Sargonic Akkadian: A Historical and Comparative Study of the Syllabic Texts [1., Aufl. ed.] 3447051728, 9783447051729

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sargonicakkadian1
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Rebecca Hasselbach

SargonicAkkadian A Historical and Comparative Study of the Syllabic Texts

I yiq'fs, with *yi > f. For *sqy we have to assume a~ original fo~ *_\'isqiy-ii.It 1s uncertain whether the final /y/ of the verbal root was still preserved. The oblique plural and dual are written with the /el-variant sign: =a-gi-[sa'l] l'saqesa/ 'her thighs' (MAD 5 8: 4 Kish) is-bi-gi /'ispeke/ 'stores' (Gir 19: 38) ga--gi~-su /kakkesu/ 'his weapons' (Di 2: 8)

OB copy: lilSTUKUL-gi-su /kakkesu/ 'his weapons' (Sa CI: 56 Nip)

AI

See also section 3.2.4.3 below. A2 The sign pair BI - Bi is one of the pairs that lost its distinction in the Ur-Ill period (Hilgert 2002: 122). 1,_1 For a more detailed discussion see section 2.6 below.

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preserved in these forms is not clear. The writing with [' 3. 5] had started at this time and in

this area. There is one attestation in which the writing with GI is difficult to explain: ib-ba-al-gi-it-ma /yibbalkitma/ 'he transgressed' (MAD 4 10: 5 unkn.)

There seems to be no phonological motivation for the /el-sign variant in this case. Besides in preterites of roots containing either *w or *y the sign Kl is used in environments in which it clearly has to represent an /i/ vowel. Kl is always used to write the 2fs pronominal suffix -ki (MAD 5 8: 12,14,15,32,34,36 Kish; TA 5: 4,8). It is also used to write the preposition kf and k"ima (MAD 5 8: 22 Kish; OSP l 7: i 4' Nip; Gir 19: 16,34; Um 3: 21). Furthermore, KI is found in nominal and verbal roots without *wand *y. 64 The analysis of GI as /ge/, Ike/, /qe/ and Kl as /gi/, /ki/ and /qi/ can be considered 65 as certain.

2.4.3 LI - Li Sommerfeld included the sign pair LI and Li among those pairs that distinguish the vowel qualities /e/ and /i/.1x,The evidence for this pair is less obvious than for BI Bi and GI - Kl. Although it is possible to determine certain morphemes for which each sign is used, it is nevertheless difficult to notice a clear phonetic distinction. LI is exclusively used for the precative of the third person, independent of the 67 structure of the verbal root. It is also used for verbal forms of the root *hlk (D 7: 4 64 Examples include ki-ib-ra-tim /kibratim/ 'edges' (Na 3 I: 4 Susa; Na 5 2: 2 PirHus), buus-ki-im /pusqim/ 'hardship' (Na 1 1: 20 Bas), is-ki-nu-su /'iskiniisu/ 'its additional payment' (MAD l 45: rev4 TA). 65 This interpretation is further confirmed by evidence from Hurrian. Van Soldt has shown that GI is usually followed by E and KI by I in Hurrian (van Soldt 1989: 103). In Ugarit, there are also occasional spellings of GI for /qe/ (van Soldt 1989: 112). 66 Sommerfeld 1999: 18. 67 There is one single exception in which the precative is written with Li, in TA 2: 7', where we find li-seu-bi-lam 'he shall send' for expected **li-seu-bi-lam. This one attestation stands against over 70 writings with I.I and is therefore with certainty a scribal idiosyncrasy. This assumption is confirmed by the fact that this letter exclusively uses Li.

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

Sign pairs

Adab ; TA 3: 14; MAD 5 76: 7 UeJ; BIN 8 146: 16 Me-sag etc .). LI is not used for the precative, nor for the root *hlk; examples of the latter with Li are only found in Old Babylonian copies from Ur (e.g . Na C3: 25,29 Ur) and should be evaluated as scribal mistakes since no original text uses the sign Li for this root. There is one spelling of an oblique plural with LI in original texts:

Akkadian, this vowel sequence would have contracted to /e/, resulting in the 11 precative form lepros instead of lipms. Words that are written with LI besides the prccative often have double /11/, which is not found in writings with Li, but the evidence is not regular enough to draw any certain conclusions . If the forms with /II/ are the original environment, we might suggest a lowering of i > e /___!l. 72 Another possibility is that this sign pair was not originally phonologically motivated. In Pre-Sargonic writings, LI is the standard sign used in all environments. Even the elements bacfT_and 'ilT- can be written with LI instead of Li:

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i-li /' ile/ 'gods' (Na I 3: 19 Bas)°8

Other attestations for LI are found in : kab -li /qablel'" 'within' (Na l 3: 4 Bas) u-ba-li-id /yuballi\/ ' he kept alive' (Gir 37: I' ) sa-li-i .Him /salistim/ 'third' (TA 7: 9' ) mas -li-a-111m /masli'atum/ ' skin buckets' (OAIC 7: 10 Di)

[f]i-im /lim/ '1000 ' (Iraq 40 519: il,4 Abu-Sal.) fo-i-li /0ii'i1VPN (ELTS 38: ii 4 Sippar"!)

BE-Ii-KUR PN (TPM 26: v 4 Mari)

LIis mainly used for the genitive singular construct and the lcs possessive suffix in the elements 'i!T-and ba'H-: i-li-is /'ilis/ 'as god' (Na I 2: 24 Bas) i-li- s u /'ilTsu/ 'his god' (Varia 12: 4 Mari)

BE-/i /ba'II/ 'my lord' (Ad 3: 3; Ad 4: l ; Um 3: 29; Di 10: 16'; TA 6: 4) These spellings are regularly found in personal names with the elements bacli-. LIis furthermore used in:

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'iii- or

a -li-tim f alitim/ ·upper ' (Na 2 3: 4 Nin) ga-li /kaH/ 'all' (TA 2: 8) ga-li-su /kalTsu/ 'all ofit' (TA 2: 3' ) a-li-im /' alim/ 'city' (MAD 4 10: 2 unkn.) /w-hu-li ll)ubulli/ 'debt' (BTN8 139: 4)

Despite the fact that Li is only used in environments that require an Ii/ vowel, the as sumption that LI exclusively stands for /le/ requires further proof. Besides the unexplainable attestations for LI = /Ii/ quoted above, we would have to assume that the precative was always pronounced as / le-/ . Although the pronunciation as /le-/ docs not have any known parallels in Akkadian, it is theoretically possible to justify ~uch an interpretation. Huehnergard argued , based on the assumption that the original form of the precative marker had been *la-, that the precative forms in Babylonian are the result of vowel contractions, that is, *la-yipros > *lipni s > /ipn,s for all third persons, with an underlying vowel contraction of *ayi > f. 7n In Sargonic 6~ The same spelling is found in OB copies (Sa Cl 2: 22 Nip; Sks C2: 3 Nip). 69 For this normalization see section 4.3.2 below. '0 Huehnergard 1983: 588. Huehnergard assumes a different development for Assyrian, in which a regular vowel contraction took place in the lcs, *la- 'aprus > lapru s . Afterwards, a reanalysis of the precative marker as simple/. took place: apru s: 1-aprus :: ipms : X = I-

In the writing of Ebia, the sign LI is the normative sign for the value / Ii/, while the 73 attestations of Liare uncertain. It is likely that LI is an older syllabic value than Li, which might be connected to the Pre-Sargonic northern writing tradition. The statement that LI exclusively represents /le/ and Li= /Ii/ should therefore be modified. While Li is marked for the syllabic value /Ii/, LI is used for /le/ when this value is required, but it also seems to be used as a free variant of Li in some cases. 2.4.4 MI - ME The sign pair Ml - ME distinguishes the vowel qualities /e/ and /i/, although in some cases ME is simply used as a variant of MI. ME is usually employed for the oblique plural, but we also find one example of an oblique plural written with MI in a royal inscription of Naram-Sin. This spelling is due to the fact that the syllabary of original royal inscriptions docs not use the sign ME for syllabic spellings. Exception are only found in Old Babylonian copies. ME for the obi pl:

ipn1s (Huehnergard 1983: 588). The Sargonic lc s precative is /11-as in Babylonian, see lu-us-k11-11/-kwn/lu0qulkum/ 'I shall weigh out for you' (OAIC 10: 10 Di).

71 For the reading of the precative as lepm s see also Sommerfeld 2003: 581. 72 It is not possible to distinguish a regional use of either sign in the Sargonic period. Velarization of /1/ and /II/ is a common phenomenon. Latin, for example, had a clear [IJarticulation for geminated /11/, but a velarized pronunciation fl] in forms like alter (Hock I99 l: 77). The pronunciation of Arabic 'allahu with velarized /II/ is another example of this phenomenon. 73 Krebernik 1982: 211. Gordon suggested that LI can stand for vowelless ii/ in Ebia (Gordon 1997: 43). If this is the case, I.I might indeed represent a shwa or /el-sound in Sargonic Akkadian.

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

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da-me /dame/ 'blood' (Gir 37: 7') SAM-me /sTme/ 'price' (MAD I 279: 2 TA)

Ml for obi pl: u-mi-su /yiimesu/ 'his days' (Na Al 2: 1 Marda)

ME is also used for representing gutturals:

original *ay and m connection with certain

me-da-a !meda'a! 'those who know (2)' (Di 10: 12') < *maydacii74 [l]irfs-mr /lismeC)/ 'he shall hear' (Ad 3: 19) < *lismac 11-dam-me-ki l'utammeki/ 'I conjure you' (MAD 5 8: 34 Kish) < * 'utammi'-ki /i-da-me-su, /litammesu/ 'he shall make him swear' (Di 2: 12) me-ih-m /melpu/ or /mihru/ 'copy' (MAD I 210: 7 Hat)

The word me!;rum is also written with MI in the same area: mi-ib-ri /miliri/ 'copy' (OAIC 25: 9 Di)

The particle that indicates direct speech, /-mi/ in Old Babylonian, is always written with ME in Sargonic Akkadian (Gir 19: 7,22; Ki 2: 12,15; Di I: 4; TA 4: 6; TB I: 2 etc.). There are quite a few spellings with ME that should reflect the syllable /mi/, not Imel, such as: da-me-im /damim/ 'blood' (OSP I 7: i 2' Nip) da-me-ig-da /damiqta! 'good (2)' (MAD 5 8: 7 Kish) li-sa-me-id-ma /lisa"midma/ 'he shall install' (Ga 3: 7) 75 me-su 4 lmTssul 'how' (Di IO: 16') 6 u-me-is-sa lyiimissa/7 'for her day' (MAD 5 8: 20 Kish)

The use of ME in the literary texts MAD 5: 8 and OSP I: 7 seems to be conditioned by the syllabary used in these texts. These two texts exclusively use ME, so that ME simply seems to be a free variant of MI. The sign Ml is used in environments that clearly require an Iii vowel, such as the preterite of IIl-y roots:

Sign pairs

All these forms have to be derived from *yikmiy(-u). Furthermore, the sign MI is used to write the interrogative particle m'inum (Gir 37: 8; Ki I: 4; Di I: 5; Di 7: 5; TA 2: 10'; Ga 6: 5). The distinction between MI and ME is also one of time and text genre, that is, of different scribal traditions. MI is the only sign used in Pre-Sargonic syllabic writing, as in mi-at for /mi'at/ 'hundred' (Iraq 40 519: i5 Abu-Sal.; TPM 18: ii Mari etc.), and is also, as mentioned above, the only sign used in royal inscriptions. In Ebia on the other hand, the sign ME is the more commonly used sign for the syllable /mi/. although MI and ME can interchange, as, for example in me-sum - mi-sum for /mesum/ 'kind of tree' .77 To summarize it can be said that ME is used for the syllabic value /me/ in Sargonic Akkadian when there is the need to express an /el vowel, but ME can also be used as a free variant of Ml. Ml on the other hand, except in royal inscriptions, is only used for /mi/. 2.4.5 RI - RI Gelb included the sign pair RI and Rf under those that supposedly distinguish presence and absence of a final release. 78 Already Sommerfeld noted in his Habi!itation that Ri is the only sign used in Sargonic royal inscriptions and that the use of RI as syllabic sign is a late Sargonic feature. Thus, according to Sommerfeld, 1 this sign pair should not be counted among those that are phonetically distinct. " Sommerfeld's observation is valid as far as both RI and Ri are used for the same morphemes, such as the I cs possessive suffix and the genitive singular construct: !cs poss. suffix with RI:

!cs poss. suffix with RI:

si-ib-ri lsipnl 'my messenger' (Di 4: 11)

si-ib-ri /siprT/'my work' (Um 4: 9)

Gen. sing. cstr. with RI:

Gen. sing. cstr. with RI: LUGAL-ri /sarri/ 'king' (Na B2: 8 Susa) ma!J-ri /maliri/ 'before' (Di 8: 18) mi-il;-ri /miliri/ 'copy' (OAIC 25: 9 Di) as-ri/'a0ri/ 'place' (MC 4 73: 16 unkn.) e-ri /(')eri/ 'destitute' (Ki 1: 8) na-ab-ha-ri-su-nu /napliansunu/ 'their totality' (Di 8: 16)

malJ-ri-su-nu /mal)rlsunu/ 'before them'

(JCS 28: rii7 Di)

i-ig-mi /yikmi/ 'he took captive' (Na I I: 19 Bas) ig-mi-11 /yikmi'u/ 'he took captive' (Na 7 1: I unkn.; D 12: 7; RTC 118: 16 Girsu) i-ig-mi-ma /yikmima/ 'he took captive' (Na Al l: 15 Marda)

"4 :5

'6

For a discussion of this form see section 4.5.11.7 below. Also note the spelling mi-su,a for the PN Missii'a in the letter Di 9: 6. The interpretation of this word is not certain. Westenholz suggested the reading /yiimissa/ 'for her day' (1977: 209) which is followed here because the reading /yiimesa/ 'her days' does not seem to fit the context.

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77 Krebemik1982: 209 and 1983: 17. 78 Gelb 1961: 35. 79 Sommerfeld 1987: 55 note I.

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

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Sign pairs

A distinction between long and short vowels is not possible because both RI and RI are used for both vowel qualities. 80 There is one case of an oblique plural that is written with RI. This morpheme is not written with Ri outside of royal inscriptions: Oblique plural with RI: ki-iz-ri-su /ki~resu/ 'his rents· (Si I: 12')

Another spelling with RI reflects an !el vowel in the construct of a noun with the original pattern *pars: e-ri-su-nu /(h}eressunu/ 'their plot ofland'

(Ga 3: 18; Ga 5: 11)
o, although we do not have any conclusive evidence to determine whether the diphthong *aw contracted to ·o · or to lu/ in Sargonic Akkadian. Any conclusions solely based on this sound change must therefore remain tentative. If the root *bdw belonged to the u - 11 class, the original form would have been * 'abtaduw, where *uw > u. This verb is therefore not useful in ascertaining whether TU could stand for the syllabic value dental + /o/. The form /natu/ on the other hand most likely had and original /u/ vowel in the second syllable because of the final labial, therefore deriving from *natuw > nafu. 107 So far, the evidence points to a syllabic value dental+ /u/ or Iii/ for the sign TU. The interpretation of the prefix spelling of 1-w roots with the sign TU depends on the derivation of the prefix vowel. Verbal roots of this kind lost initial *w when they had the original theme vowel Iii in the verbal form underlying the Akkadian 10 preterite. ' The preterite base for a root like *w0b would have been *0ib, not *w0ih

59

Another argument against an interpretation of TU as /to/ in verbal prefixes is that TU is also found in roots that have no initial *w, as in the Dt of *bnm: tu-ub-da-na-ma

/tu!itannama/ 'you (2) arc blooming' (MAD 5 8: 7 Kish)

It is therefore more likely that TU had no specific affiliation with an lo! vowel. The sign DU is very rare for the syllabic value dental + /u/. It never occurs in royal inscriptions and is, outside of personal names, hardly used at all. The analysis of this sign is made even more difficult by the fact that half of its attestations defy certain interpretation. Only two attestations can be analysed with certainty:

/quddusis/ 'to purify' ( Di 6: 11) li-ib-du-ur /liptur/ 'he shall redeem' (Su 3:

gu-du-si-is

12)

Two other attestations are uncertain with regard to root and nominal or verbal form: du-ri-ni /diln(n)ni?/ 'go around me''' (MAD 5 8: 21 Kish)

i-du-ru /yidurru?/ 'he goes around''. (MAD 5 8: 22 Kish) The root of these two words could be *dwr. 110 ln this case the first word, if it is indeed a fs imperative, should be reconstructed as *duwurf-(n)ni, where *uwu > ii. The second word is highly dubious. The examples quoted for the sign DU do not indicate underlying lo/ vowels, but seem to stand for voiced or emphatic dental + /u/ or Iii/. In the text MAD 5: 8 both TU and DU occur, DU for voiced /di and TU for voiceless /t/. Maybe in this text these two signs simply distinguish voiced and voiceless dentals, although this distinction is otherwise rare in Sargonic Akkadian. The use of the sign DU for the syllabic value dental + /u/ is mostly found in the area around Kish, in the Diyala region and in Susa, that is, the use of this sign is confined to the northern Babylonian and peripheral area. It is also in Kish, and this is most likely no coincidence, that the sign DU is used for the value /imi in the writing

106 Sommerfeld 1999: 21.

l n- The second vowel of this stative cannot be absolutely ascertained, but there is a tendency of stative roots containing a labial as a second or third root radical to prefer the theme Hrnel /u/ over ii! or !al (Huehnergard 2000: 120). In~ This phenomenon is also attested in most West Semitic languages, such as Arabic. Hebrew, Ge''ez. The imperative of 1-w roots in Akkadian suggests the same development,

such as rid from *wrd. The reason for the loss of initial *w is unknown. For different suggestions and literature see Huehnergard 1987b: 191-93 and Testen 1998: 171. I 09 For this derivation see also Huehnergard I987: 191-93. 110 See Westenholz 1977: 209.

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Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

Sign pairs

of the prefix /yim/ in economic texts. 111 It therefore seems that the use of DU originated in connection to specific areas. 112 The default sign for dental + /u/ and /ii/ was TU in Sargonic Akkadian.

No exceptions for this spelling are known to me. The verbal root *kwn is only attested once outside personal names and in this instance it is written with GU: da-gu-un

2.4.l 1 GU - KU Sommerfeld suggested that the sign pair GU and KU, similarly to his interpretation of DU and TU, distinguishes two different vowel qualities. 113 This assumption is based on his observation that the preterite of the root *kwn is supposedly regularly 114 Most of the attestations of this root are found in written with the sign GU . personal names, and the evidence here is far from being uniform. Of the 17 names quoted under this root in MAD 3, only four are written with GU, the other 13 are written with KU. 115 When we look at the attestations for the sign GU, there is no direct evidence for an /o/ vowel quality. The sign is once used for the masculine plural of a verb in the preterite: i-la-gu /yillaku! 'they will go· (HSS X 200: 13 Ga)

Otherwise it is mainly used for roots that contain etymological *q: GU for *qu: ililquta/ 'they (2) shall gather up' (Sa I: 5' Susa; Na 3 2: 29 Susa; Na Al 2: 19 Marda; Sks 2 2: 12 Nip) li-il-gu-111 /lilqutu! 'they shall gather up' (Na I 3: 35 Bas; Na 5 4: 4 PirHus; Sks I: 24 Nip) gu-du-si-is /quddusis/ 'to purify' (Di 6: 11) 110 gu-su-ra-im /qusurra'im/ 'restitution' (MAD I 179: 21 TA; similar OAIC 4: 15 Di; MAD44: 17TA) g11-ud-n11-11m/qutnum/ 'cloth' (OAJC 11: 13 Di) li-il-gu-da

The most striking exception to this use is the writing of the first person singular independent pronoun with GU: a-na-gu /'anaku/ (Girl9:24;Gir37:4;Si

I: I1';Ga3: 15)

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itakiini 'she established' (AuOr 9 5: ii 4' Di)

Even this spelling does not indicate an /o/ vowel. The verb *kwn belongs to the a - u class, the preterite therefore originally had the form *yV-kwun. Why the diphthong *wu should contract to !oi is not evident to me. More indicative for the syllabic value of GU than the root *kwn is its use in original royal inscriptions. In this corpus GU is exclusively used for original *qu. Exceptions are only found in OB copies. It is therefore likely that GU originally stood for /qui. This assumption seems to be confirmed by the use of KU in royal inscriptions. The sign KU is only used to represent the syllable /kul in this corpus: KU for /kui in royal inscriptions and date formulas: /yusa1s1sakiinii 'he will remove' (Man I: 55 Susa; Na I 3: 10 Bas; Na 5 3: 7 PirHus; Na Al 2: 12 Marda; Sks I: 14 Nip; Sks 2 2: 4 Nip) ~fs-ku-un~ /yiskuni 'he placed' (Na 5 3: l PirHus) is-ku-nu /yiskunui 'he placed' (D 15: 6; D 27: 4: D 25: 4) i-li-ku iyillikui 'he went' (D 11: 4) u-sa-za-ku-ni

To my knowledge, there are no exceptions in Old Babylonian copies. The distribution of GU and KU in this corpus therefore seems to have been a distinction of emphatic !qui versus voiceless /ku/. Only if we assume that *q colored the following /ul vowel there could also have been a distinction in vowel qualities, but this assumption is not provable. 117 The evidence outside of royal inscriptions is less regular. GU is mostly used for /qui, but exceptions do occur, as in the cases of /'anakul and /yillaku/ quoted above. The sign KU is mostly used for /ku/ and igu/ in letters and economic texts. but also in these texts exceptions do occur, mostly in northern Babylonia and the Diyala region, where KU is used for /qui: KU for /qui: /quradum/ 'hero' (MAD I 192: 3 TA) zu-ku-na /zuqqunai 'bearded' (Di 4: 10) isu-k11-lu /yiOqulii/ 'they weighed out' (MAD 5 65: 34 Kish) /u-u!i-ku-11/-kum /luOqulkum/ 'I shall weigh out for you' (OAIC 10: 10 Di) ku-ra-tum

111 See Westenholz 197R: 162 and below section2.4.17. 112 DU is the standard sign for dental + /u/ in the syllabary of Ebia (Krebemik 1982: 207). I 13 Sommerfeld 1999: 21. 114 Sommerfeld 1999: 21. l l :i Gelb 19732 : 138. 11h The etymology assumed here is *qsr, deriving from the Hebrew cognate qfr 'to bind'. Syriac has qtr 'to bind. which suggests original *qHr, but Arabic has a similar verb qsr. The important consonant in our context is the first radical, and all cognates point to original *q.

117 This assumption is nevertheless unlikely since Akkadian emphatics, including /q/, were most likely glottalized, as indicated by Geer's Law. Glottalized consonants do not usually color adjacent vowels as phamgeali,ed consonants do.

Sign pairs

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

62

These exceptions are only a small group within the evidence for KU. It is possible that the initial differentiation between GU = /qu/ and KU = /ku/ was lost because other stops are not distinguished regarding voice and emphasis in the writing system, that is, because DA, GA etc. were used to represent /da/, /ta/, /ta/ and /gal, /ka/, /qa/, the use of GU and KU, which originally distinguished voice and emphasis, was expanded to the other velars of this triad. The original distinction of GU and KU suggested here is therefore not one of vowel quality, but one of emphasis. 11x

24.12 BU - BU This sign pair does not distinguish any kind of vowel or consonantal qualities. The sign BU is a vestige of an older usage that is also found in the syllabary of Ebia. In Ebia, BU was the standard sign for the syllable /bu/. In Sargonic Akkadian this sign is rare and is only attested in three words:

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11-da-bi-bu-si-ma /yudabbibusimai 'they confounded her' (MAD 5 8: 30 Kish) u-fo-bu /yu00abii/ 'they stay' (Gir 27: 6 ·) u-as-bu /wa0bii/ 'they are staying· (Ad 3: 16) Ii-is-bu /lisbii/ 'they shall stay' (Ga 7: 11) wa-si-bu /wasibii/ 'dwellers' (MAO 5 15: 3' Kish) AB+AS-bu-lim /sibutim/ 'witnesses' (TA I: 12 et al.) bu-bu-tim /bubutim/ 'hunger' (llm 3: 19)

BU for /pu/: i-bu-lam-ma /yippulamma/ 'he broke' (Na 3 2: 10 Susa) is-bu-uk /yispuk/ 'he heaped up' (Na 5 3: 4 PirHus) bu-11s-ki-im /pusqim/ 'hardship' {Na l 1: 20 Bas) a-bu-na-ma /'appunnama/ 'moreover' (Gir 19: 6) is-bu-ra-am /yispuram/ 'he sent' (Ga I0: 2') da-as-bu-ra-am /taspuram/ 'you sent' (OSP I 7: ii l' Nip)

119

M-1l-la-ti 1bu'ulati/ 'subjects' (Sks 2 1: 7 Nip: Sks 5: 4 unkn.) a-bi,-su /'abusu/ 'his father' (OAIC 36: 28 Di) bz1-s11/pusui 'hismouth' (MADI 186:9,lOTA)

Interestingly, the first two words are only written with the sign BU m Sargonic texts.

120

The sign BU is rare in Ebia and mostly found in personal names. 121 In the Sargonic syllabary BU is the standard sign for the syllables /bu/, /bu/, /pu/ and /pii/. BU for /bu/: bu-bu-ut /hubuti 'interest free loan' (BIN 8 141: 12 Me-sag) hu-bu-lim /lrnbullim/ 'interest' (MOP 24 324: 4,30 Susa) hu-bu-li /1:iubulli/'interest' (BIN 8 139: 4) bu-ra-ma-li iburramati/ ·colored' (MAD 5 8: 13 Kish) ti-bu-ud-tum /tibbuttum/ 'kind of plant' (MAD 5 8: 26 Kish) BU for /bii/: 118 The same distinction, although between the signs GU and GU, is found in Ebia. GU is usually used for iqu 1 and GU for /kui, but exceptions do occur (Krebemik 1982: 207). 1\/eyertheless,this is an interesting parallel to the Sargonic usage and strengthens the analysis of GU as /qui and KU as /ku/. I Ill This word is transcribed with bau in Gelb and Kienast (1990) on the basis of the SB form of this word ba 'iiliitum. The value ba 11 is not othern ise attested for Ni which makes this reading problematic. Krebemik and Frayne suggested to read it as bu instead (Krebemik 1991: 136; Frayne 1992: 628). This suggestion is followed here. 120 From Ur-Ill on the word /'abu-/ is more often written with BU than with BU (Hilgert 2002 54) 1.:I Krebernik 1982: I 84.

BU for /pii/: bu-ti /puti/ 'opposite' (D 25: 3) bu-ti-su /putTsu/ 'his shoulder' (MAD 5 8 29 Kish)

The sign BU is used in all environments and took over the role of BU in the PreSargonic northern Mesopotamian syllabary. The reason for this change in scribal practice is not known, When we look at royal inscriptions as the most standardized Sargonic Akkadian corpus, it seems that BU is only used for the voiced bilabial /bu/, and BU only for its voiceless counterpart /pu/. Because our evidence is rather scarce this distinction cannot be established with certainty. In our corpus the use of BU seems to be an archaism reflecting an earlier scribal practice.

2.4.13 LA - LA Nothing conclusive can be said about this sign pair. LA is the standard sign for the syllables /la/ and /la/ in all text genres and areas. The sign LA is exceedingly rare; only two attestations are known to me in syllabic writings, one of those in an Old Babylonian copy. The other attestation is in an economic text from the Diyala region in which LA is used in connection with a root Ill-11·: ma-ad-la-um /madla'um/ 'bucket' (OAIC 37: 8 Di) < *dlw

This is, of course, not enough evidence to draw any conclusions.

2.4.14 IL- IL Although the use of the sign iL is rare, we can nervetheless distinguish different environments for the signs IL and IL.The sign iL is always used for syllable onsets, usually for the third person prefix _i·i-:

64

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

ILfor# yil-: il-gi-ma /yilqe(h)ma/ 'he took' (TA I: 6) il-ga /yilqab/ 'he took' (MAD 5 82: 6 UeJ) fl-gi-am-ma /yilqe(h)amma/ 'he took' (OAIC 7: 23 Di) The evidence suggests that the sign ILwas used as a at least in the Diyala region and in the area around corpora for this syllabic value as well is not possible have any attestations from other areas. The sign IL on the other hand is never used for Babylonian copies and in a personal name:

eve sign for the syllable /yiV Kish. If it was used in other to determine since we do not syllable onsets, except in Old

li-il-gu-da ililquta/ 'they (2) shall gather up' (Sa I: 5' Susa; Na 3 2: 29 Susa; Na Al 2: 19 Marda et al.) li-il-ga /lilqab/ 'he shall take' (Pu I: 7) li-il-ga-ma /lilqahma/ 'he shall take' (Di 2: 9) ii-la-at /'lllat/ PN (TA 4: 13)

The difference between IL and IL therefore lies in the presence or absence of an initial release. IL is a eve sign, representing /yiV, and IL is ave sign used for /ii/. 2.4.15 MA- MA The sign pair MA and MA distinguishes, as has already been observed by Gelb, presence and absence of a final release. 122 MA represents the simple syllabic value 'ma/ without final release, while MA is used when we would expect /ma + GI: MA for /ma+ GI: 1i-ma /'umma'/ 'I swear' (Man I: 50 Susa; Gir 37: 5') < *wm · 1i-ma /'umma'/ 'I swear' (Gir 19: 29; Ad 3: 9) id-ma-i1 /yitma'ii/ 'they swore' (MAD I 135: r5 TA; OAIC 51: x+3 Di) as-ma-ma i'asma'ma/ 'I heard' (Gir 37: 3) is-ma-DINGIR /Yisma"'ilum/ PN (Ga 5: 9; Ga 8: 3 etc) The preterite of ta mum is occasionally written with MA instead of expected MA: id-ma /yitma/ 'he swore' (MAD 5 21: 7 Kish) id-ma-11 /yitma'ii/ 'they swore' (MOP 14 44: 14 Susa)

Sign pairs

65

2.4.16 AM-AM These two signs show traces of an originally phonetic distinction. The difference between the two signs lies in the initial release. The sign AM is only rarely used, but its attestations indicate that AM was used for the syllables /'am/, /ham/ and original */warn/. The latter was most likely already reduced to /'arn/. 123 AM for /ham/: ti-am-tim /tihiimtim/ 'sea' (MAD I 192: 2,4 TA) AM for /'am/ and */warn/: am-hur /'aml)ur/ 'I received' (Ad 10: 7) li-si-ri-am /liseri'am/ 'he shall send to me' (Su 2: 28) When the word tihiimtim is written with AM, an A sign is inserted to indicate the presence of /h/: ti-a-am-tim /tihamtim/ 'sea' (Man I: 15 Susa; Na 2 3: 3 Nin)

Roots ll-y IIl-w/y with the ventive are more often written with simple AM and not, as the one attes~tion from Susa quoted above, with AM: /i-su-ri-am /lisiiri'am/ 'he shall send here' (Gir 34: 8) u-rn-am /yuru'am/ 'he brought' (Su 3: 16) nu-rn-am /nuru'am/ 'we brought' (MAD I I 59: 3 TA) Ii-Ii-am /li'li'am/ 'he shall come up' (Ga 2: 6)

Once we find a similar case as with tihiimtim where an A sign is inserted to mark syllable initial/'/: su-zi-a-am /sii~i'am/ 'send here'' (Ki I: 15)

The normative spelling of these root types plus ventive was with AM and not AM. Sargonic texts from Susa sometimes use different signs than the more standardized texts from Mesopotamia proper. Except for the ventive morpheme on III-wl*y roots, AM is not used in the same environments as AM and does not usually stand for syllable onsets, as in: is-bu-ra-am /yispuram/ 'he sent to me' (Ga 10: 2') la-ma-na-am /lamiinam/ 'to be angl)'' (MAD 5 91: rev.2 UeJ) etc.

This spelling probably indicates the weakening of the final release, although it could also be a scribal variation. The sign MA is not used for the environment /ma + GI in other roots. The distinction of MA as /ma/ and MA as /ma + GI can be considered as certain.

One attestation of AM is still noteworthy. It is once used, in an economic text from the Diyala region, for original *~am:

l:?2 Gelb 1961: 19. For the same distinction in Ebia see Krebemik 1982: 209.

123 For a more detailed discussion see section 2.6 below.

il-gi-am-ma /yilqe(h)amma/ 'he took' (OAIC 7: 23 Di)

66

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

Sign pairs

The writing with GI indicat es tha t the raising of a > e I_ f:ihad already occurred in this case . The writing with AM in additi on suggest s that the *ft was most likely lost. We can conclude that AMwas used as a eve sign in Sargonic Akkadian, representin g the sy llabl es /ham/ and /' am/. Th e sign AM on the other hand seems to lw wh en it stand for the syllable /a m/ without initia l release, except in verbs 111-y 124 reflect s the ventive morphem e.

In all these form s IN is used for the syllabic value / in/ . It is also used when we would expect the sy llabic value /en/:

67

11-gi-in /yuken/ 'he established' (Na 6 V 3: I unkn.) < •yukaww in

The use of EN is restricted to the introductory formula enma in letters and person a l names, such as en-ni-na / Ennina/ (Su 2: 14). EN is not used in royal inscriptions. except in an Old Babylonian cop y where we find :

2.4.17 IM - IM4 (= DU)

en-ar /yiniir/ 'he conquered' (Na C5 : 39 Ur)

The use of the sign DU for the syllabic value /im/ is restricted to the Old Akkadian 121 period . It is unknown where thi s syllabic value came from . 126 Its use is restricted to the personal name im,-da -lik /Imtalik/ (e.g. MAD I 4: rev .7 TA; Rash 8: 20 TSul) and very few occurrence s for the prefix /yim / in the verbal root *mbr:

Sin ce the only certain and original attestation for EN is enma, it is difficult to say anything specific about its syllabic value. The particle enma is related to later 12 Akkadian umma, and to particle s like Hehr ew hinne, hen, and Arabic 'inna. ~ When we consider Hebrew hen < *hin we might sugges t the original form *hin-ma for Sargonic enma. Perhaps thi s is even the form pre serve d in Sargonic lett ers. Since IN also seem s to indicate the sy llabl e /en/ , the difference has to lie somewhere else than in the quality of the vowel. The interpretation of EN as eve sign might therefore be 12 justified. "

DU for /yim/: im,-bur /yimbur/ 'he received' (MAD 5 6: 3 Kish; MAD 5 42: 7 Kish) im,-/:111-rn-nis u,-ma /yimburiinissuma/ ' they reached him' (Na 6 I : 2' unkn.)

Intere stingl y, two o f the se occurrences are from the area of Kish, while the third is of unknown provenance. The same verbal form s are more often writt en with the sign IM , independent of their place of ori gin . Even in Kish we find more spelling s with IM than with IM 4 (MAD 5 24: 7; MAD 5 30: 4'; MAD 5 65 : 6). The use of IM 4 for the prefix /yim/ is therefore mo st likel y a scribal variation and doe s not necessaril y 127 The standard sign for the indicat e a phonetic distincti on of the se tw o signs. sy llabl e / im/ , including the prefix /y im/, in Sargonic Akkadian is IM .

2.4.19 IR - IR Alre ady Ge lb sugge sted that there was a phon etic di st incti on between IR and IR, although he did not specify of which kind this distinction might have been.'3° It is obvi ous that the difference must be one of presence or absence of an initial release. Th e sign iR is only used for syllable onsets, often for the 3'd person prefi x /yi- / : ir-ku-zu /yirku'sul ' they tied' (P BS 9 30: 6; OSP 2 24: 6 Nip) ir-da -,i /yirda'u/ 'he led' (MAD 'i 14: 8 Kish) O B copy: ir-gu-us /yirku1s/ 'he tied' (Man C I: 4 1 Nip)

2.4.18 IN - EN The default sign for the syll able / in/ in Sar go nic Akkadian is IN. It is usually not used for syllable onsets, as in :

Oth erwi se the sign iR is mainl y attested in per so nal name s such as ir-e-bum /lr 'eb um/ (Ki 4: 4; TA I: 5) and i-ti-ir-ra Ni ddin ·erra/ (Um 2: 8 etc. ). The sign IR is not used for the prefix /yi-/ , but does occas ionall y occ ur at the beginning of a word or for a syll able onset:

sar -ri-si-in /sarrcsin/ 'their kings' (Na 7 V 3: 4 ' unkn.) /i -da -ni -in /lidannin/ 'he shall strengthen' (Um 4: I 0) Ii-Ii-in /liddin/ ' he shall give' (Um 4 : 7) na-ti-in /nadin/ ' given' (MAD 5 3: 8 Kish) et al.

sa -ir /0a'i r/ 'victor' (Na 3 I : 6 Susa; Na A I I : 6 Marda)

11 1

I 2-I The

general use of the sign AM for the ventive morpheme on all other root types might be the reason why we also find this spelling in roots 111-ylw,that is, the use of AM was morphographemic. 125 Gelb 196 1: 19. I 26 Lambert suggested that the reading of DU as /im/ may be a shortened form of gim or kim (Lambert 1956: IOO). It might also simply be the sign iM = KAS, without sessig (Y . Cohen, p.c.). 12" Westenholz indicated that DU was used for the syllable /yim/ in OAkk. but he does not suggest that it was an original CVC sign (Westenholz 1978: 162).

128 For this derivation see already Kraus 197 6 : 98. 129 An interesting suggestion concerning the syllabic value of EN in Ebia was made by

Krebemik. He assumes that a secondary value 'e, besides en might have developed in the syllabary of Ebla because /n/ was usually assimilated to a following consonant (Krehemik 1982: 186).

130 Gelb 1961: 35. !31 Arabic has a cognate 0'r 'to avenge / take blood revenge' which might be cognate .fo 'c1111 m in Akkadian.

