wool sheep and dry goats that did not need to be milked daily. The inscriptions depict the initials of the shepherds’ name and surname, which are accompanied by abbreviations, dates of passages and family signs that made it possible to recognise the authors of the inscriptions. Full signatures, counts of cattle taken to pasture, drawings

On the basis of ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological research conducted on Mount Cornón, the presence of man has been found to be very ancient. Precisely dating back to the Copper and Bronze Ages for the shelters investigated under the rock (Bazzanella and Wierer, 2013) and as far back as the Mesolithic for what concerns the top of the mountain, where various fragments of flint have been identified (Bazzanella, 2012).

23   During the nineteenth century stables were introduced to protect cattle from the numerous diseases that had decimated herds and flocks on the mountain pastures during that time.

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Figure 13.1 – Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley (photo © MUCGT)

Figure 13.2 – Mount Cornón, Coròsso da l’Aqua: wall with writings (photo © MUCGT)

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Figure 13.3 – Chronology of the writings of the shepherds (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

13.2. The writings database

Table 13.1 – The main categories derived from the writings database, updated in May 2019

Consultation of the database of the shepherds’ writings,24 updated in May 2019, showed the presence of 47,600 writings. Of these, only a third were accompanied by a date with a certain year, that is, only 17,044. The inscriptions number 19,338 only if we are satisfied with accuracy to a certain decade; if, on the other hand, we want to know how many of the writings include a certain date and initials, we limit ourselves to only 15,715 units (Table 13.1). A large part of the inscriptions present on this mountain since the fifteenth century has therefore suffered a considerable chemical–physical degradation, which has compromised their reading. What is clear, at this point, is the extreme fragility of this data archive and the need to, as soon as possible, protect and safeguard it (Bazzanella, 2013), since we are facing an historical and cultural pastoralism related heritage from the two centuries that preceded us, unique of its kind. 13.3. Writings and drawings Among all the elements that make up the inscriptions, it is the pictograms, i.e. the drawings made by shepherds next to their initials, and the year of their passage, that enable us, as extemporaneous communicative acts, to get a closer idea of who made them. Therefore, to better understand the ideology of the shepherds who inhabited Mount Cornón,   Preserved at the Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina in San Michele all’Adige, Trento (I) and compiled between 2009 and 2016 (Bazzanella and Kezich, 2013). 24

167

filed categories

TOTAL

%

Shepherds writings

47,598

100

Writings with date

24,406

51.27

Writings with certain year

17,044

35.81

Writings with certain decade

19,338

40.63

Writings with initials

34,502

72.49

Writings with signature

1515

3.18

Writings with initials and certain year

15,715

33.02

Writings with signature and date

1114

3.34

Writings with cattle counts

6377

13.39

Writings with family sign

9629

20.23

Writings indicating the village of the shepherd

296

0.62

Writings with frame

6399

13.44

Writings with historiolae - messages

1955

4.11

Writings with pictograms

5526

11.61

Marta Bazzanella fact as old as the world, and also belong to other cultures. Their origin is therefore more remote, superstitious or religious, and those who have engraved or drawn them, even in the past, perhaps had already lost their meaning. As it still happens today, it is possible that the artisans of the Alpine valleys of the past century, when faced with a changed economy in their valleys, started specialising in a more artistic market production, losing the relationship with the autarkic and utilitarian production of the objects, and maintaining only their aesthetic aspect. Moreover, it is precisely in the course of the production of these objects that the farmer-shepherd-craftsman brings his artistic ability, guided by his creative sense and imagination, thus making each piece unique.

we analysed the 5,526 pictograms (Figure 13.4) associated in the database with inscriptions (Table 13.1). However, we have to keep in mind that only a little more than a tenth of all the inscriptions of Cornón are accompanied by a drawing. Therefore, the possibility of drawing some conclusions from the pictograms is very limited, and valid only for the chronological period between the second half of the eighteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century. As shown by the distribution map of the categories of the painted subjects (Figure 13.5), most of the pictograms have a religious motif (Figure 13.6), which is expressed principally with the presence of the symbol of the cross.25 The sacred heart, the nails of the cross, the trigram of Christ and the monogram of Mary are also present. All these symbols, in their typological variants, usually attest to the desire to seek a protection against adversity in the sphere of the divine. Such a plea is frequently found within the traditional Alpine society in many contexts of everyday life.

13.5. The symbols of the mountain The decorative act responds to one of the most widespread, and in a certain sense most immediate, instinctive practices of the Alpine civilisation; and it is precisely this type of decoration that we also encounter on the rocky walls of Mount Cornón. The shepherd lives and works in contact with nature, and is deeply influenced by it in his artistic expression (Figure 13.7). The art of the shepherds is a simple art that reworks the manifestations and rituals of the sacred pertaining to his community in a personal way, according to his own taste.

13.4. The symbols of the valley floor The ideological references of the pictograms in the writings of Mount Cornón are to be found in the context of everyday life, both domestic and work (Fait et al., in this volume; Bazzanella, 2020; Bettega, 2017; Antonelli, 2006; Obermair et al., 2006). These take the form of extemporaneous manifestations that can also achieve remarkable artistic effects, such as those performed on the raw material that the farmer-breeder-shepherd had most available around him: wood. Domestic objects were decorated, as were most of the objects and work tools, which display a variety of carved decorative motifs. Mainly functional objects were made and decorated during the long winter periods, when the normal working activities of the people living in the mountain were slowed down. The most recurrent motifs, next to the already-mentioned religious imprints, are geometric, floral and zoomorphic emblems, often associated with family brands, initials or whole names, dedications or maxims. We find the wheel, the six-petalled rose, the radial sun, wolf’s teeth, zigzags, nails, cruciform, heraldic motifs, the heart, the lily, the tree of life, the leafy branch, the flowering vase, the star, the sun, the moon, the rooster, the deer, the dog and other anthropomorphic representations. These symbols recur on work tools such as planes, planers, gouges, cote holders, handles of all kinds and bobbins; on wooden objects such as cradles, cradle arches, chairs, tables, wedding chests, chests of drawers, wardrobes, bedheads and footboards, fortresses, spindles, shuttles, spinning frames, boxes, needle holders, butter moulds or bread brands, cutlery. The same symbols that are sometimes found embroidered on tablecloths, curtains, sheets or day and night shirts. The need to express oneself through signs was not only an expression of the man of the Alps; the motifs used are in

In addition to the probable function of certifying the passage in a place, one’s presence, one’s ego or merely an intrinsic expressive need, the writings are enriched by motifs, signs and decorations. These testify to the spontaneity of the shepherds, their symbolic language which, as mentioned above, can also be found on many other objects of the traditional Alpine culture (that of the communities at the bottom of the valley), and from which their imagination also shines through. It is precisely this imagination that we have tried to grasp among the drawings and symbols present among the shepherds’ writings. In particular, in this paper we wanted to dwell on the representation of animals in an attempt to focus on the less codified expressiveness of Christian religious rituality, the freer and more personal and intimate gaze that nature suggested to the shepherds. 13.5.1. The animals Among the pictograms, the second most represented category is that of animal figures (Figure 13.8), with a chronology between 1750 and 1950. They are found as decorative elements in 689 inscriptions, i.e. 12.5 per cent of the pictograms and 1.4 per cent of the total inscriptions. Their chronological recurrence is attested since the eighteenth century, but shows a marked increase in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century, corresponding, in its peaks, substantially to that of the writings. As far as the diet of the drawn animals is concerned, herbivores prevail over carnivores and insectivores (Figures 13.9), testifying that all painted animals remain related to the food sphere of the shepherds. It is surprising, in fact, that great carnivores such as the bear,

25   The cross is the most represented symbol on the rocks of Cornón: it appears in over 50 per cent of the drawings (Fait et al., in this volume)

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Figure 13.4 – The distribution of the walls with pictograms on Mount Cornón (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

Figure 13.5 – Pictograms: main categories (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

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Figure 13.6 – Religious symbols (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

Figure 13.7 – Decorated wall on Mount Cornón (photo © MUCGT)

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Figure 13.8 – Distribution of the walls with animals’ depictions (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

Figure 13.9 – The diets of the depicted animals (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

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Marta Bazzanella the wolf and the lynx, which have always been coveted prey for hunting, because of their furs and, more recently, because of the economic value of their size, are the only poorly drawn on the rocky walls of Mount Cornón.

compared to sheep (77 presences). Young goats and wool sheep that did not need to be milked were often taken to Cornón to graze on the mountain, not needing to return back for milking. We know this both from the ethnographic interviews conducted and from the number of anzòle (a dialect term used in the valley to indicate young goats) present among the cattle counts that the shepherds used to indicate in their writings. On Cornón, the animals were taken to pasture with a daily round trip between spring and early summer. Moreover, the small cattle were obliged to be taken to the mountain pastures by the 13th of July up until the end of September: they were mainly wool sheep, lambs, young goats and a few beaks (Giordani, 2016). For the inhabitants of the valley, taking cattle to the mountain pastures meant being able to dedicate themselves to farming, and to mowing the areas left to grass. As far as the map of the distribution of goat and sheep pictograms is concerned, it should also be pointed out that there is a greater presence of sheep in the area above the villages of Tesero and Panchià, while goats seem to be more abundant in the Valaverta area (above Ziano di Fiemme). This is confirmed both by the distribution of the counts of animals taken to pasture and by ethnographic interviews.27

The animals depicted are both wild and domestic, with a prevalence of the latter (Figure 13.10). It should be noted that only from the second half of the nineteenth century are domestic animals documented among the inscriptions, almost double the quantity of wild animals. Basically, we can say that the animals painted on the walls of Cornón are those that had an economic and social role for the authors of the drawings, such as the goats and sheep present in 200 representations (Figures 13.11-12). These represented the main source of sustenance, not only for the shepherds who were in charge of these animals for mountain pasture or seasonal transhumance, but for all the inhabitants of the villages at the bottom of the valley. Only the wise integration of an economy based on breeding, forestry and poor mountain agriculture had allowed them to survive in a valley located at a thousand meters above sea level (Netting, 1981). 13.5.2. The domestic animals

For horses, it is also interesting to note that in about half of the depictions, the horse is represented with a knight (Figure 13.16). In a couple of cases, the chevalier is also armed (a hunter), not very realistic given the considerable slope of the terrain of Cornón, but which recalls some representations of horse and knight present also in Valcamonica (Fossati, 1993; 1996; 2001; 2007).28

Besides goats and sheep, there are, to the same amount, dogs (62) and horses (52), animals respectively used by the shepherds for herd management and material transport. In addition, although to a lesser extent, caw (12) are also included among the drawings of animals, the latter having been recurrent essentially since the nineteenth century and only in sparse areas of the Cornón, the Feudal Rule, and Valsorda (Figure 13.13). The scarce presence of cattle drawings goes hand in hand with the scarce presence of huts on Mount Cornón,26 where the pastures are generally poorer and less suitable for the latter animals. Still, they were depicted, since they were of fundamental importance for the economy of the valley communities.

13.5.3. The wild animals As far as the wild animals are concerned, the more depicted creature is the deer (110), followed by the chamois and the black grouse (29 inscriptions). Carnivores are in general poorly represented, as are the larger carnivores: bear (4), wolf (5), fox (6), lynx (3) and eagle (2) have only a marginal role among the pictograms (Figure 13.9, 13.11). The most represented animals on Cornón are not the most feared ones, so it is assumed that there is no superstitious research behind the choice of the subject, as it probably happened for the religious symbols as well. The wild animals depicted are essentially the most soughtafter hunting prey: the deer (110), the chamois (61), the roe deer (11) and the hare (11). Should also be noted the abundance of birds (Figure 13.18) depicted (91), among which the black grouse (galliformes) particularly stands out: an animal very abundant also today on this mountain, and a coveted hunting trophy. His capture was proof of remarkable skills, that is why his feathers were placed as an emblem of courage on the hats of the young conscripts of the valley. The shepherds of Cornón took great care in its depiction. So much so that it was possible to recognise

Alongside the Alpine pasture scenes (Figures 13.14-14a), indicating the ascent from the valley floor to the high pastures (recurrent in 34 inscriptions), goats, sheep, dogs and horses or donkeys are always present, while cows appear only in one case. Among the domestic animals, there are then a few sparse roosters, usually placed at the top of a frame, or in representations of churches, and a few hens. It should be kept in mind, however, that sometimes it is very difficult to recognise the individual animals (there are as many as 106 undetermined ones among the pictograms) due to the small size of the representations, the lack of care that sometimes features the execution, and, last but not least, the state of conservation of the inscriptions themselves. With regard to goats and sheep (Figure 13.15), the quantities show a slight majority of goats (123 depictions)

27   Interview with Carlo Trettel of Ziano di Fiemme (1926-2019), carried out in 2008. 28   https://docplayer.it/26548238-I-cavalieri-della-forra-di-paspardo-idipinti-dell-eta-del-ferro-nell-arte-rupestre-della-valcamonica.html

26   The huts with cattle sheds (stables) on Cornón are those of Casera Vecia and Sacìna.

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Figure 13.10 – Domestic, wild and fantastic animals on the walls of Mount Cornón (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

Figure 13.11 – The species of the depicted animals (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

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Marta Bazzanella it in 29 drawings despite the small size in which the birds were usually painted. Within the peasant society, hunting was considered both as a supplement to food and as an economic resource, although often a poached activity. Traps and leghold traps of all kinds were set for this practice, reserving the use of firearms for larger animals. 13.5.4. The deer The deer depictions are present on 72 walls, for a total of 110 inscriptions (Figures 13.19). The chronology of the representations of deer shows two peaks: one corresponding to the second half of the eighteenth century, and the other to the second half of the nineteenth century. However, more than half of the deer depictions are undated. This fact, given the remarkable similarity of some deer sketches from Cornón with those from Valcamonica, led to a first hypothesis that there were very old deer drawings (from the second Iron Age) in this place too. This hypothesis was subsequently corroborated by the results of ethnoarchaeological surveys carried out in two shelters still frequented by modern shepherds, under the rock of Cornón. These studies documented the lighting of fires by shepherds also from the metal age (Bazzanella and Wierer, 2012). The already known and documented presence of a settlement in the second Iron Age, in Tesero-Sottopedonda, right at the foot of Mount Cornón (Leonardi, 1991) naturally leads us to assume there was an

Figure 13.12 – Mount Cornón, Le Zigolade XXLI. 237: sheep depiction (photo © MUCGT)

Figure 13.13 – Cattle drawings distribution map and related chronology (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

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A painted mountain

Figure 13.14 – Hunting and mountain pasture distribution map (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

exploitation of the hematite mines also by the inhabitants of the valley of that period, and therefore the possible existence, on the Cornón, of drawings contemporary to the rock engravings of Valcamonica, that is, more than 4,000 years ago. The passing of time, but above all the alternation of frost and thaw for so many seasons, does not, however, play in favour of this hypothesis, which has ultimately been set aside (although not yet completely discarded). The drawings of the deer more similar to those of Valcamonica are in fact always accompanied by a date that seems contextual to the drawing, and therefore leaves no room, at least for the moment, for other possible interpretations. As for the way drawn deer are depicted by the shepherds (Figure 13.20a-d), in 36 inscriptions we find deer standing still, in 39 deer moving to the left, in 13 deer moving to the right (probably painted by left-handed people) and in 8 inscriptions the deer are standing back to back, as in heraldic representations (in some cases a deer and a unicorn are drawn). Deer hunting scenes appear in 14 inscriptions, from which we learn how the deer was first chased by dogs, and then killed by the hunter/pastor with a rifle (Figure 13.21). From a more ethnographic point of view, such a high presence of deer depictions on this mountain is astonishing, since the deer is an animal that since the second half of

Figure 13.14a – Trato XXVI.40: Mountain pasture scene (photo © MUCGT)

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Marta Bazzanella

Figure 13.15 – Distribution map of goat and sheep pictograms (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

Figure 13.16 – Distribution map of horse and rider (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

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A painted mountain yet completely disappeared, it was still represented, even if it no longer represented a real hunting prey. It was probably still depicted because it was beginning to take on a symbolic meaning, close to that of heraldry (Welber, 1993). 13.5.5. The fantastic animals Among the animals painted on the walls of the Cornón, there is also a group of fantastic animals, sheep, goats and sheepskin and billy goat, all domestic animals with anthropomorphic appearances (Figure 13.22), i.e. a human head and the body of a sheep or goat (38 inscriptions). We also find drawings of completely fantastic animals, such as the unicorn, depicted as it is backing a deer (Figure 13.23), or animals that cannot be clearly defined, as they do not have the characteristics that would allow their specific attribution. The unicorn is an animal present in the iconography of shepherds, since they are typical of the local heraldry (Rauzi, 1987; Welber, 1993). 13.6. Discussion: an interpretative model Analysis of the pictograms of the shepherds’ writings leads us to formulate some considerations. Religious symbols (and among them especially the cross) are the most recurrent motifs among the drawings left by the shepherds on Mount Cornón. In their high frequency, it is possible to glimpse the need to search for protection in the divine (Fait et al., 2020). Cornón could resemble a large open-air sanctuary, mainly because of the morphology of the inscriptions, which in many cases recall small shrines, or the ex-votos that were placed in the sanctuaries of the valley to testify to a grace received. As partly mentioned above, the high frequency of the symbol of the cross, which occurs precisely at the borders between the lands of the individual villages of the valley and those of the community lands (belonging to the Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme), can also indicate the mainly confining meaning of this symbol. It was, however, lost in the memory of the last authors of the writings, shepherds interviewed during our ethnoarcheological survey. Probably, in a more distant past, the shepherds had to prove that they had reached the community land, and had not remained in the land of the individual countries precisely by affixing an inscription in those places. The Christian religion, however, is not the only imaginary horizon of the shepherds. From the inscriptions transpires also a whole pre-Christian mythological world of beliefs in both good and bad supernatural beings, witches, sorcerers, wizards, healers and fantastic animals, which reveal an Alpine imaginary partly still rooted in the beliefs that preceded the spread of Christianity (of which we still find traces in the legends).

