Roman Settlements Along the Drava River 3447112883, 9783447112888

Citation preview

Ager Aguntinus 3

Martin Auer (Ed.)

•

Auer (Ed.) Roman Settlements along the Drava River

Roman Settlements along the Drava River

AGER AGUNTINUS 3 Historisch-archäologische Forschungen Harrassowitz

Harrassowitz

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:32 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms



Roman Settlements along the Drava River

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:32 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5



Ager Aguntinus Historisch-archäologische Forschungen Herausgegeben von Martin Auer und Harald Stadler Universität Innsbruck ATRIUM - Zentrum für Alte Kulturen Institut für Archäologien

Band 3

2019

Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:32 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5



Martin Auer (Ed.)

Roman Settlements along the Drava River

2019 Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:32 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5



Printed with support of “Amt der Tiroler Landesregierung”, the University of Innsbruck, the Research Area “Cultural Encounters – Cultural Conflicts”, the Curatorium pro Agunto and Alfred Kärcher GmbH.

reviewed by: Diana Dobreva, Verena Gassner, Christian Gugl, Christian Heitz, Janka Istenicˇ , Florian Schimmer, Maike Sieler, Ulla Steinklauber, Salvatore Ortisi and Ivana Ožani´c Rogulji´c

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

For further information about our publishing program consult our website http://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de

© Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2019 This work, including all of its parts, is protected by copyright. Any use beyond the limits of copyright law without the permission of the publisher is forbidden and subject to penalty. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. Printed on permanent/durable paper. Printing and binding: Hubert & Co., Göttingen Printed in Germany ISBN 978-3-447-11288-8 e-ISBN 978-3-447-19944-5

ISSN 2567-7764

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:32 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Contents

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

IX

Martin Auer A River Port in Aguntum? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico: il caso delle sponda orientale del Natiso cum Turro ad Aquileia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11

Slavica Filipovic and Vladimir Kusik Stamps on Roman Bricks and Roof-tiles from Mursa: Research in Campus 2001–2015 . . . . . . . .

35

Ada Gabucci “… impuri aqu(a)e Padi nec minus et Savi ira …” A Trace for Regional Trade Patterns in Northern Italy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

51

Jana Horvat The Navigable Route Along the Ljubljanica and Sava Rivers – the Role of Nauportus . . . . . . . . .

59

Josef Gspurning, Susanne Lamm and Patrick Marko … gently down the stream? A GIS Based Analysis of Possible Travel Routes between Flavia Solva and Virunum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

71

Zvezdana Modrijan Changes Along the Slovenian Part of the River Drava (Drau) in the Late Roman Period . . . . . .

81

Julia Rabitsch A Brief History of Flavia Solva in Ceramics … and the Problems of Dating a Site Mainly by its Local Coarse Ware . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

Katharina Ramstetter Die Handelsgeschichte in Teurnia am Beispiel der Amphoren . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Eleni Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežicˇ The Pottery Finds from Excavations in Vicˇava in Roman Poetovio (Slovenia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Veronika Sossau Neufunde kaiserzeitlicher Importkeramik aus Korinth im Municipium Claudium Aguntum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

131

Mojca Vomer Gojkovicˇ Poetovio – An Important Economic Centre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 List of Credits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:35 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

V

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:35 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Main settlements discussed in this Volume. If known, Roman place names are indicated. This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:35 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:35 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Preface

The second Aguntum Workshop – held in November 2016 – was dedicated to the Drava River as a route of transport , not only in terms of commodities, but also in terms of ideas. The subjects of the lectures ranged from river routes as connectors between regions in a more general way to the material culture of various settlements along the Drava from Austria to Slovenia and Croatia. I am very happy that we are now able to publish selected topics of the numerous exciting Aguntum Workshop contributions. The subjects addressed are transport by river as a major kind of commercial pottery distribution in Northern Italy (A. Gabucci), archaeological features connected to rivers used as trading routes (D. Cottica, P. Ventura, J. Horvat and M. Auer), GIS-based analyses of accompanying road networks (P. Marko, S. Lamm, J. Gspurnig) as well as the material culture of Roman settlements along the Drava in today’s Austria (J. Rabitsch, K. Ramstetter, V. Sossau), Slovenia (Z. Modrijan, E. Schindler-Kaudelka, M. Janezić, M. Vomer Gojkovič) and Croatia (S. Filipović, V. Kusik). The contributions highlight especially the importance of the Drava for connecting the provinces of Noricum and Pannonia during the entire Roman Period and Late Antiquity. Therefore, after initiating the Aguntum Workshops with a micro regional approach regarding Roman settlements in the area of present-day Eastern Tyrol (Ager Aguntinus I) we are now expanding our scope to address the connection routes of this region to the East and South. The papers are arranged alphabetically according to the author’s name. Due to new EU laws regarding data privacy it was not possible to print private e-mail or postal addresses, therefore contact addresses are consciously omitted. However, in times of easy accessible internet information it will be possible to find the authors’ contact details if needed. Alternatively, the editors are ready to forward any requests to the authors. In accordance with the international approach of the second Aguntum Workshop most contributions are in English, but also articles in German and Italian are present. It took some time to publish these acta, because it was very important for the editors to establish a peer review process for this and future volumes. In this context, it is a great pleasure for me to thank our reviewers for their crucial insights and contributions and for helping to increase the legibility and comprehensibility of this book. Last but not least, I especially want to thank our financial and infrastructural supporters, the University of Innsbruck, the Curatorium pro Agunto (Dr. Leo Gomig), the Alfred Kärcher GmbH, the “TVB Osttirol”, the “Land Tirol” and the Research Area “Cultural Encounters – Cultural Conflicts” (University of Innsbruck) who made it possible to conduct and publish this Workshop. Innsbruck, September 2019 Martin Auer

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:37 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

IX

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:37 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A River Port in Aguntum?

by Martin Auer

Abstract During the early 1950s Franz Miltner started his excavations in the Municpium Claudium Aguntum. The aim of this work was to find the southern corner of the city wall; hence Miltner followed the wall towards south. The corner of the enclosure was not found, but some structures near the southern end of the wall have been excavated. When Wilhelm Alzinger examined the findings of 1952 he recognised that lots of transport containers have been found in the structures near the southern end of the city wall. A closer analysis of these findings shows an overrepresentation of transport vessels among the pottery, which is also confirmed by a statistical analysis of yet unpublished material coming from Miltners excavations in 1953. Under these circumstances the location of the structures in the south of the city near the Drava River may point to a river port, which operated during the 1st century AD.

Keywords Aguntum, pottery, river navigation, port, geomorphology

When Franz Miltner started his excavations in Aguntum in the year 19501 it was still unclear whether the ancient city of Aguntum was located on the eastern or the western side of the city walls. Erich Sowboda 2 , continuing the work of Innozenz Ploner3, located one of the city gates and investigated the extension of the city walls in the 1930s (Fig. 1). Due to the fact that Swoboda found buildings on the eastern side of the wall, he was convinced that the ancient city has to be located on this side, eventhough some buildings were also found directly connected to the western side of the wall. Miltners aim was to finally locate ancient Aguntum. For this purpose he started his excavation at the gate which has been already unearthed by Swoboda and following the wall towards it southern end. Miltners ambition was to find the corner of the wall in the south; this would be the final proof for the location of the city. So he followed the wall to the south by excavating the wall itself and he only opened narrow trenches on both sides of the wall (Fig. 2). Nevertheless he recognised several structures along the wall, always hoping that one of these walls would build the corner of the enclosure. However, this goal was not achieved; the wall ends in the south without any indication of a corner. Although Miltner continued the excavation almost 6 m to the south following the level of the city walls basements, there were no traces of the wall anymore.4 The excavations reached 7 m underneath the modern levels and so Miltner stopped his investigations due to the unfavourable working conditions. Nowadays, due to the continuing excavation of Aguntum, the centre of the city is localised (Fig. 3).5 Buildings like the Atrium House, the Thermae, Forum and Macellum prove that Miltner was right when assuming the ancient town on the western side of the walls. Nevertheless the city walls remain interesting. This is not only due to the missing corner, but also because of the missing towers along the wall and the installation

1 Miltner 1953. 2 Swoboda 1935. 3 Ploner 1912. 4 Miltner 1953, 106–107. 5 Auer 2018.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:40 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

1

Martin Auer

Fig. 1: General plan of Aguntum based on the excavations by Erich Swoboda.

of several later gates. As the wall was built during the 1st century AD, the most probable interpretation is to see the building as a representative structure, underlining the status of Aguntum as a municipium.6 The only structure along the city wall which was excavated to a larger extent by Franz Miltner is situated 38 m south of the southernmost gate and consists of four to six rooms showing three main building phases (Fig. 4). The first phase is characterised by one big room. The full extent of this room is not clear. However, this building was demolished when the city wall was built and the new walls were erected in greater distance to the city wall – indicated in solid black on Miltners drawing (Fig. 4). This part of a bigger building, consisting of the rooms 22 and 27 has an extension of 6.5 m to 11.2 m. In the last phase, room 21 and the wall north of this room were built. During the same phase also the southern buildings were erected following from their parallel orientation regarding the city walls. The well in between the northern and southern structure belongs most probably to the second building phase (Fig. 5).7 Room 21 covers 3 m to 5.4 m and contained lots of pottery which can be dated to the 1st century AD. Against a first interpretation as a store room,8 the excavations in 1953 made clear that the pottery was part of the filling material used for the floor construction in Room 21.9 In his reports Miltner does not explain the missing eastern wall of the room, which is obvious on the photos, but not depicted on Miltners plan. Maybe this can be seen as a result of the excavation technique – following the city wall to the south in narrow trenches in combination with the untrained personnel that carried out the excavation. Regardless, room 21 is interpreted as an access point to the city wall and according to this interpretation a ramp or stairway from the south is presumed.10 Miltner does not offer an interpretation for the other rooms belonging to this building. The pottery which was found during Miltners excavations is of special interest for the theme of this paper. The findings from the 1952 excavations have already been presented by Wilhelm Alzinger in 6 7 8 9 10

2

Auer 2008; for discussion: Harl 2014, 237–270; Scherrer 2016, 30–35. Miltner 1955, 82–89. Miltner 1953, 133–134. Miltner 1955, 84. Miltner 1955, 85.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:40 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A River Port in Aguntum?

his book “Kleinfunde aus Aguntum” which was published in 1955.11 According to this publication most of the findings come from room 21. The vast majority of the material consists of different transport containers (Fig. 6). Alzinger himself does not assign the fragments to certain types, but the amphora types can be identified according to his drawings. There are at least 15 Istrian amphorae with typical stamps from private and imperial productions.12 In addition, one of the amphorae (no. 145 in Alzinger 1955) carries a titulus pictus, which was read as Oleum Histricum by Alzinger. Also different olive containers play a major role in this assemblage. Together with the flat bottom amphorae belonging to the group Troncoconiche di Olive,13 the more widespread subtype Schörgendorfer 55814 is present. One of these specimens also carries a titulus pictus pointing to black olives (no. 140 in Alzinger 1955). Because of another titulus pictus depiction, these two-handled jugs can be interpreted as transport containers for olives (no. 143 in Alzinger 1955). Another oil amphora comes from the Baetica region15, a garumamphora (no. 128 in Alzinger 1955) which is also assignable to the Iberian peninsula.16 Another four tituli picti are not assigned to a certain vessel, but do point to imports from the Iberian peninsula again.17 Among the findings from 1953 there are also eight Rhodian wine amphorae18 and in addition, six decorated amphora stoppers have also been found in the area around room 21.19 As pointed out by the titulus pictus mentioned before, other fragments of jugs can maybe be assigned to transport containers, 20 especially because oxidised fired jars and jugs are not locally produced in Aguntum at all.21 The local and regional products are present with only five bowls of the Aguntiner Napf type, which can be interpreted as vessels used for food preparation.22 The bigger part of the local and regional pottery can be assigned to pots of the Auerberg-type.23 There are currently two interpretations of this kind of

11 Alzinger 1955. 12 Alzinger 1955, nos. 110, 112, 145–146, 149–151, 153–154, 157–162; stamps: inscr. 17, 21–24. Istrian products contain Dressel 6B and amphore con collo ad imbuto (Porto Recanati), which may also come from Northern Italy. According to the known stamps, the majority of these types found in Aguntum come from Istrian workshops (see Cipriano 2009; Mazzocchin 2009) 13 Alzinger 1955, nos. 129, 132–136. For parallels see Heger 1986, fig. 5. 14 Alzinger 1955, nos. 140, 172–173, 176, 178–179 (Bezeczky 2005, 53–57). 15 Alzinger 1955, no. 186 (Dressel 20, for the distribution of this type in Noricum: Sedlmayer 2006, 278–279). 16 For the distribution of the type (Dressel 7–12) in Noricum see: Ehmig 2012. 17 Alzinger 1955, inscr. 6, 8–10. 18 Alzinger 1955, nos. 115–122 (Camolodunum 184, see: Bertoldi 2012, 133). 19 Alzinger 1955. nos. 254–258 and Auer 2013. 20 For typological aspects see Quercia 2008. 21 Auer / Daszkiewicz 2017. 22 Auer 2012. 23 Alzinger 1955, nos. 383–391, 399–404, 406–407, 424 (each of the numbers is containing several vessels).

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:40 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

3

Fig. 2: Excavations on the southern end of the city walls by Franz Miltner.

Martin Auer

Fig. 3: General plan of Aguntum.

pottery. On the one hand especially quartz tempered Auerberg pots have been used for cooking;24 on the other hand calzite tempered Auerberg pots are interpreted as transport vessels.25 The Auerberg pots found in the structure on the southern end of the city walls of Aguntum belong to the second, calzite-tempered type and can therefore be seen as transport vessels. Other types of locally and regionally produced pottery are not very common in this structure.26 Compared to over 100 Auerberg pots, only ten other types of pots, five tripod vessels and nine lids are present. Among the imported cooking and table wares only few Samian ware, 27 mortaria, 28 Pompejan red ware29 and Aegean cooking ware30 sherds can be mentioned. Furthermore one FORTIS-lamp31 was found in room 21. Altogether about 75 % of the already published vessels found through 1952 in room 21 and surrounding structures are related to transport functions. During the last two years it was possible to undertake some inventory and research work on the findings from the old excavations in Aguntum, reaching from 1950 to the 1980s.32 The findings are stored in the “Grabungshaus Aguntum” and up until 2015 it was not very clear what was kept in those boxes. The written inventories of the older excavations are incomplete and

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

4

Schindler-Kaudelka / Zabehlicky–Scheffenegger 2007. Flügel / Donat / Petrucci 2006. Alzinger 1955, nos. 313, 323, 325, 374, 408, 411–412, 434, 475, 490, 496, 499, 515, 521, 536. Alzinger 1955, nos. 2, 6, 20, 35, 73, 80. Alzinger 1955, nos. 187, 190–192. Alzinger 1955, no. 272. Alzinger 1955, no. 222. Alzinger 1955, no. 659. Special thanks for the financial support goes to the University of Innsbruck, Kulturabteilung des Landes Tirol and the Curatorium Pro Agunto.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:40 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A River Port in Aguntum?

the marking of the boxes did not always correspond to their content. So a counting of all the material was started and currently a digital inventory for the findings in the deposit is created.33 Among the findings, there was also pottery from the 1953 excavation in the southern part of the city wall. Again, these consist of lots of amphorae and jugs (2.246 sherds), assignable to the same types already recognised by Alzinger. In addition some not previously mentioned amphora types like Camolodunum 18934 (Fig. 7) were determined. Altogether, based on sherd count 366 amphora sherds were registered – due to the fragmentary preservation of most of the material, handle and wall fragments were assigned to a group containing jugs and amphorae (1.880 sherds). Again Auerberg pots play an important role (38 rim fragments/ total 418 sherds of locally and regionally produced pottery, mostly Auerberg pots). As a result, the bigger part of the findings from 1953 consists of transport vessels.35 Finally, the material evidence allows dating the construction of room 21 into the 1st century AD,36 which also confirms the dating of the city walls.37 According to Miltners building phases and interpretation, the walls had to be finished when room 21 was constructed. The question that rises is: why do we have such an overload of transport vessels? Most of the material was discarded and filled in, therefore the pottery does not tell much about the usage of the structures themselves, but it is obvious that the construction of the city wall caused some changes in the layout of these southernmost parts of the city. During the 1st century transport vessels have been present in big amounts in the area under discussion; to get a better idea about the percentage of transport vessel fragments compared to other pottery in Aguntum, two contemporary features will be briefly discussed. The first comparison will be made in regards to a garbage disposal found in the eastern part of the Atrium House. In the area next to the city walls a garbage pit was excavated which contained material evidence dating to the second half of the 1st century AD. In the pit 604 sherds have been recognised, but only 145 of them are identified as something other than wall sherds or handle fragments. As Alzinger did not use wall sherds and handle fragments at all, the same is done here to create a comparable data set. From the remaining 145 sherds (rims, bases and big wall sherds with handles) 28.4 % are representing amphorae and 21.5 % jugs, which may also have been used as transport containers. Amphora lids are present with 33 At this point I would like to thank all the people involved in the two campaigns (Lukas Atzl, Christopher Berlin, Sandra Fröschl, Sebastian Haidler, Max Kaser, Armin Kröpfl, Viktoria Lanz, David Merker–Schwendinger, Nicole Mittermair, Nicole Obinger, Daniela Senfter, Jasmin Wallner, Katrin Winkler, Bianca Zerobin), who made it possible that we almost finished this first working step on the deposit material. 34 Bertoldi 2012, 146. 35 Total sherd count for the findings from 1953 (southern end of the city walls): 366 amphorae, 1.880 amphorae/jugs, 1 Pompejan red plate, 2 lids, 3 Firmalampen, 6 samian ware, 1 mortarium, 38 Auerberg pots, 380 sherds of locally/regionally produced pottery, 71 bricks, 3 fragments of window glass, 33 glass vessels. 36 “around 100 A.D.” is mentioned by Miltner 1955, 84. Especially the big amount of Auerberg vessels together with the 1st century stamps confirm Miltners dating. 37 See Auer 2008.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:40 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

5

Fig. 4 (above): The structures on the southern end of the city walls during their excavation. Fig. 5 (below): Plan of the structures excavated by Miltner.

Martin Auer

Fig. 6: Pottery from the rooms  19–22 and 24 (left); percentage of vessel types in room 21 (right). ►

Fig. 7: Example for pottery found by Miltner in 1953 (inv. no. 1953/06). (1) amphora neck with handle; (2–5) Fragments of Camolodunum 189 amphorae; (6) amphora stopper; (7) fragment of a jug.

five  specimens. Locally and regionally produced pots and bowls represent 24.2 % of the pottery, among them are only two Auerberg pots. Cooking ware is present with a total of 11.1 % containing Italian imports (mortaria, Pompeian red ware and cooking vessels from Northern Italy) and some regionally produced Aguntiner Näpfe. Beside some lamps (4.8 %), also a small amount of table ware has been found in this garbage pit (2.8 % Italian fine ware and 4.8 % Samian ware). Altogether, transport vessels represent about 50 % of the pottery found in the garbage pit. The relative amount of amphorae38 is about the same as in the structure discussed above. Striking differences can be recognised in the presence of cooking and table ware, which is more common in the garbage pit, as well as regarding locally/regionally produced pottery. Among the latter Auerberg pots are underrepresented in the garbage pit when compared to the structure in the south of the city. This raises the question of where the Auerberg pots may come from. As the sherd quality of Auerberg pots can often be found among the regionally and locally produced pottery in Aguntum39 it does not seem very reasonable to assume, that the pots would come from long distance trade. Up until now, the pots found at the southern end of the city walls have not been analysed chemically. If the very probable interpretation of transport vessel is correct, they may result from regional trade within the Ager Aguntinus, but this assumption needs scientific testing. As a second comparison, 1st century pottery from the garden of the Atrium House will be considered. The pottery fragments found in the garden (west and south of the Atrium House) are characterised as loss finds, which are not intentionally discarded. The kind of deposition makes an important point for the composition of the material. The pottery evidence of the garden consists of more than 800 sherds, but only 134 of them are others than wall sherds. Considering these sherds, only 2.3 % are representing amphorae 38 Also the types present here are about the same as in rooms 21–23: Istrian oil amphorae are dominating, but also present are Rhodian wine amphorae, small amounts of Spanish garum and oil amphorae as well as Camolodunum 189 and container for olives (Troncoconiche di Olive; Schörgendorfer 558) and Garum (Anforette Nord Italiche) from Italy. 39 Auer / Daszkiewicz 2017.

6

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:40 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A River Port in Aguntum?

and 14.1 % jugs. Locally and regionally produced pottery is present with 47.7 % with only three specimens of Auerberg pots. Cooking wares are present with 8.1 % (Pompejan red ware 4.4 %; Aguntiner Näpfe 3.7 %), table ware is overrepresented with 24 % (12.1 % Samian ware and 11.9 % fine wares) and lamps represent 2.3 % of the pottery found in the 1st century contexts of the garden. This comparison shows that site formation plays an important role for the composition of the material evidence. This makes it hard to compare different contexts all over the city. Unfortunately there are no further 1st century fillings which contain a statistically significant amount of material available in Aguntum at the moment. Whereas the garden contexts represent a totally different situation, the garbage pit and the fillings in room 21 are easier to compare, because in both cases the material was discarded intentionally. Transport vessels especially seem more likely to end up in intentionally disposed garbage. These vessels are on the one hand heavy, so that they will not be moved very often, and on the other hand there is also little need for movement because they are mainly packaging material which is of little use once the content is consumed. Other than amphorae, jugs are still present among the garden finds, which simply points to the fact, that not all of the jugs are transport vessels but can also be used as table ware. Although the 1st century garbage pit in the Atrium House contains about the same percentage of amphorae as the structure on the southern end of the city walls, the total frequency of transport vessels is still much higher in the latter. One could also assume that the findings in the south of the city indicate a rich private building like the Atrium House, but the position of this structure within the city makes it more reasonable to think of a nearby river port where the transport vessels arrived and were disposed after transferring the content into other containers. The geological situation does favour this assumption. A

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:40 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

7

Fig. 8: Current geographical situation of Aguntum. The green point indicates the structures around room 21.

Martin Auer

Fig. 9 (left): Historical setting in the beginning of the 19th century. The highlighted area equals to the area in Fig. 8, left ([1] 1810/1811; [2] 1804; [3] 1808). Fig 10 (right): General plan of Aguntum. The shaded area indicates the possible location of the river port. The box in the right corner of the figure shows the waste water channel situated at the Cardo.

closer look on the position of the Roman city in today’s landscape shows, that the Debant River is quite nearby the discussed features (Fig. 8). Unfortunately it is impossible that the river had the same position in Roman times, because the Debant River is crossing the very centre of the city and its river bed is on a much higher level than the top edge of the ancient ruins. Most probably, the ancient river was located some 100 m west of today’s river bed,40 which leaves enough space for the ancient town. In the south of Aguntum, the Drava River is passing by. Like seen on older maps, the river was not restricted to one riverbed before it was regulated during the 20th century (Fig. 9). There were several channels passing by in the area of the southern edge of the ancient town. Also Miltners excavation reports, mentioning several meters of sand and gravel above the ancient ruins around rooms 21–23, 27, 31 and 32 indicate that the floodplain of the river reached the southern edge of the town during the Post Roman period. Although the old maps may not be very precise and it remains unclear whether the floodplain is formed by the Drava or the Debant river; there is no argument against a navigable river channel passing by in the south of Aguntum in Roman times. Furthermore, the dead end of the city wall could be explained with the presumption, that the river built the southern boundary of the city. When looking on the street grid of Aguntum recognized so far, a river port could be located in the area between the city walls and the Cardo indicated in Fig. 10. The Cardo leads directly to the city centre, where the Forum is located and would therefore be a perfect access route for the goods transported on the river. In addition the Cardo also contains a waste water channel (Fig. 10) heading from north to south which points to a direct connection of this street with the river. As Miltner already mentions, most of the findings coming from the structure around room 21 are dating to the 1st century AD. There is almost no Late Antique material41 and also the amount of stones coming from collapsed walls is rather low. According to Miltner this points to an abandonment of the structure and the reuse of the building material. There is not enough evidence for dating the abandonment

40 Unterweger 2018. 41 Miltner 1955, 89.

8

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:40 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A River Port in Aguntum?

and without new excavations it remains an open question whether this could be true for the whole southern part of the city or only for the rooms excavated by Miltner. Altogether the function of these only partly excavated buildings remains unclear, but the material evidence is nevertheless very exciting as it points to the existence of a nearby river port which was operating at least during the 1st century AD.

Bibliography Alzinger 1955: W. Alzinger, Kleinfunde aus Aguntum. Aus den Jahren 1950 bis 1952, Beiträge zur römerzeitlichen Bodenforschung in Österreich 1 (Wien 1955). Auer 2008: M. Auer, Municipium Claudium Aguntum. Zur Datierungsfrage der Stadtmauer, Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts 77, 2008, 7–38. Auer 2012: M. Auer, Überlegungen zur Keramikproduktion im Territorium von Aguntum, in: C. Reinholdt / W. Wohlmayr (eds.), Akten des 13. Österreichischen Archäologentages in Salzburg (Wien 2012) 311–316. Auer 2013: M. Auer, Amphora stoppers from Aguntum, South Western Noricum, Quaderni Friulani di Archeologia XXII/XXIII 2012/2013, 179–182. Auer 2018: Auer, Die römischen Bauten Aguntums . Ein Überblick, in: M. Auer / H. Stadler (eds.), Von Aguntum zum Alkuser See. Zur römischen Geschichte der Siedlungskammer Osttirol , Ager Aguntinus 1 (Wiesbaden 2018) 1–12. Auer / Daszkiewicz 2017: M. Auer / M. Daszkiewicz, Archaeological expectance and archaeometrical result. Some considerations on imported coarse wares and local pottery production in Aguntum, Austria, in: G. Lipovac Vrkljan / B. Šiljeg / I. Ožanić Roguljić / A. Konestra (eds.), Roman pottery and glass manufactures. Production and trade in the adriatic region, Zbornik Instituta za Arheologiju 12 (Crikvenica 2017) 97–125. Bertoldi 2012: T. Bertoldi, Guida alle anfore romane di età imperiale. Forme, impasti e distribuzione (Roma 2012). Bezeczky 2005: T. Bezeczky, Roman Amphorae from Vindobona, in F. Krinzinger (ed.), Vindobona. Beiträge zu ausgewählten Keramikgattungen in ihrem topographischen Kontext, Archäologische Forschungen 12 (Wien 2005) 35–107. Cipriano 2009: S. Cipriano, Le anfore olearie Dressel 6B, in: St. Pesavento Mattioli / M.-B. Carre (eds.), Olio e Pesce in Epoca Romana. Produzione e commercio nelle regioni dell´ arco adriatica, Antenor Quaderni 15 (Roma 2009) 173–189. Ehmig 2012: U. Ehmig, Über alle Berge. Früheste Mediterrane Warenlieferungen in den Römischen Ostalpenraum, Römisches Österreich 34/45, 2011/2012, 13–35. Flügel / Donat / Petrucci 2006: Ch. Flügel / P. Donat / G. Petrucci, Fleischkonserven als Produkte römischer Almwirtschaft. Schwarze Auerbergkeramik vom Monte Sorantri bei Raveo (Friaul–Julisch–Venetien, Nordostitalien), Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter 71, 2006, 209–232.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:40 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

9

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:40 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico: il caso delle sponda orientale del Natiso cum Turro ad Aquileia*

di Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

Abstract The paper discusses results from recent archaeological investigations carried out along the eastern river bank of present-day Natissa River (ancient Natiso cum Turro) at Aquileia. Archaeological data are combined with a systematic re-examination of archive information in order to outline different research priorities and methodological approaches taken trough time. The final aim is to reconstruct the dialectic relationships between man and river in the Roman and Late Antique period, with a special focus on the eastern shore, often neglected in modern scientific literature. At this regard, interesting fresh evidence comes from an interdisciplinary research project undertaken since 2010 in ”former Sandrigo estate” by the Department of Humanities of the University of Venice Ca‘ Foscari, in collaboration with the Archaeological Superintendency of Friuli Venezia Giulia. Preliminary results allow us to put forward some hypothesis on the interaction between river dynamism and modes of human occupation in the adjacent areas and riverside.

Keywords fluvial landscape, man and river, Aquileia, Roman port, “former Sandrigo estate” excavations, archaeology and palaeoenvironmental issues

Il sistema portuale aquileiese (Fig. 1) Il presente studio si inserisce in una fase di rinnovato interesse per la portualità della metropoli nord-adriatica, tema che è stato di volta in volta affrontato da svariati punti di vista (architettonico, topografico, paleoambientale), anche in relazione alla scala di maggiore o minor dettaglio dell’ambito di indagine, ma con consapevolezza sempre crescente dell’intreccio di fattori che ne hanno determinato l’evoluzione. Nella vasta bibliografia conseguente, si possono richiamare alcune importanti disamine – alle quali si farà quindi costante riferimento – operate da Marie-Brigitte Carre con Franca Maselli Scotti1 e dalla seconda studiosa più brevemente con Marina Rubinich.2 Entrambe pongono in primo piano le strutture del «porto-canale» lungo il lato orientale della città antica, identificabili sostanzialmente con i risultati degli scavi del secolo scorso da parte di G.  B. Brusin e la loro sistemazione monumentale, ancor oggi privi di una pubblicazione esaustiva: è comunque ormai ben nota la funzionalità degli apprestamenti, in particolare l’articolato sistema di banchine, accessi ed edifici retrostanti che consentivano l’approdo e le operazioni di carico e scarico delle merci lungo la sponda ovest dell’antico Natiso cum Turro (ora ridotto, da una larghezza ricostruita di cca 50 m, ad un corso di molto minor portata, la Natissa – per di più colmata artificialmente in questo tratto, lungo il suo asse centrale, dal riporto della terra di risulta dagli sterri * I seguenti sottocapitoli sono di Paola Ventura: Il sistema portuale aquileiese; Il porto-canale: la sponda occidentale del Natiso cum Turro. I seguenti sottocapitoli sono di Daniela Cottica: La sponda orientale del Natiso cum Turro: vecchi dati e nuove riflessioni; Le indagini del XXI secolo: il rapporto uomo-fiume attraverso le ricerche archeologiche e paleoambientali presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo. Le restanti parti sono opera di entrambe le autrici. 1 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001. 2 Maselli Scotti / Rubinich 2009.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

11

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

Fig. 1: Il sistema portuale di Aquileia: (1) porto canale, sponda ovest; (2) porto canale, sponda est; (3) banchina zona nord (presso canale Ausset); (4) banchina zona sud (Natissa, presso fondo Pasqualis); (5) scavo École française de Rome 1991– 2003; (6) canale Anfora; (7) ramo occidentale.

12

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico

novecenteschi).3 Trovano meno spazio in generale nella letteratura specifica le evidenze sulla riva orientale, argomento di cui qui più estesamente ci si occuperà: investigata contemporaneamente all’opposta dallo stesso storico Direttore del Museo, del pari sulla scorta di precedenti ottocenteschi, quest’area restituì una situazione analoga ma semplificata (banchina, scalinate e magazzini), attribuita inizialmente, ma senza seguito unanime, ad una fase più antica e messa in relazione con i retrostanti quartieri forse abitativi e la viabilità connessa.4 Le due sintesi citate si richiamano per diversi aspetti ad una precedente e più ampia messa a punto sulle infrastrutture di questo settore da parte di Cristiano Tiussi, nell’ambito di una rassegna dei mercati e magazzini aquileiesi.5 Negli studi pregressi, tuttavia, l’inquadramento dei ritrovamenti di cui si è appena detto ha visto prevalere decisamente l’interesse topografico, e specificamente la reciproca interferenza tra la funzione portuale e le diverse cinte murarie dall’epoca repubblicana a quella tardo-antica, dinamica che offre importanti ricadute informative dal punto di vista cronologico; in tale ottica la sponda orientale, esterna al perimetro fortificato, è stata comunque presa in considerazione come indicatore dell’articolazione dell’impianto urbano.6 Negli studi su una scala più ampia, peraltro, «entrano in gioco» anche altri segmenti di quello che si è andato via via a configurare come un sistema ben più strutturato: si fa solo un breve accenno ad almeno due di tali marcatori, di antica o recente identificazione, ovvero un tratto di banchina messo in luce nell‘area settentrionale della città (presso il canale Ausset)7 ed un altro sulla sinistra della Natissa, ove essa piegava verso ovest, nella zona meridionale.8 Il contesto di gran lunga fondamentale per l’avanzamento delle conoscenze negli ultimi decenni è però rappresentato dal settore in prosecuzione verso nord del porto fluviale monumentale come finora descritto: le campagne condotte fra 1991 e 2003 hanno consentito di mettere qui in sequenza una precedente destinazione abitativa, la sovrapposizione dell’impianto portuale, le sue fasi di vita e la sua fine;9 soprattutto, però, i dati di scavo sono stati incrociati con un articolato programma di ricerche per la ricostruzione paleoambientale del sito e più in generale della rete idrografica aquileiese, formata da vie d’acqua naturali ed antropiche che circondavano la città antica, non senza profonde modificazioni nel corso della sua vita plurisecolare.10 Questo filone di studi, includente indagini geomorfologiche, carotaggi, analisi sedimentologiche, campionature, datazioni radiocarboniche, accanto alla rivalutazione di notizie più antiche riconducibili a tracce di corsi d’acqua ormai disattivati,11 ha portato ad importanti esiti:12 dando ormai per acquisita la confluenza in zona Monastero di due vie d’acqua, che vanno a formare il corso del porto-canale, e quindi la sua svolta verso ovest, a lambire il limite meridionale della città, emergeva però la mancata chiusura dell’anello con il fiume Terzo (che corre ad ovest parallelamente al Natiso/Natissa, per riversarvisi poi a sud della città) ed il perpendicolare Canale Anfora, corso artificiale pienamente inserito nel reticolo

3 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 212, 217–220, 222–223, 232; Maselli Scotti / Rubinich 2009, 103–106. 4 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 222; Maselli Scotti / Rubinich 2009, 105. 5 Tiussi 2004, 283–289, che non può a sua volta prescindere da Brusin 1934, 16–154; Mirabella Roberti 1968; Bertacchi 1990; Bertacchi 2003, 35–36, per limitarsi ai punti fermi sul’argomento. 6 Per entrambi gli aspetti cfr. Tiussi 2009, passim; in particolare sul settore orientale 71, 76. 7 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 238, fig. 1, n. 1; Carre 2004, 207; Tiussi 2004, 289–291; Tiussi 2009, 72. 8 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 212, 224, 228, fig. 1, n. 19; Carre 2004, 206; Tiussi 2004, 289; Tiussi 2009, 72. 9 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 212–214, 224–226, 232–234; Maselli Scotti / Rubinich 2009, 103, 105. Lo scavo, ad opera dell’Éçole francaise de Rome e dell’Università degli Studi di Trieste, è stato oggetto di regolari report e svariate sintesi, in particolare Maggi / Urban 2001; Carre 2007; Carre 2008 (bibliografia in Carre / Zaccaria 2014, 102, nota 20); se ne attende auspicabilmente a breve la pubblicazione esaustiva. 10 Non si può dimenticare l’attenzione precorritrice all’interazione fra pianificazione antropica ed il particolare ambiente naturale della pianura friulana, come desumibile soprattutto dalle fonti letterarie, in Strazzulla 1989. 11 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 234–236. 12 Maselli Scotti et al. 1999; Arnaud-Fassetta et al. 2003, 235–243; Carre et al. 2003; Arnaud-Fassetta et al. 2004; Carre 2004; Siché et al. 2004, 252–258; Arnaud–Fassetta 2009, 25, 29–31; per una recente sintesi cfr. Rousse 2013.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

13

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

centuriato, che conduceva allo sbocco a mare, esso pure interessato in due occasioni da importanti scavi di tutela.13 Proseguendo sulla stessa scia, il ricorso incrociato alle ricognizioni territoriali, indagini geomagnetiche e Georadar e telerilevamento14 ha consentito recentemente a Stefan Groh di formulare la proposta del riconoscimento di un ulteriore ramo che va a completare il collegamento sul lato occidentale, inserendosi peraltro in una già complessa e discussa interazione fra mura urbiche, viabilità, edifici pubblici (circo) e residenziali; egli ha inoltre identificato un tratto di porto attrezzato lungo la sponda meridionale del canale Anfora, assimilabile a quanto noto per il tratto di porto-canale in vista ad ovest della città.15 Si viene così anche ad avvalorare l’ipotesi già avanzata nel 1869 da Pietro Kandler e pure richiamata in studi recenti,16 sulla presenza ad Aquileia di due scali, il «porto delle navi» ad ovest, quindi nell’area di Canale Anfora, ed il «porto delle navicelle» ad est, coincidente perciò con il «porto fluviale» indagato e monumentalizzato da Brusin, e rimasto poi invece a rappresentare da solo il porto aquileiese per antonomasia.

Il porto-canale: la sponda occidentale del Natiso cum Turro (Figg. 1–2). Pur nell’acquisita consapevolezza che esso costituisce solo un tratto, e forse nemmeno il più cospicuo, del sistema portuale antico, e nonostante la sua difficile leggibilità, il porto-canale aquileiese – come attualmente visibile sulla sponda ovest della Natissa – offre un’impressionante testimonianza di architettura funzionale all’utilizzo quale approdo commerciale: una migliore conoscenza della sua articolazione topografica e cronologica, anche in vista di una resa che renda il complesso più comprensibile, è la motivazione che ha indotto ad un nuovo progetto di studio e valorizzazione avviato nel 2017: in attesa dei risultati di queste indagini,17 ci si può comunque basare sulla ricostruzione che del complesso è stata in più occasioni fornita, per tentare di delineare similitudini e differenze rispetto alla situazione della sponda orientale, su cui, come anticipato, è stata invece avviata nel 2010 la ricerca di cui di seguito si tratterà. Le fasi antecedenti all’impianto delle strutture portuali sono identificate dai resti della cinta repubblicana (entro la metà del II secolo a.C.), che è peculiare di questa solo sponda, e di edifici abitativi (una fase ben individuata fra la metà del I secolo a.C. e la metà del I secolo d.C.), identificati principalmente – ma non esclusivamente – nel tratto settentrionale scavato negli anni ’90.18 Tale preesistenza assume particolare rilevanza per la definizione cronologica della conversione ad uso portuale, benché non si possa escludere una prima fase ancora coeva agli edifici abitativi.19 La datazione della realizzazione monumentale del porto-canale quale a noi noto, comunemente posta in età claudia, richiede certamente un maggiore affinamento, non potendosi semplicemente estrapolare per l’intera opera i riscontri, di certo affidabili, ottenuti dagli scavi stratigrafici degli ultimi decenni; si dovrà piuttosto ipotizzare un’esecuzione avvenuta forse per lotti successivi, e comunque sicuramente in un arco temporale dilatato.20 A seguito della monumentalizzazione, la banchina si contraddistingue per l’articolazione su due livelli, correntemente interpretati come funzionali all’approdo con l’alta e bassa marea, ed è interrotta 13 La recentissima pubblicazione delle indagini 2004–2005, che hanno fatto seguito al recupero di Luisa Bertacchi nel 1988, è stata l’occasione per una cronistoria delle fonti sul contesto idrografico in cui si colloca Aquileia, cfr. Maselli Scotti / Pesavento Mattioli 2017, che però sospendono le conclusioni sulle ultime integrazioni allo schema appena delineato, introdotte da parte di S. Groh, su cui infra e nota 15. Cfr. in precedenza Maselli Scotti 2000; Maselli Scotti 2014. 14 Metodologia già prospettata, a complemento delle ricerche cui si è fatto ora cenno, per l’integrazione in un sistema su base WebGIS, cfr. Cefalo et al. 2011. 15 Groh 2011, 153–177; Groh 2012, D5–D8. 16 Kandler 1869–1870, 105–107, 132; ripreso da Maselli Scotti / Pesavento Mattioli 2017, 16–17 e nota 6. Forse degno di nota che lo stesso P. Kandler avesse proposto una simile organizzazione su due poli anche per Tergeste, dove riconosceva il «porto delle navi» ed il «porto della città», cfr. Kandler 1870: pur nella sostanziale differenza fra un porto marittimo ed uno fluviale, resta meritevole di approfondimento la ricerca di altri modelli comparabili. 17 L’area è dal 2017 oggetto di una concessione di scavo a Fondazione Aquileia, per un primo report cfr. Tiussi / Maggi 2017. 18 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 212–214. Cfr. Carre 2007, 542: Période 7 e Période 6. 19 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 218–220: si può avanzare tale ipotesi per le evidenze di sistemazione spondale obliterate dalla banchina della fase monumentale. 20 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 227–228; Tiussi 2004, 287–288; la seriazione cronologica accertata per il settore settentrionale (scavo EFR), cfr. Carre 2007, non può quindi essere estesa indiscriminatamente a tutto il complesso.

14

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico

Fig. 2: Aquileia: dettaglio delle due sponde fluviali in corrispondenza del “porto monumentale”. Sulla sponda orientale sono evidenziate le seguenti aree di interesse: (A) ex fondo Sandrigo; (B) scavi Brusin 1930–1931; (C) scavo Brusin 1939; (D) scavi Maionica 1901; (E) l’area dell’abitato moderno abitato di Villa Raspa.

– nel tratto di cca 450 m attualmente in vista – da due rampe ed una scalinata di accesso verso l’area retrostante;21 ivi sorgeva un edificio lungo oltre 300 m, per una larghezza di poco superiore alla decina, la cui definizione come magazzino da parte di G. B. Brusin, sulla base della stretta connessione topografica,

21 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 220.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

15

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

non ha trovato concordi tutti gli studiosi successivi, anche in assenza di confronti puntuali;22 una più tarda trasformazione dell’edificio testimonierebbe del perdurare di una funzione commerciale almeno fino ad epoca costantiniana,23 prima della definitiva obliterazione in vista del ripristino delle difese ed in concomitanza con il restringimento del canale, fenomeni consolidatisi nel V secolo d.C.24

La sponda orientale del Natiso cum Turro: vecchi dati e nuove riflessioni

Fig. 3: Scavi Brusin 1930 presso il porto canale. Muro di sponda sinistro e gradinata in corso di scavo, part. cat. 493/1, fondo Ritter.

L‘avvivo delle indagini sul muro di sponda orientale: gli scavi della prima metà del XX secolo

I primi scavi in estensione sulla sponda orientale del porto fluviale di Aquileia di cui abbiamo notizie ufficiali sono quelli condotti da Giovanni Battista Brusin25 tra il 1930 e il 193126 in località Monastero nei fondi del barone Ritter (p.c. 493/1, cfr. Fig. 2:  B). All’epoca le indagini sulla riva occidentale, avviate a partire dal 1926, avevano riportato in luce quasi interamente la banchina destra del porto fluviale, con i suoi magazzini. Il muro di sponda orientale fu indagato per una lunghezza di 155 m27 (Figg. 2: B e 3) e fino ai livelli di fondazione in pietrisco, poggianti su palafitte lignee, 28 collocate alla profondità di 4.05 m dal piano di calpestio dell’epoca:29 in questa porzione del porto fluviale le due sponde distavano tra loro 48 m. In alzato la struttura, in «blocchetti parallelepipedi quasi regolari di macigno quarzoso e di calcare»,30 si conservava in alcuni punti per un massimo di 3 m e presentava tre riseghe; facevano parte del suo allestimento due anelli a foro verticale in pietra, interpretati dal Brusin come anelli di ormeggio e rinvenuti frammentati, distanti tra loro 26 m ed entrambi del diametro di 0.23 m. Questi erano collocati a circa metà dell’altezza totale del muro, a differenza di quelli pertinenti alla banchina occidentale che, invece, si situavano a livello della banchina e del marciapiede sottostante. Il tratto di muro più meridionale era caratterizzato dalla presenza, tra i materiali da costruzione, di mattoni accanto alla pietra.31 Brusin, nel descrivere i suoi rinvenimenti presso la sponda sinistra, non usa il termine «banchina», da lui invece utilizzato per indicare il piano di carico superiore presso la sponda destra del porto canale.32 Le due sponde presentavano dunque delle caratteristiche, anche

22 Mirabella Roberti 1968; Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 222–224; Tiussi 2004, 283–287. 23 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 232–234; Tiussi 2004, 298–299. 24 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 228. È più plausibile che l’abbandono finale, documentato al pieno V secolo d.C. per il settore nord indagato dall’EFR, cfr. Carre 2007, 543, possa essere estrapolato per l’intero complesso, in quanto correlato all’oblite­razione da parte delle strutture difensive tarde, cfr. Maselli Scotti / Rubinich 2009, 106. 25 Di queste attività di scavo restano anche i diari di scavo manoscritti di Brusin conservati presso archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 2231. Come vedremo nel paragrafo successivo, vi sono documenti di archivio che testimoniano scoperte lungo la sponda orientale avvenute a seguito di attività di scavo precedenti a Brusin. 26 Brusin 1939, col. 74; maggiori dettagli sono pubblicati in Brusin 1934, 25–26. 27 Brusin 1934, 25. 28 Anche il muro di sponda occidentale si fonda su sostruzioni in pietrame e pali lignei e questa tecnica si ritrova in costruzioni analoghe nella regione della Venetia et Histria, come ad Oderzo (Tirelli 1987, 366–369), a Corte Cavanella (Sanesi Mastrocinque 1987), ad Altino (Tirelli 2001, 302–304). 29 Per i dettegli metrici cfr. Brusin 1934, 25–26. 30 Brusin 1934, 25–26, fig. 20. 31 Cfr. diario di scavo manoscritto, alla data 28 marzo 1930, MAN Aquileia, Archivio disegni, n. 2231. Tale caratteristica è attestata anche più a sud. 32 Mentre il piano di carico inferiore è definito «marciapiede».