··~· l,,,

lo

68

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

Sign pairs

ir-tim l'irtiml 'chest' (Na 5 2: 5 PirHus) ir-e-ma-am /lr'emam/ PN (MAD 5 8: I Kish, similar line 3)

2.4.21 SA - SA. The signs SA and SA. do not distinguish different vowel qualities or consonants_l3 4 SA is the standard sign for the syllabic values /sa/ and /sii./. The sign SA. is used rarely, its use is generally restricted to Old Akkadian and Old Assyrian. In Sargonic Akkadian, it is mainly found in two cities, Girsu and Tell Asmar. Both SA and SA. are also used in Pre-Sargonic inscriptions in personal names:

More frequent is the use of JR as second sign in a syllable: da-sa-bi-ir /tasabber/ 'you will smash' (OSP I 7: i5' Nip) ti-ir-lza-[dam] /tirl)atam/ 'bridal price' (MAD I 169: ii 5 TA) ki-se-ir-tim /kisertim/ 'prison' (Ga 7: 8) li--.ve-ir /lisilser/ 'he shall put in order' (Um 3: 27)

The sign IR is mostly used as syllabic value /ir/, but can also stand for syllables that, at least originally, had the structure /'ir/ and /'er/. The sign IR on the other hand seems to be a sign for the syllabic value /yir/ or /yer/. 132

eve

2.4.20 UR- URt The evidence for both of these signs is scarce and no distinction found. The sign UR is the standard sign for the value /ur/, as in:

69

in usage can be

11-zu-ur /'usurl 'guard 1' (Gir 19: 5) li-zu-11r /li55ur/ 'he shall guard' (Ga I: 4; Ga 3: 17) li-ib-Ju-11r /lipjur/ 'he shall redeem' (Su 3: 12) u-ur-da-ni /yurdanni/ 'he came down' (BIN 8 134: 9 Me-sag) ur-ki-im /'urkim/ 'length' (OAIC 11: 10 Di)

The sign URt is used rarely in syllabic spellings, its use being generally restricted to 3 the Old Akkadian period_l3 The syllabic attestations mainly come from one text, MAD 5: 8, in which URt is used exclusively: tu-ur,-Ja- /turdama/ 'you (2) came down' (MAD 5 8: 8,9 Kish) ur,-ki furki! 'your vulva' (MAD 5 8: 15 Kish)

Other attestations are found in place or personal names, as in: si-mu-ur,-ri-1,K' /Simurri'tt/ 'Simurrians' (Ga 3: 10)

The evidence is not sufficient to draw any conclusions, but it nevertheless seems that the use of URt in MAD 5:8 is a scribal variant of UR. Otherwise its use is confined to names.

132 For the values of these signs see also Westenholz 1978: 162. It is impossible to determine whether i > e Ir in all cases, in which case we would have to read the signs IR and iR as er/ and Iyer/ respectively, since we can only inter the quality of the vowel from a preceding CV sign, which are often ambiguous regarding the differentiation of Iii and le!. 1.1.1Von Soden and Rollig 1967: 63.

SA in Pre-Sargonic inscriptions: bi'1-sa-GAL /Pilsarabi/ PN (VP 12: 2 Sip)

SA in Pre-Sargonic inscriptions: sa-lim /Salim/ PN (Mari 23: I)

Both signs are used for the S-infix and for the root *slm. The use of SA and SA. for the S-infix is not dependent on the structure of the root. Both signs can be followed by a guttural or non-guttural: SA for the S-infix: 11-sa-za-ku-ni /yusa's'sakuni/ 'he will remove' (Man I: 55 Susa; Na I 3: 10 Bas; Na 5 3: 7 PirHus; et al.) u-sa-ri-ib /yusa'rib/ 'he led in' (Na A I I: 18 Marda)' 15 u-sa-za-za-su 4 /yusazzazzassu/ 'he makes him stand' (Frag 3: 4' Bab?) u-sa-am-la-su,-ma /yusamlasuma/ 'he fills it' (MOP 14 90: 12 Susa) lu-sa-hi-la-kum /lusabilakkum/ '1 shall send to you' (Ki I: 12) sA for the s-infix: u-sa-ri-ib /yusa'rib/ 'he led in' (Na 2 4: 5 Nin; OB copy: Sa Cl 102 Nip) li-sa-ki-id /lisa'kid/ 'he shall hurry' (Gir 1: 3') 11-sa-ti-in /yusaddin/ 'he caused to give' (Gir 17: 6) OB copy: u-sa-l;i-su-ni /yusal)issune/ 'he settled them (2)' (Sa Cl: 102 Nip) SA for *slm: 11-sa-lim /yusallim/ 'he paid' (MAD 5 3: 15 Kish) sA for *slm: sa-lim-da /salimta/ 'they (2) are well' (TA 5: 9)

134 Gelb suggested that SA., together with SE 11 and SU4 , represents PS *6 in both Ebia and Old Akkadian. Gelb designated this sibilant as s4 in MAD 2 and assumed a realization as FzJ(Gelb I 96 I: 52). This analysis does not conform to the etymologies or the words written with these three signs, which usually is *s. PS *6 on the other hand is regularly written with the Z-series in OAkk. There is no indication that SA, SE 11 and SU4 represent different sibilants than SA, SI and SU. 135 Note that different original inscriptions use different signs for the S-infix. Na 2 4: 5 Nin has sa, while Na Al I: 18 Marda has sa.

70

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

SA is furthermore once used for an unknown profession in an economic text from Tell Asmar: s,i-ri-im /sar1m/

'?'

(MAD 1 169: ii IOTA)

These attestations, especially the interchangeable use of both signs in original royal inscriptions, indicate that SA is not primarily used in different phonetic 136 The difference in use rather seems to lie in the environments or roots than SA. provenience of the texts. Most attestations of the S-infix written with SA come, as far as we can tell, from Girsu or from royal inscriptions. No attestation of this morpheme written with SA is found in the texts from this city which indicates that the use of SA in Girsu is most likely based on a local scribal tradition. The two attestations from Tell Asmar reflect the same tradition underlying those from Girsu, but in this corpus SA is used more frequently than SA. The use of SA in the texts from Tell Asmar seems to be an idiosyncrasy from one or two scribes rather than a generally distinct scribal practice. A few attestations of SA are still noteworthy. In nearly all cases SA is used to represent original *sa and *fo, as in the 3fs pronominal suffix -sa (MAD 5 8: 20,23 Kish; MOP 14 90: 9 Susa; MAD 1 181: ii TA; MAD I 7: x+I: 6 TA), the aforementioned attestations of the S-infix, and roots containing original *s or *,s. There are a few attestations in which SA is used for original *0a. In this case SA has often been transcribed as sa1n. In my opinion, it would be more adequate to transcribe these attestations with sa, because they most likely reflect the same phenomenon as mentioned in section 2.4.6 with regard to SI, namely a beginning 137 merger of the three phonemes *s, *sand *fJ. The attestations are: SA for *Ba: da-sa-bi-ir ltasabber/ 'you will smash' (OSP 1 7: i5' Nip) /11-sa-bu /tussabu/ 'you will sit' (Ad 12: 16) a-sa-ga-al /'asaqqal/ 'I will weigh out' (TA 3: 21) i-sa-ga-al /yisaqqaf/ 'he will weigh out' (UCP IX 83: iv 12 unkn.) sa-li-is-lim /salistim/ 'third' (TA 7: 9')

I y, Although SA is also used in syllables CYG, in my opinion there is not enough evidence to conclude that sA is exclusively used as a CVG sign, especially since the sign is also used for fom1s of the root *slm. 1_,- This observation was already made by Thureau-Dangin who points out that •o and *sh are usually distinguished in the writing "mais cette distinction tendant sans doute deja a ne plus etre observee dans la prononciation." (Thureau-Dangin I 926: 28). He explains c,ceptions like 111-sa-hu by the underlying change in pronunciation (ibid.).

Sign pairs

71

2.4.22 SU - SU - SU4 These three signs are mainly attested in the pronominal suffixes of the 3ms and 3mp. 118 · The sign used in the Pre-Sargonic perio d ts . - From thc argomc peno d on, we find the sign SU for the possessive suffix, while SU 4 is used for the accusative su,ffix and the anaphoric pronoun. Why the orthography changed from Pre-Sargonic SU to Sargonic SU is not clear. In the Sargonic period, SU, besides representing the possessive suffix, is the standard sign for the syllables /su/ and /sill. SU 4 is only used in rare occasions as syllabic value outside the accusative suffix or anaphoric pronoun. In these cases we often find parallel writings with SU:

su·

SU4 as syllabic value: me-su 4 /missu/ 'why' (Di 10: 16') ik-su,-ra /yiksura/ 'he bound' (OAIC 36: 9 Di) gu-su,-ra-im /qusurra'im/ 'transaction' (MAD 4 4: 17 TA)

s

·

·

Parallels with SU: ik-su-ra /yiksura/ 'he bound' (OAIC 14: 30 Di) gu-su-ra-im /qusurrii'im/ 'transaction' (OAIC 4: 15 Di)

All these attestations come from the Diyala region. It is consequently not possible to distinguish certain areas in which the use of SU 4 is preferred over the use of SU. The attestations also show that the sign SU 4 , when used syllabically, is not phonetically 139 different from SU. The distinction of SU and SU 4 in the pronominal system is very consistent. Royal inscriptions, except Old Babylonian copies, never confuse SU as possessive suffix with SU 4 as accusative suffix and anaphoric pronoun. In letters we find one or two occasions in which SU is used for the accusative suffix (Ki 4: 9; Gir 29: 12), but the majority of the texts conform with the distribution found in royal inscriptions. Only one exception in which SU 4 is used for the possessive suffix is known to me (OAIC 36: 29 Di). The reason for the strict differentiation between the possessive suffix and the 140 accusative suffix/ anaphoric pronoun is not clear. A suggestion will be provided in section 4.2.2.2 below. 138 To my knowledge, only possessi,e suffixes are attested for Pre-Sargonic Akkadian. Al Ebia, the 3ms genitive suffix is usually written s11,while the accusative suffix can be written as either -su or -s11(Fronzaroli 1982: 96; Pettinato 1996: 1197). The anaphoric pronoun is usually written with Sll, su-wa (Fronzaroli 1982: 95). 139 Sommerfeld assumes that SU and SU4 reflect two different vowel qualities, /u/ and /o/ respectively, although he does not provide a phonological explanation for this differentiation (Sommerteld 2003: 576). For a different explanation for the use of these two signs see section 4.2.2.2 below 140 Frayne analysed the independent form as original demonstrative pronoun *fiu 'a and drew the conclusion that SU4 was used for both *su and */111(Frayne 1992: 620). This analysis

72

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

2.4.23 ES -

1s11 -

is (=IS) 141

Of these three signs only ES and IS11 form an actual sign pair. is is included here because it is often transliterated as is for etymological *i0, in which case it would have been used as a variant of IS 11. The sign IS 11, a combination of the signs LAM+KUR, is only used in Old Akkadian. It has been pointed out that it is used to represent etymological *i0, 142as

m:

Gutturals

73

a-bu-uz, /'iilmz/ 'I took' (MAD 5 8: 12,13.15,32 Kish)

The same root is also written with UZ: i-bu-uz /yThuz/ 'he took' (Ki 2: 8; JCS IO 2: ii 2 Nip?)

UZ is furthermore used for etymological *'s: da-ah-ru-uz /tapru's/ 'you withheld' (Di 7: 5)

is;rar /yi0'ar/ 'he was victorious' (Man I: 19 Susa; Na I 1: 15 Bas; Na 7 3: 2' unkn.; Na Al I: 12Mardaetc.) is;;-ku-/u /yi0qulii/ 'they weighed out' (MAD 5 65: 34 Kish)

~his sign therefore represents the syllable /i0/ or even /yi0/. The sign ES is rarer than IS 11 and appears in the same environment: es-a-111

/yi0'aru/ 'he was victorious' (MAD I 236: 15 Haf)

Why ES was used in this case is not determinable: it seems to be a mere variant of IS11The sign is is used to represent etymological *sand *sin Sargonic Akkadian. In rare occasions it is used for etymological *0 (TA 7: 9' *010; Ga 7: I I *w0b), in which case it is usually transcribed as is according to Old Babylonian usage. It is unlikely that the sign used for *s and *.{ in Sargonic Akkadian is also used for *0, since the syllabary had a distinct sign to represent this phoneme, IS 11. It is more likely that, again, the writing with IS represents the beginning merger of these three phonemes to *s. The sign IS is therefore always transcribed as is in this study. The sign GIS, which has the syllabic value /is/ from Old Babylonian on, is transcribed as i:: in all cases. in order to distinguish it from is = /is/.

2.4.24

uz -

Although evidence phoneme might be

it would theoretically be possible to assume that UZ, represents *o,the is not sufficient to make any conclusive statement, especially since the 144 *dis not otherwise distinguished in the syllabary. The signs UZ and UZ, simple scribal variants.

2.5 Gutturals Another major problem regarding the Sargonic writing system is the representation of the Proto-Semitic phonemes /' /, /hi, 11)!.0 and lg!. We are not able to distinguish these phonemes in Sumerian and. consequently, there are no evident signs to 145 represent them in the cuneiform script. In later Akkadian, that is, from Old Babylonian on, 11)/,fl and lg! had raised adjacent /a/ vowels to /e/ and were subsequently reduced to @. 146The phonemes /' I and /hi merged to /' /, which was lost in most environments without a> e. The original presence of the gutturals 11)/,fl and lg! can therefore be noticed by the raising of a > e in later dialects. while the 147 phonemes/'/ and /hi did not influence the quality of adjacent /a/ vowels. The question arises whether or not gutturals were still preserved in Sargonic Akkadian. This is generally answered affirmatively among Akkadian scholars, 148 It is although the opinions differ with regard to the extent of their preservation. generally accepted that the two groups of gutturals that have different outcomes in

UZ, (=ES)

These two signs are exceedingly rare. It has been suggestes that UZ, (=ES), also transcribed as UZ". represents the PS phoneme *d. because the sign is only used in the root * 'ijd: 143 li-/111-uz,!ITr!u?J 'he shall take' (Gir 3: 9)

is problematic. because the anaphoric pronoun has to be derived from *su 'a and not *Ou ·a since it is related to the independent pronoun which had the PS sibilant *s (Voigt 1988 and 1994). 141 As mentioned in the introduction, section 1.5, 1 distinguish between GIS = /iz/ and IS = 'isl in my transcriptions because this distinction reflects the Sargonic Akkadian phonology more faithfully. l 42 For this syllabic value see, for example, Krebernik 1991: 136. 143 St,mmerfeld I 987: 142-43.

I 44 Another argument against the interpretation of UZ, as /uo/ is the fact that original *rl is 1 usually written with the Z-series, which most likely implies a merger of *1Jwith *' ::: to *J:::,since the Z-series is primarily used for the representation of affricates. I 45 For Sumerian see Thomsen 200 I 3 : 41. 146 At least this is the traditional perception. Kogan argued in a recent article that a > e in the environment of lg! and the subsequent loss of lg! have not been as regular as usually assumed, but that /g/ also frequently changed to ihl. especially in early periods (Kogan 2001: 284). 147 This is, of course, a simplified description of the phenomenon. Also Ir! raised a > c in some words in connection with /' /, such as ersctum < * 'arsatum, but this change does not reflect a regular sound change in OB or other Akkadian dialects and is therefore different from the regular a> e I_[' 3_5) (Huehnergard 1998: 592). 148 See, e.g., Krebernik 1985: 59; Gelb 1981: 19: von Soden 19953: § 23c; von Soden and Rollig 1967: XXII; Westenhol7 1978: 161-62.

74

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

Gutturals

Old Babylonian, that is '1-2 versus '3. 5 , were still distinguished in Old Akkadian. 149 This assumption is based on the fact that the raising of a> e [' 3. 5 ] is not regularly attested in the Old Akkadian orthography. In a lot of cases we find spellings reflecting the original /a/ vowel, as in !i-if-ga /lilqal:iJ 'he shall take' (Pu I :7; Di 2: 9) for OB /lilqe/, as-ma-ma /'asmacma/ 'I heard' (Gir 37: 3) for OB /esme/ etc. In order to analyse these spellings we have to assume that Sargonic Akkadian is, at least to a certain degree, related to one of the later Akkadian dialects that underwent a > e / ['J.s]. One argument in favor of this assumption is that later dialects uniformly underwent the raising of /a/ in these environments, and that we find traces of the beginning of this sound change within Sargonic Akkadian itself. 150 A further orthographic indication for gutturals in Sargonic Akkadian is the use of special ~igns indicating the presence of a final or initial release, such as MA for .'ma + GI, AM for JG + am/, as has been discussed in section 2.4. These signs do not indicate the quality of the underlying guttural, so that we cannot infer whether or not certain gutturals had merged on the basis of such spellings. A third, and last, method for indicating gutturals in Sargonic Akkadian is by the use of what is known from later dialects as 'vowel signs'. In Sargonic Akkadian these vowel signs are mostly CV signs, indicating a guttural / glide + vowel. Certain ,owe! signs are only used for specific Proto-Semitic gutturals, such as E for /ha/ and 1 1:ia/. Usages like this allow conclusions about the quality of the underlying phonemes, although the use of vowel signs in Sargonic Akkadian is far from being consistent, which led Gelb to the statement that:

vowel signs is not satisfactory since Gelb did not specify the exact nature of the 153 assumed initial releases. The investigation of gutturals and glides in Sargonic Akkadian, therefore, necessarily includes an analysis of the various vowel signs used at this time period. fl and In the following discussion each Proto-Semitic guttural, that is/'/, /hi, /1:iJ, /g/ will be investigated separately with regard to its representation in the writing. This investigation can, of course, only be based on those roots for which the etymology is certain.

"The writing of vowels is one of the most perplexing problems of Old Akkadian." 151 Gelb disti~guished three different types of vowel signs. The first group, including A, E. I and U, reflects a vowel plus initial release, the second, A, E, I and 0, a vowel \\ ith a stronger initial release, and the third group, with E as only member an even 1 stronger release. " Westenholz justly criticized that this description of Old Akkadian

149 For this opinion see Gelb 1961: 19; Gelb I 98 I: 19-20. Most scholars are hesitant to specify which of the fiw gutturals were still preserved. Yon Soden (1995 3: § 23c) simply states that f; was still differentiated from 1'f:i/and /h/. but he does not draw the conclusion that all these phonemes were still distioct. A similar opinion is found in von Soden and Ri:\llig 1967: XXII. 1,0 It could be assumed that only one dialect of Sargonic Akkadian underwent the raising of a that was the ancestor of later dialects, but this cannot be proven. For the beginning of this sound change in Old Akkadian see Westenholz 1978: 162 and Gelb 1961: 166, although Gelb's e.xample be-Ii is in fact no attestation for this vowel raising, as argued in section 2.3. For the presence of this vowel change in Ebia see Krebemik 1985: 59. l"I Gelb 1961: 33. 1,2 (idb 1961: 34.

75

2.5.1 The representation of/' I 2.5.1.1 Syllable initial/'/ Syllable initial ti the quality of the CV sign that does The sequence

is often indicated by vowel signs, the choice of which depends on following vowel. Another, less frequent, spelling of/'/ is with a not indicate an initial release in itself. /'a/ is usually written with the sign A:

a-bi /'abII 'my father' (Ki I: 5; Di 11: 3; TA 6: 5) a-bi-su /'abisu/ 'his father' (Na 7 I: 5 unkn.) a-bi /'al)II 'my brother' (TB 1: 2) a-ba-da-ki /'ahataki/ 'your sisters (2)' (TA 5: 8) a-li-im /'alim/ 'city' (MAD 4 10: 2 unkn.) a-bu-llZx /'aliuz/ 'I took' (MAD 5 8: 12,13 Kish) a-/111-za-am/'ahuzam/ 'I took' (Di 3: 9) a-ri-is-ga /'arriska/ 'I request from you' (Gir 19: 40) a-la-e-ma /'ala"cma/ 'I am able' (Di 10: I 7') a-ki-lu /'akilii/ 'consumers' (Rash 3: iii 12 TSul) a-da-num /'atanum/ 'she-ass' (MAD 5 8: 24 Kish) dar-a-mu-su, /tar'amusu/ 'she loved him· (Na I I: 12 Bas) ba-a /ba'a/ 'they are coming' (Ga 5: 10) ~su-zi~-a-am /su~i'am/ 'bring out to me 1• (Ki I. 15) etc.

This spelling is very consistent. There is one occasion in which the original syllable /'a/ is written with the sign E in the root * 'fr, although in this case the E most likely 1 4 simply indicates the vowel quality /,:! and not an independent syllable: ' e-e-sa-ru-ni /yessariinil' 55 'tbey provide me' (TA 2: 11') < *yi 'assmii-ni i-e-sa-nt /yessarfi/ 'they provide' (TA 2: 13')

153 Westenholz 1978: 161, although also Westcnholz only states that these signs shou Id

represent different phonemes without defining which ones. 154 The Akkadian verb asiimm 'to muster' might have the Arabic cognate ·sr ·to file'. In this

case the PS form of the root should be * 'fr. 155 For this form see also section 4.5.11.2 belm,.

76

Sargonic Akkadian

Original

* 'ay is written

a-la-e-ma /'ala"ema/

Syllabary

with the sign E, indicating

Gutturals

the contraction

ofay >

e:

'I am able' (Di 10: I 7') e: e-ra-si-is /(1:i)erasis / 'to cultivate' (Ga 3: 23) < *hrf:i e-ma-zu /(}:l)emmatsu/ 'his heat' (MAD 1 186: 11, 12 TA) 1M

The syllable *,'J:ii/ is written with the sign E, as in: la-e-ma-ad /la(J:i)ematl 'it is consuming ' (MAD l I 86: 12 TA) na-e /nii(}:l)e / 'one who turns ' (Na 5 2: 4 PirHus)

The syllable ,'J:iu/is only attested once : li-ib-te-u-ma /lipte(J:i)uma/ 'they shall open' (Di 8: 13)

This would be the only attestation of U standing for guttural + /u/ , thus, it is more 165 was lost already . likely that /1.lf In two occasions syllable initial II)} doe s not seem to be indi ca ted in the writing , although both attestations are ambiguous: 166

2 .5 .3 The representation 2.5.3. 1 Syllable initial

el-lum /(J:i)ellurn/ 'pure' (MAD 1303 : I TJ\) i-bi-ru /yiberu/ 'he chose' (HSS X 184: 9 (ia) < *bhr

of II)/

/1.lf

In most cases, syllable initial express ll)a/ is E.

/1.lfis indicated by a vowel sign. The sign used to

a-ni-11-ud (quoted above) versus dar-a-mu-su 4 /tar'amiisu/ 'she loved him' (Na I I: 12 Bas). 163 Another possible example is sci-hi-i-a-me /sapeyame/ 'my enemies ' (Gir 37: 5). Yolk and Kienast assume a different etymology and transcribe sa-bi-ni-a-me (Kienast and Volk 1995: 117) but they admit that the interpretation of this form is problematic. In my opinion this word should be transcribed as sci-bi-i-a-me, with i-a standing for /ya/, which is also otherwise attested in Sargonic Akkadian. The root I assume is *sph, with an Arabic cognate meaning 'foe , adversary', which is also the meaning assumed by Kienast and Yolk.

164 This word was interpreted as 'his heat' by Weslenholz ( I 974a: 99). In this case the consonantal etymology should be *bmm because of the Arabic cognate *bmm. The vocalization of this form is problemati c. Sommerfeld (1987: 99) read it as bimmatum ('!) It is not obvious to me where Sommerfeld derives the /i/ from. The Hebrew and Arabic cognates have either !al or /u/ in the first syllable. Because the vocalization as /u/ is not possible in this form ( */Ju would not be written with the sign E) I assume an original !al vowel. 165 Sommerfeld considers this spelling as proof that the sign TE was a eve sign for the syllable /tal;i/because U, according to him, is used after consonants, while LJis used after vowels (Sommerfeld 1987: 93). It is true that U is also used in the PN ih-te-u-um /Ipte ' um/ (OAle 15: 6 Diy), but the sign is otherwise only used in word initial position. A claim as made by Sommerfeld is, therefore. difficult to sustain. 166 For the reading of S!KIL as logogram set: section 2.3 above.

82

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

Gutturals

The original form of the last word was *yibf:taru. It is unlikely that the sign BI was used to represent the syllable "'*/bi)a/, thus at least in this attestation from Gasur the orthography indicates both vowel raising and loss of /1)/. In conclusion, the sign E is the normative sign for the syllable /l)a/, while the 167 sign Eis used for */l)i/ and */l)a/ afiera > e and i > e respectively. 2.5.3.2

Syllable final

Syllable final /1)/ is not indicated by specific

eve or YC

signs:

168

e-hi-is /'ehpis/ 'I will do' (Di 3: 15) a-11,-u.f /'ahru0/ 'I cultivated' (Gir 19: 9) a-la-ga-si-ma /'alaqqahs1ma/ 'I will take it' (OSP I 7: iii 2' Nip) li-il-ga /lilqah/ 'he shall take' (Pu 1: 7) li-il-ga-ma /lilqahma/ 'he shall take' (Di 2: 9) il-gi-ma /yilqe(h)ma/ 'he took' (TA 1: 6) ha-Ii-tum /patihtum/ 'opened' (MDP 14 90: I Susa) The sound change a > e had not yet occurred in most cases - the Old Babylonian forms of /'alaqqai)sTma/, /lilqai)/ and /'al;iru0/ are /eleqqesTma/, /lilqe/ and /erus/ respectively - consequently, the phoneme /l;i/ still has to be present in these words despite the fact that there is no specific reflex of it in the writing. An exception is the writing il-gi-ma from Tell Asmar. The sign GI reflects the syllable /qe/, as argued above in section 2.4.2. It is not clear from the writing whether or not /hi is still present in this form. There is no reflex for /hi in the syllable /Cii)/ in the orthography. Whether or not 'I)/ was still present in this environment has to remain speculative. No attestations are found for the syllable /Cul)/. 2.5.4 The representation 2.5.4.1

a-bar-ti fabarti/ 'opposite' (Man I: 14 Susa) a-·-bar~-tim fabartim/ 'opposite' (HSS X 25: ii 9 Ga) a-li-tim fa!Him/ 'upper' (Na 2 3: 4 Nin) a-zum fazzum! 'fiery' (MAD I 192: 3 TA) (Di 10: 12') me-da-a /meda'a/ 'theoneswhoknow(2)' Only once is the sequence fa/ written with

/hi

83

f::

Efor fa!: ·a-zum fazzum!

'fiery' (MAD 1 192: 4 TA)

In this case we find a spelling with the sign A for the same word in the same text (MAD 1:192 TA). We can therefore say that the standard sign for fa/ was A, while the writing with E is exceptional. The use of A, a sign that otherwise mainly reflects /'a/, clearly distinguishes fl from /1)/ in the orthography. This difference can only be explained by two distinct articulations. That f I had not merged with /' / in these cases is confirmed by the absence of the expected a > e in fazzum/, Old Babylonian /ezzum/ and fabartim/ for Old Babvlonian /ebertim/. 170 In one case we find the writing. E for original fa/: 171 e-ri /(')eri/

'destitute' (Ki 1: 8)

This form is a masculine singular stative; the original form should therefore have been *'ari. The spelling with Eis evidence for the sound change a> e I_ [' 1 _,]. TI1e sign E in connection with fl is otherwise only used for the original diphthong *ay, as m: e-nam fenam/ 'eye' (MDP 14 90: 4 Susa)< *'avnam e-na-am fenam! 'eye' (Biggs 89: i 5 UIHaf) e-ni fenII 'my eye' (Biggs 89: ii 2 UlHaf)

of fl

Syllable initial/'/

Syllable initial fl is often indicated by vowel signs, but, as was the case with/'/, /hi, 169 a~d II)!, its representation is not obligatory. The sequence fa/ is mostly written A:

167 See chapter 3.3.1 for more details on these vowel changes. 168 In Mari, the sign E could also be used to indicate syllable final /bl, as in syllables of the type /ab/ and lib! (Wcstenholz 1978: 162). This usage is not found in Sargonic Akkadian. 1/i9 The OB preposition adi 'until' is also written with the sign A in Sargonic Akkadian, a-ti l'ade/. This preposition has a Hebrew cognate 'ad 'up to I until', which suggests a reconstruction as •'ad-. This preposition, similar to eli e in OB if it contained initial fl. In a recent article, Sima suggested that comparative evidence from OSA and MSA, especially from Hadramawt, Soqotri and Jihbali, indicates that there also existed a preposition * 'd with the meaning 'until' in

Semitic which might also be the underlying form of Akkadian (Sima 2000: 213-14 ). This derivation would explain why no change of a > e occurred in this word and is followed here. 170 For a more detailed investigation based on local distributions see section 3.3.1 below. 171 Another example might be ni-e-ra-[ab] from either *nigal1'ab or *ni'arrah/ (TA 7: 10'), although the etymology of this word is not certain. Arabic has a cognate with /g/, *,"rh, but Ugaritic and OSA have *'rb. Most likely, there were two PS roots, one with *g and one with *", which were confused and merged to *g in Arabic and *' in Ugaritic and OSA. It is not possible to determine which root underlies the Akkadian verb eri'hum. Since the most common opinion found in the scholarly literature is that Akkadian had an underlying *' (AHw), the root will be quoted accordingly in this study. The orthography found in SAkk also rather confom1s to a root with/'/ than with lg!: see alsn section 2.55 below.

84

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary e-nim / enim/ 'eye· (Su 2: 16) e-ni -a f encya/ 'my eyes ' (Ad 12: 11) < • "aynay ya

As before, the absence of the raising of a > e, as in /yida '/, Old Bab y lonian /Ide / etc . indicates the presence of fl in these cases. The presence of syllable final fl is furthermore confirmed by the writing of /ma'/ with the CVC sign MA:

The sequence f il is written with the same sign as l 'i l , i:

ni-i-·- su- /rucisu/ 'his companion' (Na 82 : 7 Susa) There is one attestation for the syllable f ul written with

85

Gutturals

LI:

bi1-1i-la-li /bu°i:ilati/ 's ubjects ' (Sks 2 1: 7 Nip; Sks 5: 4 unkn.)

In those cases in which f VI is written with the signs E, i, and LI,there is no direct proof that the underlying consonant was still f l. One argument in favor of such an interpretation is that these signs are also used to represent the syllable l 'V I . We can therefore assume that /'I and f l were generally written with the same signs. most likely because of their similar place of articulation, although they were clearly distinct from /hi and f'r)/. The opposition we find in the Sargonic syllabary, I'/ and fl versus /h/ and (J:i/.therefore differs from later dialects that have /' / and /h/ versus f'r)/, fl and lgl . This opposition in the writing indicates that these four phonemes were still differentiated. The mergers in later dialects cannot be accounted for if we assume that / '/ and f l or /h/ and (J:i/ had merged in Sargonic Akkadian. In some cases syllable initial f l is not indicated in the orthography: al-su f alsu/ 'against him ' (Gir 37: 7') al !"all ' against' (Limet 73 13: 4 Gir etc.) ur,-ki f urki/ 'your vulva ' (MAD 5 8: 15 Kish) ar-ba-um /' arbacum/ 'four ' (Na I I: 7 Bas; Na 2 2: 3 Nin: similar Na 3 I: 5 Susa)

Again , the presence of fl is indicated by the absence of a > e in the syllables f aC/.

ds-ma-ma /'asma'ma/ 'I heard' (Gir 37 : 3) is-ma-DINGIR /Yisma"-'ilum / PN (Ga .'i: 9 etc.)

The attestation in the per sonal name Yisma' - 'i/11mcan , of course , be an archaism , but since the spelling with MAis also atte sted outside per sonal names , thi s does not contradict our assumption that syllable closing fl was at least partly preserved in Sargonic Akkadian. The writing with ME in Ad 3: I 9 indicates the beginnig of a > c. 2.5 .5 The representation The Proto-Semitic

of l gl

phoneme lg/ is very rare in Sargonic Akkadian.

173

2.5 .5. l Syllable initial lg/ Syllable initial lg! is indicated by za-/w-ar-lim

HYand

GA in the two a ttestations we have:

/~agartim/ ' small' (PBS 9 20 : 4)

111ga-tim /rugatim/ 'drooling mouth' (MAD 5 X: 12 Kish)

174

2.5.5 .2 Syllable final /g/ Syllable final /g/ is written with the signs for VB: Yl:I for Ng/: r11-11h-tilrugti/ 's pittle' (MAD 5 X: 5. 10 Kish) za-al;-ra /~agra/ ' small (2)' (Di 4: 10)

2.5.4.2 Syllable final fl In most cases, syllable final fl is not specific a lly indicated in the orthography: Ii-Ii-am /li' li'am/ ' he shall come up' (Ga 2: 6) Ii-so-m e-id-ma /lisa'midma/ ' he shall install' (Ga 3: 7) li-sa-ki-id /lisa'kid/ 'he shall hurry· (Gir 1: 3') ~su - -ku -ud-ma /su'kudma/ 'he is in a hurry' (Gir 2: 5) li-zi-i b /l{zib/ 'he shall leave' (Ga 3: 24) i-zu- b11 /yi' zubu/ 'they left' (BIN 8 149: 9 Me-sag) li-da /tida'/ ·you know' (Gir 19: 41) i-Ja /yida'/ ' he knows' (Um 3: 25) [f)i- '- is-me -· /lisme(' )/ 'he shall hear' (Ad 3: 19)

Ii-bi /tibe(' )/ 'arise!' (MAD I 192: 3 TA)

1

'

1

I ~2 Again, we might have to include some attestations of • crb : u-sa-ri-ib and 11-sa-ri-ib ~ usa' rib/ 'he brought in' (Na 2 4: 5 Nin ; Na A I I: 18 Marda). su-da-ri-ih /suta' rib/ 'bring

in" (Gir 19: 21), e-n1-11b/ye'rub i ' he entered ' (Ga 9: 5' ), e-m-uh /ye' rub/ ' he entered ' (MAD 5 109: 6; Lime! 73 9: 4 Gir etc.). J 73 Von Soden connected the Old Akkadian vcrh fa 'arum 'to be victorious' with an original root *0gr in AHw. This root is attested in Ge'e z scl ara 'remove. withdraw ·. Arahic [agara 'to break ' , and Hebrew fo ' [ir ' burst open'. Although this etymology is possible, the basic meaning of the root *0,0;r 'to break (through)' might be difficult to reconcile with the Sargonic Akkadian meaning of fo 'iirum. Another possible cognate is the common Semitic root *(J'r with the basic meaning ' to take (blood-) revenge ·. which is attested in Arabic, OSA and Ugaritic. Since this verb is not written in the same manner as other roots that clearly contain etymological *gin Sargonic Akkadian, but rather seems to conform to roots containing/'/, I prefer the etymology *H 'rover *0gr in this study. 174 Kogan suggested a new etymology for this word, instead of ' far away' , in which case the original guttural would have been •1,, he assumes original *g ' drooling mouth ' (Kogan 2001: 276).

86

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

Glides

It is interesting that in those cases in which /g/ is attested in Sargonic Akkadian it is 175 mostly with the 1:f-series. Although the spelling with the ff- se ries doe s not tell us anything about the phonetic reali zation of *g in the case of *~agiirom - the OB form of this root , as is well known , ha s /1:t/as well - the writings of /~agra/ without the raising of a > e indicates that /g/ was still pre sent. If Kogan's etymology of rogiitim is correct the writing with GA would furthermor e support the assumption that *g 176 was still a distinct phoneme in this text corpus.

preserved. 1R1 This assumption is confirmed by the fact that the sign l is only used for etymological *yi. If the initial /y/ were lost, we would expect at lea st some confusion between writing s with i and 1, but the evidence is amazingly regular. In this study, it will therefore be assumed that the sign I always stood for /yi/ in Sargonic Akkadian.

2.6 Glides The repres entati on of the Proto-S emitic glides /y/ and /w/ in Sargonic Akkadian is closely connected to the writing of guttural s. Again , we have no ev idence for the 177 phoneme /w/ in Sumerian; /y/ is only attested in the connection with /a/. When the scribes were tryin g to represent /w / and /y/ in Sargonic Akkadian , they used specific rnwel sign s. For syllable initial /wa/ they introduced a new value for the Sumerian sign Pl , which developed into the default sign for all /w + V/ in later Akkadian 178 Besid es the use of Pl for /wa/, the orthographic reflection of /y/ and /w/ in dialects. Sargonic Akkadi an differ significantly from Old Babylonian and other later dialects. 2.6. 1 The representati on of /y/ \\'ord initial /y/ was lost in Old Babylonian, as reflected in the verb a l pre fixes i- and in the third person s and adjectives and nouns that originally had *#y-, such as idum 'h and' < *ya dum , isa111m 'just' < *yasa nim. Gelb noticed in his grammar of Old Akkadian that beca use o f the distinction of word initial /yu/, written with U, from word initial /' u/ , written with U,the syllable /yu/ must hav e still been preserved 179 Thi s also implies that U was used as a CV sign for /yu/ at this in Old Akkadian. period . A s imilar distin ction between word initial /yi/ and /' ii is found in Sarg onic ,niting; the sy llable /' i/ is written with the sign i while original /yi/ is written with I. "ievertheless, Gelb ass umed that in the case of */yi/, the initi al /y/ was not pres erve d. 1~0 Th e reas on for this distinction between word init ia l /y i/ and /yu/ is not c, ident to me, especially not because this di stincti on would result in two different third person prefixes, which is unlikely . On the contrary, because /yu/ is preserved word initiall y, and becaus e */ ' ii and */yi/ are clearly kept apart in the Sargonic sy llabary, we should rather assume that both word initia l /yu/ and /yi/ were still 11-

87

2.6.1.1 Syllable initial /y/ In Old Babylonian the syllable /ya/ can be expressed in several ways, of which the most common one is a combination of the signs l+A . Although thi s is also be the combination of signs we would expect in Sargonic Akkadian , since I represents the syllabic value /yi/ , this writing is not found at thi s time peri od. Instead , the sy llable /ya/ is expressed by the signs i+A, but interestingly only for the Je s posse ssiv e suffix: ki-na-111 -i-a /kiniitiiya/ 'my employees' (Lim 3: 18) sa- bi-i-a-me /sapeyame/ 'my enemies' ((iir 37: 5)

The inserti on of

i is not

nece ssary after a pre cedin g Ci sign:

e-ni-a f eneya/ ' my eyes' (Ad 12: 11)

The syllable /y i/ is, as mentioned above, mostly written with the sign l. This usag e is found for third person prefi xes and in word s *# yi- : i-da-su /yidasu/ 'his hands' (MAO 5 8: 25 Kish) i-ti-is-s u /yidissu/ 'to his side' (MAD 1 172: 10 TA) i-ti-is /yidis/ 'to the side' (Gir 37: 7) i-dam /yidam/ 'hand' (Um 3: 28)

Less frequent than the writing of word initi al lyi/ with the sign I is the writing with sign is mostly found for third person prefix es :

E.This

e-ra-[a'?]-am /yera"am/ 'he loves· (MAD 5 8: 2 Kish) e-ri-su -ga /yerrisuka/ 'they will demand from you· (Ki I: 10) e-e-sa-ru- ni /yessariini/ 'they provide me' (TA 2: 11') e-ga-bi /yeqabbe/ ' he will say· (Si I: 8 ' ) e-la-kam /yillakam/ or /yellakam/ ' he will come' (Ga I: 6) e-n,-ub /ye'ru b/ 'he entered' (MAD 5 109: 6 unkn.; Limet 73 9: 4 Girsu + 4x

same archive)

*x

I ~sFor the writing of with the ti- series in early Akkadian see Kogan 2001: 289. I "6 See also section 3.3.1.3. below. I"~ See Falkenstein 1960: 303 and Gelh 1961: 36. n, Gelb 196 1: 37. I "9 Gelb 1961: 36. 1s( 1 Gelb stated: " 1lowever. we should assume that ji changed to i." (Gelb 196 1: 36).