Figure 13.17 – Mount Cornón, Corona dai Peci XCIII.33: bear depiction (photo © MUCGT)

the seventeenth century has been decreasing in the whole territory of the region, and in the Fiemme Valley as well. So much so that in 1672 the Prince-Bishop issued a decree valid for the whole diocese, and therefore also for the Fiemme Valley, that suppressed all ancient hunting rights due to the scarcity of wild birds and quadrupeds, including deer (Castelli, 1941). The Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme itself, which at first, in order not to lose its privileges, retorted against this decree, was in 1749 forced to fine the hunting of females in order to protect the species, and also to no longer grant hunting licences to foreigners, even if they lived in the valley.29 Despite these precautions, the last resident deer was shot in the valley in 1767, near Tesero (Castelli, 1941, p. 336). After that there are only sparse testimonies of deer in the pass, until in 1900 in Trentino the deer disappeared completely (Giacomelli, 1910, p. 370-372). What therefore transpires from the chronological graph of the deer pictograms (Figure 13.19) is that the shepherds/ hunters depicted this animal in the second half of the eighteenth century because it was still present on this mountain. Later on, with the species in decline, but not The history of sheep farming in the Fiemme Valley is inseparable from that of the Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme and its Rules, today’s municipalities, whose origin dates back to the late Middle Ages. This territorial authority, still existing today, was created in the first place to allow the protection of the common goods of the valley, made up of woods, and pastures, and water resources; a collective heritage that extends over a territory of 200 square kilometers (Sartori Montecroce 2002; Giordani 2018).

29 

Another category of pictograms that can bring us closer to the ideology of the shepherds of Cornón, and the motivations of such a high presence of writings on this mountain, is that of the animals. Animals bring us closer to the socioeconomic world of the shepherds: in fact, all the 177

Marta Bazzanella

Figure 13.18 – Distribution map of birds (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

Figure 13.19 – Deer distribution map (GIS processing Roberta Covi © MUCGT)

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A painted mountain a

b

c

d

Figure 13.20 – Mount Cornón, deer depictions: a) Buse dai Sassi CXCIII.2; b) Ronchi XXII.188; c) Corona dai Peci CIII.63; d) Corona dai Peci XCIII.35 (photo © MUCGT)

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Figure 13.21 – Mount Cornón, Cava dal Ból XXXV.228: hunting scene (photo M. Bazzanella)

Figure 13.23 – Mount Cornón, Corona dai Peci XCIII.33: deer and unicorn (photo © MUCGT)

referred not only the drawings, but also the counts. The main motivation of the writings is therefore economic: the shepherds wrote because they were forced to stay in a fixed place (Mount Cornón with all its prohibitions and grazing obligations) and for a long time (the whole duration of the pasture).

Figure 13.22 – Valsorda, Le Zigolade VIII.50: fantastic animal (photo © MUCGT)

13.7. Conclusion

animals that had some sort of meaning for the shepherds are depicted: therefore, both domestic, and wild animals that were hunted to supplement their diet or income. Goats and sheep are prevalent since they mainly represent the cattle that the shepherds had to keep, and to these are

There is no doubt that the phenomenon of the writings, analysed above, is linked to an innate expressive need; a primary necessity uniting prehistoric wall art and today’s suburban graffiti art with a red thread. Alongside 180

A painted mountain this expressive need, there are, as there were, external motivations, so to speak. On Cornón, shepherds also very often averted the dangers of being alone in the mountains in a hostile and dangerous environment, at the mercy of lightning and wild animals, invoking or representing divine protection in its many hypostases.

(1680-1940)’. International Congress Archaeology and Rock Art (La Paz, Bolivia, 25-29 June 2013), Boletin del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, 19, 1, pp. 21-33. Bazzanella, M., Kezich, G. and Pisoni L. (2016) ‘The Pastoral Writings of the Fiemme valley (1650–1950): Lapidary vs. Extemporaneous Expressions’, in Biagetti, S. and Lugli, F. (eds), The Intangible Elements of Culture in Ethnoarchaeological Research, Switzerland: Springer, pp. 161-168.

On Cornón there is a very high recurrence of crosses and symbols with a Christian religious matrix, but the signs and drawings left by individuals both on the rock and on other supports, such as wood, also allow for a reconstruction of the history of popular ideas and imagery, which too often the ‘official’ historiography has overlooked, if only, because of the difficulty of finding the sources.

Bazzanella, M., Wierer U. (2013). ‘The shelters Mandra di Dos Capel and Trato and the beginning of pastoralism in Fiemme valley’, in Lugli, F., Stoppiello, A.A. and Biagetti, S. (eds) Ethnoarchaeology: Current Research and Field Methods. Conference Proceedings Rome, Italy 13th-14th May 2010, pp. 181-186, BAR International Series 2472, Oxford: BAR Publishing.

We tried to tell the Weltanschauung of pastoral life in the pastures. A minor history of popular pastoral ideology in the Fiemme Valley which was, as we have shown, studded with resignation and discouragement: catastrophes, wars and epidemics next to a few sparse ‘free’ representations, the result of a playful evasion certainly ‘politically incorrect’ for the dogmatic severity of the Alpine communities of modern and pre-modern times.

Bernabei, M., Bazzanella, M., Bontadi,J. and Kezich, G. (2016) ‘Climate Factors and Shepherds’ Graffiti in Northern Italy: An Investigation through Dendrochronology’, Human Ecology. 44, pp. 505-512. Bettega, G. (2017) ‘L’invenzione dei masi. Un fenomeno di lungo periodo, esito complessivo di dinamiche economiche, sociali e territoriali’, in Longo, A. (ed) Da/per Primiero. Dai Masi alle Baite? Conoscenza uso e tutela dei luoghi di mezza quota. San Martino di Castrozza: Comunità di Primiero, 2017 (1), pp. 25-60.

Bibliography Antonelli, Q. (ed.) (2006) W.A.B.L. Epigrafia popolare alpina. Tonadico-Trento: Ente Parco Paneveggio Pale di San Martino.

Castelli, G. (1941) Il cervo europeo. Firenze: Editoriale Olimpia.

Bazzanella, M. (2012) ‘La frequentazione antropica dei ripari sottoroccia del Monte Cornón in valle di Fiemme’, Ischia, M. (ed.), Atti 15° Convegno Regionale di Speleologia, Lavis 19-20 novembre 2011. Trento: Temi (Società Alpinisti Tridentini), pp. 165-176.

Chatelain, J. (1998) Marcare il pane, decorare il burro. Gesti e stampi nella vita quotidiana. Grafismi e simbolismi nelle Alpi Occidentali. Ivrea: Priuli & Verlucca

Bazzanella, M. (2013a) ‘Memorie sulla roccia. Le scritte dei pastori della valle di Fiemme: ricerche 2006-2012’, in Bazzanella, M. and Kezich, G. (eds), APSAT 8. Le scritte dei pastori: etnoarcheologia della pastorizia in val di Fiemme. Mantova: SAP, pp. 21-44.

Fossati, A (1993) ‘Deer in European rock art’, in Camuri, G., Fossati, A. and Mathpal, Yashodhar (eds) Deer in rock art of India and Europe. New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, pp. 75-118. Fossati, A. (1996) ‘Paspardo (BS). Località Scale di Paspardo. Pitture preistoriche’. NSAL (Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia), 1994, pp. 67-68.

Bazzanella, M. (2013b) ‘La valorizzazione delle scritte del Monte Cornón’, in Marzatico, F. and Nuccio, M. (eds), APSAT 7. Conoscenza e valorizzazione dei paesaggi trentini. SAP, Mantova, pp. 139-153.

Fossati, A. (2001) ’Discovery of rock paintings in Valcamonica’, in Fossati, A. and Frontini, P. (eds) Archeologia e arte rupestre: l’Europa, le Alpi, la Valcamonica (Atti del convegno di studi, 2-5 ottobre 1997, Darfo-Boario Terme). Milano: Grafiche Serenissima, pp. 263-265.

Bazzanella, M. (2020) ‘The mind of the shepherds: five centuries of history told by the rocks of the Fiemme valley’. Journal of Early Modern Studies, vol. 9, 141-162. Bazzanella, M., Kezich, G. and Pisoni, L. (2013) ‘Shepherds’ writings and shepherds’ life on Monte Cornón (Valle di Fiemme, Trentino): an ethnoarchaeological perspective’, in Lugli, F., Stoppiello, A.A. and Biagetti, S. (eds), Ethnoarchaeology: Current Research and Field Methods. Conference Proceedings Rome, Italy 13th-14th May 2010. BAR International Series 2472, Oxford: BAR Publishing, pp. 174-180.

Fossati, A. (2007) ‘L’arte rupestre a Paspardo, una panoramica tematica e cronologica’, in Fossati, A. (ed.) La castagna della Vallecamonia. Paspardo, arte rupestre e castanicoltura. Paspardo: Comune di Paspardo, pp. 17-34. Giacomelli, P. (1900) Mammalofauna Tridentina: prospetto sistematico dei Mammiferi sino ad ora conosciuti e viventi nel Trentino. Trento: STET 1900 (Tridentum, III (1910), 9-10, pp. 1-26).

Bazzanella, M., Kezich, G. and Pisoni, L. (2014) ‘Adio pastori! Ethics and aesthetics of an alphabetized pastoral subculture. The case of Fiemme in the Eastern Alps 181

Marta Bazzanella Giordani, I. (2016) Documenti per la storia di Fiemme. Godega di Sant’Urbano (TV): Grafiche De Bastiani. Giordani, I. (2018) Documenti per la storia di Fiemme 2. Lavis – Trento: Alcione. Netting, R. McC. (1981) Balancing on an Alp. Ecological change and continuity in a Suiss mountain community. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nequirito, M. (2011) Non abbiasi a vedere alcuno ridotto in estrema miseria e povertà. Beni comuni, proprietà collettive e usi civici sulla montagna trentina tra ‘700 e ‘900’. Mori-Trento: La Grafica. Obermair, H., Brandstätter, K. and Curzel, E. (eds) (2006) Dom- und Kollegiatstifte in der Region Tirol, Südtirol, Trentino in Mittelalter und Neuzeit (Collegialità ecclesiastica nella regione trentino-tirolese dal medioevo all’età moderna). Innsbruck: Wagner. Perini, A. (1852) Statistica del Trentino. Trento: Tipografia Fratelli Perini. Poppi, C. (2019) ‘L’orso: parente scomodo di lunga durata’, in Spada, S. (ed.), Ursus: storie di uomini e di orsi. Trento: Effe e Erre Edizioni, pp. 43-53. Priuli, G. (ed.) (2004) Legni antichi della Montagna. Ivrea: Priuli & Verlucca. Rauzi, G.M. (1987) Araldica Trentina. Trento:Artigianelli. Sartori Montecroce, T., Giordani, I. and Vanzo, E. (2002) La comunità di Fiemme e il suo diritto statutario. Cavalese: Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme. Troletti, F. (2013b) ‘Incisioni di epoca storica e frequentazione umana in alcuni siti rupestri della Valcamonica’, Archeologia Postmedievale, 17, pp. 289-300. Vanzetta G. (1991) Le scritte delle Pizzancae e la ‘cava del bol’ Calliano (TN): Manfrini. Welber, M. (1993) Gli stemmi dei comuni del Trentino. Trento: UCT (Uomo Città Territorio).

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14 A sign for every shepherd, for every shepherd a family: The signs of the house in the inscriptions of the shepherds of Mount Cornón in Val di Fiemme Giovanni Barozzi and Vanya Delladio Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina, San Michele all’Adige (Trento – Italy)

Abstract: On the rocky walls of Mount Cornón, in Val di Fiemme (Trentino) there is an incredible amount of inscriptions composed by initials, dates, livestock counts, drawings and messages, obtained with a natural pigment called ból. This contribution focuses on a particular type of symbol contained within some of these writings, which made it possible to identify uniquely each household of a community. These signs, also called ‘family signs’ or ‘house signs’, catalogued and associated with other information in the inscriptions, allowed us to recognise some of the family groups that practiced activities related to transhumance or the pasture of the livestock. The research has not yet enabled us to define how these marks were transmitted, but the continuity over time of the succession of some of the ‘signs of house’ allowed us to assume that there was a customary transmission of the profession of shepherding from father to son and, therefore, a probable specialisation of this activity in the considered area. Keywords: Pastoralism, mountain archaeology, ethnoarchaeology, family signs, shepherds’ writings 14.1. Introduction about the writings

for marking tools, and thus be able to distinguish, not only ownership of the tools, but also of the singular sheep compared to the larger flock (Guibal, 1990; Pais Becher and Martella, 1998). The use of family signs within the wider phenomenon of shepherds’ writings appears in the inscriptions since the beginning of the eighteenth century (Vanzetta, 1991), and intensifies considerably at the end of the same century (a historical moment when the rules of Panchià and Ziano reached independence from the rule of Tesero). It is possible that this political change determined a greater control of the territory, and also of those who had access to the pastures.

Since 2006, Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina (Trentino Folklife Museum) has been investigating the phenomenon of sheep farming and, in particular, the inscriptions of the shepherds on Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley. On the slopes of the mountain, the communities of Tesero, Panchià, Ziano di Fiemme and Predazzo have shared for centuries the exploitation of the natural resources: from the meadows reserved for haymaking, to the steep slopes used for grazing sheep and goats. At the present day, this research has led to the systematic recognition and survey of over 40,000 writings, stored and catalogued in computerised media. The writings, made with a natural pigment locally called ból, consist of initials, signatures, dates, Roman numerals, drawings, phrases and livestock counts, and are often accompanied by family signs (or house signs), the so-called nòde (Bazzanella and Kezich, 2014). This contribution intends to focus on the use of this type of symbol, which translates into the need to leave a sort of fingerprint designed to identify and ensure a precise belonging to a household of a community. It is well known that in the past, the family sign was important

These types of marks, although present in the entire area of the Cornón territory (Figures 14.1-1a), are more frequent in the territory of the municipality of Ziano, where the surnames of the families are recurrent and often little diversified. Therefore, the need to resort to the use of nicknames and family signs was greater, in order to identify with certainty, the single individual and his properties (Bazzanella, 2013; Bazzanella and Kezich, 2014). The same happens in the municipality of Medìl, where the surname Felicetti is very common among shepherds, and 183

Giovanni Barozzi and Vanya Delladio

Figure 14.1 – Distribution map and chronology of the family signs on Mount Cornón (GIS processing R. Covi ©MUCGT, Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina)

Figure 14.1a – Distribution map of the considered family signs and signatures (GIS processing R. Covi ©MUCGT)

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A sign for every shepherd, for every shepherd a family the family sign (Figure 14.2) seems to have been the only way to reveal one’s identity. The success of the diffusion of the family sign is due to the simplicity of the elements that compose it: a few lines connected to each other in order to acquire a specific and unmistakable physiognomy, composed of straight and angular lines, easy to reproduce on any type of support (Tucci, 1982; Guibal, 1990). In fact, they could be engraved or carved on wooden instruments, or as in the case of the writings of the shepherds, reproduced on the irregular rocky surfaces of Mount Cornón. 14.2. Process The research was based on the APSAT database query, a structured data archive, where all the information concerning the shepherds’ writings gathered during the systematic reconnaissance of the slopes of Mount Cornón are collected. The information includes the geographical position (Figure 14.3), the type of support, the complete description of the individual writings (type, composition, conservation, etc.), accompanied by photographs and enlargements (for a more detailed description of the database see the website http://www.scrittedeipastori.it/it/ database.php).

Figure 14.2 – Le Zigolade XXXVII.6: one of the symbols of the Felicetti family (photo©MUCGT)

This work is based on the research focused on the writings conducted by the authors, which allowed for a certain

Figure 14.3 – Distribution map of family signs and signatures on Mount Cornón (GIS processing R. Covi ©MUCGT)

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Giovanni Barozzi and Vanya Delladio The Lauton family

attribution of the family sign to the shepherd who had painted it (Figure 14.1a). A query was then created to extract the data from the records containing the signature and the family sign. The table thus created and exported in an Excel file, called ‘family signs and signatures’, made it possible to group 264 writings. The records were then grouped into tables, under different tabs, depending on whether the shepherds belonged to the same family (Partel, Zanon, etc.).