16

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico

di tipo costruttivo, che le differenziavano, evidenziate già dallo stesso autore degli scavi, come pure da altri studiosi successivamente.33 Nel 1939 (giugno e luglio) Brusin condusse una nuova campagna di scavo a circa 300 m più a sud (cfr. Figg. 2: C e 4) delle aree già indagate nel 1930–1931: le attività sono documentate nella relazione da lui pubblicata nel 1939.34 Nell’area interessata da tale intervento si rinvennero le tracce della prosecuzione del muro di sponda orientale che tuttavia si presentava in cattivo stato di conservazione, tanto che venne raccolta una grande quantità di materiale da costruzione proveniente dal muro stesso.35 La parete di sponda meglio conservata fu messa in luce per una lunghezza di 45 m: era costruita in blocchetti di pietra di forma parallelepipeda, con impiego anche, in alcuni punti, di mattoni. Essa risultava larga, in questo tratto, 1.2 m: non è chiaro se siano state messe in luce le fondazioni, che non vengono descritte né nella bibliografia relativa, né nella documentazione d’archivio. Non è quindi possibile determinare se esse differissero nella tecnica costruttiva da quanto riscontrato per il tratto nord della struttura portuale. Le architetture di connessione fra uomo e fiume: le scalinate della sponda orientale

Nell’ambito di questa trattazione è opportuno focalizzare l’attenzione sulle scalinate rinvenute nel XX secolo presso la sponda orientale, dal momento che proprio questo tipo di struttura rientra nella categoria che MacDonald definisce come «architetture di connessione e raccordo».36 L’autore si riferisce nello specifico alle architetture urbane, ed infatti include nella categoria delle architetture di connessione anche le vie principali e le piazze, oltre a scale e scalinate: tuttavia ci sembra opportuno evidenziare come le sponde che definiscono uno stesso fiume ed un unico articolato sistema portuale fluviale, come nel caso di Aquileia, debbano essere considerate all’interno di una visione unitaria, dove aree urbane e periurbane sono strettamente correlate, e dove una sponda è complementare all’altra. In quest’ottica le scalinate acquee vengono a sottolineare in modo codificato e «monumentalizzato» un luogo specifico, e molto importante, di connessione fra terra ed acqua, dunque fra uomo e fiume, facilitandone la comunicazione. Questi punti di raccordo non dovevano essere disposti casualmente, anzi la loro ubicazione era ben ponderata e funzionale all’utilizzo del fiume, e del territorio su di esso gravitante, da parte dell’uomo. Ci soffermeremo quindi a considerare le evidenze di scalinate acquee presenti nella documentazione d’archivio: i dati andranno poi integrati con quelli restituiti dai recenti scavi presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo (cfr. infra, scalinata USM 201). I documenti d’archivio consistono in disegni e brevi note: l’interesse degli studiosi del XIX e XX secolo era prevalentemente focalizzato sulla restituzione delle modalità di

33 Ad esempio cfr. Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 222 e 227 sulle implicazioni cronologiche delle differenze negli allestimenti e nei materiali impiegati per le due sponde. 34 Brusin 1939, coll. 73–74. Dello scavo resta anche una relazione dattiloscritta di Brusin: cfr. archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 2264. 35 Brusin riferisce di aver raccolto circa 260 m³ di materiale litico, proveniente dal muro di sponda, segnalando la «distruzione da esso subita, anche se ignoriamo precisamente quando e come la stessa sia avvenuta», cfr. Brusin 1939, 74–75. Come vedremo (cfr. infra) presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo si sono messe in luce chiare evidenze della defunzionalizzazione e rasatura del muro di sponda. 36 Cfr. MacDonald 1986.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

17

Fig. 4: Scalinata acquea messa in luce da Brusin nel 1939 sulla sponda orientale.

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

Fig. 5: Pianta del muro sponda sinistra del porto fluviale, part. cat. 493/1. Scavo giugno–luglio 1939.

costruzione architettonica delle scalinate e solo gli scavi presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo37 hanno permesso di leggere una di queste strutture della sponda orientale all’interno del suo contesto stratigrafico. Brusin nella campagne di scavo 1930-1931 viste sopra, nella porzione settentrionale del muro di sponda orientale mise in luce tre scalinate larghe 2.8 m (Fig. 2:  B e dettaglio in Fig. 3),38 costruite in blocchi di calcare, mentre non rinvenne alcuna strada che, in corrispondenza delle gradinate, si dirigesse verso i quartieri periurbani orientali.39 Nella campagna 1939 invece venne messa in luce una scalinata larga 2.64 m e lunga 3.1 m, composta da almeno quattro gradini40 e definita da due muri larghi l’uno 0.8 m e l’altro 0.6 m, a cui erano addossati due muri di rinforzo (Figg. 4, 5).41 La struttura presentava dunque delle differenze rispetto alle scalinate nel tratto settentrionale, non tanto nelle dimensioni quanto nel modo in cui si impostava sulla parete di sponda: nella porzione settentrionale sembrano infatti mancare, sulla base dei documenti a disposizione, i muretti laterali a racchiudere le scalinate, che quindi sporgevano

37 Cfr. infra. Per la sponda occidentale cfr. Mandruzzato 1996. 38 Cfr. MAN Aquileia, Archivio fotografico, n. 155. 39 L’unica scalinata rimasta integra constava di sette gradini (cfr. Fig. 3). Queste tre scalinate compaiono nella pianta generale di Aquileia cfr. Bertacchi 2003, tav. 19. 40 Nella pianta riportata in Fig. 5 (sia nello schizzo a matita datato giugno–luglio 1939, sia nel lucido) la scalinata presenta cinque e non quattro gradini, come invece si legge in Brusin 1939, col. 75–76 al quale si rinvia per i dettagli metrici. Il lucido riporta anche uno schizzo eseguito a matita costituito dalla pianta della scalinata con relativo tratto di sponda e da una sezione schematica dei gradini: lo schizzo è corredato di una didascalia (sempre a matita) che riporta la dicitura: «muro di sponda sinistro del porto romano – fondo Ritter, giugno–luglio 1939». Il lucido (che riporta le medesime strutture) è invece chiaramente datato e firmato «Runcio 1946». Le scritte a china e a matita sembrano realizzate da mani diverse. Quattro sono anche i gradini della scalinata presenti nello schizzo riportato sul diario di scavo manoscritto alla data del 24 giugno 1939 dove la struttura è così descritta: «…composta … da quattro scalini. … chiusi fra due muri…ai quali sono addossati altri due muri di rinforzo…» cfr. archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 1829 alla pagina manoscritta datata 24 giugno 1939. Nella foto pubblicata da Brusin, e corrispondente alla nostra Fig. 4, si vedono invece solo tre scalini, in quanto uno è sommerso dall’acqua cfr. Brusin 1939, col. 75. Sulla questione cfr. infra. 41 Per collocare la scalinata nella topografia generale dell’area si rinvia il lettore alla posizione della scalinata più a sud riportata in Fig. 2C: questa gradinata, con le vicine strutture, è la stessa che compare nel lucido in Fig. 5.

18

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico

direttamente dal muro. Invece nel tratto sud il muro di sponda si disponeva ai lati dell’ultimo gradino (il più basso) della scalinata, che era delimitata da muretti laterali. In una foto d’archivio (Fig. 6)42 e in un disegno di Pozzar del 1901 (conservato sia a matita che a china) compare un’ulteriore scalinata, pertinente a questo tratto della sponda orientale: la struttura è definita da Pozzar «come seconda scalinata scoperta nel mese di marzo 1901» (Fig. 7).43 Essa sembra essere costituita da sei gradini mentre è documentata lapresenza (al moento dello scavo) di un solo muretto di contenimento laterale. Dal disegno risulta che ad un certo punto la struttura venne obliterata da una via, apparentemente realizzata con ghiaia compattata. A questa documentazione si affianca un altro disegno di Pozzar (Fig. 8) che rappresenta pure una gradinata, questa volta definita come «prima scala scoperta nel mese di febbraio 190.»44 Le informazioni fornite dai disegni si integrano con le spiegazioni fornite dallo stesso Pozzar in una sua lettera manoscritta inviata al Maionica conservata presso gli Archivi MAN di Aquileia.45 Queste due scalinate non sono segnalate da Maionica nella sua «Fundkarte» del 1893, dal momento che la scoperta avvenne dopo (nel 1901), e non furono mai pubblicate, o descritte, prima dell’edizione a stampa della pianta generale di Aquileia, aggiornata fino al 1933, edita dal Brusin nel 1934 basandosi con ogni probabilità sulle piante dello stesso Pozzar. In questa pianta infatti compaiono per la prima volta entrambe le scalinate.46 Dunque la prima scalinata del Pozzar, sulla base dei dati d’archivio a disposizione, sembra corrispondere a quella messa in luce da Brusin nel 1939, come possiamo ricostruire sulla base del disegno in scala 1:100 di Runcio (cfr. Fig. 5),47 che rappresenta non solo il dettaglio del muro di sponda orientale, con antistanti tre pilastrini e annessa gradinata (ma a cinque scalini e non a quattro) scavati da Brusin nel 1939 (e citati nei relativi diari di scavo), ma che fornisce anche una pianta generale redatta a matita con la collocazione topografica della struttura in questione. Il disegno di Runcio (Fig. 5) è confrontabile sia con il disegno di Pozzar 1901 riportato in Fig. 8, sia con uno schematico disegno a china (Fig. 9)48 in scala 1: 1000, che presenta entrambe le scalinate del 1901: dall’incrocio dei dati la scalinata sembra essere la medesima in tutti i casi citati. Tuttavia la gradinata acquea che compare nella foto pubblicata da Brusin (Fig. 4) risulta meno conservata rispetto alla «prima» scalinata riportata nel disegno di Pozzar (Fig. 8): rimane così problematica l’interpretazione complessiva della documentazione d’archivio. Dal punto di vista strutturale il disegno di Pozzar della «prima scala 1901» (cfr. Fig. 8) permette di stabilire la presenza di cinque gradini, oltre ad un’ultima lastra inferiore, più inclinata, al termine della scalinata; anche la scalinata nord era composta probabilmente da cinque gradini, come si evince dalla relativa pianta nel disegno Pozzar del marzo 1901 (cfr. Fig. 7). L’intervento documentato da Pozzar 42 La foto è pubblicata e commentata in Maurina 1999, fig. 5, 156–158. La studiosa tuttavia erroneamente riferisce la foto allo scavo Pozzar e Levi lungo la sponda occidentale (su questo cfr. anche Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 230, nota 42). 43 Cfr. archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 209. 44 Cfr. archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 210. Questo disegno riporta la pianta e la sezione della scalinata ed inoltre una pianta generale dell’area con la collocazione specifica della struttura nel contesto topografico del fondo del Barone Ritter nel quale si trovava. 45 Cfr.archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, Documento A.1 Cass. 48 Notizie Pozzar. Chi scrive desidera ringraziare in modo particolare Adriana Comar per aver segnalato la presenza di questo prezioso documento. 46 Brusin 1934, pianta. 47 Cfr. archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 214. 48 Cfr. archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 215. Genericamente datato al XX secolo e di autore ignoto, evidenzia il tratto di muro di sponda sinistro del porto fluviale con le due scalinate rinvenute nel 1901, il muro di sponda destro fino alla curva verso Ovest della Roggia del Mulino di Aquileia e, a tratteggio, il muro difensivo orientale.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

19

Fig. 6: Scalinata acquea e, in primo piano, anfore infisse verticalmente nel terreno con relativa palificata lignea. Questa fotografia ritrae lo scavo della seconda scalinata scoperta nel 1901. La foto è citata nella scheda tecnica del disegno n. 209 degli Archivi MAN dove non è attualmente reperibile.

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

Fig. 7: Disegno della (seconda) scalinata sulla sponda sinistra del porto fluviale, datato 1901, autore Giacomo Pozzar. La relativa scheda riporta: “II scalinata scoperta nel mese di marzo 1901 sul fondo del sign. Br. Eugenio Ritter siti chiamato Mariassunta in Monastero”.

20

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico

Fig. 8: Disegno della (prima) scalinata sulla sponda sinistra del porto fluviale, datato 1901, autore Giacomo Pozzar. La relativa scheda riporta: “I.ma scala scoperta nel mese di febbraio 1901 sul fondo del sign. Br. Eugenio Ritter sito chiamato S.ta Maria Assunta in Monastero”. Così recita la L'ubicazione esatta è indicata grazie ad una mappa 1:1000).

Fig. 9: Pianta schematica della sponda orientale ed occidentale del porto fluviale romano, attribuita genericamente al XX secolo, lucido 21 × 67 cm.

si dovette allargare anche per un breve tratto alle spalle delle scalinate, permettendo di osservare la prosecuzione di tali strutture verso est per un breve tratto. In questa zona, al di là di entrambe le scalinate venne messo in luce un lastricato in pietra, che pare essere stato realizzato nello stesso materiale dei gradini. Probabilmente, alla presenza di tale tratto lastricato si deve l’ipotesi dell’esistenza di due percorsi viari secondari che collegavano il muro di sponda all’area retrostante; uno di questi percorsi sembra suggerito nella pianta parte del disgno di Pozzar riportato in Fig. 8. L’esistenza di questi due tracciati viari fu ipotizzata da Brusin, che ne indicò il precorso nella sua pianta del 1934, forse ritenendo che il lastricato documentato da Pozzar potesse proseguire verso oriente ed originare i due percorsi in questione. L’ipotesi venne ripresa nelle piante archeologiche di Aquileia redatte negli anni successivi49, ma nessuna documentazione ad oggi nota riporta traccia certa dell’effettiva esistenza di questi tracciati. In conclusione è da sottolineare che, tralasciando i problemi posti dalla documentazione d’archivio nell’identificazione e collocazione della scalinata indagata nel 1939, senza dubbio sussistevano alcune differenze tra le evidenze del tratto settentrionale e quelle del tratto meridionale del muro di sponda orientale: la pianta delle scalinate e il modo in cui esse si impostavano sulla parete di sponda ne è un esempio, come pure la presenza a sud di un lastricato retrostante le scalinate, assente invece nel tratto settentrionale. 49 Cfr. Bertacchi 2003.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

21

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

In generale alcune diversità si notano anche fra i materiali da costruzione utilizzati che, nel tratto sud, comprendono oltre alla pietra anche i mattoni, come pure nell’assenza nel tratto meridionale di pietre d’ormeggio o manufatti simili, dato che però potrebbe essere condizionato dal fatto che la parete di sponda nella sua porzione sud è stata indagata integralmente per un tratto alquanto breve.50 Tuttavia allo stato attuale delle conoscenze non è possibile determinare da quali fattori dipendano tali diversità (fasi costruttive diverse? funzionalità diverse dei rispettivi tratti di sponda ed adiacenti quartieri periurbani?).

Fig. 10: Sponda orientale, scavi Brusin 1930 ­– 1931: si nota il “piano inclinato di tavoloni” collocato nell’alveo del fiume.

L’idrodinamismo del fiume. L’approccio archeologico: le strutture nell’alveo e la questione della linea di sponda orientale nella tarda antichità

Un’attenzione crescente per le strutture rinvenute nell’alveo, dove fra I e II secolo scorreva il fiume, si riscontra nell’edito a partire dagli anni ’90 del secolo scorso, quando i nuovi dati di scavo e le indagini geognostiche permisero di documentare in modo sempre più consistente l’importanza delle variazioni idrogeologiche avvenute in età romana e tardo antica ed i conseguenti condizionamenti sulle opere dell’uomo.51 È da sottolineare che già Brusin mise in luce, di fronte al muro di sponda orientale, poco più a nord rispetto alla gradinata da lui portata alla luce nel 1939, a 1.3 m a ovest del muro stesso, tre basi in mattoni di 1 × 1 m, poste alla distanza di 3.5 m (cfr. Fig. 5, per la posizione generale dell’area di scavo cfr. Fig. 2: C). Esse erano ubicate all’interno dell’alveo originario del fiume e forse sono testimonianza del mutamento dell’assetto del suo corso e del suo restringimento. La loro funzione non era chiara all’epoca del rinvenimento ma recentemente è stato ipotizzato che si trattasse di pilastri di rinforzo per alzare il livello della riva.52 Un’altra struttura ubicata davanti al muro di sponda orientale (tratto settentrionale Fig. 2: B), e pure di non chiara funzione (Fig. 10), è segnalata da Brusin come «piano inclinato di tavoloni» e viene riportata nella documentazione dell’epoca:53 è possibile che anche in questo caso ci si trovi di fronte ad un apprestamento realizzato a seguito di iniziali modifiche dell’assetto del fiume: non è forse un caso visto che questa è una delle aree priviligiate dallo sviluppo di Aquileia tardo antica e patriarcale. In questa stessa chiave di lettura vanno considerate le bonifiche mediante anfore africane e pali lignei attestate dalla già menzionata documentazione relativa agli interventi del marzo 1901 (Figg. 6, 7).54 Le anfore africane in questione sono state genericamente attribuite al IV secolo,55 tuttavia ora si può proporre di riconoscere nel disegno di Pozzar l’anfora Keay XXV – Africana IIIC, sub-tipo 2 (se teniamo conto del puntale troncoconico con estremità piatta che si vede nel disegno di Pozzar) e quindi ascrivibile alla fine 50 Ovvero per 45 m, mentre a nord vennero messi in luce 155 m di muro; cfr. supra. 51 Dal punto di vista archeologico un importante momento di riflessione è costituito dalla pubblicazione degli scavi presso il fondo Pasqualis, cfr. Mandruzzato 1996. Contemporaneamente importanti informazioni sul dinamismo idrogeologico del sito venivano acquisite grazie alle indagini geognostiche effettuate nell’ambito del progetto S.A.R.A. (cfr. Maselli Scotti et al. 1999 e infra). Per i dati archeologici relativi ai mutamenti della linea di sponda occidentale cfr. in particolare Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001. 52 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 230. 53 La struttura compare in un disegno d’archivio: cfr. archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 1785. 54 Cfr. Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 230: le studiose riportano la presenza di apprestamenti di rinforzo per alzare i livelli anche sulla riva occidentale. 55 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 230.

22

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico

del IV – prima metà del V secolo d.C.56 Il dato evidenzierebbe quindi la volontà di mantenere l’assetto del tratto meridionale del muro di sponda orientale. Tutti questi dati oggi si possono mettere a confronto con le informazioni archeologiche più recenti acquisite dalle indagini presso la sponda occidentale del fiume: esse infatti hanno restituito chiare evidenze di un restringimento dell’alveo e di apprestamenti interpretabili come la risposta antropica a mutamenti idrogeologici.57 Come vedremo, anche i dati emersi dallo scavo presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo58 testimoniano un progressivo mutamento dell’alveo e permettono di ipotizzare l’esistenza di una nuova linea di sponda tardo antica, forse già definita alla metà del IV secolo d.C., quando viene costruita la calcara USM 3 (cfr. infra e Fig. 16).

Le indagini degli anni Novanta del XX secolo: spunti per una visione integrata della sponda orientale e degli adiacenti quartieri periurbani Le prospezioni geofisiche e le indagini archeologiche per la messa in posa del metanodotto (1991) in località Villa Raspa: una prima occasione di confronto fra vecchi e nuovi dati

I quartieri periurbani retrostanti la sponda orientale del Natiso cum Turro sono profondamente definiti dalla presenza delle vie d’acqua, in particolare l‘attuale località di Villa Raspa, tangente la via Gemina in uscita dalla città verso nord-est, era ubicata in stretta prossimità con il luogo di confluenza delle due aste fluviali che si riunivano poco a nord di essa, come ormai assodato nelle ricostruzioni dell‘idrografia aquileiese,59 ed era definita da corsi d’acqua sia ad est che ad ovest. Quest‘area venne estesamente sondata a fine‚ 800 da Enrico Maionica (Fig. 2: D), che pubblicò i risultati delle sue indagini60. Questi dati vennero poi messi a sistema nel 1991, in occasione dei lavori per la posa di un tratto di metanodotto (che seguì il tracciato della più tarda Roggia del Mulino, subparallela ad est alla Natissa cfr. Fig.  2: D–E), preceduti da prospezioni geofisiche ed accompagnati da indagini archeologiche, diffusamente analizzate da F. Maselli Scotti in un lavoro di poco successivo.61 La studiosa ha così potuto ricostruire l’esistenza di quartieri inizialmente occupati da complessi abitativi (riconducibili al I–II secolo d.C.) e gradualmente abbandonati (forse già a partire dal III secolo d.C. sulla base degli scavi di Maionica).62 Le indagini 1991 rivelano che intorno alla metà, più probabilmente nella seconda metà del IV secolo, l’abitato era in stato di abbandono e spolio. Seguirono poi almeno tre fenomeni esondativi63 a seguito dei quali l’area venna adibita ad uso funerario, come testimonia

56 Chi scrive desidera ringraziare Dario Bernal Casasola per i commenti relativi alle anfore africane presenti Fig. 6. Per questo tipo di anfora sono noti ad Aquileia vari confronti da contesti simili (drenaggi) ad Aquileia, come ad es. in località Bachina, p.c. 60/9 (cfr. Maselli Scotti 1998, 107–111 con una foto dove si riconosce bene il tipo, da lei classificato come «africane cilindriche») e dalla proprietà Temporin–Corallo (Ventura, c.s.). 57 Particolarmente utili sono i dati e le cronologie restituite dall’intervento presso il fondo Pasqualis, nel tratto meridionale della sponda destra, dove si è messa in luce una banchina con gradinata riferibile alla fine del I–inizi del II secolo d.C. In una fase successiva si costruì un avancorpo dotato di rampa verso il fiume e in una terza fase, venne realizzato un fronte unitario avanzato mediante scarichi (con materiali di IV–V secolo), testimoniando il restringimento del fiume. Infine venne creato un nuovo muro di sponda (post V secolo). Per gli scavi presso il fondo Pasqualis cfr. Mandruzzato 1996; si veda anche Carre/ Maselli Scotti 2001; Maselli Scotti et al. 2004. 58 Cfr. infra. 59 Cfr. supra e Carre/Maselli Scotti 2001, 237. 60 Maionica 1893. 61 Per una sintesi mirata cfr. Maselli Scotti 1993, con relative planimetrie di dettaglio dell’area indagata. Ulteriori dati per quest’areale sono forniti dai sondaggi condotti all’interno del Camping Aquileia negli anni 2000, tuttora inediti (cfr. Relazione Geotest s.a.s. 2005; Relazione Geotest s.a.s. 2006; Relazione Geotest s.a.s. 2007; Relazione Arχe s.n.c. 2010: tutte presso gli Archivi del Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Aquileia). 62 Maselli Scotti suggerisce un collegamento con l’assedio di Massimino nel 238 e le conseguenti distruzioni, cfr. Maselli Scotti 1993, 282, 285. 63 Maselli Scotti ipotizza che i fenomeni alluvionali, almeno in parte, siano stati conseguenza della deviazione del fiume ad opera di Giuliano l’Apostata nel 361, con conseguente interramento dell’alveo, cfr. Maselli Scotti 1993, 286. Si segnala che episodi esondativi sono attestati anche nell’area del Camping Aquileia (cfr. ad esempio Relazione Geotest 2005, 11 negli Archivi del MAN di Aquileia) e consistenti evidenze sono state documentate nel corso degli scavi presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo (cfr. infra).

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

23

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

il rinvenimento di tombe con materiali databili fra V e VI secolo che si collocano dopo le esondazioni.64 La presenza di quartieri di edilizia privata sulla sponda orientale, in un arco cronologico relativamente circoscritto, è data ormai per acquisita nelle sintesi sulla topografia aquileiese, pur senza che si sia giunti ad un maggior affinamento della cronologia.65

Le indagini geognostiche (1994–1995) nell’ambito del progetto S.A.R.A.: un nuovo approccio metodologico per lo studio della variazioni idrogeologiche e dell’interazione fra uomo e fiume

Negli anni immediatamente successivi, il progetto S.A.R.A. (Subacquea Archeologia Romana Aquileia), promosso dal Ministero per i Beni Culturali con la collaborazione delle Università di Udine e Trieste, affrontò per la prima volta, all’insegna di un approccio metodologicamente integrato, lo studio dell’intrecciarsi fra vicende idrogeologiche ed antropiche su entrambe le sponde fluviali, con importanti ricadute, solo in parte edite.66 Vennero eseguite due campagne mirate di carotaggi, rispettivamente nel 1994 (12 carotaggi) su un allineamento ENE-WSW, fra Monastero e III Bonifica, e nel 1995 (13 carotaggi), su una direttrice N-S – con un transetto perpendicolare –, ad est della Natissa. In seguito venne sviluppata l‘analisi di 10 sondaggi67, giungendo alla pubblicazione di tre di essi.68 I dati editi rivelano una ricca e precisa correlazione fra attività antropiche ed assetto idrogeologico, scandito da momenti di maggior o minor idrodinamismo, alternati a periodi di pausa.69 Risulta di particolare interesse, ai fini del presente studio, la dettagliata descrizione ed interpretazione del sondaggio 1/95, ubicato proprio all’interno dell‘ex fondo Sandrigo (cfr. Fig. 2: A)70 e se ne sintetizza pertanto la sequenza, che trova puntuali corrispondenze sia con alcuni degli altri carotaggi eseguiti nell’ambito del progetto S.A.R.A., sia con le evidenze e fasi restituite dalle recenti indagini archeologiche e paleoambientali condotte dal team dell‘Università Ca‘ Foscari Venezia (cfr. infra). Il carotaggio in questione (1/95), condotto fino ad una profondità di -20 m da p.c., presenta, al di sotto dell’agrario superficiale (-0.00÷0.70), un complesso intensamente rimaneggiato (-0.70÷2.70), depostosi in ambiente umido (alveo in via di abbandono), in un periodo datato dai materiali più tardi in esso contenuti (fra IV e VI/VII secolo d.C.); ad esso seguiva un «tappo» torboso (-2.70÷3.60), emblematico dell’impaludamento in acque basse dolci e stagnanti, in una fase post-romana correlabile ad analogo complesso individuato nel sondaggio S. 9/94 e lì datato al radiocarbonio al 600–660 d.C. Una vivace fase di vita del corso d‘acqua è documentata dal successivo complesso (-3.60÷8.43), a matrice alluvionale grossolana, con scarichi urbani indizio di rifacimenti degli allestimenti spondali o del contesto circostante. I complessi sottostanti (-8.43÷12.15, -12.15÷16.90, -16.90÷20.00) vedono l‘alternarsi di livelli di sedimentazione ad alta energia (ghiaie alluvionali) ed episodi a bassa energia (sabbia limosa da medio a fine), testimonianza degli alvei olocenici preromani, mentre la componente antropica si esaurisce intorno ai -14.00 m da p.c. Come vedremo in seguito la parte superiore di queste sequenze legate all’idrodinamismo fluviale trova una puntuale corrispondeza nei dati relativi agli scavi stratigrafici prosso l’ex fondo Sandrigo, che al contempo forniscono interessanti dettagli sulla sequenza cronologica.

64 Maselli Scotti 1993, 282, 284. Le prospezioni geognostiche nell’ambito del progetto S.A.R.A. (cfr. infra) confermano che l’area fu profondamente influenzata dalla situazione paleoidrografica e paleoambientale e dalle sue mutazioni nel corso del tempo, cfr. Maselli Scotti et al. 1999, 89–90. 92. Si segnala che episodi esondativi sono attestati anche nell’a­rea del Camping Aquileia (ad esempio cfr. Relazione Geotest 2005) e consistenti evidenze sono state documentate nel corso degli scavi presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo (cfr. infra). 65 Tiussi 2009, 71, 76–77. 66 Presentazione del progetto e primi risultati in: Maselli Scotti et al. 1999; sintesi in Carre/Maselli Scotti 2001, 236–238. 67 Cfr. Relazione Geotest 1995 (S. 8/94, 9/94, 10/94, 11/94, 12/94) a cura di P. Paronuzzi; Relazione Geotest 1997 (S.13/94, 1/95, 2/95, 5/95, 9/95), a cura di F. Senardi e A. Muran, conservate presso gli archivi del MAN di Aquileia. 68 In Maselli Scotti et al. 1999, sono stati dettagliatamente pubblicati due sondaggi del 1994: S8 presso l’ingresso nord del porto fluviale ed S9 a Monastero; in Carre/Maselli Scotti 2001 si illustra brevemente il sondaggio S12/1994, presso la Roggia del Mulino. 69 Cfr. Maselli Scotti et al. 1999. 70 Cfr. Relazione Geotest 1997, 4–5, 14–18, 31–32.

24

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico

Le indagini del XXI secolo: il rapporto uomo-fiume attraverso le ricerche archeologiche e paleoambientali presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo Il progetto «Aquileia Porto romano-sponda orientale: indagini archeologiche presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo»

Nell’anno 2010 prese avvio il progetto di indagine archeologica integrata e multidisciplinare denominato «Aquileia Porto romano-sponda orientale: indagini archeologiche presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo».71 Il progetto si sviluppò a partire sia dalla necessità di meglio definire le fasi e modalità di modellazione della riva orientale del porto fluviale di Aquileia, sia dalla volontà di affrontare, con un caso specifico di studio, la ricostruzione dello sviluppo diacronico e dialettico del rapporto uomo-fiume ad Aquileia. Come vedremo di seguito, l’ex fondo Sandrigo (p.c. 493/20) si connota come un’area particolarmente adatta ad un progetto di ricerca focalizzato sullo studio del fiume percepito quale elemento vitale ed attivo, la cui energia interagiva costantemente con l’uomo e le sue opere.72 Il sito oggetto di indagine ha un’estensione di ca. 1080 m² ed è situato sulla sponda orientale del Natiso cum Turro nel tratto antistante il porto fluviale monumentale, grosso modo in corrispondenza del retrostante spazio forense (Fig. 2: A). Le indagini archeologiche hanno avuto inizio nella primavera del 2010 a seguito della stipula di un protocollo d’intesa fra Università Ca’ Foscari Venezia e l’allora Direzione Regionale per i Beni Culturali e Paesaggistici del Friuli Venezia Giulia del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali73 ed hanno comportato sia l’avvio di scavi stratigrafici in un settore mai precedentemente indagato (denominato appunto ex fondo Sandrigo), sotto la Direzione scientifica di Daniela Cottica e dell’allora Soprintendente Luigi Fozzati, sia un riesame della documentazione d’archivio relativa a passati interventi nelle aree oggetto di interesse, mirato ad integrare la documentazione pregressa in una visione comparativa e dinamica dei quartieri peri-urbani che gravitarono su questo tratto di sponda fluviale.74 Come abbiamo già brevemente illustrato75, proprio nei quartieri periurbani ubicati immediatamente ad est dell’ex fondo Sandrigo aveva operato con attività di scavo estensivo Maionica (Fig. 2: D) che, alla fine del XIX secolo, mise in luce parte dei settori orientali di Aquileia, intercettando le evidenze della viabilità romana e numerose strutture a carattere abitativo/artigianale.76 Dai dati d’archivio risulta inoltre che nel 1901 venne indagata parte della sponda fluviale orientale a sud dei quartieri abitativi appena citati,77 in un’area dove operò poi anche Brusin nel 1939. La porzione di sponda orientale a nord dell’ex fondo Sandrigo è invece quella indagata da Brusin nel 1930–1931 (Fig. 2: B).78 Tutta la cartografia storica di Maionica e di Brusin è stata quindi analizzata, rielaborata e georeferenziata, quando possibile, nell’ambito del progetto di ricerca Ca’ Foscari, e le informazioni ottenute sono poi state relazionate con la cartografia dell’area elaborata da Luisa Bertacchi (Fig. 2).79 Le informazioni acquisite sono state oggetto di analisi e confronto con le varie elaborazioni interpretative che nel tempo sono state proposte80 e sono state integrate con i dati portati alla luce dalle indagini più recenti: si tratta degli scavi di tutela condotti dalla Soprintendenza fra 2005 e 2010 nell’area dell’attuale Camping Aquileia81 (situato a est dell’ex fondo Sandrigo), delle informazioni acquisite dalle

71 Dal 2012 le indagini archeologiche sono supportate finanziariamente dall’Ateneo Ca’ Foscari, Fondo per l’Archeologia. Le campagne di scavo 2010 e 2011 sono state supportate della Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Friuli Venezia Giu­lia. 72 Cfr. Cottica 2010 e Cottica et al. 2017. Le indagini si sono svolte fra 2010–2017 e sono tuttora in corso. Alle attività di scavo archeologico e studio post scavo hanno partecipato attivamente numerosi studenti dell’Università Ca’ Foscari Venezia, coordinati dalle dott.sse M. Marella, C. M. Acqua, A. Casellato e, a partire dal 2017, dal dott. A. Cipolato. 73 Dal 2017 lo scavo si svolge su concessione del MiBACT, Soprintendenza Archeologia, belle arti e paesaggio del Friuli Vene­zia Giulia. 74 Cottica 2010. 75 Cfr. supra. 76 Maionica 1893: per la planimetria d’insieme del quartiere da lui indagato cfr. Fig. 2: D. 77 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001, 229–230. 78 Brusin 1934; Brusin 1939. 79 Bertacchi 2003. 80 Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001. 81 Per le relazioni in questione cfr. supra nota 61.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

25

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

Fig. 11: Aquileia, sponda orientale ex fondo Sandrigo: pianta dell’area di scavo 2010–2017.

Fig. 12: Aquileia, sponda orientale, ex fondo Sandrigo: fotopiano eseguito al termine della campagna di 2017.

26

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico

prospezioni condotte dalla Fondazione Lerici nel 1984,82 dei dati acquisiti in connessione alla indagini geofisiche eseguite in occasione della messa in opera del metanodotto83. Si è proceduto anche ad un confronto e dialogo fra i dati fino ad ora emersi dallo scavo in corso e la documentazione, edita ed inedita, relativa alle indagini geognostiche condotte nell’ambito del progetto S.A.R.A.84 Sul campo, durante le operazioni di scavo stratigrafico, il team di ricerca si è avvalso della collaborazione di paleobotanici, geologi ed archeometristi, che hanno seguito le operazioni di scavo ed eseguito campionamenti mirati, ove necessario, al fine di delineare le trasformazioni ambientali ed analizzare i segni lasciati delle vicende idrogeologiche che caratterizzarono Aquileia e il suo suburbio,85 condizionando modalità ed esiti delle attività antropiche. Sintesi dei risultati preliminari degli scavi archeologici 2010-2017 presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo (Figg. 11–16)

Dal momento che i dati paleoambientali ottenuti dai campionamenti effettuati durante le varie campagne di scavo sono già stati oggetto di trattazioni specifiche,86 in questa sede si cercherà di focalizzare l’attenzione alle evidenze archeologiche che hanno permesso di individuare le varie fasi di occupazione e trasformazione d’uso dell’area: queste sono comprese fra il I–II secolo d.C. ed il VI secolo e sono riconducibili a quattro macro-fasi di seguito sintetizzate.87 Nella prima macro-fase 1 (Figg. 11–12) si inseriscono le prime attività antropiche ad oggi emerse, rappresentate da una struttura quadrangolare (USM 206, 207, Fig. 13), ubicata nella porzione ovest dello scavo ed identificabile con i resti della spoliazione di una vasca;88 la struttura è stata portata alla luce alla fine della campagna 2017 e dunque è ancora in corso di scavo. 89 Essa era associata ad una canaletta, pure solo parzialmente messa in luce, che convogliava le sue acque verso il fiume: infatti il suo orientamento appare perpendicolare all’inclinazione del muro di sponda USM 22, fatto che può suggerirne una valenza funzionale legata allo sfruttamento del corso del Natiso cum Turro. Queste evidenze erano associate a 82 Le prospezioni interessarono una vasta porzione dell’attuale campagna situata sempre ad est dell’ex fondo Sandrigo cfr. Relazione 5/1984. Prospezione archeologica a Aquileia, 1984 e relativa Appendice conservate presso gli Archvi MAN di Aquileia. 83 Cfr. Maselli Scotti 1993. 84 Cfr. supra. 85 Maselli Scotti et al. 1999. 86 Le indagini paleobotaniche sono state condotte in collaborazione con il Laboratorio di Palinologia e Archeobotanica – C.A.A. Giorgio Nicoli. Per i risultati preliminari cfr. Cottica et al. 2017, 87–95; Cottica et al. 2018b. 87 Si sottolinea che lo scavo è ancora in corso e quindi i risultati che di seguito verranno esposti hanno valenza preliminare. 88 Non è ancora possibile stabilire se questa vasca sia da mettere in relazione a strutture abitative o artigianali. 89 La vasca presenta un fondo in laterizi sesquipedali legati e coibentati da malta di calce ed è delimitata da corridoi di incasso, verosimilmente adibiti all’alloggiamento di elementi lapidei verticali che formavano le spallette di contenimento della struttura, e caratterizzati dalla presenza ad intevalli pressoché regolari di chiodi ancora infissi nei mattoni di fondo.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

27

Fig. 13 (sinastra): La struttura/ vasca USM 206, 207 in corso di scavo nella campagna 2017. Fig. 14 (destra): Foto della scalinata acquea in corso di scavo nella campagna 2017, con visibili elementi del crollo del muro del prefurnio USM 101.

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

Fig. 15 (sopra): Foto della sezione stratigrafica relativa al saggio 9 con USM 201. Fig. 16 (sotto): La calcara USM 3 in corso di scavo nella campagna 2011.

materiali ceramici ascrivibili alla seconda metà del I secolo d.C. La vasca venne in seguito demolita/ spoliata e ne rimase solo il fondo; successivamente il piano di campagna venne rialzato artificialmente di circa 35/40 cm, mediante un riporto costituito da matrice sabbiosa contenente scarichi selezionati di materiale ceramico (specialmente anfore) ed edilizio (laterizi ed intonaci dipinti) alternati a sottili livelli di argilla. I reperti ceramici più tardi sono ascrivibili alla seconda metà del II secolo d.C. Al di sopra di quest’innalzamento, si è documentato un sistema di spallette fra loro parallele, realizzate in sabbia e argilla frammiste a minuscoli ciottoli e laterizi (USM 9-14 in Fig. 11); queste strutture erano orientate con il corso del fiume ed il muro di sponda (USM 22), verso il quale digradavano leggermente, e presentavano sul lato ovest un elemento di chiusura (denominato USM 4 in Fig. 11). Grazie agli esiti delle analisi di laboratorio, che hanno identificato una concentrazione di pollini di canapa in corrispondenza di queste strutture, è stato possibile riconoscere le spallette in questione come parte di un sistema di vasche utilizzate per la macerazione della canapa in acqua corrente.90 Allo stato attuale delle indagini archeologiche (ancora in corso), le vasche sembrano essere state defunzionalizzate fra fine III ed inizi IV secolo d.C.91 Sul versante est dello scavo invece, a questa macro-fase sono riconducibili un tratto del muro di sponda orientale (USM 22, Fig. 11) e una scalinata (USM 201, Fig. 11),92 messi in luce dagli scavi 2010–2017. Il muro di sponda è stato intercettato in esatta prosecuzione con il tratto già messo in luce da Brusin, poco più a nord. La porzione di muro fino ad ora indagata nell’ex fondo Sandrigo era costruito in blocchetti parallelepipedi di pietra calcarea legati da malta bianca depurata e risulta largo 0.8 m circa. Lo scavo è stato approfondito fino al livello della prima risega, ma non oltre per il momento, a causa della risalita dell’acqua di falda. Conseguentemente non sono state messe in luce le fondazioni e i livelli più profondi del muro di sponda, che inglobava nel suo nucleo frammenti ceramici databili dal II secolo a.C. al I–II secolo d.C. Della scalinata (Fig. 14) sono stati messi in luce 4 gradini non integri in situ, mentre un quinto è emerso a poca distanza, di lunghezza media di 2 m, larghezza 40 cm circa ed altezza 25 cm. A causa della risalita dell’acqua di falda, nel 2017 non è stato possibile indagare i livelli più profondi della struttura; la scalinata non presentava nessuna delle due soluzioni costruttive ad oggi attestate sulla sponda orientale

90 Cottica et al. 2018b. Il sistema di macerazione ad acqua corrente prevedeva una stretta interazione fra uomo e fiume. 91 È suggestiva l’ipotesi che la ristrutturazione di quest’area e la creazione delle vasche per la macerazione della canapa possano essere stata una risposta antropica ai primi segnali di mutamenti dell’assetto idrogeologico dell’antistante fiume e forse alla presenza di acqua stagnante. 92 Per ulteriori dati sulla scalinata USM 201 si rinvia alla seconda macro–fase (cfr. infra).

28

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico

(cfr. supra): ovvero era priva di muri di contenimento e non era immorsata nel muro di sponda.93 È tuttavia da sottolineare che l’area risultava profondamente alterata a seguito della sua defunzionalizzazione: come vedremo, infatti, proprio in questo punto venne costruito il praefurnium (USM 103 e USM 10194) della calcara (USM 3) realizzata nella seconda macro-fase, con materiale di reimpiego probabilmente ricavato dagli stessi allestimenti preesistenti (ovvero muro di sponda e scalinata). Nella seconda macro-fase 2 si registrano importanti cambiamenti ambientali: sul fronte est dello scavo numerose sono le evidenze di allagamenti ed esondazioni,95 intercettate nelle stratigrafie dell’area dove nella fase precedente scorreva il fiume (si tratta del settore a ovest di USM 22 nei saggi S. 3, S. 5, S. 8 e S. 9, cfr. Fig. 11). In questa zona si sono ben documentati un livello corrispondente ad un deposito naturale di alveo fluviale (US 65) e vari strati formatisi a seguito di fenomeni esondativi importanti.96 I segni dei primi significativi mutamenti sono associati ad un livello stratigrafico (US 279 in Fig. 15) a matrice limosabbiosa caratterizzato da un colore celeste-grigio con diffusa presenza di micro-organismi: l’andamento planare dello strato suggerisce che si tratti di un insabbiamento dell’alveo fluviale causato probabilmente da un evento alluvionale, che arrivò a lambire e sommergere il primo gradino dal basso e parte del secondo della scalinata USM 201. I materiali ceramici presenti (i reperti più tardi riconducono alla fine del II ed inizi del III secolo d.C.) risultano molto arrotondati, ad indicare la loro fluttuazione in acqua per un periodo prolungato. Prove ancor più evidenti di esondazioni/alluvioni sono riscontrabili nell’andamento dello strato US 278, a matrice limosa con una forte componente organica dal colore nerastro e contenente una buona quantità di materiale antropico, che risale in prossimità della gradinata USM 201 coprendola (cfr. Fig. 15); una maggior quantità di matrice e di materiale si è accumulata in prossimità del gradino più profondo, segno di un’azione reiterata dell’acqua del fiume che si infranse contro la struttura spondale accumulando materiali contro i suoi margini. L’alta percentuale di componenti organici in US 278 permette di determinare che intercorse un periodo di stasi tra l’evento alluvionale e i successivi riporti antropici, in cui si verificò la proliferazione della vegetazione fluviale. A seguito di queste vicende sia il muro di sponda, sia la sua gradinata, vennero defunzionalizzati. Il dato è testimoniato, oltre che dai livelli di limi e sedimenti sopra esemplificati, anche da evidenti segni di spoliazione e dalla presenza di livelli di bonifica (realizzati con riporti dalla matrice pressoché sabbiosa, caratterizzati da numerose inclusioni di frammenti anforici disposti caoticamente nella materia) che coprivano quanto restava delle strutture, ed erano finalizzati ad una riqualificazione dell’area. Il nuovo piano di campagna venne realizzato mediante uno strato di sabbia ocra, ben compattato e livellato (US 282 in Fig. 15), che copre l’interfaccia superiore degli ultimi livelli di bonifica (US 277 in Fig. 15), con un innalzamento di circa 70 cm rispetto alla fase di insabbiamento. Su questa situazione si impostò poi una calcara a pianta circolare (Fig. 16) costruita contro terra con file non regolari di laterizi, legati da abbondante malta terrosa (cfr. USM 3 con le successive modifiche USM 203, 204 e 205 in Fig. 11). La struttura ebbe più fasi di allestimento ed uso, collocabili fra la seconda

93 Allo stato attuale sembra possibile ipotizzare che la scalinata avesse una struttura simile alle scalinate rinvenute più a nord da Brusin (cfr. supra) e fosse quindi inserita direttamente nel muro di sponda poi danneggiato e spoliato, come parte della gradinata stessa. È da notare che fino ad ora non sono state trovate tracce di una sistemazione stradale in connessione alla scalinata, fatto che pure sembra accomunare la sistemazione e realizzazione originaria di questo tratto di sponda alla porzio­ne più a nord indagata da Brusin nel 1930–1931, mentre nel tratto più a sud (già indagato nel 1901, cfr. supra) risulta presente un piano lastricato a seguire il gradino più alto. 94 I muretti del prefurnio furono realizzati con blocchetti di pietra (calcare d’Aurisina) e laterizi; la sua ultima fase d’uso è rappresentata da micro–livelli di calce, cenere, terra sabbiosa, contenenti frammenti ceramici ascrivibili alla prima metà del V secolo d.C. 95 I dati archeologici relativi alle trasformazioni ambientali (restringimento dell’alveo fluviale, defunzionalizzazione del muro di sponda, etc.) sono corroborati anche dalle analisi archeobotaniche, per le quali si rinvia al successivo paragrafo ed in particolare ai dati presentati nella sezione relativa alla seconda fase delle trasformazioni del paesaggio antico. 96 I sedimenti che testimoniano queste importanti variazioni idrogeologiche, campionati nel 2010, sono stati analizzati e commentati da Ruggero Marocco nel 2010, mentre le evidenze stratigrafiche portate alla luce nel 2017 nei pressi di USM 201 sono state commentate in situ da Paolo Paronuzzi: chi scrive ringrazia i colleghi per aver condiviso le loro importanti osservazioni.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

29

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

metà circa del IV e gli inizi V secolo d.C.,97 ed il suo prefurnio si impostò nell’area della scalinata sul fiume (Fig. 14). La costruzione di una fornace per la calcinazione proprio in questa posizione potrebbe essere riconducibile alle necessità di attività edilizie connesse alla sistemazione di una nuova sponda e quindi alla presenza dell’acqua per il trasporto e la distribuzione della calce. Parallelamente, la sua costruzione risulta funzionale allo smantellamento e smaltimento di strutture oramai defunzionalizzate a seguito del nuovo assetto idrogeologico, come il «vecchio» muro di sponda (USM 22) e gli edifici dei quartieri abitativi identificati in zona Villa Raspa (Fig. 2: D–E).98 Sempre a seguito di queste vicende ambientali, nella sezione ovest dell’area di scavo si registra invece l’abbandono delle vasche per la macerazione della canapa, seguito da interventi di bonifica/livellamento ricchi di materiale ceramico ed edilizio, riconducibile ad un orizzonte cronologico che si estende dalla fine del III agli inizi del V secolo d.C. Dunque fra la fine del IV e gli inizi del V secolo d.C. l’assetto idrogeologico dell’area risulta assestato ma ormai notevolmente modificato rispetto alla prima età imperiale.99 Presumibilmente, in questa fase doveva essersi definita una nuova linea di sponda fluviale, non ancora intercettata in quanto ubicata al di fuori dell’area di scavo. Nella terza macro-fase 3 si registrano l’abbandono della calcara e la rasatura dei suoi alzati, mentre successivamente tutta quest’area venne livellata con l’impiego di strati di argilla: questi livelli sono associati a materiali cronologicamente riferibili alla seconda metà – fine del V secolo d.C. Su questi si impostò la costruzione di un nuovo sistema di spallette di sabbia, argilla e ghiaia minuta fra loro parallele (USM 1519 in Fig. 11), intercettato dallo scavo archeologico nel luogo ove in prima e media età imperiale scorreva il fiume, prima dell’insabbiamento e restringimento del suo alveo. Il sistema presenta un allineamento diverso rispetto a quello della prima età imperiale (ovvero USM 9-14 e USM 4 in Fig. 11) e probabilmente orientato con il corso che aveva assunto il fiume in età tardo antica/alto medievale. Anche in questo caso le analisi paleobotaniche hanno confermato la presenza di alte concentrazioni di pollini della canapa, permettendo di ipotizzare che questo sistema costituisse un insieme di vasche per la macerazione della canapa in acqua corrente, questa volta ascrivibili alla fase tardo antica di vita del sito.100 Infine nel periodo successivo (macro-fase 4) non si registrano attività di costruzione ma solo livellamenti e riporti finalizzati allo sfruttamento agricolo dell’area: i materiali ascrivibili al periodo successivo al VI secolo d.C. sono assai rari.