The sign Eis often followed by either a guttural or /r/, which suggests , that the sign can stand for the sy llable /ye/, although not all attestations of E allow thi s interpretation , as in the case of /yillakam / wher e a lowering of i > I-' cann ot be 181 This assumption is strengthened bv the fact that word initial /yi/ is also written with the sign I in Ebia. where this syllable still seems to be preserved (Krebernik 1982: 191 ).

88

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary

Glides

postulated with certainty. The interpretation of E as a CVC sign is not possible because it is often used in an environment in which it has to be a simple CV sign. In one text E and I are used for the same verbal form. Besides the form e-e-sa-ni-ni in line 11' we find the spelling i-e-su-ni /yessarii / in line 13' (TA 2). In both cases initial I and Eare followed by the sign E which asc ertains the reading of the prefix as .,·e- and not yi-. This indicates that both signs could be used for the same syllabic \'alue . Thus, even if E could stand for the syllable /ye/, it could seemingly also be used as a homophone of I. A differentiation according to area is not noticeable. E is attested in all areas in which Sargonic text s are found, although the archive from G irsu seems to prefer the use of Eove r I. Word middle *yi following a consonant was already lost, as indicated by spellings as:

The use of O for third per so n prefixes is the norm ative spelling in th e texts from 11 Ebia and might also underly these, for Sargonic texts, exceptional occurrenccs. ' One of the most difficult problem s regarding the representati on of /y/, and also /w/, is their reflex in roots III-y l w. which represents the maj or ity of attestations for these two phonemes . Word final syllables of the type *yV are mostl y found in verbs III-y and a few nouns Ill-y. For verbs 111-ythese forms are mostly plurals and subordinate markers , that is, the respective verbal forms end in the vowel /u/ or /u/:

182

a-ki-i.1·-s 11,-ni-si-im /' aqTssunesim/ ' I presented to them (2)' (Su I : 4') < • 'aqyis-sunays im i-ki-is /yiqis/ ' he presented' (Su I: 6' ; MOP 14 44 : 3 Susa)< * yiqyis a-si -111i' asTtu/ ' I left over' (Ga 3: 5) < * 'asyir-u i-d e is not necessarily an isogloss that links Sargonic Akkadian

closer to Assyrian than to Babylonian. The Babylonian contraction of ay > T most likely underwent an intermediate stage in which ay > e. that is, the development in Babylonian should be reconstructed as ay > e > ,. Similar developments are also known from other Semitic languages, such as Arabic. In Modem Standard Arabic *av is usually pronounced close to lei. In colloquial dialects, such as Lebanese, the contracted vowel changed further to IT/, as in Modem Standard Arabic kavju [kefa) 'how', Lebanese [kTtl The attestation of ay > e in Sargonic Akkadian can therefore reflect this intermediate stage in a chain shin in which certain long vowels were raised. This process is also known from other than Semitic languages. One of the most famous attestations of such a chain shif\ is the 'Great English Vowel Shift', in which all long vowels were raised, among theme> T(Campbell 1998: 48). That Babylonian underwent a similar development is therefore quite possible. This intermediate change off > ,_;would also apply to the oblique plural on masculine nouns. I 87 The sign PI is used for other syllabic values, such as /pi/ and /wu/ in personal names, hut not in syllabically written texts. Example, in PNs include wu-11.ir-BE-li (Ad 10: 3) and saad-pi-DrNGIR (Gir 29: 2).

92

Sargonic Akkadian Syllabary H'a-bil-si-in /wabilsin/ 'their carrier· (OAK' 36: 21 Di) m1-hil-su /wabilsu/ 'its carrier' (OAIC 36: 23 Di) wa-ar-da-da /wardata/ 'maidens (2)' (MAD 5 8: 6 Kish)

tu-sa-bu /tussabu/ 'you will sit' (Ad 12: 16) < *tawa00ab-il i-mu-tu /yimuttii/ 'they die' (Um 3: 20) < *yimaYcwat-il u-ga-al /yukiil/ 'he has' (BIN 8 291: 20 Me-sag) < *}71ka»wal

11·a-ar-gi,-11m /warki'um/ 'afterwards' (MAD l 229: 13 Hat) wa-ar-ki-im /warkim/ 'after' (MAD I 270: 3 TA) ,rn-si-bu /wasibii/ 'dwellers' (MAD 5 15: 3' Kish) 11-wa-e-ru-us /'uwa"eriis/ 'I commanded him' (Ga 9: 7') 11-wa-ga-mu iyuwakkamii/ 'they will notice' (Gir 19: 17) 11-wa-ti-ra-sum, /yuwattirassum/ 'he increased for him' (Frag 3: 6' Susa) 'd-wa-a-ti /hawatT/ 'my word' (Ad 3: 18) ·,1-wa-ad-zu /hawatsu/ 'his word' (Gir 37: 6) 'a-wa-tim /hawatim/ 'words' (Di 10: 12')

There is no indication for the preservation of syllable initial *w in these cases. We can therefore conclude that syllable and word initial *w was preserved in the same environments in Sargonic Akkadian as in Old Babylonian, and lost in the same verbal forms as in later dialects. The only difference from Old Babylonian is found in verbs IIl-w where no vowel contraction takes place when a vocalic suffix is attached to the verbal base.

2.6.2.2 Syllable final /w/ Preterites of 1-w roots in the G-stem reflect the common loss of *w throughout the Semitic languages and, consequently, we find no indication of *w in the orthography: 1g9

=a-wa-ar-ki lsawarki/ 'your neck' (MAD 5 8: 36 Kish) =a-wa-ar-su /5awarsu/ 'his neck' (MAD 5 8: 35 Kish)

In one occasion

93

Glides

the syllable /wa/ is written with the combination

of the signs U + u-bil /yubi!/ 'he brought' (MAD I l 69: ii I I TA) Ju-bi/ /[ubil/ 'I shall bring' (Lime! 73 47: 10 Gir)

aC: 11-11J-b11 /waObG/ 'they dwell' (Ad 3: 16)

This writing is exceptional. The standard sign for the syllable /wa/ m Sargonic Akkadian is Pl. The syllable */wu/ is only attested in verbs 111-w,as in: id-ru-,i /yitru'ii/ 'they led away' (Gir 19: 23,31) li-id-ru-11-nim /litru'iinim/ 'they shall lead here' (TA 2: 2') li-ru-zi-nim /liru'unim/ 'they shall bring here' (Gir 33: 14)

In aH these cases the original syllable *wii is written with the sign usually used for ·u/, U. This suggests that we have a similar phenomenon as with verbs III-v that is the *w, which occurred in the same word final positions as *y, was lost. Th~ glottal stop!' I served to resolve the hiatus when vocalic suffixes were attached to the verbal stem. 188 Sargonic Akkadian has the same forms in the durative of l-w and 11-wverbs in the G-stem and 11-wverbs in the D-stem as Old Babylonian: zi-ma /'umma'/

'!swear' (Manl:50Susa;Gir37:5') e I_ '3_5, the vowel /a/ is retained in both open and closed sy llables : Syllables Ga: ,- na- ·u-si~ /na]:Jasi / ' life' (Na B2: 4 Susa) a-bar- ti f abarti/ 'opposite shore' (Man 1: 14 Susa) a-li-tim fal1timl 'upper ' (Na 2 3: 4 Nin)

Ce signs for original •01•(1)i: gi-n i-is -ma /kenisma/ ' truly' (Man I: 52 Susa) < *kayin-ma 11-gi- nu /yukennu/ 'he made firm' (Na I I: 23 Bas) < *yukayvin -u 11-gi-i[nJ /yukcn/ 'he made firm' (Na 6 3: I unkn.)

Syllables aG: ar-ba-im /'arba'irn/ ·four' (Na 3 I. 5 Susa) u-sa-ri-ib /yusa'rib / ' he led in' (Na Al I: 18 Marda) u-sa-ri-ib /yusa'rib/ 'he led in' (Na 2 4: 5 Nin)

3.2.3.1. l Lowering of Iii before / '/ and lrl in royal insripti ons There is hardly any evidence for the lowerin g of i > e or raising of a > e before either /'I or Ir/ . Only once do we find a spelling that might indicate the change of i > e I in an original inscription ; anot her example comes from an 08 copy: -

The vowel Iii does not seem to be lowered to /e/ in the environment

of f l . Only

syllables ( ii are attested, as in:

i-se u--nim /yisse'Gniml ·they rose' (Na I I: 18 Bas) OB copy: i-se,z- 11 /yisse' u/ ' he rose' (Na Cl: 15, 20 Nip)

To my know ledge , no other word containing the structure i ·V occurs in this text corpus. Sequence s like 'iC or Ci 'C on the other hand are alw ays written with signs that only stand for the sy llabic va lue Ci, as in :

109

is-ti-ni-is f istenis/ ' together' (Na 1 I: 8 Bas) ni-i-~su~ /ru"i:su/ 'his companion· (Na 132: 7 Susa)

There is one attestation in which /i/ becam e le/ following*~: na-e /na(l;i)e/10 'one who turns' (Na 5 2: 4 PirHus) < *nabi(y) , root *nhw

i-li /'ile / 'gods' (Na I 3: I 9 Bas) i-clar-.rn-ni-is- -ma /*yi'tarstmissuma/ ' they requested him' (Na I 3: 2 Bas)

Any conclusions drawn from this evidence can be tentative at be st. It seem s that there was no regular lowering of i > e before/'/ in royal inscriptions , except maybe in syllables of the structure i although the one attestation of the sign SE 11 for [se] is not sutlici ent for postulating such a sound change. There are no occurrences of i > e in the proximity of /r/ .

·v,

27

For a different interpretation regarding *g see Kogan 200 1, who suggests that the loss of •,gwith preceding a> e was not as regular as usually postulated in Akkadian. According to Kogan, there is only one certain example of the combination of these two sound changes, namely the verb ebe/11(111);in other verbs and nouns reflexes of /g/ as b are as common as the expected loss of •g. espcci~lly in earlier dialects (Kogan 200 I: 284-89).

28 Gelb 1961: 166. 29 Gelb 1961: 168. 30 This forrn faces the same problem regarding its final vowel length as verbs 111y/»· mentioned in section 2.6.1.2. abow. The original diphthong •--iv could have contracted into - f, or final /y/ could have heen lost, resulting in · i . The transcription used here follows GAG and Huehnergard ( 1998).

111

Sargonic Akkadian Phonology

Sargonic Akkadian vowels

The lowering of i > e I fJ_ also occurs in other Sargonic texts , as will be pointed out below. Therefore , there seems to have been a tendency to lower / i/ in thi s environment, although it is impossible to say whether this represents a regular sound change in the dialect underlying Sargonic royal inscriptions or not.

There is no evidence for the lowering of i > e in syllables of the structure Ci ·c or 'iC. 31 The lowering of Iii only takes plac e in the sequence i ·v where it is found in both words attested. The change of i > e in the environment of / ' / , therefore , see ms to be dependent on syllable structure. The evidence for i > e I r is less conclusive , since the atte stati ons are written with the signs IR and IR , which can theor etica lly stand for both / ir/ and /er/ . Thus, the interpretation of the quality of the vowel before /r/ is dependent on the prece ding sign. Only in the two cases quoted abov e is IR preceded by a sign that clearly expresses the value Ce. Other attestations are less informative, such as ir-ku-zu 'they tied ' , which could be read as both /yirku 'su/ or /yerku'su/ (OSP 2 24: 6 Nip). Although the evidence is too sparse to postulate a regular sound chan ge, there neverthel ess seems to be a tendency to lowe r i > e I_ r in the texts from southern

110

3.2.3.2 The vowel /e/ in southern Bab ylo nia As mentioned above, the so uthern Babylonian sites in which Sargonic texts were found comprise Girsu, where the gre ate r majority of the texts come from, Nippur , Adab , Umma, and the Me- sag archive, an archi ve covering the transactions of an estate close to Umma . In southern Babylonia , we find a wider variety of signs expressing sy llables of the type Ce th~~ in original royal !nscr iptio ns. Signs exclusively reflecting Ce are Bl. GI. E, SE,,, SE , and probably E. Signs used for Ce that can also stand for the sy llable C i inc lude ME, TL and NI. Th e environm ents in which these sign s are used are more numerous than in roya l inscriptions. The vowel le! occurs in the oblique plural and as an outcome of the con traction of*ay:

Babylonia.

3.2.3.2.2 Vowel changes in the environm ent of ·3_5 in so uthern Babylonia In the texts from southern Babylonia we find basically no attestations for the raising of a > e I [ + ' 3_5). The vowel /a/ is mostly pre served in this environment: Syllables Ga: 'a-ro-u.v/1:iaruO / 'cultivate!· (Gir 19: 4, I 5) do-la- ·a-mu /talahhamu/ 'you will consume' (Ad 12: 13) na - 'a-as /nal)as/ ' life' (Ad 3: 9; Ad 12: 8,9; Gir 19: 28) al f aU 'a gainst' (Lime! 73 13: 4 Gir)

Ce for the oblique plural: is-b i-gi lispekc/ 'stores· (Gir I 9: 38) DUB-hi-su-ni /\uppesune/ 't heir (2) tablets' (Ad 3: 6) Ce I Ci for the oblique plural: do-me /dame/ 'blood' (Gir 37: 7') ma -og-ga-ti /maqqatc/ 'posts ' (Gir 19: 12)

Syllables oG: o-ru-us /'ahruO/ 'I cultivated' (Gir 19: 9) o-lo-go-si-mo /' alaqqal)sima/ 'I seize her' (OSP I 7: iii2' Nip) da-la-'a- mu /talahl,iamu/ 'you will consume' (Ad 12: 13) /i-sa-ki-id /lisa' kid/ 'he shall hurry' (Gir I : 3') as-ma-ma /' asma' ma/ ' I heard' (Gir 37: .l) ti-da /tida'/ 'you know' (Gir 19: 41) i-do lyida'/ 'he knows' (Um 3: 25) [s]u-da-~ ri~ -ib /suta'rib / 'bri ng in 1' (Gir I9: 21)

Ce for •ay i *a.y i: gi -1111-tim/kcnutim/ ' legitimate' (Gir 19: 39) e-11i-a fcncy a/ 'my eyes' (Ad 12: 11) i-ha-se /yiba00e/ 'it is' (Um 3: 16 etc.)

3.2 J.2. I Loweri ng of / i/ before /'/ and /r/ in southern Babylonian texts In text s from sout hern Bab y lonia, we find writing s with Ce sig ns for original /i/ in b(>th the environment of /' I and /r/ :

Ce before Ir! and /' /: da-.10-bi-ir /tasabber/ 'you will smash' (OSP I 7: i5' Nip) li- -.ie-ir /lisuser/ ' he shall put in order' (Um 3: 27) /i-,e :;-i1-ni-kum-mo /lisse ·unikkumma/ ' they shall raise for you' (Gir 19: 19) li-m -~,'-,is-su-ni 11isuse'assunei 'he shall release them (2)' (Gir 29: 12)

Only once, in a letter from Adab, do we find a spelling that refl ects the raising of a > eI

": [l]i-~ is-mc

/lisme(')/ 'he shall hear' (t\d 3: 19)

This form is clearly excepti ona l, since in the majority of the texts there ts no evidence for a > e I [ + '].

31 See, for example, i-da-lw-az /yttahaz/ e:

112

i-zu-bu /yi'zubuf 'they left' (BIN 8 149: 9 Me-sag) e-111-uhiye'rub/ 'he entered' (Limet 73 9: 4: 10: 4: 11: 4 etc. Gir)32

The syllables

*biI *ib and *giI *ig are

~su~-zi-a-am /su~i'am! 'bringouttome!'

not attested in this text corpus.

As in royal inscriptions and in southern Babylonian texts, there is no vowel lowering 34 in syllables of the structure i 'C. Attestations for the reflex of /i/ before Ir! is equally scarce, although there is a tendency to write the third person verbal prefixes with the sign Ewhen the following

3.2.3.3 The vowel /e/ in Kish and Umm el-Jir The textual material from Kish and Umm el-Jir is less informative than the text corpora discussed so far. Ce signs attested in Kish and Umm el-Jir are BI, GI, E, and SE 11• Signs that can be used for both Ci and Ce but seem to be used for the syllabic value Ce are ME and maybe RI. These e-containing signs are used for *ay in the following cases:

consonant is Ir!: e-ra-[a?]-am lyera"am! 'he loves' (MAD 5 8: 2 Kish) e-ri-su-ga /yerrisuka/ 'they will demand from you' (Ki I: I 0)

These cases can be considered as evidence that i > e I_r had at least partially taken

za-gi-[sa] fsaqesa/ 'her thighs (2)' (MAD 5 8: 4 Kish) e-ni-ki feneki/ 'your eyes (2)' (MAD 5 8: 14 Kish) u-seu-zi iyusesil 'he brought out' (BIN 8 144: 59 UeJ)

In some instances Ce signs are used in environments vowels, as in

(Ki I: 15)

place.

35

3.2.3.3.2 Vowel changes in the environment of

'3.5

in Kish and Umm el-Jir

Despite the paucity of attestations for /a/ in the environment of 'n in the texts from Kish and Umm el-Jir, certain tendencies in its representation can be noticed. No raising of a> e is attested in the environment of *b,

that do not seem to require le!

11-da-bi-bu-si-ma /yudabbibusima/ 'they confounded her' (MAD 5 8: 30 Kish)

Syllables *ba: na-as lnal}as/ 'life' (MAD 5 21: 6 Kish)

and for the third person verbal prefix yi-: e-la-ga-kim' /yillakakiml or /yellakiikim! 'they (2) will come to you' (Ki 4: 8)

Syllables *ab: /i-il-ga /lilqal;i/ 'he shall take' (Pu 1: 7) il-ga /yilqal;i/ 'he took' (MAD 5 82: 6 UeJ)

The underlying phonetic value of BI and E in these cases is unclear since at least the form /yudabbibusTma/ does not seem to contain a phonetic motivation for a lowering of i > e. For the possibility of i > e /_ll see section 2.4.3 above. Whether these spellings reflect mrre scribal variations or real phonetic shifts cannot be determined with our evidence."''

but there is evidence for a > e in the environment of *c. Note that the raising of /a/ takes place in open syllables of the structure *ca, contrary to Gelb's statement that it only occurs in closed syllables: e-dam-da l(')etamdli/ 'they are joined (2)' (MAD 5 8: 37 Kish) e-ri /()eri/ 'destitute' (Ki 1: 8) < *' ari

In Kish and Umm el-Jir, /a/ had at least started to be raised to /e/ in the environment of fl, but not yet in the environment of fly. If this assumption is correct, it confirms that the two phonemes must have still been distinct at this time and in this area.

Another interpretation of this form is possible if fl was already lost. In this case we should assume i > e !_ r. This analysis might account for the different prefix-vowels in the roots *'zb and *'rb. 33 The spelling of the Kishite area generally preserves certain features of the Pre-Sargonic northern writing tradition. For example, the sign ME is the only sign used for /mil in MAD 5: 8, in which it clearly represents the syllable /mil and not /me/. The same use of ',,fE is known from Ebia; see section 2.4.4 above. 32

34

As in i-bu-uz /yllmz/ < *yi 'buz 'he took' (Ki 2: 8) and u-se I rzi /yuse~i/ 'he brought out'

(BIN 8 144: 59 UeJ). 35 Note that the verbal prefix i- also often changes to e- before Ir/ in OB, as in eraggam 3 besides iraggam 'he claims' (von Soden 1995 : ~ 75g).

i

~

114

Sargonic Akkadian vowels

Sargonic Akkadian Phonology

There are no occurrences of the syllables *ag and *gain the texts from Kish and Umm el-Jir. The combination of ·3 _5 + Iii is only attested once in a text from Kish . It is therefore not possible to make a general statement about the status of /i/ in this environment. In the one attestation / i/ seems to be preserved: a-as-bi-id /'ashi!/ 36 ' I jumped ' (MAD 5 8: I 7)

The evidence from Kish and Umm el-Jir differs from that of royal inscriptions and texts from southern Babylonia in that we have evidence for the beginning of a > e in the environment of f l . 3 .2.3.4 The vowel /e/ in the Diyala region

It is in the Diyala region, including texts from Tell Asmar, lfafagi and Tell Sulaima , where we find most of the evidence for the vowel /e/ in the Sargonic period. The syllabary of the Diyala region uses a wider range of signs that are exclusively used for the syllable Ce than the text corpora dicussed so far. This, of course, might be due to the fact that we have a significantly higher number of text s from this area than from southern Babylonia or from Kish and Umm el-Jir, but - a point that will hopefully be proven in the following discussion - the vowel /e/ also seems to be pre sent in more phonetic environments than in texts from more southern parts of Mesopotamia. The Ce and eC signs used in this area are BI, TE, GI, E, SE 11, SE,ZE, and maybe EL. Signs that are used for both the syllables Ce and Ci include ME, E, and Tl. Certain signs for the syllabic values Ce and eC are almost exclusively used in this area, such as TE for /tel , which is only attested once outside the Diyala region in an OB copy from Ur (Na C5: 16 Ur). The phonetic environments in which we find the use of Ce signs include the expected oblique plural and the outcome of the contraction of *ay and *ayi: The oblique plural: ki-is-za-hi fkiszappe/ 'pegs for threshing floor' (OAIC 33: 17,36 Di) ga-- ·g i··-su /kakkcsu/ ' his weapons' (Di 2: 8) SAM-me /simcl ' price· (MAD I 279: 2 TA) Contraction of •ay: ga-ti-ku-ni /qatekunc/ 'your (2) hands' (Di 8: 7) hi-ti-is /bctis/ 'to the house' (JCS 28: rii 5 Di) }6 The Arabic cognate *sht indicates that the guttural in this root was *h, not *b,although Huehnergard argued in a recent article that the correspondence of WS *b and Akkadian * b is not as regular as often assumed. He thinks that there might have been another PS consonant, a glottal or ejective velar fricative [x'] that merged with *bin WS but with */1 in ES (Huehnergard 2003: 102-19). The verb sabiitum is one ofHuehnergard's examples. lfthi s derivation is correct, the root *sbr would not be evidence for *bin Akkadian.

l l'i

me-da-a /meda'a/ 'tho se who know (2)' (Di 10: 12' ) 7 e !el ·not' (TA 3: 14,20)3 /iFse 11~ -zi-11-nim-ma /lise~i'Gnimma/ 'they shall bring out' (Di 8: 15) Ii-sen-bi-lam /lisebilam/ he shall send to me' (Di 11: 12; TA 2: 7'; TA 6: I0) i-ba-se 11 /yibasse/ 'it is' (OAIC 9: 29) < *yiha00av

3.2.3.4.1 Vowel changes before/'/ and Ir/ in the Diyala region The lowering of i > e I_r is not ob servable in the texts from the Diyala region, but the change of i > e, and probably even a> e, in the environment of/'/ is indicated in the writing more often than in texts from southern Babylonia and the Kish area . Some spellings reflect the lowering of i > e in syllables of the type i · V and 'iCV, e-nu l' enGI 'utensils' (OAIC 7: 21 Di) 38 na-sen- -nim /nase'Gnim/ 'they rose' (MAD I 172: 4 TA)

although we also find a case in which a Ci sign is used in the same environment: /i-~se 11~-zi-i1-nim-ma /lise~i'Gnimma/ 'the y shall bring out' (Di 8: 15)

The evidence for syllables of the type Ci ·c also points to at least an occasional lowering of i > e: e-mu-ru /yemurii/ 'they saw' (OAIC 6: 10 Di) < *y i 'murii /i-da-me-su 4 /litammesu/ 'he shall make him swear' (Di 2: 12) < *litammi '-su

However, the evidence is not regular. The spelling i-mu-n1 occurs as well (MAD 336: 20 TA). In conclusion , the environments in which /i/ was lowered to /e/ adjacent to !'I are more numerous in the Diyala region than in southern Bab ylonia or in the area around Kish. We have evidence for this kind of vowel lowering in basically every syllable structure. The occurrence of forms written with signs that usually stand for Iii vowel s could either indicate the existence ofbiforms or a scribal variation. An interesting feature that is only found in texts from the Diyala region is the raising of a > e in the environment of /' / . Again , this raising does not represen\: regular or completed sound change, but rather the beginning of a phonetic process: ·

37 These are the only attestations in which the velilive morpheme •ay is written with the sign E; in all other original Sargonic texts it is written with the sign A regardless of what consonant follows (Gir 17: 6: Gir 19: 10: Di 4: 10; Di 8: 5: Ga 3: 21: Ga 9: 5' ). See section 4.5.5. below for a more detailed discussion of the vetitive. 38 This word is found in a school exercise. Several scholars have suggested lo rea e occurred in the proximity of Jl:ilin both open and

Syllables *ha: e-ma-zu /(1,J)emmatsu/ 'his heat' (MAD I 186: I 1,12 TA) el-furn /(l,J)ellum/ 'pure' (MAD I 303: I TA) Syllables *a!J: il-gi-ma /yilqe(l,J)ma/ 'he took' (TA I: 6) il-gi-am-ma /yilqe(l,J)amma/ 'he took' (OAIC 7: 23 Di) li-ib-te-u-ma /liptc(l,J)iima/ 'they shall open' (Di 8: 13) Only in two instances is /a/ preserved in the same environment. One of these attestations comes from an oath formula where it might be an archaic form.

The evidence shows that there was a clear tendency to raise a > e when it stood either directly before or after /1:11. Coloring of a > e in the environment of ti is only attested once in a syllable of the structure *' a: a-zum fazzuml 'fiery' (MAD I 192: 3 TA) ni-e-ra-[ab] /nicerrab/ or /nerrab/ 'we enter' (TA 7: IO') < *nfarrab

The evidence for fl is ambiguous. The ~pelling of fazzum/ is found in a school exercise that includes a hymn to Tispak, that is, a literary text which might preserve 42 an older form of the language. lt could therefore be that the one attestation in which /a/ was raised to /e/ actually reflects the standard development in the Diyala region. The raising of a > e in the environment of lg/ did not take place in the one word in which this phoneme is found: Syllable *ag: za-al;-ra /~agra/ 'they (2) are young' (Oi 4 10) Another phenomenon worth mentioning in the environment of /1:11: Syllable *i/1: e-bi-is /'e(IJ)pisf

3

39 Attestations in which no a> e look place include ar-za-tim /'ar~atim/ 'land' (MAD I 181: iii TA): a-lru-~za-am~ /'atmzam/ 'I seized' (Di 3: 9): ra-si-im /rasim/ 'head' (OAIC 11: 12 Di). -40 The reading of this word is problematic, since it also occurs with initial I for the prefix, ie-sa-ru /yessarii/ in the same text (TA 2: 13'). Why the scribe chose two different spellings can only be speculated. The signs I and Eoverlapped in use, as has been pointed out in the discussion of the syllabary, section 2.6.1. I above. Both signs could stand for the syllable /yi/, although /ye/ was more original for E and /yi/ for I. It is likely that the sign E was used to indicate the vowel quality lei for the prefix in TA 2 while I and E simply stand for the initial glide. 41 Note that the sign SEis used for the ms genitive relative pronoun /si/ in Ebia; see section 2.-l.7 above.

is the seemingly

consistent lowering of i > e

'I will make' (Di 3: 15)

Syllable */Ji: la-e-ma-ad /la(l,J)emat/ 'it is consuming· (MAD I 186: 12 TA) Although the evidence is meager, there is no indication is-ti-ni-is fistcnis/

Syllables *!Ja: 'a-ra-se /l,Jara0i/ 'to cultivate' (Di I 0: 14') na-'a-as /nal,Jas/ 'life' (MAD I 135:rev4TA)

117

Sargonic Akkadian vowels

Phonology

for i > e I'_

C:

'together' (Di I: 10)

The evidence for i > e I [+I,!] reflects the same development that probably had occurred in royal inscriptions, where we also find traces of i > e in the environment of/I)/. The textual evidence from the Diyala region represents the most consistent evidence regarding the raising of /a/ and lowering of Iii in the environment of ·-'"' encountered so far. Thus, these vowel changes, although most likely not yet completed, seem to have been more advanced in the northern periphery than in southern and northern Babylonia.

42 For the school exercise see Westenholz 1974a: 102. Also note that the word fazzum/ is once written with E in the same text (line 4 ). 43 Von Soden connects Akkadian epe!,wn with the root */1p.s found in West Semitic languages in AHw, such as Hebrew 'to search', Arabic 'gather/ collect', Aramaic 'to dig' and Ge'ez 'to take up/ carry away'. The form of epefam given above is based on this etymology.

118

Sargonic Akkadian Phonology

Sargonic Akk adian vowels

119

3.2.3.5 The vow el /el in Gasur The lowering of i > e I [+ ' ) occurs once, although mo st of the words attested do not reflect this change:

The text corpus from Gasur is the least informative of the different sub-corpora discussed in this chapter . The Ce signs found in this corpus are Bl, E, SE , ZEand 11 GI, although the latter only occurs in a per sona l name (Ga 9: 3'). Other signs that might be used to indicate the syllable Ce are RI and E.

5 e-ru-ub /ye'rub/ ' he entered' (Ga 9: 5 ·>4

Ii-Ii-am /l{li'am/ 'he shall come up· (Ga 2: 6)

The environments in whi ch the vowel /e/ occ urs are limited because of the small number of texts that yield grammatical infonnation . No oblique plural seem s to be attested in the texts from Gasur , but there is evidence that *ay contracted to le!:

li-zi-ib

!li'zib/ 'he shall leave' (Ga J; 24)

As mentioned before , the evidence from (iasur refle cts similar dev e lopments as found in the Diyala region . There was an obvious change o f a > e around 11:t/. while /a/ in the proximity to fl seems to have bee n preserved .

Ii-se n-hi -lam /lisebilam/ ' he shall send to me' (Ga 5: 6; Ga 7: 14)"-' [/]i-seu-ri -am /liscri'am/ ' he shall send to me' (Ga J: 24')

3.2.3.6 Summary regarding the vowel lel in Sargonic Akk ad ian

There are also attestations for the lowering of i > e before and after I ' I:

Despite the paucity of our evidence for some region s in the Sargonic period , ce rtain tendencie s in the repre sentation of the vowel lel can nevertheless be noti ced . In all areas and text genres Ce signs are used for the oblique masculine plur al on nouns and for the outcome of the contracti on o f *ay, *ayi and *GY,Yi.The situation differs regarding the lowering of Iii and raising of /a/ in the envi ronm ents of/' /, I r! and 3.,. In roy al inscriptions, texts from southern Babylonia and texts from the area aroun~ Kish there is only scattered evidence for the lowering of i > e m the pro xtm1ty of I I in syllables of the type i 'V. In Kish , we furthermore find evidence for the lowe ring of i > e I r. In the Diyala region and in Gasur on the other hand , these vowel changes seem ~be more advan ced and occur in a greater variety of syllable structur es than in texts which originate further South. A similar situation is found concernin g the change of / i/ and /a/ in the proximity of '3_5. The vowel /a/ is not usuall y raised lo /e/ in either royal inscripti ons or text s from so uthern Babylonia . In Kish and Umm el-Jir seems to be a tendenc y o f a around fl, but not 11:t/. The vowel Ii/ is usua lly preserved in these environments 111 southern Babylonia and Kish, but there is evidence for its lowering to le! around il:tl in royal inscriptions. , . Again , the situation diff ers in th e Diyala regi on and in Gas ur. Th e change of a > e / (+~) is attested in mo st of the evidence. Th e lowering of i_> e m the sa me environment seems to be regular in thi s area. The status of /a/ or hi 111 the prox1m1ty of fl in Gasur or the Diyala region cannot be determin ed with certainl y because of the absence of sufficient evidence, but it see ms that a_> e had at leas\ ~tarted in the Diyala region, while texts from Gasur do not reflect thi s vow el change .

11-11•a- e- n1-1is / 'uwa"e riis/ ' I commanded him' (Ga 9: 7') 11-,·11-ze -[ma ] /yusu~cma/ ' he brought out' (Ga 6: 8)

It is impos sible to say wh et her this chang e was regular or whether it reflect s the beginning of a phonetic proc ess . The third per son verbal prefix is written with the sign occa sion :

E in the

0

root *hlk in one

e-lu-kam /yillakam/ or /yellakam/ ' he came ' (Ga I : 6)

This spelling co uld either reflect an actual vow e l change or simply a scribal vari ation in which the scribe interchan ge d the signs I and E.

3.2.3.5. 1 Vowel changes in the environment of '1 .5 in Gasur

>e

The evidence from Gasur seem s to confirm and conform to the situation found in the Diyala regi on regarding the raising of /a/ and lowering Iii in the environment of ' _ . 35 There is a clear tendency ofa > e in the proximity of 11,i/, although only syllabl es llf the type *!ta arc attested : e-ri -s 11-n11/(h)cressunu/ 'their plot of land' (Ga 3: 18) e -m-si-i s i(h)erasis/ ' to cultivate' (Ga 3: 23)

On the other hand, there are no occurrences of the same change in the environm en t nf Syllabics *'a: a,b ar-t im f ahartim/ ·opposite· (HSS X 25: ii9 Ga)

45 This spelling could theoretically also rencct i > e I _ra fter the loss of f l. If we assume that all syllable final fl behaved the same way, the spelling of li-sa-me-id indicates that ti

Syllable *d : li-,a-m e-id-mu

.l.l

was still present in syllable final position. . 46 Gelb suggested that both fl and 11)/ triggered the raising of a > e, but, as shown, this statement has to be modified according to different regions and text genres in which the respective change is found (Gelh 1977: I) e I + [' ,., ] was already in process in Eblaite although /a/ was still pr,·served in most cases (Krebcm1k 1985: 59 and

/lisa'midma/ 'he shall install' (Ga 3: 7)

Fur 1hc recunstrnclion of these fom1s see section 4.5. 1 I.7 below.

'/;'\

.J..... .

121

Sargonic Akkadian Phon o logy

Sargoni c Akkadi an vo wel s

In my opinion we can nevertheless con c lude that th e change of /a/ or / i/ to /e/ in any environment w as more advanced in the northern periphery, that is, in the Diyala region. than in north ern and southern Babyl onia. The so und change pro bably originated in the No rth and then graduall y spread further South .

3.2.4 .1 Bab y lonian vowel harmony Gelb stated in his Old Akkadian grammar th at la! vowel s that do not occur in the roximity of the gutturals '3.5 were not influenced in O ld Akk adian , th at is. the re is P · s support G e lb ' s no evidence for Babylonian-type vo wel harm ony .",o Most atte stat10n claim , as , for exa mpl e:

120

3.2 .4 Vo we l hann oni es Both later A kkadian dialects , Babylonian and Assyrian , di stinguish themsel ves by vo wel hannoni e s o nly foun d in each individual dialect. In Babylonian , /a/ vowel s in a word that had rai sed /a/ to /e/ in the environm e nt of '3•5 as s imilate to th e /e/ vow e l 47 e\'en if they do not stand in the immedi ate pro x imi ty of the guttural. It is usually a ssum ed that the Ba byl o nian vowel hann ony was co mpl eted by the beginning of the 48 Old Babyl onian period. In A ssy rian, unstre ssed sho rt /a/ in open syll ables is assimilated to th e foll owing 49 \'Owe I, as in sa rrutum ' queen' in the nominati ve for original sa rratum . The se vo wel hannonies are di stinguishin g features of each d ialect. In order to establish the inte rnal sub-division o f Akkadian we have to detennine whether these vow e l harm o nie s oc cur in an y of the sub- corp o ra of Sargoni c Akkadian.

e-dam-da f etamda/ 'joined (2)' (M AD 5 8: 37 Kish) e-ma-zu /(l))emmatsu/ 'hi s heat ' (MAD I 186: 11.12 TA) ni-e-ra-[ab] /ni'errab / or /nerrab/ 'w e will enter' (TA 7: 10') e-ra-si-is l(l))erasis/ ' to cultivate ' (Ga 3: 23) There is one or fonn that is ambigu ous: e-ri-su-nu l(l))eressunu/ ' their plot of land' (Ga 3: 18; Ga 5: 11) Thi s w ord does reflect some kind of vow el harmony. The unb ound form of this word in Old Babylonian is ersum < *~arfJ11m, con struct eres < *~ar 0. The anal ys is o f thi s form depends on whethe r we interpr et th e sec ond vowel in the con stru ct as the result of the Babylonian vowel hann ony rule, that is, the deve lopment would hav e be en *har0t 1 > *~ar0 > *~wrafJ > *~erafJ > fw res, or if we con s ider it as a sy nchroni c a~alo gy with other construct s of the same noun type in which the anap ty cti c vo w el is in vow el harmony with the vowel of the first syll able. that is: kalb : kalab :: hers : X = heres.