Giuseppe di Giovanni Lauton 1880 - 1883 Giuseppe ‘Nane’ Lauton 1925 Carlo Lauton 1925 Rodolfo Lauton 1927 Giovanni Lauton 1927 Carlo Lauton 1925

Names with less than four coincidences have been included in the table ‘Other families’. In the table, it was decided to keep for each record only the information contained in the fields ‘signal’, ‘code’, ‘year’, ‘decennium’, ‘century’.

Enrico Lauton 1913 -1933

The Zorzi family

The database with the signatures and family signs contains 32 Partel (Figure 14.4), 24 Lauton (Figure 14.5), 61 Zorzi (Figure 14.6), 73 Zanon (Figure 14.7), 5 Vanzetta (Figure 14.8), 6 Giacomuzzi (Figure 14.9), 19 Dellagiacoma (Figure 14.10) and 40 other names, surnames and nicknames (Figure 14.3).

Giovanni Zorzi 1846 - 1863 Catarina Zorzi 1847 Giovanni Zorzi 1921 – 1939 Battista Zorzi 1882 - 1889 Giacomo Zorzi 1896 - 1900 Giulio Zorzi 1924

Each writing has been analysed in order to obtain its own house sign through a stylised drawing operation with a simple graphic program.

Pietro Zorzi di Ziano 1832 – 1840 Giulia Zorzi 1922 Giulio Zorzi ?

Assuming the existence of a series (or a set) of house signs used only by one family, it was decided to create, for each family, a table with the images of the sign flanked by the corresponding records. Within the tables, there are variations of the same sign (perhaps intentional, or the result of an evolution of the original), or completely different brands.

Francesco Zorzi 1861 Acursio Zorzi 1882 - 1889 Giuseppe Zorzi 1871 – 1881 Giuseppe Zorzi 1917 Giacomo Zorzi ? Giacomo Zorzi Zanata 1928

The following table shows the family signs used by the shepherds of the various families over the years.

Martino Zorzi 1893 – 1919

Table 14.1 – The main family signs

The Zanon family

The Partel family

Antonio Zanon 1802 Giuseppe Zanon 1846

Tommaso Partel 1800 Tommaso Paolino Partel 1924 1928 Giacomo Partel 1829 Albino Partel 1934

Battista Zanon 1869 - 1872 Bortolo Zanon 1859 – 1882 Michele Zanon 1891 - 1933 Severino Zanon 1895 Martino Zanon 1923 – 1924

Giuseppe Partel 1886 – 1888

Lino Zanon 1932

Giovanni Partel 1900 - 1901 Maria Partel 1900 - 1901 Bernardina Partel 1901

Francesco Zanon 1800 Carlo Zanon 1846

Giovanni Partel 1899

Giuseppe Zanon 1873 – 1874 Enrico Partel 1914

Paolo Zanon 1869 Tommaso Zanon 1875 - 1876 Giacinto Zanon 1923 -1924

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A sign for every shepherd, for every shepherd a family 14.3. Discussion of data

The Vanzetta family Battista Vanzetta 1881

The table allows us to have an overall view of the family signs used by the shepherds, and therefore to make particular observations about them. First of all, we focused on the similarities of the signs within the families, and then analysed in a broader way the similarities of the signs between different families.

Ita Vanzetta 1847

Mariano Vanzetta 1942

The Partel signatures cover a historical period that goes from 1800 to 1934. Looking at the family signs, you can see two couples very similar to each other. In fact, two signs are composed of two arrows surmounted by an ‘X’, but they differ from each other in the two lines that are either oblique or parallel to the arrow. In the first case the symbol (Figure 14.4) is used by many people in a period ranging from 1800 to 1934, while the second case in a period from 1886 to 1888, and only by a single person. The other pair of family signs consists of a line, a full triangle and two other lines but differs in the position of the lines, either oblique or vertical. In the first case, it is used by three people in a period ranging from 1900 to 1901, and in the second case in 1899 by a single person.

The Giacomuzzi family Giuliano Giacomuzzi 1939 Giovanni Giacomuzzi 1945 Paolo Balbo Giacomuzzi

The Dellagiacoma family Bisegol Caretin 1884

The Lauton signatures cover a period from 1880 to 1933. The family signs are recognisable by the constant presence

Carlo Caretin Dellagiacoma 1888 – 1897

The Felicetti family Simone Felicetti figlio di Nicolò 1857-1866 Giuseppe Felicetti 1897 Antonio Felicetti 1862 Felice Felicetti 189? Margherita Felicetti di Medil 1862 Gioachino Felicetti 1909

Other families Battista Daprà 1860    Carlo Trettel 1946 – 1948 Tati 1913 – 1923 Pietro Gilmozzi 1870 Luigi Gilmozzi 1898

Figure 14.4 – Gola del Dugo LIX.133: one of the symbols of the Partel family (photo©MUCGT)

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Giovanni Barozzi and Vanya Delladio of a triangle with the vertex pointing downwards. In various cases and periods, oblique lines were added below the triangle, whose surface might be filled in or not (Figure 14.5).

has the vertex down and is used by three people from 1891 to 1924. The other variant presents tangs on all three triangles, and is used by one person in 1932. A family sign of the second type (the one formed by oblique lines) is composed of an oblique line that from the bottom to the top tends to the right, and a smaller one that in the opposite direction stops before reaching its midpoint. To their right are a vertical line and an oblique one tending to the right. This symbol (Figure 14.7) is used by two people from 1800 to 1846. A variation of the sign is the addition to the previous symbol of a small whisker above the vertical line and is used by a shepherd from 1873 to 1874. Another variant is the replacement of the two lines further to the right by two lines either vertical or oblique, which is used by three people from 1869 to 1924.

The signatures of the Zorzi family cover a period from 1832 to 1939. There are five different types of signs of different families, but you can see how, of one of these, there are 3 variants. One symbol is in fact composed of two oblique lines nearly intersecting, with a vertex at the bottom, almost lying on two parallel lines placed in a horizontal position (Figure 14.6). This sign has been used by 3 people from 1882 to 1924. Another one differs from the previous one for the lack of one of the two horizontal lines and the presence of a small cross above the horizontal line between the two oblique lines. It was used by one person in 1840. In 1832, however, the same person used the symbol with another variant: instead of the cross, only a vertical line is present. The last variant consists of two oblique lines intersecting in a vertex at the bottom, above two oblique horizontal lines. This sign was used by one person in 1922.

The other families have different family signs within the same. Finally, similarities between the family signs can be seen between the different families. From 1893 to 1919, the shepherd Martino Zorzi used a family sign that corresponds to the typology of the three triangles already seen for the Zanon family, that used them instead from 1869 to 1882, therefore in an earlier period. The shepherd Carlo

The Zanon signatures cover a period from 1800 to 1924. Two particular typologies can be identified in the Zanon family: the signs formed by three triangles and the signs formed by short lines. One of the signs of the first typology is formed by three full triangles of which the first has the vertex at the bottom, the second triangle has the vertex at the top, and the third has once more the vertex at the bottom. This can also be found in mirrored form and is used by two people in a period ranging from 1859 to 1882. One of the variants has a tang on the central triangle that

Figure 14.5 – La Coronetta XXIII.918: one of the symbols of the Lauton family (photo©MUCGT)

Figure 14.6 – Gola del Dugo LIX.134: one of the symbols of the Zorzi family (photo©MUCGT)

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A sign for every shepherd, for every shepherd a family Trettel from 1946 to 1948 used the same symbol with the triangle and the oblique lines of the Partels, that instead used it from 1900 to 1901. Finally, the last example is the shepherd Mariano Vanzetta, who in 1942 utilised the same symbol used from 1869 to 1924 by the Zanons. 14.4. Conclusions This short research has allowed us to highlight a particular and little studied aspect of the writings of the shepherds of Val di Fiemme. The creation of this database has made

Figure 14.9 – Valaverta LXXVII.42: one of the symbols of the Giacomuzzi family (photo©MUCGT)

Figure 14.7 – Gola del Dugo XXXIX.8: one of the symbols of the Zanon family (photo© MUCGT)

Figure 14.8 – Roa Bianca LXII.28: one of the symbols of the Vanzetta family (photo©MUCGT)

Figure 14.10 – Gola del Dugo LXXIII.1: one of the symbols of the Dellagiacoma family (photo©MUCGT)

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Giovanni Barozzi and Vanya Delladio worth showing. With the evolution of the research and a greater acquisition of information (see below), it will be possible to observe a greater quantity of writings and a more relevant area of movement and exploitation of the pasture areas used by the different families.

it possible to put together a kind of ‘dictionary’ of signs attributable in a certain way to a family, and in particular to specific shepherds, with name, surname and the date of passage in specific places. Through the analysis of the year, it has been possible, even with all the limitations of the case, given the small amount of data, to identify the oldest house signs and perhaps identifying them as matrices for subsequent signs.

14.4.1. Successive steps As mentioned above, the amount of certain data collected during this research is small; the next step will be to focus attention on the writings composed of the initials of the name and surname of the shepherd. It is believed that as a starting point, it is necessary to catalogue the house sign for each acronym, while taking into account the database already created, ‘Family signs and signatures’. It should be noted that the two surnames that have great importance and that are found in quantity are Zanon and Zorzi, which unfortunately, having the same initial, may create various problems.

Through the observation of the data obtained, it has been verified how some of the family signs follow one another over time within a family, remaining unchanged. This has allowed us to hypothesise a custom in the transmission of the profession of shepherding perhaps also from father to son and therefore a probable specialisation of this activity. Within the same family there are in fact very similar trademarks with slight variations, which could indicate a closer degree of kinship between the shepherds. This is also particularity testified in the documents of the Regole Cadorine (Belluno, VR) where the sign of the house that belonged to the head of the family was transmitted in its entirety to the eldest son, while the younger brothers were assigned the same base sign, but with the addition of a small variation that kept its uniqueness intact (Pais Becher and Martella, 1998).

Bibliography Bazzanella, M. (2013) ‘Memorie sulla roccia. Le scritte dei pastori della valle di Fiemme: ricerche 2006-2012’, in Bazzanella, M. and Kezich, G. (eds), APSAT 8. Le scritte dei pastori: etnoarcheologia della pastorizia in val di Fiemme. Mantova: SAP, pp. 21-44.

The case of the house signs of the Zanon family, in particular the typology of the three triangles, could indicate this particularity for the area under examination. In fact, it has been noticed how, in the succession of time, the mark acquires a sign that characterises it (first the tang on one triangle and finally the tang for each triangle).

Bazzanella, M. and Kezich, G. (2014) ‘Le scritte dei pastori delle valli di Fiemme e Fassa’, in Avanzini M. and Salvador I. (eds) Antichi pastori. Sopravvivenze, tradizione orale, storia, tracce nel paesaggio e archeologia. Atti della Tavola rotonda (Bosco Chiesanuova, 26-27 ottobre 2013). Trento: MUSEMuseo delle Scienze, pp. 135-146.

More difficult to interpret is the presence of the same sign for different families, which opens up new possible questions to which it is still difficult to give an answer: could the house sign be given?

Guibal, J. (1990) Un giorno nelle Alpi: dalle collezioni del Musée Dauphinois di Grenoble. Ivrea (TO): Priuli & Verlucca. Pais Becher, G. and Martella, A. (1998) Segni nelle Dolomiti orientali. Cadore: Comunità montana Centro Cadore.

Could it also be passed on to different people who acquired control of the cattle herd? At the moment it is difficult to answer these questions.

Vanzetta, G. (1990) Le scritte delle Pizzancae e la ‘cava del bol’. Calliano: Manfrini Editore.

The need arises to expand the search into the inscriptions composed of the initials of the name and surname of the shepherd who has a family sign. It is in fact only with a greater amount of data that it will be possible to highlight the evolution of family signs in this territory. Unfortunately, the lack of testimonies written and oral (Vanzetta, 1991) does not allow us to certify the presence of a regulation of the use of the sign, unlike in Cadore where there are specific Registers of the Regola (Pais Becher and Martella, 1998).

Zug Tucci, H. (1982) ‘Il marchio di casa nell’uso italiano’, La Ricerca Folklorica, 5, (La scrittura: funzioni e ideologie), pp. 119-128.

The possibility of having, for each writing, a precise location in space is due to information collected with GPS using a GIS software capable of processing spatial information. Given the small amount of data and results obtained, we consider the results of these surveys insignificant, and not 190

15 The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley Giacomo Fait, Desirée Chini and Marta Bazzanella Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina, San Michele all’Adige (Trento – Italy)

Abstract: There are many sacred symbols among the 4,000 pictograms discovered within the more than 47,700 writings of the shepherds on the rocks of the Fiemme Valley. Mainly they are representations of the cross, but there are also of the sacred heart, of aedicules, of monstrances and of the monograms of Christ and Mary, all of these expressing a strong radicalization of the valley floor religiosity. Between the 1700s and the 1800s, up until the beginning of the 1900s, we are facing the folks’ expression of a faith permeated by doctrinal certainties. Sacred aedicules, tabernacles, shrines and recesses were always inside the residential areas or on the sides of the country roads and mountain roads, at crossroads, bridges and stopping stations, to provide reassurance to the believers. Therefore, in most of the cases the crosses depicted on the rocks of Mount Cornón are to be interpreted as gestures of extemporaneous religiosity, probably emulating crosses drawn by other shepherds with auspicious intents. The shapes in which the cross is depicted are many, and the in-depth study of their typology is the subject of this contribution. Keywords: pastoralism, shepherds’ writings, religious symbols, landscape archaeology, ethnoarchaeology, Fiemme Valley

15.1. Introduction

15.1.1. The context of the writings

The ‘writings of the shepherds’ of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley, in eastern Trentino, classified and studied by the Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina (Trentino Folklife Museum) since 2006 (Bazzanella and Kezich, 2013), represent still today an important evidence of the intense exploitation of the mountain by the local population in both the modern and contemporary era. Made with a red pigment called ból de bèsa or simply ból, obtained from the haematite, a ferrous mineral you can find easily in the area, this valuable evidence dates back for the most part to the period between the 1700s and the mid1900s, even though the most ancient inscription dates back to the 1400s. The authors were simple shepherds, hunters, woodsmen, mowers, who belonged to the communities of Tesero, Panchià, Ziano di Fiemme and Predazzo, which shared the exploitation of the mountain in a subsistence economy of agrosilvopastoral type. While the livestock grazed, during stops or when the rain forced them to find shelter in a cave, these people left on the stone the initials of their name and the year they were there, often inside more or less complicated frames, and sometimes accompanying them with the exact day and month, the family sign or the cattle count, and more rarely the signature, the community they belonged to, drawings or short messages.

Surely the ‘writings of the shepherds’ represent a valuable source for studying the economic activities on Mount Cornón, but it’s also possible to acquire from them valuable information about other aspects of the society to which they owe their existence, and one of them is religion. This is not surprising at all, given the importance of religion still maintains today in these isolated rural communities, which were under the jurisdiction of the prince-bishop of Trento until the beginning of the 1800s. That is why the emblem of the Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme, the public institution managing the collective resources, presents the cross on the Calvary as its central element. The most macroscopic evidence of this can be found in the churches present in every village, and in the wayside shrines along the roads, or where there are crossroads. Furthermore, on the walls of private houses it’s still possible to admire frescos with religious subjects that survived the passing of time and weren’t removed or covered, realised through the centuries by local or travelling artists who came from outside the valley and remained only long enough to complete some commissions. A characteristic epigraphic evidence, well documented in the near Primiero area, is also widespread in the Fiemme Valley, that is the milèsimi, inscriptions carved out of the lintels over the doors of houses and barns, consisting of the year of realisation and 191

Giacomo Fait, Desirée Chini and Marta Bazzanella a religious symbol, namely the cross on a stylised Calvary or the Christogram HIS (Bettega, in this volume; Bettega, 1984; 2017a; Antonelli, 2006). Religion also entered in the houses when a stoup was put near the entrance, sacred images were hung on the walls or a crucifix over the headboard, and when religious symbols appeared on pieces of furniture, carved or painted. All of this ended up influencing the shepherds who decided to leave the writings on Mount Cornón.

are enclosed in frames resembling actual tabernacles, facades of churches or religious banners. 15.2. The symbol of the cross The most represented religious symbol on Mount Cornón is without a doubt the cross, appearing 3,057 times in 2,355 writings, 4.94 per cent of the total (in the same writing there could be more than one). For 1,782 of these writings (75.67 per cent) we have at least the decade in which they were drawn.