Riflessioni per una visone integrata e multidisciplinare della sponda orientale Nelle pagine precedenti si sono presentati spunti e riflessioni per un primo approccio alla ricostruzione dell’evoluzione nel tempo della sponda orientale del Natiso cum Turro all’insegna di una specifica chiave di lettura orientata a cercare, nella ricca ma disomogena documentazione oggi disponibile, le testimonianze del rapporto uomo-fiume in questo settore di Aquileia. L’obiettivo era verificare se fosse possibile individuare dei chiari segni di come le opere dell’uomo fossero state strettamente condizionate dalla presenza del fiume e dal suo dinamismo. Riesaminando la documentazione disponibile si è cercato di focalizzare l’attenzione su alcuni dati particolarmente significativi e di presentarli nel contesto storico e metodologico di appartenenza: muovendo dai primi scavi in estensione, realizzati fra fine XIX e la prima metà del XX secolo, l’archeologia si è indirizzata verso nuove forme di indagine: dalle prospezioni agli interventi stra97 I livelli associati all’ultima fase presentano, oltre a vario materiale residuo, frammenti ceramici inquadrabili fra IV e metà del V secolo d.C., mentre fra il materiale rinvenuto nel riempimento della calcara si sono individuati alcuni frammenti ceramici diagnostici, come ad esempio pareti di LRA 2 ascrivibili alle produzioni di V secolo di questo contenitore anforico 98 Per l’abbandono dei quartieri abitativi di Villa Raspa fra il III e la metà del IV secolo d.C. cfr. supra. A questo proposito si segnala che fra i resti architettonici in situ all’interno della calcara, a volte in parte già calcinati, vi erano vari frammenti architettonici modanati, oltre a blocchi di calcare confrontabili con quelli impiegati nella costruzione del muro di sponda orientale. 99 Le analisi paleobotaniche hanno dimostrato come i cambiamenti ambientali si tradussero anche in mutamenti importanti del paesaggio vegetale: cfr. Cottica et. al. 2017, 88–94. 100 Cfr. Cottica et al. 2018. Ancora una volta si potrebbe ipotizzare che questi apprestamenti siano ricollegabili alla situazione idrogeologica complessiva e forse alla presenza di acqua stagnante.

30

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico

tigrafici di emergenza fino agli scavi archeologici problematicamente orientati, come è il caso delle recenti ricerche Ca‘ Foscari presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo, di cui si è presentata una sintesi preliminare. Il riesame della documentazione ci ha così permesso di seguire l’evoluzione della disciplina archeologica sia per quanto riguarda gli orientamenti della ricerca, sia per le metodologie da questa adottate: come abbiamo visto l’interesse per lo studio del rapporto uomo-territorio/ambiente ad Aquileia si delinea a partire dagli anni ´90 del secolo scorso, quando anche la portualità della città viene percepita, e documentata, come un sistema integrato ed altamente strutturato. Gli studi recenti hanno ben evidenziato come i fiumi abbiano una dimensione culturale ed interagiscano costantemente con quanto li circonda, inclusa la componente antropica:101 al contempo è stato più volte sottolineato come lo studio del rapporto uomo-fiume in antico necessiti di un approccio metodologico complesso, interdisciplinare e sistematico al quale aspirano le indagini più recenti. Su queste premesse si fondano anche una rivalutazione delle passate acquisizioni in campo archeologico ed una nuova valorizzazione del rapporto uomo-fiume ad Aquileia che, andando al di là delle ben note implicazioni a carattere economico commerciale, permetta di ritrovare anche nel quotidiano l’antica reciproca interazione fra le opere dell’uomo ed il dinamismo del fiume. In quest’ottica gli scavi condotti dall’Università Ca’ Foscari presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo si rivelano come un piccolo, ma significativo, tassello di un più composito mosaico, rivestendo il ruolo di elemento di raccordo fra i dati archeologici prodotti nel corso di oltre cento anni di indagini presso la sponda orientale del Natiso cun Turro, permettendone al contempo una rilettura e proponendo una prima scansione per fasi cronologiche. Le sequenze stratigrafiche riportate alla luce presso l’ex fondo Sandrigo infatti, se lette con un approccio interdisciplinare, si rivelano come un libro aperto che narra ai suoi lettori il complesso e dinamico intreccio delle vicende uomo-fiume ad Aquileia.

Riferimenti bibliografici Arnaud-Fassetta et al. 2003: G. Arnaud-Fassetta / M.-B. Carre / R. Marocco / F. Maselli Scotti / N. Pugliese / C. Zaccaria / A. Bandelli / V. Bresson / G. Manzoni / M.E. Montenegro / C. Morhange / M. Pipan / A. Prizzon / I. Siché, The site of Aquileia (northeastern Italy): example of fluvial geoarchaeology in a Mediterranean deltaic plain / Le site d’Aquilée (Italie nord-orientale): exemple de géoarchéologie fluviale dans une plaine deltaïque méditerranéenne, Géomorphologie: relief, processus, environnement 9, 4, 2003, 227–245. Arnaud-Fassetta et al. 2004: G. Arnaud-Fassetta / M.-B. Carre / R. Marocco / F. Maselli Scotti / N. Pugliese / C. Zaccaria, Paléoenvironnement d'Aquilée, in: K. Drobne / N. Pugliese / Y. Tambareau (eds.), De la mer Adriatique aux Alpes Juliennes (Ljubljana 2004) 23–26. Aruanud-Fassetta 2009: G. Arnaud-Fassetta, Palaeohydrographic, palaeohydrological and palaeohydraulic investigations in: M. De Dapper / F. Vermeulen / S. Deprez / D. Taelman (eds.), Mediterranean geoarchaeology. Case studies of the Rhône river (France) and Isonzo river (Italy) deltas, in Ol’ Man River. Geo-archaeological aspects of rivers and river plains, Archaeological Reports Ghent University 5 (Ghent 2009) 21–42. Bertacchi 1990: L. Bertacchi, Il sistema portuale della metropoli aquileiese, in: Aquileia e l'arco adriatico, Antichità Altoadriatiche 36 (Udine 1990) 227–253. Bertacchi 2003: L. Bertacchi, Nuova pianta archeologica di Aquileia (Monfalcone 2003). Brusin 1934: G. Brusin, Gli scavi di Aquileia (Udine 1934). Brusin 1939: G. Brusin, Scavi dell’Associazione. Scolina del porto romano, Aquileia Nostra 10, 1939, 73–76. Carre 2004: M.-B. Carre, Le réseau hydrographique d’Aquilée: état de la question, in: G. Cuscito / M. Verzár-Bass (eds.), Aquileia dalle origini alla costituzione del ducato longobardo. Topografia – urbanistica – edilizia pubblica, Antichità Altoadriatiche 59 (Trieste 2004) 197–216.

101 Si vedano a titolo di esempio Edgeworth 2011; Franconi 2017.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

31

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

Carre 2007: M.-B. Carre, L'évolution des importations à Aquilée: les nouvelles données de la fouille au nord du port fluvial. I. La périodisation, in: G. Cuscito / C. Zaccaria (eds.), Aquileia dalle origini alla costituzione del ducato longobardo. Territorio – economia – società, Volume II, Antichità Altoadriatiche 65 (Trieste 2007) 539–545. Carre 2008: M.-B. Carre, Les fouilles du port fluvial d’Aquilée, Revue Archéologique 1, 193–198. Carre et al. 2003: M.-B. Carre / F. Maselli Scotti / N. Pugliese / C. Zaccaria, Quelques données récentes sur le réseau fluvial et le paléoenvironnement d’Aquileia, in: G.P. Berlanga / J. Pérez Ballester (eds.), Puertos fluviales antiguos: Ciudad, Desarrollo e Infraestructuras, IV Jornadas de arqueología subacuática (Valencia, 28-30 marzo 2001) (Valencia 2003) 299–311. Carre / Maselli Scotti 2001: M.-B. Carre / F. Maselli Scotti, Il porto di Aquileia: dati antichi e ritrovamenti recenti, in: C. Zaccaria (ed.), Strutture portuali e rotte marittime nell'Adriatico di età romana, Antichità Altoadriatiche 46 (Trieste-Roma 2001) 211–243. Carre / Zaccaria 2014: M.-B. Carre / C. Zaccaria, Le ricerche nell'area dei magazzini settentrionali del porto di Aquileia: dalle intuizioni di Luisa Bertachi alle indagini recenti, Aquileia Nostra 85, 2014 (2015) 97–105. Cefalo et al. 2011: R. Cefalo / A. Cociancich / M. Di Bartolomeo /, F. Ferro / M. Iansig / G. Manzoni / G. Montagner, Integrated Topographic, GNSS, Remote Sensing and GIS/WebGIS Techniques Applied to the Study of Aquileia River Port Structures, in: V. Roberto (ed.), Proceedings of the 1st Workshop on The New Technologies for Aquileia, CEUR-Workshop Proceedings 806 (http://ceur-ws.org/Vol806/). Cottica 2010: D. Cottica, Gli scavi del quartiere a est del porto fluviale, Forma Vrbis XV, 12, 10–12. Cottica et al. 2017: D. Cottica / F. Bertoldi / R. Cameriere / L. Fozzati / S. Marvelli / V. Giacometti / M. Marchesini / F. Pagliara / D. Penzo, Le attività di scavo e ricerca del Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici a Pompei ed Aquileia e gli studi paleobiologici sulla necropoli di piazza Corrubbio a Verona, in: L. Sperti (ed.), Giornata dell’archeologia: scavi e ricerche del Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici (Venezia, 2017) 81–98. Cottica et al. 2018a: D. Cottica / M. Marchesini / S. Marvelli / M. Novello / P. Ventura, Per uno studio integrato di uomo e ambiente ad Aquileia: alcune riflessioni a partire da recenti indagini archeologiche, Rivista di Archeologia XLI, 2018, 99–123. Cottica et al. 2018b: D. Cottica / M. Marchesini / S. Marvelli, Novità archeologiche sull’uso dell’acqua ad Aquileia (e nel mondo romano): le vasche per la macerazione della canapa sulla sponda orientale del Natiso cum Turro, Antichità Altoadriatiche 88 (Trieste 2018) 419–431. Edgeworth 2011: M. Edgeworth, Fluid Pasts: Archaeology of Flow, (Bristol 2011). Franconi 2017: T. V. Franconi (ed.), Fluvial Landscapes in the Roman World, Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary series 104 (Portsmouth, Rhode Island 2017). Groh 2011: S. Groh, Ricerche sull'urbanistica e le fortificazioni tardoantiche e bizantine di Aquileia. Relazione sulle prospezioni geofisiche condotte nel 2011, Aquileia Nostra 82, 2011 (2013) 153–204. Groh 2012: S. Groh, Research on the Urban and Suburban, in: L. Fozzati / V. Roberto (eds.), The new technologies for Aquileia, Proceedings of the 2nd Workshop on The New Technologies for Aquileia (Aquileia, Italy, June 25, 2012) (http://ceur-ws.org/Vol-948) 1–11. Kandler 1869–1870: P. Kandler, Di Aquileia romana, Archeografo Triestino 2 s., 1, 1869–1870, 93–140. Kandler 1870: P. Kandler, Il Conservatore Imperiale pel Litorale, Al prestantissimo sig. il Dr. Francesco Venier in Pirano, L'Osservatore Triestino n.214, 1870 (20/9/1870). MacDonald 1986: W. L. MacDonald, The Architecture of the Roman Empire. Volume II. An Urban Appraisal (New Haven / London 1986). Maggi / Oriolo 2009: P. Maggi / F. Oriolo, Gli spazi esterni alla città, in: F. Ghedini / M. Bueno / M. Novello (eds.), Moenibus et portu celeberrima. Aquileia: storia di una città (Roma 2009) 155–170. Maggi / Urban 2001: P. Maggi / M. Urban, La zona settentrionale del porto fluviale di Aquileia: lo scavo dell'École française de Rome e dell'Università di Trieste, in: C. Zaccaria (ed.), Strutture portuali e rotte marittime nell'Adriatico di età romana, Antichità Altoadriatiche 46 (Trieste-Roma 2001) 245–259.

32

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Spunti per uno studio dell’interazione uomo e fiume in antico

Maionica 1893: H. Maionica, Fundkarte von Aquileia, Dreiundvierzigster Jahresberichte des k. k. Staatgymnasiums in Görz (= Xenia Austriaca) (Wien 1893) 1–58. Mandruzzato 1996: L. Mandruzzato, Notiziario archeologico. Immobile Pasqualis, Aquileia Nostra 67, 1996, 264–267. Maselli Scotti 1993: F. Maselli Scotti, Vecchi e nuovi scavi a confronto. Indagini ad oriente di Aquileia, Antichità Altoadriatiche 40 (Trieste 1993) 279–286 Maselli Scotti 1998: F. Maselli Scotti, Bonifiche e drenaggi con anfore ad Aquileia, in: S. Pesavento Mattioli (ed.), Bonifiche e drenaggi con anfore in epoca romana: aspetti tecnici e topografici (Modena 1998) 107–111. Maselli Scotti 2000: F. Maselli Scotti, Il sistema portuale aquileiese, in: M. Boura / F. Prenc (eds.), Canale Anfora. Realtà e prospettive tra storia, archeologia e ambiente, Quaderni Aquileiesi 6–7 (Trieste 2000) 23–26. Maselli Scotti 2014: F. Maselli Scotti, Riflessioni sul paesaggio aquileiese all’arrivo dei Romani, in M. Chiabà (ed.), Hoc quoque laboris praemium. Scritti in onore di Gino Bandelli, Polymnia. Studi di storia romana 3 (Trieste 2014) 319–329. Maselli Scotti / Pesavento Mattioli 2017: F. Maselli Scotti / S. Pesavento Mattioli, Canale Anfora nel contesto idrografico e topografico aquileiese, in P. Maggi / F. Maselli Scotti / S. Pesavento Mattioli / E. Zulini Materiali (eds.), Studi per Aquileia. Lo scavo di Canale Anfora (2004–2005), Scavi di Aquileia IV, (Trieste 2017) 15–20. Maselli Scotti / Rubinich 2009: F. Maselli Scotti / M. Rubinich, I monumenti pubblici, in: F. Ghedini, M. Bueno, M. Novello (eds.), Moenibus et portu celeberrima. Aquileia: storia di una città (Roma 2009) 93–110. Maselli Scotti et al. 1999: F. Maselli Scotti / P. Paronuzzi / N. Pugliese, Sondaggi geognostici per la prospezione geoarcheologica del territorio di Aquileia: il progetto SARA, Antichità Altoadriatiche 45 (Trieste 1999) 79–97. Maselli Scotti et al. 2004: F. Maselli Scotti / L. Mandruzzato / C. Tiussi, Notiziario Archeologico. Aquileia, Porto fluviale, p.c. 441/2, Aquileia Nostra 75, 2004, 618–623. Maurina 1999: B. Maurina, Materiali aquileiesi di età romana al museo civico di Rovereto (TN), Aquileia Nostra, 70, 1999, 149–174. Mirabella Roberti 1968: M. Mirabella Roberti, Il porto romano di Aquileia, in: A. Longo (ed.), Atti del I Convegno internazionale di studi sulle antichità di Classe (Ravenna, 14–17 ottobre 1967) (Faenza 1968) 383–395. Rousse 2013: C. Rousse, Opérations de canalisation dans les ports fluvio-maritimes de la Regio X Venetia Histria: réflexions sur l’urbanisme et les transformations du territorie à l’époque romaine, Antichità Altoadriatiche 76 (Trieste 2013) 123–140. Sanesi Mastrocinque 1987: L. Sanesi Mastrocinque, L’insediamento di Corte Cavanella di Loreo, in: E. Buchi (ed.), Il Veneto nell’età romana. Note di urbanistica e di archeologia del territorio 2 (Verona 1987) 293–300. Siché et al. 2006: I. Siché / E. Forte / A. Prizzon / G. Arnaud-Fassetta / M. Fort, Cartographie hydrogéomorphologique et paléochenaux fluviatiles en milieux profondément modifiés par les sociétés. L’exemple du port fluvial antique d’Aquilée dans la plaine du Frioul (Italie septentrionale, Adriatique), in: J. Corbonnois (ed.), Spatialisation et cartographie en hydrologie. Actes du colloque (Metz, 8–10 septembre 2004), Mosella [Revue du Centre d'études géographiques de Metz] XXIX, 3–4, 2004 (2006), 247–259. Strazzulla 1989: M.J. Strazzulla, In paludibus moenia constituta: problemi urbanistici di Aquileia in età repubblicana alla luce della documetnazione archeologica e delle fonti scritte, in: Aquileia repubblicana e imperiale, Antichità Altoadriatiche 35 (Trieste 1989) 187–228. Tirelli 1987: M. Tirelli, in: E. Buchi (ed.), Il Veneto nell’età romana. Note di urbanistica e di archeologia del territorio 2 (Verona 1987) 359–390. Tirelli 2001: M. Tirelli, Il porto di Altinum, Antichità Altoadriatiche 46 (Trieste 2001), 295–316.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

33

Daniela Cottica e Paola Ventura

Tiussi 2004: C. Tiussi, Il sistema di distribuzione di Aquileia: mercati e magazzini, in: Cuscito / M. Verzár-Bass (ed.), Aquileia dalle origini alla costituzione del ducato longobardo. Topografia – urbanistica – edilizia pubblica, Antichità Altoadriatiche 59 (Trieste 2004) 257–316. Tiussi 2009: C. Tiussi, L’impianto urbano, in: F. Ghedini / M. Bueno / M. Novello (eds.), Moenibus et portu celeberrima. Aquileia: storia di una città (Roma 2009) 61–81. Tiussi / Maggi 2017: C. Tiussi / P. Maggi, Porto Fluviale, Aquileia, in: Fasti On Line Excavations, http://www. fastionline.org/excavation/micro_view.php?fst_cd=AIAC_4548&curcol=sea_cd-AIAC_9527. Ventura, forthcoming: P. Ventura, Aquileia, i vecchi rinvenimenti: anfore africane da un drenaggio nel suburbio meridionale, in: LRCW6, 6th International Conference on Late Roman Coarse Ware, Cooking Ware and Amphorae in the Mediterranean: Archaeology and Archaeometry. Land and sea: pottery routes, Agrigento, 24–28 maggio 2017, forthcoming.

34

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:43 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Stamps on Roman Bricks and Roof-tiles from Mursa: Research in Campus 2001–2015

by Slavica Filipovic and Vladimir Kusik

Abstract During the archaeological research conducted 2001–2015 of today’s Campus of J. J. Strossmayer University in Osijek, 26 Roman bricks and tiles with preserved workshop stamps were found at five archaeological sites. They include the products of imperial workshops of Mursa, Sopianae, military workshops of legio II Adiutrix, legio VII Claudia Pia Fidelis, cohors VII Breucorum Antoniniana and the private brickmakers from Poetovio Marcus Iunius Firminus and Lucius Octavius Secundus. Analysis of stratigraphic relations proposes new dating of stamps IMP, IMP. N and CAE. N used by the imperial workshop of Mursa in the 2nd century AD. Quantitative overview indicates that domestic production by imperial workshop of Mursa predominates, while other products came as imports along the river and land trade routes.

Keywords stamps, Mursa, legio II Adiutrix, legio VII Claudia, cohors VII Breucorum Antoniniana, Firminus

At the site of the former military baracks “Drava”, today’s Campus of J . J. Strossmayer University in Osijek, from 2001–2015 Museum of Slavonia conducted protective archaeological excavations in the archaeological zone of lower town Osijek. This natural elevation on the right bank of the Drava River was the location of the Roman colony Mursa. Its geographical position made it a provincial center on the intersection of major land traffic routes and in vicinity of the navigable Drava, Sava and Danube Rivers. Roman itiniraries place it on the important Aquileia–Singidunum road, which also connected Mursa with other Pannonian centers Poetovio, Cibalae and Sirmium.1 Due to its specific location near the confluence of Drava and Danube Rivers covered in marshes, Mursa was positioned on the limes road which formed a major trade and production network between military camps and civilian settlements in the interior of the province and along the border on the Danube (Fig. 1).2 Urban development started during the reign of Traian and colonial status was granted by Hadrian, with Mursa being the last colony established in the Danube region.3 Archaeological research carried out from 2001–2015 at sites in Campus, which comprises the area of around 24.000 m2 , resulted in significant findings of the western urban structure of Mursa. They include an important city communication (road), public and religious buildings, remains of sewers, production complex and numerous portable finds.4 The article deals with preserved stamps on bricks and tiles found at five sites in the Campus area (Fig. 2). Represented are the products of imperial workshops of Mursa, Sopianae, military workshops of legions II Adiutrix Pia Fidelis and VII Claudia Pia Fidelis, auxiliary cohort VII Breucorum Antoninianae and the private brickmakers from Poetovio Marcus Iunius Firminus and Lucius Octavius Secundus (or Secundinianus).

1 Itin. Ant. 232, 243; Tab. Peut. VI, 2; Mocsy 1974, 119; Filipović / Sanader 2003, 162; Lolić / Wiewegh 2012, 193. 2 Pinterović 1978, 115; Visy 2003, 43–46; Filipović / Sanader 2003, 161–162; Perinić-Muratović 2004, 4; Filipović 2006, 198–199; Leleković 2012, 328. 3 Mocsy 1974, 119. 4 Filipović 2005, 9; Filipović 2006, 11; Filipović / Katavić 2006, 2; Filipović / Crnković 2014, 2–3.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

35

Slavica Filipovic and Vladimir Kusik

►

Fig. 1: Mursa on the map of pro­vincial towns, fortresses and roads. ▼

Fig. 2: Archaeological sites in Campus with finds of Roman stamped bricks and roof-tiles: (1) Student Pavillion (2012– 2013); (2) Faculty of Agriculture (2003–2004); (3) Faculty of Civil Engineering (2006–2008); (4) Faculty of Education (2008–2009); (5) Faculty of Law (2014–2015).

36

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Stamps on Roman Bricks and Roof-tiles from Mursa

Imperial Workshop of Mursa Majority of Roman stamped bricks and tiles which came to the Museum of Slavonia from archaeological research or as chance finds were produced by the imperial workshop of Mursa.5 Its existence is assumed on the basis of numerous stamped bricks and tiles found in Mursa which have no analogies with the stamps of other imperial workshops in Pannonia.6 The workshop supplied the city and its local area, since the significant number of stamped bricks and tiles was found only in Mursa, with one specimen found in Cibalae and another in nearby Kolođvar, the latter being brought from the ruins of Mursa and in secondary use.7 Precise location of the workshop’s production center has not been yet ascertained. The stamps on bricks and tiles of the imperial workshop of Mursa can be divided into three main types: IMP, IMP. N and CAE. N.8 Milošević reconstructs one stamp from Sirmium as F(ig)l(ina) Ae(lia), while Katančić mentions bricks bearing stamps IMP. HAD, IMP. AI and CAES. N during his visit to the still visible ruins of Mursa in Osijek.9 Later authors accepted the existence of bricks seen by Katančić on the basis of which it was assumed that the workshop was active from the period of Hadrian.10 Dating of three main types of stamps used by the imperial workshops of Mursa is based on the shape, dimensions of letters and similiarity of the IMP. N stamp with the one of cohortis VII Breucorum Antoninianae which is dated into the beginning of the 3rd century AD. Chronology of IMP and CAE. N stamps was further formed on the assumption that due to different text and irregular shape of letters these two types must have been used earlier, in the first half of the 2nd century AD.11 The results of research at Campus established that stamps IMP, IMP. N and CAE. N were found in the stratigraphic relations and context with other finds which can improve the proposed dating, taking into account the fact that Roman bricks and tiles due to their quality which enabled long and frequent secondary use, often cannot be narrowly dated, even if found in a defined stratigraphic context.12 Stamp with the abbreviation IMP is the most common type of stamp found on bricks and tiles produced by the imperial workshop of Mursa. It is impressed on seven bricks from previous research and chance finds,13 while eight bricks and two tiles impressed with this stamp were found in the research at Campus, all at the site of Faculty of Education (Fig. 2: 4, 6: 1–10). The stamp has irrregular relief letters within a recessed rectangular cartouche with the abbreviation IMP, reconstructed as Imp(eratoris). An IMP stamp with relief letters impressed within a cartouche with tabula ansata (Fig. 6: 9–10) found in research at Campus has no known analogies from Mursa or other sites, so it can be assumed that this stamp is a new variant produced by the imperial workshop of Mursa. The stamp with the text IMP. N or IMP N is the second main type of stamps used by the imperial workshop of Mursa. Abbreviation can be impressed with a retrograde N, in planta pedis and words separated by a triangular punctuation mark (triangulum distinguens). Stamps have thick irregular letters within a recessed rectangular cartouche, reconstructed as Imp(eratoris) n(ostri). Six bricks with this stamp were found in the area of Mursa during archaeological research or as chance finds, while one brick was found in secondary use in nearby Kolođvar.14 Two stamped tiles were found during the research at Campus, both at the site of Faculty of Education (Fig. 2: 4, 6: 13–14). The stamp on a tile reconstructed as IMP. N (Fig. 6: 14) is damaged and incomplete with only preserved letter “I”, which by its shape corresponds more to the type IMP. N instead of type IMP, but also on the basis of its fabric, which is identical to the tile with completely preserved stamp (Fig. 6: 13). Archaeological context in which the IMP and IMP. 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Bulat 1965, 21; Pinterović 1978, 101; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 55; Filipović / Podrug 2007, 47. Szilágyi 1933, 101–103. Brunšmid 1902, 134; Szilágyi 1933, 103. Szilágyi 1933, 103; Bulat 1965, 20–21; Milošević 1971, 97–99; Pinterović 1978, 101; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 54–55. Katancius 1782, 92–94; Milošević 1971, 98. Bulat 1965, 20; Bulat 1989, 13; Milošević 1971, 97–98; Pinterović 1978, 101; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 64; Filipović / Podrug 2007, 48. Szilágyi 1933, 103; Bulat 1965, 20; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 64. Kurzmann 2006, 4. Bulat 1965, 9–11, T. I: 2–8, cat. no. 5–11; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 54–55. Szilágyi 1933, 103, cat. no. 75b; Bulat 1965, 9–11, T. I: 9–12; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 54–55; Filipović / Podrug 2007, 40, cat. no. 12–13.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

37

Slavica Filipovic and Vladimir Kusik

Fig. 3: Emptied well SU 200/201.

N types of stamps were found in Campus at the site of Faculty of Education (Fig. 2: 4), offers a framework for establishing a chronology based on stratigraphic relations and datable portable finds found together with stamped bricks and tiles. Brick with the stamp IMP (Fig. 6: 6) was found in a deposit of a well (Fig. 3), together with an As of emperor Traian. The bricks with stamps IMP, LEG II and IMP. N. (Fig. 6: 2. 8. 14, 7: 24) were found together in SU 218, defined as remains of the masonry constructed city’s sewer network (Fig. 5). It was intersected by structure of rectangular cross-section SU 261 (Fig. 4) in the deposit of which a brick with the IMP stamp (Fig. 6: 5) was found together with the brick stamped by a private brickmaker from Poetovio, Marcus Iunius Firminus (Fig. 7: 25), dated into the 2nd and 3rd century AD.15 The brick with the IMP. N stamp (Fig. 6: 13) was found in the deposit of a well together with the Ivanyi XVII type lamp stamped by the potter Agilis, dated into the period from Traianus to Antoninus Pius, but also found in the later periods.16 Considering the given stratigraphic relations and correlation with other archaeological finds, a general overview can be ascertained which supports an already stated assumption that between IMP and IMP. N stamps there might not be a significant chronological difference.17 Both types can be dated into the wide time period from the beginning and through the 2nd century AD. A third type of stamp, used by the imperial workshop of Mursa contains the abbreviation CAE. N., impressed with regular relief letters within the cartouche with a single or double moulded frame in the shape of tabulae ansatae, reconstructed as Cae(saris). n(ostri). From previous research of Mursa or as chance finds four bricks with this type of stamp are known.18 In the research at Campus, four specimens were found at the sites Student Pavillion, Faculty of Agriculture and Faculty of Education (Fig. 1: 1–2. 4, 7: 15–18). One type of stamp with this text is archaeologically confirmed, while Katančić mentions that during his visit to the ruins of Mursa he saw the variant with the abbreviation CAES. N. 19 Significant number of typologically uniform stamps found solely in the area of Mursa suggests that the imperial workshop used this stamp for a short time during intensive production activity mainly for the needs of the city.20 CAE. N. stamps were dated in the first half of the 2nd century AD, concurrently with the type IMP. HAD.21 This dating is problematic since it is not probable that the emperor or a member of the imperial family used titles of imperator and caesar simultaneously, practice not recorded neither on the products of other imperial workshops in Pannonia.22 One brick from the site of Faculty of Agriculture (Fig. 1: 2, 7: 17) originates from a stratigraphic context which can improve the proposed dating of the CAE. N type of stamp. It was found in the deposit of a ditch extending along the city road of west-east direction. In the same stratigraphic unit two potters stamps from Central Gaulish production centers along with an Antoninianus of Septimius Severus were found. The stamps were impressed by potters Gippus or Cippus 23 , whose products are dated into the period between 150–166 AD, and Tauricus, dated into the period from 150 to 180 AD. Products of both potters are often found in the context related to the destruction

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

38

Brandl 1999, 279; Istenič 1999, 197–198; Lovenjak 2004, 105–107. Loeschcke 1919, 295–297; Iványi 1935, 139; Vikić-Belančić 1975, 50–59. Filipović / Podrug 2007, 49–50. Bulat 1965, 9–11, T. I: 1, cat. no. 1–4; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 55. Katancius 1782, 92–94. Filipović / Podrug 2007, 49. Bulat 1965, 20; Bulat 1989, 13. Szilágyi 1933, 102–103; Filipović / Podrug 2007, 49. Oswald 1931, 137; Gabler / Marton / Gauthier 2009, 247.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Stamps on Roman Bricks and Roof-tiles from Mursa

during the Marcomannic wars.24 Stratigraphic context of the CAE. N stamp at the site in Campus contributes to the possibility that the short, but intensive production25 when the imperial workshop of Mursa used this type of stamp can be dated in the second half of the 2nd century AD. The research at Campus uncovered two stamps previously unknown from the area of Mursa found at the sites of Faculty of Education and the Faculty of Civil Engineering which have analogies with specimens from Sopianae (Fig. 1: 3–4, 6: 12–13). Stamps have regular relief letters impressed into a recessed rectangular cartouche with an IMP abbreviation. Moulded bands follow the horizontal lines of the cartouche and are slightly bent upwards and downwards at their ends, without the vertical moulding to complete the rectangular frame within the cartouche. Analogy for the stamp from Campus (Fig. 6: 11) is a specimen from Sopianae.26 The other found brick fragment (Fig. 6: 12) bears a stamp with a similar horizontal lines above the letters within a rectangular cartouche, with three impressed squares aligned in a column on its left side. There are no known analogies for this stamp, so it is possible that this is a variant of a stamp from Sopianae or from the imperial workshop of Mursa.

Military Workshops Latin inscriptions, stamps on bricks, early forms of terra sigillata and coins indicate that Roman military units were present in Mursa from the first half of the 1st century AD until the beginning of the 2nd century AD. Based on the epigraphic sources found in Mursa, correlation with inscriptions and finds of early countermarks from the nearby auxiliary camp at Teutoburgium, it can be assumed with great certainty that in this period only Ala II Hispanorum Arvacorum and cohors II Alpinorum equitata had a winter camp (hiberna) in Mursa.27 While the detachments of legions legio X Gemina, legio II Adiutrix and legio XIV Gemina Martia Victrix might have occasionally stayed in Mursa or its vicinity at the end of the 1st and beginning of the 2nd century AD, it seems that from around 118 AD there were no permanently stationed military units.28 This situation remained unchanged until 4th century AD when Notitia Dignitatum lists Mursa as river fleet base of Classis Histrica, the seat of prefect and detachment of legio VI Herculia.29 In contrast to significant epigraphic, archaeological and historical sources which do indicate a presence of Roman military in Mursa, the locations of the camps are still unknown. Preserved inscriptions do not mention them and archaeological excavation have not yet found any architectural remains which could confirm its existence or precise position.30 Considering the time period when military units were stationed in Mursa, it is likely that the military camps co-existed with the civil settlement for much of the 1st century AD until beginning of the 2nd century AD. Archaeological finds from the research conducted at Campus related to Roman military include six stamps belonging to the workshops of legions VII Claudia Pia Fidelis, II Adiutrix and an auxiliary cohort VII Breucorum Antonininana (Fig. 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

Gabler / Marton / Gauthier 2009, 247, 282. Filipović / Podrug 2007, 49. Szilágyi 1933, 103, T. XXIX: 76, cat. no. 76; Bulat 1965, 20. Gabler 1971, 91; Lőrincz 2001, 27; Perinić-Muratović 2004, 98; Radman-Livaja 2012, 170. Klemenc 1961, 19; Fitz 1962, 25; Pinterović 1978, 46; Perinić-Muratović 2004, 99; Farnum 2005, 16–17. Not. Dign. Occ. XXXII, 52. Klemenc 1961, 18; Pinterović 1978, 106–107; Perinić-Muratović 2004, 97.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

39

Fig. 4: Groundplan of the remains of city's sewers system at the site Faculty of Education.

Slavica Filipovic and Vladimir Kusik

Fig. 5. Remains of city‘s sewers network SU 218, SU 261, view to the west.

7: 19–24). Legio VII Claudia Pia Fidelis was levied in 59 BC and until 42 AD was known as VII Paterna and VII Macedonica. In 42 AD it received the honorific title Claudia Pia Fidelis. Its camp was Tilurium in Dalmatia from 9 AD to 65 AD, when it was transferred to Viminacium, today’s Kostolac near Požarevac, where it stayed until Late Antiquity.31 From the area of Mursa three stamps found as chance finds of this unit might originate: one on a tile and two fragmentary stamps, none of which are still in the Museum of Slavonia.32 During the research at Campus three stamped bricks of this legion were found at the site of Faculty of Education (Fig. 1: 4, 7: 19–21). Two stamps have irregular, cursive letters within the rectangular cartouche (Fig. 7: 21–22). One specimen (Fig. 7: 21) has an impressed abbreviation with the name and the honorific title C(laudia) P(ia) F(idelis), while on the other stamp (Pl. 2:22) only the LEG VII with a horizontal dash above the numeral is preserved. Above mentioned specimens were found in a layer and a pit deposit lacking a stratigraphic context and other finds which would offer further information for more precise dating. One specimen found at Campus (Fig. 7: 23) has a completely preserved stamp with the name and the honorific title. Stamp is impressed with regular relief letters in squared capital and contains an abbreviation LEG VII CL ET PF. Conjuction et is in ligature and the honorific title is made of larger letter “C” with smaller letter “L” within. Rest of the honorific title Pia Fidelis has impressed letter “P” with partially preserved smaller letter “F” next to it. This elaborate variant of a stamp has no known analogies from other sites. It was found in a pit deposit, together with the brick bearing IMP stamp (Fig. 6: 10) produced by the imperial workshop of Mursa. Bricks of this legion’s workshop probably originate from Viminacium, where its legionary camp and main brickyard was located. It was the biggest brick-making production center researched in the province of Upper Moesia from which the legion supplied building material to a number of civilian settlements and forts on the Danube limes.33 Their provenance from Viminacium is also supported by the fact that other than previously found stamped bricks with unknown place of finding, there are no other epigraphic sources of this unit from Mursa. During the legion’s long stay from the first half of the 1st century AD until Late Antiquity and its intensive production activity, bricks with the stamps of this workshop likely came to Mursa as imports in the 2nd century AD. Legio II Adiutrix was levied in 70 AD from the peregrines of Ravenian fleet. Legion served in Germania and Britannia from 70–86 AD. At the end of the 1st century AD it stayed in the vicinity of Sirmium or Singidunum and took part in Domitian’s and Traian’s Dacian wars. From 120 AD until Late Antiquity legions permanent camp is Aquincum.34 From previous archaeological research of Mursa or as chance finds two stamps of this unit are known,35 while in the excavations at Campus one stamped brick was found at the site of Faculty of Education (Fig. 1: 4, 7: 24). The stamp has regular relief letters impressed within a cartouche. Part of the abbreviation LEG II is visible, after which the stamp ends because the matrix was not completely impressed or due to damage rest of the name and the honorific title is not discernible. 31 32 33 34 35

40

Ritterling 1925, 1617–1618; Mócsy 1974, 48; Farnum 2005, 7. 22; Raičković / Redžić 2005, 82–83; Wilkes 2005, 153. Bulat 1965, 23, T. II: 4, cat. no. 1. Szilágyi 1933, 42–43; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 56; Jordović 1994, 95–106; Raičković / Redžić 2005, 86. Mócsy 1974, 99; Lőrincz 1979, 10; Dušanić 1988, 85–86; Brandl 1999, 66–67; Farnum 2005, 172. Bulat 1965, 11, T. II: 2, cat. no. 18; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 48.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Stamps on Roman Bricks and Roof-tiles from Mursa

Analogies for this particular stamp were not found so it is possible that the specimen from Campus is a new variant among many recorded types of stamps used by the workshop of this unit. The brick was found in the structure SU 218 together the bricks with the IMP and IMP. N. (Fig. 4, 6: 2. 8. 14). Main workshop of this unit was in Aquincum, where its permanent camp was located. It produced a large amount of material which was exported into numerous civilian settlements and forts in Lower Pannonia, but also Upper Pannonia and Upper Moesia.36 It is possible that the bricks of this unit were also produced in the vicinity of Sirmium or Singidunum, where the legion stayed at the end of the 1st century AD.37 Legio II Adiutrix or more likely its vexillation was present in Mursa during the early 2nd century AD, based on a inscription transcribed by Katančić, which mentions a public construction ordered by Hadrian,38 but for now it is not possible to determine the connection between the stay of the legion or its vexillation and a production of bricks in Mursa by the unit because the number of stamped bricks found is insufficient to make such an assumption.39 Significant amounts of stamped bricks indicate a major role of the workshop in supply of building material throughout Lower Pannonia, especially the forts on the Danube limes, as well as in the neighbouring provinces.40 In that context the finds from the research at Campus should also be viewed, as specimens which expand the findings about production, distribution and export activity of this legion’s workshop. Numerous different types of stamps used by the workshop and the long stay of the legion in Aquincum present certain difficulties in the dating of its products. Considering the fact that the workshops operated intensively during the peacetime,41 the brick from Campus can be dated into the period from the beginning of the 2nd century AD when the legion arrived in Lower Pannonia and was permanently camped in Aquincum. Cohors VII Breucorum was levied from the Breuks in Pannonia in the 1st century AD. It first served in Germania, where it was confirmed by inscriptions. During the the rule of Vespasian and Domitian the cohort served in Pannonia and Moesia where its presence was recorded on military diplomas. From 100 to 148 AD it is not mentioned on diplomas and in this period it was stationed in Cyprus. From the middle of the 2nd century AD the unit returned and served in Lower Pannonia. Its camp was Lugio, today’s Dunaszekcső on the Danube limes where the cohort stayed until the middle of the 3rd century AD.42 From 36 Szilágyi 1933, 27–35; Milošević 1971, 97–98; Lőrincz 1979, 51–58; Lőrincz 1981, 10–11, 56; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 56; Brandl 1999, 68–69. 37 Milošević 1971, 97–99; Mócsy 1974, 97–99, Farnum 2005, 174. 38 CIL III, 3280. 39 Kurzmann 2006, 5. 40 Szilágyi 1933, 40; Pinterović 1978, 101; Lőrincz 1981, 23. 41 Gregl 1991, 49. 42 Radnóti / Barkóczi 1951, 201; Fitz 1962, 63–64; Lőrincz 1976, 37; Spaul 2000, 81; Lőrincz 2001, 29.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

41

Fig. 6: Workshop stamps from the research at Campus.

Slavica Filipovic and Vladimir Kusik

Fig. 7: Workshop stamps from the research at Campus.

previous archaeological research of Mursa or as chance finds 18 stamps of this unit were found.43 Two tiles were found in research at Campus at the sites the Faculty of Agriculture and Faculty of Education (Fig. 7: 19–20, 1: 2, 4). Stamps have impressed regular letters with narrow hastae within the recessed rectangular cartouche and one specimen having a barely discernible triangular punctuation mark (triangulum distinguens; Fig. 7: 20). Stamp with the abbreviation COH VII is incompletely preserved on both specimens so the rest of the stamp cannot be reconstructed with certainty. Considering the shape of both stamp and the letters which have analogies with specimens from Brigetio and Mursa,44 full text of the stamps can probably be completed as coh(ortis) VII Br(eucorum) An(toninianae).45 Cohors VII Breucorum was a unit specialized for the production of building material which was exported on a wider area of Lower Pannonia, but also Upper Pannonia and Upper Moesia. It is possible that such specialized units initiated the brick-making production by sending a detachment into civilian settlements and forts in these provinces.46 The most intensive production activity was going on during the reign of Caracalla and Elagabalus, when the cohort bore the imperial epithet Antoniniana, which is also the most common type of stamp of this unit. Other imperial epithets, such as Severiana, Gordiana, Filipiana and Maximiniana are also known and serve as a reliable dating criterion.47Considering the vicinity and connection along the routes of Danube and Drava Rivers, bricks from the research at Campus came to Mursa from Lugio as an imports. In support of this is the fact that there is no other epigraphic source found in Mursa nor the unit was mentioned in sequence of units on military diplomas in way that would imply that it was stationed anywhere else other than in Lugio until the middle of the 3rd century AD.48 Based on the assumed imperial epithet Antoniniana, tiles from research at Campus can be dated into the beginning of the 3rd century AD, the period of its most intensive production activity.

Private Workshops of Poetovio One specimen of a private brickmaker from Poetovio, Marcus Iunius Firminus was found during the research at Campus at the site of Faculty of Education (Fig. 7: 25, 1: 4). Relief letters of the stamp are 43 44 45 46

Bulat 1965, 15–17, T. III: 35–45; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 52; Filipović / Podrug 2007, 37–38, cat. no. 4–7. Szilágyi 1933, 90, T. XXIV: 36; Bulat 1965, 16, T. IV: 3, 5; Filipović / Podrug 2007, 45. Filipović / Podrug 2007, 45. Szilágyi 1933, 89–90; Lőrincz 1976, 49, 57–58; Lőrincz 1979, 69; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 57; Brandl 1999, 68–69; Lőrincz 2001, 239; Kovács 2005, 245. 47 Lőrincz 1976, 58; Spaul 2000, 325–326 ; Lőrincz 2001, 31; Kovács 2005, 245; Kurzmann 2006, 2. 48 Lőrincz 2001, 31.