1996 : 238). Interestingly, there is no ev idence for a > e I + [ ' 1• 5] in Mari (Westenholz I 978: I 62) . In the Ur-Ill period this vowel change seems to have been regular (Hilgert 2002: 249). 47 Well known exampl es are infinitives or verbs with original guttural, such as erebum from original •'a riih11m> • 'cn ih 11m> ere hum (von Soden I 995 3 : ~ I Oa, b). 48 For a discussion see Kouwenberg 200 l : 235-36. Kouwenberg argues in his article that the Babylonian vowel harmony was not yet fully operative in certain forms of 111-e verbs and nouns that had an additional. non-basic suffix containing an /al-vowel , such as the ventive, the 3 fs stative ending and the accusative singular case ending. In these cases, we often find original /al-vowe ls instead of /el, such as alaqqeam versus e/eqqe, laqiat versus leqe etc. (Kouwenberg 2001 : 233-36). An important point regarding Kouwenherg's analysis is that the older forms that still reta ined la/ co-existed with the more innovative fomis durin g all of the Old Babylonian period. The final adaption of full /el-paradigms was not completed before Middle Babylonian (Kouwenberg 200 I: 236) . This observation has important implications regard ing processes of language change in general and indicates that we cannot assume that a change had already fully taken place because we ha ve a few attestations of its existence. Phonologica l changes rather happen gradually and we. consequently, have to expect periods in which both older and more innovative forms coexist. -.9 Von Soden 1995 3 : § IOe. For the occurrences of the Assyrian vowel harmon y in OA see Hecker I 968: § I Oa.

Both interpretation s are equally pos s ible. Consequently, no certain ev iden ce for the Babyl oni an-type vowel hannony can be found within Sargonic tex ts . If th e wo rd /(l:i)eres sunu/ ind ee d re flect s Babyloniantype vowel harmony , it would be impo rt ant evid ence for locating the origin o f thi s sound change, but this one occurrence is. unfortunately, to o ambi guous to draw any certain conclu sion s.

51

3.2.4.2 As syrian vowel hannony 52 There is no evidence for A ssyrian vnw e l harmon y in Sar gonic texts. example , hav e op erated in the follo w ing cases :

It should, for

50 Gelb 1961: 167. 51 The Babylonian vowel harmony is attested in texts from the Ur-Ill period (Hilgert 2002: 233, 249). 52 There is one possible example that might reflect something similar to later Assyrian vowel harmony . In two original inscriptions from Sar-kali-~ ni (Sks 2 I: 7 N ip: Sks 5: 4 unlrn.) the word for ' subjects' is written with the sign BU, i.e., BU-1i-la -li. In both AHw and CAD the first sign is transcribed as ha 11 in accordance with the form of the ':"'ord in later dialects . This reading is problemati c for Sarg.onic Akkadian since the sign BU is not otherwise used for the syllabic value /ha.', hut ii is used for the value /bu/; sec section

122

Sargonic Akkadian Phonology

ra-,i-hum /rahabum/ 'kind of vessel' (Su 2: 20,23) ti-ir-ba-ti /terhati/ 'bridal price' (MAD 1 169: iii9 TA) ar-ba-um /'arba'um/ 'four' (Na I 1: 7 Bas)

Sargonic Akkadian vowels 3.2.4.4 Vowel harmony of/a/ and /u/

In the nominal patternparrus, the la! of the first syllable always assimilates to the /u/ 53 of the second syllable in Sargonic Akkadian. Typical examples which are also known from Old Babylonian are the infinitive and verbal adjective of the D-stem:

3.2.4.3 Vowel harmony of /i/ with le! zu-ku-na

In some ca:es Ce signs are used for original /i/ vowels in environments in which the l?\\ enng of Iii s_houid not have occurred. Some of the words which have unexpected ( e signs contain another regular /el-vowel. These usages could reflect a vowel ha:mony of the respective Iii vowel with the le! vowel found in the same word when n followed Iii: e-ga-bi /yeqabbel 'he will say· (Si I: 8') is-bi-gi 1'ispekc/ 'stores' (Gir 19: 38) is-gi-ni /'iskene/ 'additional payment' (MAD 5 3: 2 Kish) le-hi ltebe(')I 'arise 1' (MAD 1192:4TAJ

123

lzuqquna/ 'they (2) are bearded' (Di 4: 10)

tu-mu-al /tummu'at/ ·you are conjured' (Ad 12: 10) bu-zu-zi-is gu-du-si-is

/pu's'su'sis/ 'to declare void' (OSP 2 33: 3 Nip) /quddusis/ 'to purify' (Di 6: 11)

These forms do not represent a unique Old Akkadian feature, but do tie Sargonic Akkadian closer together with Babylonian. This sound change within the D-stem predicative adjectives and infinitives most likely spread to other original *pan11s forms as well. To my knowledge there is only one other noun in our corpus that fits into this paradigm: mu-bu-tim /mul)butim/ 'ecstatic female' (MAD 5 R: 31 Kish)

In three cases we also find writings with Ci signs, two times even in the same texts: is-bi-ku i'ispiku/ 'stores' (BIN 8 205: 2 Me-sag) is-ki-nu-w /'iskinusu/ 'its additional payment' (MAD 1 45: x+ii6 TA: MAD I 51: 7 TA; MAD I 52: rev i5 TA etc.) ti-hi /tibe(')/ 'arise 1' (MAD I 192: 3 TA)

One possible explanation is that we are simply dealing with scribal variations. Since Tl can also stand _for Itel, a scribal variation is likely in the case of ftebec _ tibec/_ Equally. the sign E seems to be sometimes used in the same environments as I: see abO\ e sect10n 2.6. I. I. Interesting cases are the words 'ispikii and 'iskinii. The nominative p_lural, in which no other /e/ vowel is present, is written with the sign Bf and Kl, the signs used for the syllabic value Ci. The oblique plural on the other hand \\ h1ch ends m /-e/ 1s written with BI and GI, signs exclusively used for Ce. These \\Ords could indicate that the /i/ vowel of the second syllable assimilated to the llblique plural ending --e.but stayed /i/ when no other le/ vowel was present, as in the nnmm~t1ve plural ~ii. The occurrences of /i/ written with Ce signs in the vicinity of ,,ther · e/ vowels constitute an interesting phenomenon that is unique to Sargonic \kkadian.

This noun is listed as mablJiitum in AHw with the biform muliliiitum for Old Akkadian and OB Mari. Von Soden analvses the masculine form as pattern parriis 54 from a root "mfiw. For the fominin;, we have to assume the development *mal,l,mvt- > *mablzawt- > mal,l,i'it-, where the latter form looks like a feminine of the pattern parn1s and therefore might have invited the change of a > u in the first syllable by analogy with the D-stem predicative adjective and infinitive. Other explanations might be found for the coloring of a > u, but if the analysis proposed here is correct, this noun would be another example for the spread of purrus < *parrus.·· Another interesting and quite idiosyncratic form which is also connected to the D-stem is the occurrence of a D preterite with the vowel pattern yupurris instead of yuparris:

''

11-11-hi-ru-un /yu'ul)birilnl 'they delayed' (Gir 3: 8)

This word is spelled u-a-ba-ru in an Old Babylonian copy (Sa C4: 123 Nip). Another possible attestation of the form yupurris is a form of the root *.vb/ found in a text from the Diyala region: 111-11-bi-lu-si/tu'ubbililsi/ 'she brought her' (JCS 28: rii6 Di)

~.4.12 above. The sign BU should therefore rather be read as syllabic value /bu/, not Iba/ in this word, i.e., b1,-1i-la-li /bucillati/ < *hd11/ati. If this reading is correct, we have t~ aSsume an assimilation of the original la 1 in the first syllable of the word to the Jul in the second syllable. This assimilation resembles the Assyrian vowel harmony rule, but it could also reflect the tendency of words of the type par(r)us to change to pur(r)us, see bclo\\ section 3.2.4.4.

The root *wbl is not usually attested in the 0-stem (its biform *bbl is used instead) but the writing in this particular instance defies an interpretation as G preterite since the preterite of the G-stem is never written with an inserted U.This sign is only used 53 For the reconstruction of original parrus see section 4.5.8 and 4.5.10.1 below. 54 Von Soden 19953 : § 550. 55 Another explanation might be the presence of the initial labial Im! (Huehnergard p.c.).

125

Sargonic Akkadian Phonology

Sargonic Akkadian consonants

to represent a syllable onset. It is therefore possible that this spelling preserves the original form of the D-stem of *whl. In this case, both forms /yu'ui)i)irun/ and tu'ubbiliisi/ would have the abnormal form yupurris, which can either be explained by metanalysis with the D-imperative, infinitive and predicative adjective, or by a \ owe! assimilation in which case it would resemble the vowel change found in bu'ulati/.

In the following sections, gutturals, semi-vowels, and sibiliants, will be discussed in more detail with focus on regional variations in their orthographic

124

3.3 Sargonic Akkadian consonants It has long been recognized that the consonantal inventory of Sargonic Akkadian was not yet as reduced as the inventory of later Akkadian dialects, although it has been a matter of dispute which consonants had merged and which had been 56 preserved, especially with regard to gutturals. On the basis of the investigation of the Sargonic syllabary in chapter 2, it is assumed here that all five original gutturals \\ ere still, at least in part, distinct. It has furthermore been argued in chapter 2 that the Proto-Semitic interdental *B had not yet merged with *s and *s in all cases. No clear statement can be made about the phonemes that are written with the Z-series, that is PS *'s ·, *s ·, *B ', *'s, *dz and *cl. Based on the mergers of these phonemes in Babylonian and Assyrian, it will be assumed that the first three phonemes had already merged to 1$1and the latter two to fzl, although it has to be kept in mind that this is a working hypothesis. The consonantal inventory of Sargonic Akkadian as reconstmcted here is therefore: Stops Bilabial Interdental Dental Lateral Palatal \'elar Pharyngeal Glottal

Fricatives

Affucates

b.p

Nasals

Sonorants

111

W

n

r

(I

d. t,

r5'

dz, ' s, ,s

s g, k. q

y

g,h .h h

Of the 29 Proto-Semitic phonemes 25 are still preserved in Sargonic Akkadian, as L1pposedto the 20 phonemes that are traceable in Babylonian and Assyrian. ,11

Gelb, for example, assumed that '3. 5 had probably merged to a single consonant in Sargonic Akkadian, the outcome of which was still clearly distinct from '1_2 (Gelb 1961: 162). Von Soden rather vaguely suggested that ·,., were still distinct and maybe also ·.l-5 (\'on Soden I 9951 : (i 188a; similarly also von Soden and Rollig 1967: XXII). Buccellati assumes that 'n were still presef\'ed (Buccellati 1997: 18).

~-

Sargonic emphatic stops \Vere most likely glottalized as in OA. For OA see Kou\,venberg,

forthcoming.

representation.

3 .3.1 Sargonic Akkadian gutturals As mentioned in the discussion of the syllabary, Sargonic Akkadian had different sets of signs to indicate gutturals in the writing. Most of these signs are known as 'vowel signs' in later dialects and include A, E, U, A, E,i, and U.Very few CVG or GVC signs are used; the two signs known are MA for /maG/ and AMfor /Garn/. The following sections will investigate the presentation of gutturals in the different sub-corpora of Sargonic Akkadian and try to determine whether conclusions regarding their status can be drawn on the basis of their representation in the orthography. 3.3.1.1 Gutturals in royal inscriptions In royal inscriptions, syllable-initial /' / is either written with the signs A and not indicated in the orthography:

I, or it is

a-bi-su /'abisu/ 'his father' (Na 7 I: 5 unkn.) dar-a-mu-su 4 /tar'amiisu/ 'she loved him' (Na 1 1: 12 Bas) isu-ar-n, /yiO'aru/ 'he was victorious' (Na Al l: 12 Marda)

i-li /'ile/ 'gods' (Na 1 3: 19 Bas) us-se 11 /'usse/ 'foundations' (D 15: 2) sa-ir /0a'ir/ 'victor' (Na 3 l: 6 Susa)

Broken spellings like sa-ir and isu-ar-n, and specifically the insertion of the sign A in dar-a-mu-su 4 indicate that there still existed a distinct consonantal syllable onset. Consonantal /'/ is not usually expressed in the writing at the end of a syllable when followed by another consonant, but it is indicated word-finally when a CVG sign is available: i-dar-su-ni-is--ma /yitarsiinissiima/ 'they requested him' (Na I 3: 2 Bas)< *yi 'tri-ma-ti /nmati/ 'love' (Na 1 l: 10 Bas) e in the proximity of this phoneme attested in later dialects indicates that fl had not merged with /'/. This argument, of course, is only valid when we assume a direct affiliation of Sargonic Akkadian to a later dialect that was subject to this sound change. The phoneme /g/ is, to my knowledge, not attested in original Sargonic royal inscriptions. Each of the Proto-Semitic gutturals /'I, !hi, 11:il,and fl is represented differently in Sargonic royal inscriptions. Thus, it can be concluded that these phonemes were most likely still distinct in the dialect underlying this literary genre. The preservation of these gutturals can furthermore be derived from the regular absence of the raising of a > e, which presumes that the conditioning factor, in this case ·,-4,was still present. The status of lg/ is unknown because of the lack of evidence.

3.3.1.2 Gutturals in southern Babylonia In texts from southern Babylonia, syllable initial /'I is expressed in the same way as in royal inscriptions:

a-ri-is-ga /'arriska/ 'I will demand from you' (Gir 19: 40) 1 11-u-hi-ru-1in/yu'ul].l].iriin/'they delayed' (Gir 3: 8)6 li-su-ze-as-su-ni /lisG~e'assune/ 'he shall release them (2)' (Gir 29: 12) 111-rnu-ad/tummu'at/ 'you are conjured' (Ad 12: I 0) Syllable-final/'/ is indicated in word-final position when an adequate CVG sign is available, although all our attestations of such spellings come from formulaic expressions in which they might reflect an archaic scribal practice. When syllable final /' / is followed by another consonant, there is no indication of it in the orthography: u-m e is attested, we have to assume that there still was a consonantal reflex of /bl that differed from/' I and /h/ in this text corpus. _ _In syHable initial position, fl is either written with a vowel sign, or it is not md1cated m the orthography: e-ni-a feneya/ 'my eyes' (Ad 12: 11) al-su falsul 'against him' (Gir 37: 7') al (al/ 'against' (Limet 73 13: 4 Gir)

129

While it is not determinable whether ti was still present on the basis of writings like e-ni-a, the absence of the raising of a > e in the preposition 'al, later Akkadian eli. supports the assumption that fl was indeed still preserved in word initial position. In syllable final position, fl is most often not specifically expressed in the writing, but the CVG sign MAis used when possible: li-sa-ki-id /lisackid/ 'he shall hurry' (Gir I: .1') ~su~-ku-ud-ma /su'kudma/ 'he is in haste' (Gir 2: 5) i-zu-bu /yi'zubii/ 'they left' (BIN 8 149: 9 Me-sag) as-ma-ma /'asma'ma/ 'I heard' (Gir 37: 3) [s]u-da-~ri~-ib /sutacrib/ 'bring in1' (Gir 19: 21) e-ru-ub /ye'rub/ 'he entered' (Limet 73 9: 4 Gir etc.)

The spelling of /mac/ with MAand the general absence of a> e indicate that fl was still present in syllable final position. Furthermore, because fl is written with different vowel signs than /1:l/, the two phonemes were probably still distinct. There is no evidence for lgl in texts from southern Babylonia. The orthographic representation of /1:lland fl indicates that these phonemes were still preserved and had not merged in the texts from southern Babylonia. The situation regarding/'/ and /h/, on the other hand, is ambiguous. The phoneme /'/ seems to have been preserved in syllable initial position, while lh/ might have started to merge with/'/.

3.3.1.3 Gutturals in Kish and Umm el-Jir The orthographic representation of gutturals in the area of Kish and Umm el-Jir differs slightly from royal inscriptions and southern Babylonian texts. Syllable initial /' I is usually indicated by one of the expected vowel signs or is not expressed in the writing. In addition, we find the spelling 0 for /'u/ in texts from Kish: u-kul-la-i-su /'ukullii'Isu/ 'his prO\isions' (Ki 2: I 0) a-bi /'abI/ 'my father' (Ki 1: 5) a-bu-uz, /'ii]Juz/ 'I took' (MAD 5 8: 12,13 Kish) a-da-num /'atiinum/ 'she-ass' (MAD 5 8: 24 Kish) ~su-zi~-a-am /su~i'am/ 'bring out to me!' (Ki 1: 15)

Especially the insertion of the sign A in su-zi-a-am is an indication for the preservation of syllable initial l'I. As in other corpora, syllable final /' / has no orthographic reflex: a-bu-uz, l'a.l:iuzl 'I took' (MAD 5 8: 12,13Kish) i-bu-uz /yilmz/ 'he took' (Ki 2: 8) e-ri-su-ga /yerrisuka/ 'they will demand from you' (Ki 1: I 0)

130

The phoneme lhl is not attested in this sub-corpu s except in the root *hlk in which /hi . regu Iar 1y ass1m1 . ·1ate d.62 ts The representation of ft.ii differs from the text corpora treated so far in that the sign E, which is typical for royal inscriptions and texts from so uthern Babylonia , is not used in Kish. The phoneme /1:t/is not indicated in the orthography in the one attesta tion we have : na-as /naJ:ias/ ' life' (MAD521 : 6Ki sh}

it is still possible Although Eis not present as an indicator for the pre serva tion of /1:t/, to state that some reflex of /1:t/ must have been present because of the absence of a > e, but since this word is part of an oath formula , we might be dealing with an arch aic form . is likewise not indicated in the one attestation we have but the Syllable final /1:t/ absence of a > e indicates that ft.ii might have been pre served in this case: il-ga /yilqab/ ' he took' (MAD 5 82: 6 UeJ)

The phoneme f l is written with the same signs as /'I : e-dam-da /(')etamda/ 'joined' (MAD 5 8: 37 Kish) e-ri l() eril 'destitute ' (Ki 1: 8) < *cari e-ni-k i /('}enekil 'your eyes' (MAD 5 8: 14 Kish) ur,-ki f urki/ 'your vulva' (MAD 5 8: 15 Kish)

These forms are basically what we find in later dialects. It is therefore impos sible to determine whether fl was still present in these words. The raising of a > e seems to occur regularl y in words with original *'a, thus both loss and preservation of f l are possible. There are two attestations for the phoneme l gl from Kish , both from the same literary text. In one word, in which lgl is found in syllable final position , it is written with the sign Vlf If the etymology for the word ni-ga-tim that has recently been sugges ted by Kogan is correct , /g/ also seems to be written with the sign GA, which is quite exceptional for the representat ion of lg! in Akkadian, although it would be a nice indication for the pre se rvation of thi s phoneme Furthermore, there is no e\idence for a > e I [ + g] which also implies that lgl as conditioning environment of this sound change still has to be present. Since both of our attestations from Kish come from a literary text, they are , consequenly , not nece ssarily an indication that lg! was still preserved in the spoken language of thi s area and time period.

63

For the attestations of *hlk see section 4.5.11.3 below. h.1 For this etymology see Kogan 200 I : 276. A parallel of the spelling of lg! with the graphemic device for lg! is well known from Greek transcriptions of Hebrew words / names. such as Hebrew 'azza 'Ga za' as l'a i;a . h~

Sargonic Akkadian consonants

Sargonic Ak.kadian Phonology

131

ru-1ih-ti /rugti/ ' spittle' (MAD 5 8: 5,10 Kish) ni-ga-tim /rugatim?/ ' drooling' (MAD 5 8: 12 Kish) 3.3.1.4 Gutturals in the Diyala region Most of our evidence for gutturals in Sargonic Ak.kadian ha s its origin in the Diyala region. It is also here that we find the greatest divergence from the system used for the representation of these phonemes in southern Bab yloman texts and m roya l inscriptions . . The spelling of /'I is the same as in other sub-corpora. We find the vowel sign s A, E, i and (J for syllable initial /'I , while syllable final /' I 1s not md1cated: Syllable initial /'/ : a-hi !'abII 'my father' (Di I l: 3; TA 6: 5) a-bii-su /'abiisu/ ' his father' (OAIC 36: 28 Di} a-ba-da-ki /'aJ:iataki/ 'y our sisters (2)' (TA 5: 8) a-bu- ~ za-am~ /' aJ:iuzarnl 'I took' (Di 3: 9) a-ki-lu /' akilii/ 'consumers' (Rash 3: iii 12 TSul) e-nu /'enu/ ' utensils' (OAIC 7: 21 Di} a-la-e-ma /' ala" ema/ ' I am able' (Di 10: I 7') i-lum /' ilurn/ 'god ' (MAD I 192: 4 TA) ku-lu-11 /kulu'u/ 'male prostitutes' (OAIC JO: 11 Di) ah-za-nim /' ahzanirn/ 'seize (2) for me!' (Di 4: 9) u~-ma- su /'u~asu/ 'his mother' (Di 4: 14) ar-za-tim /' arsatirn/ 'land' (MAD 1 18 1: iii TA)

id-ma-ii /yitm.a'u/ 'theyswore' (MADI l35:re v 5TA ; OATC51:x+3D ii64 Syllable final /'/: e-mu-ru /y1murii/ 'they saw' (OA IC 6: IO Di) i-mu-ru /y1murii/ 'they saw' (MAD 1 336: 20 TA} 6 ra-si-im /rasim/ 'head' (OAIC 11: 12 Di) ' The texts from the Diyala region use the same signs for /h/ as those from Kish, namely the signs A and E.The syllable iham/ is once written with a GVC sign . We

64 There is one single attestation in all of Sargonic Akkadian in which the syllable ·a seems to be written with the sign A, coming from the [)iyala region: ,i-dum /' adum/ 'until' (TA 2: IO'). For the etymology of this word see section 2.5.4. l above. 65 lf we assume that the later change to riJJ,11mresulted from a > e in the environment of /'/ (Huehnergard 1998: 592-93) we have 1,, reconstruct this word as ra ·sum for Sargonic Akkadian. We could also assume a different hase for later reSwn , *ri ·s- inskad of •ra s this hase is found, for example in Ugarilic, and most likely underlies Syriac rfHi and Ge'e z ,.3 's - · and explain the lowering of i .,. e by the influence of Ir/.

132

Sargonic Akkadian Phonology

also fin~ a writing without any specific indication, probably because there did not exist a sign to express the syllable Gal: a-ni-me /hannime/ 'now' (OAIC 8: 14 Di) 'a-wa-tim /hawiitim/ 'word' (Di 10: 12') a/-kam-ma /halkamma/ 'comel' (OAIC 10: 11 Di) ti-am-tim /tihiimtim/ 'sea' (MAD I 192: 2,4 TA)

Interestingly, the writings with A and E occur in the same roots as in Kish Th · . ese 11· spe mgs might th~refore be ~ord-_dependent rather, than reflecting the beginning merger _of/hi ~nd I I. The spelling with the GVC sign AM occurs in a school exercise contammg a hterary text. The orthographic reflection of/'/ and /h/ in the Diyala region is therefore similar to the represe_ntation of these two phonemes in more southern sub-corpora, especially m Kish and Umm el-Jir. The situation changes when we look at spellings of '3-5. Besides the common use of E for the syllable *!Jawe also find the sign E for the same syllable. Furthermore, the syllabary of the Diyala region uses additional signs for ongmal GVC and CVG syllables, EL and TE. Syllables *ba, *hi, *bu: 'a-ra-se ll)arii0i/ 'to cultivate' (Di 10: 14') na-'a-cis /nal)as/ 'life' (MADI 135:rev4TA) e-ma-zu /(h)emmatsu/ 'his heat' (MAD I 186: 11,12 TA) el-lum /(l))ellum/ 'pure' (MAD I 303: I TA) la-e-ma-ad /la(l))emat/ 'it is consuming' (MAD I 186: 12 TA) li-ib-te-u-ma /lipte(h)iima/ 'they shall open' (Di 8: 13) The evjdence_ is far ~om being consistent. There seems to be a tendency to write m1t1al /JVwith the sign E and perhaps EL in Tell Asmar, both of which reflect the 66 raising of /a/ to /el. The writing of */Jaand *hi with E could further indicate that 1 •h had already been lost, but the opposite assumption is equally possible, that is, a > e had taken place but the conditioning factor, /1)/, was still present. We still have e,·idence for biforms in which no vowel change has taken place, as in /hara0i/. Note that the word /nal,las/ is not necessarily an indication for the prese~ation of /hi because it is used in an oath formula. · Syllable-final attestations for /1)/ are equally ambiguous: fi-~if~-ga-ma /lilqahma/ 'he shall take' (Di 2: 9) il-gi-am-ma /yilqe(l))amma/ 'he took' (TA I: 6; OAIC 7: 23 Di)

Agam, _itis impossible to determine whether the attestations of vowel changes in the prox1m1ty of /1)/ also imply the loss of this phoneme.

Af,

For the possible interpretation of EL as logogram see section 2.3 above.

Sargonic Akkadian consonants

133

The evidence of bi forms for both syllable initial and syllable final 11)1indicates that the sound change a> e I [+l)] had started in the Diyala region, but was not yet completed. The representation of fl is also less regular in the Diyala region concerning the choice of vowel signs than in the more southern sub-corpora. In the Diyala region, we find two different signs that are used to represent the syllable fa/, A and E: me-da-a /medacii/ 'those who know (2)' (Di 10: 12') a-zum fazzum/ 'fiery' (MAD I I ()2: 3 TA) 'a-zum fazzum/ 'fiery' (MAD I 192: 4 TA) ni-e-ra-[ab] /ni'errab/ or /nerrab/ 'we will enter' (TA 7: 10')

Although hardly any vowel change is attested, it is obvious that signs normally used for the gutturals /hi and /1)/ were confused with signs originally used for the 67 presentation of /'I and fl. Again, the attestations that do not exhibit vowel raising, such as fazzum/, occur in a school exercise containing a literary text, where the absence of a > e probably reflects an archaism. The only two occurrences from letters, /medaca/ and lnerrabl are ambiguous. The latter form indicates that the raising of /a/ had at least started, while the preservation of fa! in the first attestation is due to morpheme boundaries. If this interpretation is correct, the change of a > e, and perhaps also the loss of *', could have been far more advanced in the Diyala region than our evidence suggests at first sight. There is hardly any evidence for lg/ in the Diyala region. The one attestation we find indicates that lg/ was still present in this instance, since no vowel change took place. za-ah-ra /~agrii/ 'they (2) are small' (Di 4: 10)

3.3.1.5 Gutturals in Gasur In Gasur, the situation regarding the representation of gutturals resembles the situation found in the Diyala region. The phoneme /'I is written with the usual vowel signs, A, E and 0 at the beginning of a syllable: ~ba~-a /ba'ii/ 'theyarecoming' (Ga 5: 10) u-wa-e-ru-zis /'uwa"eriis/ 'I commanded him' (Ga 9: 7')

At the end of a syllable,/' I is, as expected, not indicated: ri-su-ze-[ma] /yusii~ema/ 'he gave out' (Ga 6: 8)

No /h/ is found outside the root *hlk in which it is regularly assimilated.

67 Note that the writing with also written with A.

Eis only found in a school exercise in which the same word is

134

Sargonic Akkadian consonants

Sargonic Akkadian Phonology

Interestingly, the original syllable *ha is exclusively written with the sign E in Gasur : e-ri-su-nu /(l_l)eressunu/"their plot of land" (Ga 3: 18) e-ra-si-is /(l_l)erasis / ' to cultivate' (Ga 3: 23)

This spelling could indicate that word initial /!:ifwas already lost in these examples. The phoneme fl is represented differently from /]:ii the one time it is attested , although we are not able to infer the general status of fl in Gasur from this evidence. a- -h ar -·-tim fabartim/ 'acro ss' (HSS X 25: ii9 Ga)

Syllable final fl is not indicated. except in personal names , m which we find spellings with the CVG sign MA: Ii-Ii-am /li' li'am/ 'he shall come up' (Ga 2: 6) li-sa -me-id-ma /lisa"midma/ ' he shall install' (Ga 3: 7) is-ma-DINGfR /yisma'- 'ilum/ PN (Ga 8: 3) li-zi-ih /li'7ib/ 'he shall leave' (Ga 3: 24) e-111-uh /ye' rub/ ' he entered' (Ga 9: 5 ')

The spelling li-sa-me-id-ma indicates that fl must, at least in this case, have had a di stinct phonetic realization since no rai sing of a > e had taken place. There is no attestation for lg! in the text s from Gasur. Despite the paucity of the evidence it seems that at least / ' / was still distinct in Gasur. Word initial /f:v'might have been lost already while fl seems to still have been present , at least in some instance s. 3.3.1.6 Summary of gutturals For the most part . the phoneme I'! is represented in the same way in all sub-corpora. Syllable initial /'/ is usually written with a vowel sign, while/'/ in the environment Cf' ·c is not and might have been lost. At least in royal inscriptions and in formulaic contexts, / ' I also seems to be pre se rved in word final position. The writing of /h/ differs in the individual sub-corpora. While /h/ is kept distinct in original royal inscriptions , texts from southern Babylonia and the Diyala region u~c signs originally employed for the writing of I'/ and /]:ii, the choice of which see ms to be dependent on the root of the word. The guttural /]:i/ is regularly writt en with E in royal inscriptions, southern Babylonian texts and texts from Kish and Umm el-Jir, but in the Diyala region we ,tart to find writings with simple E. The latter spelling is found exclusively in Gasur. This could indicate that /]:ii had begun to be lost in these areas , since we also find m,m: or less regular raising of a > e in the same regions . The guttural fl is written "it h the expected vowel signs in royal inscription s, so uthern Babylonia and the Kish ar.:-a. although in the latter we find a > e in its proximity , which might indicate at ka,a partial loss of /'/. Texts from the Diyala reg ion exhibit some confosion

135

regarding the spelling of fl . Most of the attestations that indicate a preservation of f l in this area are from literary texts in which they might represent archaisms. Thus, ti might be that the weakening and loss of this phoneme was already more _advan_ced in the dialect underlying letters and economic tex ts than our evidence trom hterary 6R

texts suggests. The status of lg/ is difficult to determine since this guttural only occurs sporadically and most of these attestations come from literary texts. We hav e no evidence for vowel changes which might sugges t that lg! was still preserved m some dialects of Sargonic Akkadian. The writin g with the I:1.-series further indicates that *g had not merged with*}; and *'". Therefore, we can conclude that royal inscriptions, as preserving a literary and older form of the language, and texts from southern Babylonia were more conservative regarding the preservation of gutturals than areas further in the North , which is surprising considering the fact that we would expect a stronger and more immediate Sumerian influence in southern Babylonia . Going North , the first changes occur in the area of Kish with the phoneme fl. In the Diyala region and in Gasur, the two most innovative areas among the Sargonic sub-corpora, we can observe the raising of a> e around /!:ifand f l and perhaps the occasional loss of these gutturals. The innovative trend in the northern periphery matches the results from our investigation of the occurrences of vowel chang es around gutturals in section 3.2.3 above. 3.3.2 Sargonic Akkadian glides No areal variations can be found regarding the semi-vowels lyl and lwl in Sargonic Akkadian. For the discussion of the se phoneme s see sections 2.6 and 3.2.3 above; for the contraction of*ay > e see se ii section 2.6.2.2. 3.3.3 Sargonic Akkadian sibilants The Sargonic Akkadian inventory of sibilants and their phon etic difference vis-a -vi s later Akkadian dialects have already briefly been discussed in the treatment of the syllabary, section 2.7 above . The realization of these phonemes as represented in this study is based on Faber's inve stigation for Semitic and Old Akkad1an sibilants and 69

affricates. For Sargonic Akkadian we can distinguish three groups of sibilants based on their orthographic reflection : l.

• s I • s written with the S-seri,'s

68 It has again to be stressed that thb conclusion is only valid when we assume a dialect continuum from OAkk to OB or OA. 69 See Faber 1981 and Faber 1985.

136

Sargonic Akkadian consonants

Sargonic Akkadian Phonology

137

time. 78 The specific details of this merger. especially possible dialect variations, will

These two Proto-Semitic phonemes are never distinguished in the orthography. Opinions regarding whether *sand *s were still distinct vary. Von Soden and Ri:illig 70 suggested that these two phonemes might still have been distinct, while Gelb assumed ~~at *s and *s, s1 and !i2 in his transcription, had merged to a single phoneme. Sommerfeld followed Gelb's approach in GAG, presuming a merger of *s an ct *s.· 72 s·mce there 1s · no ev1·ctence tort · he preservation of both *s and *.11 will assume that the two phonemes had merged in Sargonic Akkadian. Another problem to be addressed is the phonetic outcome of this merger. Gelb thought that the outcome of the merger of *s and *.5 was pronounced Isl as in Old 73 Babylonian. This interpretation is still found in recent treatments of Akkadian 74 phonology, such as Buccellati's 'Akkadian and Amorite Phonology'. In mv opinion, Faber argued convincingly that the Old Akkadian reflex of the phonem~ written with the S-series should be Isl, not Isl, based on the assumption that the zseries still stood for affricates. According to Faber, the spelling DAM-zu reflects the 75 underlying form /'a00atsul, with the combination dental + sibilant. This interpretation is only possible when the underlying sibilant of the pronominal suffix 76 is !si, not Isl. It will therefore be assumed that the S-series stands for the sound lsi.

be discussed in the following sections. 3. *1s, *"z, *o, *1s ·, *0', *.~' written with the Z-series

As mentioned in section 3.3 above, the regular spelling of all these phonemes with the Z-series does not allow any conclusions regarding specific mergers. Statements about mergers can only be made by comparison with later dialects and have, therefore, to remain tentative. It will be assumed here that the Z-series comprises three major groups of sibilants: I) *'s. which is written with the S-serics in Babylonian, 2) *dzand *o, and 3) *1s ·. *B ·, *.~·. The latter two possib_ly me~ed to l"zl and l~I respectively. As argued by Faber, all these phonemes are affncates. 3.3.3.1 Sibilants in royal inscriptions The orthographic distinction between Proto-Semitic *s I *s on the one hand and *() on the other is preserved in original royal inscriptions. The phonemes Isl and Isl are written with the S-series while 101is written with the S-series, as in:

S-series for *sand *s: -sa- for causative (Man I: 55 Susa; Na I 3: 10 Bas etc.) sar-ri-si-in /sarresin/ 'their kings' (Na 2 4: 3 Nin; Na 7 3: 4' unkn.) ~na- 'a-si~ /naJ:iasi/ 'life' (Na B2: 4 Susa) z,s-se 11 /'usse/ 'foundations' (D 15: 2) ig-su-tu /yiksudu/ 'he reached' (D 14: 4) -su possessive suffix (always) gi-ni-is-ma /kenisma/ 'truly' (Man I: 52 Susa) is-de /'iste/ 'of (Na I I: 25 Bas) i-li-is /'ilis/ 'as god' (Na 1 2: 24 Bas) ~is-ku-un~ /yiskun/ 'he put' (Na 5 3: l PirHus) bu-us-ki-im /pusqimi 'hardship' (Na I I: 20 Bas) etc.

2. *0 written with the S-series The Proto-Semitic interdental *B was still partly distinct from *s and *ii in Sargonic 77 Akkadian, which is indicated by the use of the S-series for its representation. However, already Gelb noted that *B had started to merge with *s and *s at this

70

Von Soden and Rol!ig 1967: XX!. - I Gelb 1961: 51. See also Gelb 1981: 22, where he states that these two phonemes are never distinct in older Semitic languages, such as Eblaite, Amorite, Old Akkadian and Ugaritic. For Gelb's assumption regarding the existence of a fourth sibilant S4 see section 2.7 above. -, Sommerfeld in von Soden 19953 : § 30. -3 Gelb 1961: 46-47. ~ 4 Buccellati 1997: 22. "' See Faber 1985: 103 and Faber 1981: 257. -A Another interpretation, suggested by Swiggers, is that *sand *s merged to is!.that is, to a fricative lateral. This argument is based on the later change of § > I I_ [+ dental) I Swiggers 1980: 6 ). Other scenarios can, of course, be imagined as well, such as an 3llophonic distribution of [s) before dentals and [s] otherwise, but there is not enough e, idence to support either Swigger's or the latter suggestion. It is therefore assumed here that we are dealing with simple [s] in Sargonic texts. See also Gelb 1961: 52; Faber 1985: 103; Sommerfeld in von Soden 1995 3 : ~ 30.

S for *0: sa-ir /0a'ir/ 'victor' (Na 3 I: 6 Susa) sa /0a/ 'of (Man 1: 53 Susa) i-sa-n1 /yi0iiru/ 'he was victorious· (D 13: 4) 1 /§ -ar /yi0'ar/ 'he was victorious· (Man I· 19 Susa; Na 1 l: 15 Basi8' 11 78 Gelb 1961: 163. For an even earlier observation of this merger see Thureau-Dangin 1926: 28.

79 The interpretation of the Z-series as representing affricates supports the assumption that 1 •,:J and *Jz had merged to f'zJ. Faber 1985: I 03; see also Sommerfeld in von Soden l 995 : § 30. 80 For the different nonnalizations of *vi0 'ar see section 4.5.11.2 below.