15.1.2. Writings and religion

15.2.1. Chronology of the symbol

In the writings, religion appears in many forms (Figure 15.1). First of all, it is present in written form (Figure 15.2a) whenever the Saint of the Day was indicated (e.g. IL GIORNO DELLA MADONNA DEL SANTO ROSARIO = the day of the feast of our lady of the rosary), or when actual requests and prayers were left on the stone (e.g. AVE MARIA GRAZIA PLENA, AMA DIO SE VUOI SALVARTI = love god if you want to save yourself). It’s present in the form of drawings (Figure 15.2b) in the representations of two Virgins with child, two possible S. Peters, some churches, some chalices and hosts, and above all in a lot of religious symbols, namely the cross, the Christogram, the monogram of Mary and the Sacred Heart, all of which appear in over 2,600 writings and constitute the main subject of this paper (Figure 15.3). Moreover, it is not possible not to notice how in some cases the inscriptions

The most ancient cross dates back to 1554, but till the 1700s they appear rarely, that is when the inscriptions in general became more numerous (Figure 15.3). The decade with the greater number of inscriptions featuring crosses is 1880-1889 (192), followed by the 1750s (174), and the 1890s (154) (Figure 15.4). The 1750s is also the decade in which the ratio of inscriptions featuring crosses to the total inscriptions per decade is greater (26.13 per cent), followed by the 1740s (17.91 per cent) and the 1760s (13.64 per cent) (Figure 15.5). Therefore, if in the second half of the 1800s the increased number of inscriptions explains the increased number of crosses, the period between the 1730 and 1769 stands out for a greater presence of crosses inside the inscriptions. It’s hard to explain the reason for

Figure 15.1- Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley: distribution of the inscriptions featuring religious symbols (GIS processing R. Covi ©MUCGT Museo degli Usi e Costumi della Gente Trentina)

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The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley

Figure 15.2a – Mount Cornón, examples of religious writings: GP IN THE DAY OF THE VIRGIN OF THE HOLY ROSARY THE 3 OCTOBRE 1886 GODBYE; LOVE GOD IF YOU WANT TO SAVE YOURSELF. LAUTON ENRICO 1913 (photo©MUCGT)

this greater ‘religiosity’ and we can only mention some facts that happened close to that time, like the construction of some churches, those of Ziano di Fiemme and Panchià in the last quarter of the 1600s, and the activity of painters in the decoration of churches and houses, among which we cannot fail to mention the exponents of the pictorial school founded by Giuseppe Alberti from Tesero, painter, sculptor and architect, operational since the end of the 1600s (Rasmo, 1981; 1984). 15.2.2. Spatial distribution About the spatial distribution of the inscriptions featuring crosses, it’s evident from a density map that they are for the most part at the border between the area under the jurisdiction of the Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme and that under the jurisdiction of each community (Figure 15.7). This might suggest that the crosses were put in the writings to mark the border, especially since the use of this symbol for this purpose is documented in this area for example on some boundary stones (Figure 15.6). However, if we compare the distribution of the writings featuring crosses (Figure 15.7) with the distribution of all the inscriptions, it appears that there is no real difference (Figure 15.8). 15.2.3. Position of the cross in the writings Within the writings the cross is usually very well visible, being put most of the times in the top centre (62.82 per cent), and specifically in 1,336 inscriptions on top of the frame, regardless of its shape, whether there was the intention of picturing a tabernacle, a church façade or a banner or not. In 131 cases there are 3 crosses on the top of the frame, one in the centre and 2 at the corners, or all of them in the centre. In 6 cases the crosses on top of the frame are 5, 7 or 9, placed side by side. Additionally, in 50 cases the crosses are at the corners or on the sides of the frame, and in 2 of them there are crosses also pointed towards the inside. The cross is rarely outside the frame (23). In 117 inscriptions the crosses are in the body of the inscription, used as decorative/dividing elements, mainly between the letters of the initials or between the numbers

Figure 15.2b – All the sacred symbols in one inscription (photo©MUCGT)

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Giacomo Fait, Desirée Chini and Marta Bazzanella

Figure 15.3 – Mount Cornón: Chronology of the inscriptions featuring religious symbols (GIS processing R. Covi ©MUCGT)

Figure 15.4 – Inscriptions featuring the cross per decade (1700-1980)

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The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley

Figure 15.5 – Ratio of inscriptions featuring crosses to total inscriptions per decade (1700-1980)

• cross with expanded ends (1,119; 34.69 per cent): a cross with a longer vertical arm, often flared in a curve or straight-line shape, widened at the ends (Figure 15.12); • cross potent: a cross with crossbars at the ends; it can be either Greek or Latin, here it’s considered on its own because it’s presents in more than a few samples (Figure 15.13); • two-barred cross (also known as patriarchal cross) (15): a cross with 2 horizontal bars, the one above is usually smaller and represents the titulus cruci (Figure15.14); • monogrammatic cross (2): a cross with 6 arms, inspired by the chi-rho (Figure 15.15).

Figure 15.6 – Attested actual use of the cross to mark boundaries by the Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme (photo M. Bazzanella)

15.3. The Christogram By Christogram we mean the symbol made up of the letters IHS, which derives from the Latin transcription of the abbreviation of the name of Jesus in Greek (IHΣOYΣ), and which usually presents a cross lying on the horizontal bar of the letter H.

of the year of realisation. Still inside the body of the inscriptions, in 12 cases a cross is put on top of the letter A, and in 2 of these cases a second cross descends from the angle-shaped horizontal bar. 2.4. Typology

15.3.1. Chronology of the symbol

The cross in ‘the writings of the shepherd’ is pictured in many ways; it can be very simple or more elaborate and original. We identified 7 big groups:

On Mount Cornón it appears 198 times in 196 inscriptions (two inscriptions have two Christograms). Of these, 139 can be dated to at least the decade, and the oldest dates back to 1732. The decades in which the Christogram was represented the most are the 1890s (31), the 1770s (17), the 1790s (13) and the 1880s (12) (Figure 15.16).

• Greek cross (286; 8.87 per cent): a cross with arms of equal length (Figure15. 9); • Latin cross (1397; 43.30 per cent): a cross with the vertical arm that is longer than the horizontal one (Figure 15.10); • cross pattée (369; 11.44 per cent): a cross with arms of equal length, and often flared in a curve or straight-line shape, broader at the perimeter (Figure 15.11);

15.3.2. Position of the Christogram in the writings The most frequent position of the symbol within the writings, just like with the cross, is in the top centre (95) 195

Giacomo Fait, Desirée Chini and Marta Bazzanella

Figure 15.7 – Analysis of the density: the cross symbol (data processing R. Covi ©MUCGT)

Figure 15.8 – Analysis of the density: walls with inscriptions (data processing R. Covi ©MUCGT)

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The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley

Figure 15.9 – All types of Greek cross on Mount Cornón (drawing G. Fait)

Figure 15.10 – All types of Latin cross on Mount Cornón (drawing G. Fait)

Figure 15.11 – All types of cross pattée on Mount Cornón (drawing G. Fait)

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Figure 15.12 – All the types of cross with expanded ends on Mount Cornón (drawing G. Fait)

Figure 15.13 – All types of potent cross on Mount Cornón (drawing G. Fait)

or underneath (25); sometimes it separates the letters of the author’s initials (9), or the digits of the date (5). In 94 inscriptions, where there is a frame, the Christogram is rather placed inside (75) than outside (21). 15.3.3. Typology While always maintaining those elements that make it recognisable, the Christogram was represented with different solutions. Four groups can be distinguished based on the shape of the horizontal bar of the letter H, namely: • simple bar: the bar is straight (135); • segmented bar: the bar is angled and facing upwards (28); • semi-circular bar: the bar makes an upward semicircle in the central part (19); • no bar, whether a cross is present in its place (7, 3 with Latin cross and 4 with expanded ends cross), or a cross completely replaces the letter H (7, 3 with Latin cross and 4 with expanded ends cross). In 3 cases the cross lies on an X, in 2 cases replacing the horizontal bar (1 with Latin cross and 1 with expanded ends cross), in 1 case the whole H (cross with expanded ends) (Figure 15.17).

Figure 15.14 – All types of two-barred cross on Mount Cornón (drawing G. Fait)

Figure 15.15 – All types of monogrammatic cross on Mount Cornón (drawing G. Fait)

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The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley

Figure 15.16 – Inscriptions featuring the Christogram per decade (©MUCGT)

Figure 15.17 – Different Christograms as regards to the type of the horizontal bar of the H per decade (drawing G. Fait)

second bar is angled and connects the top ends of the vertical bars of the H, holding up a Latin cross (Figure 15.18). • in 3 cases the double bar extends to connect all three letters. In the first one the double bar is at the base, with a Latin cross lying on the lower bar and intersecting the one higher up, while in the last two the double bar crosses the letters at mid-height and both present a cross with expanded ends, respectively resting on the bar higher up, and intersecting both the bars. These 3

In the first group with simple bar, there are 7 cases with a double bar, in which: • in 3 cases the double bar is limited to the letter H. Specifically, in one of them two horizontal bars are at mid-height and a cross with expanded ends lies on the one higher up, in another one the second bar, connecting the top ends of the vertical bars of the H, is intersected by a cross with expanded ends, lying on the first horizontal bar at mid-height, and in the last one the 199

Giacomo Fait, Desirée Chini and Marta Bazzanella 15.4. The Sacred Heart

are the only Christograms in which two symbols of the passion appear, the Spear and the Holy Sponge on reed, which cross obliquely at the centre of the cross (Figure 15.19).

• Other features differentiating the Christograms are: • additional elements under the horizontal bar of the H, either the Sacred Nails (45) or the Sacred Heart with the Sacred Nails stuck on the top (8); • different arrangement of the letters: SHI (21), HIS (1), SIH (1), SII (1); • the S overturned (8); • the letter J instead of the I (3).

By Sacred Heart we mean a pictogram that differs from the simple heart due to the presence of additional elements that connect it to the cult. In traditional iconography the Sacred Heart of Jesus is usually represented with a flame and a cross on the top, surrounded by a crown of thorns and with the bleeding wound, while the Immaculate Heart of Mary normally presents a flame on the top, is surrounded by a crown of roses, and is pierced by one or 7 swords, sometimes exhibiting one or more flowers at the top. Rarer is the representation of the Sacred Heart of Joseph which is characterised by the flame and the lily. The heart with the flame was also used in the iconographies of saints and the heart alone to represent the heart of the believers, for example in holy cards. For the aforementioned reasons, it is not always possible to establish with certainty whether these are one or the other.

15.3.4. Symbol and sentences

15.4.1. Chronology of the symbol

Sometimes the Christograms are matched with religious sentences:

The Sacred Heart appears 107 times within 76 inscriptions, 61 of which dated to at least a decade. The oldest one dates back to 1748, and the decades in which they are most represented are the 1750s (10), the 1770s (9) and the 1900s (7) (Figure 15.20).

In 190 inscriptions out of 196 there is a cross. The most common is the one with expanded ends (125), followed by the Latin (61), while in only 4 cases we have the potent cross and in 3 the cross with double crossbar and expanded ends.

• AVE MARIA GRAZIA PLENA – year 1775 – IHS with simple bar and Latin cross; • AVE MARIA CHE STAI IN NOSTRA COMPAGNIA SIA LODATO GESU CRISTO E COSI SIA – year 1797 – IHS with simple bar and Latin cross; • E VIVA GESU’E VIVA MARIA – year 1871 – IHS with simple bar and cross with expanded ends; • AVE MARIA – IHS with Latin cross instead of the H.

15.4.2. Position of the Sacred Heart in the writings As with the other sacred symbols, the positions of the religious symbol within the writing is in the top centre (18) or underneath (21); this symbol is also used sometimes to separate the letters that compose the initials of the author (5) or the digits of the date (5). It is interesting that in 6 cases the Sacred Heart is the frame that contains the inscription.

An inscription indicates the religious anniversary in which it was realised: LA VIGILIA DEL SS ROSARIO – year 1901 – IHS with simple bar and expanded ends cross;

15.4.3. Typology

One is in the centre of what appears to be a cult building – year 1897 –IHS with simple bar and cross with expanded ends.

The element that generally allows the identifications of the Sacred Heart is the cross on top: 24 of the Sacred Hearts

Figure 15.18 – Christograms that feature an H with double horizontal bar (drawing G. Fait)

Figure 15.19 – Christograms that feature an H with double horizontal bar that extends to connect all the letters (drawing G. Fait)

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The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley Table 15.1 – All types of Christogram on Mount Cornón

201

Giacomo Fait, Desirée Chini and Marta Bazzanella have a Latin cross and 24 a cross with expanded ends (only one case has the variant with forked upper and side ends). In 60 cases there is no cross and the identification as Sacred Heart rather than as a simple heart is possible due to the presence of other elements such as the Sacred Nails (14), or for the presence of decorations similar to those that appear in the cases with cross and for the fact of being part of inscriptions that present other sacred symbols, in particular 11 are associated with crosses, 3 with other Sacred Hearts with cross and 2 with messages with a religious subject (se tu amerai dio dio te amerà te and Ave Maria che stai in nostra compagnia sia lodato Gesù e così sia, which also presents a Christograms and a cross).

60 without cross) and in 4 cases with a line of dots (3 with Latin cross and 1 without cross); ); in 7 other cases there is a smaller full heart inside (2 with Latin cross, 5 with expanded ends cross, 1 without cross); in 14 cases inside the heart there are various elements (points, lines, etc.) and it is not clear whether they are simple decorations or mean something related to the cult; in 11 cases the hearts are full (6 with Latin cross, 2 with expanded ends cross, 3 without cross); in only one case the heart is in negative within the letter V of the abbreviation. 15.5. The Monogram of Mary By monogram of Mary we intend a graphic symbol that represents the name MARIA and appears in many variants. All of them have in common the presence of the letter M, whereas the other letters don’t always appear and are combined in different ways.

As for the Sacred Flame, which is generally present in this type of representation, in the ‘writings of the shepherds’ there are only 2 cases that are certain (in one of the two cases the Sacred Flame is dislocated on the left atrium since centrally there is the cross), and 7 dubious ones that could represent the Holy Flame or the Sacred Nails. The crown of thorns is present only in 2 dubious cases.

15.5.1. Chronology of the symbol It is represented 40 times within 39 inscriptions and of 34 of these we know at least the decade they date back to. The most ancient one dates back to 1771, and the decades in which the monogram appears the most are the 1890s (11), the 1900s (8) and the 1850s (5). The monogram is usually represented over the writing in the centre (17) or below (10) (Figure 15.21).

In 7 pictograms (6 with Latin cross, 1 without cross) is represented a sword that pierces the heart diagonally from right to left or, in one case, 2 swords, one for each side. This element makes it possible to identify them as Immaculate Hearts of Mary as the three cases, one dubious, that present flowers on top.

15.5.2. Typology

A widespread feature (80 cases) is the elongated shape of the hearts, with the lower part bent to the right or to the left and in 17 of these (1 with Latin cross, 2 with expanded ends cross, 14 without cross) there are squiggle decorations that come out of the tip.

We can divide the monograms into 3 groups based on how many letters are represented: • 22 monograms present all the letters of the name MARIA, the M is bigger and the R, the I and the A are smaller at their base, with the R leaning against the left

Most of the Sacred Hearts are drawn with a continuous line (98, 18 with Latin cross, 20 with expanded ends cross,

Figure 15.20 – Inscriptions featuring the Sacred Heart per decade (©MUCGT)

202

The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley Table 15.2 – All types of Sacred Heart on Mount Cornón

• 13 pictograms present only some of the letters that make up the name of MARIA: in 1 pictogram there is only the R laying against the left vertical bar of the M; in 6 pictograms, 5 of which were drawn in 1904 by the same author whose initials are WG, there are the A and the R, but with their usual positions inverted; in 5 pictograms there are only the M and the A intersecting, 1 of which presents the A smaller than the M and the other 4, left by the same author in 1891, which used the monogram as the first letter of his initials MZ and drew together hunting and pastoral scenes, have the M and the A of the same height, with overlapping feet; in 1 pictogram the monogram, presenting the R and the A laying against the vertical bars of the M, is the last letter of the acronym D.O.M., be it the initials of the author or the abbreviation of the Latin locution Deo Optimo Maximo;

vertical bar of the M, the A leaning against the right vertical bar of the M, and the I in the centre, in 8 cases linked to the point in which the oblique bars of the M come together. The second A is placed and intersects the M in different ways: in one pictogram the M and the A have overlapping feet; in 10 pictograms the A has its feet on the oblique bars of the M (5 with the I linked to the M, of which 1 has the A and the R inverted and 1 a cross on top of the central A and a curved line joining the top ends of the vertical bars of the M); in 3 pictograms the A intersects the M, but its feet don’t reach those of the M; in 5 pictograms the feet of the A lie on the vertical bars of the M at half height; in 1 pictogram with the I linked to the M, the feet of the A lie on the top ends of the vertical bars of the M. Three pictograms are different since the A is the bigger letter, with the R, the I and the second A at its base, and the feet of the M lying on its oblique bars; 203

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Only one writing that features a monogram of Mary has the religious phrase AVE MARIA.

another both the bells and a cross at the top, in the last one only the cross at the top of the bell tower; • facade only (4): one of them has a cross on top of the roof and one on top of the bell tower and 2 bells; two of them have a rose window and 3 crosses on top of the roof; the last one has a rose window, a bell tower with 2 bells and a cross on top of the roof and one on top of the bell tower; all of them contain the inscription; the only 2 visible dates are from the 1800s.