42

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Stamps on Roman Bricks and Roof-tiles from Mursa

impressed within a recessed rectangular cartou- 12 che. Part of the abbreviation FIR with letters “F” and “I” in ligature is preserved, but significantly 10 damaged and barely discernible. Only the letter 8 “R” at the end of cartouche is clearly visible. It was found in the deposit of a structure with rectangular 6 cross-section SU 261 together with the brick bearing IMP stamp produced by the imperial workshop 4 of Mursa (Fig. 4, 6: 5). The stamp has analogies with other stamps of this brickmaker and is almost 2 identical to the one previously found in Mursa and 0 a specimen from Poetovio, so the possible reconIMP IMP. N CAE. N IMP LEG VII LEG II COH VII Sopianae CPF AD BR ANT struction of the complete text can be M(arci) I(uni) 49 Fir(mini). Tile with a partially preserved stamp of private brickmaker Lucius Octavius Secundus (or Secundinianus; Fig. 7: 26) was found at the site of Faculty of Law in 2015, in a deposit of a ditch. Regular relief letters are impressed inside the elongated cartouche. Abbreviation L.OCT is preserved with words separated by punctuation mark, reconstructed likely as L(uci) Oct[(avi) Sec(undi)] or L(uci) Oct[(avi) Sec(undiniani)]. Only one stamp of this brickmaker is known previously from Mursa,50 but it is not analogous with the specimen from research at Campus. Bricks of private brickmakers from Poetovio are known from Mursa in lesser number, on four bricks with stamps of Luci Octavi Secundi (or Secundiniani), Adiecti and Ormosci.51 The workshops of Poetovio produced a significant amount of building material from the end of the 1st century AD, with the most intensive production activity reaching its peak in the 2nd and 3rd century AD. In the area of Ptuj 20 brick kilns were found with 60 names of brickmakers, mostly owners of private workshops, although bricks with stamps from military workshops are also present. Brickmakers from Poetovio supplied building material to the city and the wider area of Pannonia,52 so it can be assumed that the specimens from Campus came to Mursa as imports along the well connected trade route on the Drava River. Specimens form Campus made by brickmakers of Poetovio should be dated in the wider time period from the end of the 1st to 3rd century AD. 53

Summary During the archaeological research of today’s Campus of J. J. Strossmayer University of Osijek 2001–2015, 26 Roman bricks and tiles with preserved workshops stamps were found at five sites (Fig. 8). Stamps of imperial workshop of Mursa, Sopianae, military workshops of legions II Adiutrix and VII Claudia Pia Fidelis, along with cohort VII Breucorum Antoninianae and private brickmakers Marcus Iunius Firminus and Lucius Octavius Secundus (or Secundinianus) from Poetovio are present. Analysis of stratigraphic context in which the stamped bricks and tiles were found together with other archaeological finds, including stamps and types of lamps, potters stamps on terra sigillata vessels of Central Gaulish production centers and coins, opens the possibility that the bricks with stamps IMP and IMP. N produced by the imperial workshop of Mursa can be dated to the period from the beginning of the 2nd century AD and through the 2nd century AD, while the type CAE. N was used in the second half of the 2nd century AD. New finds from the research at Campus include a stamp variant of the imperial workshop of Mursa with a cartouche in shape of tabula ansata and two specimens which have analogies with stamps from Sopiananae. 49 50 51 52 53

Szilágyi 1933, 109, T. XXXI: 56b; Bulat 1965, 17, T. IV: 9, cat. no. 50. Bulat 1965, 17, T. IV: 8, cat. no. 44. Bulat 1965, 17, T. IV: 7–8, cat. no. 47–48; Šaranović-Svetek 1990, 55. Lőrincz 1979, 80–82; Lovenjak 2004, 105–107; Tomanič Jevremov 2004, 94–98; Žižek 2004, 101–103. Szilágyi 1933, 84; Šubić 1968, 468; Brandl 1999, 279; Istenič 1999, 197–198; Lovenjak 2004, 105–107; Žižek 2004, 101– 103; Štimac-Dedić 2014, 344.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

43

Marcus Iunius Firminus

L.OCT

Fig. 8: Variety of workshop stamps found during the research in Campus at Mursa (2001–2015).

Slavica Filipovic and Vladimir Kusik

Bricks with the stamps of legions belong to the workshops of legions II Adiutrix and VII Claudia Pia Fidelis which where exported to Mursa in the 2nd century AD probably from Aquincum and Viminacium. Bricks made by the auxiliary cohort VII Breucorum Antoninianae came from its workshop in Lugio in the beginning of the 3rd century AD., while the products of the private brickmakers Marcus Iunius Firmiuns and Lucius Octavius Secundus (or Secundinianus) from Poetovio, dated in the period from end of the 1st century AD to the 3rd century AD, came to Mursa along the well established river trade route on the Drava River. Quantitative analysis confirms the assumption that the imperial workshop of Mursa was the main supplier of the city with building material in the 2nd century AD. The workshops of military units and private brickmakers also participated to meet the increasing demand, with their products coming to Mursa as imports in the 2nd and 3rd century AD.

Catalogue 54 1. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 381, PPN 325 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 26.5 × 21 × 5 cm Dimensions of stamp: 7 × 4 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 7YR 8/6 reddish yellow Description: Partially preserved stamp on a fragment of a brick. Relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Lower right portion of the stamp missing. The stamp reads: Imp(eratoris) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

2. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 218, PPN 634 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 43 × 28 × 5, 2 cm Dimensions of stamp: 7.3 × 3.6 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 7/5 reddish yellow Description: Entirely preserved stamp on a brick broken in two pieces. Relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. The stamp reads: Imp(eratoris) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

3. Brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 219, PPN 134 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 43 × 28.5 × 5.7 cm

Dimensions of stamp: 7.2 × 3.7 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 7/6 reddish yellow Description: Entirely preserved stamp on a brick. Relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Letters are irregular and vary in size. The stamp reads: Imp(eratoris) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

4. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 219, PPN 139 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 31 × 23 × 6.2 cm Dimensions of stamp: 8.1 × 3.7 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 2.5YR 7/6 light red Description: Partially preserved stamp on a fragment of a brick. Relief letters impressed within recessed, rectangular cartouche. Lower right portion of the stamp damaged. Letters irregular and worn. The stamp reads: Im[p](eratoris) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

5. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 262, PPN 178 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 18–14.5 × 29 cm × 5.2 cm Dimensions of stamp: 6 × 4 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 7/6 reddish yellow

54 Catalogue number of the stamp corresponds to the number of the drawing on the figure 6 and 7. Tables with drawings of the finds from the catalogue were made by Oto Čamagajevac.

44

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Stamps on Roman Bricks and Roof-tiles from Mursa

Description: Partially preserved stamp on a fragment of a brick. Relief letters impressed within recessed rectangular cartouche. Left portion of the stamp missing. The stamp reads: [I]mp(eratoris) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

6. Fragment of a tile stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 201, PPN 236 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 13.9 × 10 × 2 cm Dimensions of stamp: 6.6 × 5 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 7/6 reddish yellow Description: Entirely preserved stamp on a fragment of a tile. Irregular relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Stamp worn and damaged. The stamp reads: Imp(eratoris) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

7. Fragment of a tile stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 625, PPN 488 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 27–20.5 × 29 × 5.9 cm Dimensions of stamp: 9.7 × 5.5 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 7/6 reddish yellow Description: Entirely preserved stamp on a fragment of a tile. Irregular relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Upper left portion of the stamp slightly damaged. The stamp reads: Imp(eratoris) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

8. Brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 218, PPN 635 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 43 × 28.5 × 5.4 cm Dimensions of stamp: 7.3 × 3.8 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 2.5YR 7/4 light reddish brown Description: Entirely preserved stamp on a brick. Irregular relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Left side of the stamp damaged. The stamp reads: Imp(eratoris) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

9. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 754, PPN 589 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 10.5 × 11 × 4.9 cm Dimensions of stamp: 5 × 2.5 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 8/4 pink Description: Partially preserved stamp on a fragment of a brick. Relief letters impressed within a recessed cartouche with tabula ansata. Upper left portion of the stamp is missing. The stamp reads: [I]mp(eratoris) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

10. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 134, PPN 58 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 17 × 30 × 5,2 cm Dimensions of stamp: 9 × 3 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 7/4 pink Description: Partially preserved stamp on a fragment of a brick. Relief letters impressed within a recessed cartouche with tabula ansata. Upper portion of the stamp is missing. Letter I is significantly damaged and worn. The stamp reads: [I]mp(eratoris) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

11. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop Place of finding: Faculty of Civil Engineering Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia; SU 731, PPN 937 Dimensions: 18.5 × 12 × 2.2 cm Dimensions of stamp: 6.6 × 5 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 7.5 YR 7/6 reddish yellow Description: Partially preserved stamp on a tile fragment. Relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Horizontal lines which follow the upper and lower sides of the cartouche slightly bent on ends. Right portion of the stamp missing. The stamp reads: Im[p(eratoris)] Dating: 2nd century AD Analogies: Szilágyi 1933, 103, T. XXIX: 76 Published: unpublished

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

45

Slavica Filipovic and Vladimir Kusik

12. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop

15. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa

Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SJ 749, PPN 577 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 13.5 × 24 × 5.5 cm Dimensions of stamp: 4.5 × 4.5 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 7/4 pink Description: Partially preserved stamp on a brick fragment. Relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Horizontal lines which follow the upper and lower sides of the cartouche slightly bent on ends. Three rectangles aligned in a column on the left side of the stamp. Right portion of the stamp missing. The stamp reads: Im[p(eratoris)] Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

Place of finding: Faculty of Civil Engineering Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia; SU 499, PPN 402 Dimensions: 10.6 × 20 × 5.5 cm Dimensions of stamp: 4 × 3 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 6/8 reddish yellow Description: Partially preserved stamp on brick fragment. Regular letter N impressed within within a single moulded profilation within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Left side of the stamp missing. The stamp reads: [Cae(saris]. n[(ostri)] Dating: second half of 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

13. Fragment of a tile stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 430, PPN 407 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 12.9 × 13 × 1.6 cm Dimensions of stamp: 8 × 2.3 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 7/8 reddish yellow Description: Partially preserved stamp on a tile fragment. Irregular relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Abbreviation is separated by a triangular punctuation mark (triangulum distinguens). Left side of the stamp missing. The stamp reads: Imp(eratoris). n(ostri) Dating: 2nd century AD Analogy: Bulat 1965, 11, T. I: 11, cat. no. 14 Published: unpublished

14. Fragment of a tile stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 218, PPN 279 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 10 × 14.6 cm × 2.5 cm Dimensions of stamp: 9.7 × 5.5 cm Material ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 7/8 reddish yellow Description: Partially preserved stamp on a tile fragment. Irregular relief letter I impressed within a recessed, rectangular cartouche. Stamp worn and damaged. The stamp reads: [I]mp(eratoris). n(ostri) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

16. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Agriculture Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia, inv. no. 20109 Dimensions: 14.8 × 11.8 × 5.9 cm Dimensions of stamp: 8.2 × 3.1 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 2,5YR 4/8 red Description: Partially preserved stamp on brick fragment. Relief letter impressed within a recessed cartouche with tabula ansata. Right side of the stamp and lower moulded band is missing. The stamp reads: Cae(saris)[.n(ostri)] Dating: second half of 2nd century AD Published: Filipović / Podrug 2009, cat. no. 8

17. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Faculty of Agriculture Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia, inv. no. 20110 Dimensions: 15.6 × 12.6 × 6 cm Dimensions of stamp: 6.4 × 3.7 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 7,5YR 5/6 strong brown Description: Partially preserved stamp on brick fragment. Relief letter impressed within a recessed cartouche with tabula ansata. Upper left angle and right half of the stamp missing (including horizontal hastae of letter E). The stamp reads: Ca[e(saris).n(ostri)] Dating: second half of 2nd century AD Published: Filipović / Podrug 2009, cat. no. 9

18. Fragment of a brick stamped by imperial workshop of Mursa Place of finding: Student Pavillion

46

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Stamps on Roman Bricks and Roof-tiles from Mursa

Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia, inv. no. 20108 Dimensions: 14 ×11 × 5.5 cm Dimensions of stamp: 6 × 3.5 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 7,5YR 5/6 strong brown Description: Partially preserved stamp on brick fragment. Relief letter impressed within a recessed cartouche with tabula ansata. Right part of the stamp missing. The stamp reads: Ca[e(saris). n(ostri)] Dating: second half of 2nd century AD Published: Filipović / Podrug 2009, cat. no. 9

19. Fragment of a tile with a stamp of Cohors VII Breucorum Antoniniana Place of finding: Faculty of Agriculture Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia, inv. no. 20111 Dimensions: 12.8 × 11 × 2.5 cm Dimensions of stamp: 11.2 × 3.3 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 5/8 yellowish red Description: Partially preserved stamp on a tile fragment. Relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Minor portionof the left and significant part of the right side of stamp is missing. The stamp reads: Coh(ortis) VII [Br(eucorum) An(toninianae)] Dating: beginning of the 3rd century AD Analogies: Bulat 1965, 16, T. IV: 3. 5; Szilágyi 1933, 90, T. XXIV: 36 Published: Filipović / Podrug 2009, cat. no. 6

20. Fragment of a tile with a stamp of Cohors VII Breucorum Antoniniana Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 193, PPN 124 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 9.2 × 4 × 2.3 cm Dimensions of stamp: 9.2 × 3.6 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 5/8 yellowish red Description: Partially preserved stamp on a tile fragment. Relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Minor portion of the left and significant part of the right side of stamp is missing. Words and numerals are separated by barely discernible triangular punctuation mark (triangulum distinguens). Stamp worn. The stamp reads: Coh(ortis) VI[I Br(eucorum) An(toninianae)] Dating: beginning of the 3rd century AD

Analogies: Bulat 1965, 16, T. IV: 3. 5; Szilágyi 1933, 90, T. XXIV: 36 Published: unpublished

21. Fragment of a brick with a stamp of Legio VII Claudia Pia Fidelis Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 239, PPN 171 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 17 × 18.5 × 6.4 cm Dimensions of stamp: 10 × 4.8 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 2.5YR 7/6 light red Description: Partially preserved stamp on brick fragment. Barely discernible relief letters impressed within a recessed rectangular cartouche. Left side of the stamp missing. Stamp significantly worn and damaged. The stamp reads: [Leg(ionis)] VII C(laudiae) P(iae) F(idelis) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

22. Fragment of a brick with a stamp of Legio VII Claudia Pia Fidelis Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 102, PPN 22 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 26 × 28 × 5.8 cm Dimensions of stamp: 12.6 × 4.6 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5Y 7/8 reddish yellow Description: Partially preserved stamp on a brick fragment. Regular relief letters impressed within a rectangular cartouche. Left side of the stamp damaged. Above the numeral horizontal moulded dash is impressed. Stamp ends with an incomplete abbreviation or maybe a tabula ansata. The stamp reads: Leg(ionis) VII [C(laudiae) P(iae) F(idelis)] Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

23. Fragment of a brick with a stamp of Legio VII Claudia Pia Fidelis Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 134, PPN 59 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 22.5 × 11.6 × 5.4 cm Dimensions of stamp: 10.6 × 2.9 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5YR 7/8 reddish yellow Description: Partially preserved stamp on a brick fragment. Regular relief letters impressed within a recessed, rectangular cartouche. Minor part of lower left angle of stamp missing. Horizontal dash im-

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

47

Slavica Filipovic and Vladimir Kusik

pressed above the numerals. Numeral and rest of the honorific title separated by triangular punctuation mark (Triangulum distinguens). Letter L is within the letter C. Conjuction et is in ligature. Honorific Pia Fidelis is made of letter P and smaller damaged letter F next to it. The stamp reads: Leg(ionis) VII Cl(audiae) P(iae) F(idelis) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

24. Fragment of a brick with a stamp of Legio II Adiutrix Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 218, PPN 585 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 18 × 12 × 4.5 cm Dimensions of stamp: 10.6 × 2.9 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 5 YR 6/8 reddish yellow Description: Partially preserved stamp on a tile fragment. Relief letters impressed within a recessed, rectangular cartouche. Left portion of the stamp missing. Abbreviation of the legion and numeral discernible. Stamp ends without traces of the rest the name of the unit. Letters and numeral impressed very shallow. Stamp is worn and damaged. The stamp reads: Leg(ionis) II Ad(iutricis) Dating: 2nd century AD Published: unpublished

Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 14.5 × 9.5 × 5.5 cm Dimensions of stamp: 6 × 2.5 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 7 YR 6/6 reddish yellow Description: Partially preserved stamp on brick fragment. Relief letters impressed within recessed rectangular cartouche. Left side and lower part of the of the stamp missing. Letters F and I in ligature barely discernible, worn and damaged. Letter R partially preserved but discernible. The stamp reads: M(arci) I(iuni) Fir(mini) Dating: 2nd and beginning of the 3rd century AD Published: unpublished

26. Fragment of a tile stamped by Lucius Octavius Secundus (or Secundianus) Place of finding: Faculty of Law, SU 173, PPN 225 Place of keeping: Museum of Slavonia Dimensions: 13.2 × 10.3 × 2.6 cm Dimensions of stamp: 9.3 × 2.5 cm Material: ceramic, Munsell color: 2.5 YR 6/8 light red Description: Partially preserved stamp on a tile fragment. Relief letters impressed inside a recessed, rectanngular cartouche. Right part of the stamp is missing. The stamp reads: L(uci) Oct[avi] [Sec(undi)] or L(uci) Oct[avi] [Sec(undindiani)] Dating: 2nd and early 3rd c. AD Published: unpublished

25. Fragment of a brick with a stamp of Marcus Iunius Firminus Place of finding: Faculty of Education; SU 262, PPN 211

List of Sources CIL – Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin. Not. Dign. Occ. – Notitia Dignitatum; Notitia dignitatum, accedunt Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanae et laterculi prouinciarum, ed. O. Seeck, Berlin, 1876 (Frankfurt 1962). Tab. Peut. – Tabula Peutingeriana; Codex Vindobonensis 324 I – III, ed. E. Weber, Graz, 1976. Itin. Ant. – Itinerarium Antonini; Itinerarum Antonini Augusti et Hierosolymitanum, ed. G. Parthey / M. Binder, Berlin, 1848.

Bibliography Brandl 1999: U. Brandl, Untersuchungen zu den Ziegelstempeln römischer Legionen in den nordwestlichen Provinzen des Imperium Romanum: Katalog der Sammlung Julius B. Fritzemeier, Passauer Universitätsschriften zur Archäologie 6 (Leidorf 1999). Brunšmid 1902: J. Brunšmid, Colonia Aurelia Cibalae–Vinkovci u staro doba, Vjesnik hrvatskog arheološkog društva 6, 1902, 55–166. 48

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Stamps on Roman Bricks and Roof-tiles from Mursa

Bulat 1965: M. Bulat, Rimske opeke i crijepovi s pečatima u Muzeju Slavonije, Osječki zbornik 9–10, 1965, 7–24. Bulat 1989: M. Bulat, Mursa: Osijek u rimsko doba (Osijek 1989). Dušanić 1988: M. Dušanić, Rimske opeke sa žigom sa panonskog limesa (odsek Cuccium–Taurunum), Starinar 39, 1988, 85–97. Farnum 2005: J. H. Farnum, The Positioning of the Roman Imperial Legions, BAR International Series 1458 (Oxford 2005). Filipović 2005: S. Filipović, Mursa–Vojarna, Hrvatski arheološki godišnjak 1 (2004), 2005, 8–11. Filipović 2006: S. Filipović, Osijek, in: Stotinu hrvatskih arheoloških nalazišta, 2006, 198–199. Filipović 2006: S. Filipović, Mursa–Vojarna (Poljoprivredni fakultet), Hrvatski arheološki godišnjak 2 (2005), 2006, 11–14. Filipović / Crnković 2014: S. Filipović / M. Crnković, Recentna istraživanja, Mursa, II. izdanje knjige Danice Pinterović Mursa i njeno područje u antičko doba, Mursa Aeterna (Osijek 2014). Filipović / Katavić 2006: S. Filipović / V. Katavić, OS–V–PF, Rezultati arheoloških istraživanja Vojarna– Poljoprivredni fakultet, catalogue of exibition (Osijek 2006). Filipović / Podrug 2007: S. Filipović / E. Podrug, Neobjavljene rimske opeke i tegule s radioničkim pečatima iz Muzeja Slavonije., Osječki zbornik 28, 2007, 35–55. Filipović / Sanader 2003: S. Filipović / M. Sanader, Mursa, in: Z. Visy (ed.), The Roman Army in Pannonia, An Archaeological Guide of the Ripa Pannonica, 2003, 161–162. Fitz 1962: J. Fitz, Die Militärdiplome aus PannoniaInferior in der zweiten Hälfte des 2. Jahrhunderts, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 7, 1962, 421–442. Gabler 1971: D. Gabler, Die Eroberung Pannoniens im Spiegel der Sigillaten, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 23, 1971, 83–91. Gabler / Márton / Gauthier 2009: D. Gabler, A. Márton, E. Gauthier, La circulation des sigillées en Pannonie d’après les estampilles sur sigillées lisses de Gaule, de Germanie et de la Région danubienne., Revue archéologique de l’Est Tome 58, 2009, 205–324. Gregl 1991: Z. Gregl, Rimljani u Zagrebu, tragovi Rimskog Carstva u gradu i okolici (Zagreb 1991). Iskra-Janošić 1992: I. Iskra Janošić, Građevinski materijali i njihova upotreba u Cibalama, Opuscula Archaeologica, Radovi Arheološkog zavoda 16, 1992, 207–218. Istenič 1999: J. Istenič, Poetovio, zahodna grobišča 1. Grobne celote iz Deželnega muzeja Joanneuma v Gradcu / Poetovio, the Western Cemeteries 1. Grave-Groups in the Landesmuseum Joanneum Graz, Katalogi in monografije 32 (Ljubljana 1999). Iványi 1935: D. Iványi, Die Pannonischen lampen, Dissertationes Pannonicae, Vol. 2. Ser. 2, (Budapest 1935). Jordović 1984: Č. Jordović, Grnčarski i ciglarski centar u Viminacijumu, Saopštenja XXVI, 1984, 95– 106. Katancius 1782: M. P. Katancius, Dissertatio de columna milliaria ad Eszekum reperta (Eszeki 1782). Klemenc 1961: J. Klemenc, Limes u Donjoj Panoniji, in: Limes u Jugoslaviji I, Zbornik radova sa simposiuma o Limesu 1960. godine, 1961, 5–34. Kovács 2005: P. Kovács, A new imperial epithet of the cohors VII Breucorum, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Vol. 56, 2005, 245–249. Kurzmann 2006: R. Kurzmann, Roman Military Brick Stamps: A Comparison of Methodology, BAR International Series 1543 (Oxford 2006). Leleković 2012: I. T. Leleković, Cemeteries, in: The Archaeology of Roman Southern Pannonia, The state of research and selected problems in the Croatian part of the Roman province of Pannonia, BAR International Series 2393 (Oxford 2012) 313–357. Loeschcke 1919: S. Loeschcke, Lampen aus Vindonissa (Zurich 1919). Lolić / Wiewegh 2012: T. Lolić / Z. Wiewegh, Urbanism and architecture, in: The Archaeology of Roman Southern Pannonia, The state of research and selected problems in the Croatian part of the Roman province of Pannonia, BAR International Series 2393 (Oxford 2012) 191–224.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

49

Slavica Filipovic and Vladimir Kusik

Lovenjak 2004: M. Lovenjak, Žigi na rimskih opekaj s Ptuja, Rimljani: steklo, glina, kamen, catalogue of exibition, 2004, 103–104. Lőrincz 1976: B. Lőrincz, Pannonische Stempelziegel I. Limes-Strecke Annamatia-Ad Statuas. DissArch II. 5 (Budapest 1976). Lőrincz 1979: B. Lőrincz, Pannonische Ziegelstempel II. Limes-Strecke Vetus Salina–Intercisa, DissArch Ser. II. 7 (Budapest 1979). Lőrincz 1981: B. Lőrincz, Pannonische Ziegelstempel III. Limes-Strecke Ad Flexum-Ad Mures, DissArch Ser. III. 9 (Budapest 1981). Lőrincz 2001: B. Lőrincz, Die römischen Hilfstruppen in Pannonien während der Prinzipatszeit (Wien 2001). Milošević 1971: A. Milošević, Roman Brick Stamps from Sirmium., Sirmium I. Archaeological Investigations in Syrmian Pannonia, 1971, 95–118. Mócsy 1974: A. Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (London 1974). Munsell 1975: Munsell Soil Color Charts (Baltimore 1975). Oswald 1931: F. Oswald, Index of potters' stamps on terra sigillata "Samian ware" (East Bridgford 1931). Perinić-Muratović 2004: Lj. Perinić-Muratović, Vojnički kultovi u Mursi, Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu 36, 2004, 97–112. Pinterović 1978: D. Pinterović, Mursa i njeno područje u antičko doba (Osijek 1978). Radman-Livaja 2012: I. Radman-Livaja, The Roman Army, in: The Archaeology of Roman Southern Pannonia, The state of research and selected problems in the Croatian part of the Roman province of Pannonia, BAR International Series 2393 (Oxford 2012) 157–189. Radnóti / Barkóczi 1951: A. Radnóti / L. Barkóczi, The Distribution of Troops in Pannonia Inferior during the 2nd Century A.D., Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 1/3-4, 1951, 191–230. Raičković / Redžić 2005: A. Raičković / S. Redžić, Keramičke i opekarske peći Viminacijuma–lokacije “Pećine” i “Livade kod Ćuprije”/ Pottery and Brick kilns from Viminacium–sites “Pećine” and “Livade kod Ćuprije”, Arheologija i prirodne nauke 1, 2005, 81–106. Ritterling 1925: E. Ritterling, Legio, Paulys Real-Encyklopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 12, 1925, 1211–1829. Šašel Kos / Scherrer 2004: M. Šašel Kos / P. Scherrer, The autonomous towns of Noricum and Pannonia: Pannonia II, Situla 42 (Ljubljana 2004) Spaul 2000: J. E. H. Spaul, Cohors 2, BAR International Series 841 (Oxford, 2000). Szilágyi 1933: J. Szilágyi, Inscriptiones Tegularum Pannonicarum, Dissertationes Pannonicae 2 (Budapest 1933). Šaranović-Svetek 1990: V. Šaranović-Svetek, Ciglarstvo kao značajna privredna grana na području jugoslavenskog dela provincije Donje Panonije, Rad vojvođanskih muzeja 32, 1990, 41–80. Štimac-Dedić 2014: L. Štimac Dedić, Rimske opeke iz fundusa Gradskog muzeja Varaždin, Radovi za znanstveni rad HAZU Varaždin 25, 2014, 341–359. Šubić 1968: Z. Šubić, Kompleks rimskih opekarskih peći v Ptuju, Arheološki vestnik XIX, 1968, 445– 472. Tomanič Jevremov 2004: M. Tomanič Jevremov, Obrtniške delavnice, Rimljani: steklo, glina, kamen., catalogue of exibition, 2004, 94–99. Vikić–Belančić 1975: B. Vikić–Belančić, Antičke svjetiljke u Arheološkom muzeju u Zagrebu, Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu 9, 1975, 49–160. Visy 2003: Z. Visy, The limes-road along the Danube, in: Z. Visy (ed.), The Roman Army in Pannonia, An Archaeological Guide of the Ripa Pannonica (Budapest 2003) 17–19. Wilkes 2005: J. J. Wilkes, The Roman Danube: An Archaeological Survey, The Journal of Roman Studies 95, 2005, 124–225. Žižek 2004: I. Žižek, Opekarstvo Petovione, Rimljani: steklo, glina, kamen., catalogue of exibition, 2004, 100–102.

50

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:50 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

“… impuri aqu(a)e Padi nec minus et Savi ira …” A Trace for Regional Trade Patterns in Northern Italy

by Ada Gabucci

Abstract The presence of Gaulish terra sigillata in Transpadana has been well known to local researchers for a very long time, but on an international level it is still hardly known. Thanks to an important amount of Gaulish terra sigillata discovered in Turin, it became apparent that Gaulish terra sigillata cannot be considered as a random find any more, nor can it be considered as the result of supplying intended exclusively for the upper classes, on the contrary it constitutes a rather important economic indicator. Defining the itinerary of the terra sigillata (particularly the products from Banassac, late products from La Graufesenque and from Lezoux) allows us to bring to light the large distance trade routes and also gives Cisalpine Gaul a dominant role as a transit and connecting area between the western and the eastern transalpine regions.

Keywords trade route, Po Valley, Gaulish Samian Ware, Lezoux, merchant, Cisalpine Gaul

The research presented in this paper began about 20 years ago with the study of Gaulish pottery found in several excavations in Turin and in other places in north-western Italy.1 According to the traditional doctrine, the presence of a large amount of pottery from La Graufesenque, Banassac and Lezoux in the Po Valley seemed to be very unusual. Therefore, it was important to find more Gaulish pottery in the Cisalpina, in order to understand the modes of trade and the traders’ routes from Gaul to Turin and the Po Valley: today, in fact, Sigillata and Samian are generally used as markers to investigate various problems and not as an object of study in themselves. In the late spring of 1999 a very lucky discovery helped to get on the right path. During the excavation in the course of the pavement renewing at the Piazza Castello in Turin, the lower part of a Roman funerary monument was found. Only four lines of the original inscription were preserved on the stone, but in the Museum’s storerooms the upper part of the same monument was discovered within the Savoia Collections which exist since 1723. The inscription in front of the tomb tells about the life of Lucius Tettienus Vitalis. He was born in Aquileia and grew up in Emona and spent most of his life trading along the Po and the Sava Rivers. Finally, he chose to live in and finally died in Augusta Taurinorum. The inscription was cut into four parts and only two of them are preserved; the top of the marble monument and about four lines of the engraving, where Tettienus may have told more about his journeys, are lost (Fig. 1). The inscription of Tettienus was preserved along with the monuments of the Great Gallery commissioned by Duke Carlo Emanuele in the first decades of 17th century. When the Gallery was destroyed by Napoleon in 1801, many ancient marbles were lost in the ruins. A few days before the destruction some scholars, such as Giuseppe Vernazza, saved many of the marbles and copied the inscriptions on the monuments.2 Very important for further research is the presence of a landfill, which was located on the inside and also on 1 The present paper is a very condensed version of my book “Attraverso le Alpi e lungo il Po: importazione e distribuzione di sigillate galliche nella Cisalpina” (Gabucci 2017), edited in OpenEdition on June 1th, 2017. 2 For a short history of the Great Gallery see Gabucci et al. 2003, 318–320.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:54 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

51

Ada Gabucci ►

Fig. 1: The stele of Tettienus Vitalis funerary monument in Augusta Taurinorum.

the outside of the city walls during the Roman imperial period, exactly at the same place where the Great Gallery later has been built. The excavation of these landfills during the last decade of 20th century produced more than 15.000 boxes of finds. A small share of them is now displayed in an exhibition at the Royal Museums (Antiquity Museum) of Turin. The landfills on the inside and the outside of the city walls were quite different from ones another. In the rubbish found outside the city walls there were residues related to craft activities and to food preparation. Many pieces of cast coats attest the activity of bronze craftsmen between the last decades of the 1st century and the first half of the 3rd century. We can date the coats and the activities according to the presence of some statue fragments (mainly hair), which have been formed in these coats. Furthermore, we know there were potters, bone carvers, marble workers and butchers, the latter are attested by animal bones which show clear traces of slaughter activities. The rubbish found inside the city walls consisted only of the daily wastes of the citizens. In both of the landfills, there were lots of products of different Gaulish terra sigillata potters: this high percentage is very important, especially in comparison to the quantity of Samian ware made in Northern Italy. Besides that, only a few products of Central Italy have been found. Looking at Gaulish Samian ware, we do not only have many vessels produced in the factories of La Graufesenque as it is common in the Mediterranean world,3 but also lots of vessels from Banassac and Lezoux. It is interesting that there are not many cups and dishes made during the La Graufesenque’s production peak. However, there are many more vases of the late manufacture, between the end of the 1st and the beginning of the 2nd century AD. Furthermore, we have pots signed by potters who chose a specific mode to send the goods to different markets. For instance, Damonus, who lived during the late Claudian and the Neronian rule, used significant stamps to identify products sent to Limoges and Clermont Ferrand and places on the other side of the Central Massif and Northern Europe. Especially the stamp 8a4 seems to exclusively identify products for northern markets (Neuss, Augst, Langres, Trion, Reims and Lyon). Since we have a fragment signed with 8a in Eporedia, I think the only way for Damonus’ goods to reach that town was through the sorting center of Lyon. Later another potter, Meddillus, chose to send his vessels almost exclusively to the northern markets: according to the database of the RömischGermanische Zentralmuseum in Mainz (RGZM), among the 178 well-known stamps of Meddillus, only

3 In the second half of the 1st century, the potters of La Graufesenque used three different routes to trade their products: along the Tarn and Garonna Rivers to the Aquitanie, the Atlantic coasts and the Iberian peninsula; through the sorting center of Lyon, to Northern Europe and Britain and through the Bouches du Rhône to the sea, to the port of Narbonne and finally to the Mediterranean coasts, including those of Liguria too. In fact, in Liguria there are many products of southern Gaul which can be dated into the peak period, between 40 and 80 AD. 4 NOTS 3, 243: 8a.

52

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:54 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A Trace for Regional Trade Patterns in Northern Italy

17 come from Mediterranean sites, while the others were found in Gaul, in the Northern provinces and in Britannia.5 Now let’s take a look at Banassac, another manufacture site based in Southern Gaul, where some potters from La Graufesenque (particularly Germanus) started to work during the late 1st  century. It is quite difficult to distinguish between the last pots made in La Graufesenque and the first products of Banassac, but it is quite clear that the potters decided to change their export channels after arriving at the new site. They left the Mediterranean coast almost completely, in advance of regional markets and the markets of Northern Europe and Britannia. However, the products of Banassac are very well represented among the Gaulish pottery found in Turin and in other places in Northern Italy. Especially the high amount of epigraphic vases is astonishing (Fig. 3). The presence of products from Banassac has been well known for a long time. Though up to now, it was not realized that this presence is meaningful regarding trade routes. These cups and dishes could have arrived only across the mountain passes. Indeed, I believe some traders, around the middle of the 1st century AD, decided to try out new markets in a region where new wealth was developing. In the Po Valley, they found several small (often less than 10.000 inhabitants) but rich towns and comfortable, fast transport routes such as the Po River and the Via Postumia. This was not a huge market, but a safe place, far from the dangers of maritime transport and not threatened by the movement of armies and the heavy needs of Rome and the government. At the beginning of the 2nd century AD, the trade routes along the Po and the Via Postumia have probably become important routes for the merchants from Gaul. At the same time, the potters of Lezoux used to export their products only by river: along the Loire to the west and along the Rhone and the Rhine to Northern Gaul and Britain. Thus, the merchants transporting goods to Northern regions, as they had done for Banassac products shortly before, must have added cups and dishes from Lezoux to the loads of the caravans heading to the Po Valley. Therefore we have a certain amount of Lezoux Samian ware in the Po Valley. These products did not reach the Mediterranean because of the missing export channels and are almost totally missing in Italy according to the records of the database of the RGZM (Fig. 4). In my opinion, it is important to identify the merchants’ routes across the mountains, because if Turin was an essential sorting center it would have been so due to its position at the foot of the mountains and at the confluence of the Dora Riparia into the Po. There are different routes to pass the Alps from Gaul to the Po Valley. In Alpis Graia there are the Grand and Little St Bernard, two very high passes that put the Cisalpine in communication with Valais and Val d’Isere. I believe that goods coming from these passes were intended entirely for the markets of Aosta, because the transport was too difficult and expensive for long-distance 5 I care to emphasize the presence of 15 stamps of Meddillus in Lyon, 3 in Vienna and 1, exactly the type 5a, such as in Turin, in Aoste along the way to the Little St. Bernard Pass.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:54 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

53

Fig. 2a (above) and 2b (below): A cup, found in Turin, signed by Amoenus, a not well known potter who works at La Graufesenque between 80 and 100 AD.

Ada Gabucci

Fig. 3 (left) : Some fragments of epigraphic vases from Ivrea (1) and Turin (2–4).

trade. In fact, some forms of Central Gaulish vessels, unknown somewhere else in the Po Valley, have been found in Aosta (as for example Bet 103). Further south, coming across the Maritime Alps, small loads of goods arrived in the Po Valley.6 The easier passage, however, is across the Cottian Alps, because they remain traversable almost all year. So, we have a certain amount of Central Gaulish pottery in Segusio, in the town of Cotio located in the Italian part of the Cottian Alps7, and in other places of the Dora Valley, particularly among the finds of two Roman villas, at Almese and Caselette, next to the statio ad fines, at the mouth of the valley. And not far away from the beginning of the Dora Valley Augusta Taurinorum was located, where the presence of Gaulish pottery is very significant. Following these preconditions, I began to look for Central Gaulish and Banassac pottery (and the late products of La Graufesenque too) along the Po and the Via Postumia, because I believe that these goods are our guide to find the trade route from west to east in the Po Valley. My intention is to prove that the routes to the Po Valley are merely deviations from the main route to Northern Europe, but they are important too, because along these routes large-scale trade was operated. That is why I think that Tettienus’s choice to spend a part of his life – actually until his death – in Augusta Taurinorum attests to the rank of the city as an important market, probably a sorting center for the goods coming from Gaul. Indeed, the only reason to live in Turin for Tettienus, who was not just a local seller but a large-scale merchant who traded along the Po River and along the Sava, had to involve his business (Fig. 5). At first, I was just looking for Central Gaulish pottery but when I found lots of this everywhere along the River Po and the Via Postumia, I decided to extend my goal. Indeed, I believe it is very important to define a trade route and to understand which goods were transported along this route, because a convoy that loads only pottery8 seems very unlikely. We know that boats carried wine, olive oil, fish sauces and other goods such as dried figs or spices from the Mediterranean coasts along the Po. Therefore I believe the same boats, or rather the same convoys, had to head back with other goods. It is difficult to imagine that the boats and wagons were empty (or carrying only Gaulish pottery) on their way back. The convoys that passed through the Po Valley carrying cups and dishes from Gaul had to bring back other goods. Up to Cremona, convoys traveled along the river and the tradesmen could use the tributaries of the Po to reach other places in the plain. Near Cremona, where the river met the Via Postumia, a portion of loads was transferred to carriages to reach cities such as Verona, Concordia and Aquileia overland. Another part of the goods, however, had to continue its journey along the river, down to the delta and straight to the northern Adriatic coasts. Now, even though I know this is just a suggestion, I would like to take a look at other goods, even if they are almost invisible, which is especially true for organic products. I believe that the Piemont region had an important wine production. However, we do not know of any amphora production in 6 Across one of the passes in the Maritime Alps a small Levantine amphora (now in exhibit in the Royal Museums of Turin) reached Carrù from the Ligurian coast, maybe full of figs and other dried fruit. 7 Including a fragment signed by Banuus. 8 A single chariot could have transported about 1.000 cups from Gaul. Not so few in a region where cities are wealthy, perhaps rich. But as we have seen, they have less than 10.000 inhabitants each. And a single chariot is not a safe and cost-effective convoy.

54

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:54 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A Trace for Regional Trade Patterns in Northern Italy

the region, except the factory of Dressel 2/4 in Brignano Frascata, near Alessandria9 that is still insufficiently studied. But thanks to some funerary monuments we discovered, that the wine (and even the beer) from Piemont was transported in barrels. On the top of those monuments we can see people filling barrels, probably fixed to a chariot, through a funnel, or simply a barrel on a chariot. Honey, a vital product used also to sweeten the wine, was not sold in containers that can be identified as amphorae. However, we have some pots or just fragments, where graffiti indicate honey as content.10 Besides honey also other products are coming from beekeeping. Surely there were some local beekeepers, but honey and wax were too important to run the whole enterprise on a local or regional level only. Also the trade of fabrics such as wool, linen, and hemp and also the cloaks trade were very important. The funerary monument of Igel points to the activities related to wool trading. But we also have some similar stelae in the Po Valley, especially in Piemont. The presence of wool is well attested in Altino due to some lead labels used to close the packs; maybe it has been also used as a packaging material. So the merchant could sell the content but also the packaging material. Several pots found in Mirandola11 between the Po and Mantova point to routes, which may have been used for trading food. The analyses show that the primary refractory clay used to make the pots was of Subalpine origin. The vessels are distinguished by two grooves under the rim and an often occurring stamped decoration as well as small handles. They are identified as cooking pots, but it seems unlikely that they were traded empty. There are many double grooving pots (“olle a doppia solcatura”) in the north-western Piemont, especially in Turin and in the Dora Valley. But pots of this kind were found in several places in the Po Valley, not only in Mirandola. Many of them are found in Piemont, but they are also attested in Lombardy and Aemilia, especially along the Po River, and some of them even in Veneto. The idea of filled pots sold because of the content and as containers derives from the example of Auerberg vessels. The idea that the traces of mutton fat on the inner surfaces of those pots were the rests of a kind of modern French confit is very interesting.12 However, up to now we have no information about the presence of food in our “olle a doppia solcatura”. Nevertheless, there are some “olle a doppia solcatura” with traces of fat inside: while recording fragments we noticed several fatty or soapy surfaces, not knowing anything about Auerberg vessels aback then. In addition the Besançon vessels, made in central-eastern Gaul between the 3rd and the first half of the 1st century BC, provide another possible analogy. These pots reached Switzerland, southern Germany and Britain. Just as Auerberg vessels (and our “olle a doppia 9 10 11 12

Facchini 1989; Facchini 1994, 121; Bruno 2005, 375. An interesting book about honey is Bortolin 2008. Corti / Tarpini 2012, 138–139. For recent analysis of the inner surfaces of Auerberg vessels see Flügel 2015.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:54 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

55

Fig. 4: Drag 37 made in Lezoux, signed by: (1) Banuus, from Susa; (2) Cinnamus, from Ivrea; (3) Sacer or Attianus, from Turin ; (4) Paternus, from Turin and Libarna; (5) Cinnamus, from Turin; (6) Quintilianus and/or Laxtucissa, from Industria.

Ada Gabucci

Fig. 5: Northern Italy with the Po river and his tributaries, the via Postumia and the sites where we have found last productions of La Graufesenque or those of Banassac or Lezoux.

solcatura”) these pots also have different sizes and capacities and they were filled with salted pork during their travels. Besides that, another hint about pots which were probably sold because of their contents and were at the same time used as containers, comes from the necropolis of Biella, which includes about 280 tombs from the second half of the 1st to the 4th century AD. Some pots, which were engraved with a number before being fired and were produced in different sizes and capacities, are similar to those found at Mirandola. Thanks to my friend Eleni Schindler, I am now aware that similar pots are also known from different places in the north-eastern Alps up to the Drava River.13 But it is quite difficult to identify a single production centre. I believe it is easier to imagine that the same shape was produced in different places and was used to carry similar contents or had similar functions (Fig. 6). Also timber trade had a great importance because wood could be a commodity in its own right as well as the means of transport for other products. Once arrived, the merchants could sell the transported goods and the raft timber as well. The raft men could go back on foot. We have no real hints about that practice, but at least we are aware of the presence of rafters on several rivers, like the Piave or Drava and Moldava, during the Middle Ages and until the 20th century. And we know that the Alps and the Adpennines provided the timber for all cities of Roman Italy. Moreover the mountains provided ice, snow, coal, and tar; and cross-transit services for citizens and inhabitants of the plains were also provided. The latter being an important and intense activity, that is completely invisible in the archaeological record, but should not be forgotten. Between the 1st and 2nd centuries AD the Po Valley was a region rich enough not only to be able to buy essential goods, but also to look for valuable products produced far away. Precious amber items reached Gravellona Toce, Libarna and other places in north-western Italy; a glass bottle made in Cyprus reached Biella, perhaps full of dried figs or something else; a precious brooch, made probably in Central Europe 13 For instance: Brecciaroli Taborelli 2000, 114, fig. 112: A2a–A2b (Biella); Corti – Tarpini 2012, 139, fig. 7: 3–4 (Mortizzuolo); Corti 2016, 102, fig. 4: 61 (Gaiba); Corti / Tarpini 1997, 144, fig. 7: 1 (Bellaria); Bausovac 2014, 75–76, pl. 16: 10– 11, 13; 80, pl. 18: 3 (Celje); Istenič 1999, 140, fig. 131. 2000, tomb 21; 24, pl. 6: 8 (Poetovio).

56

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:54 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A Trace for Regional Trade Patterns in Northern Italy

Fig. 6: Cooking pots probably made in Subalpine region, found in the Villa della Tesa (Mirandola).

was found in the necropolis of Craveggia, between Domodossola and Locarno, where silver saucepans made in Campania have also been found; a silver mirror found in the necropolis of Biella was made in the Rhineland. In conclusion, I imagine a route along the Po Valley on which the convoys were passing from east to west and from west to east, transporting all kinds of goods. The pottery was probably only a very small part of the load. Most of the load consisted of perishable goods. And the loads were changed along the way. What I mean is that a convoy could pass the Monginevro with a load of Gaulish pottery, perhaps of wine in barrels, coats, slaves and other goods from Gaul. After the customs in statio ad fines, the trader could buy local goods, perhaps products of the mountains, packaged in the “olle a doppia solcatura”, to replace what he has sold. On the other side of the Alps the convoy from Noricum could do the same. There remains a lot of work to do. I started to work on a map that collects information about a trade route from west to east through the Po Valley.14 On this map the finds of Central Gaulish Pottery, those of the samian ware from Banassac and from the last factories of La Graufesenque are displayed. The locations of “olle a doppia solcatura” and finally the data relating to other goods are collected. Almost every item has a short record with location, name and bibliography. I hope many scholars will be interested to take part in building, increasing and editing the map with the addition of other information, either on Samian ware or on other goods. Additional information is provided by the recently built General Catalogue of Cultural Heritage, in which all items belonging to the Cultural Heritage of Italy are recorded. Up to now about 800.000 items are registered and accessible in open format and among them there are many items of interest for this project.15

Bibliography Bausovac 2014: M. Bausovac, Vivas felix, Celeia, Arheološko najdišče Osrednja knjižnica Celje (Celje 2014). Brecciaroli Taborelli 2000: L. Brecciaroli Taborelli, Alle origini di Biella. La necropoli romana (Torino 2000). Bortolin 2008: R. Bortolin, Archeologia del miele (Mantova 2008). Bruno 2005: B. Bruno, Le anfore da trasporto, in: D. Gandolfi (ed.), Le ceramiche e i materiali di età romana. Classi, produzioni, commerci e consumi (Bordighera 2005) 353–394. Corti 2016: C. Corti, La ceramica grezza, in: G. de Zuccato (ed.), L’insediamento romano di Chiunsano. Gli scavi dell’Università di Bochum (1992–2000), Archeologia del Veneto 5 (Firenze 2016) 98–104.