;c;

l

l38

Sargonic Akkadian Phonology

Sargonic Akkadian consonants

There are no exceptions to these spellings in original inscriptions but we do fi d . . ' m sign s firom t h e S -series tor original *8 in Old Babylonian copies (Na CS: 98 Ur; Ri C6: 76 N_1p). The _ signs IS and US are only used for the syllables / is/ and /us/ . Etymological he! 1s always written with is11, while etymological /u0 / is not attested 111 ongmal royal inscriptions.

su-111relative pronoun (Gir 3: 7 etc.) surelative pronoun (Gir 8: 2' etc.) ·a-ru-us /l.laru0/ 'c ultivate! ' (Gir 19: 4,15) a-n1-11{ /'ahru0/ 'I cultivated' (Gir 19: 9)

_We can therefore conclude that the phoneme s *s / *sand *0 were distinct in all environments .

da-sa-bi-ir /tasabber/ 'you will smash' (OSP I 7: i5' Nip) < *Hbr 111sa -bu /tussabu/ ·you will sit' (Ad 12: 16) < *wflh

The distinction between SU for the possessive suffix and SU 4 for the accusative suffix and anaphoric pronoun /su'a/ is likewise regular in original inscriptions.

su-si-ib-ma

The representation of sibilants in texts from southern Babylonia is Jess regular b n . h . 'or _e er, _conservative, t _an royal inscriptions . In southern Babylonia , we find the first ev idence for a begmnmg merger of *0 with *s / *s. The phoneme s *s I *s are regularly written with the S-serie s:

m

a-sa-ga-nu / 'asakkanu/ 'I will place ' (Gir 37: 7') dag-m-- sa-am~ /tagrusam/ 'y ou came here ' (Ad 12: 14) li-sa -ki-id /lisa'.kid! ' he shall hurry· (Gir J: 3') s,i-bi-i-a-me /sapcyame/ ' my enemies ' (Gir 37: 5) li-se u- u-ni-kum -ma /lisse 'i:inikkumma/ 'they shall rise for you' (Gir 19: 19) a-la-ga-si-ma /' alaqqahsfma/ ' I will take her ' (OSP I 7: iii2' Nip) si-ib-d a-an /siptlin/ 'incantations' (OSP I 7: iv5 Nip) si-ih-ri /sipri/ 'my work' (Um 4: 9) si-111111 /sittum/ 'rest' (Limet 73 13: 3 Gir) - s11~ -ku-11d-ma /su' kudma/ ' he is in haste' (Gir 2: 5) li-su-ri-am /lisuri'am/ ' he shall send ' (G ir 34: 8) da-ri-is /daris/ ' forever' (OSP I 7: iv4 Nip) is-de /' iste/ ' from' (Ad 10: 5 etc.) u-ri-i s -ga /' arriska/ 'I will demand from you· (Gir 19: 40) i-1i-is lyidis l ' to the side / hand' (Gir 37: 7) [l]i-- is-me~ /lisme(')/ 'he shall hear· (Ad 3: 19)

The S-series is still occasionally

used fur *0, but we also find spellings with the

,ene s: e in Akkadian. It is more likely that e-ni reflects a different base as suggested in AHw. The particle e-ni, to be translated as interjection 'look!', is most likely related to similar particles found in Hebrew, such as hen 'look!' or hinne 'look I behold!' and Arabic 'inna. In this case it would still have the same root as hanni, but a different basic form, namely *hin(ni) instead of*han(ni). 85 Another particle which is related to the common demonstrative root *hn and, more specifically to Sargonic henni < *hin(ni) is the frequent letter introductory 86 formula en-ma /(h)enma/, later umma. This particle reflects the same root as the interjection *hin /hennil, with additional enclitic -ma. 87

8 I Already Gelb connected the demonstrative 'this'. which he reconstructed as annijum. with the particle anni 'now' in his glossary of Old Akkadian and derived both words form the same root ·1n, while enma, according to Gelb, is derived from a root '2n (Gelb 19732 : 47). Von Soden, too, connects anni 'now' with annii I in AHw. 82 This use can be compared to the use of 'atta in Hebrew, which is also employed to introduce the actual message of a letter. For the use of 'atta in Biblical Hebrew see Gesenius. Kautzsch, Cowley 1910: § 90h. who does not quote this form directly, but refers to this paragraph in the index. For the use of'atta in letters in Epigraphic Hebrew see Gogel 1998: 207. n Von Soden connects eni. OB Tni with anna 'yes, certainly' in AHw, while Kienast and Volk assume that both a-ni and e-ni represent the same interjection and transcribe e-ni as enni based on a-ni = anni (Kienast and Volk 1995: 92). Another possibility is to connect c-ni with inanna 'now', which has the biform enna in NB and NA ~4 See von Soden 19953: § 12 la and 45a.

Particles Furthermore, Sargonic Akkadian employs the interjection ma Ima! 'what!' 88 letter from Kish (Ki I: 6):

This demonstrative root is, for example, attested in Ugaritic hn-d. See also Rubin forthcoming, who suggests a demonstrative • han as base for the definite article in Hebrew, Phoenician, Aramaic, and certain Epigraphic Arabic dialects. ! e.This group includes the roots hasum, le 'um, and qahum. The sec~nd major group consists of verbal roots that are attested in a different vowel class in Sargonic Akkadian than in later dialects. Most of these. verbal roots belong to the i - i class in Babylonian. but have a different_ vowel_ m either the durative or preterite in Sargonic texts. These roots can be d1v1ded mto two subgroups, roots that have an /a/ vowel, and those that have /u/ instead of later Ii/.

~1;'m

1

Roots with /a/ instead oflater /i/: Jl gamiilum: a-ga-ma-lu-su 4 /'agammalusu/ '( will spare him' (Gir 37: 6'), only durative attested, later i - i

130 The verb erebum is 11 - 11in OB, but a - 11 in Assyrian. 131 For the attestatioris see sections 4.5.11.4-6 below. I 32 The attestations for these roots are listed in section 4.5.11.9 below. 133 For nadiinum see section 4.5.11.1 below.

Verbs

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology

194

eserum : e-e-sa-ru-ni lyessariini/ 'they take care ofme'

(TA 2: 11' ); i-e-sa-ru lyessarii/ 'they take care' (TA 2: 13'), only durative attested, later i-i redum : ir-da- ~ u~ lyirda' ul 'he led' (MAD 5 14: 8 Kish); li-~ ir~-da llirda'I 'he shall lead' (Di 2: 18), only preterite attested, later e - e and i - i 134

Roots with lul instead of later Iii: ere!mm : a-ru-us /' aI:uu0/ ' I cultivated' (Gir 19: 9), only preterite attested, later i - i1.1 s patiiqum: ib-du-kam lyiptuqaml 'he felled' (OSP 2 16: iv8 Nip), only preterite attested, later i - i The root ezebum is attested with two different theme vowels in the preterite, /u/ in a text fom southern Babylonia and /i / in a text from Gasur: The preterite of ezebum: li-zi -ib /l{zib/ ' he shall leave' (Ga 3: 24) i-zu-bu /yi' zubil/ 'they left' (BIN 8 149: 9 Me-sag) In later dialects, the vowel class of this root is i - i, but the imperative occurs as both

ezib and ezub. The imperative in /u/ preserves the same /u/ vowel as the text from the Me-sag archive. The verb isitm regularly has a / u/ as theme vowel. The variant Iii attested in other dialects does not occur in Sargonic syllabic texts. The last verb to be mentioned in this context is izuzzum. [n later dialects, this verb uses /a/ in the durative and /i/ in the preterite . In original Sargonic texts, the 136 preterite of izuzzum is construed with /a/: li-za-zu -ma llizzaziima/ 'they shall stand' (Di 8: 12)

The durative has expected /a/: i-za-az lyiu.azJ 'he stands' (MOP 14 44: 6 Susa)

Huehnergard , who analyses izuzzum as N-stem of an original root *owo,interprets 137 This the preterite with /a/ as vestige of an original G-stem form of this root. explanation is followed here .

195

4.5.2. l The preterite The preterite of strong roots is conjugated in the same manner as in Babylonian and Assyrian . It is the main verbal form used to describe events in the past in both main and subordinate clauses. Since the attestations of this form are frequent in Sargonic texts, especially for the 3ms and 3mp , only a selection of examples will be listed here . 3ms preterite: ig-sur lyiksurl 'he bound' (OAIC 36: 2 Di) im-111-udlyimdud/ 'he measured' (MAD 1 158: 3 TA) im-bur /yiml)url 'he received' (MAD 5 24: 7 Kish etc.) fs-du-ud /yisdud/ 'he measured' (OAIC 2: 4 Di; OAIC 8: 21 Di) ~fs-ku-un~ /yiskun/ 'he put' (Na 5 3: I PirHus) {s-lu-ul lyislul/ 'he carried off (BIN 8 144: 39 UeJ) fs-hu-ug /yispuk/ 'he heaped up' (Na 5 3: 4 PirHus)

As mentioned above, the 3fs has the prefix ta- and not i- in Sargonic Akk adian: 3fs preterite: ltaml)url 'she received' (MAD 5 72: lO UeJ; MAD 1 119: ii6 TA; MAO I 187: 17 TA; ELTS 41: r24' Sip; BIN 8 124: 4 Me-sag) da-ti-in ltaddin/ ' she gave' (TA 3: 20) tal-li-ig ltallik/ 'she went' (TA 3: 14) da-gu-11n /takiin/ 'she established' (AuOr 9 5: ii4' Di)

dam-bur

The 2ms is attested significantly less often than the 3ms. Examples in which the preterite is used as past tense include: 2ms preterite: da-sa-am-ma ltasiimma/ 'you bought' (Si I: I0') da-ab-ru-uz /tapru's/ 'you withheld' (Di 7: 5) da-mu- ~ ur~-ma /tiimurma/ ' you saw' (Ga 6: 5) da-as -bu-ra-am ltaspuram/ 'you sent' (OSP I 7: ii I' Nip)

The 2fs preterite is not attested in syllabic texts. The \cs, again, is quite frequently found, especially in letters and economic l 34 Another verb that is attested with an /a/ vowel in the durative instead of later Iii is kasiirum , but the change of a - u to i - i took place later than OB, which still uses the verb as a - 11. l :,5 The shift of vowel class in this verb from original a - 11 to i - i might have been caused by an analogy with the root erefom ' to request' , i - i, when the two roots fell together phonologically after the loss of ·3 _5 and the merger of the sibilants *sand *s with *0. 136 The form with I ii in the preterite quoted by Huehnergard 2002a: 165 is taken from an OB

copy. 13- Huehnergard 2002a: 175.

texts. Ics preterite: a-as-bi-id l' asl)i\f '!jumped ' (MAD 5 8: 17 Kish) a-ru-u s /' al)ru01 'I cultivated' (Gir I 9: 9) am-bur l' aml)url ' I received' (Ad 10: 7) ab-tug /' aptuq/ 'I cut off (MAJ) 5 8: 19 Kish) ad-Jul /' adlul/ 'I praised' (MAD 1 18I: ii TA)

The 3cd in the function of a past tense is attested in:

196

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology

Jed preterite:

The 2ms occurs a few times. Note that the prefixes of the seco nd person in the verbs edum ' to know' and isum 'to have · hav e the same unexpected Iii vowel as in later dialects. 13R

.i-li-na /yiddina/ 'they (2) gave' (Di 10: 15') i-zu-lw-ma /yi's'suflama/ 'the y (2) took away' (Di 10: 13') im-h11-ra /yimhura/ 'the y (2) received' (ELTS 43: vi 16 TA; HSS X 42: 9 Ga; HSS X 136: 5 Ga) i-de-na-ma /yidinama/ ' they (2) went to court' (BfN 8 121: 3 Kaz) i-li-ga-ni /yillikani/ ' they (2) came· (BIN 8 265: 8 Me-sag)

2ms durative: da-la- 'a-mu /talal:ihamu/ 'you will consume' (Ad 12: 13) da-sa-bi-ir ltasabberl 'you will break' (OSP I 7: i5' Nip) da-ki-ba-an-ni /taqippanni/ 'you trust me' (Ki I : 7) da-ni-al /tane'al/ 'you shall lie' (OSP I 7: i2' Nip) da-r,a-da-nu /tanaddanu/ 'you will give· (Gir I 9: 33) ti-da /tida' / 'you shall know· (Gir I 9: 41) ti-s11 /tisu/ 'yo u have' (OAIC 8: 15 Di) tu-sa-bu /tussabu/ 'you shall sit' (Ad 12: 16)

The 2cd is only found once in the preterite: 2cd preterite: tu-ur,-da- /turdama/ 'you (2) descended ' (MAD 5 8: 8,9 Kish)

Attestations for the 3mp in the preterite include:

The only attested form of a 2fs in a prefix conjugation has the expected prefix and suffix.

3mp preterite: is-ku-1111-si/yiskum1si/ 'they put her' (MAD 5 8: 31 Kish) isu-ku- ~ tu ~ /yi0qulu/ 'they weighed out' (MAD 5 65: 34 Kish) ib-1111 -ru-nim-ma /yiphurunimma/ 'they gathered ' (Man I: 18 Susa) im-bu-ru ly imhurii! 'the y received' (MAD 5 66: iii9 UeJ etc.) im-ha-zu /y imha~u/ 'the y struck' (BIN 8 121: 47 Kaz) is -mu-tu /yismu\G/ ' they plucked ' (PBS 9 30: 4; OSP 2 24: 4 Nip)

is in the durative in which it

2fs durative : da-ba-sa-bi-ni /tapa00al:iTni/' you shall find peace' (MAD 5 8: 38 Kish)

The lcs durative is attested quite frequently , mainly in letters. I cs durative : a-na-da-kum /'a naddakkum/ 'I will give to you' (Gir 19: 26) a-ga-ma-lu-su, /'agammalusu/ · I will spare him· (Gir 37: 6 ') a-sa-ga-r,u /' asakkanu/ 'I will put' (Gir 37: 7') a-sa-ga- - a/~ /' asaqqal/ ' I will weigh out' (TA 3: 21) a-ga-sa-ar /' akassar/ ' I will replace' (Ga 3: 15) ~a ~ -/a-kam /' allakam/ 'I will come ' (Ga 7: 10)

The 3fp is not found in the preterite, nor is the 2cp. The lcp is generally very rare in Sargonic texts. The following two preterites are found in syllabic texts: Ics preterite: ni-1i-k11 /nttiqu/ 'we neglected' (Pu 3: 7) 1111-ru -am /nuru 'am/ 'we led' (MAD I 159: 3 TA)

Dual forms in the durative are rare but do occur:

4.5.2.2 The Durative The durative is used for present and future events. In our text s it occurs frequently in oaths and incantations. Again. the 3ms is the most frequently attestations will be quoted.

197

Verbs

3cd durative : e-la-ga-kim! ? /yellakakim/ 'they (2) will cnme to you· (Ki 4: 8)

attested form and only a sample of its

2cd durative: da-za-a -la /ta~a"a la/ 13'' 'you (2) quarrel ' (Di I: 9)

Jms durative: Attestations of the 3mp include:

i-da-ba-ab- si- [ma] /yi\abbaflsTma/ 'h e slaughters it' (MOP 14 90: 8 Susa) i-na-;:a-ar /y ina~$ar/ 'he guards ' (MOP 14 90: 14 Susa) i-na-Air /yinakkir/ ' he will deny ' (Gir 37: 8)

3mp durative: i-ma-ba-ru /yimahhariil ' they will receive ' (Ga 3: 12; MAD 5 17: 22 Kish) i-ba-se-ii /yiba00e'ii/ 'they are' tPAS 9 22: 10; HSS X 109: 23 Ga; etc) - i~ -mu-tu /yimuttu/ 'they die' (Um 3: 20)

i-na-da-an /yinaddan/ ' he will give ' (MAD 1 283: rev5 TA) ;~. /a-ag /yillak/ ' he will go' (Gir I : 2') i-ha-.fr /yiba00e/ ' it exists · (Um 3: 16 etc.)

'\l, fom1s of the 3ts in the durati ve are attested in syllabic texts .

138 For a discussion of these two verbs see section 4.5.11.7 below. 139 This form could also he a Gt durntive /ta~~a · 'ala/.

·--

Verbs

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology

198

u-su-ze-[ma] da-as-da-hu /yus~c ma tastapu/ 'he took out and you have been silent'

11-sa-hu /yu00abu/ 'they dwell ' (Gir 27: 6")

(Ga 6: 9)

The 3fp only occurs once in Sargonic texts. In this attestation the verb has the form of the masculine plural , that is, it has final -i1, not -ii.

Maybe also: su-ud gi-sum il-gi-am-ma id-ba-lu /Oiit PN yilqe(l))amma yitbalu/ 'which PN took and

3 fp durative:

(then) carried off' (OAIC 7: 24)

SU.NIGIN IO GEME a-na GN i-la-gu 'a total of IO female servants (who) will go to GN ' (HSS X 200: 11-13 Ga)

Thi s usage of the perfect conforms to the use found in Old Babylonian and Old Assyrian . 141 The perfect is furthermore once used to express a just completed acti_on after the particle (h)enni 'now ', which corres ponds to its later use after particles like

Whether thi s is a general phenomenon of Sargonic Akkadian, a single occurrence or simply a scribal mistake cannot be determined without further evidence. No forms of the sec o nd person plural in the durative are attested in Sargonic texts. For the I cp we find one single att es tation:

inanna and anumma.

142

c-ni 'a-wa-ad-zu i-ti-is i-da-ha -az /(h)enni hawatsu yidis y1taha7J 'now he has taken his

affair into (his own) hand' (Gir 37 : 7)

lcp durative: ni-e-ra -[ah] /nerrab/ or /ni' errab/ 'we will enter· (TA 7: IO')

4.5.3 The Imperative The imperatives of the G and deri ved stems in Sargonic Akk.adian are construed in the same way as in later dialects. In syllabic texts, we find forms of the 2ms, 2fs a nd 2cd. The latter ha s the same shape as the plural forms in Babylonian and Assyrian , but the subject is clearly in the dual in all cases.

4.5.2.3 The Perfect The analysis of verbal forms as perfect is difficult because the perfect has the same shape as the preterite of the respective !-stem. The following attestations have been interpreted as perfects because the underlying verbal roots are not attested in the Gt stem in other dialect s of Akkadian . The only exception is the root fopzim, which uses the Gt with the same mea ning as the G-stem, but the sy ntactical context in our text 140 supports an analysis as G-perfect.

ms imperative: ii-zu-ur !'u~ur/ 'g uard!' (Gir I 9: 5) ki-bi-ma /qibTmal ' say!' (Di 2: 4: Di 9: 4 : TA 6: 6; Ga I : 8; Ga 2: 4 : Ga 3: 3 etc.) [s]u-ku-un /sukun/ 'put! ' (Um 3: 30) ·a-m-us /haru0/ 'c ultivate'' (Gir 19: 4.15) 141 ti-ga-al /tikal/ 'trust'' (Gir 5: 5') ti-bi /tibe'/ 'rise!' (MAD I 192: 3 TA) al-kam-ma /halkamma/ 'co me!' (OA!l ' 10: 11 Di) su'-ub-ra-am-ma /supramm a/ 'send! ' (Ki I: 16) [s]u-da-~ri-ih ~ /suta'rib / 'bring in 1' (Gir 19: 21) su-si-ih- ma /siisibma/ 'install! ' (Gir 19: 13)

3ms perfect: i-da-ha-az /yitahaz/ ' he took' (Gir 37: 7) 2ms perfect: da-as-da-··b1r • /tastapu/ 'you were silent" (Ga 6: 9) I cs perfect : a!J-da-tu /' a{:itadu/ ·1 rejoiced ' (Gir 37 : 3)

The perfect is used to indicate an event immediately the preterite in most of the above attestations:

199

following the preceding verb in

fs imperative : za-ab-ti-su -~ ni-ti~ h;ab!Tsuneti/ ·~eize them (2) 1' (Ki 4: 9 )

,is-m *tfpru s > liprus, similar in the D- stem *la-y11qattil > *layqattif > 145 */Tqattil. A different development presumably took place in Assyrian . When *la wa s prefixed to the I cs vowel contraction took pla ce and resulted in the form fapms < *lapn1s < *la 'apr11s. Subsequently, a reanalysis took place in which simple I- was re interpr eted as precativ e marker and prefixed to the respective verbal prefixes resulting in the paradigm found in Assyrian . 14" If this assumed development is correct, it is possibl e that both Babyl onian and Assyrian underwent distinct de\'el opments and that both precativ e paradigms might represent independent inn ovations. Both paradigms , therefore , are equally important features for the internal sub-grouping of Akkadian . In Sargonic Akkadian , and in Old Akkadian in general, the precative has the 147 sa me form as in Babylonian . The third person form s with the verbal prefix y iregularly have a precative written Ii-, the !cs ha s the precative prefix /11-. If we fi.1llow Huehnerg ard 's development of the Bab y lonian precative form s and transfer

Verbs

201

them to Sargonic Akkadian, the vowel of the precative of verbal forms with original 14 prefix yi- should be /e/ and not / i/ since *ay i and *ay > e in Sargonic Akkadian. ~ The precative of the third person fonns of the G-stem is frequently attested in Sargonic texts and only a repre sentativ e sa mple of forms will be quoted below . For other persons and stems all forms will be listed. The forms of the second per sons and 3fs which begin with a prefix ta- lake the independent volitive marker Iii and have been quoted abo ve in section 4 .3.7. Third person precative G-stem: [/]i-~ is-me ~ /lisme(')/ 'may he hear' (Ad 3: 19) /i-il-ga /lilqal)i 'he shall take ' (Pu I: 7) li-li-ig /lillik/ 'he shall go' (Gir I: 4 ') Ii-ti-in /liddin/ 'he shall give' (Gir 18: 8 etc.) li-zu-ur /li~~ur/ ' he shall guard' (Ga I : 4) li-bu-u z, /tniuzJ ' he shall seize' (Gir 3: 9) li-is-rn-ga-me /lisrukamme/ 'he shall present to me' (Ki 2: 12) /i-il-gu -da /lilqutii/ ' they (2) shall gather up· (Sa I: 5' Susa; Na 3 2: 29 Susa; Na A 1 2: 19 Marda; Sks 2 2: 12 Nip) li-zu-bu /li's'subH/ 'they shall tear out' (Na I 3: 22 Bas; Na 5 4: l PirHus: Sks l : 2 I Nip) /i-ig-n11-k11/liknukii/ 'they shall seal' (Di 8: 17) Third person precative D-stem: li-da-ni-in /lidannin/ 'he shall strengthen· (Um 4: IOJ li-da-me -su 4 /litammesu/ ' he shall make him swear' (Di 2: 12) Third person precative S-stem: li-sa-ki -id /lisa'kid/ 'he shall hurry' (Gir \ : 3') li-sa-me-id-ma /lisa' midma/ ' he shall install' (Ga 3: 7) li-s11-ze-as-s 11-ni /lisu~e'assune/ ' he shall release them (2)' (Gir 29: 12) li-su-ri-am /lisuri'am/ ' he shall send' (Gir 34: 8) [l]i-seu-r i-am /liscri"am/ 'he shall send' (Ga I: 24' ) li-seu-ri- am /liseri'am/ 'he shall send' (Su 2: 4' ) /i-se,r bi-lam /lisebilam/ 'he shall send me' (Di 11: 12; similar Ga 5: 6; Ga 7: 14) li-~ se 11~ -zi- 11-nim-ma /lisesi' unimma/ 'they shall take out' (Di 8: 15)

lcs precative G-stem: lu-us-ku -ul-kum /lu0qulkum/ '! shall weigh out for you' (OAIC 10: 10 Di)

l +I See Huehnergard 1998: 60 I. For the OA forms which correspond to the above mentioned A~syrian paradigm see Hecker 1968: § 77a. 14~ Huehnergard 1983: 588. 14(>Huehnergard 1983: 588. 1-1: This observation was already made by Gelb (Gelb 1961: 220). The same is true for the

Akkadian of the Ur-Ill period (Hilgert 2002 : 162).

148 For the reading of the precative as le- see also Sommerfeld 2003: 581. Although the development suggested by Huehnergard seems likely. it is nevertheless not absolutely certain that it is indeed the underlying development that led to the forms in Babylonian. The precative wiil, therefore, still be nonnali zed as Ii-, not le-, in this study. although it should be kept in mind that it is possible that the precative was le- rather than Ii- in Sargonic Akkadian.

202

Verbs

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology lu-bil /lubil/ 'I shall bring' (Lime! 73 47: JO Gir)

au- (Na CS: 105 Ur)

l cs precative S-stem: ~/u-sa~-bi-f[a]-kum /lusabilakkum/ 'I shall send to you' (Ki l: 12) 4.5.5 The vetitive and prohibitive The vetitive in Sargonic Akkadian is construed in the same way as in later dialects with the negative particle *~· + preterite. In Babylonian, the form of the vetitive particle is ay. written a, before vocalic prefixes and e before consonantal prefixes. 149 Gelb assumed that the same distribution underlies the attestations in Old Akkadian that is /ay/ before the semivowel /y/ and lei otherwise, with only rare exceptions i~ which /ay/ is found before a consonantal prefix. 150 The following forms are found in original Sargonic texts: Vetitive a /ay/: 151 a u-s,i-ti-in lay yusaddin/ 'he shall not collect' (Gir 17: 6) a ib-ra lay yibra/ 'it shall not remain uncultivated' 152 (Di 8: 5) a i-ti-in /ay yiddin/ 'he shall not give' (Ga 3: 21) a e-ru-ub lay ye'rub/ 'he shall not enter' (Ga 9: 5') a dag-bi lay taqbi/ 'you shall not say' (Gir 19: 10) a zu-ku-na lay zuqquna/ 'they shall not be bearded' (Di 4: 10)153 Vetitive e le!: tallik/ 'she shall not go' (TA 3: 14) e da-li-in le taddin/ ·she shall not give' (TA 3: 20) e tal-li-ig le

The vetitive lei is more frequent in Old Babylonian ay1, as, for example, in: Vetitive lay! in OB copies: (RiCl: l22Nip) a i- (Ri C6: 134 Nip) au- (NaCl:517Nip) ai-

203

copies in which it alternates with

Vetitive lei in OB copies: ei- (SaC4: 131 Nip) e i- (Ri C6: 137)

149 Von Soden 1995': § 8li. OA has /e/forall attested forms (Hecker 1968: § 77d). 1,0 Gelb 1961: 221. I 5 I The sign A is not otherwise used for writing the diphthong /ay/ in Sargonic Akkadian, but since it is often followed by the palatal glide /y/ of the verbal prefix when used for the vetitive, it might have become the default sign for the uncontracted form of this morpheme. 152 The exact meaning of /yibra/ is unknown. Westenholz took it from the root barii 'um 'to hunger', while Kienast and Volk translate 'brachliegen'; for a discussion see Kienast and Volk 1995: 164. I'' The use of le/+ stative is also attested in OA (Hecker 1968: 77d).

*

The evidence from Old Babylonian copies cannot be used for a general interpretation of the different vetitive forms in Sargonic Akkadian. It seems that the uncontracted form of the vetitive particle is still predominant in most areas in original texts. Again, the dialect of the Diala region is more innovative than others and is the only one in which a contraction of ay > e had already sometimes occurred before a consonantal prefix, although the development was not yet completed. The prohibitive is not attested in Sargonic texts. 4.5.6 The ventive As in other dialects, the ventive, when attached to a verb of motion, indicates the direction towards the speaker in Sargonic Akkadian, as in 11-bi-lu-nim /yubih:inim/ 'they brought here I to me' (MAD 4 11: 18 unkn.). Sargonic Akkadian has the same ventive forms as later dialects, that is -am after a verbal base ending in a consonant and-nim after a verbal base ending in -ii. 154 Forms of the 2fs or dual are not attested with ventive in our corpus. The Ventive on verbs ending in a consonant: ig-ru-sa-am /yigrusam/ 'he came' (MAD I I 72: 7 TA) ib-du-kam /yibtuqam/ 'he felled' (OSP 2 16: iv8 Nip) ~is~-bu-ra-am /yispuram/ 'he sent here' (Ga 10: 2') i-bu-lam-ma /yippulamma/ 'he felled' (Na 3 2: IO Susa) i-li-ga-am /yillikam/ 'he came' (D 45: 3; MAD 5 76: 7 UeJ) uh-lam /yublam/ 'he brought' (MAD 5 71: 4,7 UeJ; MAD 5 80: 6,12 Kish) u-ub-lam /yublam/ 'he brought' (Ad 3: X) u-bi-lam /yubilam/ 'he brought' (OAIC' 33: 52 Di) u-ru-am /yuru'am/ 'he led here' (Su 3: 16) il-gi-am-ma /yilqe(I:i)amma/ 'he took' (OAIC 7: 23 Di) ig-su-am /yiksu'am/ 'he bound?' (MAD 1 235: 5 Hat) u-su-ri-dam /yusiiridam/ 'he led down' (MAD 4 10: 4 unkn.) e-la-kam /yillakam/ 'he will come here' (Ga I: 6) u-ba-lam /yubbalam/ 'he will bring' (USP 21: 4 Um) da-as-bu-ra-am /taspuram/ 'you sent here' (OSP l 7: ii l' Nip) dag-ru-sa-am /tagrusam/ 'you came here' (Ad 12: 14) a-hu-~za-am~ /'iil}Uzaml 'I took' (Di 3: 9) u-bi-lam /yubilam/ 'he brought' (MAD 4 11: 15 unkn.) ~a~-la-kam /'allakam/ 'I will come' (Ga 7: 10; Gir 19: 34; Di 10: 18') nu-ru-am /nuru'am/ 'we brought here' (MAD 1 159: 3 TA) 154 See von Soden I995 3 : § 82a. Lipinski derives -am from a pronominal morpheme /a/, which, in his opinion, seems to be the same element as the predicate ending /a/ found in statives and in the WS qatala conjugation. plus a dative marker /ml (Lipinski I 981: 203 ).

204

Verbs

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology

verbs ending in a consonant while verbs with a vocalic ending. such as the 2fs - f and 3mp -ii , are not specifically marked. In Assyrian, we find a second subordinate marker , - ni , which is originally attached to fonns that cannot take - u, that is, to verbal forms with vocalic endings. In Middle and Neo-Assyrian -ni is also regularly attached to forms which take - u, resulting in the secondary subordinate marker fini. 158 The subordinate marker - a is not otherwise attested in Akkadian. In Sargonic 159 Akkadian. it is limited to a small text corpus from the Diyala region. A fourth fonn of subordinate marker, -na, has been suggested for Old Akkadian, but this fom1 1 does not appear before the Ur-III period. M' When a verbal form ends in the ventive - am , the subordinate marker is usually not marked in Sargonic Akkadian. Only one exception occurs in which the subordinate marker -ni is attached to the ventive. This one attestation resemble s Assyrian , where the subordinate marker ni regularly follows the ventive ending , as 16 1 info tublanni < *!;a tublam-ni. The distribution of the different subordinate forms still requires further study. Gelb simply states that -11 is the normal subordinate marker while the suffix - ni is 162 A occasionally used as well without any further specification of the environment. detailed list of verbs with subordinate markers will be provided here in order to determine the distribution of the different forms.

Ventive after verbal base ending in - fi: i-s eu- -nim /yisse'iinirn/ 'they raised' (Na 1 I: 18 Bas) ib-&11-rn-nim-ma /y ipllurunimma/ 'they assembled' (Man l: 18 Susa) OB copy: ih-lju-m-ni-im-ma /yipllurunimma/ ' they assembled' (Ri C6: 17 Nip) li -ru-ti -nim /liru' iinim/ 'they shall bring' (Gir 33: 14) li-ru-nim /lirunirn/ 'they shall bring ' (Gir 27: 7'; Ki 5: I 0) /i-~se 11 ~-zi-u-nim-ma /lisc~i' unimma/ 'they shall take out' (Di 8: 15) [/)i-id-ru-i1-11im /litru 'iinim/ 'they shall lead here' (TA 2: 2' ) i1-bi-lu-11im /yubilunirn/ 'they brought' (MAD 4 11: 18 unkn.) 4 .5.7 The subordinate

205

marker (subjunctive)

Verbs in subordinate clauses are regularly marked by a subordinate marker in Sargonic Akkadian. Subordinate clauses in Sargonic Akkadian include relative clauses marked by a relative pronoun, a frequent number of asyndetic relative clauses , and temporal clauses in which the subordinate clause is introduced by a subordinating particle. 1;s The subordinate marker is furthermore regularly used in oaths. 156 Sargonic texts employ three basic forms of the subordinate marker, -u. -ni, and -a. 157 The first two are also known from later dialects . Babylonian uses -u on

Subordinate marker -11: ig-su-111/y iksudu/ 'he reached ' (D 14: 4) asynd. re\. cl. im-bu-ni /yiml:mru/ 'he received ' ( MAD I I I 0: 5 TA) after fo is-ku -nu /yiskunu/ 'he put' (D I 5: 6; D 27: 4; D 25: 4) asynd. rel. cl. i-ti-nu-sum 6 /y iddiniisurn/ 'he gavt: him' (Um 3: IO) after su i-li-ku /yilliku/ ' he went' (D 11: 4) asynd . rel. cl. i-li-ku /yilliku/ ' he went' (BlN 8 146: I I Me-sag ; BIN 8 129: 8 Me-sag) after i-nu Fiu- ar-111 /y i0'aru/ 'he was victorious' ( Na A 1 I: 12 Marda ) after "istum

155 For these particles see section 4.3.4 above.

156 This usage conforms to the use of the subordinate marker in later dialects (von Soden 19953 : ~ 831). 157 Kienast refutes the existence of a subordinate marker -a in Akkadian based on the argument that WS yaqtula and the ES subjunctive have irreconcilable semantic differences . The WS yaqtula form is finali~, while the ES subjunctive specifically marks subordinate clauses (Kiena st 1960: J52 note 2 and Kienast 200 I: 272). For example, in Classical Arabic, the subjuncti ve yaq tula is exclusively used after specific particles that denote purpose. such as 'an 'that', 'al/ii ' that nut', kay ·so that' etc. in subordinate clauses and for the negation of the future (Fischer 1987: ~ 196). In Hebrew, yaqtula underlies the forms of the cohortative , where it has a volitive function , as in '1:kt;if2.ii ' let me write' , and the form of the so-called "emphatic " imperative ko!l!.ii ' write 1' (ms), but it is not spccifkally rnnnected to subordinate clauses. Kienast interprets the forms in -- sarn,. In Sargonic Akkadian, we find two major groups of texts concerning the distribution of subordinate markers. The first, and more conservative one, preserves the original situation with the markers -u and -ni and mainly comes from southern Babylonia. This group is not indicative of an internal sub-division of Akkadian since the subordinate markers in these texts do not represent a linguistic innovation. The second group had at least started to lose the subordinate marker -ni after original long vowels and only preserves -ti. This group originates in the Diyala region and reflects a more innovative branch which is closer to Babylonian than to Assyrian. If the forms in -a in West and East Semitic do share a common origin, the Sargonic forms might reflect a dialect or substrate influence that still preserves this otherwise lost form in East Semitic. It would be diilicult to account for the -a with the function of a subordinate marker otherwise. The subordinate marker -11ni is, as mentioned above, extremely rare in Sargonic Akkadian and its use basically limited to one specific formula and to the inscriptions of the earliest Sargonic kings. The form of the subordinate marker in this formula is striking, though, and seems to conform to the later Assyrian form.

fo.

171 The indicative imperfect in Classical Arabic has the form yaktubu 'he writes'. plural yaktubuna 'they write', while the jussive has no final vowel yaktuh 'he shall write', plural yaktubiJ 'they shall write'. Hebrew generally lost the formal distinction between the

167 See section 4.2.4 above. 168 Y. Cohen suggested in an unpublished paper that the subordinate marker -1,ni is used to indicate a shift in subject (Cohen 1998: 12), but quite a few of Cohen's examples for the subordinate marker -uni are plurals + -ni. Furthermore. the analysis of sentences which presumably do not mark subordinate verbs seems to be wrong. There is also no differentiation between original sources and OB copies, which leads to a wrong perception of the use of -iini in OAkk. Consequently, the analysis ofY. Cohen should be rejected. 169 The original inscriptions of Sargon and Rimus do not use the simple subordinate marker u, although these texts are very short and often fragmentary. The absence of -u could. therefore, be coincidental. 17 0 Another possible Proto-Semitic form in final -a. yaqtu/a is, for the moment, of no rde, ance for our discussion.

equivalent of the Classical Arabic imperfect and the jussive in most roots after the loss of final short vowels, which also resulted in the loss of the In! in the plural and 2fs, but vestige forms are still preserved, such as yilq61]1n 'they collect' (Ps. 104: 28) for the standard plural yilqiJ!fi. The distinction of yaqtulu and yaqtu/ is also still noticeable in roots 11-wlv, as in imperfect yii.ffm < yas"imu 'he puts' versus yiisem < •yasim 'he shall put'. For the correspondence of Arabic yaqtulu and the Akkadian subordinate marker see also Kury!owicz 1973: 60; Hamori 1973; Kienast 200 I: 269. 172 Although the PS quality of the nasal is still a matter of dispute, it is generally accepted that the proto-form of the masculine plural has to be reconstmcted as either *-11nV or *iimV (Dolgopolsky 1991; Voigt 1997; Kienast 2001: 149). Only Diem considers the Akkadian situation without final nasal as original. but his explanation for the addition of /n/ in Arabic and /ml in Hebrew is unconvincing (Diem 1975).