15.6. Other representations of the cult

15.7. Conclusions: the religion of the shepherds

In addition to the religious symbols in the ‘writings of the shepherds’ were also represented some objects related to the cult and some representations of churches.

The main achievement of this research is the classification of the religious symbols that appear in the writings of the shepherds on Mount Cornón. The symbols were mainly left between 1700 and the first half of the twentieth century. The cross appears as the first symbol back in the sixteenth century; the others appear only after 1730. Research showed a substantial amount of solutions in their representation and meaning. The symbols were usually drawn in a dominant position, high in the centre, showing the importance of religion in the lives of these people. All these religious symbols might suggest the intention of the authors to obtain the benevolence of God, while carrying out such an important task for all the community.

• 4 pictograms present only the letter M, 3 of which are accompanied by the Christogram, and another that closes the frame of the inscription at the top and has a cross on top. 15.5.3. Symbol and sentences

15.6.1. Objects • 15 possible monstrances, vessels used in the churches to better exhibit mainly, but not only, the host, and whose form consist of a sunburst on a stand, usually topped by a cross. Most of these pictograms are not well preserved and their identification as monstrances is dubious. Only 3 are topped by a cross. The oldest dates back to 1772, the most recent one to 1878. In relation to the inscription they are usually in the top centre (12); • 6 chalices and hosts. In one inscription they are held by a male figure who is pointed towards a female one. Only 2 have a dating, respectively the year 1894 and the year 1908. In relation to the inscription they are in the top centre or down at the centre.

The high frequency of religious symbols on Mount Cornón and their typological variability, especially between the second half of the eighteenth century and the end of the nineteenth century, indicates that religion was to be the glue of an entire socio-economic system, based on the integration of all the locally available resources, through agriculture, livestock and forestry. This system has certainly allowed the survival of man in the mountains at high altitudes, such as those of the settlements of the

15.6.2. Churches • represented entirely (4): 3 of them include the bell tower, and in one of these you can see also the bells, in

Figure 15.21 – Inscriptions featuring the monogram of Mary per decade (©MUCGT)

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The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley Fiemme Valley in Trentino, where only agriculture or breeding was not viable throughout the whole year. Living in the mountains was hard; hence the individual turned to religion to seek protection, hope and comfort. The religion marked every moment of daily life: from morning to evening (Figure 15.22-24), from Monday to Sunday, from spring to winter and all the spaces of social life, as testified, among other things, by the prayer book by Matteo Dallabona from Daiano (abbreviation MDB) written in 1841 (Figure 15.25).

booklets of catechesis or prayers, small domestic altars. These objects were stored between the bedroom and the kitchen, because believing was also praying in a more intimate dimension of religiosity. People asked religion for protection in everyday life, so the sacred was welcomed at home. The world of popular devotion was simple and complex at the same time: few prayers and always the same, recited in a very personal way and in a language that was a mixture of Latin, Italian and dialectal words, the same ‘dialectal Italian’ used by the shepherds of Mount Cornón (Baggio, 2013).

Trentino, headquarter of the Council, was the cradle of the Catholic Reformation; therefore very soon it took on the new religious dictates, especially as regards the sacred images to which the Council had entrusted with an uplifting educational value in response to the condemnation sanctioned by the Protestants. Consequently, the peasant house is populated by paintings and pictures, paintings behind glass, rosaries, crucifixes, simulacra of Mary, holy cards, religious prints, devotional images, holy water stoups, candlesticks, veils for the mass, sheets for baptism,

From this point of view, the crosses and the religious symbols documented on the rock walls of Mount Cornón are a reflection of the religiousness, the imagination and the customs of the communities of the valley (Bazzanella, 2019; Bazzanella, Pisoni, and Toniutti, 2014). Like a whole series of ancestral beliefs in fantastic beings like elves, wizards, magicians, witches, sorcerers and healers, long cruelly swept away by the Christian religion, but still present in some stories and legends of the Alps, which on the rocks of Mount Cornón (Figure 15.26) have left only a

Table 15.3 – All types of monogram of Mary on Mount Cornón

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Giacomo Fait, Desirée Chini and Marta Bazzanella

Figure 15.22 – ‘Prayers to be recited by every faithful and good Christian’: front page from the handwritten prayer book of Matteo Dallabona, 1841 (photo©MUCGT)

Figure 15.23 – Prayer for the morning as soon as you wake up, from the diary of Matteo Dallabona, written in 1841 (photo©MUCGT)

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The symbol of the cross on the rocks of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley

Figure 15.24 – Evening prayer from the diary of Matteo Dallabona, 1841 (photo©MUCGT)

Figure 15.25 – Page from the diary of MDB, Matteo Dallabona (photo©MUCGT)

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Giacomo Fait, Desirée Chini and Marta Bazzanella UISPP Congres 2018, Parigi 4-9 juin. XXI.2: (Home Session). Bazzanella, M., Pisoni, L. and Toniutti, L. (2014) ‘Montagne dipinte: le scritte dei pastori fiemmesi tra etnoarcheologia e studi di cultura materiale’, Archeologia Postmedievale, 17 (2013), pp. 357-367. Bazzanella, M. and Kezich, G. (2014) ‘Le scritte dei pastori delle valli di Fiemme e Fassa’, in Avanzini, M. and Salvador, I. eds, Antichi pastori. Sopravvivenze, tradizione orale, storia, tracce nel paesaggio e archeologia. Trento: MUSE-Museo delle scienze, pp. 135-146. Bettega, G. and Marini, M. S. (1984) ‘Il sistema dei segni del sacro’, in Brunet, G. (ed.) Primiero, storia e attualità. Treviso: Unigrafica Zero Branco. Bettega, G. (2017a) ‘L’invenzione dei masi. Un fenomeno di lungo periodo, esito complessivo di dinamiche economiche, sociali e territoriali’, in Longo, A. (ed.) Da/per Primiero. Dai Masi alle Baite? Conoscenza uso e tutela dei luoghi di mezza quota. San Martino di Castrozza: Comunità di Primiero, 2017 (1), pp. 25-60.

Figure 15.26 – Le Zigolade VIII.75: writings with the presence of fantastic beings (photo©MUCGT)

few hints (Bazzanella, in press); the same hints are found within the crosses, which probably were once used to mark the achievement of reaching the point, where the place of pasture granted to the individual shepherd was located.

Bettega, G. (2017b) ‘Arieggiare continuo di contrade lontane? Contributo alla lettura del processo tipologico dell’edilizia rurale nei masi di Primiero tra XVI e XX secolo’, in Longo, A. (ed.) Dai masi alle baite? conoscenza, uso e tutela dei luoghi di mezza quota, (1st ed.). San Martino di Castrozza: Comunità di Primiero, pp. 137-178.

Acknowledgements This paper is the result of the joint work of the three authors, which equally contributed to research and writing. Bibliography

Cooperativa culturale confronto e innovamento (1986). VI Mostra nazionale immaginette sacre. Il cuore nell’iconografia religiosa popolare. Campofilone: Cooperativa culturale confronto e rinnovamento, pp. 135.

Antonelli, Q. (2006) W.A.B.L. Epigrafia popolare alpina. Tonadico (TN): Parco Naturale Paneveggio Pale di San Martino. Baggio, S. (2013) ‘La lingua dei pastori’, in Bazzanella, M. and Kezich, G. (eds), APSAT 8. Le scritte dei pastori: etnoarcheologia della pastorizia in val di Fiemme. Mantova: SAP, pp. 273-294.

Fabbri, G. and Manfrini, C. (1996) Il culto del Sacro Cuore in Alto Adige: aspetti e problemi di una singolare iconografia. Bolzano: Provincia Autonoma di Bolzano. Assessorato alla scuola e alla cultura italiana, pp. 160.

Bazzanella, M. (2013) ‘Memorie sulla roccia. Le scritte dei pastori della valle di Fiemme: ricerche 2006-2012’, in Bazzanella, M. and Kezich, G. (eds), APSAT 8. Le scritte dei pastori: etnoarcheologia della pastorizia in val di Fiemme. Mantova: SAP, pp. 21-44.

Giacomuzzi, G. (2015) ‘Profilo storico-artistico’, in Giacomuzzi G., (ed.) Val di Fiemme: storia, arte, paesaggio, 1st ed. Trento: TEMI, pp. 23-44.

Bazzanella M. (2919), ‘I segni dell’uomo pastore sulle rocce del Monte Cornón in valle di Fiemme’ in Cerri, R. and Fantoni, R. (eds), I segni dell’uomo. Iscrizioni su rocce, manufatti e affreschi dell’arco Alpino, una fonte storica trascurata. (Atti del convegno 6-7 ottobre 2018 Varallo e Rima Valsesia). Varallo: CAI, sezione di Varallo, pp. 41-54.

Rasmo, N (1981) Giuseppe Alberti:pittore 1640-1716 (catalogo della mostra). Trento: Magnifica Comunità di Fiemme.

Bazzanella, M. (in press) ‘The religious landscape of the shepherds of Mount Cornón in the Fiemme Valley’, in Callagan, M., Saul, H. and Waterton, E. (eds), Spiritual and Ritual Dimensions of Mountain Landscapes. XVIII

Vanzetta, G. (1991) Le scritte delle pizzancae e la ‘Cava del bol’. Calliano: Manfrini, pp. 136.

Rasmo, N (1984) Antonio Longoi:pittore 1742-1820 (catalogo della mostra). Verona: Editoriale BortolazziStei.

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16 The mountain and the cross as centre of the maso Gianfranco Bettega Independent researcher

Abstract: From the sixteenth century in Primiero (in the eastern part of the Trentino province, Italy) a symbol is established, which is composed of a mountain silhouette with a cross on its peak. This symbol appears in the centre of the milèsimi: an enigmatic inscription, an acronym containing the date of the construction (or re-construction) of the buildings, which are carved into the door frame of the barn of the maso, maggenghi of middle mountain altitude. By positioning the symbol perpendicularly to both the door frame and the main frontage of the barn, it forces the placement of the remaining characters forming the whole sign. This suggests the intention of creating an ideal intersection between space and time which performs as a sacred centre for the rural settlement, for which the combination of barn and stable is the functional barycentre. Neither the name nor the significance of this symbol are preserved within local memory. Keywords: Trentino. symbols, cross, inscriptions, barn, maggenghi. 16.1. Written landscape, milèsimi and calvari

as well as a specific syntax, which regulates the way in which the singular components inherent to the inscription are arranged.

At least from the sixteenth century onwards, in Primiero as well as within other mountainous areas, ‘a complex and various system consisting of images, symbolic elements, marks, figures, inscriptions and writings that transform our natural landscape into a written one, i.e. an omnipresent “written landscape” that can be understood even by who cannot read’ is traceable (Antonelli, 2006, p. 13; Bartoli Langeli and Marchesini, 1985; Bartoli Langeli and Marchesini, 1986). This is one of the concrete effects of the so-called ‘paradox of the Alps’: an earlier alphabetisation within the alpine regions, of wider layers of the society compared to urban and lower land areas. (Antonelli, 2006, p. 13).

About one-fourth of the milèsimi, which have been studied in the valley of Primiero, contains a cross. Frequently it appears as a simple cross designed in ‘Greek style’ (all four panels equal in length and shape) or in ‘Latin style’. In 119 cases (equivalent to the 12 per cent of the studied milèsimi) the cross stands on top of a highly stylised hill: consisting in most cases in a variably inflected arc, reminding immediately of a mountain (Figure 16.2). Besides this typical shape of the symbol, there are others, rare but nonetheless very significant ones: mainly showing variations of the ‘mountain silhouette’ mentioned above (Figure 16.3).

Particularly structured and formalised element of this ‘written landscape’ (ambiente scritto) are the so-called milèsimi: long sequences of letters, figures and symbols, usually arranged in a single line. The central element of these inscriptions is the date of construction (or reconstruction) of the building where they are found (Figure 16.1). This is where the dialect name milèsem or milèsimo derives, with the meaning of year of birth in this case referring to the building (Tissot, 1995, ad vocem).

The addition of ‘mountain’ + cross produces an icastic ideogram sealing the two symbols in a joint concept/sign, intuitively associated with Golgotha and the Crucifixion of Christ. Therefore, due to a missing record of a traditional denomination, scholars have referred to this symbol as calvario or golgota (Bettega and Marini, 1984, p. 201; Antonelli, 2006, p. 73; Zugliani, 2015, p. 40, 77).

Even though, having lost the ability to fully decode them, the milèsimi do appear as puzzling to us, they were once a form of writing which was widely understood. Indeed, the milèsimi are composed of a kind of ‘symbolic alphabet’

Of all the non-alphabetic symbols which are part of the milèsimi, this ideogram appears as both the most widespread in terms of numbers and the most precisely codified in its graphicform. The calvario justifies an autonomous 209

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Figure 16.1 – Two milèsimi overlaying on the same door with a distance in time of one century. Transacqua, location of Rinez, 1786 and 1885 (photo M. Ongaro)

Figure 16.2 – One of the most essential realisations of the mountain silhouette and the cross or the calvario. Transacqua, location of Sicone, 1770 (photo M. Ongaro)

Figure 16.3 – Abacus of the morphological solutions of the symbol. The three tones of grey refer to the numeric quantity of the singular solutions (graphic processing G. Bettega)

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The mountain and the cross as centre of the maso buildings of the maso or in its open spaces was relatively smooth. The spacious building, consisting of a stable and the directly above-situated barn, cannot be considered only as a kind of ‘milk factory’; it also represents the barycentre of the area, fit for habitation of the maso (Bettega, 2017a, pp. 42-52; Bettega 2017b, pp. 144-154) (Figure 16.5). It is of fundamental importance to be aware of the fact that it is not the individual building, but rather the aggregation of buildings and open spaces of the maso that represents ‘home’ and shelter: the refuge represents the horizon for the family of a dairy farmer which spent many months living in those settlements situated at intermediate elevation sites before and after the cattle was brought onto the high elevation pastures during the summer (Varotto, 2017, p. 38). In this context, these buildings are considered ‘[. . .] only as elements (and maybe not even the most important ones) forming the physical part of a pre-alpine domicile/ residence, for which it results difficult to define a clear border compared to the circumjacent landscape’ (ibid., pp. 20, 29-30, 38-40; Varotto, 2000, pp. 195-196). Besides the buildings, there are to be considered numerous other ‘signs of human presence’ e.g. path for cattle and hiking trails, pastures, fields and vegetable gardens, supporting walls and fences, water supply wells, reservoirs and fountains . . . ‘It is wrong to consider them as signs of minor importance, since they still are fully fledged parts of the traditional pre-alpine refuges’ (Varotto, 2017, p. 21).

research with regards to the remaining characters of the whole inscription, and this is due to the fact that it is (more) precisely codified in its graphical shape. In a certain sense, the calvario appears to be ‘different’ compared to the written part (of the symbol): impossible to translate into the written language, it represents an unnameable and unpronounceable suspending moment of total silence in the centre of the verbal flow of the milèsimo. In spite of its independence as a symbol, autonomous reproductions of the calvario which aren’t part of the milèsimo do not exist within the study area. 16.2. Where? Zooming into the various spatial scales At the current state of the research, these symbols appear to be a particular, but not exclusive, product of a community which settled in a precise portion of the territory which today is known (toponym) as ‘Primiero’, located in the upper valley of the Cismon River and of its major confluences which is situated in the eastern part of the Trentino province (northern Italy). Known evidence of the symbol is concentrated in the territorial island of Soprapieve (formed by the antique settlements of Siror, Tonadico and Transacqua, located north of the Saint MariaAssunta Church of Pieve). In the settlement of Sottopieve (which in our day corresponds to the villages of Imer and Mezzano), evidence occurs only on rare occasions, whereas in the neighbouring valleys of Vanoi and Mis, it does not occur at all (Figure 16.4). On a regional scale, this phenomenon appears to be even more isolated, since in almost all the territories adjacent to the valley of Primiero no evidence (of the symbol) exists. The only known documentation of symbols similar to the calvari in a spatial proximity can be found in the large valley called Val di Fiemme, particularly the writings of the shepherds of the mountainous area named Mount Cornón (cf. in this volume: Bazzanella; Barozzi and Delladio; Fait, Chini and Bazzanella). Despite their geographical isolation and their symbolic peculiarity, we cannot deduce the ideogram of the calvario to be a product exclusively and originally correlated to the territory of the Primiero Valley.