14 Short URL: goo.gl/2JLQBg. 15 www.catalogo.beniculturali.it.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:54 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

57

Ada Gabucci

Corti / Tarpini 1997: C. Corti / R. Tarpini, Le ceramiche comuni: ceramica depurata e ceramica grezza, in: M. Calzolari / P. Campagnoli / N. Giordani (eds.), La bassa modenese in età romana. Sintesi di un decennio di ricognizioni archeologiche (Modena, 1997) 113–146. Corti / Tarpini 2012: C. Corti / R. Tarpini, Ceramiche ad impasto grezzo di età preromana e romana, in: M. Calzolari / F. Foroni (eds.), L’insediamento romano della Tesa di Mirandola (MO). Ricognizioni e scavi 1930–2011, Quaderni di Archeologia dell’Emilia Romagna 30 (Firenze, 2012) 131–143. Facchini 1989: G.M. Facchini, Anfore romane di forma Dressel 2/4 nel territorio alessandrino: la fornace di Brignano Frascata, Acme XLII, 1989, 63–70. Facchini 1994: G.M. Facchini, Breve nota sulle produzioni locali di anfore vinarie di età romana nel territorio alessandrino, in: R. Comba (ed.), Vigne e vini nel Piemonte antico, Atti del Convegno (Alba 1994) 121–128. Flügel 2015: C. Flügel, Fleischkonserven für Raetien. Archäometrische Untersuchungen an schwarzen Auerbergtöpfen mit Marmormagerung, Münchner Beiträge zur Vor– und Frühgeschichte 63, 2015, 383–392. Gabucci et al. 2003: A. Gabucci / G. Mennella, Tra Emona e Augusta Taurinorum un mercante di Aquileia, Aquileia Nostra LXXIV, 2003, 317–342. Gabucci 2017: A. Gabucci, Attraverso le Alpi e lungo il Po: importazione e distribuzione di sigillate galliche nella Cisalpina, Publications de l’École française de Rome, CEFR 532, 2017 (http://books.openedition.org/efr/3241). Istenič 1999: J. Istenič, Poetovio the Western Cemeteries I. Grave groups in the Landesmuseum Joanneum Graz, Catalogi et monografiae 32 (Ljubljana 1999). Istenič 2000: J. Istenič, Poetovio the Western Cemeteries II. Catalogo, Catalogi et monografiae 33 (Ljubljana 2000). NOTS 3: B.R. Hartley / B.M., Dickinson, Names on Terra Sigillata: an Index of Makers’ Stamps & Signatures on Gallo–Roman Terra Sigillata (samian ware) 3 (Certianus to Exsobano), Bullettin of the Institute of Classical Studies Supplement (London 2008) 102–103.

58

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:54 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Navigable Route Along the Ljubljanica and Sava Rivers – the Role of Nauportus*

by Jana Horvat

Abstract The navigable route along the Ljubljanica and Sava rivers connected the south-eastern Alps with the central Danube basin. Located near the springs of the Ljubljanica was the fortified complex of Nauportus that combined the functions of a river port, storage area and trading post, and was active in the Augustan period. During the Roman military operations in Pannonia, it presumably also served as a storage depot on the supply line. The importance of river transport in the area is mirrored in the finds of Early Roman cargo ships in the Ljubljanica, but also in the sanctuary of the goddess Adsalluta and the river god Savus that stood in the vicinity of the most treacherous rapids in the gorge of the Sava. The sanctuary complex provides evidence for the river traffic between the 1st and 3rd centuries. The forts that sprang up along the Sava and the Ljubljanica in the Late Roman period show that navigation increased in this period and the river routes gained in military importance once more.

Keywords Ljubljanica and Sava Rivers, Nauportus, Augustan period, storage depot, river port, military supply line, water deities, Late Roman fortifications

The Ljubljanica, Sava and Danube Rivers form an important and ancient waterway that connected north-eastern Italy with the south-eastern Alps and the central and lower Danube basin. The contribution deals with the western part of this navigable route, reaching from the springs of the Ljubljanica at Vrhnika to the Sava at its narrow passage at Brežice, after which the landscape opens up to the Pannonian plain. The history of the traffic along the Sava and the Ljubljanica reaches far back into prehistoric times and even found its way into the legend of the Argonauts and their travels along rivers from the Black Sea to the northern Adriatic.1 Numerous artifacts deposited into the Ljubljanica reveal intensive river traffic in prehistory, at least from the Middle Bronze Age onwards.2 In the Bronze and Iron Ages, it was the settlements along the route that controlled the traffic, while navigation itself is also evidenced by artifacts recovered from the Sava riverbed.3

Beginning of the Roman Period Strabo describes the route from Aquileia to Pannonia in two passages. These relate that cargo was transported from Aquileia on carts across the Ocra pass (now called Razdrto) to Nauportus, and from then on with boats along rivers to the Danube. In the first passage, Strabo more precisely presents the situation in the 2nd century BC (Strabo 7, 5, 2), in the second the situation in the first half of the 1st century BC * Marjeta Šašel Kos (ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo) has critically read the article and suggested numerous improvements. Mateja Belak (ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo) prepared the maps and figures. The text was translated into English by Andreja Maver. To all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude. 1 Šašel Kos 1997b, 34–36; Šašel Kos 2006. 2 Gaspari 2004; Gaspari 2006; Gaspari 2009a; Turk / Gaspari 2009. 3 Dular 2009; Gaspari 2009c, 118–122.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

59

Jana Horvat

(Strabo 4, 6, 10). In both passages, Nauportus figures as an important settlement along this navigable route, which was first in the hands of the Celtic tribe of Taurisci (2nd century BC), but probably already controlled by the Romans in the first half of the 1st century BC.4 Other literary sources as well relate the traffic and strategic importance of Nauportus in the final stages of prehistory and in the Early Roman period.5 They also reveal that the river flowing past the settlement of Nauportus carried the same name, i.e. Nauportus.6 The descriptions in literary sources and the rich archaeological remains suggest that the location of the settlement the ancient authors called Nauportus should be sought in the area of present-day Vrhnika, near the springs of the Ljubljanica.7 The central prehistoric settlement in the Vrhnika area stood on the hill of Tičnica, located 1 km west of the Ljubljanica, and had an unimpeded view of both the land and river routes below (Fig. 1). The settlement has as yet not been dated more precisely.8 Investigations at the Ljubljanica have revealed traces of permanent human activities, such as felling trees and woodworking, taking place between the 4th/3rd and the 1st century BC, but these cannot be connected with a possible settlement near the river.9 In the mid-1st century BC, the Roman presence at Nauportus is unmistakeable. We have two inscription slabs, both dating to the mid-1st century BC, that mention two pairs of officials – magistri vici – who were freedmen of the Italian or more precisely Aquileian merchant families. The inscriptions also mention the construction of a porticus and a sanctuary dedicated to the local goddess Aecorna. At that time, Nauportus had the status of a vicus and belonged to the territory of Aquileia.10 The mid-1st century BC is also the dating of the first habitation layers on the left bank of the Ljubljanica that yielded small finds almost exclusively imported from northern Italy: black-slipped, thin-walled and Italian cooking ware, as well as Lamboglia 2 amphorae.11 Similarly as the inscriptions, these artefacts are evidence of a strong Italian settlement. Individual finds of brooches and a Celtic sword indicate the possibility of a small contemporary settlement existing at this time on the right bank, in the bend of the Ljubljanica at Dolge njive (Fig. 1).12 The riverbed of the Ljubljanica in its stretch along the western Ljubljansko barje has revealed numerous artifacts dating to the 2nd and the first half or middle of the 1st century BC. Most of these are Celtic weapons and military equipment that appear alongside items imported from Italy (such as bronze vessels and statuettes). These river finds may be seen as acts of ritual deposition of valuables, but at the same time also as the material evidence of an intensive traffic along the river.13 In the Augustan period, a large fortified settlement grew up at Dolge njive (Fig. 2). The small finds recovered from the foundations of its fortification walls suggest that construction dates to the Early or Middle Augustan period, but also that the settlement was abandoned after the end of the Augustan period.14 The Ljubljanica flanked the settlement at Dolge njive on two sides, while the other two sides were protected with a moat. The fortification wall included four towers and enclosed a 130 × 144 m large interior space. It was 2–3 m thick on the south and east sides, while the back walls of houses formed the perimeter along the river. The central space of the settlement was occupied by a large paved square, subquadrangular in plan, surrounded by a porticus and large storehouses. The latter comprised two or four narrow and long rooms (20 m and over) set in a row. The building with a series of smaller rooms to the 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

60

Šašel Kos 1990, 17–19. 143–145; Šašel Kos 2016. Pliny the Elder, N. h. 3, 128; Velleius Paterculus 2, 110, 4; Tacitus, Ann. 1, 20, 1; Šašel Kos 1990, 19–21. 145–148. Pliny the Elder, N. h. 3, 128; Šašel Kos 2016. Šašel Kos 1990; Horvat 1990. Gaspari / Masaryk 2009. Horvat et al. 2016, 221–223. 252–254. Šašel Kos 1990, 22–28. 149–154; Šašel Kos 1998; Šašel Kos 2000, 294–297. For the border between the territories of Aquileia and Emona see: Šašel Kos 2002a; Šašel Kos 2002b; Šašel Kos 2014. Vojaković et al. 2019. Horvat et al. 2016, 223. 254–255. Gaspari 2006; Gaspari 2007; Gaspari 2009a. Mušič / Horvat 2007, 254–261. 278–279.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Navigable Route Along the Ljubljanica and Sava Rivers

south of this complex probably represents a group of tabernae. The centre of the square held two buildings, one of which may have been a sanctuary.15 A paved path led through the north gate to the bank of the Ljubljanica. On axis with this path were two lines of wooden piles in the river – possibly the remains of a rectangular landing-pier (6 × 4.5 m).16 The paving on the riverbank extended all along the settlement. A trench excavated southwest of the fortification walls unearthed three phases of this paving, all of which date to the Augustan period. The earliest consisted of a 60 cm thick stone bedding and a thick surface layer of sand. The two pavings above, actually representing repairs, consisted of additional layers of stones and sand. This paving probably represents the reinforced embankment for loading ships, which was at least 270 m long.17 The architectural remains at Dolge njive show a fortified and uniformly conceived complex that combined the function of a river port with that of a space for storing goods and trading with them. The location in the lowland and in proximity to the waterways, coupled with the uniform architecture, shows that the settlement was conceived and executed within the merchant circles of northern Italy, probably Aquileia. Its construction occurred on the eve or at the very beginning of Octavian’s wars in the western Balkans, or in the early Augustan period at the latest, i.e. the fourth or third decade BC.18 The size of the storage area (roughly 5.500 m2) indicates enormous quantities of goods.19 The bulk of the transport of goods from north-eastern Italy and Istria to the central Danube basin, as well as the transport running in the opposite direction, must have passed by Nauportus, first and foremost because the settlement stood along the most advantageous line of communication. The archaeologically most prominent traces of this traffic are the Istrian oil amphorae (Dr. 6B), the wine amphorae from the northern Adriatic (Lamboglia 2, Dr. 6A) and the fineware from northern and central Italy (terra sigillata, oil lamps). The distribution of these products along the Sava deep into the Pannonian plain to the Danube indicates just how vast this trading network was.20 Two early Roman cargo ships with a flat bottom were found east of Nauportus. The ship from Lipe, dating to the second half of the 2nd century BC or the early 1st century AD, was roughly 30 m long, 4.8 m wide, 0.6 m high and had a carrying capacity of 40 tons. The planks were sewn together, which was a traditional shipbuilding technique employed in the northern Adriatic and the Po plain. The other ship, which came to light at Sinja Gorica, was made in the late Augustan period and shows a specific preassembly of the hull using small iron clamps, which presumably represented a technological innovation.21 Based on the length of the paved embankment at Dolge njive, we may hypothesise that at least nine such ships could have been moored there at the same time.22 The large ships on the Ljubljanica were only used for transport between Nauportus and Emona, with the rapids further downstream dictating the use of smaller crafts.23 The importance of navigation along the Ljubljanica in the Early Roman period is also indicated by the boundary stone between the territories of Aquileia and Emona, which was found in the river some 5 km east of Nauportus.24 Another inscribed stone was found at the spring of the Bistra River, not far from Nauportus. This is a dedication to Neptune set up in the 1st century AD by Lucius Servilius Sabinus, a member of an Aquileian merchant family.25 Much more than to the common trade goods, the complex at Dolge njive presumably owed its existence to the transport of military goods and army supplies. On that subject, one of the buildings at Dolge njive revealed a hoard of around 600 lead slingshot (weighing roughly 35 kg).26 Moreover, numerous pieces of 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

Horvat 1990; Mušič / Horvat 2007. Also see: Horvat 2008; Horvat 2009; Horvat 2012; Horvat / Mušič 2007. Mušič / Horvat 2007, 262, 280; Horvat 2012, 290; Horvat et al. 2016, 224–225, 256–257. Horvat et al. 2016. Mušič / Horvat 2007, 265–267, 282–283; Horvat 2008. Mušič / Horvat 2007, 262–264, 280; Horvat 2008, 115–116. Tassaux 2004, 170–180; Grassl 2017. Gaspari 1998a; Gaspari 1998b; Gaspari 2009b; Erič et al. 2014. Horvat et al. 2016, 225, 257. Gaspari 2009c, 122. Šašel Kos 2002a; Šašel Kos 2002b; Šašel Kos 2014. CIL III 3778; Šašel Kos 1990, 23, 29, 150, 155–156; Šašel Kos 1994, 108, 119. Horvat 1990, 106, 114, 209, 217.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

61

Jana Horvat

Fig. 1 (left): Nauportus. Settlement areas. Fig. 2 (right): Nauportus. The fortified complex at Dolge njive.

Roman weaponry and military equipment have been found along the entire stretch of the Ljubljanica between Nauportus and Emona, predominantly dating to the Augustan period. These finds may be seen as traces of the intensive river traffic serving the needs of the army.27 By the mid-1st century BC, the Ljubljana basin was probably under Roman military control.28 At the time of Octavian’s war in Pannonia (35–34 BC), Nauportus already functioned as an operational base. It probably retained a similar function, of a protected storage depot on the supply line, in the next few decades, during the Pannonian war led by Tiberius (12–9 BC) and during the great Pannonian-Dalmatian rebellion (6–9 AD). Given the completely civilian character of the architecture at Dolge njive, I presume that supplying the army was in the hands of merchants, most likely the merchant families from Aquileia that controlled Nauportus.29 The river provided direct communication between Nauportus and Emona, the site of a civilian settlement and in the middle Augustan and the early Tiberian period also of an army camp.30 Several army camps from the Augustan period have been documented in the lowlands of Krška ravan as well, where the Sava enters the Pannonian plain (Sv. Urh, Čatež, Obrežje),31 which were directly linked to the central military base at Siscia (Fig. 3).32 Because of the treacherous navigation along the gorge of the Sava, Gaspari suspects that between Emona and Krška ravan the military transport travelled on land.33

Navigating the Ljubljanica and the Sava between the 1st and the 3rd Century There is a sharp drop in the number of finds after the end of the Augustan period, which points to a less intense use of the river route.34 The major military campaigns in the central Danube basin were over, which is one possible cause for reduced traffic. The other is the construction of a new road between Nauportus 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

62

Istenič 2009a; Istenič 2009c; Istenič 2012. Istenič 2005; Istenič 2015; Horvat 2015, 188–191. Mušič / Horvat 2007, 267, 282–283. Gaspari et al. 2014, 138–143, 157–161. Guštin 2002; Guštin 2015; Mason 2008; Horvat 2010, 149–152. Radman-Livaja 2010. Gaspari 2009c, 122. Istenič 2009b.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Navigable Route Along the Ljubljanica and Sava Rivers

and Emona, along the northern edge of the Ljubljansko barje (Ljubljana Moor), which probably took over part of the traffic of goods.35 The protected storage and trade complex at Dolge njive was abandoned at this time. The centre of gravity shifted to the opposite, left bank of the Ljubljanica and closer to the road (the area of Breg), where archaeologists found storage facilities from the second half of the 1st and the 2nd century. The river port presumably continued its operations, but these were limited to the left bank.36 The focal point of the area was now at Emona, located both on the river route and at the crossroads of land routes.37 The settlement of indigenous population here was located immediately at the river and saw the first Roman merchants arriving already in the mid-1st century BC.38 The Roman colony of Emona was probably already founded in the Octavian period.39 It was constructed on the left bank of the Ljubljanica in the second decade of the 1st century AD with the help of the army stationed on the right bank.40 Not much is known of its harbour.41 River traffic is attested to by the inscription mentioning a collegium naviculariorum42 and by three dedications to Neptune, one of which is also dedicated to the nymphs and dates to the first third of the 1st century AD.43 In addition, a dedication to Laburus, possibly a local water god, was found near the rapids on the Ljubljanica at Fužine, east of Emona.44 Not far from the confluence of the Ljubljanica and the Sava, the latter river enters into a gorge and the many rapids render navigation on this stretch fraught with danger. Ships had to be smaller and constructed in a different way to those navigating the Ljubljanica. Navigation up the Sava was only possible by towing, but the remains of towpaths have not been detected.45 The gorge of the Sava revealed no major Roman settlements.46 The small finds from the riverbed do, however, provide evidence of life and navigation along the river.47 A bridge across the Sava probably stood at Zidani Most, in the vicinity of the confluence of the Sava and the Savinja. The finds of several milestones at Brestanica suggest the location of either another bridge or a spot where the river could be forded.48 A sanctuary of goddess Adsalluta and the river god Savus has been unearthed at the village of Sava near Hrastnik, in proximity to the most treacherous rapids on the Sava (Fig. 4). More precisely, archaeologists have recorded stone dedications from the 1st and 2nd centuries, but also a sanctuary with an ambulatory (Umgangstempel) and smaller buildings that formed the sanctuary complex.49 Adsalluta, the cult of which is connected with this specific area, presumably watched over the passage down the rapids. The last of the altars from the site is dedicated to Magna Mater, who may have replaced the worship of Adsalluta in the 3rd century.50 One of the altars was put up by a Lucius Servilius Eutyches and his pilots; he was either the owner or the overseers of a fleet of river crafts. He was probably a freedman of the Servilii family of Aquileian merchants, a member of which also put up the dedication to Neptune at Bistra. The family names of other dedicators (Memmius or Mammius, Caecina, Castricius and Cassius) also indicate members of merchant families or associations that navigated the Sava.51 The pottery finds from the settlement at the sanctuary suggest that the beginning of the complex should be sought in the second half 35 Horvat / Mušič 2007, 167–172. The road across the Julian Alps was constructed in the time of Augustus (Festus, Breviarium VII, 51, 10–13) and its continuation past Nauportus probably soon afterwards. The road from Nauportus to Emona has been unearthed in several places, but its construction has not yet been precisely dated: Horvat 1990, 41–45, 165–168. 36 Horvat / Mušič 2007, 167–172. 37 Šašel Kos 1995, 230, 234; Šašel Kos 2012, 80–83; Vičič 2003. 38 Vičič 1994; Šašel Kos 1998, 104–105. 39 Šašel Kos 2012. 40 Gaspari 2010; Gaspari et al. 2014, 163–165. 41 Gaspari et al. 2014, 161; Žerjal 2016. 42 CIL III 10771 = AIJ 178; Šašel Kos 1994, 109, 119; Šašel Kos 1997a, 203–205, no. 46. 43 CIL III 3841; CIL III 10765; CIL III 13400; Šašel Kos 1994, 109, 119; Šašel Kos 1997a, 162–164. 44 CIL III 3840; Šašel Kos 1999, 24. 45 Šašel Kos 1994, 110–111, 120; Gaspari 2009c, 122–123. 46 Bavec 2009; Gaspari 2009c. 47 Gaspari 2009c, 123–125. 48 Šašel Kos 1994, 111, 120; Gaspari 2009c, 121–123; Gaspari 2012. 49 Šašel Kos 1994; Lovenjak 1997, 67–68; Krajšek / Stergar 2008. 50 Šašel Kos 1994; dedicated to Magna Mater: Lovenjak 1997, 67–68; Šašel Kos 1999, 118–119. 51 Šašel Kos 1994.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

63

Jana Horvat

Fig. 3: Sites mentioned in the text.

Fig. 4: Sava near Hrastnik. Sanctuary of Adsalluta and Savus.

Fig. 5: Late Roman fortifications along the Ljubljanica and Sava Rivers.

64

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Navigable Route Along the Ljubljanica and Sava Rivers

of the 1st century and its end in the 3rd century,52 with coin finds spanning from the 1st century to the reign of Constantius II.53 The god Savus was also worshipped at Vernek along the Sava, at Andautonia and at Siscia.54 Another inscription dedicated to Neptune was found at Klembas near Hrastnik, which is a site on the opposite bank to the sanctuary of Adsalluta and Savus.55 At Čatež, a local water divinity was worshipped, Neptune Ovianus (Fig. 3).56 Once the Sava left the gorge behind and entered the plain of Krška ravan, there was the town of Neviodunum, where parts of the harbour have been investigated.57 The next important stop on the river route was probably the roadside station of Romula, located on the narrow strip of land between the Gorjanci Hills and the Sava.58 Fig. 6: Late Roman fortification at Velike Malence

Navigating the Ljubljanica and the Sava in the Late Roman Period The line of communication leading from Siscia to Emona and further on to Aquileia was one of the most important connections between the eastern and western parts of the Roman Empire. As such, the roads, waterways and settlements studding the line were highly exposed during the times of conflict that came in the late Roman period.59 The finds of late Roman military equipment from the Ljubljanica, albeit not as numerous as in the Augustan period, indicate increased military transport along the river from the late 3rd to the first half of the 5th century.60 This indication is corroborated by finds from habitation contexts. The late Roman weapons and military equipment from Neviodunum, a town that has admittedly not yet seen much investigation, shows an increased presence of the army.61 Furthermore, the fortification walls of Emona were probably renovated in the 4th century and the late Roman layers of the town yielded military finds. 62 New fortifications were built along the Sava (Fig. 5). One of these was at Gradišče near Velike Malence, at the confluence of the Sava and the Krka, which could control the traffic along both rivers and along the road from Emona to Siscia. The first phase of the fort dates to the late 3rd century, when only the defensive walls were constructed without any other buildings in the interior. In the second phase, presumably sometime in the 4th or the early 5th century, towers were added to the defensive walls (Fig. 6).63 A military post was located at Gradišče near Dunaj, which controlled the traffic along the road from Celeia to Neviodunum and along the Sava. The post was located above the passage or bridge across the Sava

52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63

Krajšek / Stergar 2008. FMRSL IV, 362–368, no. 147. Šašel Kos 1994, 101–102, 109–110, 116, 119; Šašel Kos 1997a, 291–292, no. 95. CIL III 5137; Šašel Kos 1994, 109, 119. CIL III 14354, 22; Šašel Kos 1994, 109, 119. Lovenjak 2003. Breščak 2003. Bratož 2014; Ciglenečki 2012; Ciglenečki 2015. Gaspari 1999; Istenič 2009c, 87; Bitenc / Knific 2009. Lovenjak 2003, 96; Ciglenečki 2015, 405–406. Vičič 2003, 27; Ciglenečki 2012, 464–466; Ciglenečki 2015, 405. Ciglenečki 2015, 406–408.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

65

Jana Horvat

Fig. 7 (left above): late Roman fortification at Gradišcˇe near Zalog. Fig. 8 (left below): late Roman fortification at Nauportus: Hrib and Turnovšce. Fig. 9 (right): Nauportus in the late Roman period.

at Brestanica. It was active in the last third of the 4th and in the early 5th century. The recovered small finds include numerous pieces of military gear, but no building remains.64 A fort, sub-quadrangular in plan, was constructed at the confluence of the Sava and the Ljubljanica at Gradišče near Zalog (Fig. 7). The coin finds from this site indicate habitation in the second half of the 4th century.65 The three fortifications at Velike Malence, Gradišče near Dunaj and Gradišče near Zalog were abandoned in the first half of the 5th century at the latest; their locations along busy lines of communication were too exposed to host civilian habitation on a more permanent basis.66 The settlement on the left bank of the Ljubljanica at Nauportus lasted at least to the end of the 4th century.67 A pentagonal fort was constructed on the low hill of Hrib, the plan of which suggests construction in the late 3rd century, but the absence of small finds precludes us from making any further chronological observations.68 A watchtower was built at Turnovšče, in proximity to the fort but slightly higher up. It is presumed that it was constructed contemporaneously with the fort and the small finds recovered from it suggest that it remained in use in the 4th century (Fig. 8).69 Constructed along the hills west of Nauportus was a long wall, locally called Ajdovski zid, which represented the westernmost section of Italian defence of its north-eastern border known as Claustra Alpium Iuliarum (Fig. 9). The 7.7 km of the wall was adapted to the terrain and included 35 towers. Its position suggests that it was built later than the pentagonal fort at Hrib. One of its towers revealed a coin of Constantius II, indicating that Ajdovski zid already stood in the middle of the 4th century.70 Forts along the Sava and the Ljubljanica together with the small finds from the Ljubljanica show that traffic along the two rivers increased in the late Roman period and the river routes gained in military importance once more. The significance of the river traffic may have come close to that from the period of Roman conquest. In the late Roman period, the area witnessed refortification of these locations along the rivers that had already been of crucial importance at the beginning of the Roman period: the spot where

64 65 66 67 68 69 70

66

Ciglenečki 1992, 25–27; Ciglenečki 2015, 416–417. Mikl Curk 1986; FMRSL III, 223–224, no. 89; Ciglenečki 2015, 408. Ciglenečki 2015, 422. Horvat / Mušič 2007, 170. Horvat 1990, 74–77, 185–187; Pröttel 1996, 139. Horvat 1990, 77–79, 187. Šašel / Petru 1971, 77–81; Kusetič et al. 2014, 72–77; Kos 2012, 286, 297, pl. 15: 2 (Zaplana–Strmica); Kos 2015, 33–35.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Navigable Route Along the Ljubljanica and Sava Rivers

the Sava entered the Pannonian plain at Brežice, at the crossroads at Emona and near the springs of the Ljubljanica at Nauportus.

List of sources CIL – Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin.

Bibliography AIJ: V. Hoffiller, B. Saria, Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien I (Zagreb 1938). Bavec 2009: U. Bavec, Rimljani ob veliki reki - poskus opisa rimske poselitve Posavja v času od 1. do 4. Stoletja, in: Ukročena lepotica. Sava in njene zgodbe (Sevnica 2009) 51–68. Bitenc / Knific 2009: P. Bitenc / T. Knific, Barbarian soldiers on the Ljubljanica, in: The Ljubljanica – a River and its Past (Ljubljana 2009) 131–135 = Barbarski vojščaki na Ljubljanici, in: Ljubljanica – kulturna dediščina reke (Ljubljana 2009) 119–122. Bratož 2014: R. Bratož, Med Italijo in Ilirikom (Ljubljana 2014). Breščak 2003: D. Breščak, Ribnica na Dolenjskem, in: Zemlja pod vašimi nogami (Ljubljana 2003) 230– 232. Ciglenečki 1992: S. Ciglenečki, Pólis Norikón. Poznoantične višinske utrdbe med Celjem in Brežicami (Podsreda 1992). Ciglenečki 2012: S. Ciglenečki, Spremenjena podoba poznoantičnih urbanih središč - prispevek k transformaciji poselitvene slike v jugovzhodnoalpskem prostoru, in: I. Lazar / B. Županek (eds.), Emona med Akvilejo in Panonijo. Emona between Aquileia and Pannonia (Koper 2012) 459–478. Ciglenečki 2015: S. Ciglenečki, Late Roman army, Claustra Alpium Iuliarum and the fortifications in the south-eastern Alps / Poznorimska vojska, Claustra Alpium Iuliarum in utrjena krajina v jugovzhodnih Alpah, in: J. Istenič / B. Laharnar / J. Horvat (eds.), Evidence of the Roman Army in Slovenia / Sledovi rimske vojske na Slovenskem, Katalogi in monografije 41, 2015, 385–430. Dular 2009: Sava v bronasti in železni dobi, in: Ukročena lepotica. Sava in njene zgodbe (Sevnica 2009) 36–41. Erič et al. 2014: M. Erič / A. Gaspari / K. Čufar / F. Solina / T. Verbič, Zgodnjerimska ladja iz Ljubljanice pri Sinji Gorici / Early Roman barge from the Ljubljanica River at Sinja Gorica, Arheološki vestnik 65, 2014, 187–254. FMRSL III: P. Kos /A. Šemrov, Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Slowenien III (Berlin 1995). FMRSL IV: A. Šemrov, Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Slowenien IV (Berlin 1998). Gaspari 1998a: A. Gaspari, "Pontonium" iz Lip na Ljubljanskem barju (A "Pontonium" from Lipe on the Ljubljana moor), Arheološki vestnik 49, 1998, 187–224. Gaspari 1998b: A. Gaspari, Das Frachtschiff aus Lipe im Moor von Laibach (Ljubljana), Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 45/2, 1998, 527–550. Gaspari 1999: A. Gaspari, An unusual umbo from the Ljubljanica river (SI), Instrumentum 9, 1999, 18, 21. Gaspari 2004: A. Gaspari, Bronzezeitliche Funde aus der Ljubljanica, Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 34/1, 2004, 37–50. Gaspari 2006: A. Gaspari, A possible multiperiod ritual site in the river Ljubljanica, in: W.-R. Teegen (ed.), Studien zur Lebenswelt der Eisenzeit, Ergänzungsbände zum Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde 53 (Berlin 2006) 7–17. Gaspari 2007: A. Gaspari, The Ljubljanica River. Evidence for a Late Iron Age Ritual Site in the South-eastern Alps (Slovenia), in: S. Groh / H. Sedlmayer (eds.), Blut und Wein, Keltisch-römische Kultpraktiken, Protohistoire Européenne 10 (Montagnac 2007) 141–154. Gaspari 2009a: A. Gaspari, Celtic warriors and the Ljubljanica, in: The Ljubljanica – a River and its Past (Ljubljana 2009) 72–78 = Keltski bojevniki in Ljubljanica, in: Ljubljanica – kulturna dediščina reke (Ljubljana 2009) 68–73.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

67

Jana Horvat

Gaspari 2009b: A. Gaspari, A cargo ship of Mediterranean sewn construction from Lipe, in: – a River and its Past (Ljubljana 2009) 116–119 = Tovorna ladja sredozemske šivane konstrukcije iz Lip, in: Ljubljanica – kulturna dediščina reke (Ljubljana 2009) 107–109. Gaspari 2009c: A. Gaspari, Dolina spodnje Save od prazgodovine do druge svetovne vojne v luči arheoloških najdb iz rečne struge in obrežja, in: Ukročena lepotica. Sava in njene zgodbe (Sevnica 2009) 117–134. Gaspari 2010: A. Gaspari, "Apud horridas gentis ...". Začetki rimskega mesta Colonia Iulia Emona / Beginnings of the Roman Town of Colonia Iulia Emona (Ljubljana 2010). Gaspari 2012: A. Gaspari, Zbirka keltskih in zgodnjerimskih predmetov iz Save med Spodnjimi Guntami in Brestanico (Collection of Celtic and Early Roman objects from the River Sava between Spodnje Gunte and Brestanica), in: A. Gaspari / M. Erič (eds.), Potopljena preteklost (Radovljica 2012) 329–336. Gaspari et al. 2014: A. Gaspari / I. Bekljanov Zidanšek / J. Krajšek / R. Masaryk / A. Miškec / M. Novšak, Novejša arheološka spoznanja o Emoni med zatonom prazgodovinske skupnosti in gradnjo rimskega mesta (druga polovica 1. stol. pr. n. št. in začetek 1. st. n. št.) / New Archaeological Insights about Emona between the Decline of the Prehistoric Community and the Construction of the Roman Town (second half of the 1st century BC and early 1st century AD), in: Emona. Mesto v imperiju. A city of the empire (Ljubljana 2014) 135–165. Gaspari / Masaryk 2009: A. Gaspari / R. Masaryk, Na sledi prazgodovinskega Navporta / Tracing the prehistoric Nauportus, Arheološki vestnik 60, 2009, 195–206. Grassl 2017: H. Grassl, Die Rolle von Nauportus (Vrhnika) im Lichte neuer Textfunde (Pomen Navporta v luči novih napisov na svinčenih ploščicah), Arheološki vestnik 68, 2017, 459−469. Guštin 2002: M. Guštin, Il campo militare romano a Čatež presso Brežice (Slovenia), Quaderni Friulani di Archeologia 12, 2002, 69–75. Guštin 2015: M. Guštin, Roman camps following the route to Segestica and the western Balkans / Rimski vojaški tabori v smeri proti Segestiki in zahodnemu delu balkanskega polotoka, in: J. Istenič / B. Laharnar / J. Horvat (eds.), Evidence of the Roman army in Slovenia / Sledovi rimske vojske na Slovenskem, Katalogi in monografije 41 (Ljubljana 2015) 221–233. Horvat 1990: J. Horvat, Nauportus (Vrhnika), Dela 1. razr. SAZU 33 (Ljubljana 1990). Horvat 2008: J. Horvat, Early Roman horrea at Nauportus, Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome, Antiquité 120/1, 2008, 111–121. Horvat 2009: J. Horvat, Nauportus – a settlement at the beginning of the transportation route along the Ljubljanica, in: The Ljubljanica – a River and its Past (Ljubljana 2009) 96–101 = Nauportus – naselje na začetku transportne poti po Ljubljanici, in: Ljubljanica – kulturna dediščina reke (Ljubljana 2009) 89–94. Horvat 2010: J. Horvat, First century BC Roman fortifications in the Eastern Alps, in: P. Herz / P. Schmid / O. Stoll (eds.), Zwischen Region und Reich, Region im Umbruch 3 (Berlin 2010) 135–159. Horvat 2012: J. Horvat, Zgodnjerimska utrjena naselbina na Dolgih njivah na Vrhniki (Early Roman fortified settlement at Dolge njive in Vrhnika), in: A. Gaspari / M. Erič (eds.), Potopljena preteklost (Radovljica 2012) 287–292. Horvat 2015: J. Horvat, Early Roman military finds from prehistoric settlements in the Gorenjska region / Zgodnejrimske vojaške najdbe s prazgodovinskih naselbin na Gorenjskem, in: J. Istenič / B. Laharnar / J. Horvat (eds.), Evidence of the Roman army in Slovenia / Sledovi rimske vojske na Slovenskem, Katalogi in monografije 41 (Ljubljana 2015) 171–208. Horvat / Mušič 2007: J. Horvat / B. Mušič, Nauportus, a commercial settlement between the Adriatic and the Danube, in: M. Chiabà / P. Maggi / C. Magrini (eds.), Le Valli del Natisone e dell’Isonzo tra Centroeuropa e Adriatico, Studi e ricerche sulla Gallia Cisalpina 20 (Roma 2007) 165–174. Horvat et al. 2016: J. Horvat / P. Peterle Udovič / T. Tolar, B. Toškan, Območje pristanišča v Navportu / The port area of Nauportus, Arheološki vestnik 67, 2016, 177–258. Istenič 2005: J. Istenič, Evidence for a very late Republican siege at Grad near Reka in Western Slovenia, Carnuntum Jahrbuch 2005, 77–87. 68

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Navigable Route Along the Ljubljanica and Sava Rivers

Istenič 2009a: J. Istenič, The early Roman military route along the River Ljubljanica (Slovenia), in: A. Morillo / N. Hanel / E. Martín (eds.), Limes XX, XXth International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies (Madrid 2009) 855–865. Istenič 2009b: J. Istenič, The Ljubljanica – a Roman trade and transport route, in: The Ljubljanica – a River and its Past (Ljubljana 2009) 79–85 = Ljubljanica – rimska trgovska in prometna pot, in: Ljubljanica – kulturna dediščina reke (Ljubljana 2009) 74–80. Istenič 2009c: J. Istenič, The Ljubljanica and the Roman army, in: The Ljubljanica – a River and its Past (Ljubljana 2009) 86–91 = Ljubljanica in rimska vojskain, Ljubljanica – kulturna dediščina reke (Ljubljana 2009) 81–85. Istenič 2012: J. Istenič, Reka Ljubljanica v rimski dobi (The River Ljubljanica in the Roman period), in: A. Gaspari / M. Erič (eds.), Potopljena preteklost (Radovljica 2012) 283–286. Istenič 2015: J. Istenič, Traces of Octavian's military activities at Gradišče in Cerkno and Vrh gradu near Pečine / Sledovi Oktavijanovega vojaškega delovanja na Gradišču v Cerknem in Vrh gradu pri Pečinah, in: J. Istenič / B. Laharnar / J. Horvat (eds.), Evidence of the Roman army in Slovenia / Sledovi rimske vojske na Slovenskem, Katalogi in monografije 41 (Ljubljana 2015) 43–73. Kos 2012: P. Kos, The construction and abandonment of the Claustra Alpium Iuliarum defence system in light of the numismatic material / Gradnja in opustitev obrambnega sistema Claustra Alpium Iuliarum v luči numizmatičnega gradiva, Arheološki vestnik 63, 2012, 265–300. Kos 2015: P. Kos, Ad Pirum (Hrušica) in Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, Vestnik 26 (Ljubljana 2015). Krajšek / Stergar 2008: J. Krajšek / P. Stergar, Keramika z rimskega svetiščnega območja v Podkraju pri Hrastniku (The pottery material from the Roman sanctuary area at Podkraj near Hrastnik), Arheološki vestnik 59, 2008, 245–277. Kusetič et al. 2014: J. Kusetič / P. Kos / A. Breznik / M. Stokin, Claustra Alpium Iuliarum – med raziskovanjem in upravljanjem / Claustra Alpium Iuliarum – Between Research and Management (Ljubljana 2014). Lovenjak 1997: M. Lovenjak, Novi in revidirani rimski napisi v Sloveniji (Die neuen und revidierten römischen Inschriften Sloweniens), Arheološki vestnik 48, 1997, 63–88. Lovenjak 2003: M. Lovenjak, Municipium Flavium Latobicorum Neviodunum, in: M. Šašel Kos / P. Scherrer (eds.), The autonomous towns of Noricum and Pannonia. Die autonomen Städte in Noricum und Pannonien, Pannonia 1, Situla 41 (Ljubljana 2003) 93–105. Mason 2008: Ph. Mason, The Roman Fort at Obrežje and Augustan Military Activity in the Sava Valley in Slovenia, in: Rom auf dem Weg nach Germanien: Geostrategie, Vormarschtrassen und Logistik, Bodenaltertümer Westfalens 45 (Mainz 2008) 187–198. Mikl Curk 1986: I. Mikl Curk, Rimski kastel v Zalogu pri Ljubljani (Das römische Kastell in Zalog bei Ljubljana), Arheološki vestnik 37, 1986, 227–236. Mušič / Horvat 2007: B. Mušič / J. Horvat, Nauportus - an Early Roman trading post at Dolge njive in Vrhnika / Nauportus - zgodnjerimska trgovska postojanka na Dolgih njivah na Vrhniki, Arheološki vestnik 58, 2007, 219–283. Pröttel 1996: Ph. M. Pröttel, Mediterrane Feinkeramikimporte des 2. bis 7. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. im oberen Adriaraum und in Slowenien, Kölner Studien zur Archäologie der römischen Provinzen 2 (Espelkamp 1996). Radman-Livaja 2010: I. Radman-Livaja, Siscia kao rimsko vojno uporište / Siscia as a Roman Military Stronghold, in: Nalazi rimske vojne opreme u Hrvatskoj / Finds of the Roman Military Equipment in Croatia (Zagreb 2010) 179–211. Šašel / Petru 1971: J. Šašel / P. Petru (eds.), Claustra Alpium Iuliarum I (Ljubljana 1971). Šašel Kos 1990: M. Šašel Kos, Nauportus: antični literarni in epigrafski viri / Nauportus: Literary and Epigraphical Sources, in: Horvat 1990, 17–33, 143–159. Šašel Kos 1994: M. Šašel Kos, Savus and Adsalluta / Savus in Adsalluta, Arheološki vestnik 45, 1994, 99–122 = Šašel Kos 1999, 93–119 (with additional note). Šašel Kos 1995: M. Šašel Kos, The 15th legion at Emona - some thoughts, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 109, 1995, 227–244.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

69

Jana Horvat

Šašel Kos 1997a: M. Šašel Kos, The Roman Inscriptions of the National Museum of Slovenia, Situla 35 (Ljubljana 1997). Šašel Kos 1997b: M. Šašel Kos, The End of the Norican Kingdom and the Formation of the Provinces of Noricum and Pannonia, in: Akten des IV. internationalen Kolloquiums über Probleme des provinzialrömischen Kunstschaffens, Situla 36 (Ljubljana 1997) 21–42. Šašel Kos 1998: M. Šašel Kos, Caesarian inscriptions in the Emona basin?, in: G. Paci (ed.), Epigrafia romana in area Adriatica (Pisa / Roma 1998) 101–112. Šašel Kos 1999: M. Šašel Kos, Pre-Roman divinities of the eastern Alps and Adriatic, Situla 38 (Ljubljana 1999). Šašel Kos 2000: M. Šašel Kos, Caesar, Illyricum, and the hinterland of Aquileia, in: G. Urso (ed.), L'ultimo Cesare (Roma 2000) 277–304. Šašel Kos 2002a: M. Šašel Kos, The boundary stone between Aquileia and Emona / Mejnik med Akvilejo in Emono, Arheološki vestnik 53, 2002, 373–382. Šašel Kos 2002b: M. Šašel Kos, Il confine nord-orientale dell'Italia romana, Riesame del problema alla luce di un nuovo documento epigrafico, Aquileia Nostra 73, 2002, 245–260. Šašel Kos 2006: M. Šašel Kos, A Few Remarks Concerning the archaiologia of Nauportus and Emona: The Argonauts, in: M. Kokole et al. (eds.), Mediterranean Myths from Classical Antiquity to the Eighteen Century / Mediteranski miti od antike do 18. stoletja (Ljubljana 2006) 13–20. Šašel Kos 2012: M. Šašel Kos, Colonia Iulia Emona – the genesis of the Roman city / Colonia Iulia Emona – nastanek rimskega mesta, Arheološki vestnik 63, 2012, 79–104 Šašel Kos 2014: M. Šašel Kos, The Problem of the Border between Italy, Noricum, and Pannonia, Tyche 29, 2014, 153–164. Šašel Kos 2016: M. Šašel Kos, Antična imena (ime?) za Ljubljanico / The ancient name(s) for the Ljubljanica River, in: B. Županek (ed.), Emona MM. Urbanizacija prostora – nastanek mesta. Urbanisation of space - beginning of a town (Ljubljana 2016) 225–234. Tassaux 2004: F. Tassaux, Les importations de l'Adriatique et de l'Italie du nord vers les provinces danubiennes de César aux Sévères, in: G. Urso (ed.), Dall'Adriatico al Danubio (Pisa 2004) 167–205. Turk / Gaspari 2009: P. Turk / A. Gaspari, Gifts to the gods and ancestors, in: The Ljubljanica – a River and its Past (Ljubljana 2009) 66–71 = Darovi bogovom in prednikom, in: Ljubljanica – kulturna dediščina reke (Ljubljana 2009) 62–67. Vičič 1994: B. Vičič, Zgodnjerimsko naselje pod Grajskim gričem v Ljubljani. Gornji trg 30, Stari trg 17 in 32 (Die frührömische Siedlung unterhalb des Schloßbergs in Ljubljana. Gornji trg 30, Stari trg 17 und 32), Arheološki vestnik 45, 1994, 25–80. Vičič 2003: B. Vičič, Colonia Iulia Emona, in: M. Šašel Kos / P. Scherrer (eds.) , The autonomous towns of Noricum and Pannonia. Die autonomen Städte in Noricum und Pannonien. Pannonia 1, Situla 41 (Ljubljana 2003) 21–45. Vojaković et al. 2019: P. Vojaković / I. Bekljanov Zidanšek / B. Toškan, Poznorepublikanski Navport: območje Stare pošte (Late Republican Nauportus: the Stara pošta site), Arheološki vestnik 70, 2019, 93–126. Žerjal 2016: T. Žerjal, Obrežje Ljubljanice na Prulah (Ljubljana) v avgustejskem obdobju / The bank of the Ljubljanica at Prule (Ljubljana) in the Augustan period, in: B. Županek (ed.), Emona MM. Urbanizacija prostora – nastanek mesta. Urbanisation of space - beginning of a town (Ljubljana 2016) 53–69.

70

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:56:56 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

… gently down the stream? A GIS Based Analysis of Possible Travel Routes between Flavia Solva and Virunum

by Josef Gspurning, Susanne Lamm and Patrick Marko

Abstract Since the spatial turn Geographic Information Systems were often used in archaeological science to add increasing weight to spatial concepts (i.e. distance, buffer, neighborhood but also cost and path finding) to the studies. In terms of GIS, and depending on the underlying data structure transportation and mobility, problems can be solved applying the spatial analysis toolboxes like the Least Cost Path approach which shows its strength especially in solving transportation and logistical problems but also has some often discussed weaknesses. The authors of this article try to overcome this method’s drawbacks by proposing a new way in environment-based determination of the impedance required for calculating the least cost path. The article investigates possible Roman road networks in south-east Noricum (modern day Styria), where the new approach to Least Cost Path Analysis lead to unexpected results.