J

.4,

~JO

Verbs

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology

4.5.8 The infinitive The infinitive in the G-stem has the same basic shape as in later dialects, pariisum. As mentioned in the section covering the case endings (4.4.3.), the infinitive is regularly used with the terminative ending -is in Sargonic Akkadian where later dialects use the preposition ana. The infinitive of the D-stem has the same shape as 173 in Babylonian, purn;s, and not parn;s as in Assyrian. The Babylonian form is an 174 This fact innovation while Assyrian preserves a more archaic vowel pattern. makes the occurrence of the D-infinitive purrus in Sargonic Akkadian an important factor for the internal dialect affiliation of Akkadian and groups Sargonic Akkadian closer together with Babylonian than with Assyrian. 175 The following forms of infinitives occur in Sargonic texts: G-stem infinitives: a-la-kam /halakam/ 'to go' (TA 3: 13,18) /a-ma-na-am /lamanam/ 'to be angry' (MAD 5 91: rev. 2 UeJ) ra-da-i lrada'i/ 'to accompany' (Gir 33: 12) 'a-ra-se /l;iara0i/ 'to cultivate' (Di 10: 14) e-ra-si-is /(b)erasis/ 'to cultivate' (Ga 3: 23) ma-ra-is /mara'is/ 'to fatten' (MAD 1 159: 3 TA) D-stem infinitives: gu-du-si-fs lquddusis/ 'to consecrate' (Di 6: 11) bu-zu-zi-is /pu's'su'sis/ 'to declare void' (OSP 2 33: 3 Nip)

4.5.9 Participles Participles are declined like other nouns. 177 attested for the mp nominative.

176

Both the plural ending -iitum and ---iiare

173 See also Gelb 1961: 216.

174 The comparative evidence argues for a reconsruction of both the imperative and infinitive of the D-stem with /a/ in the first syllable; cf. Arabic imperative darris 'teach 1', Hebrew infinitive construct and imperative lammed 'teach' < *lammid, Ge'ez infinitive mahharo 'to teach'. In Ebia, we find both parrus and purnis (Fronzaroli 1982: 115; Krebernik 1996: 239). For the assumption that the Assyrian form parnis is more original see also Moscati 1964: I 56 and section 4.5. IO below. The Babylonian forms are the result of a vowel assimilation in the nominal pattern parnis > purrus (see also von Soden 19953 : § 55n). I 7 5 No S or N infinitives are attested in our corpus. I ~6 See, for example, sa-ir /0a'ir/ 'victor' (Na 3 1: 6 Susa; Na Al 1: 6 Marda) for the ms construct, wa-hil-si-in /wabilsin/ 'their carrier' (OAIC 36: 21 Di), na-e /na(l))e/ 'who turns· (Na 5 2: 4 PirHus) in the ms accusative construct. No feminine singular or plural participles are attested in Sargonic Akkadian syllabic texts.

211

Masculine plural participles: wa-si-bu /wasibii/ 'squatters' (MAD 5 15: 3' Kish; MAD 5 36: rev iil Kish) ma-hi-ni-tum /mal;iiliitum/ 'they receive· (MVN 3 79: 8) Masculine plural construct: ma-bi-ru /mal)irii/ 'receivers' (MAD I 303: 13 TA: ELTS 41: il8' Sip; MVN 3 108: 9) ga-zi-n, /ka~irii/ 'fullers' (OAIC 5 I: x+9 Di) a-ki-lu /'akilii/ 'consumers' (Rash 3: Ill 12 TSul) Dual participles in the construct end, as expected, in -a m the nominative. No nominative duals in unbound forrns or the oblique dual are attested in Sargonic Akkadian. Dual participles: sa-ti-da /sadida/ 'measurers' (OAIC 49: x+3 Di) me-da-a /medaca/ 'those who know' (Di 10: 12') ma-bi-ir-da /mal;iirta/ 'receivers' (Or 51 l: 9) a-ki-i/-da /'akilta/ 'consumers' (Or 51 I: ii6)

4.5. 10 Derived Stems Sargonic Akkadian distinguishes the same stems as later Akkadian dialects. Attestations in syllabic texts comprise the Gt, Gtn, D, Dt, S, N, St and St 2. One of the major features regarding the internal sub-grouping of Akkadian is, as already mentioned in section 4.5.8 above, the fonn of the imperative and infinitive / verbal adjective in the D and S-stem. In Babylonian, these forms regularly have a /u/ vowel in the first syllable, as in purris I purrus and supris I suprus, while Assyrian employs forms in which the first vowel is /a/, parris I parrus and fopris I fopt11s. 1 '-' Throughout Sargonic Akkadian, the D and S-stem have the same /u/ vowel as 179 Babylonian. These forms connect Sargonic Akkadian with Babylonian and Ur-Ill Akkadian, of which the latter presumably represents an archaic stage of Babylonian. 180 The following sections will list the respective evidence. 177 The ending -ii on mp participles is used in later dialects when the participle functions as a noun (von Soden I 995 3 : § 61k; Huehnergard I 998: 195). This function is also responsible for the attestations from Sargonic texts. I 78 As with the infinitive, the Assyrian imperatives with /a/ are more original than the Babylonian forms with /u/. In West Semitic most languages have a stem *qaltil in the Dstem and *saqtil in the causative stem; see, for example, Arabic darris 'teach'' (D). Hebrew lammed< *lammid 'teach I' (D). The /u/ in Babylonian is probably the result of an analogy with the verbal adjective and infinitive purn1s. 179 See also Gelb 1961: 222. Both parrus and purrus are used in Ebia (Krehemik 1996: 239\. In Mari on the other hand, the form parms is found exclusively (Westenholz 1978: 166). I 80 Hilgert 2002: 165.

212

Verbs

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology

4.5.10.1

The D-stem

The verbal inflection of the D-stem in Sargonic Akkadian Babylonian. The following forms are attested for strong roots:

213

Forms ofizuzzum: 183 i-za-az !yizzaz/ 'he stands' (MDP 14 44: 6 Susa) mu-za-zu lmuzzaziil 'witnesses' /AuOr 9 5: iii7)

1s the same as in

3ms D-stem preterite:

One further /littarkamma?/

u-gal-lim /yukallim/ 'he showed' (Sks I: 2 Nip) 1i-ga-lim /yukallim/ 'he showed' (BIN 8 144: 26 UeJ) u-na-ki-iz /yunakki's/ 'he cut' (BIN 8 141: 16 Me-sag; BIN 8 182: 65 Me-siig) u-sa-lim /yusallim/ 'he paid' (MAD 5 3: 15 Kish) u-ba-li-id /yuballi(/ 'he kept alive' (Gir 37: I')

4.5.10.4

attestation probably underlies the (Gir 29: 9) whose meaning is uncertain.

spelling

li-da-ar-ga-am-ma

14 R

Remaining stem forms

The attestations for the remaining stems are, as those of the N-stem, so rare that it is impossible to divide them according to strong and weak roots. The following list will therefore include all attestations of a given stem.

3mp D-stem preterite: u-da-bi-bu-si-ma /yudabbibiisfma/ 'they confounded her' (MAD 5 8: 30 Kish)

Gt: 185 e-dam-da /(')etamda/ 'joined (2)' (MAD 5 8: 37 Kish) 186 Gtn: is-da-na-ba-ra-am /yistanapparam/ 'he writes continuously' (TA 7: 8') Dt: tu-ul,-da-na-ma /tuhtannamai 'you (2) are blooming / luxuriant' (MAD 5 8: 7 Kish) 187 St:us-da-za-ga-ar-si-ma /yustazaqqarsfma/ 'he will bring it up' (MOP 14 90: 3 Susa) Stn: [su]-da-~ri-ih~ /suta'rib/ 'bring in!' (Gir 19: 21) St1 : us-da-a-bi-la /'ustabila/ 'I considered' (OAIC 10: 8 Di) 188

3ms precative: !i-da-ni-in /lidannin/ 'he shall strengthen' (Um 4: 10)

D-stem verbal adjectives: z11-k11-na/zuqquna/ 'bearded (2)' (Di 4: I 0) 181 111-mu-ad ltummu'atl 'you are conjured' (Ad 12: 10)

D-stem infinitives: gu-du-si-is /quddusis/ 'to consecrate· (Di 6: 11) bu-zu-zi-is /pu's'su'sis/ 'to declare void' (OSP 2 33: 3 Nip)

4.5.10.2

182 Huehnergard 2002a. 183 A problematic form of izuzzum in Sargonic Akkadian is the precative li-za-zu-ma /Ji72aziima/ 'they shall take stand' (Di 8: 12) with the theme vowel /a/ instead of Iii. Huehnergard suggests that the /a/ vowel might be a vestige of an original G-stem (Huehnergard 2002a: 175). Since the form is ambiguous, it is not quoted as an attestation for the N-stem here. 184 Gelb interpreted this verbal form as N-stem from a root trk (?) (MAD 3: 299). Kienast and Volk suggest a reading as reflexive I-stem or N-stem from an unknown root (Kienast and Volk 1995: 107). 185 Edzard suggested another attestation of a Gt form based on the reading of i-de-na-ma as Gt of the root *dyn /yiddfnama/ (Edzard 1982: 29), although the Gt is not otherwise attested for this root and is semantically unnecessary. I therefore read it as simple Gpreterite /yidfnama/. 186 Westenholz interpreted this word as Gt verbal adjective in the dual which is followed here (Westenholz 1977: 210). Interstingly, this is the Assyrian form of the Gt verbal adjective pitars-, as already attested in OA (Hecker 1968: § 88a). The Babylonian fonn would have been etmudii. 187 The reading as 2cd is found in Westenholz' edition of MAD 5: 8 (Westenholz 1977: 207). 188 This form could also be a S-perfect. The distinction between I-forms and perfects is generally problematic in Sargonic texts. Some of the verbal forms quoted by Gelb as ,_ stems are considered to be G perfects here, such as /'ahtadu/ 'I rejoiced' (Gir 37: 3). /yHahaz/ 'he took' (Gir 37: 7), /tastapu/ 'you were silent' (Ga 6: 9) and probably also

TheS-stem

No forms of triradical strong roots in the S-stem are attested in Sargonic texts, but we do have evidence for a quadriliteral root: S of quadriliteral root: 1is-ha-fa-ga-ad-ma /yusbalakkatma/ 'he will remove' (MDP 14 90: 10 Susa) Attestations of weak roots will be discussed in section 4.5. l l below. 4.5.10.3

TheN-stem

The N-stem is only rarely attested in Sargonic Akkadian, strong and weak roots will therefore be quoted together in this section. One attestation of an N-stem is the quadriliteral root nabalkutum: N-stem 3ms preterite of*blkr: ib-ha-al-gi-id-ma /yibbalkitma/ 'he transgressed' (MAD 4 10: 5 unkn.) Furthermore, Huehnergard 182 root *owo.

has argued that the verb izuzzum represents an N-stem of

3

I~ I For this form see also Wilcke 1978: 21 l.

:·,,

i

214

Sargonic Akkadian

4.5.11

Morphology

Verbs

Weak verbs

215

G-durative: i-na-da-an /yinaddan/ 'he will give' (MAD I 283: 5 TA) a-na-da-kum /'anaddakkurn/ 'I will give to you' (Gir 19: 26) i-na-za-ar /yinas~r/ 'he will guard' (MDP 14 90: 14 Susa) i-na-kir /yinakkir/ 'he will deny' (Gir 37: 8; EL TS 36: ii7 Sip) da-na-kir /tanakkir/ 'she will deny' (TA I : 10) da-ni-al /tane'al/ 'you will lie down' (OSP I 7: i2' Nip)

The following sections will list verbal roots containing original In!,/'/, /h/,!w/, lyl or '3_5 . These roots are not necessarily weak in Sargonic Akkadian, but it is useful to treat them separately from strong roots to mark the differences between Sargonic and later Akkadian verbal morphology. 4.5. l l. I Verbal roots containing In/ As mentioned in the phonology, In/ regularly assimilates to a following consonant in Sargonic Akkadian. Verbal forms of 1-n verbs do therefore not differ from the forms 189 The following forms of 1-n verbs are attested in Sargonic found in later dialects. texts:

G-durative + subordinate marker: da-na-da-nu /tanaddanu/ 'you will give' (Gir 19: 33) a-na-da-nu-kum /'anaddanukum/ 'I will give to you' (Gir 19: 35) G-imperative: u-zu-ur /'u~url 'guard!' (Gir 19: 5)

G-preterite: i-ti-in /yiddin/ 'he gave' (TA l: 8; Ga 3: 21; MAD 5 65: 9 Kish etc.) da-ti-in /taddin/ 'she gave' (TA 3: 20) -a~-ti-sum 6 /'addissurn/ 'I gave to him' (OAIC 35: 11 Di) i-ti-na /yiddina/ 'they (2) gave· (Di 10: 15') i-::u-l;a-ma iyi's'sul}ama/ 'they (2) took away' (Di 10: I 3')

D-preterite: u-sa-ti-in /yusaddin/ 'he collected' (Gir 17: 6) S-durative + subordinate marker: u-sa-za-ku-ni /yusa's'sakuni/ 'he will remove' (Man I: 55 Susa etc.)

G-preterite + subordinate marker: i-ti-nu-sum 6 /yiddiniisurn/ 'he gave him' (Um 3: 10) i-ti-na /yiddina/ 'he gave' (OAIC 3: 10 Di) a-ti-nu-sum 6 /'addinusurn/ 'I gave to him' (Ki 2: I 3) a-ti-na /'addinal 'I gave' (OAIC 21: 7 Di)

As already noted by Gelb, the durative of the root *ndn, yinaddan, is exceptional in Sargonic Akkadian since it does not correspond to either the Assyrian or the Babylonian form of the durative. J\>(l Babylonian regularly has the durative inaddin while Assyrian has iddan, thus, Sargonic Akkadian seems to share the ipmTas fom1 with Babylonian, but the theme vowel with Assyrian. /naddan is also found as archaic form in Old Babylonian hymns. This usage suggests that the original theme vowel of nadiinum in the durative was /a/, not /i/ and that Sargonic Akkadian preserves the original form of the verb in the durative. Both Babylonian and Assyrian underwent certain analogical developments that led to the attested forms in these dialects. In Assyrian, the durative of nadiinum was reshaped after the durative of haliikum:

G-preterite t ventive: i-bu-lam-ma /yippulamma/ 'he felled' (Na 3 2: 10 Susa) i-KIR-ni-su 4 /yikkiranissu/ 'they became hostile against him' (Na I I: 9 Bas) i-se I r-nim /yisse 'unirn/ 'they rose' (Na I I: 18 Bas) G-precative: Ii-ti-in /liddin/ 'he shall give' (Gir 18: 8; Um 2: 10; Um 4: 7; Pu I: 9, etc.) li-ti-sum 6 /liddissurn/ 'he shall give to him' (Gir 2: 11) Ii-ti-nu /liddinu/ 'they shall give/ (Di 8: 21) li-::11-ur/lissur/ 'he shall guard' (Ga I: 4; similar Ga 3: 17) li-::u-ru /lissunt/ 'they shall guard' (Ga 3: 19) li-::11-1111 /li's'sul}D! 'they shall take away' (Na I 3: 22 Bas etc.) li-::u-l;a /li's'suha/ 'they (2) shall take away' (Na 3 2: 27 Susa etc.)

illik: illak :: iddin : X = iddan In Babylonian, the root changed from the original verbal class a - i to i - i in accordance with a general shift in vowel classes in which both a - i and i - a merged to i - i except in the root haliikum and in non-stative roots 1-w. The durative yinaddan in Sargonic Akkadian therefore represents an archaism.

4.5.11.2 Verbal roots containing/'/ Gelb stated in his grammar of Old Akkadian that verbs I-' basically behave like strong roots in Old Akkadian, with exceptions in certain verb formations such as the

yittalku/ 'they went' (Gir 37: 3' ). The latter could also he a Gt form. Other examples quoted by Gelb are either taken from OB copies, personal names, or come from periods other than Sargonic Akkadian. For the perfect see section 4.5.2.3 above. I ~'l See also Gelb 1961: 223.

190 Gelb 1961: 223.

i}

..1,

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology

Verbs

preterite, in which /' / was lost and the prefix vowel underwent compensatory lengthening, as in *yi 'mur > yTmur.191 Furthermore, Gelb thought that verbs II-' and III-· regularly behaved like strong roots. 192 The following forms of verbs I, II, and III-' are attested in Sargonic syllabic texts:

more northern texts represents an innovation which is also known from later dialects. In the case of te-ir-ri-is, e-e-sa-ru-ni and i-e-sa-ru it is theoretically possible to read these duratives with an additional syllable **te'erris, **ye'essan'ini etc., but the writings e-ri-su-ga and especially a-ri-is-ga indicate that the second syllable of the original iparras form was lost already in verbs I-·.

216

Verbs I-·:

Verbs II-':

G-preterite: i-bu-uz lyilmz/ 'he took' (Ki 2: 8; BIN 8 146: 6 Me-sag) a-bu-uz, !'ii.huz/ 'I took' (MAD 5 8: 12,13,15,32 Kish) a-?w-uz /'ii.lluz/ 'I took' (CT 50 72: 4) i-mu-ru lyimuru! 'they saw' (MAD l 336: 20 TA) e-mu-ru lyemurii/ 'they saw' (OAIC 6: 10 Di)

G-preterite: isu-ar /yiO'ar/ 'he was victorious' (Man I: 19 Susa; Na 7 3: 2' unkn.) isu-ar-ma /yiO'arma/ 'he was victorious· (Na l: 15 Bas) da-sa-am-ma /tasamma/ 'you bought' (Si I: l O')

G-preterite + subordinate marker: da-mu-ru !tamurul 'you saw' (Ad 12: 12; similar Ga 6: 5)

G-preterite + ventive: a-bu---za-am~ /'alluzam/ 'I took' (Di 3: 9) i-dar-su-ni-is--ma /yitarsunissuma/ 'they requested him' (Na I 3: 2 Bas)

G-precative: li-hu-uz, /Jihuz/ 'may he take' (Gir 3: 9) G-durative: e-ri-su-ga /yerrisuka/ 'they will demand from you' (Ki I: I0) te-ir-ri-is /terris/ 'you request' (Di 7: 8) a-ri-is-ga /'arriska/ 'I will demand from you' (Gir 19: 40) e-e-sa-ru-ni /yessaruni! 'they take care of me' (TA 2: 11') i-e-sa-ru /yessaru/ 'they take care' (TA 2: 13·) G-perfect: i-da-ba-az /yitallaz/ 'he has taken' (Gir 37: 7)

G-imperative: a[i-za-nim /'ahzanim/

'take!'

(Di 4: 9)

D-preterite + subordinate marker: u-u-bi-ru-un /yu'uld:iiriin/ 'they delayed' (Gir 3: 8) In the G-durative of I-' verbs we find two different vowel qualities in the prefixes, a in a letter from Girsu. and le/ in Kish and the Diyala region. The prefix-vowel /a/ found in southern Babylonia reflects a more archaic form while the /el-vowel in 19I Gelb 1961: 225. See also von Soden I9953 : § 97 addition. l 9] Gelb 1961· 228 and 232.

217

G-preterite + subordinate marker: isu-ar-ru /yiO'aru/ 'he was victorious' (Na Al I. 12 Marda) iswa-ru /yiO'aru/ 'he was victorious' (D 12: 4; D 14: 6; similar MAD I 236: 15 Haf) i-sa-ru /yiOii.ru/'he was victorious' (D 13: 4) dar-a-mu-su 4 /tar'amusu/ 'she loved him' (Na I I: 12 Bas) G-durative: e-ra-[a?]-am /yera"am/ 'he loves' (MAD 5 8: 2 Kish) a-/a-e-ma /'ala"ema/ 'I am able' (Di 10: 17')

D-preterite + subordinate marker: u-wa-e-n,-us /'uwa"erus/ 'I commanded him' (Ga 9: 7') While the/'/ is preserved in the durative of II-' roots, the situation in the preterite is more complex. 193 It seems that most of the verbal forms preserve syllable-initial /' / in the preterite, but note that all these attestations are found in royal inscriptions. The one attestation of a root II-' in the preterite in a letter, da-sa-am-ma, had lost syllable initial /' / since it is unlikely that the sequence -sa-am- stands for a broken spelling **-s'am. The same is true for the spelling i-fa-rn in the date formula 13: 4, which dates to the time of Naram-Sin. The loss of/'/ in the preterite of II-· roots was probably more advanced in the non-literary language than the attestations in royal inscriptions suggest at first sight. Verbs Ill-·: G-preterite: id-ma /yitma/ 'he swore' (MAD 5 21: 7 Kish) id-ma-u /yitma'ii/ 'they swore' (OAIC 51: x+3; MDP 14 44: 14 Susa) G-precative:

193 But also note that le 'um is generally conjugated with a strong I'! in the durative in Akkadian, and that the second attestation comes from a literary text.

218

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology

Verbs

li-im-/a-ma /limlama/ 'it shall fill' (Di 8: 8)

G-precative + ventive: li-li-[ka]m-me /lillikamme/ 'he shall come· (Ki 2: 15)

G-precative + ventive: i-seu--nim /yisse'unim/ 'they rose' (Na I I: 18 Bas) li-scu-ii-ni-kum-ma /lisse'unikk:umma/ 'they shall lift for you' (Gir 19: 19)

G-durative: ~;~-la-ag /yillak/ 'he will go' (Gir I: 2') i-la-gu /yillakii/ 'they (f) will go' (HSS X 200: 13 Ga) e-la-ga-kim"" /yillakakim/ 'they (2) will come to you' (Ki 4: 8)

G-durative: ,i-mal'umma'/ '! swear' (Man I: 50 Susa) u-ma!'umma'/ 'I swear' (Ad 3: 9; Gir 19: 29)

G-durative + ventive: e-la-kam /yillakam/ 'he will come' (Ga I: 6) a-la-kam /'allakam/ 'I will come· (Ga 7: IO; Gir 19: 34; Di 10: I 8')

D-preterite: 1i-dam-me-ki /'utammeki/ 'I herewith conjure you' (MAD 5 8: 34 Kish)

G-imperative + ventive: al-kam-ma /halkamma/ 'come 1' (OAIC 10: 11 Di)

0-precative: li-da-me-su 4 /litammesu/ 'he shall make him swear' (Di 2: 12)

G-infinitive: a-la-kam /halakam/ 'tocome'

0-verbal adjective: tu-mu-ad /tummu'at/ 'you are conjured' (Ad 12: 10) S-precative + ventive: /i-~seu~-zi-1i-11im-ma /lise~i'unimma/ 'they shall lead out' (Di 8: 15)

4.5.11.4

4.5.11.3

V'C

Verbs containing /h/

Only one verbal root containing original *h is attested in Sargonic texts, *hlk, which has the same form in both the preterite and durative as in later Babylonian and Assyrian. G-preterite: i-li-ku /yilliku/ 'they went' (BfN 8 146: 11 Me-sag: BIN 8 129: 8 Me-sag) tal-li-ig ltallik/ 'she went' (TA 3: 14) i-li-ga-am /yillikam/ 'he came' (D 45: 3; MAD 5 76: 7 UeJ) G-preterite + subordinate marker: i-/i-ku /yilliku/ 'he went' (D 11: 4) a-li-ku /'alliku/ 'I went' (BIN 8 135: 9 Me-sag) i-li-ga-ni /yillikani/ 'they (2) came' (BfN 8 265: 8 Me-sag) G-precative: li-li-ig /lillik/ 'he shall go· (Gir I: 4 ·)

194 See sections 2.5. J and 3.3.1.

Verbs I-

(TA3: 13,18)

'3.5

Roots containing '3_5 as first radical are mostly still conjugated as strong verbs in Sargonic Akkadian with occasional vowel changes. 195 The following fonns and roots are attested in Sargonic syllabic texts:

S-durative: 11-sa-am-la-su,ma /yusamliisuma/ 'he fills it' (MOP 14 90: 12 Susa) As discussed in the previous chapters, /'/ was probably lost in the environment but was still preserved in word-initial position and between vowels. 194

219

G-preterite: 196 e-ro-ub /ye'rubl e-ro-ub /ye"rub/ i-zu-bu /yi'zubii/ a-ro-us /'al,rru0/

or /yerub/ 'he entered' (Ga 9: 5') 'he entered' (MAD 5 109: 6 unkn.; Limet 73 9: 4 Gir etc.) or /yizub/ 'they left' (BIN 8 149: 9 Me-sag) 'I cultivated' (Gir J9: 9)

G-precative: Ii-Ii-am /licli'am/ or /lni'am/ 'he shall come up' (Ga 2: 6) li-zi-ib lli'zibl or /11zib/ 'he shall leave· (Ga 3: 24) G-durative: 197

195 Gelb does not state whether he considers these roots as strong or weak (Gelb 1961: 226 ). 196 There are ywo different possible readings for the G-preterite of I-' roots, first, with presrved fl, and, second, without N and compensatory lengthening. Tt is not possible to determine which reading is more likely on the basis of the orthography. 197 The forms of the durative are ambiguous. Since the root epefom is used with a theme vowel Iii in our text, we have to assume that the form in Di 3: 15 is a durative that had already lost the second syllable of the original yiparras-forrn. Whether Ill/ was already lost is not determinable with our evidence, but it is likely that we have to read/' eppis/ and not /'el)pis/. The writing ni-e-ra-[abJ in TA 7: JO' is equally ambiguous. The sign E could indicate the syllabe fel, but it could also simply mark the vowel le/ of the prefix. in which

220

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology

Verbs

ni-e-ra-[ab] /ni'errab/ or /nerrab/ 'we will enter' (TA 7: 10') e-bi-is /'eppis?/ 'l will do' (Di 3: 15)

da-za-a-la /ta~a"ala/ 'you (2) quarrel' (Di I: 9) 198

G-imperative: 'a-ro-us/l:Jaru0/ 'cultivate'' (Gir 19: 4, 15)

da-la- 'a-mu /talal)hamu/ 'you will consume' (Ad 12: 13)

G-infinitive: ·a-ra-.fr fbara0i/ 'cultivate' (Di 10: 14') e-ra-si-is /(l,i)erasis/ 'to cultivate' (Ga 3: 23) S-preterite: u-sa-ri-ib /yusa"rib/ 'he brought in' (Na A 1 1: 18 Marda) u-sci-rf-ib /yusa'rib/ 'he brought in' (Na 2 4: 5 Nin) S-precative: /i-sci-ki-id /lisa'kid/ 'he shall hurry' (Gir I: 3') li-sa-me-id-ma /lisa'midma/ 'he shall install' (Ga 3: 7) S-verbal adjective:

221

G-durative + subordinate marker: G-verbal adjective: la-e-ma-ad /la(l,i)emat/ 'it is consuming· (MAD 1186: 12TA\ za-ab-ra /~agra/ 'they are small' (Di 4: 10) 4.5.11.6 Verbs III- '3_5 In verbs III-

'1.5

the gutturals still seems to be preserved in most verbal forms.

G-preterite: il-ga /yilqal,i/ 'he took' (MAD 5 82: 6 UeJ) il-gi-ma /yilqe(l,i)ma/ 'he took' (TA I 6) cis-mci-ma /'asma'ma/ 'I heard' (Gir 37: 3) i-da /yida'/ 'he knows' (Um 3: 25) ti-da /tida'/ 'you know· (Gir 19 41)

--su~-ku-ud-m[a] /su'kudma/ 'he is in a hurry' (Gir 2: 5)

G-preterite + subordinate marker: Stn-imperative: su-da-ri-ib /suta"rib/ 'bring in!' (Gir 19: 21) For the assumption that the gutturals '_i.5 were still partly preserved see sections 2.5 and 3.3.1 above. Although the infinitive of I- '3_5 does not exhibit vowel harmony when the raising of a > e had taken place, as in /(l;t)eriisis/, these forms nevertheless do not constitute an isogloss for linking Sargonic Akkadian to Assyrian since these attestations reflect an early stage of the language which preceded the Babylonian vowel harmony rule. 4.5.11.5 Verbs II-

'1-.1

Attestations for verbs II- ·.?-.1 are rare in original Sargonic texts. The durative is clearly conjugated like strong roots, while the situation regarding the preterite is unclear due to the absence of sufficient evidence. The following forms are found in Sargonic texts: G-preterite: i-hi-111/yiberu/ 'he chose' (HSS X 184: 9 Ga) G-durative:

ni-ti-ku /nitiqu?/ 'we neglected' (Pu 3: 7)

G-preterite + ventive: il-gi-am-ma /yilqe(l.i)amma/ 'he took' (OAIC 7: 23 Di) G-precative: li-il-ga /lilqal.if 'he shall take' (Pu I: 7) /i-~i!~-ga-ma /lilqal,ima/ 'he shall take' (Di 2: 9) li-ib-te-u-ma /lipte(l,i)iima/ 'they shall open' (Di 8: 13) Ji-is-me /lisme(')/ 'he shall listen· (Ad 3: 19; Ki 1: 17) G-durative: a-la-ga-si-ma /'alaqqal,isima/ 'I will take her' (OSP 1 7: iii2' Nip)

4.5.11.7 Verbs 1-w Verbs I-w in the G stem have the same form as in Babylonian and Assyrian with prefix vowel /u/, regular a - i Ablaut in the durative and preterite, and an imperative base without initial /w/. Attestations in the G-stem include: G-preterite:

u-bil /yubil/ 'he brought' (MAD I 169: iii I TA; MAD I 318: 13 TA; BIN 8 215: 15 Me-sag; etc.)

case we would have to read the form as /nerrab/, resembling the later Assyrian rncalization of the prefix of this root-type.

198 The etymology of this root is not certain. Veenhofsuggested either\~~/ or *s'/ (Veenhof 1975/76: I08). Since the middle guttural cannot be established with certainty it is transcribed as /' /.

222

Sargonic Akkadian

Morphology

11-ub-fu /yublu/ "they brought" (MAD I 169: iii 12 TA; similar HSS X 168: 15 Ga) u-ni /yuru/ "he led' (HSS X 171: 9 Ga) tu-ur,-da-

lturdama/ 'you (2) came down' (MAD 5 8: 8,9)

G-preterite + ventive + subordinate marker: u-ur-da-ni /yurdanni/ 'he came down' (BIN 8 134: 9 Me-sag) G-preterite + ventive: ub-fam lyublam/ 'he brought here' (MAD 5 71: 4, 7 UeJ; MAD 5 80: 6, 12 Kish, etc.) !1-hi-/11-nim/yubilunim/ 'they brought here' (MAD 4 11: 18 unkn.) 1,-bi-lam /yubilam/ 'he brought' (MAD 4 11: 15 unkn.) 11-ru-am lyuru'am/ 'he led here' (Su 3: 16) 1111-ni-am lnuru'am/ 'we led here' (MAD I 159: 3 TAJ G-precative: /11-bi! /lubil/ 'I shall bring' (Limet 73 47: 10 Gir) Ii-is-bu llisbiil 'they shall stay' (Ga 7: 11) li-ru-nim /lin1nim 1 'they shall lead here· (Gir 27: T: Ki 5: 10; MAD 5 22: 10 Kish) G-durative: u-ha-af lyubbal/ 'he will bring' (HSS X 71: 5 Ga) u-ia-ah /yu00ab/ 'he will stay' (Gir 35: 7; Gir 36: 3: Ki 5: 9; MAD 5 22: 9 Kish) 11-fo-bu /yu00abu/ 'they will stay' (Gir 27: 6')

G-durative + subordinate marker: tu-sa-bu /tussabu1 'you will sit' (Ad 12: 16) G-durative + ventive: u-ha-lam iyubbalami 'he will bring here' (USP 21: 4 Umma) 199

G-perfect: id-ba-al iyitbal/ ·he has brought' 32; BIN 8 139: 8)

223

Verbs 200

of person and only occurs in the preterite which is used as present tense. The same irregularity is found with the etymologically unclear verb iszim 'to have'. Both verbs exhibit the same irregular features in Babylonian and Assryrian. The following 201 forms are attested in Sargonic texts:

i-da /yida'/ ti-da /tida'/ i-su /yI-isu/ ti-su /fi-isu/

'he knows' (Um 3: 25) 202 'you know' (Gir 19: 41) 'he has' (MAD 5 21: 5 Kish; MOP 14 49: 7) 'you have' (OAIC X: 15 Di)

G-participle: me-da-a /meda'a/

'those who know (2)' (Di 10: 12)

The G-participle of the root edl1m has a different form than found in later dialects, which have miidi1m. The participle attested in Sargonic Akkadian has the same le/vowel found in the S-stem of I-w verbs (see below), and seems to either suggest a root *yd:, not *wcf, or an analogy with roots l-y. The /el-vowel would thus be the result of the dipthong contraction ay , e, *mayda'- > meda'-, as opposed to the 203 underlying contraction of aw> ii in miidu- < *mawda"-. In the D-stem I-w verbs usually behave like strong roots. Only a few attestations of 1-w verbs in the D-stem occur in Sargonic Akkadian: D-preterite + subordinate marker: u-wa-e-rn-1is /'uwa"erus/ 'I commanded him' (Ga 9: 7') D-preterite + ventive: ~u~-wa-ti-[r]a-sum /yuwattirassum/

'he increased for him' (Frag 3: 6' Bab 9 )

D-durative: 11-wa-ga-mu /yuwakkamii/ 'they will notice' (Gir 19: 17)

(MAD 5 10: 13 Kish; MAD 5 69: 7' UeJ; CT 50 72:

G-perfect + subordinate marker: id-ba-!u /yitbalu/ 'he has brought' (OAIC 7: 24 Di) G-imperative: si-ba /siba/ 'sit 1 (2)' (Di I: 11) The verb ediim 'to know' differs from the regular paradigm of 1-w verbs given abo,·e. This verb always has the prefix vowel /i/ in Sargonic Akkadian independent

I 99 The forms quoted as G-perfects from the root wabiilum could also be preterites of the root tabafum.

200 It is possible that this verb was 1-y and not 1-w originally, since several descendant languages have forms that suggest original ly/, for example Phoenician, Biblical Aramaic. Ge"ez. For a list of forms see Testen 2000: 83. 201 Testen (2000) explains the occurrence of the prefix vowel Iii in ed11m as vestige of an original vowel distinction according to Barth's Law (2000: 84), but the prefix Iii in i.fom as the reflex of a syllabified /n/ (2000: 87). Testen's explanation is not convincing in my opinion since it presumes two very different developments for the two roots that share the same irregular feature. A common origin of the prefix forms, or at least an analogical development between the two roots, would be preferable. 202 The verb ed11mis normalized with a short prefix vowel because of the derivation as 1-w verb that lost its initial radical in this verbal form. The derivation of isum is uncertain and the vowel length of its prefix vowel is ambiguous. although it probably has the same vowel quantity as edfim. 203 For a discussion of this form see also Kienast and Volk 1995: 167.

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology

224

The greatest variety of forms and deviations from Babylonian and Assyrian are found in the S-stem of 1-w verbs. Three different vowels are attested after the sibilant, /ii/, /e/ and /a/. Sallaberger suggested that forms in /e/, such as lisebi!am, are a specific northern, that is, northern Babylonian, Diyala region and Gasur feature, although forms with /ii/ are also occasionally found in texts from these areas.2 04 Hilgert states that forms in /a/, such as usii!iib, are typical during the Ur-III period. 205 In Babylonian, the vowel after the S-stem prefix depends on the root. The verb 11·a$umis most often inflected like e-type verbs, similarly the roots wrd and wsb are mainly inflected with the vowel /e/ in non-archaic texts. Most other 1-w roots take an fa: vowel in Babylonian. 206 In Assyrian, the e-type prefix is predominant. 207 The distribution of the post-prefix vowels in Sargonic Akkadian still requires 208 darification. The following list includes all Sargonic Akkadian 1-w verbs in the Sstem known to me from syllabic texts. S-preterite: 1i-seu-zi /yusesi! 'he brought out' (BIN 8 144: 59 UeJ) 11-su-ze-[ma] /yusiisema/ 'he gave out' (Ga 6: 8) S-preterite + ventive: 1i-su-ri-dam /yusiiridam/ 'he led down' (MAD 4 10: 4 unkn.) S-precative + ventive: li-su-ze-as-su-ni /lisiise'assune/ 'he shall release them (2)' (Gir 29: 12) li--se 11~-zi-11-nim-ma /lisesi 'unimma/ 'they shall take out' (Di 8: I 5) /i-seu-ri-am /liscri"am/ 'he shall send here' (Ga I: 24'; Su 2: 28) li-su-ri-am /lisiiri'am/ 'he shall send here' (Gir 34: 8) li-seu-bi-lam llisebilam/ 'he shall send here' (Ga 5: 6; Ga 7: 14) /i-seu-bi-/am ilisebilam/ 'he shall send here' (Di I I: 12; TA 2: 7'; TA 6: JO) lu-sa-bi-la-kum /lusabilakkum/ 'I shall send to you· (Ki I: 12,14)

S-imperative: su-si-ih-ma /susibma/ 'install!' (Gir 19: 13)

S-imperative + ventive: /siisi'am/ 'bring out!' (Ki I: 15)

-su-zi--a-am

204 Sallaberger 1996: 398. 205 Hilgert 2002: 166. 3 206 Such roots include wbl, wnv, wsm, wqr, wrq, wtr, wld and wtw (von Soden 1995 : § 103v). 207 Von Soden 19953 : § 103w. OA predominantly has an /el-vowel after the S-stem infix, but rare occurrences of /a/ are found as well (Hecker 1968: § 93g-h). 20R Gelb only lists the different forms without any specification where and in which roots the attestations are found (Gelb 1961: 227).