More precisely, the majority of the inscriptions of the calvari found until now are located on the building containing the stable and barn, the so-called ‘barycentre’ of the transitional home of the maso: in total it is about 85 per cent of all inscriptions. Taking a closer look at the architectural structure in particular, we can confirm that the majority, hence 88 per cemt of all symbols, appear on the face of the barn/stable directed to the mountain side (Figure 16.6). The blockbau of wooden logs of the tabià (the barn) extends to the gable, situated precisely under the apex beam of the roof. Quite often the gable was reinforced by a slim vertical beam, functioning as a structural key element emphasising the central beam of the door underneath, and being in perfect symmetry with the whole building. Right here, where the extension of this formerly mentioned key element crosses the architrave of the door, is usually situated our symbol (in about 93 per cent of all cases).

The spatial distribution of the calvari is almost exclusively correlated to both the breeding of cattle in alpine areas and the territorial structure of the so-called masi. The masi or maggenghi can be described as alp-like constructions which are located at an intermediate position between the settlements on the valley bottom and the malghe situated on the high elevation summer feeding sites of the cattle alpine pastures. The masi are used for grazing before and after the cattle stays on the high elevation pastures.

Almost always (in 98 per cent of all cases), the calvario is also positioned in the middle of the date of foundation (the strictly speaking milèsimo which appears always in Arabic numbers), between the digits of the century and of the decade (Figure 16.7). Interestingly, looking at the 57 simple crosses inscribed on the architrave (those without a ‘mountain silhouette’), only half of them appear to be placed in the middle of the script with the foundation date. Hence, the central position seems to be an outstanding peculiarity of the calvario. In this way, starting from the centre that is formed, the symbol also determines the distribution of the characters positioned on both sides of the date.

The masi were considered as the farmers’ major reservoir for grass and hay. For this reason, they were attributed to the following fundamental functions: storing the produced forage, pasture and shelter for cattle and other farm animals, transformation and conservation of dairy products, preparation of meals/food and accommodation for night rests for the farmers’ families. The spatial distribution of the various functions taking place in the 211

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Figure 16.4 – Territorial distribution of the symbols (graphic processing G. Bettega)

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Figure 16.5 – The great building consisting of stable and barn adjacent to the small casèra of a maso in Piereni in Tonadico. The correlation of the proportion in size between the two buildings evidences the centrality of the structure dedicated to the cattle (photo G. Bettega)

Figure 16.6 – Zoom into the façade directed to the side of the mountain regarding the barn of the previous figure. The calvario situated on the beam above the door is central to both the door and the façade of the building (photo M. Ongaro)

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Figure 16.7 – Façade in direction of the mountain of the barn of the maso Fosna dei Zelestìni in Tonadico. The long milèsimo is unbalanced to the left side so the calvario remains in the centre above the entrance door but also with regard to the date of the building’s foundation, 1776 (photo M. Ongaro)

The calvario, together with the treshold below, seems to highlight the border between a ‘domesticated inside’ and the ‘wild outside’. This is why scientists believe our symbol to be an apotropaic one (Bettega and Marini, 1984, p. 201; Antonelli, 2006, p. 81; Zugliani, 2015, pp. 29, 84). Still, the nature of such enclosures and openings, either the structural or symbolic ones belonging to the building or to something totally different, can never be considered as absolute. In this context, a clean separation of ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ would be arbitrary (Varotto, 2017, pp. 20-21). For instance, the construction of the barn with wooden logs in the blockbau-style, containing thin slits between the logs, helps to maintain the transparency functional for both the structure itself and for ventilation, avoiding in this way the fermentation processes of the hay.

integration of other protective boundaries. Those borders clearly show the permeability of the ‘domestic space’ and its mutation over time. Keeping on with the movements of the sun, the living and liveable space used to expand by day and contract by night. A variability that left traces in the local traditions. The legend of Caza Beatrich represents an example regarding the variation of the significance of ‘domesticated’ during the daytime hours. It illustrates an additional boundary correlated to the gutter of the roof. The narrative theme is part of the saga ‘caccia selvaggia’ (wild hunting tale) and goes like this: there was a hunter with his pack of dogs who attacked and mangled all the incautions ones leaving the secure refuge of the domestic walls during the dark hours of the night. The human remains of the hunted-down persons could be found nailed onto the doors of the houses or of the stables and of the casère (alpine cottages). This tale is connected to the valleys of Trentino, in particular to the ones situated in the eastern part of the province, as well as to those of the adjacent province of Belluno (Bevilacqua, 1993; Perco and Zoldan, 2001, vol. II, pp. 130-145). The Beatrich can still be found today in the local traditions as an intimidating figure evocated by adults to frighten moody kids or in a more general way, to keep somebody from going out of the house after sunset (Felicetti, 1934, pp. 194-195).

However, it was right here in the tabià (barn) where the family used to retire at night, since in a maso the luxury of a bed was the rare privilege of very few (Bettega, 2017a, p. 49). One slept on the so-called mità (i.e. the various layers of hay which grew more and more in height during summer season) imbedded in both the intense hay-aroma and the sounds of the night, creating the sensation (those who already had this kind of experience already know) of sleeping in the open. The protection of the door and of the threshold from those noises of nature, reinforced by our symbolic inscriptions, was insufficient, and demanded the 214

The mountain and the cross as centre of the maso From the legend of caza Beatrich derives a saying, now almost forgotten, used in the valley of Primiero: véder la pèl sula casèra; literally translated as ‘Seeing the skin hanging from the wall of the house (casèra)’, i.e. being in a real bad or life-threatening situation (Tissot, 1995, ad vocem ‘caza beatrìch’). To this kind of risk correlated with the nocturne hours, and recorded in many versions of this very same legend, refers another saying: drio la campana bisogna star éntre de le stralaségne; i.e. after the sound of the bells sung for the Ave Maria prayer of ‘Vesper’ (at 8 pm in the evening), which means that from the beginning of the night one should not leave home till to the dawn of the following day. When it is absolutely necessary to go out, the common lore advises not to leave the safe boundaries of the so-called stralasègne; i.e. the perimeter delineated by the gutter of the roof area (idem ed Ivi, ad vocem: ‘stralaségne’; Figure 16.8). The function of the stralasègne as ‘first barrier defining the living space’ is also documented in the regions of Feltre and Belluno where it is described as a ‘controlled space’, as a refuge against malicious influences (Perco, 2006, pp. 200, 205).

(Murray Schafer 1985, p. 298). While bearing this in mind, we can interpret a document form 1512 on the foundation of a chapel dedicated to both Saint John the Evangelist and Saint John the Baptist in a location called Prati Liendri, a territory in the village of Mezzano consisting of a group of alpine cottages (masi). The notary Ugolino Scopoli gives the permit to build this chapel so that the farmer working on his meadows campane pulsari sentiunt could hear the sound of the church bells (Nicolao, 1984, p. 37; Pistoia, 2017, pp. 15-16). In this case, the establishment of a new chapel with a church bell has the significance of enlarging in a permanent way the ‘domesticated’ and Christian space, and at the same time it means a diminution of the ‘wild’ and pagan one. The church bell outlined the ‘acoustic landscape’ of our communities till the twentieth century (Bettega, 2017, pp. 130-131). The transition permeability between ‘domestic’ and ‘wild’ space was in some way personified by the mystic entities of the mazaròl or the salvanèl (Loss, 1871: V-VII; Felicetti, 1934: 194; Tissot, 1976: ad vocem: ‘mazarol’; Perco, 1985; Perco and Zoldan, 2001, vol. II, pp. 5-42, 67-75). Those ‘wild (and at the same time civilised) men’ interacted with the rural communities: those who moved too far away from the ‘domestic’ territories to follow their tracks could be subject to their enchantments and kidnapping.

As we have already seen, the church bells chant the time of the community. Furthermore, it circumvents also the boundaries of a territory; this is because ‘the parish ends where you can no longer hear the church bells ring’

Figure 16.8 – The stralaségne, the gutter of the roof, projects its perimeter onto the terrain below, tracing a boundary of the ‘domestic space’, beyond which rages the caccia selvaggia (the wild hunt) (photo G. Bettega)

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Gianfranco Bettega 16.3. When? Long term and singular events

In the rural world in general, and in the one of the masi of the Primiero Valley in particular, the significance of the term ‘domestic’ is rather transient with regard to time and space, and so we should be cautious not to interpret the anthropogenic territory with a far too schematic approach. The apotropaic function in this domestic landscape is connected to a complex system of interacting ‘boundaries’, but with regard to the case of the milèsimo and the calvario, maybe an outstanding connection does not exist. It seems rather evident that the rules regarding its position and the logics of its alignment are both ‘the key element’ and the ‘barycentre’ of the building representing the mutable domestic space of the maso.

The dates written on the calvari mark a timeline of about five centuries, representing a very clear evolutionary parabola that can be divided into five significant phases (Figure 16.10). In the first two centuries (i.e. regarding the decades between 1540 and 1720), one can observe a kind of long and uncertain stage of ‘incubation’, during which the concept or significance of the new calligraphy emerges. This is an ‘experimental’ stage when the fusion of the symbols of the cross and of the ‘mountain silhouette’ reveals its origin, appearing in different graphical forms and expressions. The four testimonials available show a triangular mountain silhouette, an ‘omega-shaped’ with a cross on its peak, and two other crosses situated on a kind of rectangular shaped platform. We will address this topic later in detail. Nevertheless, the typical configuration, i.e. the semi-circular ‘mountain silhouette’, which later on will become the predominant shape for the calvario, is missing here. Still, this early shape already anticipates the idea of the crosses’ position on top of a basal structure. Elevating the cross on the mountain peak means in certain way indicating and honouring it at the same time. We are dealing with very heterogeneous calligraphic solutions here. It is impossible to consider their genesis and morphologic development from a mere evolutionary point of view. Evidence to this statement is given by the symbols’ most antique form, i.e. the triangular-shaped ‘mountain silhouette’, which can be found on 12 different occasions in the period from 1546 to 1981, showing a long-term tendency for the reuse of this symbol (Figure 16.11).

Antonelli suggests considering the architrave, containing the inscription, and part of the rituals regarding the threshold as ‘synecdoche’ of the house/home ‘which in terms of physical contiguity expresses the totality of it all’ (Antonelli, 2006, pp. 67-68). Considering its character as a ‘central’ element, to us the calvario itself (even more than the architrave does) appears to represent the ‘synecdoche’ not only of an individual building, but rather of the whole maso, including all internal and external spaces. Furthermore, in this context we should consider that ‘the way of life’ of a rural family living at the maso has strongly been characterised by the rather elastic relationship between both ‘domestic’ and ‘wild’, and ‘inside’ and ‘outside’. In this way it was the complete territorial entity of the maso (and not only the buildings) forming the true ‘home/refuge’ of the family members (Bettega, 2017a, pp. 51-52; Figure 16.9).

Figure 16.9 – The relation of the stable-barn to the surrounding pasture and the horizon of the mountain highlights the function of the calvario as synecdoche of the maso. Tonadico, location of Polina dei Molinèri, 1906(photo M. Ongaro)

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Figure 16.10 – Graph regarding the chronological distribution of the calvari for decades and illustration of their five main evolutionary stages (graphic processing G. Bettega)

Figure 16.11 – The most antique testimonial of a milèsimo and a calvario known today, with a Latin cross and a triangular peak. Siror, location of Spinédol, 1546 (photo G. Bettega)

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Gianfranco Bettega After the long ‘incubation-phase’ follows a stage of fast expansion (during the decades between 1730 and1760). Meanwhile the symbol matures and consolidates its proper and most common morphologic arrangement, resulting in notable formal coherency. For this period, a total of 9 testimonials exist, of which 7 already show the (typical) ‘mountain silhouette’ in the semi-circular form Figure 16.12). The calvario progressively becomes more and more collocated to the centre of the date (positioned in between the figures of the century and the decade) and to the vertical beam of the architrave and the door. This does not apply to the entity of the complete inscription which can still result in being very unbalanced with regards to the date and to its central symbol. This 40-year time span, during which the calvari appear, can be considered as one of the stages of major territorial expansion of the pastures and masi, functional to the ongoing rise of cattle breeding. This expansion happens across a practice called novali already from the sixteenth century onwards with a rapid acceleration during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This process is a consequence of a profound evolution (not yet sufficiently understood) of livestock farming, disassociating more and more from sheep farming and gradually shifting towards cattle farming. There are many socio-economic factors contributing to this transition, many of those directly depending on the close relationship between the valley of Primiero and the region of Feltre. One of those factors, with particular relevance, is the transhumance of grazing animals from the plains of the region of Venice to the adjacent, northern alpine valleys. Frequently, the dislocation of animals was obstructed by accidental events like, for instance, the sanitary safety measures against the diffusion of the plague from 1631 till the end of the eighteenth century (Simonato Zasio, 2018). The convergence of those factors has favoured the transition to a more and more cattle-based farming at the expenses of transhumance and sheep farming practices. As a consequence, the situation in the eighteenth century is quite different form the conditions in 1447, when the pastures of the Pirmiero Valley were still been ‘controlled’ almost exclusively by the habentes pecudes (Bettega, 2017a, pp. 28-29; Bernardin, 2003-2004, pp. 38, 43-45, 47, 50-51, 111-113).

Figure 16.12 – A calvario with a Greek cross surmounting a large semi-circular ‘mountain’ in the centre of the architrave above the open door of a barn. Siror, location of Zocaril, 1746 (photo P. Bettega)

central cross to a more and more elaborate and articulated inscription. In a progressive way, also the height of the letters increases to the point of becoming really ‘gigantic’ in size (Figure 16.13). In the subsequent decades of depression (1780-1810) the first calvario integrated between the letters I and S appears with the obvious intent to complete the monogram IHS, in which our symbol replaces the letter H (Figure 16.14). This kind of solution returns three other times during the climactic stages of the calvari in 1862, 1919 and 1922. During the second rather short climactic stage (the decades of 1820 and 1830), an alternation of the ‘gigantic’ letters used in the eighteenth century with the tendency to reduce its dimension in size spreads. This alternation will appear more and more common from now on. Likewise, the length, as well as the richness of the inscription, will be more and more reduced.

In a certain way the calvari seem to go along with this profound socio-economic transformation taking place in the valley of Primiero, especially from the eighteenth century onwards with the expansion and penetration of a ‘new’ social category: the cattle farmers.

After the second abrupt depression (decades of 1840-1860), a last although slow stage of recovery follows (decades of 1860-1920). This last climactic phase is constant in time but weaker in development than the former climactic stages. There is only one exception in the alternation of stages of the calvari, which can be referred to as the ‘track of the great history’: the suspension of its realisation during World War I (we can find only three calvari from 1914 to 1918), subsequently followed by a period of reconstruction (with 12 testimonials from 1919 to 1922) of

With the decade of 1770, a long and changeful florescence of the calvari begins, which will come to an end only in the 1920s. During this century and a half, the quantitative distribution of 87 testimonies fluctuates between three phases of climax and two moments of profound depression. Already during the first climactic stage the composition of the milèsimi becomes less ‘monosyllabic’ and more ‘narrative’, developing from the simple date with a 218

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Figure 16.13 – A milèsimo, maybe realized in various stages to reach this exceptional length of 8.20 meters; the mean height of its characters is about 12 cm and the calvario measures 14 cm in height: ADI 12 G.IO DT e FL FFL. j7+78 MF ZF e GF. Tonadico, location of Piereni situated on the barn shown in Figures 16.7-8 (photo M. Ongaro)

masi that had been destroyed during the war. Besides the general diminution of the inscriptions, what also emerges is a tendency to scale down both the symbolic and visual relevance of the calvario. In this way, it is reduced to a simple ‘character’ among all the others elements (Figure 16.15). Despite its still common application, this is a clear indication of the symbol’s loss of power and centrality. The recovery stage between 1919 and 1922 also marks the last climax of the calvari. This does not include the milèsimi. Their realisation will continue to the middle of the twentieth century. At this point, the common road of the ‘content’ (the calvario) and its ‘vessel’ (the milèsimo) will split. Despite the fact that the tradition of dating a building still remains, with the new century new symbols and new writings arise together with a change in sensibility. The symbolic aspects concerning the religious incarnation of the calvario become secondary. In the period from 1930 to 1960 we recorded a sudden decline in terms of a drastic numeric diminution accompanied by a disintegration of the common ‘literacy’ of the milèsimi and the calvari. Those last ones appear to be wildly dispersed and produced by technics no longer coherent to the earlier described tradition of the inscription-making. Nevertheless, subsequent to the absence of testimonials during the 1960s, a slow revival and a recovery of the symbol begin, linked to the ‘new’ usage of the masi and lodges baite as houses for the weekend. Collocation, content and form of the inscription indicate here a decorative and deracinated usage of the milèsimi and the calvari. There

Figure 16.14 – A calvario positioned on the lower part of the apex beam on a mobile tablet, date with roman figures: I+S / AD MDCCXCIX / W F A B FF. B B F. Imèr, location of Masi, 1799 (photo G. Bettega)

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Figure 16.15 – A milèsimo containing inscription and calvario of reduced homogeneous dimensions: ‘W PL FF L J8+67 Li 29 N° SD F’. Siror, location of Pergher dei Longhi, 1867 (photo M. Ongaro)

With regard to the milèsimi directly engraved upon the apex beam, the coincidence of space and time is obvious. The moment of engraving on the lintels could have taken place simultaneously to the construction of the door, or when the construction work was already finished. In this later case, due to the spatial and temporal dislocation compared to the ritual of the pezòl, an additional step of the procedure was necessary.

is no comprehension or real memory left regarding the codex maintained for centuries for their creation. Besides eclectic calligraphies and desperate forms of decoration, a confusing organisation of its contents appears, and a form of exhibitionism by the customer never seen before. Zooming in from the large time scale to the moment of a singular event, we are now going to pay attention to the date of the foundation of the buildings and the inscription of the milèsimo. The construction of a new building was concluded (and in some rare cases this is still valid today) by a simple and enigmatic ritual. Adjacent to the construction site, a spruce sapling was cut (a so-called pezòl or tasòl). It was fixed on the roof top at the precise point of convergence of fascia boards or directly on top of the apex beam (Figure 16.16). Right here, where the apex beam covers the side of the beam below is frequently the precise position for the inscription of the milèsimo. Nowadays rarely practiced, this custom was once widespread in a way that the phrase méter su el pezòl or the question atu metést su el pezòl? resumed the significance of ‘conclusion of the construction work’ or ‘did you finish the construction?’. In former days this short ritual was accompanied by either drinks or a simple refreshment. Afterwards the pezòl remained on the roof top and was removed only when all the needles (the socalled tasòl) had been completely dried out and fallen to the ground. The mere skeleton of the dry stem of the sapling was then removed. The whole ritual of the pezòl could be considered as the date of foundation or birth of the building and the milèsimo would have continued to exist for the time to come in this way consolidating the ritual of the pezòl.