Keywords Roman roads, Least Cost Path, Route layout factors, Flavia Solva, Virunum

Introduction For some years now, a small, informal research group at the University of Graz, consisting of archaeologists and geographers, has been attempting to develop and improve methods for studying the settlement structure of the south-east part of the Roman province Noricum, equivalent to what is today extra-alpine Styria. The research area covers roughly 3.500 km², and in its biggest part constituted the territory of the Municipium Flavia Solva.1 The research topic originated in the results of the Laßnitz valley research, where archaeologists accompanied the building project of a high speed railway line with extensive surveys and excavations over the whole length of the valley, roughly 20 km. In these campaigns the Roman road along the valley was found, together with a regular pattern of villae and vici along it2 – in total a dataset in a much improved quality compared to previously available knowledge of Roman remains in the research area. This dataset has served as a starting point for reevaluating both the settlement structure of the municipal territory, and its infrastructure.3 In the latter aspect, considerations were naturally centered on the road through the Laßnitz valley, whose course has been confirmed from the vicus of Deutschlandsberg-Hörbing in the west to the opening of the valley into the Mur valley in the east, where it met the main Roman road leading northwards from Flavia Solva along the Mur River.4 Since the construction technique of the road along the Laßnitz shows a markedly higher 1 2 3 4

Hudeczek 2002; Porod 2016. Fuchs 2006. Gspurning et al. 2015; Marko 2016a. Marko 2016b.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:00 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

71

Josef Gspurning, Susanne Lamm and Patrick Marko

quality than is usually to be expected from a minor side road with no further purpose than connecting a number of small farms to the nearest market, or serving as a resource exploration road, the question of the raison d’ être of the road arises. The first assumption which presents itself when employing very basic cartographic methods – i.e. by simply extending the straight line of the road westward – is that it might have formed a connection from Flavia Solva over the Koralm mountain range to Virunum, the provincial capital of Noricum. This route would be considerably shorter than the generally acknowledged connection, which follows the course of the Mur downriver to the south-east, until it reaches the Amber road, or possibly even further, to where it joins the Drava, and up that river to Virunum. However this is generally thought to be the least effort way, it is however more than 100 km longer than the more direct connection over the Koralm. Taking into account the proverbial Roman practical-mindedness, this is a more than negligible argument for the existence of this shorter route. Therefore, this has been an incentive to focus further research onto this particular detail. Among other initiatives, in 2015, an interdisciplinary group of archaeology and geography students in a course at the University of Graz was tasked with researching possible road layouts over the Koralm.5 The study’s result was remarkable, since it concluded that the – in terms of expenditure – ideal route follows exactly the modern regional road L619. However, until today there were no Roman findings reported along this modern road, which would be unusual for a well-used road with considerable traffic both in Roman and modern times. The question that presents itself in consequence of this fact is whether the methodology used to reach this implausible result is accurate, or other factors are responsible for the discrepancy, which in turn we decided to investigate.

Methodological Discussions From a GIS point of view searching for solutions to solve the “optimal route”-problem can be typically approached in two ways: either by a vector-based network analysis of already defined linear road segments, or, by a raster-based Least Cost Path Analysis (LCPA), which – contrary to the former – does not rely on pre-existing route elements. Because of this conceptual advantage, the method is frequently used in cases when the locations of starting and end point raster cells of a route (designating settlements, bridges, intersections, …) are more or less given, but the exact route cannot be located or can only be expressed by the distance between the two cells, which in turn is often quantified by a factor typically called impedance (or cost, drive time) describing the resistance one has to negotiate in order to cross the raster cell. Resulting from the fact that this scenario is very modest in terms of the necessary environmental parameters, LCPA is also often applied in archaeological research.6 Unfortunately, the apparent conceptual simplicity of the approach rather soon turns into a serious problem because most of the relevant and interacting factors which steer the impedance of the cells have to be considered, weighted and integrated into the formula for calculating the least cost path. In other words, even a rather simple LCPA-model has to take into account a series of parameters (and their weighting of course) leading to a huge amount of slightly different approaches.7 Changing the reference system from 2D into 3D is the most obvious as well as important enhancement of the impedance concept; this often implemented utilization of cumulative height differences and slope inclination allows the setup of more realistic models in a direct way. Furthermore, the integration of DEMs or DTMs affects the calculation of impedances in many other ways; steeper slopes, for example, show a higher tendency for landslides or avalanches than flat ones, and lower portions of the landscape will be flooded more often than higher ones. So hydrological features like water courses can prevent the construction of a road within a short distance but can make it easy on the flat terraces nearby; bridges or fords can force the river crossing at distinct locations, whereas an advantageous flow direction of 5 Drexel et al. 2016. 6 Ejstrud 2005; Fabrega-Alvares / Parcero-Oubina 2007; Posluschny 2010; Verhagen 2013 or Cameron 2013. 7 Herzog 2013.

72

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:00 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A GIS Based Analysis of Possible Travel Routes between Flavia Solva and Virunum Fig. 1a.b: Investigation areas for extraction of the comparison datasets; (a) Roman roads of Castilia y Leon; (b) The course of the Via Claudia Augusta. The representation intends to show the whole extension of the road network used in the calculations together with its underlying terrain. N. b. the two maps are not comparable directly due to different scales.

the waters may make it unnecessary to cross the water body; in addition the influence of other natural elements like geology, soil patterns, vegetation coverage and others on least costs calculation can vary depending on the terrain characteristic. From the technical point of view, the mode of transportation will have a considerable influence on the impedance of a raster cell; modeling the behavior of a human walking through a hilly landscape (hikers or even soldiers in marching columns) is relatively simple and in many cases based on Tobler’s hiking function or its variants considering the walking velocity influenced by slope.8 Unfortunately this approach seems to be not very realistic in our case, because the construction of roads usually implies the utilization by carriages and other vehicles. Therefore some collateral criteria must be considered: the maximum weight of the carriage, the conFiguration of the draft animals, the overall dimensions of the transportation unit, limits like maximum curve ratings or “windingness” which have to be obeyed to keep the whole thing maneuverable.9

Data Processing To avoid some of the problems discussed so far, the presented study employs a modified/combined implementation concept; basically the study uses the raster-based LCPA option. For this purpose, the whole research area was divided into square cells, each of which was assigned an impedance value. In the first realization of the model, this impedance is represented by a single variable representing distance (or time or travel cost) and additional influencing factors, such as terrain and travel directions derived from the underlying DTM raster. Since this dataset plays the most important role in the ongoing investigations, the decision for respectively against a distinct data set (and its characteristics) is crucial. As a result of a series of preliminary tests, which more or less brought similar results as the findings of other researchers, the SRTM with ca. 80 m ground resolution was chosen as the most appropriate dataset for the following investigations.10 To reduce computing time for further processing steps, the DTM was resampled to 200 m ground resolution. The second step of the analysis differs completely from other approaches: It is based on the assumption that certain, in dependence to the underlying terrain, well established construction parameters will be used more regularly than others in comparable landscapes. The layout of these routes will follow as far as 8 Tobler 1993. 9 Rowe / Ross 1990; Rowe 1997; Herzog 2013. 10 Guimil-Farina / Parcero-Oubina 2015.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:00 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

73

Josef Gspurning, Susanne Lamm and Patrick Marko

Fig. 2: Investigation area in Southeast Austria. Black: Selected Roman settlements; red: mountain passes.

possible the characteristics of the relief and will not exceed certain construction limits. This leads to the operative hypothesis that each surface type generates special building characteristics (i.e. maximum slope allowed to cross inclinations in mountainous areas). To depict this assumption a comparison dataset from actual Roman roads had to be assembled to recover descriptive path parameters for the appropriate landscape. These test tracks should lead through land with comparable properties, i.e. the areas encompassed in the comparison datasets must have nearly the same relief energy as the target area (Southern Styria and adjacent territories in Slovenia and Carinthia). The roads chosen were the Via Claudia Augusta, the main connection between the province Raetia and Northern Italy via the Alps,11 and those in the geographical database taken from the Vias project,12 in which the Roman roads of Castilia y Leon in Northern Spain were mapped, providing a data pool based on roughly 3.000 km of Roman roads (Fig. 1). Besides the comparable topographical parameters, the choice of source material was also based on the availability of the data in the necessary format and resolution. The parametrization of the impedance starts in the next stage by breaking the road network of the comparison datasets into pieces of 100 m length; this is on the one hand suitable to reduce the quantity of necessary computer operations, but on the other hand still detailed enough to maintain precise information about the route’s profile. For each of the resulting segments an average inclination is determined and tabulated in 2 % classes forming a histogram which addresses the route/relief specific distribution of inclination as well as the steepness maximum on the path. Assuming that the actual road characteristics are a manifestation of the ideals that Roman agrimensores deemed a useful relief structure for an overland road anywhere in the empire, these values were factored into the impedance values in the following logic: 11 Grabherr 2006. 12 http://viasromanas.net/.

74

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:00 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A GIS Based Analysis of Possible Travel Routes between Flavia Solva and Virunum

If in a given relief certain inclination classes are occurring more frequently than others, they were preferably implemented along those road segments because these trails needed less effort than possible alternatives. Accepting this as a fact, the result is a high impedance value for extreme inclines. In other words, in order to take a path over a very steep slope, the reward in the form of a shorter way has to be considerable in order to be chosen. Based on these principles, the modified raster model with a ground resolution of 200 m was enriched by the impedance attribute based exclusively on relief data to depict the viability for the research area between Virunum and Flavia Solva (Fig. 2). As this proposed model is subject to ongoing development, until now only water courses (both as a transport option and as an obstacle) were implemented as supporting information via applying a height-dependent buffer of 5 m around the river, delineating areas of additional impedance (referring to flooding zones but also to erosion in recent times). Geological or archaeological data were disregarded. Archaeological data, such as the vicinity to known find spots, in particular was excluded from the first model, to be used in a second step as a control element for the plausibility of the calculated routes. Finally, vegetation data was left out in the first model because of the lack of reliable and detailed data for Roman times; furthermore, the impact of this particular variable on Roman route planning can be assumed to have been limited.

Results During the next step of the analysis by the means of descriptive statistical parameters a characteristic distribution model of the inclination samples of the whole comparison dataset has been derived; it can easily be recognized that the resulting distribution is extremely positive skewed which means most of the observations have values smaller than mean and/or median with the mode lying within the lower classes (Fig. 3). In this study this issue may be caused by the fact that the whole road network (including its mountainous portions) is used for calculation so that the plane part of the distribution might be slightly overestimated. But it also makes clear that the Roman engineers tended to avoid steep inclines for road construction. Roughly 55 % of the tested road segments have an inclination of less than 4 %, 77 % don’t exceed 12 % slope, 90 % of the road network show gradients under or equal to 20 %. For testing the validity of these results the values were compared to the results measured on the Via Claudia Augusta in the inner alpine Northern Tyrol,13 which typically are located in a gradient range between 5 and 12 % with local maxima of 30 % (between Zams and Rifental), 18 % (between Pontlatzer Brücke and Fließ) or 12,9 % (at Landeck) and match the parameters of the comparison dataset very well. The existing differences between measured and calculated slopes (roughly 4 % of all cases) may possibly be artefacts caused by overlay processes between DTM and road network. The outcome of implementing this data into the target area dataset is shown in Fig. 4, which indicates the least cost/impedance zones between the two municipia, Flavia Solva and Virunum. Due to the fact that this map is intended to zoom in on the more feasible part of the whole impedance spectrum, the calculated values have yet to be classified to stress the intended message (Fig. 5). The map shows as a somewhat surprising result, given the original expectations, no viable connection over the Koralm, nor does it support 13 Grabherr 2006.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:00 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

75

Fig. 3: Histogram of the gradients of the comparison dataset expressed as percentage.

Josef Gspurning, Susanne Lamm and Patrick Marko

Fig. 4: Map of the impedance for traveling between Flavia Solva and Virunum (whole spectrum classified to equidistant intervals).

Fig. 5: Content same as Fig. 4 but optimized classification scheme/ symbolization to show the situation in the Koralm area in more detail (only feasible part of the impedance spectrum accounted).

Fig. 6: Possible travel routes between Flavia Solva and Virunum (red: southern route; yellow: northern route).

76

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:00 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A GIS Based Analysis of Possible Travel Routes between Flavia Solva and Virunum

the expectation of the generally acknowledged river connection via the Mur valley and Poetovio. On the contrary, there are several considerably shorter paths to the Drava valley highlighted: First of all this is the route westwards from Flavia Solva through the Sulm valley and over the Radl pass, but also the route of the modern highway E57 between Graz and Maribor. Neither of those two routes are currently considered to have been main traffic backbones in Roman times. Evidence of Roman find spots along them are scarce, and although Radimský in the 19th century already thought it “unthinkable”14 that the Romans would not have known about the connection over the Radl pass, he could not locate actual proof of a Roman road, nor has this been achieved by today. Of course, the route has to be considered a well-used connection in the Hallstatt era, when the settlement at the Burgstallkogel15 in the Sulm valley was one of the regional centers. While tangible evidence for this is mostly lacking as well, since pre-Roman roads were not built with the same durability as Roman roads, the mapping of prehistoric sites in the area clearly supports the hypothesis.16 Although 14 Radimský 1883, 53. 15 “So läßt sich anhand markierender Fundorte ein prähistorischer Verkehrsweg Poštela (ö. Pohorje/Bachergebirge, s. Maribor/Marburg)–Pößnitztal via Langegg–Saggautal skizzieren, dessen Fortsetzung über den Radlpass eine Umgehung der Drauenge bezweckt hätte.” (Wedenig 1986, 78). 16 Wedenig 1986, 78.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:00 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

77

Fig. 7: Comparison of two suggested travel paths (n. b. the terrain profiles are drawn from east to west, and therefore do not match the map above).

Josef Gspurning, Susanne Lamm and Patrick Marko

this is not at all the case for Roman find-spots, the results of our analysis suggests that it might be a promising approach to reconsider previous assumptions about connections between Flavia Solva and Virunum, and start looking again, and more closely, for Roman structures in the Sulmtal. Another visualisation of the analyzed data is shown in Fig. 7, which presents the terrain profiles of two routes taken into a more detailed comparative examination (Fig. 6): the northern route (A) follows the course of the Laßnitz River over the Koralm, the southern variant (B) leads through the Sulm valley to the Radl pass. While the latter one at 134 km is only slightly shorter than the 148 km long Koralm road, the significant differences can be found in the height and inclination values: route A rises up to 1.600 m above sea level, route B stays under 700 m; absolute ascent values are 1.406 m in route A, compared to 400 m in route B. This degree of difference was certainly noticeable to a Roman traveler also without modern geotechnological knowledge, and therefore is likely to have influenced route choices already in antiquity.

Discussion, Improvements and Future Prospects In short, the reevaluation of previous assumptions by the use of improved data has already led us to fundamentally change our expectations regarding the Roman road network in the territory of Flavia Solva. These results are promising, considering that they come from a first attempt at a new method, to which numerous improvements are already conceivable: Firstly, improving the base data for the calculation of the impedance can be achieved by mapping further Roman roads and including the data into the calculations. Secondly, more experimenting is needed to improve the stability of the parameters, and determine the impact of changed source values, such as by assuming a greater tolerance for inclinations, or tweaking other influential factors. Another example for a promising goal for further work is establishing separate sets of parameters adjusted for different types of travelers, to weigh influential factors for differences in route choices – such as comparative distance, or maximum inclination – between a single rider, an ox cart full of grain, a cohort of infantry soldiers, or a 20 ton slab of marble from Gummern or Pohorje. While these are mostly technical aspects, there are of course also archaeological considerations to be addressed, such as the already mentioned discrepancies between the calculation results and maps of known find spots – how far will we be able (or forced to) change our assumptions about the settlement density in the target area if previous white spots in the map are no longer regarded as “deserted”? How much bigger may the Roman population have been than we expected previously, or asked the other way round: How far can we go amending our expectation of Roman settlement structure to fit the GIS predictions, and how far do we adapt our calculation parameters? Not least, the concrete question on the outset of the project, the one after the purpose of the Laßnitz valley road, still remains unanswered. If transit to Virunum was not the reason for its existence, what else caused the Roman authorities to build and maintain it? Was the agricultural surplus production in the valley, and the demand for it in the municipium, big enough to warrant such an undertaking? Do we therefore have to expect similar roads and settlements in all the valleys in the area? Or was there something special about this particular valley?

Bibliography Cameron 2013: C. M. Cameron, How people moved among Ancient societies: broadening the view, American Anthropologist 115, 2013, 218–231. Drexel et al. 2006: S. Drexel / E. Frühwirth / R. Klöckl / J. Prasch, Vom Laßnitztal nach Westen: Eine geotechnologisch-archäologische Wegenetzanalyse (unpublished paper Graz 2016). Ejstrud 2005: B. Ejstrud, Cost surface analysis and ancient roads: a comparison, in: F.B.J. Berger / F. Breamer / G. Davtian / M. Gazenbeck (eds.), Temps et espaces de l’homme en société. Analyses et modèles spatiaux en archéologie (Antibes 2015) 135–140. Fabrega-Alvares / Parcero-Oubina 2007: P. Fabrega-Alvares / C. Parcero-Oubina, Proposals for an archaeological analysis of pathways and movement. Archaeologia e Calcolatori 18, 2007, 121–140. 78

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:00 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A GIS Based Analysis of Possible Travel Routes between Flavia Solva and Virunum

Fuchs 2006: G. Fuchs, Die römische Straße im Laßnitztal, Weststeiermark. Ein Forschungsbericht, in: E. Walde / G. Grabherr (eds.), Via Claudia Augusta und Römerstraßenforschung im östlichen Alpenraum, Ikarus 1 (Innsbruck 2006) 439–456. Grabherr 2006: G. Grabherr, Die Via Claudia Augusta in Nordtirol – Methode, Verlauf, Funde, in: E. Walde / G. Grabherr (eds.), Via Claudia Augusta und Römerstraßenforschung im östlichen Alpenraum, Ikarus 1 (Innsbruck 2006) 35–336. Gspurning et al. 2015: J. Gspurning / S. Lamm / P. Marko / W. Sulzer / S. Tiefengraber, Geospatial Technologies for Investigating Roman Settlement Structures in the Noric-Pannonian Borderland. Selected Aspects of a New Research Project, in: W. Börner / S. Uhlirz (eds.), Proceedings of the 19th International Conference on Cultural Heritage and New Technologies 2014 (CHNT 19, 2014) (Wien 2015) [http://www.chnt.at/wp-content/uploads/eBook_CHNT19_Gspurning_etal.pdf]. Guimil-Farina / Parcero-Oubina 2015: A. Guimil-Farina / C. Parcero-Oubina, “Dotting the joins”: a non-reconstructive use of Least Cost Paths to approach ancient roads. The case of the Roman Roads in the NW Iberian Peninsula, Journal of Archaeological Science 54, 2015, 31–44. Herzog 2013: I. Herzog, The potential and the limits of optimal path analysis, in: A. Bevan / M. Lake (eds.), Computational Approaches to Archaeological Spaces (Walnut Creek 2013) 179–211. Hudeczek 2002: E. Hudeczek, Flavia Solva, in: M. Šašel Kos / P. Scherrer (eds.), The autonomous towns of Noricum and Pannonia – Die autonomen Städte in Noricum und Pannonien. Noricum, Situla 40 (Ljubljana 2002) 203–212. Marko 2016a: P. Marko, Das Traumhaus im Speckgürtel? – Überlegungen zur römerzeitlichen Siedlungsstruktur im Grazer Feld, in: Bayerisches Landesamt für Denkmalpflege (ed.), Römische Vici und Verkehrsinfrastruktur in Raetien und Noricum. Colloquium Bedaium Seebruck. 26.–28. März 2015, Schriftenreihe des Bayerischen Landesamtes für Denkmalpflege 15 (München 2016) 196–202. Marko 2016b: P. Marko, Der wahre Zug der römischen Straße durch das Grazer Feld, in: G. Koiner / U. Lohner-Urban (eds.), „Ich bin dann mal weg“. Festschrift für einen Reisenden. Thuri Lorenz zum 85. Geburtstag, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Archäologie der Karl-Franzens Universität Graz 13 (Wien 2016) 145–150. Poluschny 2010: A. Poluschny, Over the hills and far away? Cost surface based models of prehistoric settlement Hinterlands, in: B. Frischer / J.W. Crawford / D. Koller (eds.), Making History interactive. Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology (CAA). Proceedings of the 37th International Conference, Williamsburg/VA, USA, March 22–26, 2009, British Archaeological Reports. International Series 2079 (Oxford 2010) 313–319. Porod 2016: B. Porod, Eine ausgewählte Fundstelle: Die Stadt Flavia Solva, in: B. Hebert (ed.), Urgeschichte und Römerzeit in der Steiermark, Geschichte der Steiermark 1 (Wien 2015) 708–712. Radimský 1883: W. Radimský, Urgeschichtliche Forschungen in der Umgebung von Wies in Mittel-Steiermark I, Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien 13, 1883, 41–66. Rowe / Ross 1990: N.C. Rowe / R.S. Ross, Optimal Grid-Free Path Planning Across Arbitrarily Contoured Terrain with Anisotropic Friction and Gravity Effects. IEEE Transactions on Robotics and Automation 6 (5), 1990, 540–553. Rowe 1997: N.C. Rowe, Optaining Optimal Mobile-Robot Paths with Non-Smooth Anisotropic Cost Functions Using Qualitative-State Reasoning. The International Journal of Robotics Research 16, 1997, 375–399. Tobler 1993: R.W. Tobler, Three Presentations on Geographical Analysis. National Center for Geographic Information and Analysis, Technical Report 93-1. Verhagen 2013: P. Verhagen, On the road to nowhere? Least cost paths, accessibility and the predictive modelling perspective, in: F. Contreras / M. Farjas / J.F. Melero (eds.), Proceedings of the 38th Annual Conference on Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology, Granada, Spain, April 2010 (Oxford 2013) 123–130. Wedenig 1986: R. Wedenig, Gebirgspässe im südlichen Noricum. Eine historisch-topographische Bestandsaufnahme (unpublished thesis, University of Graz 1986).

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:00 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

79

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:00 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Changes Along the Slovenian Part of the River Drava (Drau) in the Late Roman Period

by Zvezdana Modrijan

Abstract The article is dealing with the changes in settlement pattern and trade routes at the transition from Roman to late Roman period in the area along Slovenian part of the River Drava. In the Roman period, the biggest and the most important Roman town in the area was Poetovio. Among other functions, Poetovio was also an important center for pottery production. In the late Roman period the appearance of the town changed. Large parts of it were abandoned and life was concentrated on the Panorama and Grajski hrib hills. Also in the hilly hinterland of Poetovio, several hilltop settlements were built on strategic positions, controlling the road. As a case study, we chose Ancˇnikovo gradišcˇe. Rescue excavations of this site were conducted for more than 20 years, revealing a 150 × 50 m large fortification with rich small finds, dated in the second half of the 4th and in first quarter of the 5th century.

Keywords Slovenija, Drava, hilltop settlement, lowland settlement, Poetovio, Ancˇnikovo gradišcˇe, late Roman period

Introduction During the late Roman period, the area of the lower Drava (Drau) River and its tributaries in Slovenia belonged to the province of Noricum Mediterraneum, as was established after the reforms of Diocletian at the end of the 3rd century. In Antiquity, the importance of the area is mostly connected to the itinerary road Aquileia–Carnuntum (Fig. 1). Ptuj/Poetovio, the most important town of this territory was developed by the road passing over the Drava. Due to its favourable position at the crossroads of two major roads – the itinerary road and the road leading along the Drava – the town was an important economic centre throughout the entire Roman period. The town, on the one hand, manufactured products for the broad market, while on the other hand it was an important consumers centre for luxurious goods arriving primarily from the Mediterranean area. Several hamlets, roadside stations, and rural villas developed along both communication routes.1 This article will deal with the changes in the settlement picture and changes of trade flows, as can be seen in an archaeological record.2 The settlement picture of this area changes twice during the late Roman period. At the beginning of the late Roman period – much as in the wider area of the Roman state – a settlement shift can be noticed from the lowlands towards the hilltop fortified settlements. Until around the middle of the 5th century, these settlements decay and are never again re-established in the Podravje

1 Spodnje Grušovje: Mikl Curk 1976, 20; Čadram: Pahič 1969a, 87–88; Gladomes: Pahič 1983, 58; Slovenska Bistrica: Pahič 1978, 138–140, Strmčnik Gulič 1990a; Spodnja Nova vas: Pahič 1978, 154; Velenik: Pahič 1978, 154–208; Hoče, Bohova, Betnava, Radvanje: Strmčnik Gulič 1990b, 135–146. 2 In this article, I will not be dealing with historical sources about this territory which are numerous (collected in Horvat et al. 2003, 155–158), or the thesis about the continuity of Ptuj in the late 5th and in the 6th century (see Šašel Kos 1994).

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:03 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

81

Zvezdana Modrijan

region – unlike the settlements elsewhere in the south-eastern Alps, where they flourished again at the end of the 5th and in the 6th centuries.

Ptuj

Fig. 1: The area between Drava and Dravinja.

Poetovio as one of the most important Roman towns3 was also a strong pottery production centre in the early Roman period. Pottery from the workshops in Ptuj was exported along the Drava River all the way to Mursa, and along the Danube River to Singidunum and Viminacium. Along the Amber Route they reached all the way to Carnuntum.4 Towards the end of the 3rd century the workshops in Poetovio start to decline; the last documented pottery manufacture is presented by the workshop of the potter named Iustinianus, which persisted at 5 least during the first quarter of the 4th century. Among the pottery imports the ones from Italy prevailed until the middle of the 2nd century,6 while from the middle of the 2nd till the middle of the 3rd century imports from Gallia prevailed.7 In the 3rd century, importing from the Mediterranean starts and reaches its peak in the first half of the 4th century with the mass importing of African red slip ware C of Central Tunisian origin.8 The outline of Poetovio changed significantly in the late Roman period. Large parts of the town were abandoned, while life was centred around the hills of Grajski hrib and Panorama on the left bank of the Drava. Architectural remains discovered at Grajski hrib are interpreted as a stronghold from the Valentinian period.9 In its immediate vicinity, a skeletal cemetery from the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th centuries was discovered.10 Within the settlement at Panorama remains of an early Christian church were discovered.11 Early Christian remains were also found elsewhere in the Roman town, however none of them can be connected with actual early Christian architecture.12 Skeletal cemeteries and individual late Roman graves were also discovered at the easternmost part of the town, in Rabelčja vas – all of these graves were dug into the ruins of Roman buildings.13 The latest known so far is a group of graves, among which the grave of a warrior with a transformed skull stands out (probably a Hun), dug into an abandoned limekiln.14 The skeletal cemetery from the late Roman period was also unearthed on the right bank of the Drava, at Zgornji breg.15 After the mid-4th century, the decline in Poetovio’s economic power is also revealed in the decline of import from the Mediterranean. The North Tunisian production of African red slip ware D, which

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Collected in: Horvat et al. 2003, 153–190. Istenič 1999, fig. 189, 196; Istenič 2004, 110–111. Istenič 1999, 192. Istenič 1999, 167–168. Horvat et al. 2003, 180. Pröttel 1996, 128–130. Ciglenečki 1993, 506–507. Jevremov et al. 1993. Tušek 1998, 737–742; Knific / Sagadin 1991, 15–19. Ciglenečki 2003, 583; Bratož / Ciglenečki 2000, 508–509. Korošec 1980, 45; Tušek 1997, 289–300; Vomer Gojkovič 1997, 301–324. Lubšina Tušek 2004, 76–78; Horvat / Dolenc Vičič 2010, 71 (with literature cited there); Knific / Nabergoj 2016, 22–23, fig. 15–17. 15 Mikl Curk 1966.

82

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:03 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Changes Along the Slovenian Part of the River Drava (Drau) in the Late Roman Period

generally prevails in this period, is scarce.16 Similarly, Mediterranean amphorae are fairly rare, only a few items of African and eastern Mediterranean origin are known.17 On the other hand, at this time new groups of imported pottery appear in Poetovio – late Roman glazed pottery and pottery with burnished decoration,18 which originate from Pannonian workshops. Especially pottery with burnished decoration represents a crucial novelty in the repertoire of late Roman pottery. Glazed pottery is, at least partly, connected to the supply of the army which was, regardless of decline of the town, still heavily present. This fact is indicated by military graves dug into the ruins of ancient structures, as well as numerous mentions of the town in historical sources.19

Rural Settlement The first change in rural settlement can be noticed as early as the 3rd century. In the middle of this century, some of the Roman villas and roadside stations, which were here from the 1st century, ceased to exist. At the same time, a few new countryside villas and hamlets sprang up and continued to exist at least until the middle, and some until the last quarter of the 4th century (Fig. 1). In Slovenska Bistrica, remains of several Roman buildings were discovered on the south side of the present town which were located along the Roman road. Excavations of Stanko Pahič unearthed the remains of a building which was based on coins dated to the 4th century. There was almost no pottery present.20 The part of the settlement, excavated in rescue excavations due to the construction of the industrial zone, mainly belongs to the 3rd century and was supposed to endure until the middle of the 4th century. Only a selection was published of the material discovered, 21 a coin of Constantius Gallus from the mid-4th century is mentioned as the youngest element . Besides the control of the road, the settlement supposedly had its part in the trade with the Pohorje marble.22 Remains of Roman structures were also excavated at the north-eastern part of the present-day town and are dated to the time before the second half of the 4th century and defined as a roadside station.23 In any case, a larger settlement must have existed in the area of the present-day Slovenska Bistrica. The settlement in Spodnje Grušovje was also supposed to have been founded during the developed 3rd century, and continued to be settled into the second half of the 4th century. Among the youngest elements is the coin of Gratian (367–382), while a jug with burnished straps and a glazed mortarium is also mentioned.24 Pahič interpreted the hamlet, based on distances in itineraries, as mansio Ragando, 25 the interpretation is also confirmed by the unified design of the settlement immediately along the Roman road. 26 The villa in Betnava is dated between the second half of the 3rd and the second half of the 4th centuries, with the coin of Valens as the youngest element. The crossbow fibula of type 2A belongs to the first half of the 4th century.27 A similar dating is rendered for the villa in Radvanje but which also has a chronologically undeterminable older phase.28

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

Pröttel 1996, 128–130, fig. 35. Vidrih Perko 2000, 441–442. Mikl Curk 1966, fig. 2: 11, 3: 3; Ciglenečki 1993, 509, T. 3: 3. Assembled in: Horvat et al. 2003, 155–158. Pahič 1978, 138–140. Strmčnik Gulič 1990a, T. 1. Strmčnik Gulič 1990a, 12. Jerman 1976, 9–10. Mikl Curk 1976, 20. Pahič 1983, 55. Mikl Curk 1976, 22–23. Strmčnik Gulič 1997, 269–272, T. 1: 1. Strmčnik Gulič 1990b, 139–140.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:03 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

83

Zvezdana Modrijan

Fig. 2: Ancˇ nikovo gradišcˇe near Jurišna vas – plan of the settlement with the excavated area.

Hilltop Settlement Approximately in the time when life at lowland settlements ends, settlements occur at the easily defendable hilltop locations (Fig. 1). This transition can be noticed in Ptuj with its settlement concentration at Panorama and Grajski grič, and new settlements also appear. Thus the settlements of Brinjeva gora above Zreče and Ančnikovo gradišče on the southern slopes of Pohorje, Piramida at the utmost eastern ending of Pohorje, 29 and Ljubična na Zbelovski gori30 on the opposite side of the valley, along the River Dravinja, appear in the late Roman period. Most of these were built in the area of old prehistoric hillforts. It is not clear when exactly the late Roman settlements were founded. As revealed by the settlement cemetery at Brinjeva gora, it was populated in the 3rd and 4th centuries,31 while, for example, Ančnikovo gradišče (see below) and Ljubična na Zbelovski gori32 indicate the settlement more towards the second half of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th centuries. The majority of the mentioned settlements had a good visual control over the itinerary road and their founding is connected to the military presence confirmed also by the elements of the male military attire known from most of these settlements.33

The Case Study: Ancˇnikovo Gradisˇcˇe Ančnikovo gradišče is the only one among the mentioned sites that has been researched to a great extent. Excavations which have been going on with several intermissions since 198434 unearthed the entire southern part of the settlement along the defensive wall with buildings leaning on them, and a part of the northern wall where in 2010 the entrance to the settlement was discovered, protected by two walls built perpendicularly to the defensive wall. The westernmost part of the settlement was destroyed in an un-

29 30 31 32 33

Strmčnik Gulič 1997, 272, fig. 4–6, 14. Ciglenečki 1994, 244, T. 3, Ciglenečki 2016, 41–42. Pahič 1969b, 266–268. Ciglenečki 2016, 38–40. Brinjeva gora: Ciglenečki 1994, T. 2; Zbelovska gora: Ciglenečki 2016, 38–40; Ančnikovo gradišče: Modrijan 2017, fig. 4: 1–5. 34 Strmčnik Gulič / Ciglenečki 2003; Strmčnik Gulič 2012; Modrijan 2017, 159–174.

84

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:03 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Changes Along the Slovenian Part of the River Drava (Drau) in the Late Roman Period

authorised intervention in 1984, while the eastern and north-eastern part have not yet been explored (Fig. 2). Due to the fact that the site has been thoroughly researched in various parts of the settlement we can assume the inventory from Ančnikovo gradišče as representative. Excavations at Ančnikovo gradišče have not proven any settlement layers from the first three centuries, nevertheless, there are a few small finds originating from this period. Particularly noteworthy are two bronze statuettes. The statuette of Mercury was found after the destruction of the western part of the site in 1984, and the statuette of Apollo was discovered next to the limekiln in the southern part of the settlement.35 They could have been brought as valuable objects from the valley or they could have been part of a yet undiscovered early Roman temple on the hill. A few coins also originate from this time. There is no pottery imported from the Mediterranean area present from the first three centuries. The absence of African red slip ware C from the end of the 3rd and the first half of the 4th century, which is characteristic for Poetovio, can also be noticed. Even in general, African red slip ware is extremely rare: so far we know of only two determinable pieces belonging to form Hayes 61B of North Tunisian production from the second half of the 4th century,36 and a few undeterminable pieces belonging to the same production. Amphorae, similarly, are almost non-existent here – until now, only one fragment of an amphora of African production has been found.37 Neither are there any remains of pottery for which it could be said with certainty that it originates from workshops in Ptuj. There are groups also represented at Ančnikovo gradišče which most probably originate from Pannonian workshops – glazed pottery, to it related fine pottery without glaze,38 and burnished pottery. The inventory of excavations from 201539 in the area of the northern walls included, in the complete pottery assemblage considering the weight of all pieces, 5 % of fine pottery without glaze (sometimes with red slip), 3 % of glazed, and 1 % of burnished pottery (here it needs to be mentioned that, primarily, pottery with burnished decoration is somewhat underestimated since such vessels are fairly thin and much lighter than coarse pottery, and also slightly lighter than glazed pottery). Coarse pottery presents 91 % of the pottery assemblage. A single-handle jug with a collar-shaped rim belongs among pottery without glaze but with fabric similar to glazed pottery (Fig. 3: 1). This shape is generally known from the early Roman period since

35 36 37 38

Strmčnik Gulič / Ciglenečki 2003, 25, fig. 30. Pröttel 1996, 201, T. 3: 7. Pröttel 1996, fig. 59: 1. This pottery in fabric and form completely corresponds glazed pottery and is probably the product of the same workshops (Horváth 2011, 605; Cvjetičanin 2009, 23). 39 The research was conducted within the Slovenian–Croatian project “Rojstvo Evrope/Birth of Europe”.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:03 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

85

Fig. 3: Ancˇ nikovo gradišcˇe – selection of the pottery finds.

Zvezdana Modrijan

it corresponds with the jugs of type 1F according to Istenič, dated to the Flavian period.40 However these forms are also known from the late Roman contexts in the Danubian region where similar jugs are represented among coarse pottery as well as burnished and glazed pottery.41 In Noricum jugs of similar shape were found at Frauenberg.42 Glazed pottery appears in the classical repertoire of forms. Mortaria and bowls prevail. Found mortaria are relatively uniform in form – they are conical or slightly globular, with the obliquely everted or almost horizontal, wide edge which overreaches the rim (Fig. 3: 3). At the site, bowls are of a similar form and are distinguished from mortaria virtually only by the fact that they do not have a coarse inner surface (Fig. 3: 2.4). Some bowls have their rim decorated with densely distributed smaller incisions which form the so-called pearl edge (Fig. 3: 2). Analogies for glazed pottery can be found primarily in Pannonian late Roman forts where workshops were also discovered.43 Glazed pottery is also frequent at some Norican hilltop settlements.44 In the area of Venetia et Histria, it appears mostly at the forts of the system Claustra Alpium Iuliarum and in their surroundings.45 Glazed pottery appears in the south-eastern Alps in the second half of the 4th century and continues until the middle of the 5th century. It can no longer be found at the sites of the late 5th and 6th centuries.46 At Ančnikovo gradišče, burnishing of surface on dark, reduced fired pottery is present with approximately 1 % of pottery. Some of the pottery is also decorated by burnished strips appearing mostly on jugs. Two are known from the excavations prior to 2015,47 while a larger number was found during the excavations of the northern part of the settlement in 2015. The decoration of vertical lines, which cover the majority of the vessel, prevails (Fig. 3: 5). Lattice decoration can also be found. Pots predominate among coarse pottery (77 % according to the number of profiled pieces from excavations in 2015), among which a group of smaller pots or cups stands out. It involves the form of a fairly low vessel with a short everted rim and the largest diameter in the lowest third of the vessel (Fig. 3: 6). The transition from the body to the base can be conical or more rounded. All are ornamented with one or more one-line wavy lines, separated by grooves; the surface can have horizontal brush strokes and lines of punctures can be added. Similar beakers are known from a few nearby and also more distant sites but nowhere in such a great number. Ciglenečki defined them as pots of type 1 and set their dating into the time of the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th centuries.48 This dating is confirmed by the position of these pots in layers together with glazed and burnished pottery at Ančnikovo gradišče. In Ptuj, until now this form has not been known among the published material. However, the amount of published coarse pottery from Ptuj is extremely small. Otherwise, such cups are represented in the late Roman layers of other Roman towns.49 Among bowls, the ones with the vertical or towards the inside tilted upper part prevail. The wall can be more semi-circular or distinctly carinated. The rim can be slightly widened. The upper part of the wall is frequently ribbed. Nearby, these bowls are known from Brinjeva gora,50 while numerous parallels for them were discovered at Frauenberg.51 They are also found at lowland sites.52 During the excavation of the northern part of the site in 2015, a group of metal objects was found which belong to late Roman male attire. The majority was found in layers along the entrance or in the area 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

86

Istenič 1999, 120, fig. 105: 1. Ottományi 2016, fig. 9, grave 230: 4; Horváth 2011, fig. 6: 10. Steinklauber 2013, F 446, F 634. Ottományi 2015, T. 1. Frauenberg: Steinklauber 2013, 65–70; Hemmaberg: Ladstätter 2000, 117–130; Rifnik: Bausovac / Pirkmajer 2012, fig. 3–4; Tinje: Ciglenečki 2000, T. 10: 1–9, T. 11: 1–13; Vranje: Knific 1979, fig. 203–204, 206–207. Assembled in: Modrijan 2011, 133–136. Ladstätter 2000, 124–134; Modrijan 2011, 133–136; Steinklauber 2013, 65. Strmčnik Gulič / Ciglenečki 2003, T. 6: 1–2. Ciglenečki 2000, 64, with analogies collected there. Celje: Busovac 2014, T. 22: 8; Celje – Breg cemetery: Lazar 1997, T. 1: 1; Ljubljana: Plesničar Gec 1983, T. 38: 2. Ciglenečki 2000, fig. 96: 1–4, fig. 96: 7. Bowls of type 11, especially 11.2: Steinklauber 2013, 98–99. Slovenska Bistrica: Pahič 1978, T. 2: 4; Betnava: Strmčnik 1997, T. 1: 9–10.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:03 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Changes Along the Slovenian Part of the River Drava (Drau) in the Late Roman Period

along the defensive wall. These objects indicate the fairly narrow time span of the last quarter of the 4th and the first quarter of the 5th centuries.53 In the remaining parts of the settlement, such objects appear only sporadically. Namely, the majority of metal finds belongs to tools for forestry, blacksmithing, and farming.54 Objects of this kind were also found in 2015, predominantly in buildings 3 and 4, which are located towards the centre of the settlements, away from the defensive walls. The majority of finds which can be narrowly chronologically defined thus indicate that life at Ančnikovo gradišče began after the middle of the 4th century and certainly did not exceed the middle of the 5th century. Some of the metal finds even shorten this dating to the first quarter of the 5th century.55

Conclusion The transition from the lowland to the hilltop settlement in the discussed area was obviously not instantaneous. Certain elements point to at least occasional population of some lowland settlements and villas even after the mid-4th century (Spodnje Grušovje, Betnava), while on the other hand some elements (e.g. the cemetery at Brinjeva gora) indicate the first population of the hilltop location as early as in the 3rd century. At least some of the hilltop and lowland sites were obviously populated simultaneously. Currently we can see that the lowland rural settlements include small amounth of glazed pottery and pottery with burnished decoration which are characteristic inventory of the second half of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th centuries. Since only a selection of the material has been published so far, it is possible that this impression is the consequence of the state of research. The use of some rural settlements after the middle of the 4th century is mainly proven by coins and parts of military attire. Whether this also proves an alternative use of the villas after the mid-4th century (possibly in connection to the stationing of smaller military crews), is too early to conclude at this stage of research. The comparison of pottery assemblage from Ptuj and Ančnikovo gradišče reveals that African red slip ware C, which prevails in Ptuj until the middle of the 4th century, is not present at Ančnikovo gradišče and this implies that the settlement was founded after this time. This dating is confirmed also by some of the metal finds of male attire.56 African red slip ware D and African amphorae also are – much as in Ptuj – extremely rare at Ančnikovo gradišče. Just as in Ptuj, distinct orientation on Pannonian workshops is revealed here. The reason for such a distinct drop in material from the Mediterranean area is not completely clear. It can, though, be noticed in the wider area of Pannonia and south-eastern part of Noricum Mediterraneum,57 while contemporaneous settlements in the western part of Slovenia, as well as in Austrian Carinthia, in this time reveal a notable increase in the import of primarily African amphorae, but also Africa red slip ware and African oil lamps. The reason for this decline cannot be sought only in the fall in purchasing power, since e.g. in some of the more remote areas this import still continues. Pröttel introduces the possibility that this is the consequence of administrative changes after the reforms of Diocletian, when both Noricum and Savia were united into the diocese of lliricum, while the territory of Venetia et Histria became Italia Annonaria. It could have been the reinstatement of customs between these two units that separated the previously unified economic territory and imports from the Mediterranean became too expensive.58 The change in pottery inventory could also be, at least to some extent, connected to the arrival of new population groups. The time of the inclusion of Germanic foederati into the Roman army in the last quarter of the 4th century coincides with changes in the import of vessels. Within the generally prevalent

53 54 55 56 57 58

Modrijan 2017, 162–168. Strmčnik Gulič / Ciglenečki 2003, 26–28, fig. 31–32. Modrijan 2017, 168–169. Modrijan 2017, fig. 4: 1–6. Pröttel 1996, 130, footnote 87; Magyar-Hárshegyi 2016, 630. Pröttel 1996, 130.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:03 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

87

Zvezdana Modrijan

indigenous settlement a military crew is also supposed at Ančnikovo gradišče – primarily due to a good defensive position of the settlement and characteristic finds of male military attire. The change in population is, naturally, not significant since autochthonous inhabitants remain in the majority. At Ančnikovo gradišče, this is indicated by the prevalence of tools for domestic and agricultural tasks found along the entire researched area of the settlement, while finds that could be connected to the military or foreign group of population are grouped only along the defensive walls near the entrance to the settlement.

Bibliography Bausovac 2014: M. Bausovac, Vivas felix, Celeia: Arheološko najdišče Osrednja knjižnica Celje. The Osrednja Knjižnica Celje archaeological site (Celje 2014). Bausovac / Pirkmajer 2012: M. Bausovac, D. Pirkmajer, Late Roman glazed pottery from Rifnik near Celje, Rei Cretariae Romanae Favtorum Acta 42, 33–39. Bratož / Ciglenečki 2000: R. Bratož / S. Ciglenečki, L’odierna Slovenia, Antichità Altoadriatiche 47, 2000, 489–533. Ciglenečki 1993: S. Ciglenečki, Arheološki sledovi zatona antične Petovione, in: B. Lamut (ed.), Ptujski arheološki zbornik ob 100–letnici muzeja in Muzejskega društva (Ptuj 1993) 505–520. Ciglenečki 1994: S. Ciglenečki, Höhenbefestigungen als Siedlungsgrundeinheit der Spätantike in Slowenien, Arheološki vestnik 45,1994, 239–266. Ciglenečki S. 2000: S. Ciglenečki, Tinje nad Loko pri Žusmu / Tinje oberhalb von Loka pri Žusmu, Ope­ ra Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 4 (Ljubljana 2000). Ciglenečki 2003: S.Ciglenečki, Frühchristliche Kirchenanlagen in Slowenien, in: H. R. Sennhauser (ed.), Frühe Kirchen im östlichen Alpengebiet. Von der Spätantike bis in ottonische Zeit 2 (München 2003). Ciglenečki 2016: S. Ciglenečki, Ljubična nad Zbelovsko goro in Homec nad Žičami: dve mogočni, a slabo poznani arheološki postojanki na Štajerskem. Konjice 850 let (Slovenske Konjice 2016). Cvjetičanin 2009: T. Cvjetičanin, Late Roman glazed pottery from the Danubian provinces of Moesia Prima, Dacia Ripensis, Dacia Mediterranea and Dardania, in: C. Magrini / F. Sbarra (eds.), La cera­ mica invetriata tardoromana nell’arco Alpino orientale e nelle province Danubiane. Primi resulti di un progetto internazionale. / Late Roman glazed pottery productions in eastern Alpine area and Danubian provinces. First results of an international project (Udine 2009) 21–26. Hárshegyi / Ottományi 2013: P. Hárshegyi / K. Ottományi, Imported and local pottery in Late Roman Pannonia, in: L. Lavan (ed.), Local Economies? Production and Exchange of Inland Regions in Late Antiquity, Late Antique Archaeology 10, 2013, 471–528. Horvat et al. 2003: J. Horvat / M. Lovenjak / A. Dolenc Vičič / M. Lubšina-Tušek / M. Tomanič Jevremov / Z. Šubic, Poetovio. Development and Topography, in: M. Šašel Kos, P. Scherrer (eds.), The Autonomous Towns of Noricum and Pannonia. Pannonia I, Situla 41, 2003, 153–189. Horvat / Dolenc Vičič 2010: J. Horvat / A. Dolenc Vičič, Arheološka najdišča Ptuja. Rabelčja vas / Archaeological sites of Ptuj. Rabelčja vas, Opera Instituti archaeologici Sloveniae 20 (Ljubljana 2010). Horváth 2011: F. Horváth, Das spätantike Keramikspektrum in Keszthely–Fenékpuszta – erste Ergebnisse, in: O. Heinrich-Tamáska (ed.), Keszthely–Fenékpuszta im Kontext spätantiker Kontinuitätsforschung zwischen Noricum und Moesia. Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense 2 (Budapest – Leipzig – Keszthely – Rahden 2011) 597–652. Istenič 1999: J. Istenič, Poetovio, Zahodna grobišča 1 / Poetovio, the Western Cemeteries 1, Katalogi in monogafije 32 (Ljubljana 1999). Istenič 2004: J. Istenič, Petoviona – središče izdelave in distribucije keramičnih izdelkov / Poetovio – Zentrum der Herstellung keramischer Erzeugnisse, in: Rimljani. Steklo, glina, kamen / Die Römer. Glas, Ton, Stein (Celje, Ptuj, Maribor 2004). Jevremov / Tomanič Jevremov / Ciglenečki 1993: B. Jevremov / M. Tomanič Jevremov / S. Ciglenečki, Poznorimsko grobišče na Ptujskem gradu, Arheološki vestnik 44,1993, 223–233.