Verbs

225

su-ri-a-nim /suri'anim/ 'send!' (Di 4: 12) [su]-bi-lam /subilam/ 'send!' (Gir 8: 8') su-bi-lim /subi!Im/ 'send!' (Di I: 12; TA 5: 5,11)

The following distribution can be noticed. Imperatives always have /ii/ after the Sstem prefix, as in sfisib. The root *w.y·, which mostly occurs as an e-type root in Babylonian, is attested with /e/ in Umm el-Jir and the Diyala region, while attestations from Gasur and Girsu use Iii!. The root *wrw, an a-type root in Babylonian, is attested with /e/ in Gasur and with /iii in Girsu. The root *wb!, a-type in Babylonian, occurs with /e/ in Gasur (2x), the Diyala region ( l x) and Tell Asmar (2x), but with /a/ in Kish (2x same text). These attestations from Kish are the only evidence for an /a/ vocalization of the S-stem in Sargonic texts. The root *wrd occurs once with /ii/ in a geographically unclassifiable text. Therefore, texts from southern Babylonia, notably Girsu, regularly have /ii/ after the S-stem prefix. The texts from Umm el-Jir and the Diyala region have the expected Babylonian form for the root *w$ ·, but they also use /e/ for other roots, as we would expect in Assyrian. The texts from Gasur also use !el in nearly all cases, only one exception is attested. Although we find two different vowel qualities in Gasur, they are not attested for the same root. The /ii/ vowel in Gasur either reflects a special form for the root *w.y', or, perhaps more likely, since Gasur texts are peripheral in the Sargonic corpus and do not necessarily reflect "typical" northern Sargonic Akkadian, might also contain features and vestiges from other dialects. It is therefore possible to state that the S-stem with /ii/ is a specifically southern Babylonian feature, while /e/ is the nonnal vocalization in more northern texts, especially the Diyala region. The vowel /a/ found in one text from Kish is exceptional. It either reflects a specific characteristic of the Kish dialect, which is difficult to prove with our evidence, or it is an early attestation of the standard form of this root in Babylonian. In Sargonic Akkadian, we therefore find three distinct distributions of vowels in the S-stem ofl-w verbs. Southern Babylonia uses /ii/, texts from northern Mesopotamia usually /e/, while the area around Kish seems to resemble Babylonian. The Iii/ type of southern Babylonia is clearly an archaism which went out of use outside of Old Akkadian and Standard Babylonian. The /iii-vowel is the result of the 209 diphthong contraction *aw > ii, that is, *yusawbil > yusfibil. In Babylonian, the

209 The assumption that the /u/ variant is the oldest variant of the Akkadian S-stem is also found in Kienast 2001: 353. Kienast, however, assumes that the long /ii/ is an attestation for the 3ms independent pronoun, which, according to him, underlies the fom1ation of the causative stems in Semitic (ibid. and Kienast 1957: 104-108). Since the regular outcome of the diphthong contraction would be /ii/, there is, in my opinion, no need to assume an underlying independent pronoun to account for the /iii-vowel. For the same analysis as the one given here see also Tropper I 998: 16.

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology

Verbs

original /ii/ vowel was replaced by /a/ in most cases by analogy with the /a/ vowel of other verbal roots, although the original length of the vowel was retained, probably by analogy with I-' verbs:

Other stems are basically not attested for I-w verbs. There is only one occurrence of a St 2 stem of the root *wbl:

227

11s-da-a-bi-la /'ustabila/ 'I considered' (OAIC l 0: 8 Di)

•n1sa'1haz: •yusa!tis :: •yusabbal: X = •yusabil

In Assyrian on the other hand, we find a general leveling of the /e/ vowel of original 210 l-_1·roots, in which *ay > e. Consequently, the S-stem vowel of I-w verbs in southern Babylonian texts, /ii/, is not diagnostic for determining the affiliation of this dialect to later Akkadian, but reflects an archaism. The distribution found in the area of Kish might reflect the first evidence for the Babylonian-type innovation. The attestations in the Diyala region resemble the S-stem forms found in Assyrian and not those of Babylonian, since the vowel /e/ occurs in all roots, despite the fact that the Diyala region dialect usually seems to be closer to Babylonian than to Assyrian. There are several possible explanations for the /e/ vowel in this area. First, it could be an independent development within this area without any connection to Assyrian. Second, the dialect in the Diyala region is a mixed dialect and shares features with both later Assyrian and Babylonian. Third, the leveling of /e/ in northern regions was a general process and took place earlier than the analogy with strong roots that led to the /a/ vowel in Babylonian. The texts from this region would thus still reflect the earlier intermediate stage, while the leveling of /a/ might have already started in Kish. The original general leveling of /e/ before the Babylonian analogical development could explain why we still find forms in /e/ in certain roots in Babylonian, plus it fits the picture of Assyrian as being the more conservative of the t\\ o later dialects. If this assumption is correct, the dialect of the Diyala region is not necessarily influenced or specifically bound to Assyrian, but could be an early stage 211 of Babylonian before the leveling of /a/ took place.

2 IO For the assumption that both the Babylonian and Assyrian vowels are due to secondary analogical developments, see also Kienast 200 I: 3 53; Tropper 1998: 16 and Meissner 1931. Meissner examined Akkadian text corpora for evidence of a substitution of original :wl by /y/ in verbal roots. Although a lot of his evidence comes from the Amama letters or is otherwise doubtful, this is still an interesting study and shows that this kind of substitution took place in rare cases. so that the analogy of 1-w with 1-y roots in the Sstem in Assyrian is not a completely isolated phenomenon. Sommerfeld suggested that the different vowels might be due to a vowel harmony with the prefix vowel, as in J7J-siiand le-se- (Sommerfeld 2003: 580), but this is phonologically highly unlikely and the evidence does not support his theory. 21 l Sallaberger also concluded despite the S-stem forms with !el that what he calls 'peripheral Old Akkadian', that is, the evidence from the Diyala region, is not linked to Assyrian since the same distribution of S-stem forms can also be found in early OB as attested in Tell Asmar (Sallaberger 1996: 399).

4.5.11.8 Verbs II-wly Verbs II-wly are not as frequently attested as 1-w verbs, but the evidence nevertheless allows certain conclusions regarding their morphology. The following forms occur in Sargonic texts: Verbs II-y: G-preterite: i-ki-is /yiqis/ 'he presented' (Su l: 6'; MOP 14 44: 3 Susa) a-ki-is-su,-ni-si-im /'aqissunesim/ 'I presented to them (2)' (Su l: 4') i-de-na-ma /yidinama/ 'they (2) went to court' (BIN 8 121: 3 Kaz) G-preterite + subordinate marker: a-si-tu /'asitu/ 'I left over' (Ga 3: 5) G-durative: da-ni-al /tane'al/ 'you lie down' (OSP I 7: i2' Nip) G-durative + ventive: da-ki-ba-an-ni /taqippanni/ 'you trust me' (Ki l: 7) a-ze-'1a-me /'a~el].liamme/ 'I am upset' (Di I: 4; Di 5: 4; TA 4: 6,15; TB I: 2: Di 11: 5) Verbs 11-w: G-preterite: da-gu-un /takiin/ 'she established' (AuOr 9 5: ii4' Di) G-durative: ~i~-mu-tu /yimuttii/ 'they die' (llm 3: 20) N-precative: li-za-zu-ma /lizzazuma/ 'they (2 1) shall stand' (Di 8: 12) N-durative: i-za-az /yizzaz/ 'he stands' (MOP 14 44: 6 Susa)212 S-durative + ventive:

u-sa-za-za-su4 /yusazzazzassu/ 'he makes him stand' (Frag 3: 4' Bab~) D-preterite:

212 For the interpretation of izuzzum as original N-stem of a root *owb see Huehnergard 2002a.

228

Sargonic Akkadian Morphology 11-gi-in /yuken/ 'he made firm' (Na 6 3: I unkn.)

D-preterite + subordinate marker: 11-gi-nu /yukennu/ 'he made firm' (Na I I: 23 Bas) D-durative: 11-ga-al iyukal/ 'he holds on' (Gir 37: 5) The morphology of II-w(v verbs is basically the same as in Babylonian. Differences in vowel quality from Babylonian are found in the durative of II-y roots and the preterite of the D-stem because of the underlying contraction of *ay,vi > e. Whether the final root radical was doubled in the durative in Sargonic Akkadian cannot be established with certainty since no doubling is indicated in the orthography. Both gemination and absence of gemination are possible. The transcription used here is based on evidence from later dialects. The most significant form of these roots for the internal sub-grouping of Akkadian is the preterite in the D-stem. In Babylonian, roots IJ-wly are usually conjugated as weak verbs, as in ukfn. In Assyrian, the preterite of the D-stem is conjugated like strong roots with the insertion of a medial /'/, uka "in. 213 Sargonic Akkadian, despite its /e/ vowel, reflects the form found in Babylonian, and not the Assyrian form.

4.5.11.9 Verbs III-y/w The morphology of verbs III-ylw basically resembles that found in Babylonian and Assyrian, with the exception that there is an i - e Ablaut in the final vowel in the Gstem between the preterite and the durative in verbs Ill-y. This Ablaut is due to the 214 No vowel contraction takes place diphthong contraction ay > e in the G durative. in forms with vocalic suffixes. The following forms are attested in Sargonic texts: Verbs lll-y: G-preterite: ib-ni /yibni/ 'he built' (Na 3 2: 16 Susa: Na Al 2: 9 Marda) ih-ni-i1 /yibni'ii/ 'they built' (Na I 3: 7 Bas) ib-ri lyibrii 'he saw· (MAD I 220: 13 Haf) ih-si /yibsi/ 'itwas· (MADI 181:iiTA;Um3:7) ih-Ii /yib0i/ 'it was' (MAD I 167: 5 TA) i-ig-mi /yikmi/ 'he took captive' (Na 1 I: 19 Bas) i-ig-mi-ma /yikrnTma/ 'he took captive' (Na A 1 1: 15 Marda) dag-bi ltaqbil 'you said' (Gir 19: 10; Lime! 73 47: IO Gir)

Verbs ag-bi-si-im /'aqbTsim/ 'I told her' (TAJ: 13) da-as-zi /tas'si! 'she called' (BIN 8 121: 6 Kaz)

G-preterite + subordinate marker: ig-mi-11 /yikrni'u/ 'he took captive· (D 12: 7; D 13: 6; D 27: 7) [i]m-ti-i1 /yimti'u/ 'it became less' (Um 3: 22) ir-da-~u~ /yirda'u/ 'he led' (MAD 5 14: is Kish) G-precative: !i-~ir~-da /lirda/ 'he shall lead' ( Di 2: 18) li-is-ki-u /lisqi'ii/ 'they shall irrigate' (Pu 3: 8) G-durative: i-ba-.fe /yibaOOe/ 'it/ he is' (Um 3: 16; MAD 5 3: 11 Kish etc.) i-ba-se-ii /yiba00e'ii/ 'they are' (PBS 9 22: x+I J; HSS X 109: 23 Ga; etc.) e-ga-bi /yiqabbe/ or /yeqabbe/ 'he says' (Si I: 8') a-ga-bi /'aqabbe/ 'I say' (Gir 19: 25) a-la-e-ma /'ala"ema/ 'I am able' (Di 10: 17') G-imperative: ki-bi-ma /qibTma/ 'speak!' (Di 2: 4; Di 9: 4; TA 6: 6; Ga I: 8; Ga 2: 4; Ga 3: 3; etc.) D-preterite: 1i-ba-ri /yubarri/ 'he announced~' (BIN 8 144: 4 UeJ) Verbs IIl-w: G-preterite: id-n, /yitru/ 'he led away' (MAD 5 IOI: ii3 UeJ; BIN 8 144: 31 UeJ; BIN 8 146: 23 Me-sag; BIN 8 251: 17 Me-sag; BIN 8 254: 12 Me-sag) id-ru-ii /yitru'ii/ 'they led' (Gir 19: 23,31) G-preterite + ventive: nu-ru-am /nuru'am/ 'we led' (MAD l 159: 3 TA) ig-su-am /yiksu'am/ 'he bound?/ increased' (MAD l 235: 5 Khaf) G-precative + ventive: [!]i-id-ru-u-nim /litru'iinim/ 'they shall lead here' (TA 2: 2') /i-ru-11-nim /liru'iinim/ 'they shall lead' (Gir 33: 14) G-perfect: da-as-da-~bu~ /tastapu/ 'you have been silent' (Ga 6: 9) ab-da-tu !'alJtadu/ 'I rejoiced' (Gir 37: 3) G-verbal adjective:

na-tu !natu! 'it is possible' (Ga 3: 23) 21.1 Von Soden 19953 : ~ 104p; Huehnergard 1998: 603. 2 1-l See section 2.6.1.2 above.

229

Chapter 5: Conclusion The investigation of Sargonic phonology and morphology, and, to a lesser degree, of the syllabary in chapters 2-4, has shown that the linguistic evidence from the Sargonic period is not a uniform entity but consists of several different sub-groups that differ in the representation of certain phonemes and in the formation of morphemes. Generally, we have to distinguish two major sub-groups which reflect different levels of the underlying language. In Sargonic Akkadian there exists a clear, and expected, difference between the literary and non-literary language. Literary texts are more archaic in both their phonology and morphology than non-literary texts, although most archaisms are found in the phonology. The literary language is linguistically quite uniform and exhibits similar phonological features throughout the Sargonic empire, such as the preservation of gutturals, absence of raising of a > e I_ [' 3_5] and the regular distinction of*() from *s Is in the writing. The second major sub-group, which must be carefully distinguished from literary texts that exhibit no significant geographical differences, are letters and economic texts. These two text genres, especially letters, vary in the representation of certain phonemes and morphemes in different areas. A dialect division can, consequently, only be based on these two text corpora. In the investigation of the different sub-corpora it has become clear that there is an observable division between texts originating in southern Babylonia and texts originating in northern Babylonia and the Diyala region. Texts from southern Babylonia are more conservative linguistically than texts from farther North. This is manifested in the representation of gutturals and sibilants, but also in certain morphological features. In texts from southern Babylonia, the raising of a > e I_ [' 1_ 5] is hardly ever indicated in the orthography. Furthennore, the scribes still distinguished between *0 and *s Is in some cases. Morphological archaisms found in this area include the use of the form yusiibil for 1-w verbs in the S-stem, the use of the shorter form of dual pronominal suffixes in the accusative, -sune, and the preservation of the subordinate marker -ni after verbal bases ending in a vowel. Texts from the Diyala region frequently indicate the change of a > e I_ [' 3_5 ]. except in literary texts and formulaic expressions, and display an obvious confusion of *0 and *s Is in almost all phonological environments. We also find a wider range of innovative forms in the morphology than in texts from southern Babylonia, such as the use of yusebil for I-w verbs in the S-stem, an accusative dual suffix with /ti, suneti, and the loss of the subordinate marker -ni after verbal bases ending in a vowel. Northern Babylonia, represented by Kish and Umm el-Jir, reflects, as far as we can tell from the rather sparse evidence, an intermediate stage. These texts partly preserve older forms but we also have evidence for more innovative features. There is, consequently, a clear North - South dichotomy in the linguistic evidence from the Sargonic period, with a conservative southern Babylonia, where the linguistic

233

Conclusion

Conclusion

characteristics resemble, but are not always the same as those found in literary texts, and an innovative northern periphery, specifically the Diyala region. There are two possible evaluations of this evidence. First, the textual material from southern Babylonia might be genuinely conservative, that is, these texts reflect an inherited dialect that had not been as innovative as the underlying dialect(s) in 1 northern Babylonia and the Diyala region. In this case, the preservation of older features might have been caused by the peripheral nature of this text corpus, peripheral in the sense that, as will also be argued forther below, the actual core dialect of Sargonic Akkadian most likely centered around the Oiyala region. Second, the Akkadian used in the texts from the originally mostly Sumerian South might have been a learned literary language that was not native to this area. 2 The source of this literary language could have been, although this has to remain hypothetical, an older stage of the language of the Sargonic dynasty that spread as chancellery language with the expansion of the Sargonic empire. This interpretation would explain why texts from southern Babylonia, especially from Girsu, have close linguistic affinities with the language of royal inscriptions and other literary genres found throughout the Sargonic empire. 3 The linguistically most innovative area in the Sargonic period is the Diyala region. This is not surprising since the Diyala region is an area in which a Semitic population had been settled for a considerable amount of time and where Akkadian was one of the predominant languages. Furthermore, most of our textual material originates in this area, so that we have sufficient evidence to trace linguistic developments. It has also been argued that the capital of the Sargonic empire,

Akkad, was most likely situated in, or at least close to, the Diyala region, suggesting 4 that the official language might have spread from this area. Independent of whether the dialect of the Diyala region reflects the original language of the Sargonic dynasty, it is likely that the linguistic innovations from this area gradually spread to first northern Babylonia and then further South, which accounts for the gradual linguistic differences found in the textual material. lt still requires further clarification where Sargonic Akkadian fits in in a general sub-grouping of Akkadian. For this purpose, we need to consider the isoglosses linking Sargonic Akkadian with Babylonian and I or Assyrian, and isoglosses that are only found in Sargonic Akkadian and determine whether they represent shared innovations or shared retentions of an earlier stage of Akkadian, before the split into Babylonian and Assyrian. This stage of the the language might have been ProtoAkkadian, but it is also possible that we have to assume intermediate steps between Proto-Akkadian and the two later dialects Babylonian and Assyrian. For our investigation, it is sufficient to assume one common ancestor which, at some point, branched of into Babylonian and Assyrian. 5 The major isoglosses are presented in the following lists.

232

2

3

This fits well to the proposal of Westenholz who assumes at least two different branches of Akkadian, one that represents the Akkadian population living in Babylonia before the rise of the Sargonic dynasty and one that came fi:omthe northern outskirts with the spread of the Sargonic empire (Westenholz 1999: 33). This does not mean that there could not have been a 'native' Akkadian dialect in southern Babylonia independent from the official language of the Sargonic empire, but the official language would have been the one reflected in the written sources. Sommerfeld interprets the written language attested during the Sargonic dynasty as an official chancellery language based on the native language of the Sargonic kings that did not reflect the spoken language of Babylonia: "Bei dem in der Akkade-Zeit primlir verschrifteten Dialekt handelt es sich vermutlich um denjenigen, der die Muttersprache der Herrscher von Akkade und ihrer Elite darstellte und der konsequent als offizielle Amtssprache eingefiihrt wurde." (Sommerfeld 2003: 585). Sommerfeld assumes that this official language was given up after the fall of the dynasty of Akkade (ibid.). I do not agree with Sommerfeld that the language that was used during the Sargonic period and which is reflected in the written material disappeared after the Sargonic dynasty had come to an end. It rather constitutes an early predecessor of later Babylonian (see below for a more detailed discussion).

Sargonic Akkadian features not shared by later dialects: Phonology: #y- preserved -i# preserved *0 partly preserved absence of raising of a > e I_[' 3. 5] gutturals most likely preserved no Babylonian type vowel harmony no Assyrian type vowel harmony vowel harmony of /i/ with /e/ Morphology: preservation of dual in verbal and pronominal morphology subordinate marker /a/ (Diyala) S-stem ofl-w verbs with /ii/ (southern Bab.)

Section: (2.6.1) (32.l) (3.3.3)

(3.2.3) (3.3.1) (32.4.1) (3.2.4.2)

(3.2.4.3) (4.2; 4.5.1; 4.5.2) (4 5.7) (4.5.11.7)

As has been argued in the specified sections of this study, all the features listed above, except for the possible vowel harmony of Iii with /e/ in some cases, are shared retentions of an earlier stage of Akkadian and consequently they do not 4

5

See Wall-Romana 1990 for the assumption that Akkad has to be located close to today's Baghdad. Westenholz disagrees with Wall-Romana and suggests an area north of the Diyala region but south of Assur at the Tigris instead (Westenholz 1999: 32). Despite the noticeable regional differences in Sargonic Akkadian, the following lists include the features found in all areas.

Conclusion

Conclusion

represent distinguishing isoglosses for establishing Sargonic Akkadian as an independent dialect. The subordinate marker /a/ is exceptional in this text corpus and its interpretation uncertain.

opinion, the innovations shared by the Sargonic dialect of the Diyala region and Babylonian are significant enough to consider the two members of the same subbranch of Akkadian, as opposed to Assyrian which constitutes a branch of its own. The language of Sargonic literary texts and southern Babylonia does share important isoglosses with Babylonian, such as the precative and the D and S-stem verbal adjectives and infinitives purrus and foprus, but most of the other markedly Babylonian forms, such as the accusative pronominal suffixes in the plural and dual with It! and the dative with Isl, are not (yet) attested in these sub-corpora. It is therefore difficult to determine the affiliation of the Sargonic literary language and the language of the texts from southern Babylonia to the rest of Akkadian. These two sub-corpora might reflect an archaic stage of the same sub-branch, but this assumption is not necessary. The main conclusions of this study can be summarized as follows: a) Sargonic Akkadian is sub-divided into several clearly distinct sub-corpora, of which the dialect of the Diyala region is the most innovative. b) All sub-corpora of Sargonic Akkadian share morphological characteristics that have to be considered as Babylonian-type innovations, while Assyrian features found in this corpus are shared retentions. The dialect of the Diyala region shares the most isoglosses with Babylonian. Ergo, c) at least the innovative branch of Sargonic Akkadian, that is, the dialect of the Diyala region as reflected in syllabic texts, is linguistically affiliated to Babylonian.

234

Assyrian-like features in Sargonic Akkadian: Phonology: no vowel contractions *sls=[s]

Section: (2.6.1.2) (3.2) (3.3.3)

Morphology: Ics acc. pronominal suffix -ni + -anni (OA) acc. dual pronominal suffix without /ti -sune (southern Bab.) preposition in 'in/ at' masculine oblique plural ---e 3fs verbal prefix lasubordinate marker -ni on verbal base ending in vowel Verbs 1-win S-stem with /e/

(4.2.2.2) (4.2.2.2) (4.3.2) (2.6.1.2; 4.4.3) (4.5.2) (4.5.7) (4.5.117)

av> e

Again, all of these features are shared retentions and do not subgroup Sargonic Akkadian together with Assyrian. Babylonian-like features in Sargonic Akkadian: Morphology: Section: acc. dual pronominal suffix with It! -suneti (North) (4.2.2.2) dat. dual pronominal suffix with Isl, -sunesim (North) (4.2.2.3) third person precative Ii- and Jes lu(4.5.4) subordinate marker in 0 on verbal bases ending in vowel (North)(4.5.7) D-stem infinitive and verbal adjective purrus (4.5.8 + 4.5.9.1) D-stem of roots 11-wwith contraction,yuken (4.5.11.8) (4.3.2) preposition ana Although the Babylonian features are fewer in number than the features Sargonic Akkadian shares with Assyrian, they are nevertheless more significant for determining the dialect affiliation of Sargonic Akkadian as reflected in syllabically written texts to later dialects than the features that Sargonic Akkadian shares with Assyrian. All of the characteristics listed under Babylonian are distinct Babylonian innovations which are not shared by the common ancestor of Babylonian and Assyrian or Assyrian. This means that Sargonic Akkadian, more specifically, the dialect of the Diyala region, most likely shares a common ancestor with later Babylonian and might even be considered an early stage of Babylonian, contrary to what has been proposed by Sommerfeld and Hilgert who assume that Sargonic Akkadian has no direct affiliation with either Babylonian or Assyrian. In my

235

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Tropper, J. 1995. Die semitische "Suffixkonjugation im Wandel". In Festschriji fiir Wolfram van Soden, ed. M. Dietrich and 0. Loretz; 491-516. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Butzon & Bercker Kevelaer. Tropper, J. 1997. Probleme des akkaHin wurzellosen Morphemen des Alt- und Neusudarabischen. In Semitic and Cushitic Studies, ed. G. Goldenberg; 19-28. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Voigt, R.M. 1997. Zur Nominal- und Verbalnasalierung im Semitischen. WZKM 87: 207- 30. Waetzoldt, H. and Yildiz, F. 1988. Ein altakkadischer Text aus Umma. ZA 78: 22124. Wall-Romana, C. 1990. An Areal Location of Agade. JNES 49: 205-45. Westenholz, A. 1974a. Old Akkadian School Texts. AfO 25: 95-110. Westenholz, A. 1974b. Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts m the National Museum of Copenhagen. JCS 26: 71-80. Westenholz, A. 1975a. Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts in Philadelphia Chiefly from Nippur, Vol. I - Literary and Lexical Texts and the Earliest Administrative Documents from Nippur. Malibu: Undena. Westenholz, A. 1975b. Early Cuneilorm Texts in Jena. Kobenhavn: Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskah. Westenholz, A. 1978. Some Notes on the Orthography and Grammar of the Recently Published Texts from Mari. BiOr 35: 160-69. Westenholz, A. 1984a. Review: B.R. Foster, Umma in the Sargonic Period. AfV 31: 76-81. Westenholz, A. 1984b. The Sargonic Period. In Circulation of Goods in 11(m-Palatia/ Context in the Ancient Near East, ed. A. Archi; 17-30. Rome: Edizioni dell' Ateneo. Westenholz, A. 1987. Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts in Philadelphia: Part 2. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum. Westenholz, A. I 991. The Phoneme lo/ in /\kkadian. ZA 8 l: l 0-19.

::so

Bibliography

Westenholz, A. 1996. Review: Frayne, D.R.: The Raval Inscriptions of Mesopotamia vol. 2. BiOr 53: 116-23. Westenholz. A. 1999. The Old Akkadian Period: History and Culture. In .\fesopotamien: Akkade-Zeit und Ur 111-Zeit,ed. P. Attinger; 17-117. Giittingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. \Vestenholz, A. 2000. Assyriologists, Ancient and Modem. on Naramsin and Sharkalisharri. In Assyriologica et Semitica - Festschri/i fiir Joachim Oelsner, ed. J. Marzahn: 545-56. Mtinster: Ugarit. Westenholz, A. and Westenholz, J. 1977. Help for Rejected Suitors - The Old Akkadian Love Incantation MAD V 8. Orientalia 46: I 98-219. \Vestenholz, J.G. 1983. Heroes of Akkad. JAOS I 03: 327-36. Westenholz, J.G. 1992. Oral Traditions and Written Texts in the Cycle of Akkade. In Mesopotamian Epic Literature - Oral or Aura/?, ed. M.E. Vogelzang; 123-54. Queenston, Ontario: Edwin Mellen. Westenholz, J.G. 1997. Legends of the Kings oj'Akkade. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. Westenholz, J.G. 1998. Objects with Messages: Reading Old Akkadian Royal Inscriptions. BiOr 55: 44-59. Westhuizen, J.P. van der. 1989. Six Old Akkadian Letters. Acta Sumerologica 11: 277-84. \Vesthuizen, J.P. van der. I 990. Seven More Old Akkadian Letters. Acta S11merologica 12: 261-69. Whiting, R.M. 1972. The Dual Personal Pronouns in Akkadian. JNES 3 l: 331-37. Whiting, R.M. 1977. More About Dual Personal Pronouns in Akkadian. JNES 36: 209- 11. Whiting. R.M. 1987. Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Wilcke, C. 1978. Zur Deutung der SI.BI-Klausel in den spiitbabylonischen Kaufvertriigen aus Nordbabylonien. WO 9: 206-12. Wilcke. C. 1997. Amar-Girids Revolte gegen Naram-Su'en. ZA 87: 11-32. Wright. W. 19993 A Grammar ol the Arabic Language (reprint from 1933). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

7 Corpus of Sargonic Akkadian Texts Only texts that contain Akkadian words or morphemes are listed below. Texts that can be identified as Akkadian solely on the basis of word order or other nonSumerian features are not included. 7.1 Royal lnscriptions

1

Seals: S 9 Ukinulmas (NS) S 12Tutanapsum (NS) S 13 Lugalusumgal (NS) S 16 Sarristakal (NS) S 20 Anonymus (NS) S 21 Anonymus (NS) s 24 Tutassarlibbis (Sks) S 28 LipitilT (Sks) S 32 Lugalusumgal (Sks) S 35 Dudu S 36 Amar-MUS (Dudu) S 37 Anonymus (Su-D.) S 38Anonymus (Su-D.)

(RIM E2 1.4.53) (RIM E2 1.4.2017) (RIM E2 1.4.2004) (RIM F2 1.4.2003) (RIM E2 1.4.20 I 6) (RIM E2 1.4.2015) (RIM E2 1.5.2003) (RIM E2 1.5.2007) (RIM E2 1.5.2004) (RIME21.I0.2001) (RIM E2 1.10.2001) (RIM E2 I.I 1.2001) ( RIM E2 1.11.2002)

Date formulas: D 7 (NS) Oil (NS) (NS) D 12 D 13 (NS) D 14 (NS) D 15 (NS) (NS) 020 D 21 (NS) (Sks) 022 (Sks) 023 024 (Sks) (Sks) 025 (Sks) D26 (Sks) D 27 D30 (Sks) D 33 (Sks) 039 (Sks)

(Cohen. JCS 28: 227) (MAD I: 217) (ASJ 4 42: 8) (MAD I: 231) (RTC 86) (ASJ 4 42: Si) (ASJ 4 42: 8ii) (MAD I: 268) (RTC 124) (RTC 85) (RTC 130) (ITT 1115) (RTC 118) (RTC 87) (OIP 14: 117) (CT 50: 51)

Quoted according to Gelb and Kienast ( 19'JO).

Corpus ofSargonic Akkadian Texts D44 D 45

(Anonym.) (Anonym.)

Literary Texts and School Exercises

(ITT 5: 9265) (MAD 5: 76)

(RIM E2 1.5.10) Sks 5 unkn. (RIM E2 1.5.2013) Sks B3 Luristan (RIM E2 1.5.2012) Sks 84 Luristan (RIM E2 1.10.1) Dudu I Nippur (RIM E2 1.10.3) Dudu 2 unkn. Su-D. I Luristan (RIM E2 1.1I. I) (RIM E2 I. 11.2003) Su-D. B 1 unkn. (RIM E2 1.12.1) Elul. I Diyala (RIM E2 0.0.1005) Frag 1 Assur (RIM E2 0.0.1010) Frag 2 Nippur (RIM E2 0.0.1003) Frag 3 Babylon? (RIM E2 0.0.1002) Frag 6 Susa (RIM E2 0.0.1006) Frag 7 unkn. (RIM E2 0.0.1004) Frag 8 Susa (RIM E2 0.0.1013) Frag 11 !sin (RIM E2 4.1.1) Varia 2 Assur Varia 4 Kish Varia 12 Mari Varia 17 Uruk (RIM E2 14.1.2001) Varia 18 Tell Mumbaqa Varia 21 unkn. RIM E2 1.1.17 RIM E2 1.3.6 Iraq 55: 147 Khara'ib Ghdairife (Man)

Original inscriptions: Sa I Susa Ri I Nippur Ri 2 Ur Ri 5 Ur Ri 7 Nippur Man I Susa Man 3 Sippar Man 4 Nippur Man 5 !sin Man Bl Assur Man 82 Susa Na I Bassetki Na 2 Niniveh Na 3 Susa Na 4 Sippar Na 5 Pir Huseyn Na 6 unkn. Na 7 unkn. Na 8 Nippur Na 9 Nippur Na 10 Ur Na 11 Girsu Na 12 Ur Na 13 Babylon? Na 14 Girsu Na Al Marda Na A3 Girsu Na A4 Luristan "-\a AS Mari Na A6 Nippur Na B2 Susa Na 84 Luristan :'la B6 unkn. Na 87 Luristan 9 Na BIO Mari Sks I Nippur Sks 2 Nippur Sks 3 Sippar

(RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM (RIM

E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2 E2

1.1.10) 1.2.11) 1.2.13) 1.2.17) 1.2.19) 1.3.1) 1.3.4) 1.3.3) 1.3.5) 1.3.2002) 1.3.2001) 1.4.10) 1.4.28) 1.4.13) 1.4.31) 1.4.24) 1.4.8.1) 1.4.8.2) 1.4.37) 1.4.35) 1.4.36) 1.4.27) 1.4.43) 1.4.4.4) 1.4.41) 1.4.9) 1.4.54) 1.4.2025) 1.4.52) 1.4.20) 1.4.2002) 1.4.2001) 1.4.2006) 1.4.2005) 1.4.51) 1.5.1) 1.5.2) 1.5.9)

7.2 Literary Texts and School Exercises Biggs 89 UIHaf MAD I: 172 TA (Westenholz I 974: 97) MAD I: 181 TA (Westenholz I 974: 98) MAD I: 186 TA (Westenholz 1974: 99) MAD I: 192 TA (Westenholz 1974: 102) MAD 1: 194 TA (Westenholz 1974: 103) MAD 5: 8 Kish (Westenholz 1977) MAD 5: 91 Kish (Westenholz 1974: 96) MDP 14: 90 Susa OSP I: 7 Nip 7 .3 Letters 2 Ad 3 Ad 6 2

(Yang, PPAC I) no copy

The index follows the geographical order of Kienast and Volk.

253

.':5--l

Ad!O Ad 12 Gir I Gir 2 Gir 3 Gir 5 Gir 7 Gir 8 Gir9 Gir 17 Gir 18 Gir 19 Gir 27 Gir 28 Gir 29 Gir 33 Gir 34 Gir 35 Gir 36 Gir 37 Um2 Um3 Um4 Ki I Ki 2 Ki 3 Ki4 Ki 5 Pu 1 Pu 2 Pu 3 Si I Di I Di 2 Di 3 Di 4

Di 5 Di 6 DI' 7 Di 8 Di 9 Di 10

Corpus of Sargonic Akkadian Texts (Kienast and Volk pl. 4) (RA 23) (ITT 5: L 6682) (STTe 64) (RTC 77) no copy (STTe 3) (ITT I: L I 080) no copy (Limet 73: 48) (Limet 73: 49) (JRAS 1932: 296) (ITT I: L 1103) no copy (RTC 78) (ITT I: L 1057) no copy (ITT I: L 1471) (CT 50: 86) (STTe 185) (MCS 9: 251) (MCS 4: 13) (BIN8:151) (MAD 5: 2) (MAD 5: 20) (MAD 5: I) (MAD 5: 54) (MAD 5: 22) (MAD 5: 75) (MAD 5: 81) (MAD 5: 83) (CT 50: 71) (JEOL 24: I 05) (MVN 3: 101) (OAIC 53) (CT 50: 70) no copy (OAlC 47) (OAIC 52) (JCS 26: 79) (JCS I: 348) (MVN 3: 104)

Economic Texts Di II TA 1 TA2 TA 3 TA4 TA5 TA6 TA 7 Gal Ga2 Ga3 Ga4 Ga5 Ga6 Ga7 Ga8 Ga9 GalO Su 1 Su 2 Su 3 TB 1

(CT 50: 69) (MAD I: 282; Kienast (MAD I: 290; Kienast (MAD I: 315; Kienast (MAD 1: 298; Kienast (MAD 1: 185; Kienast (MAD I: 19 I; Kienast (MAD I: 126; Kienast (HSS X: 6) (HSS X: 7) (HSS X: 5) (HSS X: 4) (HSS X: 11) (HSS X: 8) (HSS X: 10) (HSS X: 9) (HSS X: 12) (HSS X: 127 and 121) (MOP 14: 78) (MDP 14: 7) (MDP 14: 33) (AOAT 3/1: 84)

7.4 Economic Texts AuOr 9: 5 (Diyala) BIN 8: 117 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 118 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 119 BIN 8: 121 (Kazallu) BIN 8: 122 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 123 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 124 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 125 BIN 8: 126 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 127 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 128 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 129 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 130 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 131 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 132 BIN 8: 133 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 134 (Me-sag)

and and and and and and and

255

Volk pl. Volk pl. Volk pl. Volk pl. Volk pl. Volk pl. Volk pl.

BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN BIN

11) 12) 13) 14) 15) 16) 17)

8: 135 (Me-sag) 8: 136 (Me-sag) 8: 138 (Me-sag) 8: 139 8: 140 (Me-sag), 8: 141 (Me-sag) 8: 143 8: 144 (UeJ) 8: 145 (Me-sag) 8: 146 (Me-sag) 8: 149 (Me-sag) 8: 151 8: 181 8: 182 (Me-sag) 8: 204 (Me-sag) 8: 205 (Me-sag) 8: 215 (Me-sag) 8: 226 (Me-sag)

256

Corpus of Sargonic Akkadian Texts

BIN 8: 247 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 251 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 254 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 259 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 263 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 265 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 267 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 268 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 278 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 280 (Me-sag) BIN 8: 291 (Me-sag) CST 7 CT 50: 72 CT 50: 73 CT 50: 74 CT 50: 79 CT 50: 80 CT 50: 81 ECTJ 51 (Nippur) EL TS 24 (Sippar) ELTS 26 (Nippur) ELTS 31 (Adab) EL TS 35 (unkn.) EL TS 36 (Sippar) ELTS 37 (Dilbat) EL TS 38 (Sippar?) EL TS 40 (unkn.) EL TS 41 (Sippar) EL TS 42 (Tell Asmar) EL TS 43 (Tell Asmar) ELTS 44 (Tell Asmar) ELTS 48 (Sippar) ELTS 49 (Sippar?) ELTS 50 (Babylon) Foster 1992: 73 HSS X: 14 (Gasur) HSS X: 15 (Gasur) HSS X: 25 (Gasur) HSS X: 27 (Gasur) HSS X: 28 (Gasur) HSS X: 30 (Gasur) HSS X: 35 (Gasur)

HSS X: 36 (Gasur) HSS X: 38 (Gasur) HSS X: 41 (Gasur) HSS X: 42 (Gasur) HSS X: 45 (Gasur) HSS X: 46 (Gasur) HSS X: 47 (Gasur) HSS X: 48 (Gasur) HSS X: 51 (Gasur) HSS X: 52 (Gasur) HSS X: 55 (Gasur) HSS X: 56 (Gasur) HSS X: 58 (Gasur) HSS X: 59 (Gasur) HSS X: 60 (Gasur) HSS X: 62 (Gasur) HSS X: 63 (Gasur) HSS X: 64 (Gasur) HSS X: 65 (Gasur) HSS X: 66 (Gasur) HSS X: 71 (Gasur) HSS X: 72 (Gasur) HSS X: 75 (Gasur) HSS X: 76 (Gasur) HSS X: 77 (Gasur) HSS X: 79 (Gasur) HSS X: 81 (Gasur) HSS X: 82 (Gasur) HSS X: 83 (Gasur) HSS X: 87 (Gasur) HSS X: 88 (Gasur) HSS X: 92 (Gasur) HSS X: 94 (Gasur) HSS X: 95 (Gasur) HSS X: 99 (Gasur) HSS X: l 03 (Gasur) HSS X: 105 (Gasur) HSS X: 106 (Gasur) HSS X: 107 (Gasur) HSS X: 108 (Gasur) HSS X: 109 (Gasur) HSS X: 110 (Gasur)

Economic Texts HSS X: 111 (Gasur) HSS X: 119 (Gasur) HSS X: 120 (Gasur) HSS X: 122 (Gasur) HSS X: 126 (Gasur) HSS X: 132 (Gasur) HSS X: 136 (Gasur) HSS X: 144 (Gasur) HSS X: 147 (Gasur) HSS X: 148 (Gasur) HSS X: 149 (Gasur) HSS X: 153 (Gasur) HSS X: 156 (Gasur) HSS X: 160 (Gasur) HSS X: 163 (Gasur) HSS X: 168 (Gasur) HSS X: 169 (Gasur) HSS X: 171 (Gasur) HSS X: 172 (Gasur) HSS X: 176 (Gasur) HSS X: 177 (Gasu) HSS X: 184 (Gasur) HSS X: 185 (Gasur) HSS X: 187 (Gasur) HSS X: 190 (Gasur) HSS X: 192 (Gasur) HSS X: 193 (Gasur) HSS X: 197 (Gasur) HSS X: 200 (Gasur) HSS X: 201 (Gasur) HSS X: 205 (Gasur) HSS X: 206 (Gasur) HSS X: 210 (Gasur) HSS X: 21 I (Gasur) Iraq 40: 5 I 9 (AbSal) JCS l 0: 2 (Nip?) JCS 28 JCS 35: I (Gasur) JCS 35: 4 (unkn.) Limet 73: 2 (Girsu) Lime! 73: 5 (Girsu) Limet 73: 6 (Girsu)

Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet Limet MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD

257 73: 7 (Girsu) 73: 8 (Girsu) 73: 9 (Girsu) 73: 10 (Girsu) 73: 11 (Girsu) 73: 12 (Girsu) 73: 13 (Girsu) 73: 14 (Girsu) 73: 15 (Girsu) 73: 20 (Girsu) 73: 21 (Girsu) 73: 24 (Girsu) 73: 29 (Girsu) 73: 43 (Girsu) 73: 46 (Girsu) 73: 47 (Girsu) l: 2 (Tell Asmar) I: 3 (Tell Asmar) I: 4 (Tell Asmar) 1: 5 (Tell Asmar) I: 7 (Tell Asmar) 1: 16 (Tell Asmar) 1: 17 (Tell Asmar) I: 18 (Tell Asmar) 1: 20 (Tell Asmar) I: 33 (Tell Asmar) 1: 37 (Tell Asmar) I: 45 (Tell Asmar) 1: 46 (Tell Asmar) l: 47 (Tell Asmar) 1: 48 (Tell Asmar) 1: 49 (Tell Asmar) 1: 50 (Tell Asmar) I: 51 (Tell Asmar) I: 52 (Tell Asmar) 1: 56 (Tell Asmar) 1: 58 (Tell Asmar) I: 67 (Tell Asmar) I: 72 (Tell Asmar) 1: 74 (Tell Asmar) I: 77 (Tell Asmar) l: 80 (Tell Asmar)

Corpus ofSargonic

258 MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD \1AD \1AD MAD MAD \1AD

I: 87 (Tell Asmar) I: 99 (Tell Asmar) I: IOI (Tell Asmar) I: I 04 (Tell Asmar) I: l 05 (Tell Asmar) I: 110 (Tell Asmar) I: 111 (Tell Asmar) I: 113 (Tell Asmar) l: 119 (Tell Asmar) I: 122 (Tell Asmar) I: 127 (Tell Asmar) I: 128 (Tell Asmar) I: 130 (Tell Asmar) I: 135 (Tell Asmar) I: 136 (Tell Asmar) I: 140 (Tell Asmar) I: 148 (Tell Asmar) I: 149 (Tell Asmar) l: 150 (Tell Asmar) l: 151 (Tell Asmar) I: 154 (Tell Asmar) I: 155 (Tell Asmar) I: 157 (Tell Asmar) I: 158 (Tell Asmar) I: 159 (Tell Asmar) I: 16 l (Tell Asmar) I: 162 (Tell Asmar) I: 163 (Tell Asmar) I: 166 (Tell Asmar) I: 167 (Tell Asmar) I: 168 (Tell Asmar) I: 169 (Tell Asmar) I: 173 (Tell Asmar) I: 176 (Tell Asmar) I: 178 (Tell Asmar) 1: 179 (Tell Asmar) 1: 183 (Tell Asmar) I: 187 (Tell Asmar) I: 195 (Tell Asmar) I: 200 (Hafagi) I: 201 (Hafagi) I: 204 (Hafagi)

Akkadian Texts MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD

I: 206 (Hafagi) I: 207 (Hafagi) I : 210 (Hafagi) I: 212 (Hafagi) I: 215 (Hafagi) l: 216 (Hafagi) I: 217 (Hafagi) l: 219 (Hafagi) l: 220 (Hafagi) I: 222 (Hafagi) I: 225 (Hafagi) I: 226 (Hafagi) I: 229 (Hafagi) 1: 231 (Hafagi) I: 232 (Hafagi) I: 233 (Hafagi) I: 234 (Hafagi) I: 235 (Hafagi) l: 236 (Hafagi) I: 241 (Hafagi) I: 246 (Hafagi) I: 250 (Hafagi) l: 251 (Hafagi) l: 252 (Hafagi) I: 254 (Hafagi) I: 255 (Hafagi) I: 256 (Hafagi) 1: 258 (Hafagi) I: 267 (Tell Agrab) l: 268 (Tell Agrab) I: 269 (Tell Agrab) I: 270 (Tell Asmar) I: 272 (Tell Asmar) I: 275 (Tell Asmar) l: 276 (Tell Asmar) 1: 279 (Tell Asmar) I: 280 (Tell Asmar) I: 283 (Tell Asmar) I: 286 (Tell Asmar) I: 291 (Tell Asmar) I: 292 (Tell Asmar) I: 300 (Tell Asmar)

Economic Texts MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD

1: 303 (Tell Asmar) 1: 311 (Tell Asmar) I: 313 (Tell Asmar) I: 316 (Tell Asmar) I: 318 (Tell Asmar) I: 319 (Tell Asmar) I: 321 (Tell Asmar) l: 322 (Tell Asmar) I: 323 (Tell Asmar) I: 326 (Tell Asmar) I: 327 (Tell Asmar) I: 328 (Tell Asmar) 1: 332 (Tell Asmar) l: 334 (Tell Asmar) I: 335 (Tell Asmar) I: 336 (Tell Asmar) 4: I (unkn.) 4: 3 (Tell Asmar?) 4: 4 (Tell Asmar?) 4: 6 (Tell Asmar?) 4: 10 (unkn.) 4: 11 (unkn.) 4: 12 (unkn.) 4: 16 (unkn.) 5: 3 (Kish) 5: 4 (Kish) 5: 5 (Kish) 5: 6 (Kish) 5: 9 (Kish) 5: 10 (Kish) 5: 14 (Kish) 5: 15 (Kish) 5: 17 (Kish) 5: 18 (Kish) 5: 21 (Kish) 5: 22 (Kish) 5: 23 (Kish) 5: 24 (Kish) 5: 25 (Kish) 5: 26 (Kish) 5: 28 (Kish) 5: 30 (Kish)

MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD MAD

259 5: 32 5: 34 5: 36 5: 38 5: 39 5: 40 5: 42 5: 45 5: 46 5: 48 5: 53 5: 56 5: 60 5: 61 5: 63 5: 65 5: 66 5: 67 5: 68 5: 69 5: 70 5: 71 5: 72 5: 74 5: 76 5: 77 5: 78 5: 79 5: 80 5: 82 5: 84 5: 86 5: 87

(Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Kish) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm al-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) (Umm el-Jir) 5: 88 (Umm el-Jir) 5: 89 (Umm el-Jir) 5: 91 (Umm el-Jir) 5: 100 (Umm el-Jir) 5: 101 (Umm el-Jir) 5: 102 (Umm el-Jir) 5: 104 (Kish) 5: 105 (unkn.) 5: 109 (unkn.)

260

Corpus of Sargonic Akkadian Texts MAD 5: 111 (unkn.) MAD 5: 113 (unkn.) \1C 4: 48 (Umm el-Jir) MC 4: 49 (Umm el-Jir) MC 4: 50 (Diyala) MC 4: 51 (Diyala) MC 4: 72 MC 4: 73 (Umm el-Jir?) MCS 9: 230 (Umma) MCS 9: 231 MCS 9: 232 MOP 14: 4 (Susa) MOP 14: 12 (Susa) MOP 14: 13 (Susa) MOP 14: 14 (Susa) MOP 14: 21 (Susa) MOP 14: 22 (Susa) MOP 14: 26 (Susa) MOP 14: 34 (Susa) MOP 14: 44 (Susa) MOP 14: 45 (Susa) MOP 14: 48 (Susa) MOP 14: 49 (Susa) MOP 14: 76 (Susa) MOP 14: 86 (Susa) MOP 24: 332 (Susa) MOP 24: 324 (Susa) MOP 24: 342 (Susa) MOP 38: 523 (Elam) MVN 3: 27 MVN 3: 57 :\1VN 3: 60 l\1VN 3: 65 \1VN 3: 73 MVN 3: 78 MVN 3: 80 MVN 3: 101 MVN 3: 102 MVN 3: 104 \1VN 3: 108 0:'1.IC 1 (Oiyala) OAIC 2 (Oiyala)

OA!C 3 (Diyala) OAJC 4 (Diyala) OAIC 5 (Diyala) OAIC 6 (Diyala) OAIC 7 (Diyala) OAIC 8 (Diyala) OAIC 9 (Diyala) OAIC 10 (Diyala) OAIC 11 (Diyala) OAIC 12 (Diyala) OAIC 13 (Diyala) OAIC 14 (Diyala) OAIC 15 (Diyala) OAIC 17 (Diyala) OAIC 19 (Oiyala) OAIC 20 (Oiyala) OAIC 21 (Oiyala) OAIC 22 (Oiyala) OAIC' 24 (Oiyala) OAIC 25 (Diyala) OAIC 27 (Diyala) OAIC 30 (Oiyala) OAIC 31 (Diyala) OAIC 32 (Diyala) OAIC 33 (Oiyala) OAIC 34 (Oiyala) OAIC 35 (Oiyala) OAIC 36 (Oiyala) OAIC 37 (Oiyala) OAIC 41 (Oiyala) OAIC 43 (Oiyala) OAIC 45 (Oiyala) OAIC 46 (Diyala) OAIC 47 (Oiyala) OAIC 49 (Diyala) OAIC 51 (Diyala) OIP 14: 78-198 (Adab) OIP 14: 165 (Adah) OIP 14: 176 (Adab) OIP 14: !88(Adab) Or 51: I OSP 2: 2 (Nippur)

Economic Texts OSP 2 : 3 (Nippur) OSP 2: 5 (Nippur) OSP 2: 6 (Nippur) OSP 2: 16 (Nippur) OSP 2: 17 (Nippur) OSP 2: 18 (Nippur) OSP 2: 19 (Nippur) OSP 2: 20 (Nippur) OSP 2: 24 (Nippur) OSP 2: 25 (Nippur) OSP 2: 27 (Nippur) OSP 2: 28 (Nippur) OSP 2: 29 (Nippur) OSP 2: 32 (Nippur) OSP 2: 33 (Nippur) OSP 2: 38 (Nippur) PBS 9: 20 PBS 9: 21 PBS 9: 22 PBS 9: 30 PBS 9: 71 PBS 9: 104 PBS 9: 119 PBS 9:121 PBS 9: 122 PBS 9: 123 PBS 9: 126 PBS 9: 128 Rasheed 1 (TSul) Rasheed 2 (TSul) Rasheed 3 (TSul) Rasheed 4 (TSul) Rasheed 5 (TSul) Rasheed 6 (TSul) Rasheed 7 (TSul) Rasheed 8 (TSul) Rasheed 9 (TSul) Rasheed 10 (TSul) Rasheed I I (TSul) Rasheed 12 (TSul) Rasheed 13 (TSul) Rasheed 14 (TSul)

Rasheed I 5 (TSul) Rasheed 16 (TSul) Rasheed 17 (TSul) Rasheed 18 (TSul) Rasheed 19 (TSul) Rasheed 20 (TSul) Rasheed 21 (TSul) Rasheed 22 (TSul) Rasheed 23 (TSul) Rasheed 24 (TSul) Rasheed 25 (TSul) Rasheed 26 (TSul) Rasheed 27 (TSul) Rasheed 28 (TSul) Rasheed 29 (TSul) Rasheed 30 (TSul) Rasheed 31 (TSul) Rasheed 32 (TSul) Rasheed 33 (TSul) Rasheed 34 (TSul) Rasheed 35 (TSul) Rasheed 36 (TSul) Rasheed 37 (TSul) Rasheed 39 (TSul) Rasheed 40 (TSul) Rasheed 41 (TSul) Rasheed 42 (TSul) Rasheed 43 (TSul) Rasheed 44 (TSul) Rasheed 46 (TSul) Rasheed 47 (TSul) RTC 102 (Girsu) RTC 106 (Girsu) RTC 108 (Girsu) RTC 117 (Girsu) RTC 118 (Girsu) RTC 119 RTC 121 SST 3 SST6 SST 15 (Adab) TPM I (Mari)

261

Corpus ofSargonic Akkadian Texts TPM 3 (Mari) TPM 4 (Mari) TPM 5 (Mari) TPM 18 (Mari)

TPM 21 (Mari) TPM 26 (Mari) UCP IX: 83 USP 21 (Umma)

8 Index of words cited The following index lists the Sargonic Akkadian words of syllabically written texts quoted in this study. The words / roots are listed according to their forms found in the current dictionaries. Etymologies are provided where possible. abarakkum a-ba-ra-ag /abarak/ 'steward' (MAD 1 192: 1,4) (4.4.4) abum (*'B) a-bu-su /'abiisu/ 'his father' (OAIC 36: 28Di) (2.4.12; 3.3.1.4; 4.4.5; 4.4.7) a-bi-su /'abisu/ 'his father' (Na 7 1: 5 unkn.) (2.4.1; 2.5.1.1: 3.3.1.1; 4.4.5) a-bi l'abV 'my father' (Ki I :5: TA 6: 5; Di 11: 3) (2.4. l: 2.5.1.1; 3.3.1.3; 3.3.1.4; 4.2.2.1) adi (*'D) a-ti-[±ma] /'ade/ 'up to/ until' (Na 2 3: 2 Nin; MAD 5 8: 35 Kish; Ad 12: 11,14: Ga 3: 11; Ga 9: 6'; Rash 41: 28 TSul) (4.3.1; 4.3.2; 4.3.4) adum (*'D) ~a~-dum /'adurn/ 'until' (Gir 37: 8) (4.3.1) a-dum /'adurn/ 'until' (TA 2: IO') (3.3.1.4: 4.3.1) al:mm (*'l:l) a-bu-su /'al)iisu/ 'his brother' (MVN 3 I 08: 8) (4.4.5; 4.4.7) a-bi /'al)V 'my brother' (TB I: 2) (2.5.1.1; 4.2.2.1) al}atum (*'ti) a-ba-da-ki /'al)atiiki/ 'your sisters (2)' (TA 5: 8) (2.5.1.1; 3.3.1.4; 4.2.2.1; 4.4.5) al)azum (*'I:Io) i-bu-uz /yil)uz/ 'he took' (Ki 2: 8; JCS 10 2: ii 2 Nip?; BfN 8 146: 6 Me-sag) (2.5.1.2; 3.2.3.3.1; 3.3.1.2; 3.3.1.3; 4.5.11.2) a-bu-uz /'al)uz/ 'I took' (CT 50 72: 4) (4.5.11.2.) a-bu-uz, /'al)uz/ 'I took' (MAD 5 8: 12, 13J5,32 Kish) (2.5.1.1; 3.3.1.3; 4.5.11.2) a-bu-za-am /'al}uzarn/ 'I took' (Di 3: 9)( 2.5.1. L 2.5.1.2; 3.2.3.4.1; 3.3.1.4; 4.5.6; 4.5.11.2) i-da-ba-az /yital)az/ 'he has taken' (Gir 37: 7) (2.5.1.2; 3.2.3.2.1; 3.3.1.2; 4.5.2.3; 4.5.11.2) li-!Ju-uz, /ITl)uz/ 'he shall take' (Gir 3: 9) (2.4.24; 2.5.1.2; 3.3.1.2; 4.5.4; 4.5.11.2) ab-za-nim /'ahzanim/ 'take!' (Di 4: 9) (3.2.2; 3.3. l .4: 4.5.3; 4.5.11.2) OB copy: u-sa-bi-su-ni /yusal}issune/ 'he settled them (2)' (Sa Cl: 102 Nip) (2.4.21; 4.2.2.2)

Index of words cited

Index of words cited

aharurn (*'I:IR) D 11-u-bi-n1-un /yu'ul)-11irun/ 'they delayed' (Gir 3: 8) (3.2.4.4; 3.3.1.2; 4.5.7; 4.5.11.2) u-a-~w-ru (Sa C4: 123 Nip) (3.2.4.4) akilum (*'KL) a-ki-lu /'akilii/ 'consumers' (Rash 3: iii 12 TSul) (2.5.1.1; 3.3.1.4; 4.4.4; 4.5.9) a-ki-il-da /'iikiltii/ 'consumers (2)' (Or 51 1: ii6) (4.4.4; 4.5.9) aliikum (*HLK) G al-lik /'allik/ 'I went' (RTC 119: 9 Gir) (2.5.2.2) i-li-kam /yillikarn/ 'he came' (BIN 8 146: 16 Me-sag) (2.5.2.2; 4.5.7) i-li-ga-am /yillikarn/ 'he came' (D 45: 3; MAD 5 76: 7 UeJ) (2.5.2.2; 4.5.6; 4.5.7; 4.5.11.3) i-li-ku /yilliku/ 'he went' (D 11: 4; D 7: 4) (2.4.11; 2.5.2.2; 4.5.7; 4.5.11.3) tal-li-ig /tallik/ 'she went' (TA3: 14)(2.5.2.2;4.5.2.1;4.5.ll.3) i-li-ku /yillikii/ 'they went' (BIN 8 146: 11 Me-sag; BIN 8 129: 8 Me-sag) (4.5.11.3) i-la-ag /yillak/ 'he goes' (Gir I: 2') (2.5.2.2; 4.5.2.2; 4.5.11.3) e-la-kam /yillakarn/ 'he will come' (Ga I: 6) (2.5.2.2; 2.6.1.1; 3.2.3.5: 4.5.6; 4.5.11.3) i-li-ga-ni /yillikani/ 'they (2) will come' (BIN 8 265: 8 Me-sag) (4.5.2.1; 4.5.7; 4.5.11.3) e-la-ga-kim' /yillakakirn/ 'they (2) will come to you' (Ki 4: 8) (2.5.2.2; 3.2.3.3; 4.2.2.3; 4.5.2.2; 4.5.11.3) i-la-gu /yillakii/ 'they will go' (HSS X 200: 13 Ga) (2.4.11; 2.5.2.2; 4.5.2.2; 4.5.11.3) ~a~-la-kam /'allakarn/ 'I will come' (Ga 7: 10; Gir 19: 34; Di 10: 18') (4.5.2.2; 4.5.6; 4.5.11.3) a-li-ku /'alliku/ 'I went' (BIN 8 135: 9 Me-sag) (4.5.7; 4.5.11.3) al-kam-ma /halkarnma/ 'come!' (OA!C l 0: 11 Di) (2.5.2.1; 3.2.2; 3.3.1.4; 4 5.3: 4.5.11.3) /i-li-ig /lillik/ 'he shall go' (Gir I: 4') (2.5.2.2; 4.5.4; 4.5.11.3) li-li-kam-me /lillikarnme/ 'he shall come' (Ki 2: 15) (2.5.2.2; 4.5.11.3) a-la-kam ihalakarn/ 'to go' (TA 3: 13,18) (2.5.2.1; 4.5.8; 4.5.11.3) alum (*'HL) a-!i-im /'alirn/ 'city' (MAD 4 l 0: 2 unkn.) (2.4.3; 2.5.1.1; 2.5.2.2) a-na-lim-ma /analirnma/ 'to the city' (Gir 19: 34) (4.3.2) l:RU" 1-/i-su /'iilTsu/ 'his city' (Na I I: 22 Bas) (4.4.5) amarum (*'MR) G i-mu-ru /yTmurii/ 'they saw' (MAD I 336: 20 TA) (2.5.1.2; 3.3.1.4; 4.5.7:

da-mu-~ur~-ma /tiimurrna/ 'you saw· (Ga 6: 5) (4.5.2.1) da-mu-ru ltiimuru! 'you saw' (Ad 12: 12) (4.5.7; 4.5.11.2) anaku (*'N+K) a-na-gu /'anaku/ (Gir 19: 24; Gir 37: 4; Si I: I I'; Ga 3: 15) (2.4.11; 4.2.1) anni (*HN) a-ni /hanni/ 'now' (Gir 19: 27) (2.5.2.1; 2.6. I. I; 3.3.1.2; 4.3.5) ci-ni /hanni/ 'now' (Urn 3: 17) (2.5.2.1; 4.3.5) a-ni-me /hannTme/ 'now' (OAIC 8: 14 Di) (2.5.2.1; 3.3.1.4; 4.3.5) e-ni /hinni/ or /henni/ 'now' (Gir 37: 6; TA 3: 14) (2.5.2.1; 3.3.1.2; 4.3.5) annum I (*HN) ci-ni-11-ud/hanni'iiti 'these' (Na I 3: 20 Bas) (2.5.2.1; 3.3.1.1; 4.2.3) appunnama a-bu-na-ma /'appunniima/ 'moreover' (Gir 19: 6) (2.4.12; 4.3.1) ararum (*'RR) GOB copy: li-ru-ru-us /ITrurus/ 'may he curse him' (Na Cl: 511 Nip) (4.2.2.2) artiis (*'RI:I) ar-bi-is /'arliis/ 'quickly' (Gir 8: 7'; Um 3: 26) (4.4.3) assammum a-za-am /a's'sarn/ 'drinking vessel' (MAD 5 8: 28 Kish) (4.4.4) asarum (*'SR) G e-e-sa-ru-ni /yessaruni/ 'they provide me' (TA 2: 11') (2.5.1.1; 2.6. l I· 3.2.3.4.1; 3.3.3.4; 4.2.2.2; 4.5.2; 4.5.11.2) i-e-sa-ru /yessarii/ 'they provide' (TA 2: 13') (2.5.1.1; 2.6.1.1; 3.2.3.4.1; 4.5.2; 4.5.11.2) asrum (*'0R) cis-ri /'a0ri/ 'place' (MC 4 73: 16 unkn.) (2.4.5; 2.5.1.1; 4.4.4) [cis]-ri-is /'a0ris/ 'to the place' (MDP 14 13: 4 Susa) (4.4.3) atanum (*'TN) a-da-mim /'atiinurn/ 'she-ass' (MAD 5 8: 24 Kish) (2.5.1.]; 3.3. l.3; 4.4.1; 4.4. 7) atta (*'N+T) ad-da /'atta/ (Girl9: 14,36;Ki 1:5, 15;Si l:9')(4.21) atti (*'N+T) at-ti /'atti/ 'you' (Di I: 6)(2.5.1.1;4.2.l) awatum (*HWW) ·a-wa-a-ti /hawatI/ 'my word' (Ad 3: 18) (2.3; 2.5.2.1; 2.6.2.1; 3.3.1.2; 4.2.2.1; 4.4.5) 'a-wa-ad-zu /hawiitsu/ 'his word' (Gir 37: 6) (2.5.2.1; 2.6.2.1; 3.3.1.2; 3.3.4; 4.4.5) 'a-wa-tim /hawatirn/ 'matter' (Di I 0: 12') (2.5.2.1; 2.6.2.1; 3.3.1.4)

4.5.11.2) e-mu-ru 4.5.11.2)

/yemuru/

'they saw'

(OAIC 6: IO Di) (3.2.3.4.1; 3.3.1.4; 4.5.7;

265

Index of words cited

ay a 1avi vetitive (Gir 17: 6; Di 8: 5; Ga 3: 21; Ga 9: 5'; Gir 19: 10; Di 4: 10; OB copies: Ri Cl: 122 Nip; Ri C6: 134 Nip; Na Cl: 517 Nip; Na C5: 105 Ur)(4.5.5) e el vetitive (TA 3: 14,20; OB copies: Sa C4: 131 Nip; Ri C6: 137) (3.2.3.4; 4.5.5) balatum (*BLT) Gba-la-te ·/baliite/ 'life' (Biggs 89: i 8 UlHaf) (2.4.8) ba-al-tu /ba]!ui 'they are living' (Di 4: 16) (2.4.1 O; 3.2.2; 4.5.1) D u-ba-li-id /yuballi\f 'he kept alive' (Gir 37: l ') (2.4.3; 2.6.1.1; 4.5.10.1) banf1m (*BNY) ib-ni /yibni/ 'he built' (Na 3 2: 16 Susa; Na Al 2: 9 Marda) (2.6.1.1; 4.5.11.9) ib-ni-11 /yibni'G/ 'they built' (Na I 3: 7 Bas) (2.6.1.1; 4.5.11.9) barTtum OB copy: in ba-ri-ti /in barTti/ 'between' (Ri C6: 43 Nip; Na CI: 39 Nip) (4.3.2) barum (*BRY) ib-ri iyibrii 'he saw· (MAD 1220: 13 Hat)(2.6.l.1;4.5.11.9) ii-ba-ri /yubarri/ 'he announced?' (BIN 8 144: 4 UeJ)(2.6.1.l; 4.5.11.9) basum (*B0Y) G ib-si /yibsi/ 'he was' (Um 3: 7; MAD I 181: ii6 TA) (2.4.6; 3.3.3.2; 3.3.3.4; 4.5.11.9) ib-si /yib0i/ 'he was' (MAD I 167: 3,5 TA) (2.4.7; 3.3.3.4; 4.5.11.9) i-ba-se 11 /yibasse/ 'it is' (OAIC 9: 29 Di) (2.4.6; 3.2.3.4; 3.3.3.4) i-ba-se /yiba00e/ (MAD 5 3: 11 Kish; MAD 5 86: 4 UeJ; HSS X 46: 4, 51: 12, 52: IV 1 Gasur; MAD 1 267: 9 Tell Agrab; BIN 8 138: 6, 140: 6, 145: 13 Mesag; OSP 2 5: 4 Nippur; Limet 73 12: 6, 13: 5 Girsu; Um 3: 16; Um 3: 16) (2.4.7; 3.2.3.2: 3 3.3.2; 3.3.3.3; 4.5.2.2; 4.5.11.9) i-ba-se-11 /yiba00e'fl/ 'they are' (PBS 9 22: 10; HSS X 109: 23 Ga; etc.) (2 6.1. l; 4.5.2.2; 4.5.11.9) ba ·u1atum (*B"L) bi,-1i-la-ti /bu'ulati/ 'subjects' (Sks 2 1: 7 Nip; Sks 5: 4 unkn.) (2.4.12; 2.5.4.1; 3.2.1; 3.2.4.2; 3.3.1.1; 4.4.4) ba'um ba-a /ba'a/ 'they are corning' (Ga 5: 10)(2.5.1.1;3.3.l.5) belum (*B'L) BE-/ 11 .Iba%/ 'lords' (MAD 5 3: 3 Kish; MAD 5 102: 14 Kish; ELTS 40: Aiv5 unkn) (2.3; 4.4.4) BE-/i /ba'IT/ 'my lord' (Ad 3: 3; Ad 4: I: Um 3: 29; Di 10: 16'; TA 6: 4), (2.3; 2.4.3; 4.2.2.1; 4.4.5; 4.4.7) BE-/i-su /ba'11su/ 'his lord' (MP 24: 14) (4.4.5) BE-Ii-KUR PN (TPM 26: v 4 Mari) (2.4.3) OB copy: BE-al /ba'al/ 'lord' (Na C3: 56 Ur) (4.4.4)

Index of words cited

267

berum (*BI:JR) G i-bi-ro /yiberu/ 'he chose' (HSS X 184: 9 Ga) (2.4.1; 2.5.3.L 4.5.1 l.5) birab1}um bi-ra-bu /biral)l)u/ 'bundle' (MAD I 313: 5 unkn.) (4.4.4) bitum (*BYT) E-ti /beti/ 'house' (CT 50 73: x+7) (4.4.4) bi-ti-is /betis/ 'to the house' (JCS 28: rii 5, Di) (2.4.1; 3.2.3.4; 4.4.3) E-ti-surnu /befisunu/ 'their house' (OAJC 36: 29 Di) (3.3.3.4; 4.4.5) bubfltum bu-bu-tim /bubfltiml 'hunger' (Um 3: 19) (2.4.12) burrumu (*BRM) bu-ra-ma-ti /burramati/ 'colors' (MAD 5 8: 13 Kish) (2.4.12; 4.4.4) da'amum? G a-tu-mu-ni /'adummflni/ 'I will take care' (Di 2: 15) (4.5.7) dababum (*DBB) D u-da-bi-bu-si-ma /yudabbibusima/ 'they confounded her' (MAD 5 8: 30 Kish) (2.4.1; 2.4. I 2; 2.6.1.1; 3.2.3.3; 4.5.10.1) dadum (*DWD) da-ti /dadi/ 'favorite' (Sks 2: 2) (4.4.4) da-ad-ga /dadka/ 'your lover' (MAD 5 8: 11 Kish) (4.2.2.1) dalalum (*DLL) Gad-lul /'adlul/ '!praised' (MADI 181:iiTA) (4.5.2.1) damqum (*DMQ) da-me-ig-da /damiqta/ 'good (2)' (MAD 5 8: 7 Kish) (2.4.4; 4.4.3; 4.4.4; 4.4.6) damum (*DM) da-me-im /damim/ 'blood' (OSP 1 7: i 2' Nip) (2.4.4; 4.4.7) da-me /dame/ 'blood' (Gir 37: 7') (2.4.4; 3.2.3.2) dananum (*DNN) li-da-ni-in /lidannin/ 'he shall ~trengthcn' (Um 4: 10) (2.4.18; 4.5.4; 4.5.10.1) dannis (*DNN) da-ni-is /dannis/ 'greatly' (Ga 3: 11; Di 5: 5; TA 4: 7,16: Di 5: 6; Di l 1: 4) (3.3.3.5; 4.4.3) daris da-ri-is /daris/ 'forever' (OSP I 7: iv4 Nip) (3.3.3.2; 4.4.3) dekfim (*DKY'J) G OB copy: id-ke-e-su-nu-ma /yidkcsunuma/ 'he called them' (Na CI: 255 Nip) (4.2.2.2) dianum (*DYN) G i-de-na-ma /yidTnama/ 'they (2) went to court· (BIN 8 121: 3 Kazallu) (2.4.8; 2.6.1.1; 4.5.2.1; 4.5.11.8) dimtum ti-im-ti /dimti/ 'district' (MAD 5 87· 2 Ue.J) (4.4.7)

Index of words cited

Index of words cited

duarum? (*DWR?) G i-du-ru /yidurru?/ 'he goes around?' (MAD 5 8: 22 Kish) (2.4.10) du-ri-ni /dun(n)ni? / 'go around me?' (MAD 5 8: 21 Kish) (2.4.1 O;4.2.2.2) eberum (*cBR) GOB copy: i-bi-ir-ma /y{berma/ "he crossed' (Na C2 v02: 9' Nip) (2.4.1) ebcrtum (*cBR) a-bar-ti fabarti/ 'opposite' (Man I: 14 Susa)(2.5.4.1; 3.2.1; 3.2.3.1.2; 3.3.1.I) a-~bar~-tim fabartim/ 'opposite' (HSS X 25: ii 9 Ga) (2.5.4.1; 3.2.3.5.1: 3.3.1.5) edum (*WD') G i-da /yidac/ 'he knows' (Um 3: 25) (2.5.4.2; 2.6.2.2; 3.2.3.2.2; 4.5.11.6; 4.5.11.7) ti-da /tida'/ 'you know' (Gir 19: 41) (2.5.4.2; 2.6.2.2; 3.2.3.2.2; 4.5.2.2; 4.5.11.6; 4.5.11.7) me-da-a /medaca/ 'those who know (2)' (Di 10: 12') (2.4.4; 2.5.4.1; 3.2.3.4; 3.3.1.4; 4.4.4; 4.5.9; 4.5.11.7) egum (*WGC?) G ni-ti-ku /nitiqu/ 'we neglected' (Pu 3: 7) (4.5.2.1: 4.5.7; 4.5.11.6) ekedum (*'KD) S !i-sa-ki-id /lisackid/ 'he shall hurry' (Girl: 3') (2.4.21; 2.5.4.2; 3.2.3.2.2; 3.3.1.2; 3.3.3.2; 4.5.4; 4.5.11 .4) ~su~-ku-ud-ma /suckudma/ 'he is in a hurry' (Gir 2: 5) (2.5.4.2; 3.3.1.2; 3.3.3.2; 4.5.11 .4) eli (*'L) al fall 'on. upon, against' (Limet 73 13: 4 Gir; MAD 5 5: 2,4,6,8 Kish; MAD 5 21: 4 Kish; OAIC 11: 15 Di; OSP 2 5: 3 Nip) (2.5.4.1; 3.2.3.2.2; 3.3.1.2; 4.3.1; 4.3.2) al-s11 falsul 'against him' (Gir 37: 7') (2.5.4.1; 3.3.1.2; 4.2.2.1; 4.3.2) OB copy: al-Ii-ti fallTti/ 'next to I in the vicinity of (Na Cl: 139 Nip) (4.3.2) elTtum (*"LY) a-lf-tim falitim/ 'upper' (Na 2 3: 4 Nin) (2.4.3; 2.5.4.1; 3.2.3.1.2; 3.3.1.1;

S li-sa-me-id-ma /lisacmidma/ 'he shall install' (Ga 3: 7) (2.4.4: 2.5.4.2: 3.2.3.5.1; 3.3.1.5; 3.3.3.5; 4.5.4: 4.5.11 .4) emmum (*l:{MM) e-ma-zu /(l:i)emmatsu/ 'his heat' (MAD I 186: 11,]2 TA) (2.5.3.1: 3.2.3.4.2; 3.2.4.1; 3.3.1.4; 3.3.4; 4.4.5) enma (*HN) en-ma /hinma?/ 'thus' (4.3.5) enum (*'NY) e-nu /'enu/ 'utensils' (OAIC 7: 21 Di) (3.2.3.4.1; 3.3.1.4; 4.4.4) em1m (*"NY?) G a-e-ni-im /ac'enim ?/ 'to change' (Pu 3: 4) (4.3.2) epesum (*l:{PS) Ge-bi-is /'e(l))pis/ 'I will do' (Di 3: 15) (2.5.3.2: 3.2.3.4.2; 4.5.11.4) epinnum GIS.APIN-ni /epinnT/ 'my plough' (Di 10: 13')(4.2.2.l) erbe (*RB') ar-ba-um /'arbacum/ 'four' (Na I I: 7 Bas; Na 2 2: 3 Nin) (2.5.4.1; 3.2.4.2: 3.3.1.1; 4.4.6) ar-ba-im /'arbacim/ 'four' (Na 3 I: 5 Susa; Na 5 2: 3 PirHus) (3.2.3.1.2; 4.4.6) erebum I (*cRB) G e-ru-ub /ye"rub/ 'he entered' (Ga 9: 5'), (2.5.4.2; 3.2.3.5.1; 3.3.1.5; 4.5.11.4) e-ru-ub /yecrub/ 'he entered' (MAD 5 I09: 6; Limet 73 9: 4: 10: 4; 11: 4 Gir etc. (2.5.4.2; 2.6.1.1; 3.2.3.2.2; 3.3.1.2; 4.5.11.4) ni-e-ra-[ab] /nerrab/ 'we will enter' (TA 7: 10') (2.5.4.1; 3.2.3.4.2; 3.2.4.1; 3.3.1.4; 4.5.2.2; 4.5.11.4) S u-sa-ri-ih /yusacrib/ 'he led in' (Na 2 4: 5 Nin) (2.4.21; 2.5.4.2; 3.2.3. 1.2; 3.3.1.1; 4.5.11.4) u-sa-ri-ib /yusacrib/ 'he led in· (Na A I I: 18 Marda) (2.4.21; 2.5.4.2; 3.2.3.1.2; 3.3.1.1; 4.5.11.4) Stn su-da-ri-ib /suta'rib/ 'bring in 1' (Gir 19: 21 ), (2.5.4.2; 3.2.3.2.2; 3.3.1.2; 4.5.3: 4.5.10.4; 4.5.11 .4) erenum (*'RN) i-ri-nim /'irenim/ or /'innim/ 'cedar' (MAD 5 8: 29 Kish) (2.4.5) eresum I (*l:IR0) G a-ru-us /'al:iru0/ 'I cultivated' (Gir 19: 9) (2.5.3.2; 3.2.3.2.2; 3.3.1.2; 3.3.3.2: 4.5.2; 4.5.2.1; 4.5.11.4) 'a-ru-us fl:iaru0/ 'cultivate!' (Gir I 9: 4, 15) (2.5.3.1; 3.2.3.2.2; 3.3.1.2; 3.3.3.2: 4.5.3; 4.5.11.4) e-ri-su-nu /(l))eressunu/ 'their plot of land' (Ga 3: 18; Ga 5: 11) (2.4.5; 3.2.3.5.1; 3.2.4.1; 3.3.1.5; 3.3.4; 4.2.2.1; 4.4.5) e-ra-si-is /(b)erasis/ 'to cultivate' (Ga 3: 23) (2.4.6; 2.5.3.1; 3.2.3.5.1; 3.2.4.1; 3.3.1.5; 3.3.3.5; 4.4.3; 4.5.8; 4.5.11 .4)

268

44 6)

cllum (*l:{LL) e/-lum /(l:i)ellum/ 'pure' (MAD I 303:1 TA) (2.3; 2.5.3.1; 3.2.3.4.2; 3.3.1.4; 44.6)

elum