We generally want to point out the highly complex and figurative symbolism of the cross as well as the Christian lignum crucis of our calvario in particular, representing a kind of cosmologic axis and ‘tree of life’. In this way the connection between these two symbols, the little tree and the calvario can re-emerge. The ritual of the symbolic sacrifice of the spruce sapling is consolidated (one could say ‘it petrifies’ if we weren`t dealing with a wooden structure) by the inscription of the ‘date of birth’, which is intercalated by a cross or by the calvario. Today we no longer know about either the significance attributed to the ritual of the pezòl or its origins. Nevertheless, the ritual’s meaning of a sacrifice remains evident due to the cutting of the sapling and its slow drying process. The act of ‘putting an end to the vegetal life’ on occasion of the construction of a new building is reminiscent of the by far fiercer rituals studied and interpreted by Mircea Eliade. In his work, he highlights some characteristic elements regarding these foundation rituals, which show some interesting parallels to our case study. Following the interpretative hypotheses of Eliade, we could assume the custom of the pezòl to be a ritual of conclusion referring to the risky creation of a new 220

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Figure 16.16 – A pezòl or tasòl nailed upon the convergence of the fascia boards on the vertex of the roof of a newly constructed building. Canal San Bovo, location of Refavaie, 2017 (photo G. Bettega)

16.4. What? Origins, shapes and ‘behaviour’ of the symbol

‘structural organism’ in this moment becoming a new ‘centre of the world’.

The iconographic origins of our calvario can possibly be backtracked to an ‘extraction’ regarding a pre-existing symbol. The most credible of all sources could possibly be the trigram of Saint Bernardino, i.e. the IHS (Figure 16.17). This possibility is formulated by Antonelli who observes that ‘. . . the symbol of the cross on top of a stylised mountain silhouette, certainly representing the symbol of Golgotha, both elements seem to indicate some affinity to the trigram of San Bernard. Basically, they appear to be the result of a metamorphosis or a popular (and etymological) reinterpretation: the alphabetic character of the cross on top of the letter H transforms into a more comprehensive iconographic sign; which means in other words the rather obscure seal takes form in an easily comprehensive pictogram’ (Antonelli, 2006, p. 73). In this case, it might be possible to hypothesise a progressive evolution:

From a first point of view, the slow process of scarification of the spruce sapling seems to function with the purpose of ‘giving life’ to a new construction. By giving it a soul, ‘one can be assured that the work not only will last, but it will persist for eternity’ (Eliade, 1990, pp. 41, 48-52, 76, 80-81). So, the building would become a real ‘living organism’ that should first of all be animated by the presence of other living souls. From a wider cosmogonic prospective, the founder of a new building (which is the ‘barycentre’ of the maso) would try to put his construction and also himself on ‘the point of intersection between several cosmic levels’, ‘at the centre of the universe [. . .] invalidating the mundane time by the creation of a sacredness in space and time’ (Eliade, 1981, pp. 390, 422). Acting in this way, one ‘did not become isolated from the cosmos but on the contrary one would live in its very centre’ (Eliade, 1990, p. 93). Is it possible to assume the calvario being located exactly in the centre of the date, the door of the building and of the whole maso, to be a memory of this exclusive intersection between this just-mentioned transition of time and space?

a.  the revival of the trigram of Bernardino provided with gothic characters from 1425 (Pavone, 1986); b. the transition to Roman characters with regard to the exposed writings, which takes place in the valley of Primiero only around the middle of the sixteenth century; 221

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Figure 16.17 – Hypotheses of the origin of the calvario with regard to the trigram of Saint Bernardino of Siena. Top down: a. Phrasing in gothic letters: pediment of the stone tabernacle in the principal Church of Saint Virgin Mary situated in Fiera di Primiero, ante 1495 (photo G. Bettega); b. Transition to Roman characters: trigram of Jesus Christ and of Mary, engraved on the external wall of a stable-barn located in Caltena in Mezzano, 1673 (photo G. Bettega); c. Curve-like modulation at the base of the cross situated on the horizontal line of the letter H: Inscription engraved upon a barn in the district of Turchia in Moena, Province of Trento, Italy, 1597 (photo G. Bettega); d. Substitution of the letter H with the symbol of the calvario: Barn located in Dismòn in Siror, 1919 (photo G. Bettega)

be necessary to demonstrate how an autonomous revision of the symbol was possible. We refer here in particular to the emphasis and modification of the semi-circular form to highlight the idea of the ‘mountain silhouette’ in the calvario.

c. the introduction of a curve-like modulation in between the horizontal slash of the letter H and the basis of the cross to highlight the ‘knot’ of those two elements; it could represent the incorporation of the abbreviation ‘titulus’ that was already used above the trigram; this stage is rarely documented in the Primiero Valley, but shows proof in the adjacent northern territories with the recurrent decorations of objects and equipment pieces. Eighteen varieties of epigraphic testimonials exist in the region of Mount Cornón, including some cases indicating a vague announcement of the calvario;

In this context, it seems necessary to declare that other possible sources of explanation, within a local connection regarding the origins of our calvario, also exist. These are listed below as follows:

e. finally, at least from the year 1733 onwards, the independent use of the calvario only by removing the characters I and S.

a. the painting globus cruciger held by the Salvator Mundi executed in 1493 on the vault of the main church of Primiero was a very common iconography in the northern regions from the fifteenth century onwards; it was preceded by the medieval globo tripartite held in hand by both the imperator and the Saviour, which was a prototype of the imago mundi of the epoch (Frugoni, 2018, pp. 169-171, 185-187, 201, 245-246, 249).

Unfortunately, the data available to us are insufficient to document a complete chronologic sequence showing the above-mentioned stages. Besides, even if we do accept this hypothesis of the symbol’s origin as valid, it would still

b. the symbol of trimonte, created by Bernardino da Feltre who at the end of the fifteenth century was the promotor of at least 20 monti di pietà (pawnshops); some of these symbols even today show his flag composed of a

d. the substitution of the letter H by the symbol of the calvario and the transformation of an alphabetic sign to a pictogram; and

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cross appearing with three stylised mountain silhouettes (Melchiorre, 2011; Melchiorre, 2012); one should be aware of the fact that the valley of Primiero during this epoch was part of the diocese of Feltre and it remained till 1786 under its cultural and religious influence, including the dominant figure of Bernardino;

In conclusion, with regards to the many trails and different solutions, it seems that both symbols tending to a maximal simplicity in execution, and an imminence in perception do have the most success.

c. a great cross, that maybe can be dated to the middle of the sixteenth century, on top of three mountains and a skull shown in a drawing on the outer wall of the apsis of the Saint Martin’s Church of the village of Fiera di Primiero; and

The proportions regarding the dimensions of the semicircular-shaped ‘mountain silhouette’ and the cross in the most common type of pictograms indicate the hierarchy immanent to the two ideograms and give an idea of the overall image under the calvario. The ‘mountain silhouette’ is preferably larger, but shorter in height with regard to the cross on its top. So, we can assume the first one to highlight the horizontal dimension and the ‘territory’, in contrast to the second one which emphasises the verticality and the transcendence.

d. finally, the coat of arm granted from the Prince and Bishop of the city of Trento in 1587 to the community of the Fiemme Valley (Zancanella, 2008). On the other hand, if we assume there is no original symbol ‘donating’ part of its content, we can hypothesise the calvario to derive from the union of two formerly existing and already in prehistoric times very common ideograms: the mountain and the cross (Anati, 2015, pp. 35-36): a union formed by many trials and correction stages that has generated a certain variety of solutions (Figure 16.3).

The calvari consist of wood from spruce trees, and sometimes from larch trees, used for the rectangular beams. Their function is a kind of elementary ‘epigraphic mirror’. The act of engraving on wood with horizontal fibres makes it technically difficult to execute using curved lines. Despite these difficulties, the semi-circularshaped ‘mountain silhouette’ prevailed in the symbol of the calvario.

From all possible graphic solutions, a pictogram consisting of only three individual lines prevails as the most essential one: showing a Latin cross situated on top of a ‘mountain’ formed like a smooth arch larger than the traverse piece of the cross on its top (Figure 16.2). This kind of solution reappears in three-quarters of the testimonials, but as previously pointed out, there is another significant group (about 17 per cent of the total) composed of four lines representing a ‘mountain silhouette’, or a ‘summit’ of pointed triangular shape (Figure 16.11). Its shape emphasises the symbolism of verticality and of the ascension.

The transition from the abstract idea to the concrete shape of the inscription has produced compositional, calligraphic and visual choices revealing three principal graphic peculiarities. Regarding both the symbol’s design and the rest of the inscription, the use of very slight lines prevails. In terms of the relationship between the diameter and height of the lines, a typographer would define these calvari as ‘light’ or even ‘ultralight’. To highlight the symbol, in consequence, one does not use the line width as a typographer does when he uses characters in ‘bold or in black’. The opposite is the case.

All the other findings are of minor quantitative importance but nevertheless at least two of them shall be pointed out. An episode dated to 1582 uses the character omega instead of a ‘mountain silhouette’ (Figure 16.18). An interesting symbolic coincidence, since it generates a kind of ‘chain event’ connecting the significance of the symbol Omega (implicitly contrasting the Alpha) representing the death, to the place of ‘Golgotha’ as ‘location of the skull’ referring to the sacrifice of Jesus Christ. The ‘mountain silhouette’ is used in a figurative sense: this complex, although sloppy, graffiti had a strong symbolic potential that is now lost forever.

Furthermore, the so-called ‘serifs’ carved at the extremities of the horizontal and vertical lines of the cross, as well as on the extremities on the bottom of the ‘mountain silhouette’, serve to particularly emphasise the calvario within the inscription. In this context, the equilibrium regarding the width and the height between the cross and the ‘mountain silhouette’ contributes as well to highlight the symbol (Figure 16.20). In this case the calvario, with its compact and coherent shape, shows a tendency to mimesis, with reference to the letters of the inscription, by transforming itself simply into ‘another character’ or ‘glyph’ inside of a homogenous alphabet.

Two other episodes form 1637 and 1644 show no reference to the ‘mountain silhouette’, but illustrate a large rectangular pedestal with a downwards opening containing a cross in its centre (Figure 16.19). Spontaneously, one would think about the pedestal as a kind of stylised basement, or an altar, or maybe its origin goes back to the letter H in the trigram of Bernardino. By removing the two upper lines of the letter, a kind of rectangular shape

In contrast to the formerly mentioned case, in many other occasions a tendency of oversizing appears in the calvario, resulting in an increase in height in regard to the inscription varying from 10-20 per cent up to 40-70 per cent. There 223

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Figure 16.18 – Inscription engraved on plaster with a calvario in the form of the character omega and other adjacent symbols. Transacqua, location of Stiozze, 1582 (photo G. Bettega)

Figure 16.19 – A calvario with rectangular basement in the form of an altar. Transacqua, location of Valtegnarìc, 1637 (photo G. Bettega)

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Figure 16.20 – A calvario showing, in regards to the equilibrium between cross and ‘mountain’, a striking resemblance with the figures and letters of the inscription due to the use of slim und curved lines. Tonadico, location of Strina, 1844 (photo M. Ongaro)

are also cases regarding both the most antique calvari and the very few ones inscribed on the apex beam, in which its size/height is doubled (Figure 16.21). Here, to still fit on the extremity of the beam; the calvario is rotated at an angle of 90° with regard to the milèsimo, which results in a diminished size. This kind of solution intensifies even more the ‘protagonism’ of the symbol in relation to the inscription, the structure, the building and altogether to the maso.

At first there is the indispensable and central ‘system of dating’ containing the year of construction: without a date there is no milèsimo and without it the calvario cannot exist. On quite a few occasions the milèsimo is reduced to only indicating the year, held in Arabic characters. In contrast, other cases show a cross, or the calvario, as an integrative part of the date. Sometimes it is preceded by the letter L standing for L’anno (i.e. ‘in the year’; in about 60 per cent of all milèsimi it contains a calvario upon the architrave). Less frequent appear cases in which the inscription of the year is followed by indications regarding month and day (about 13 per cent).

The relationship strongly connecting the calvario and the milèsimo emerges very clearly at this moment of their material realisation, during the process of scribing and inscription. Since the calvario was placed in the centre of the door beam, consequently, the writing procedure started in the middle, and did not go as it usually would from the left to the right side of the line. At first, one delineates the sacred symbol at the centre position above the door, in a second step adding the four Arabic figures of the date on both sides. Only after that is it possible to realise the two parts of the inscription adjacent to either side of the date.

On many occasions this ‘system of dating’ is preceded by a second ‘system’ containing the initials of the building’s founder (Figure 16.22). These later ones are commonly followed by the seal F or R (standing for Fece (made by) or Rifece (remade by), to indicate the founder also as constructor, in 9 per cent of all cases), or by F.F. (standing for Fece Fare (have been done by someone) to indicate only as the owner of a building and employer of the work, in 20 per cent of all cases).

As a consequence to this complex executive procedure, the milèsimo results as a real and proper ‘written organism’ composed of different internal ‘systems’, each of which has a concrete specific function.

Occasionally, the seal F.F. can be part of a third ‘system’ with its position on the right side of the inscription (in ca. 225

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Figure 16.21 – For the purpose of adapting the calvario to the restricted space on the beam it is no longer orthogonal but parallel to the milèsimo and in this way accentuated. Siror, location of Danói, 1890 (photo M. Ongaro)

Figure 16.22 – A milèsimo with indication of the employer of the work: ADI 9 M. O: L. D. O: N.lo C.in F. F. L: j7 + 88 G. P.. The name of the employer, Nicolò Cemin, is perhaps preceded by economic rank and the inscription of the day and month ‘May 9th’ (or March?). Siror, location of Pianéze, 1788 (photo M. Ongaro)

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The mountain and the cross as centre of the maso ‘extended’ family containing various generations and sometimes different married couples, but also including relatives and their partners, e.g. aunts and uncles, or even godmothers and godfathers (this very last reference clearly emerges in Negrelli, 2000). Between the eighteenth and the twentieth centuries, the traditional mentality regarding the ‘family network’ considered not only ancestors and those who passed away, including lost children and those who died prematurely, but also those who emigrated or went to war as real family members. Although these absent persons couldn`t directly contribute to the substantial support of the family, they were nevertheless omnipresent in the daily conversations of the enhanced family (see for instance Pistoia, 2018).

9 per cent of all cases). In this case usually the initials of the building’s creator followed by the seal F. standing for Fece (in ca. 14 per cent of all cases) do also occur. At this point we would like to remind that the sample of this paper is restricted to 117 individual calvari, and that the conclusions are based on the limited statistical significance coherent to this small corpus. In comparison, the ‘world’ of the milèsimi is much more extended and richer in variations (for details see the catalogue of Antonelli, 2006, pp. 69-81, 107-147). A typological analysis should consider the terminology coherent to these ‘systems’ consisting of a true and proper ‘structure’. These structures themselves are composed of singular ‘elements’ represented by individual characters or figures. In any case, due to the obvious possibility of analysing a ‘written organism’ with different interpreting scales (Bettega, 2017b), one can confirm that the coherency and inverse integration strongly connect the milèsimi to the ‘buildings as organisms’ of which they are part of.