88

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:03 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Changes Along the Slovenian Part of the River Drava (Drau) in the Late Roman Period

Jerman 1976: M. Jerman, Zavarovalno izkopavanje v Slovenski Bistrici, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 12/1, 1976, 6–15. Knific 1979: T. Knific, Vranje pri Sevnici. Drobne najdbe z Ajdovskega gradca (Vranje bei Sevnica. Kleinfunde aus Ajdovski gradec), Arheološki vestnik 30, 1979, 732–785. Knific / Nabergoj 2016: T. Knific / T. Nabergoj, Srednjeveške zgodbe s stičišča svetov (Ljubljana 2016). Knific / Sagadin 1991: T. Knific / M. Sagadin, Pismo brez pisave. Arheologija o prvih stoletjih krščanstva na Slovenskem (Ljubljana1981). Korošec 1980: P. Korošec, Skeletni grob iz bloka B–III v Ptuju in materialna kultura tega obdobja, Arheološki vestnik 31, 1980, 38–54. Ladstätter 2000: S. Ladstätter, Die materielle Kultur der Spätantike in den Ostalpen. Eine Fallstudie am Beispiel der westlichen Doppelkirchenanlage auf dem Hemmaberg, Mitteilungen der prähistorischen Kommission 35 (Wien 2000). Lazar 1997: I. Lazar, Poznorimske najdbe iz Celja, Arheološki vestnik 48, 1997, 325–331. Lubšina Tušek 2004: M. Lubšina Tušek,Izročilo preteklosti med Potrčevo in Volkmerjevo cesto na Ptuju, in: Zbornik splošne bolnišnice dr. Jožeta Potrča Ptuj 1874–2004 (Ptuj 2004) 73–79. Magyar–Hárshegyi 2016: P. Magyar–Hárshegyi, Supplying the Roman army on the Pannonian Limes, Rei Cretariae Romanae Favtorum Acta 44 (2016) 619–632. Mikl Curk 1966: I. Mikl Curk, Poznoantično grobišče na Zgornjem Bregu v Ptuju, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje N. V. 2, 1966, 46–62. Mikl Curk 1976: I. Mikl Curk, Nekaj novih zapažanj o rimskih naseljih v Spodnjem Grušovju in Slovenski Bistrici, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 12/1, 1976, 16–30. Modrijan 2011: Z. Modrijan, Keramika / Pottery, in: Z. Modrijan / T. Milavec, Poznoantična utrjena naselbina Tonovcov grad pri Kobaridu. Najdbe / Late antique fortified settlement Tonovcov grad near Kobarid. Finds, Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 24 (Ljubljana 2011). Modrijan 2017: Z. Modrijan, New military finds from Ančnikovo gradišče, in: Ad Amussim. Festschrift zum 65. Geburtstag von Franz Glaser, Kärntner Museumsschriften 82 (Klagenfurt am Wörthersee 2017) 159–174. Ottományi 2015: K. Ottományi, Veränderungen des Töpferhandwerks in der Ersten hälfte des 5. Jhs. anhand der Keramik der Befestigung Visegrád–Gizellamajor, in: Romania Gothica II. The Frontier World. Romans, Barbarians and Millitary Culture. Proceedings of the International Conference at the Eötvös Loránd University (Budapest 2015) 691–740. Ottományi, 2016: K. Ottományi, A vezetőréteg sírjai a budaörsi vicus késő római temetőjében (The Graves of the ruling social stratum in the Late Roman cemetery of the Budaörs vicus), in: Beatus homo qui invenit sapientiam (Győr 2016) 35–70. Pahič 1969a; S. Pahič, Čadram, Varstvo spomenikov 12 (poročila), 1969, 87–88. Pahič1969b: S. Pahič, Antični in straroslovanski grobovi v Brezju nad Zrečami, Razprave Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti 6, 1969, 215–308. Pahič 1978: S. Pahič, Najdbe z rimske ceste Slovenska Bistrica – Pragersko, Arheološki vestnik 29, 1978, 129–289. Pahič 1983: S. Pahič, Bistriški svet v davnini, in: Zbornik občine Slovenska Bistrica I (ob 750 letnici mesta), (Slovenska Bistrica 1983) 39–91. Plesničar Gec 1983: L. Plesničar Gec, Starokrščanski center v Emoni / Old Christian Center in Emona, Katalogi in monografije 21 (Ljubljana 1983). Prőttel 1996: P. M. Prőttel, Mediterrane Feinkeramikimporte des 2. bis 7. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. im oberen Adriaraum und in Slowenien, Kölner Studien zur Archäologie der römischen Provinzen 2 (Espelkamp 1996). Steinklauber 2013: U. Steinklauber, Fundmaterial spätantiker Höhensiedlungen in Steiermark und Kärnten. Frauenberg im Vergleich mit Hoischügel und Duel, Forschungen zur geschichtlichen Landeskunde der Steiermark 61 (Graz 2013). Strmčnik Gulič 1990a: M. Strmčnik Gulič, Nova dognanja arheoloških raziskav v občini, in: Zbornik občine Slovenska Bistrica 2 (Slovenska Bistrica 1990).

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:03 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

89

Zvezdana Modrijan

Strmčnik Gulič 1990b: M. Strmčnik Gulič, Podoba antične poselitve med vzhodnim Pohorjem in Dravo, Arheološki vestnik 41, 1990, 135–146. Strmčnik 1997: M. Strmčnik, Mariborsko – bistriško območje v poznorimski dobi, Arheološki vestnik 48, 1997, 269–288. Strmčnik Gulič 2012: M.Strmčnik Gulič, Ančnikovo gradišče – nekaj novosti o naselbinski podobi (Ančnikovo gradišče – New Insights into the Form of the Settlement), in: B. Migotti / P. Mason / B. Nadbath / T. Munih (eds.), Scripta in Honorem Bojan Djurić. Monografije CPA 1 (Ljubljana 2012) 205–214. Strmčnik Gulič / Ciglenečki 2003: M. Strmčnik Gulič / S. Ciglenečki, Ančnikovo gradišče pri Jurišni vasi. Poznoantična in zgodnjesrednjeveška naselbina / Late Antique and Early Medieval Settlement on Pohorje (Slovenska Bistrica 2003). Šašel Kos 1994: M. Šašel Kos, Romulovo poslanstvo pri Atilu (Ena zadnjih omemb Petovione v antični literaturi), Zgodovinski časopis 48 (1994) 285–295. Tušek 1997: I. Tušek, Skupina poznorimskih grobov iz območja izkopa za stanovanjski blok B – 2 v Rabelčji vasi – zahod na Ptuju. (Eine Gruppe spätrömischer Gräber aus dem Ausschachtungsbereich des Wohnblocks B–2 in Rabelčja vas–West in Ptuj.), Arheološki vestnik 48, 1997, 289–300. Tušek 1998: I. Tušek, Die frühchristliche Basilika in Ptuj auf Panorama, in: N. Cambi / E. Marin (eds.), Acta XIII congressus internationalis archaeologiae christianae, III, Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana (Citta del Vaticano, Split 1998) 737–742. Vomer Gojkovič 1997: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Poznorimski grobovi z grobišča pri Dijaškem domu v Rabelčji vasi na Ptuju. (Spätrömische Gräber vom Gräberfeld beim Schülerheim in Rabelčja vas in Ptuj), Arheološki vestnik 48,1997, 301–324.

90

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:03 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A Brief History of Flavia Solva in Ceramics … and the Problems of Dating a Site Mainly by its Local Coarse Ware

by Julia Rabitsch

Abstract The first part of this paper gives an overview over the analysed and published pottery finds from the Noric municipium Flavia Solva/Wagna. In addition to the local coarse ware there are only very few imports (terra sigillata, amphorae and thin-walled fine ware) which decrease even more in the 2nd half of the 2nd century AD. Because of that, the municipiums dating is based on its coarse ware and the comparable material from temporally and locally close settlements. As a result, a time line can be drawn from Augustan times until the 4th century AD with a major gap during the third quarter of the 3rd century. This hiatus however, is only seen within the finds and cannot be observed within the features and buildings of Flavia Solva. Therefore, the second part of this paper discusses the possible reasons for this hiatus.

Keywords Flavia Solva, local pottery, chronology, crisis of the 3rd century

Introduction The most recent excavations in the insula XXIII (Fig. 1), from 2009 to 2011, were carried out by the Universalmuseum Joanneum represented by Barbara Porod in cooperation with the University of Graz and mark the starting point of these studies.1 Prior to these excavations there was hardly any archaeological research done in this area: sometime before 1919 Walter Schmid documented some walls in this insula which exact location is unknown today. Later on, in 2002 geomagnetic prospections were carried out by Wolfgang Neubauer and Stefan Groh, which gave a good provisional overview over the structures underneath the ground.2 During these excavations the southwest corner of a domus, a part of a courtyard, a cesspit as well as structures of an older building were unearthed. From this older building only an apse and a small part of the floor pavement could be documented. The structures lay beneath the second stone building as well as the later added praefurnium. The findings of the layers underneath the floor pavement and in the corresponding layers in the court date this early phase from Flavian times till the middle of the 2nd century. The second phase consists of the main stone building, with rather nicely plastered walls with trowel lines and an interior apse. In connection with this building is the cesspit outside. Since one of the two praefurnia uses the northern wall of the cesspit as a foundation, the filling of the pit gives us a good dating range for the second phase form the second half of the 2nd century until the middle of the 3rd century. This phase is followed by a presumable last one. The rooms were narrowed and hypocausts and praefurnia were added. The findings from this last phase have a dating range from the late 3rd century until the third quarter of the 4th century. Quite a similar development could be established by Stefan

1 For a detailed description of the findings and features of Insula XXIII see Rabitsch 2013 and Rabitsch 2014. 2 Groh et al. 2002, 79.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

91

Julia Rabitsch

Fig. 1: Map of the known structures of Flavia Solva.

Groh for the insula XLI,3 and the initial thoughts by Erich Hudeczek on the building phases in the insula XXII4 also resemble those phases.

Part I: The Journey through the History of Flavia Solva based on its Pottery The earliest findings from Flavia Solva were located in a small area in the north-eastern part of the settlement close to the River Mur, where a bridge or a landing stage is assumed. In the Insula XL, wooden structures were unearthed beneath the later Flavian stone buildings. Those have a slightly different orientation (about 25°) and the extension of this early wooden settlement does not seem to be very big, since it could only be documented in this small area.5 A significant amount of Italian terra sigillata, mainly Padana B and C with a small percentage of vessels imported from Arrezzo were found in this area. The form spectrum consists primarily of plates and cups belonging to service I and II. In addition to those, two decorated chalices Consp. R 2 (Padana B) as well as an Aco Beaker (Consp. R 12) are present.6 Further there are some early thin-walled vessels from northern Italy (pareti sottili) decorated with a roughcast and/ or barbotine ornaments, dating in Augustan and Tiberian times.7 The local coarse ware is represented by wheel-thrown bottles shaped in the tradition of the La Téne culture and occurring in a slightly tempered grey fabric, as well as pots with comb impressions and the earlier forms of tripod bowls (Type I.18) in a very

3 Groh 1996. 4 Hudeczek 2008. 5 Hinker 2006, 23–25; Hinker 2010, 9–11. 6 Hinker 2006 31–40; Radbauer 2010, 42. 7 Hinker 2006, 43–46. 8 According to the typology of A. Csapláros, Ch. Hinker and S. Lamm: Csapláros et al. 2012, 238.

92

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A Brief History of Flavia Solva in Ceramics …

Fig. 2: Exemplary pottery from the insula XXIII dating in the ‘founding phase’ (Flavian times– middle of the 2nd century).

coarse fabric, the so-called ‘Noric ware’ which can be handmade or wheel-thrown.9 This ‘Noric ware’ is the most common fabric in the province Noricum. It is best described as a rough walled, reductively fired pottery in brown and grey shades. The temper varies in the different regions of the province: For the area around Flavia Solva, these are quartz, feldspar and muscovite, which are the main components of the sand from the Rivers Mur and Sulm10. Based on the findings this earliest phase of Flavia Solva can be dated from Augustan times until Claudian times. This early phase is followed by the ‘founding phase’ starting in Flavian times, when the municipium was founded, and as far as we can tell it extends across the whole known area of Flavia Solva. Since there 9 Hinker 2006, 49–50, 52–54. 10 Artner 1999, 229.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

93

Julia Rabitsch

Fig. 3: Exemplary pottery from the insula XXIII dating in the third phase (middle of the 2nd–middle of the 3rd century).

are very few materials analysed – only the more or less excavations are published, and those from the early 20th century are hardly know to public – the assumption cannot fully be confirmed. However, the insulae XXIII and XLI which can be located on the eastern and western end of street K are representative for the settlement, or at least its east-west extension. It is possible, that the northern and southern outskirts of Flavia Solva were settled later on. In addition to those, parts of a house in insula XLII, in the south-east corner of the settlement, between the streets G and F, is analysed as well and will be considered in this paper. The burial sites, dating from the 1st century until late Roman times, are published as well. However, because of a change in burial rites and grave goods only those from the 1st and 2nd century provide enough comparable material. The imported ware in this time consists of terra sigillata tardo-padana (Fig. 2: 1–2), mainly Consp. 20, Consp. 34 and Consp. 43, as well as (south and central) Gaulish terra sigillata bowls, form Drag. 37 and just a few Drag. 37 bowls produced in Rheinzabern and Westerndorf.11 Further there are some transport amphorae, primarily oil amphorae Dressel 6B from Istria, amphorae containing 11 Groh 1996, 103–108, especially table 5 and 6; Hinker 2014, 109–112; Rabitsch 2014, 330; Seehauser 2007, 129.

94

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A Brief History of Flavia Solva in Ceramics …

Fig. 4: Exemplary pottery from the insula XXIII dating in the presumable last phase (4th quarter of the 3rd century–late 4th/early 5th century).

garum, Beltrán IIa, from South Spain, Schörgendorfer 558 filled with olives, from the Adriatic coast, and wine amphorae Ostia I/IV as well as Dressel 2–4 from Northern Italy. Further there are Rhodian type amphorae (Camulodunum 184 and Dressel 43) containing wine. Sherds from amphorae type Camulodunum 189 represent the import of dates from the Levantine coast.12 The major part of the local produced wares in this time consists of pots and jars in the slightly tempered grey fabric which also occurs with a dark grey or black slip. The pottery shapes are still in tradition of the La Tène culture (Fig. 2: 3–4) with a small influence by Roman forms (baking plates e.g.). Further there is a significant amount of ‘Noric

12 Hinker 2014, 108; Rabitsch 2013, 330; Sakl-Oberthaler 1994a, 128–130; Sakl-Oberthaler 1994b, 8–17.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

95

Julia Rabitsch

ware’, mainly pots with an outward bended rim and comb impressions13 as well as tripod bowls (types I.2 and I.314; Fig. 2: 5–6). This first big phase of Flavia Solva dates between Flavian times and the middle of the 2nd century. In the insula XL an additional phase between the 150 and 170 AD can be proven.15 The end of this phase is often brought into connection with possible raids of the Marcomanni, since there is evidence for extensive fires in different parts of the settlement dating in the third quarter of the 2nd century. Since the burnt layers only appear in some insulae (XI, XXXI, XL) but not in the most parts of the town (insulae VII, XXII, XXIII, XXXIX, XLII) a complete destruction by invading peoples does not seem that plausible.16 It is however, quite possible, that after a 100 years of the settlement, people started a big rebuilding phase, tearing down the old houses and erecting new ones. Additional rebuilding measures and renovations before that are assumed but cannot be proven.17 The next major phase that can be established extends over the whole area of Flavia Solva and dates from the second half the 2nd century till the middle of the 3rd century. This phase is characterized by the lack of imports. There are hardly any amphorae which date later than the 2nd century and the terra sigillata imports from the Germanic provinces (Rheinzabern, Westerndorf, Pfaffenhofen) seem to decline drastically. However, there are still a few bowls form Drag. 3718 (Fig. 3: 2) but most of the table ware consists of bowls and beakers of the so-called ‘Pannonische Glanztonware’ (Fig. 3: 3–4) and folded beakers.19 In addition to that there are quite a few ‘Raetian ware’ pots and cups, mainly style Drexel III (Fig. 3: 5). Because of the frequent appearance of Raetian ware in Solva and its surroundings a local production in Flavia Solva itself was suggested by Wolfgang Artner.20 The local wares form the major part of pottery finds in this time: tripod bowls in all the common variations (Types I.3. II.1 and II.221; Fig. 3: 9), so-called ‘Solvenser Schultertöpfe’ (Fig. 3: 6), a big variety of pots – mostly with outward bended rims, still a few with comb impressions but most of them are undecorated (Fig. 3: 8). In addition to that there are beakers with roller-stamping22 (Fig. 3: 7) and mortaria type Haltern 60.23 In the last elusive phase of Flavia Solva there is a revival of imports, which is indicated by terra sigillata from the African provinces, so-called African red slip ware. The most common form in Solva are plates Hayes 50A and 50B (Fig. 4: 1), which can be found in the insula XXIII as well as in the XLI. In insula XLI there were also sherds belonging to plates or flat bowls types Hayes 45A and Hayes 46. The major part of table ware in this time is comprised of late Roman glazed ware, primarily plates and bowls with a variety of roller-stamping decors (Fig. 4: 2–3). The gloss is greenish to amber-coloured and applied to the outside as well as the inside of the vessels. The same glaze can be found on the late mortaria whose inner surface is glazed as well, while the upper part resembles the ‘Raetian type-mortaria’ with a red slip on the rim (Fig. 4: 4). The cooking and storage vessels are locally produced; there is evidence for a local pottery production from Flavian times on until the 4th century AD.24 The coarse ware pots tend to have rims with a triangular cross-section with sharp edges (Fig. 4: 5–7). The local fabric appears darker than before, with a dark grey or black colour and more lime particles are used for tempering. Based on the findings this last phase starts in the last quarter of the 3rd century and ends somewhere in the 4th century, probably even at

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

96

Similar pots occur in the graves of the 1st century in the associated burial sites: Fuchs 1980, pl. A 47. Csapláros et al. 2012, 238–240. Groh 1996, 159–160. Hinker 2014, 50, 186–188; Rabitsch 2014, 334. The only known one is afore said one in insula XL. Groh 1996, pl. 28. In the insula XLI no imports of ‘Pannonischer Glanztonware’ can be verified (Groh 1996, 118), in the insula XXIII they still appear later on but probably not longer than until the end of the 2nd century (Rabitsch 2014, 330). Further: Radbauer 2010, 42. Artner 1994, 24. Csapláros et al. 2012, 241–242. These beakers can only be found in the graves of the 2nd century in Flavia Solva: Fuchs 1980, pl. A 49. Rabitsch 2014, pl. 2–3; Seehauser 2007, 136–141. Radbauer 2010, 46.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A Brief History of Flavia Solva in Ceramics …

the beginning of the 5th century AD.25 As for pottery, there is no evidence of settlement activity between the last two phases. The conclusion of the first part of this paper is that there are more or less three major phases spanning the whole settlement of Flavia Solva. All of them are dated by the findings, which consist mainly of local produced wares – the slightly tempered grey ware and the so-called Noric ware – and just a small percentage of imports – terra sigillata, ‘Pannonische Glanztonware’ and amphorae. In the insula XXIII, for instance, imported ceramics account for only about 16 % of the pottery, while the remaining 84 % are Noric ware, the fine grey ware and an equivalent oxidizing fired ware.26 Noteworthy for Flavia Solva is the small proportion of terra sigillata (e.g. insula XXIII: 2 %) as well as the sudden disappearance of transport amphorae in the 2nd century AD. Therefore, the dating is done primarily by comparing the local pottery, which mainly consists of pots and bowls, with the pottery from already published and dated contexts (burial sites, vici and villae)27 from the surround area. The local pottery of the graves of Flavia Solva and the vicus of Gleisdorf is particularly helpful for this purpose, as the associated finds can be dated to a certain period of time, from which conclusions can be drawn about the dating of local forms. According to the findings the settlement lasted from the 1st century AD until the beginning or the middle of the 5th century. An interesting aspect is the short hiatus for about 15 years around the middle of the 3rd century, which leads to the second part of this paper.

Part II: A Hiatus Caused by Raids by the Alemanni or by Modern Research? The sudden recess in settlement continuity in the south-eastern part of the province Noricum is a wellknown phenomenon. In the older literature it is often explained by raids of Germanic/Alemannic peoples and brought in connection with the civil wars. There are suggestions that people left the settlement(s) during the crisis and moved to safer sites on hilltops. After the situation has calmed and Aurelian had restored the Roman Empire, people returned to their old settlements in the lower areas or built new ones, continuing their lives as if nothing had happened. A certain crisis is beyond any doubt, since there are numerous coin hoards dating in this time and some of the smaller settlements seem to end around this time.28 However, if Flavia Solva was not inhabited for over a decade, there would be lot of partly decayed buildings followed by major renovations. Further there are no signs for armed conflicts which could indicate an actual endangerment by foreign peoples. For a better understanding of this hiatus other settlements in the area need to be examined. The smaller settlements, the vici of Gleisdorf (about 40 km north-east from Flavia Solva) and Kalsdorf (about 20 km north from Flavia Solva), seem to end around the middle of the 3rd century. However, more resent research shows, that they might only have a similar gap in this time. The findings from the excavations in the vicus of Gleisdorf suggest an ending around the middle of the 3rd century, 29 however there are old findings without any known context, that indicate a later existence.30 In the vicus of Kalsdorf the situation is quite similar: the settlement reached its peak in the second half of the 2nd century, afterwards a steady decline can be noted. There is no evidence for continuous metal processing and pottery workshops. Since they were located at the outskirts, it is quite possible that these are signs for a shrunken settlement in the 3rd and 4th century. The existence of a remaining settlement in this time is proven by a continuous coin series until the 4th century as well as a small amount of late Roman glazed ceramics. Unfortunately these findings are not stratified.31 Quite important for Flavia Solva is the neighbouring settlement on the Frauenberg. It is often referred to as Solvas predecessor and successor as well. In the Roman period it is said to be a cultic centre with its sanctuary for Isis Noreia.32 However, the 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

Groh 1996, pl. 44; Hudeczek 2008, 275–276; Rabitsch 2014, pl. 5; Steinklauber 2010, 26–27. Rabitsch 2014, 330, fig. 8. The locations used for the comparison are listed in the second part of the paper. Betz / Weber 1990, 48–49; Groh 1996, 184–185; Hudeczek 1977, 466. Maier 1995, 44–59. Lohner-Urban 2016, 172; Schneeberger 2016, 19. Lohner-Urban 2009, 168–174; Lohner-Urban 2016, 174. For the temple see inter alia: Schrettle 2010, 68–71.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

97

Julia Rabitsch

settlement on the Perl-/Stadeläcker did not end in the Roman times, it continued to exist – on a much smaller scale – throughout the whole time with its first peak in the La Tène Age and a second peak in late Roman times.33 There is no evidence for a sudden migration during the 3rd century that coincides with the hiatus in Flavia Solva and could support the thesis of being a retreat during the crisis. Those examples show, that there is a similar state of research in the settlements in the immediate surroundings. Since the findings from these vici count as important comparisons for the finds from Flavia Solva it is not possible to get an understanding of the local material culture around the middle of the 3rd century. Further comparable material could be provided by the findings from the villae in the local area. Here, another phenomenon is revealed: there seem to be two major phases – one for the ‘Roman imperial villae’ in the 1st and 2nd century (e.g. Villa Grünau34 and Villa Thalerhof35) and the other one for the ‘late Roman villae’ in the 3rd and 4th century (e.g. Villa Löffelbach36). However, none of them has a long enough continuity that would give more information about a probable hiatus around the middle of the 3rd century.37 If the earlier villae have a later phase in the 4th or 5th century they also show a similar gap to the 3rd century, were the situation is quite unclear.38 Further, a lot of the villae in the area stand out by their small quantity of findings; even if most parts are excavated, just a small amount of sherds can be accounted for.39 The lack of analysed and published material from Flavia Solva is one of the major problems when trying to establish its timeline. The attempt to bypass this lack by using comparable material from its surroundings only works as long as there is enough (relatively) dated material available. Since all of the settlements in the surroundings of Solva show a similar gap we do not know enough findings dating in the third quarter of the 3rd century, or rather we do not know the real duration of some forms, since it is quite possible that some of them lasted longer or started earlier. However, when dating a site by its findings a few additional aspects must be taken into consideration. Firstly, comparing the findings from inside the settlement with those of the associated burial site only works as long as the grave goods have the same spectrum as a common household. In the 3rd century there is a change in the custom of grave goods; people discontinued the practice of giving the deceased food for the afterlife and consequently cooking pots and storage containers disappear from the grave inventories.40 Therefore we do not have as many closed contexts that help dating coarse ware and common goods. Secondly, we have to take the circumstances of the discovery of the finds into account. The known material from Flavia Solva is waste and building debris that was used for levelling the ground for a new construction.41 Thus the best represented phases are those shortly before a house was torn down and a new one erected. The last phase of the settlement is represented quite good as well, which can be explained by the fact, that people left their waste back in their houses and took only the things with them that they needed for their journey and/or their new home. That means in times where they neither built new homes nor left for good there is a scarcity of finds since there was an organised waste disposal system. Broken dishes, kitchen waste and other broken goods were discarded in waste pits outside the inhabited areas, somewhere in the periphery. In Flavia Solva the excavations main focus has been on the settlement itself, the private houses, the burial sites and the public buildings such as the amphitheatre. The outskirts are mostly unknown and have not been surveyed; therefore we do not know the location of the waste pits yet. A combination of all those circumstances and facts provides another explanation for the hiatus around the middle of the 3rd century in Flavia Solva and its surroundings. The crisis around that time might not have led the people to leave the settlement; however, it could have affected the inhabitants in a different way. The political uncertainty influenced the economic welfare, which led people to live a simpler life 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41

98

Artner 1999, 224; Hudeczek 1977, 467; Steinklauber 1997, 104–107. Lamm 2011, 64; Lamm / Marko 2012, 31. Marko 2016, 208; Marko 2017, 87–89. Marko 2011, 286; Marko 2017, 139. The ‘villa from Retznei’ is not taken into consideration, since it is uncertain that the known Roman structures belong to a villa. Lamm / Marko 2012, 28. 31. Thanks to Patrick Marko (University of Graz) for this information. Fuchs 1980, pl. A 47–A 55. Hudeczek 1977, 465

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A Brief History of Flavia Solva in Ceramics …

during that time. Because of that no major building phase dates around this time – smaller renovations and repair work cannot be dated precisely – what results in the lack of levelling cavities which otherwise would provide useful information about the material culture of this time. Since the waste could not be used for construction purposes, people disposed it outside the settlement in waste pits, which are not located. Those facts together with the lack of imports in this time and the changed customs of grave goods lead to a huge lack of knowledge of the ceramics and therefore the major part of the material culture of the third quarter of the 3rd century is not known. However, only because we do not know it (yet), that does not mean it is non-existent. As the political situation calmed down, people regained better standard of living which resulted in new building phases and new trading partners.42 New houses were erected, old ones were renovated and equipped with hypocausts and later with late antique Y-shaped heating channels as well as with mosaic floors – black and white ones or tile mosaics.43 In addition to that imports start again but on a much smaller scale. Since it is more or less the last phase of the settlement the ceramics are known, a lot of the material culture was left behind when the settlement was finally abandoned somewhere in 4th or at the beginning of the 5th century. Some even assume a small remaining settlement which existed until the middle of the 5th century. However, so far no findings have been published that date back to this time.44

Conclusion Looking at all the known and published pottery findings from Flavia Solva most striking is the limited state of research. A lot is known about the structures and the extension of the settlement itself however, hardly any findings are analysed and published. This can be associated with the main researcher of Flavia Solva in the early 20th century, Walter Schmid, whose aim was to create a (almost) complete map of the Roman settlement. To realise this map his methodical approach was to mainly excavate the outer walls of each insula to get a quick overview over the extension of the settlement. Therefore the main sources for comparable findings are the neighbouring settlements, which – as shown in part II – do not have the same continuity or show a similar gap. Further, very few of them were excavated with modern methods and have an equally poor state of research. Because of the lack of comparable findings or imports dating later than the 2nd century, there is a hiatus in the middle of the 3rd century. However, it is not certain if this hiatus is a historic one, created by actual political and cultural events or if it was unintentionally created by ‘modern’ research. In my opinion, not only the crisis of the 3rd century must be factored, but also all the social and cultural changes (e.g. funeral rites). A certain lack of knowledge about this time makes more sense than a more or less completely uninhabited settlement (or settlements including the smaller vici) in an otherwise flourishing area. However, to get a better answer for this problem further purposive studies are necessary.

Bibliography Artner 1994: W. Artner, Die provinzialrömischen Gräber von Gleisdorf in der Oststeiermark, Mitteilungen der Österreichischen Gesellschaft für Ur– und Frühgeschichte 38/39, 1988/89 (Wien 1994). Artner 1999: W. Artner, Der Frauenberg bei Leibnitz, Steiermark, in der Spätlatènezeit und in der vorclaudischen Kaiserzeit. Ausgrabungen des Landesmuseums Joanneum 1979–1985, Archaeologia Austriaca 82/83 1998/99 (Wien 1999) 221–341. Betz / Weber 1990: A. Betz / E. Weber, Aus Österreichs römischer Vergangenheit (Wien 1990). Csapláros et al 2012: A. Csapláros / Ch. Hinker / S. Lamm, Typologische Serie zu Dreifussschüsseln aus dem Stadtgebiet von Flavia Solva. In: S. Bíro/P.Vámos (Hrsg.), Fiatal Római Koros Kutatók II. Konferenciakötete (Győr 2012), 235–245. 42 Groh 1996, 184. 43 Hudeczek 2008, 276; Steinklauber 2008, 25; Rabitsch 2014, 328, fig. 6. 44 Schrettle 2011, 11–116.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

99

Julia Rabitsch

Groh 1996: St. Groh, Die Insula XLI von Flavia Solva. Ergebnisse der Grabungen 1959 und 1989 bis 1992, Sonderschriften des Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts 28 (Wien 1996). Groh et al. 2002: St. Groh / W. Neubauer / S. S. Seren / A. Eder–Hinterleitner / K. Löcker, Geophysikalische Messungen im nordöstlichen Stadtteil von Flavia Solva: Interpretation und archäologisch–historische Auswertung, Jahreshefte des Österreichischen archäologischen Instituts 71, 2002, 79–128. Hinker 2006: Ch. Hinker, Flavia Solva vor der Stadtrechtsverleihung. Befunde und Funde aus der insula XL, Schild von Steier Beiheft 3/2006 (Graz 2006). Hinker 2010: Ch. Hinker, Zur Gründung von Flavia Solva: Solva vor den Flaviern. In: Porod 2010, 8–15. Hinker 2014: Ch. Hinker. Ein Brandhorizont aus der Zeit der Markomannenkriege im südostnorischen Munizipium Flavia Solva (Wien 2014). Hudeczek 1977: E. Hudeczek, Flavia Solva. In: W. Haase/H. v. Temporini (Hrsg.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt II,6 (Berlin 1977) 414–471. Hudeczek 2008: E. Hudeczek, Die Insula XXII von Flavia Solva. Kommentierter Zwischenbericht über die Grabungen 1980–1988, Schild von Steier 21/2008 (Graz 2009) 257–290. Lamm 2011: S. Lamm, Die römische Villa von Grünau. Funde und Befunde der Grabungssaisonen 1991, 1992, 2001 und 2002 (Dissertation Karl–Franzens–Universität Graz 2011). Lamm / Marko 2012: S. Lamm / P. Marko, Römerzeitliche Villen in der Steiermark, Schild von Steier 21/2012 = Forschungen zur geschichtlichen Landeskunde der Steiermark 58, (Graz 2012) 24–41. Lohner–Urban 2009: U. Lohner–Urban, Untersuchungen m römerzeitlichen Vicus von Kalsdorf. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Archäologie der Karl–Franzens–Universität Graz 9 = Forschungen zur geschichtlichen Landeskunde der Steiermark 50 (Wien 2009). Lohner–Urban 2016: U. Lohner–Urban, Vicus–Forschung in Südostnoricum – reloaded. In: M. Pfeil (Hrsg.), Römische Vici und Verkehrsinfrastruktur in Raetien und Noricum. Colloquium Bedaium Seebruck 26.–28. März 2015. Schriftenreihe des bayerischen Landesamtes für Denkmalpflege 15 (München 2016) 169–177. Maier 1995: Ch. Maier, Der Vicus von Gleisdorf. In: Th. Lorenz / Ch. Maier / M. Lehner, Der römische Vicus von Gleisdorf. Bericht über die Ausgrabungen 1988–1990. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für klassische Archäologie der Karl–Franzens–Universität Graz 2 (Wien 1995) 21–60. Marko 2011: P. Marko, Die villa Löffelbach – Polygonale Bauformen in spätantiken Villen und Palästen. In: G. v. Bülow / H. Zabehlicky (Hrsg.) Spätantike Paläste und Großvillen im Donau–Balkan–Raum. Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums in Bruckneudorf vom 15. bis 18. Oktober 2008 (Bonn 2011) 285–291. Marko 2016: P. Marko, Ausgewählte Keramikfunde aus der römischen Villa Thalerhof. In: G. Grabherr / B. Kainrath (Hrsg.), Akten des 15. Österreichischen Archäologentags in Innsbruck 27. Februar–1. März 2014, Ikarus 9 (Innsbruck 2016) 203–214. Marko 2017: P. Marko, Römischen Villen der Steiermark und ihr Fundmaterial. Die Altgrabungen von Forst–Thalerhof (1937–39) und Löffelbach (1961–63/1992–2002) und ihre Kleinfunde (Dissertation Karl–Franzens–Universität Graz 2017). Porod 2010: B. Porod (Hrsg.), Flavia Solva. Ein Lesebuch, Schild von Steier Kleine Schriften 22 (Graz 2010). Rabitsch 2013: J. Rabitsch, Die Insula XXIII von Flavia Solva: Kleinfunde und Befunde aus den Grabungen des Universalmuseums Joanneum von 2009 und 2010 (Diplomarbeit Karl–Franzens–Universität Graz 2013). Rabitsch 2014: J. Rabitsch, Die Insula XXIII von Flavia Solva: Kleinfunde und Befunde aus den Grabungen der Karl–Franzens–Universität Graz und des Universalmuseums Joanneum von 2009 und 2010, Schild von Steier 26/2013/2014 (Graz 2014) 324–343. Radbauer 2010: S. Radbauer, Die römerzeitliche Keramik von Flavia Solva. In: Porod 2010, 40–47. Sakl-Oberthaler 1994a: S. Sakl-Oberthaler, Römische Amphoren aus der Insula XLI von Flavia Solva. Rettungsgrabungen 1989 bis 1992, Römisches Österreich 19/20, 1991–1992 (Wien 1994), 127–141. Sakl-Oberthaler 1994b: S. Sakl-Oberthaler, Die römischen Transportamphoren aus der Insula XXII in Flavia Solva, Schild von Steier 17/1994 (Graz 1994) 8–44. 100

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

A Brief History of Flavia Solva in Ceramics …

Schneeberger 2016: D. Schneeberger, Der Vicus von Gleisdorf 1996. Vorlage von Befunden und Funden. Ein Vicus zwischen zwei Grenzen? Fragen der Kontinuität und Diskontinuität. (Masterarbeit Karl– Franzens–Universität Graz 2016). Schrettle 2010: B. Schrettle, Der Frauenberg – Vorgängersiedlung und Tempelberg Flavia Solvas. In: Porod 2010, 66–71. Schrettle 2011: B. Schrettle, Neue Forschungen in Rannerdorf und auf dem Frauenberg – zur Spätantik im Umfeld von Flavia Solva. In: O. Heinrich–Tamáska (Hrsg.), Im Kontext spätantiker Kontinuitätsforschung zwischen Noricum und Moesia, Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense 2 (Budapest/Leipzig/ Kesthely/Rahden 2011) 114–118. Seehauser 2007: H. Seehauser, Ein Haus der Insula XLII von Flavia Solva, Funde und Befunde aus den Räumen A, B, C1 und C2, Schild von Steier 20/2007 (Graz 2007) 109–190. Steinklauber 1997: U. Steinklauber, Grabungen auf den Perl–/Stadeläckern am Frauenberg bei Leibnitz im Jahre 1991. In: M. Hainzmann (Hrsg.), Corolla memoriae Walter Modrijan dedicata (Graz 1997) 103–109. Steinklauber 2010: U. Steinklauber, Das Ende von Flavia Solva: Flavia Solva in der Spätantike. In: Porod 2010, 22–27.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

101

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:07 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Die Handelsgeschichte in Teurnia am Beispiel der Amphoren

von Katharina Ramstetter

Abstract Roman amphoras are an important source for understanding trading connections in antiquity. The amphoras of the so-called area HA which is situated on the Holzerberg in Teurnia provided a representative sample. Especially the persisting settlement in Teurnia from the end of the 1st cebtury BC to the first half of the 7th century AD permits to examine the commercial history over a long time span. For the early and mid Empire it was possible to notice close ties to the Adriatic which was represented by a high proportion of Dressel 6B olive oil amphoras. Between the 3rd and 5th century AD sharp decrease of imported amphoras in Teurnia and other sites in Southern Noricum and along the Danube is observable. Trading changes could be perceived only for the 6th century AD when the supply of amphoras increases again by a prominent proportion of eastern Mediterranean and northern African amphoras

Keywords Teurnia, Amphoren, Handel, frühe und mittlere Kaiserzeit, Spätantike

Exemplarisch werden in diesem Beitrag die Amphorenfunde aus dem sog. Areal HA in Teurnia, heute St. Peter in Holz, herangezogen, um die Handelsentwicklungen im oberen Drautal zu beleuchten.1 Das Areal HA auf dem Holzerberg umfasst mehrere Gebäudereste der frühen Kaiserzeit bis in die Spätantike. Namengebend für diesen Bereich war das spätantike repräsentative Gebäude HA, bei dem es sich um eine spätantike domus bzw. gegebenenfalls um einen Verwaltungsbau (praetorium) des späten 5. und 6. Jh. n. Chr. handelt (Abb. 1). Die Siedlungsgeschichte des Holzerbergs schließt für die römische Zeit den Zeitraum vom ausgehenden 1. Jh. v. Chr. bis zum Ende des 6. Jh.s bzw. zur ersten Hälfte des 7. Jh.s n. Chr. ein. Slawische Keramik des Prager Typs indiziert in Teurnia/Tiburnia eine andauernde Besiedlung in der ersten Hälfte des 7. Jh.s n. Chr. Diese kontinuierliche Siedlungstätigkeit ist in Noricum einmalig, denn Siedlungsverlagerungen entweder am Beginn der römischen Kaiserzeit und/oder in der Spätantike ab dem ausgehenden 4. und 5. Jh. n. Chr. fanden hier wie an anderen südnorischen Siedlungsplätzen nicht statt. Insofern scheint die Betrachtung der Amphoren an einem Fundort über den genannten Zeitraum hinweg vielversprechend. Insgesamt liegen 150 diagnostische Fragmente2 von Amphoren aus dem Areal des Gebäudes HA in Teurnia vor. Hiervon konnten 132 eindeutig klassifiziert werden. Die importierten Amphoren gelangten während des Zeitraums vom Ende des 1. Jh.s v.  Chr. bis zum ausgehenden 6. bzw. der ersten Hälfte 1 Funde und Befunde der Bebauung im Areal HA auf dem Holzerberg in Teurnia sind derzeit Gegenstand einer Dissertation an der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg i. Breisgau. Ulrike Ehmig behandelte im Rahmen des FWF-Projektes „Across the Alps in Amphora“ in einem Überblick Amphorenspektren der frühen Kaiserzeit im Südostalpenraum (Ehmig 2009a; Ehmig 2009b; Ehmig 2012). Darunter fielen auch Amphoren aus dem Areal HA aus Teurnia, die im Rahmen dieser Untersuchung noch genauer betrachtet werden. 2 Zu den diagnostischen Fragmenten zählen Rand-, Boden- und Henkelfragmente sowie Wandfragmente des Schulterbereichs. Dies erleichtert zum einen eine eindeutige Typenansprache wie zum anderen auch eine Annäherung an die tatsächliche Gefäßindividuenanzahl.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

103

Katharina Ramstetter

Abb. 1: Abfolge der kaiserzeitlichen bis spätantiken Bebauung im Areal HA in Teurnia.

des 7. Jh.s n. Chr. nach Teurnia. Für Südnoricum sind für die frühe und mittlere Kaiserzeit neben den Amphoren aus Teurnia bislang nur umfassend Amphoren aus Flavia Solva3 und vom Magdalensberg4 vorgelegt worden. In diesem Beitrag erfahren auch die Amphoren aus Virunum eine Berücksichtigung, welche insgesamt 498 Gefäßindividuen umfassen.5 Kleinere Amphorenspektren in Südnoricum sind vom römischen Bestattungsplatz von Faschendorf bei Teurnia6, aus dem vicus am Saazkogel7 und aus Aguntum8

3 Sakl-Oberthaler 2000. 4 Maier-Maidl 1992; Bezeczky 1994a. 5 Hierbei wurden die Amphoren aus den Grabungen im Amphitheater (Gugl 2004) und aus vorberichtlich publizierten Grabungen in Virunum berücksichtigt (Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger 1993; Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger 1997; Zabehlicky-Scheffengger / Gostenčnik 1999; Zabehlicky-Scheffengger / Gostenčnik 2002). Aus unpublizierten Kontexten stammen Amphoren der Grabungen am Gasthof Fleißner (Manuskript Priv.-Doz. Dr. Ulrike Ehmig), Grabungen im suburbanen Tempelbezirk bei St. Michael am Zollfeld (Zabukovec 2013) und aus den spätkaiserzeitlichen Kontexten unterhalb der frühchristlichen Kirche (Fiamozzi 2012). Für die Herausgabe des Manuskripts der Amphoren vom Gasthof Fleißner möchte ich mich herzlich bei Dr. Eleni Schindler Kaudelka (Graz) bedanken. 6 Polleres 2008, 71–75. 7 Sedlmayer 2006b, 140–141. 8 Alzinger 1955, 15–20; Schoitsch 1976, 169–173.

104

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Die Handelsgeschichte in Teurnia am Beispiel der Amphoren

bekannt. Besser ist der Forschungsstand für die norische und pannonische ripa mit den Fundplätzen Mautern, Wien und Carnuntum.9 Von den 132 bestimmten Amphoren stammen 111 Gefäßindividuen aus der frühen und mittleren Kaiserzeit; 21 diagnostische Amphorenfragmente gehören dem Zeitraum des 3. bis 6. Jh.s n.  Chr. an. Zu den ältesten Stücken zählen Fragmente von adriatischen Olivenölamphoren der Form Dres­ sel 6B mit der Stempelung QGPHE und LNF, die zwischen dem Ende des 1.  Jh.s v. Chr. und Beginn des 1. Jh.s n. Chr. einzuordnen sind.10 Diese zwar aus umgelagerten Befunden stammenden Stücke können der frühesten Holzbebauung in diesem Bereich des Holzer­bergs zugeordnet werden, die vor der Mitte des 1. Jh.s n. Chr. abbrannte. Für die frühe und mittlere Kaiserzeit bilden die Olivenölamphoren die stärkste Gruppe mit rund 55 % (Abb. 2). Hier treten vor allem adriatische Olivenölamphoren der Form Dressel 6B in Erscheinung; mit einem kleineren Anteil sind hingegen Amphoren des Typs Porto Recanati (2  %) präsent, die den Transportbehältnissen für Olivenöl zugerechnet werden.11 Adriatische Fischsauce, die in Amphoren der Form Aquincum 78 – auch bekannt unter Bezeichnung anforette nord-italiche bzw. anforette adriatiche da pesce12 – transportiert wurde, ist mit 28 % vorhanden. Weininhalte, die zum größten Teil aus dem ostmediterranen Raum geliefert wurden, sind mit insgesamt rund 13  % eher in geringem Umfang vertreten. In Teurnia ist insgesamt das Vorherrschen von Warenbehältern aus dem adriatischen Raum, gefolgt von Behältern aus dem östlichen Mittelmeerraum, auffallend. Hingegen fehlen hispanische Lieferungen für Olivenöl, Fischsauce und Wein völlig. Dies hängt wahrscheinlich mit unterschiedlichen Belieferungsstrukturen zusammen, wie sie schon Ehmig feststellte.13 So gelangte während der frühen Kaiserzeit in westlicher gelegene Fundplätze in Süddeutschland und in der Schweiz eine vergleichsweise hohe Anzahl an Importen von der iberischen Halbinsel (v.  a. Olivenöl und Wein) und aus Südgallien (Wein), während die oberitalisch-adriatischen Importe dort stärker zurücktreten. Hispanische und auch südgallische Produkte sind in Teurnia und Flavia Solva insgesamt unterrepräsentiert. In Flavia Solva liegen adriatische und hispanische Transportbehälter für Fischsaucen (adriatisch: anforette adriatiche da pesce; hispanisch: Beltrán IIA) im Verhältnis 2:1 vor (Abb. 3). In Virunum fällt der erhöhte Anteil mit 14  % hispanischer Fischsaucenamphoren (Beltrán IIA, Dressel 7−12, Maña C2) ins Auge, der sogar die adriatischen Form Aquincum 78 übertrifft (Abb. 4). Zusammenfassend lässt sich feststellen, dass die baetischen Olivenölamphoren in Südnoricum generell nur in geringen Anteilen begegnen, während sich die adriatische Fischsauce gegenüber ihrem hispanischen Konkurrenzprodukt meist weniger behaupten konnte.14 Südgallische Amphoren gelangten nur in seltenen 9 Mautern: Sedlmayer 2006b, 140–141; Carnuntum: Bezeczky 1997; Wien: Bezeczky 2005. 10 Vergleiche zu LNF Stempel in Monogrammform, s. Maier-Maidl 1992, 61; Vergleiche zu QGPHE bzw. QGPRE Stempeln, s. Pesavento Mattioli 1998, 323 Nr. 104; Cipriano / Ferrarini 2001, 66. 11 Wegen ihrer Ähnlichkeit zu den istrischen Dressel 6B-Amphoren wurde in der Forschung eine Verwendung als Olivenölamphore vermutet (Mazzocchin 1993, 155; vgl. Cipriano / Ferrarini 2001, 67, wo der Typ Porto Recanati zu den italischen Ölamphoren gezählt wurde; s. auch Schimmer 2009, 36–37). 12 Vgl. den neuen Terminologievorschlag von Carre u. a. 2009, 221. 13 Ehmig 2009a, 109−112; Ehmig 2009b, 159–160; Ehmig 2012, 27, 30–31. 14 Interessant ist hingegen der Aspekt, dass einige baetische Ölamphoren der Form Dressel 20 nach Aquileia gelangten (Carre u. a. 2007, 626), die jedoch in Teurnia, Virunum und Flavia Solva (2,4 %, s. Sakl-Oberthaler 2001, 385–386) fast keine Rolle spielen. Auffallend ist jedoch, dass in den norischen und pannonischen Donaukastellen sowie an den Städten der Bernsteinstraße baetische Ölamphoren etwas häufiger auftreten (Auxiliarkastell Carnuntum: 20 % [n = 90]; Mautern: 4 % [n = 308]; Wien: 11 % [n = 94]; pannonische Städte der Bernsteinstraße: 2 [n=321]).