This family network was extended even to the afterlife across a system of titular saints and patron saints who also were considered as a tiny part of the ‘family’. This is why they took part in some very practical matters. This kind of network could also reach hyperbolic configurations by including, next to saints considered as regular ‘lawyers and protectors’, other ‘special’ saints who would be elected year upon year (Negrelli, 2000, p. 5). Onomastics represented a straight triangulation between the living, the ancestors (transmitting their proper name, usually from grandfather to grandson, or sometimes also from aunt or uncle to niece or nephew) and the eponymous saints. These later ones were exhibited and visible to everyone in drawings painted on the outer walls of habitations and contained also a caption dedicated to testifying the eponymous coincidence between the building owner and the protector. These inscriptions have a lot in common with the conventions used for the inscription of the milèsimi (Bettega, 2015, pp. 18-19, 23-24).

16.5. Who? Between autonomous builders and specialists As laid out previously, we can consider the milèsimo as a location of subscription testifying at least three possible protagonists in reference to the construction and foundation of a building belonging to a maso: the autonomous constructor, the employer of the construction work and specialised workers. A first consistent group of specific inscriptions are the ones indicating those who fecero (made) the construction on their own. They have to be considered not only as the head of a family but also as founders and owners of their buildings, including the materials coherent to the construction work.

Finally, the domestic animals, in particular the productive ones like cattle, sheep and goats, were considered as part of the family too. These animals were also given proper names since the family’s survival was stringently connected to them. The cattle had a central function, and in some cases was considered even more important than the humans, which is reflected by the position of the various buildings a maso contained (Pracchi, 1970, p. 244; Gasparini, 2012, p. 9; Bettega, 2017a, pp. 51-52).

At this point one should precise that the ‘world’ of these small alpine dairy farmers and cultivators between the eighteenth and twentieth centuries was characterised by centomestieri (i.e. persons with the ability of conducting a hundred activities). They ‘used to survive being autonomous in finding resources due to a life in micro-communities with very little opportunities for specialisation’ (Varotto, 2017, p. 98). These farmers appeared as autonomous builders who, besides their principal profession as dairy farmers, cultivators and lumbermen, were very capable to work wood, stone and sometimes even iron and other materials. This kind of ‘constitutive multi-activity of the alpine inhabitant was the most natural way to deal with the forced articulation with regard imposed by the physical space and the seasonal and climatic patterns typical for the landscape of the alpine valleys . . .’ (ivi).

This ‘extended’ family was glued together by a tension continuously nurtured by invocations, memories, gestures and prayers, trying to eliminate the distances in time and space. The objective of this ‘tension’ was the construction of a concurrent and reassuring presence that accompanied every singular family member (you carried it inside yourself) and functioned like a kind of protective ‘every day coat’. In this way you perceived yourself, here and now, as a part of a family network transcending space and time. The head of the family certainly felt a very profound sense of personification while inscribing his own seal on the milèsimo. The ‘extended nucleus’ of the family was represented by this seal as part of the milèsimi. Today, it still finds expression in the so-called menda: i.e. the house name connected to a family, which has become over the

Anyway, these so-called centomestieri of which we are talking about can in a certain way be considered as a kind of ‘abstraction’, because in reality it was the whole nucleus of the family and not only the farmer itself carrying out all these multiple activities. We are here dealing with an 227

Gianfranco Bettega centuries part of the micro-toponymy of the maso, thus resulting in a more detailed description of the more general nomination of its geographic location (Figure 16.23).

building, but more likely can be linked to the execution of its most complex and essential parts, e.g. the erection of the gantry in blockbau-style or of the barn and the roof of the building. The extended family surely contributed to the construction in terms of working forces subordinate to the instructions of the external specialist. The input also guaranteed a correct performance of the working process, and thus later on also contributed to the robustness and the long-term duration of the structure.

However, as the mills, forges, sawmills and folli, dispersed over our valleys testify, even in the world of alpine dwellers such as the centomestieri, not everything could be self-produced. It was inevitable to leave some activities to specialists: for instance the carpenter, or marangón in local dialect. As pointed out earlier, in this context we would like to discuss the relationship between the employer and the craftsmen employed in the construction of the maso. In 23 cases the seal F.F clearly expresses the delegation of the construction’s execution to workers external to the family, and in at least 16 occasions the initials of the craftsmen occur in front of the seal F, standing for fece (made). On at least two occasions the artisan refers to himself as mastro (master) or magistro (master of art): master of the axe or craftsman specialised in constructions made out of wood (Figure 16.24). In only 11 cases does the owner explicitly refer to himself as the constructor/creator of the building.

At this point a question emerges: could it have been that the carpenters were actually the real executors of the inscriptions? Or, in more generic terms: is there a possibility that the milèsimi were a product of specialists of the epigraphic inscription work, the so-called ‘memorial stones’ made out of wood? Till today, the information is insufficient to clearly respond to this question. Unmistakable evidence of inscriptions conducted by specialists appears to be rare and uncertain. An oral source (Stefano Fontana, born in 1931 in the village of Siror) indicates Giovanni Taufer, called Tonci, also born in Siror in 1922, as a ‘specialist’ for the inscription of the milèsimi. Both Simone Turra, living in the village of Tonadico, and Giovanni Doff Sotta, inhabitant of the village of Siror, graduated at the school of timber arts, and

The presence of specialised external workers should not be underestimated. However, it is likely that their contribution did not extend to the full construction of the

Figure 16.23 – Above the milèsimo ‘B. F. 17+77 F.’ a ‘touristic’ table has been added with the inscription BOIOLA / dei Busanadi / 1027 s.l.m. referring to the house name of the family who owns this maso. Transacqua, location of Boiola, 1777 (photo Bettega)

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Figure 16.24 – The magistri B. F. e Francesco Zu (Zugliano?) had such a high opinion of themselves to put their own names in front of the employer of the work: ‘MTRI B. F. FCO. ZU FTO LNO j[8]+80 W D C FF’. Mezzano, location of Ìmer, 1880 (photo G. Bettega)

have realised milèsimi. Still, these late ones are already connected to the epoch of the ‘revival of the calvario’: i.e. more than perpetuating an old tradition, their inscription work demonstrates a personal re-interpretation.

community of Soprapieve. In this geographic context, there is no evidence of the existence of social groups or classes (e.g. confraternities, professional clans or other forms as leaseholders of territories belonging to a single owner, e.g. a religious institution) distinguishable in some kind from the rest of the Primiero Valley.

Thus, more than being a record of artisan specialists, the milèsimo and the calvario seem to be part of the symbolic inheritance of the common people, referring not only to the aspect of their usage, but also to the production and the custom of the writing.

In synthesis, the seals of the signatories of the milèsimi provide an insight into the roles and protagonists that should be brought more into focus in the future. One approach could be to study one at a time the ‘biographies’ of the singular masi and structures. Also other aspects like the ‘genealogy’ of the milèsimi and the calvari could be documented more precisely by studying the ‘biographies’ of the singular inscriptions and structures upon which they are engraved. This is exactly what Simone Gaio did for a tabià (barn) situated in the locality of Caltena in the village of Mezzano (Gaio, 2010-2011). Finally, the necessity to collect numerous contributes needs, like the formerly mentioned need to research a global vision of the ‘genealogy’ of the masi and the milèsimi, to be able to respond to the questions unresolved till now.

With regard to its specific and small-scale location at the maso, one could associate the calvario as a symbol of the social class of the cattle-breeder and cultivators centomestieri. At this point, no explicit symbolic connection or documentation can support this thesis. But we should bear in mind that the structure of the local society of the Primiero Valley between the eighteenth and the twentieth centuries was composed almost exclusively of this formerly mentioned social-economic class of farmers: i.e. representing at least 90 per cent of the local population. The remaining classes were some nobility, and a few other notables and clerics.

16.6. Why? Improvised answers

An additional limitation of the research ground can be represented by the extremely restricted geographic area of distribution of the calvario, pointed out at the beginning: i.e. little more than the area of the so-called former

Recapitulating what we have illustrated so far, let us try to delineate our reasoning for the existence and distribution of the calvari. 229

Gianfranco Bettega the signature of their creators. While referring to Mount Cornón, we can talk about ‘realistic and conventional’ representations and symbols. In the case of the milèsimi, these attributes appear even more concisely, even with the absence of all the figurative zoomorphic, anthropomorphic and phytomorphic representations occurring in the Fiemme Valley.

The symbolic functions of the written inheritance and of the symbol we studied can be summarised as follows: a. the milèsimo freezes in time the exact moment and protagonists of a specific building’s foundation, representing the balance point of the maso and in a certain sense the maso itself; b.  in this context the calvario identifies the building as the spatial, symbolic and functional centre of a specific maso;

Maybe even more than the assonances, the dissonances are of significant importance. On Mount Cornón, the inscriptions are mostly ‘transgressive, remote, difficult to interpret’. In contrast, the ones of our masi occupy an easily detectable position, with the clear intent of being exhibited. Our symbols, mutatis mutandis, are not of minor importance compared to the monumental epigraphs of the high society. On Mount Cornón, we are dealing with ‘occasional, unplanned, and appealingly casual aggregations’, realisations more or less connected to moments like taking a break, or maybe to determined meteorological conditions. In contrast, the milèsimi of Primiero Valley are well programmed, representing considerate realisations strongly connected to the moment and the ritual of the structure’s foundation.

c.  together, the symbol and the inscription implicate an intersection between the human horizon represented by the ‘mountain silhouette’ (which is not to intend as a peak, but more like a hill, or maybe even as the terrestrial horizon) and the transcendence of the cross (which is not only a gallows, like the one on the Calvary, but more like a vertical beam and a ‘centre’ of the terrestrial space). From this perspective, an interpretation closely connected to the analogy between the calvario and the sacrifice of Jesus Christ on the mount of Golgotha, on the one hand, and an excessive emphasis of the apotropaic value of the architrave (which exists) bearing the inscription, on the other hand, risks belittling the element of centrality of the symbol representing the spatial and temporal ‘centre’ of the structure, of the maso and of the live dwelling within it.

Finally, most parts of the walls in the Fiemme Valley can be considered as a kind of palimpsest where the overwriting of previous inscriptions is common practice, whereas the milèsimi are collocated and integrated with extreme coherence to the ‘architectonic organism’ upon which they are engraved.

According to our current state of knowledge, the ‘centrality’ appears to be the principal reason for the existence of this symbol: of its elaboration, dispersion and its ‘succeeding’ for centuries on a local scale. In this way, the symbol gets recognised as a ‘sacred sign’: a so-called material ierofania that (even beyond the specific Christian connotation) responds to a profound need. We refer to the necessity to live in the ‘centre of the world’, giving a reason and depth to both the actions of individuals and to groups of human beings.

All of the formerly mentioned differences and contrapositions emphasise the divers approaches of two social groups of protagonists: on the one side, there is the marginal and transgressive group of shepherds in the community of the Fiemme Valley, and on the other side there are the cattle-breeders of the valley of Primiero, representing a central part of the economy and the various activities of daily life. In particular, our symbol, the so-called calvario, has been adopted and distributed in the valley of Primiero by dairy farmers during the same centuries in which the ‘new’ cattlebreeding replaced the breeding of sheep, motivating the florescence of masi through a progressive programme of cultivation and privatisation of commonly owned ground. The chronological parallels and their concentration within the territories of the masi evidence the connection between the calvario and the social class that adopted, developed and distributed them.

It would be wrong to confirm a ‘need for sacredness’ by reducing it either to a mere ‘magical’ resolution of problematic knots and dangerous passageways or as a dictate of a canonical doctrine to which this kind of symbolic elaboration appears to be distant if not estranged or even as alternative. Giovanni Kezich sums up the characteristics regarding the inscriptions of shepherds on Mount Cornón situated in the Fiemme Valley (Bazzanella and Kezich, 2013; Bazzanella et al., 2016). A confrontation with the milèsimi and the calvari of the valley of Primiero can be helpful in finding out more about the assonances and dissonances between the two epigraphic inheritances. Furthermore, we can learn some new pieces of information for a better comprehension of our symbol.

This doesn’t seem to be the case for Mount Cornón, because in the few occurrences in which a symbol appears to be similar to ours, with notable graphical uncertainties, it is neither capable of ‘dominating the scene’ nor of determining the intern organisation of the inscription. The symbol seems to play a complementary role, if not a subordinate one comparable to other graphic elements, such as the decorations of the framework. In synthesis the symbol is reduced to one of many elements of the symbolic

The assonances between the two inheritances are relatively striking and obvious. In both cases, we are dealing with alphabetic and symbolic writings containing a date and 230

The mountain and the cross as centre of the maso mezza quota. San Martino di Castrozza: Comunità di Primiero, 2017 (1), pp. 137-177.

alphabet used by shepherds of the Fiemme Valley without ever gaining the relevance that dairy farmers of the valley of Primiero presumably attributed to it.

Bettega Gianfranco (2017c) ‘Postfazione’, in Altamura, F. (ed) Dalle Dolomiti alle Murge, profughi trentini della Grande Guerra. Storie e memorie delle popolazioni di Primiero e Vanoi sfollate in Puglia nel 1916. Nardò (LE): Besa Salento books 123-137.

Referring to the couple milèsimo + calvario and, coherent to it, the one of the ‘mountain silhouette’ + the cross, it seems to be that these symbols try to function as synthesis regarding the difficulties of the occupation, and the pride in making the mountains a proper home.

Bettega, G. and Marini, M. S. (1984) ‘Il sistema dei segni del sacro’, in Brunet, G. (ed) Primiero, storia e attualità. Treviso: Unigrafica Zero Branco, pp. 194-205.

If we do not want to be reductive, this is the kind of prospective we should apply to the study of inscriptions and symbols which always remain, if not as a priority, as invocations and instruments of sacred protection.

Bevilacqua, T. (1993) ‘Cacce e cacciatori selvaggi nel Trentino. Figure di terrore sullo sfondo dell’immaginario popolare’, SM. Annali di San Michele, 1992 (5), pp. 5890.

Acknowledgements

Eliade, M. (1981) Trattato di storia delle religioni. Torino: Boringhieri.

I want to thank Marco Ongaro for the realisation of the photos of this publication, Ilaria Cesaretti and Desiree Chini for their suggestions and indications and finally Chiara Gobber, Michael Berchtold, Simone Gobber and Alice Guerrieri for the translating work.

Eliade, M. (1990) I riti del costruire. Milano: Jaca Book. Felicetti, L. (1934) Centoventi leggende del Trentino. Trento: Artigianelli. Frugoni, C. (2018) Uomini e animali nel Medioevo. Storie fantastiche e feroci. Bologna: Il Mulino.

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B A R I N T E R NAT I O NA L S E R I E S 2 9 9 9

2020

In a number of significant sites of the vast ancient pasturelands of the Old World, generations of wandering shepherds have left their testimony in the form of graffiti drafted on the rocks, sometimes in their tens of thousands, over a period of hundreds of years from ancient to modern times. The phenomenon is a conspicuous one and has considerable significance for two reasons. On the one hand, the study of such pastoral graffiti may convey fresh ethnoarchaeological information as to the circumstances of the pastoral activities and the pastoral economy of the past. On the other hand, these signs, which can be often fully alphabetic as well as drawing upon ancient symbolic repertoires, can be of some aid in the interpretation of rock art as a whole genre of human expression, and projected back, in their significance and their modes of appearance, the earliest times of prehistory. ‘This volume will be of great interest to researchers in many parts of the world, including rock-art specialists, ethnographers and ethnoarchaeologists.’ Michael C.A. Macdonald, University of Oxford ‘This volume is an important contribution to the study of iterative and dialogical forms of writing and drawing. It is the most comprehensive treatment of these types of graffiti to date.’ Professor Karen B. Stern Gabbay, Brooklyn College CUNY Marta Bazzanella, ethnoarchaeologist, PhD in Prehistory, works at the Trentino Folklife Museum. Her major scientific interest is in the field of pastoralism of ancient and traditional societies. Since 2006 she has coordinated the ethno-archaeological research on the shepherds’ writings of the Fiemme Valley and published several articles on this topic. Giovanni Kezich, PhD read anthropology and archaeology in Siena and London (UCL), with a thesis on ‘The Peasant Poets’, under the supervision of M.J. Rowlands. Since 1991, he has been Director of the Trentino Folklife Museum, whence he has produced extensive ethnographic work in the Alpine sector and beyond. Contributors: Giovanni Barozzi, Marta Bazzanella, Gianfranco Bettega, Jessica Bezzi, Nicoletta Bianchi, Francesco Carrer, Fabio Cavulli, Giorgio Chelidonio, Desirée Chini, Fabio Copiatti, Vanya Delladio, Giacomo Fait, Cristina Gastaldi, Giovanni Kezich, Franziska Knoll, Nathalie Magnardi, Jules Masson Mourey, Edoardo Micati, Mara Migliavacca, Elena Poletti, Ausilio Priuli, Federico Troletti Printed in England