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

105

Abb. 2: Amphoreninhalte der frühen- und mittleren Kaiserzeit in Teurnia (n = 111).

Katharina Ramstetter

Fällen nach Teurnia, wie auch nach Flavia Solva und Virunum, was wahrscheinlich in Zusammenhang mit der kostspieligen und umständlichen Umschiffung der italischen Halbinsel steht (Abb. 2–4). Selbst in der adriatischen Metropole Aquileia spielten die südgallischen Amphoren nur eine sehr untergeordnete Rolle im Handelsaufkommen.15 Die insgesamt geringe Anzahl von Weinamphoren in Teurnia, hängt wahrscheinlich mit dem Fehlen der adriatischen Weinamphoren Dressel 6A zusammen, die von der Zeitenwende bis ins mittlere 1. Jh. n. Chr. in diesem Raum üblich waren (Abb. 2).16 Wahrscheinlich ist die Abwesenheit von Dressel  6A-Ampho­ren mit der Besiedlungsgeschichte im Areal HA zu erklären, wo der Großteil des Fundmaterials zusammen mit der Errichtung eines Steinsockelbaus nach der Mitte des 1. Jh.s n. Chr. einsetzt (vgl. Abb.  1). Ein Vergleich mit dem Amphorenspektrum in Flavia Solva zeigt einen ähnlich niedrigen Wert für Weinimporte mit rund 15  %, da auch dort adriatische Weinamphoren der Form Dressel 6A fehlen (Abb. 3),17 obwohl die Stadt eine frühkaiserzeitliche vormunizipale Vorgängerbebauung der augusteischen bis vespasianischen Zeit besitzt.18 Hingegen ist aus Virunum in den letzten Jahren eine größere Anzahl an Dressel 6A-Amphoren bekannt geworden (Abb. 4), die wahrscheinlich im Kontext einer frühen Besiedlung der Zeitenwende in St. Michael am Zollfeld zu sehen sind.19 Dort stellen die ostmediterranen Weinamphoren einen Anteil von 22  %; dieser Wert befindet sich deutlich über den ermittelten Werten aus Teurnia (5 %) und Flavia Solva (8 %; Abb. 2–4). Dennoch drängt sich die Frage auf, welchen adriatischen Amphoren nach dem Ausbleiben der Weinamphore Dressel 6A die Funktion von Weinbehältnissen zukam. Nach dem Verschwinden der adriatischen Dressel 6A-Amphoren um die Mitte des 1. Jh.s n. Chr. erreichten nur noch wenige Weinamphoren Südnoricum und den mittleren Donauraum. Hierbei handelt es sich hauptsächlich um Vertreter der Form Dressel 2−420, die aber durchwegs in geringer Anzahl in Amphorenspektren Noricums, Pannoniens und der X regio auftreten.21 Es drängt sich somit die Frage auf, ob das Fehlen von Weinamphoren an den genannten Plätzen auch wirklich einen Rückgang des Weinkonsums widerspiegeln kann. Fakt ist, dass in den istrischen Landgütern der lokalen Elite Wein gekeltert wurde, wie die Anlagen für die Weinherstellung bezeugen.22 Allerdings fehlen für diese in wohl größerem Umfang hergestellten Weine die nötigen Amphoren in entsprechender Anzahl. Es bleibt zu fragen, ob ein gewisser Teil der Weinlieferungen nicht auch in Holzfässern oder Tierhäuten transportiert werden konnte.23 Für die Verwendung von Fässern in Oberitalien und den angrenzenden Regionen gibt es bereits im frühen 1. Jh. n. Chr. schriftliche Erwähnungen durch Strabon24 und Plinius dem Älteren25 15 Dies legt das Nichtvorhandensein südgallischer Weinamphoren wie Dressel 2–4 und Gauloise 4 in Aquileia nahe (s. Carre u. a. 2007, 621–632). 16 Zur Datierung, s. Schimmer 2009, 39. 17 Vgl. Sakl-Oberthaler 2000. 18 Hinker 2006. 19 Zabukovec 2013. 20 Zwar ist an dieser Stelle auch eine Produktion von flachbodigen Weinamphoren an der mittleren Adria zwischen dem ausgehenden 1. und der Mitte bzw. dem dritten Viertel des 3. Jh.s n. Chr. in Forlimpopoli und S. Arcangelo (Amphore Ostia I,452/Ostia IV,442) zu nennen, jedoch kennen diese Weinbehälter einen nur sehr unbedeutenden Absatzmarkt in Südnoricum und im mittleren Donauraum (Panella 1989, 147−154). Flachbodige Amphoren aus Crikvenica, die zwischen der Mitte des 1. Jh.s und dem Ende des 2. Jh.s n. Chr. in der officina des Sextus Metilius Maximus hergestellt wurden (Lipovac Vrkljan 2009, 310−312), sind bislang nicht aus Amphorenspektren in Südnoricum und von der mittleren Donau bekannt. 21 Im Vergleich zu den adriatisch-istrischen Ölamphoren treten die adriatisch-istrischen Weinamphoren stark hinter diesen zurück, wie sich am Übergewicht adriatisch-istrischer Ölamphoren in norditalischen und istrischen Fundorten zeigt, s. auch ihr seltenes Auftreten in Loron (Marion / Starac 2001, 119) und in der Villa von Skolarice (Žerjal 2011, 141). – Zu Vorkommen im südostalpinen Raum und an der norisch-pannonischen ripa: 5 Exemplare in Wien (Bezeczky 2005, 38), 1 Exemplar in Mautern (Sedlmayer 2006a, 279). Die Anzahl von adriatisch-istrischen Amphoren Dressel 2–4 in Flavia Solva (Sakl-Oberthaler 2000) und von den Fundplätzen der Bernsteinstraße (Bezeczky 1987) konnte nicht herangezogen werden, da die Autoren hier keine Herkunftsbestimmung der unterschiedlichen und zahlreichen Fabrikate der Dressel 2–4 vornahmen. Auch im Areal HA in Teurnia wurden nur zwei Exemplare der adriatisch-istrischen Dressel 2–4 gefunden. 22 Vgl. die Villa von Kolci auf den Brioni-Inseln (Brun 2004, 53–56); vgl. auch die Herstellung von Dressel 2−4-Amphoren in Crikvenica (Lipovac Vrkljan 2009, 311). 23 Vgl. auch z. B. Žerjal 2011, 141. 24 Strabon, Geographie V, 1, 12; Marlière 2002, 184. 25 Plin. nat. hist. 15, 132.

106

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Die Handelsgeschichte in Teurnia am Beispiel der Amphoren

Abb. 3: Amphoreninhalte der frühen und mittleren Kaiserzeit in Flavia Solva (nach Sakl-Oberthaler 2000; n =210).

Abb. 4: Amphoreninhalte in Virunum (Baulos Fleißner, Amphitheater, frühchristliche Kirche, Tempelbezirk, vorberichtlich publizierte Grabungen ZabehlickyScheffenegger 1993 und 1997, ZabehlickyScheffengger/ Gostencˇnik 1999 und 2002; n=498).

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

107

Katharina Ramstetter

Abb. 5 (links): Auswahl spätantiker Amphoren aus dem Areal HA in Teurnia: (1-3) Miniaturspatheia 1 Form Bonifay 3C similis; (2) Form Bonifay 3A; (3) Form Bonifay 3D similis; (4–5) Late Roman 1B Amphora; (6) Late Roman 2 Amphora. Abb. 6 (rechts): Helltonige Miniaturspatheia vom Zlattingergrund in Teurnia: (1) Form Bonifay 3D; (2) Form Bonifay 3A; (3) Form Bonifay 3D.

sowie bildliche Darstellung von Fässern ab der zweiten Hälfte des 1. Jh.s n. Chr.26 Es seien an dieser Stelle auch Funde von Holzfässern aus Österreich angeführt, 27 die neben anderen Frachtgütern aber vorrangig als Transportbehälter für Wein gedient haben dürften. Nach Untersuchungen von Marlière und Ehmig scheint ein Transport von Wein, Bier und wahrscheinlich auch Fischsauce28 in Fässern möglich. Wein und Öl konnten aber auch in Tierhäuten transportiert worden sein.29 Die Importe des 3. bis 5. Jh.s n. Chr. beziffern im Areal HA in Teurnia höchstens vier Amphoren. Hierbei handelt es sich einerseits wahrscheinlich um zwei hispanische Amphoren der Formen Beltrán 68 und evtl. Lusitana 9, andererseits um zwei nordafrikanische Amphoren der Form Keay 25,E-I und um ein Spatheion Form Bonifay 1D. Dieser deutliche Importrückgang kann mit einer Siedlungsunterbrechung im Areal HA ab dem Ende des 2. bzw. im frühen 3. Jh. n.  Chr. zusammenhängen, die durch ein Brandereignis markiert wird. Eine Wiederbesiedlung des Areals erfolgte wahrscheinlich um die Mitte des 4. Jh.s n. Chr. Im Verlauf der Studie kam auch die Frage auf, wie es um die Warenimporte ab dem 3. Jh. n. Chr. im Südostalpenraum und Donauraum bestellt ist. Auffallend ist, dass sich in den Amphorenspektren spätestens im 3. Jh. n. Chr. eine Wende abzeichnet und die Märkte in dieser Region eine Umstrukturierung erfuhren. Es ist ein Ende vieler Amphorenformen, die während der frühen und mittleren Kaiserzeit üblich waren, festzustellen: Dies betrifft für den Adriaraum die Ölamphoren Dressel 6B,30 die adriatischen Fischsaucenamphoren31 und die oberitalischen Amphoren für eingelegte Oliven der Schörgendorfer 558.32 Ebenso verschwinden Amphorenformen aus dem östlichen Mittelmeerraum 26 Marlière 2002, 184. 27 Siehe beispielsweise Funde von Holzfässern aus der Lafnitz aus der ersten Hälfte des 2. Jh.s n. Chr. (Herbert u. a. 2005, 46−49; Herbert / Grabner 2007, 21) und zwei Funde von sekundär verwendeten Holzfässern in Brunnenbauten vom Magdalensberg (Piccottini 1986, 60–61, 60 Abb. 43, 61 Abb. 44, 62 Abb. 45, 63 Abb. 46, 64 Abb. 47, 65 Abb. 48, 80–81, 80 Abb. 65, 81 Abb. 66, 82 Abb. 67, 83 Abb. 68). 28 Ehmig 2003, 86. 29 Marlière 2002, 189. 30 Vgl. den starken Rückgang der Dressel 6B-Amphoren um die Mitte des 2. Jh.s n. Chr. (Schimmer 2009, 150; Cipriano 2009, 183–184); Amphoren der Form Dressel 6B wurden in Istrien noch bis in das 4. Jh. n. Chr. hergestellt, die wohl aber nur im lokalen Umkreis der Betriebe ihren Absatz fanden (Carre / Pesavento Mattioli 2003, 468; Cipriano 2009, 183–184. 31 Zur Datierung, s. Carre u. a. 2009, 228. 32 Zur Datierung, s. Bezeczky 2005, 55–56.

108

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Die Handelsgeschichte in Teurnia am Beispiel der Amphoren

wie die rhodischen Weinamphoren (Camulodunum 184)33 und die Amphoren für eingelegte Früchte (Camulodunum 189)34 ab der Mitte des 2. Jh.s und im 3. Jh. n. Chr. vom Markt. Auch in Aquileia zeigt sich eine Umstrukturierung der Märkte während des 3. Jh.s n. Chr., da dort nun ostmediterrane und nordafrikanische Produkte den Markt erobern.35 Wenn auch Fundmaterial nach dem 3. Jh. n. Chr. wegen eines Siedlungshiatus, der bis ins mittlere 4. Jh. n.  Chr. andauerte, nicht erscheint, ist es dennoch überraschend, dass dem Zeitraum des 4. und 5. Jh.s n.  Chr. nur eine geringe Anzahl an Amphoren zugeordnet werden können. Die zahlreich auftretende spätantike Gebrauchskeramik ist nicht chronologisch empfindlich genug, sodass sie nicht als Indikator für die Siedlungsintensität des 4. und 5. Jh.s n. Chr. im Areal HA dienen können. Als sicherer Fundniederschlag für das 4. Jh. n. Chr. können drei nordafrikanische Sigillatateller der Form Hayes 58B36 und zwei Glasgefäße angesehen werden.37 Auch in Flavia Solva, wo eine Besiedlungskontinuität bis in das ausgehende 4. Jh. n. Chr. festgestellt wurde,38 bleiben Amphoren ab dem 3. Jh. aus. Gleiches zeichnet sich im Amphorenspektrum von Virunum ab, wo fast keine Transportbehälter nach dem 3. Jh. n. Chr. vorliegen (Abb. 3–4). In Vindobona und Carnuntum ist nur noch eine sporadische Einfuhr von Amphoren zwischen dem 3. bis 4. Jh. n.  Chr. festzustellen.39 Diesem Phänomen können einerseits veränderte Essgewohnheiten oder ein Wechsel zu anderen, gegebenenfalls organischen, Transportbehältern zu Grunde liegen. Nach Vidrih Perko fand zu dieser Zeit eine Umstrukturierung des Handels statt, die mit einer Verlegung der Transportroute auf schiffbare Flüsse und der Verwendung von organischen Transportbehältern wie Fässern und Tierhäuten einherging.40 Auch der Schriftsteller Herodian erwähnte für das 3. Jh. n. Chr. im Umland von Aquileia Fässer als gängige Transportbehälter für Wein.41 Während des 4. und 5. Jh.s n.  Chr. treten Amphoren im Alpen-Adria-Raum jedoch bevorzugt an militärisch genutzten Plätzen der Claustra Alpium Iuliarum42 und an den adriatischen bzw. istrischen Küstenstädten43 auf. Hauptsächlich handelt es sich hierbei um ostmediterrane und nordafrikanische Lebensmittelieferungen.44 Vielleicht waren diese im Hinterland nicht mehr erschwinglich und es wurden regionale Produkte in Fässern und Tierhäuten bezogen. Im 3. Jh. n. Chr. ist außerdem ein Rückgang des Schiffsverkehrs und somit des Fernhandels festzustellen, der zur einer Verknappung bzw. Verteuerung der Produkte führen konnte.45 Für das 6. Jh. n.  Chr. sind im Areal HA in Tiburnia insgesamt 17 Gefäßindividuen festzustellen. Neben einer geringen Anzahl von Late Roman 1- und Late Roman 2-Amphoren aus dem östlichen Mittelmeerraum zeigen die nordafrikanische Amphoren vom Typ Spatheion eine starke Präsenz (vgl. Abb. 5). Zu diesen kommen noch die jüngsten Funde spätantiker Amphoren aus den Ausgrabungen vom Forum in Teurnia in einem Kontext des 6. Jh.s n. Chr., die mehrere Late Roman 4-Amphoren, Behälter für palästinensischen Wein, eine vermutlich palästinensische bag-shaped-Amphora (Late Roman Amphora 5–6) sowie eine Late Roman 1-Amphore zum Vorschein brachten.46 Insgesamt sechs komplett 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44

45 46

Martin-Kilcher 1994, 349; Bruno 2002, 279–280; Bezeczky 2005, 41. Lemaître u. a. 2005, 520. Rousse 2007, 605–618; Carre 2007, 583–604. Zur Datierung, s. Mackensen 1993, 316. 367; Pröttel 1996, 42; Mackensen / Schneider 2002, 125. Es handelt sich um einen Becher mit abgesprengtem Rand aus transluzidem durchscheinendem Glas und um ein Fußfragment der Form Isings 109/AR 70–73. Zusammenfassend Hudeczek 2002, 210; Rabitsch 2014, 333–334. Carnuntum: Bezeczky 1997; Wien: Bezeczky 2005. Vidrih Perko 2006, 220. Herodian 8, 2, 3; Witschel 1999, 245 mit Anm. 30. Zum Beispiel Ad Pirum/Hrušica, Tonovcov grad, Castra/Ajdovščina (Vidrih Perko 1992, 349–364; Vidrih Perko 2006, 217–218). Zum Beispiel Capodistria/Koper (Vidrih Perko 2006, 219 Abb. 6) und Aquileia (Carre 2007, 593, 597–598; Rousse 2007, 617–618). Vgl. die Kartierung von Modrijan, die einen Verbreitungsschwerpunkt von nordafrikanischen Amphoren der Formen Africana II, Africana III, Keay 26, Keay 35 und Tripolitana III in den nordadriatischen Küstenstädten und im Bereich der Claustra Alpium Iuliarum zeigt (Modrijan 2015, 28 Abb. 8); zum verstärkten Auftreten ostmediterraner Amphoren ab dem 3. Jh. n. Chr. in der Handelsmetropole Aquileia, s. Carre 2007, 593. 597–598. Parker 1992, Abb. 3, 5; Pieri 2012, 39. Freundliche Mitteilung Dr. Yvonne Seidel und Dr. Josef Eitler (beide Wien).

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

109

Katharina Ramstetter

erhaltene Miniaturspatheia des 6. bzw. frühen 7. Jh.s n. Chr. aus dem Areal HA und dem Bereich der Tempelterrasse, beim sog. Zlattingergrund in Teurnia, verdienen eine besondere Beachtung. Hierbei handelt es sich um zwei rottonige Spatheia (Abb. 5: 2–3) und ein helltoniges Spatheion mit geröteten Oberflächen (Abb. 5: 1) vom Areal HA wie um drei helltonige mit vertikalen Längsstreifen verzierte Spatheia vom Zlattingergrund (Abb. 6).47 Für das 6. Jh. n. Chr. lässt sich zumindest in Teurnia ein Anstieg an importierten Amphoren feststellen. Auch der Großteil der Amphoren vom Hemmaberg scheint aus dem 6. und frühen 7. Jh. n. Chr. zu stammen.48 Der Hauptanteil der spätantiken Amphoren entfällt in den Höhensiedlungen in Kärnten und Osttirol zumindest auf Miniaturspatheia, wie sie ab dem 6. Jh. n.  Chr. verstärkt auftreten.49 Im Gegensatz zur frühen und mittleren Kaiserzeit haben nur wenige Amphorenbehälter in der Spätantike einen eindeutigen Inhalt. Nordafrikanische Spatheia, wie auch Late Roman 1- und Late Roman 2-Ampho­ ren waren am wahrscheinlichsten multifunktionelle Behälter. Archäometrische Untersuchungen der Rückstände erbrachten den Nachweis für Wein, Fischsauce, Rizinusöl, Getreide und Olivenöl.50 Late Roman 4-Amphoren, auch Gaza-Amphoren, dienten als Weinbehälter, möglicherweise sogar für Messweine.51 Hierbei zählen die Late Roman 4 und bag-shaped Amphoren zu den selteneren Stücken, die es bis in den Südostalpenraum schafften, da diese vermutlich wegen eines höheren Preises nur in den adriatischen Küstenstädten erschwinglich waren.52 Eine Kartierung von Modrijan stellte bereits heraus, dass seltenere Amphoren der Küstenstädte, hierzu zählen weiterhin auch Late Roman 3-Amphoren und die Amphore vom Samos-Cistern-Type, mitunter auf den Kärntnerischen Höhensiedlungen Ulrichsberg, Hemmaberg und Duel bei Feistritz auftauchen. Hingegen fehlen diese exklusiven Güter auf den slowenischen Höhensiedlungen größtenteils.53 Im gleichen Kontext sind spätantike Importe von nordafrikanischer Sigillata in Tiburnia zu sehen. Darunter fallen insbesondere drei Gefäßindividuen der Form Hayes 99B des 6. Jh.s n. Chr. ins Auge.54 In der Spätantike verlor die Hafenstadt Aquileia ihre Rolle im Handel immer mehr, bis ab dem Ende des 4. Jh.s n. Chr. ein Bedeutungsrückgang der Metropole festgestellt werden kann. Schon ab der ersten Hälfte des 5. Jh.s n. Chr. nahm Ravenna mit dem Handelshafen Classe eine Vorrangstellung gegenüber Aquileia ein, da die Stadt zu einer der Hauptstädte des Römischen Reiches ausgebaut wurde.55 Andere kleinere Hafenstädte an der istrischen Küste dürften nun ebenso die vormalige Rolle Aquileias teilweise übernommen haben.56 Ein Schlaglicht auf die Warenströme, welche die Handelsmetropole RavennaClasse während des ausgehenden 5. und beginnenden 6. Jh. n. Chr. erreichten, wirft der umfangreiche Amphorenfund des Warenhauses 17, 31  % der Lieferungen weisen nach Nordafrika, der Großteil mit 61 % stammt jedoch aus dem östlichen Mittelmeerraum, der vor allem palästinensische Amphoren und die Late Roman 1-Amphora umfasst.57 Insgesamt dürfte der erhöhte Amphorenzustrom während des 6. Jh.s n. Chr. mit der Rolle Tiburnias als Bistum und Hauptstadt in der Provinz Noricum mediterraneum zu erklären sein. Ein Teil der hier vorgestellten, späten Amphoren aus dem Areal HA wurde in einem Fundkontext angetroffen, der durch ein Gefäß vom Prager Typ (Stufe Murska Sobota 1b) bereits in die 47 Zur Typologie spätantiker Miniaturspatheia, s. Bonifay 2004, 127−129. 48 Vgl. Ladstätter 2003, 837–848. 49 Ebd. 838 mit Anm. 41. 847; vgl. auch Miniaturspatheia vom Hoischhügel (Steinklauber 2013, 112, Taf. 208, H 51. 214, H110). 50 Vgl. Modrijan 2015, 30; Zum Nachweis von Rizinusöl, Früchten und tierischen Inhalten in Late Roman 1-Amphoren, s. Pecci u. a. 2010a, 619; Pecci u. a. 2010b, 363–364; zum Nachweis von Olivenöl in Late Roman 2-Amphoren, s. Karagiorgou 2001, 149–156; zum Nachweis von tierischen Produkten, Rizinusöl und Fischsauce in Late Roman 2-Amphoren, s. Yangaki 2014, 96. Verpichte Innenflächen, die sich häufiger unter submarinen Fundumständen erhalten haben, sprechen nach Pieri für Wein als Inhalt, s. Pieri 2005, 93 mit Literatur. 51 Zusammenfassend Pieri 2012, 36–37. 52 Modrijan 2015, 29 Abb. 9, 30. Dass dieses Verbreitungsmuster nicht allein auf den Alpen-Adria-Raum beschränkt zu sein scheint, zeigt auch eine Kartierung der Late Roman 5–6-Amphoren in Gallien, die sich fast ausschließlich auf den Küstenstreifen beschränken (Pieri 2005, 121 Abb. 78). 53 Modrijan 2015, Abb. 9, 30. 54 Zur Datierung, s. Hayes 1972, 155; Mackensen 1993, 415–417. 55 Augenti / Cirelli 2012, 215–218. 56 Sotinel 2001, 66. 57 Augenti / Cirelli 2012, 214.

110

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Die Handelsgeschichte in Teurnia am Beispiel der Amphoren

erste Hälfte des 7. Jh.s datiert werden kann (s. Abb. 5). Ferner sind zwei Funde von nordafrikanischen Sigillataschalen der Form Hayes 109 vom Ulrichsberg58, die zwischen dem späten 6. und der Mitte des 7. Jh. n. Chr. zu datieren sind59, wichtige Zeugnisse der Verbindung zum Mittelmeerraum, die nicht schon am Ende des 6. Jh.s abbrach, sondern noch bis ins frühe 7. Jh. andauern konnte.

Literatur Alzinger 1955: W. Alzinger, Kleinfunde von Aguntum aus den Jahren 1950 bis 1952. Beiträge zur römerzeitlichen Bodenforschung in Österreich 1 (Wien 1955). Augenti / Cirelli 2012: A. Augenti / E. Cirelli, From suburb to port: the rise (and fall) of Classe as a centre of trade and redistribution, in: S. Keay (Hrsg.), Rome, Portus and the Mediterranean. Archaeological Monographies British School at Rome 21 (London 2012) 205–221. Bezeczky 1987: Roman amphorae from the Amber Route in Western Pannonia, British Archaeological Reports International Series 386 (Oxford 1987). Bezeczky 1994a: T. Bezeczky, Amphorenfunde vom Magdalensberg und aus Pannonien, Archäologische Forschungen zu den Grabungen auf dem Magdalensberg 12 (Klagenfurt 1994). Bezeczky 1997: T. Bezeczky, Amphorae from the auxiliary fort of Carnuntum, in: H. Stiglitz (Hrsg.), Das Auxiliarkastell von Carnuntum. Sonderschriften des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes 29 (Wien 1997) 147–178. Bezeczky 2005: T. Bezeczky, Roman amphorae from Vindobona, in: F. Krinzinger (Hrsg.), Vindobona. Beiträge zu ausgewählten Keramikgattungen in ihrem topographischen Kontext, Denkschriften Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 328 (Wien 2005) 35–107. Bonifay 2004: M. Bonifay, Etudes sur la céramique romaine tardive d’Afrique. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1301 (Oxford 2004). Brun 2004: J.-P. Brun, Archéologie du vin et de l’huile dans l’Empire romain (Paris 2004). Bruno 2002: B. Bruno, Importazioni e consumo di derrate nel tempio: l’evidenza delle anfore, in: F. Rossi (Hrsg.), Nuove ricerche sul Capitolium di Bresica. Scavi, studi e restauri (Milano 2002) 277–307. Carre 2007: M.-B. Carre, L’évolution des importations à Aquilée. III. Les amphores orientales: données quantitatives comparées, in: G. Cuscito / Cl. Zaccaria (Hrsg.), Aquileia dalle origini alla costituzione del ducato longobardo. Territorio, economia, società. Antichità altoadriatiche 65 (Trieste 2007) 583–604. Carre u. a. 2007: M.-B. Carre / P. Maggi / R. Merlatti / C. Rousse, L’évolution des importations à Aquilée. V. Quelques réflexions sur les échanges à Aquilée, in: G. Cuscito / Cl. Zaccaria (Hrsg.), Aquileia dalle origini alla costituzione del ducato longobardo. Territorio, economia, società. Antichita altoadriatiche 65 (Trieste 2007) 621–632. Carre u. a. 2009: M.-B. Carre / St. Pesavento Mattioli / Ch. Belotti, Le anfore da pesce adriatiche, in: St. Pesavento Mattioli / M.-B. Carre (Hrsg.), Olio e pesce in epoca romana. Produzione e commercio nelle regioni dell’alto adriatico (Roma 2009) 215–238. Carre / Pesavento Mattioli 2003: M.-B. Carre / St. Pesavento Mattioli, Tentativo di classificazione delle anfore olearie adriatiche, Aquileia Nostra 74, 2003, 456–476. Cipriano 2009: S. Cipriano, Le anfore olearie Dressel 6B, in: St. Pesavento Mattioli / M.-B. Carre (Hrsg.), Olio e pesce in epoca romana. Produzione e commercio nelle regioni dell’alto adriatico (Roma 2009) 174–189. Cipriano / Ferrarini 2001: S. Cipriano / F. Ferrarini, Le anfore romane di Opitergium (Treviso 2001). Ehmig 2003: U. Ehmig, Die römischen Amphoren von Mainz, Frankfurter Archäologische Schriften 4 (Möhnesee 2003).

58 Ladstätter 2003, 835, 837 Abb. 4: 2–3. 59 Hayes 1972, 172.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

111

Katharina Ramstetter

Ehmig 2009a: U. Ehmig, Across the Alps in Amphorae. Bericht über ein laufendes Forschungsprojekt am Landesmuseum für Kärnten, Rudolfinum, Jahrbuch des Landesmuseums Kärnten 2007 (2009) 107–114. Ehmig 2009b: U. Ehmig, Across the Alps in Amphorae – 2. Bericht über ein laufendes Forschungsprojekt. Rudolfinum, Jahrbuch des Landesmuseums Kärnten 2008 (2009) 159–162. Ehmig 2012: U. Ehmig, Über alle Berge. Früheste mediterrane Warenlieferungen in den römischen Ostalpenraum, Römisches Österreich 34/35, 2011–2012 (2012) 13–35. Fiamozzi 2012: A. Fiamozzi, La basilica cristiana di Virunum: la ceramica dai contesti di construzione (Unpubl. Diplomarbeit Universität Padua 2012). Gugl 2004: Ch. Gugl, Ausgewählte Fundkomplexe aus dem Amphitheater von Virunum. Fundensembles des frühen 2. bis frühen 4. Jahrhunderts, in: R. Jernej / Ch. Gugl, Virunum. Das römische Amphitheater, Archäologie Alpen Adria 4 (Klagenfurt 2004) 139−219. Hayes 1972: J. W. Hayes, Late Roman Pottery (London 1972). Herbert u. a. 2005: B. Herbert / M. Marius / R. Wedenig, Ein römisches Holzfass mit Ritzinschrift aus der Lafnitz, Archäologie Österreichs 16/1, 2005, 46−49. Herbert / Grabner 2007: B. Herbert / M. Grabner, Noch ein römisches Fass aus der Lafnitz und die ersten Dendrodaten vom österreichischen Südostalpenrand, Archäologie Österreichs 18/1, 2007, 21. Hinker 2006: Ch. Hinker, Flavia Solva vor der Stadtrechtsverleihung. Befunde und Funde aus der insula XL, Schild von Steier, Beih. 3/2006 (Graz 2006). Hudeczek 2002: E. Hudeczek, Flavia Solva. Entwicklung und Topographie, in: M. Šašel Kos / P. Scherrer (Hrsg.), The autonomous towns of Noricum and Pannonia. Die autonomen Städte in Noricum und Pannonien. Situla 40 (Ljubljana 2002) 203–212. Karagiorgou 2001: O. Karagiorgou, LR 2: a container for the military annona on the Danubian border?, in: S. Kingsley / M. Decker (Hrsg.), Economy and exchange in the east Mediterranean during late antiquity, Proceedings of a conference at Sommerville College, Oxford, 29th May, 1999 (Oxford 2001) 129–166. Ladstätter 2000: S. Ladstätter, Die materielle Kultur der Spätantike in den Ostalpen. Eine Fallstudie am Beispiel der westlichen Doppelkirchenanlage auf dem Hemmaberg, Mitteilungen der Prähistorischen Kommission der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 35 (Wien 2000). Ladstätter 2003: S. Ladstätter, Zur Charakterisierung des spätantiken Keramikspektrums im Ostalpenraum, in: H. R. Sennhauser (Hrsg.), Frühe Kirchen im östlichen Alpengebiet von der Spätantike bis zur ottonischen Zeit. Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. PhilosophischHistorische Klasse n.F., Heft 123 (München 2003) 831–857. Lemaître u. a. 2005: S. Lemaître / Y. Waksman / P. Reynolds / M. Roumié / B. Nsouli, A propos de l’origine Levantine de plusieurs types d’amphores importés en Gaule à l’époque impériale, Société Française d’Étude de la Céramique Antique en Gaule, Actes de Congrès de Blois (Marseille 2005) 515–528. Lipovac Vrkljan 2009: G. Lipovac Vrkljan, L’officina di Crikvenica, in: St. Pesavento Mattioli / M.-B. Carre (Hrsg.), Olio e pesce in epoca romana. Produzione e commercio nelle regioni dell’alto adriatico (Roma 2009) 309−314. Mackensen 1993: M. Mackensen, Die spätantiken Sigillata- und Lampentöpfereien von El Mahrine (Nordtunesien). Studien zur Nordafrikanischen Feinkeramik des 4. bis 7. Jahrhunderts, Münchner Beiträge zur Vor- u. Frühgeschichte 50 (München 1993). Mackensen / Schneider 2002: M. Mackensen / G. Schneider, Production centres of African red slip ware (3rd-7th c.) in northern and central Tunisia: archaeological provenance and reference groups based on chemical analysis, Journal of Roman Archaeology 15.1, 2002, 121–158. Maier-Maidl 1992: V. Maier-Maidl, Stempel und Inschriften auf Amphoren vom Magdalensberg, Archäologische Forschungen zu den Grabungen auf dem Magdalensberg 11 (Klagenfurt 1992). Marion / Starac 2001: Y. Marion / A. Starac, Les amphores, in: F. Tassaux / R. Matijašić / V. Kovačić (Hrsg.), Loron (Croatie). Un grand centre de production d’amphores à huile istriennes (Ier-IVe s. p. c.), Publications Ausonius Mémoires 6 (Bordeaux 2001) 97–125. 112

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Die Handelsgeschichte in Teurnia am Beispiel der Amphoren

Marlière 2002: E. Marlière, L’outre et le tonneau dans l’Occident romain, Monographies instrumentum 22 (Montagnac 2002). Martin-Kilcher 1994: St. Martin-Kilcher, Die römischen Amphoren aus Augst und Kaiseraugst, Forschungen Augst 17 (Augst 1994). Mazzocchin 1993: St. Mazzocchin, Anfore romane a Padova: le anfore con „collo ad imbuto“ dallo scavi di Roncaglia di Ponte San Nicolò, Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto, 9, 1993, 148–155. Modrijan 2015: Z. Modrijan, Amphorae from the late antique hilltop settlements in Slovenia, in: B. Herbert / N. Hofer (Hrsg.), Fachgespräch „Spätantikes Fundmaterial aus dem Ostalpenraum“. Fundberichte Österreich Tagungsband 1, 2015, 21–32. Panella 1989: Cl. Panella, Le anfore italiche del II secolo d. C., in: Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche. Actes du colloque de Sienne (22-24 mai 1986), Collection de l’École française de Rome 114 (Roma 1989) 139−178. Parker 1992: A. J. Parker, Ancient shipwrecks of the Mediterranean and the Roman provinces, British Archaeological Reports International Series 580 (Oxford 1992). Pecci u. a. 2010b: A. Pecci / L. Salvini / F. Cantini, Residue analysis of some late Roman amphora coming from the excavations of the historical center of Florence, in: S. Menchelli / S. Santoro / M. Pasquinucci / G. Guiducci (Hrsg.), LRCW 3. Late Roman coarse wares. Cooking wares and amphorae in the Mediterranean, British Archaeological Reports International Series 2185 (II) (Oxford 2010) 363–367. Pecci u. a. 2010a: A. Pecci/L. Salvini/E. Cirelli/A. Augenti, Castor oil at Classe. In: S. Menchelli/S. Santoro/M. Pasquinucci/G. Guiducci (Hrsg.), LRCW 3. Late Roman coarse wares. Cooking wares and amphorae in the mediterranean. British Archaeological Reports International Series 2185 (II) (Oxford 2010) 617–622. Pesavento Mattioli 1998: St. Pesavento Mattioli, I commerci di Verona e il ruolo della via Postumia. Un aggiornamento sui date delle anfore, in: G. Sena Chiesa (Hrsg.), Optima via. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi »Postumia«. Storia e archeologia di una grande strada romana alle radici dell’Europa", Cremona 13 - 15 giugno 1996 (Cremona 1998) 311–327. Piccottini 1986: G. Piccottini, Die nordöstlichen Neugrund-Bauten, in: H. Vetters / G. Piccottini (Hrsg.), Die Ausgrabungen auf dem Magdalensberg 1975 bis 1979, Magdalensberg-Grabungsbericht 15 (Klagenfurt 1986) 11−114. Pieri 2005: D. Pieri, Le commerce du vin oriental à l’époque byzantine (Ve-VIIe siècles). Le témoignage des amphores en Gaule, Institut Français du Proche-Orient, Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 174 (Beirut 2005). Pieri 2012: D. Pieri, Regional and interregional exchanges in the eastern Mediterranean during the early byzantine period. The evidence of amphorae, in: C. Morrisson (Hrsg.), Trade and markets in Byzantium (Washington 2012) 27–50. Polleres 2008: J. Polleres, Der römische Grabbezirk von Faschendorf bei Teurnia (Kärnten), Austria Antiqua 1 (Wien 2008). Pröttel 1996: Ph. M. Pröttel, Mediterrane Feinkeramikimporte des 2. bis 7. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. im oberen Adriaraum und in Slowenien, Kölner Studien zur Archäologie der römischen Provinzen 2 (Espelkamp 1996). Rabitsch 2014: J. Rabitsch, Die Insula XXIII von Flavia Solva: Kleinfunde und Befunde aus den Grabungen der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz und des Universalmuseums Joanneum von 2009 und 2010, Schild von Steier 26, 2013/2014 (2014) 324–343. Rousse 2007: C. Rousse, L’évolution des importations à Aquilée. IV. Les productions africaines, in: G. Cuscito / Cl. Zaccaria (Hrsg.), Aquileia dalle origini alla costituzione del ducato longobardo. Territoria, economia, società, Antichità Altoadriatiche 65 (Triest 2007) 605–618. Sakl-Oberthaler 2000: S. Sakl-Oberthaler, Die römischen Transportamphoren aus den Altgrabungen in Flavia Solva, Fundberichte aus Österreich 39, 2000, 381–424. Schimmer 2009: F. Schimmer, Amphoren aus Cambodunum/Kempten, Münchner Beiträge zur Provinzialrömischen Archäologie 1 (Wiesbaden 2009).

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

113

Katharina Ramstetter

Schoitsch 1976: S. Schoitsch, Die keramischen Kleinfunde aus der Therme Aguntums (Ausgrabungen 1964-1974) (Unpubl. Dissertation Universität Wien 1976). Sedlmayer 2006a: H. Sedlmayer, Transportkeramik, in: St. Groh / H. Sedlmayer, Forschungen im Vicus Ost von Mautern-Favianis. Die Grabungen der Jahre 1997−1999, Der Römische Limes in Österreich 44/1 (Wien 2006) 275–283. Sedlmayer 2006b: H. Sedlmayer, Transportkeramik, in: H. Sedlmayer / G. Tiefengraber, Forschungen im südostnorischen Vicus am Saazkogel (Steiermark), Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut. Sonderschriften 41 (Wien 2006) 140 f. Sotinel 2001: Cl. Sotinel, L’utilisation des ports dans l’arc adriatique à l’époque tardive (IVe-VIe siècles), in: Cl. Zaccaria (Hrsg.), Strutture portuali e rotte marittime nell’adriatico di età romana, Antichità Altoadriatiche 46 (Trieste/Roma 2001) 55–71. Steinklauber 2013: U. Steinklauber, Fundmaterial spätantiker Höhensiedlungen in Steiermark und Kärnten. Frauenberg im Vergleich mit Hoischhügel und Duel, Forschungen zur geschichtlichen Landeskunde der Steiermark 61 (Graz 2013). Vidrih Perko 1992: V. Vidrih Perko, La ceramica tardo-antica di Hrušica (Ad Pirum), Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum Acta, 31/32, 1992, 349–364. Vidrih Perko 2006: V. Vidrih Perko, Amphorae of the eastern Adriatic and its northeastern Hinterland, in: S. Čače / A. Kurilić / F. Tassaux (Hrsg.), Les routes de l’Adriatique antique. Géographie et économie. Ausonius éditions, Mémoires 17 (Zadar 2006) 209–224. Witschel 1999: Ch. Witschel, Krise – Rezession – Stagnation? Der Westen des römischen Reiches im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr., Frankfurter Althistorische Beiträge 4 (Frankfurt a. Main 1999). Yangaki 2014: A. G. Yangaki, Quelques réflexions sur le contenu (vin et huile) des amphores protobyzantines: données et perspectives de la recherche, in: A. Pelletieri (Hrsg.), Identità euromediterranea e paesaggi culturali del vino e dell’olio, Collana Mensale, Documenta e monumenta 2 (Foggia 2014) 89–103. Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger 1993: S. Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger, Übersicht über das Fundmaterial der Grabung 1992 in Virunum, Carinthia I 183, 1993, 257–286. Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger 1997: S. Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger, Übersicht über das Fundmaterial der Grabungen 1995 und 1996 in Virunum, Carinthia I 187, 1997, 181–199. Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger / Gostenčnik 1999: S. Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger / K. Gostenčnik, Übersicht über das Fundmaterial der Grabungen 1997 und 1998 in Virunum, Carinthia I 189, 1999, 129–147. Zabehlicky-Scheffengger / Gostenčnik 2002: S. Zabehlicky-Scheffengger / K. Gostenčnik, Übersicht über das Fundmaterial der Grabungen 1999 und 2001 in Virunum, Carinthia I 192, 2002, 115–138. Zabukovec 2013: V. L. Zabukovec, Die römische Importkeramik vom suburbanen Tempelbezirk bei St. Michael am Zollfeld (Unpubl. Diplomarbeit Universität Graz 2013). Žerjal 2011: T. Žerjal, Ceramic production in Northern Istria and in villa rustica at Školarice near Koper (Slovenija), in: G. Lipovac Vrkljan / I. Radić Rossi / B. Šileg (Hrsg.), Rimske keramičarske i staklarske radionice proizvodnja i trgovina na jadranskom prostoru :zbornik I. Međunarodnog Arheološkog Kolokvija Crikvenica, 23.-24. Listopada 2008. Roman ceramic and glass manufactures production and trade in the Adriatic Region. Proceedings of the 1st international archaeological colloquium Crikvenica (Croatia), 23–24 October 2008 (Crikvenica 2011) 139–150.

114

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:10 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Pottery Finds from Excavations in Vicˇava in Roman Poetovio (Slovenia)

by Eleni Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežicˇ

Abstract This paper regroups the pottery finds from the excavation at the former military building in Vicˇava in Ptuj. Four building phases could be established and shape the chronological frame of the site. Most of the pottery is of local origin and with the help of imported pottery and other datable finds a panorama of everyday life in this part of Roman Poetovio arises.

Keywords Poetovio, Vicˇava, Roman pottery, terra sigillata, local pottery

The excavations The Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia, Centre for Preventive Archaeology, conducted preventive archaeological research in the interior of the former barracks at Vičava, Ptuj and directly alongside between 12th October 2010 and 30th August 2011 (Fig. 1) before the building was adapted for a new use. Due to concerns about the stability of the building, excavations were limited to the depth absolutely necessary for the intended renovation works. Archaeological research inside and outside the building encompassed ca. 750 m². The interior excavations were conducted within the framework of the existing layout (nine rooms of various sizes, Fig. 2).1 Only the foundations of the Roman structures, both walls and columns were preserved. In room 1 (Fig. 2), the remains of a Roman road were unearthed. It was flanked on both sides by buildings with colonnades arranged in front of them. No paved walking surfaces were found inside the portico, just a compact clay floor. A stone cloaca probably once ran under the road surface; it had likely been entirely destroyed when the stone slabs were reused during the Middle Ages.2 Two narrower roads, ca. 1.5 and 2 m wide, were discovered along the north-western face of the barracks. It has to be assumed that these converge perpendicularly to the larger road discovered in room 1. Wooden construction remains with interesting building details, mainly distinct beam impressions running perpendicularly were discovered in the north-eastern part of the barracks. They belonged to buildings with yet undetermined functions. Similar, but far less distinct and well-defined wooden construction remains cover an area outside the barracks.3

The Finds Approximately 38.000 different items, mainly pottery, glass, bones and metal finds were recorded during the excavation. The majority belong to local productions. The finds are set in a clear, only slightly contaminated stratigraphical and chronological sequence. The material can be separated into four phases with 1 Janežič / Lazar 2015, 258. 2 Janežič / Lazar 2015, 259. 3 Janežič / Lazar 2015, 260.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

115

Eleni Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežicˇ

Fig.1: Vicˇava, the excavation site.

Fig. 2: Vicˇava, area of archaeological research in the former military building.

some overlapping in a few cases. Attribution problems are limited to the upper layers of phase 4, damaged when the construction of the buildings took place. Phases 1 to 3 are uncontaminated. From the first to the fourth phase substantial changes can be observed in the pottery assemblage. During the study the finds were divided into the conventional classes starting with processing long distance trading goods and continuing with regional and local wares that offer less precise dating evidence. Pottery was studied following the classical reference handbooks. No attempt to follow each single detail was considered useful. The time span covers around 100–120 years, from the earliest phase where abundant numbers of imported pottery even produced some rare Preroman regional cooking wares to the latest with its majority 116

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Pottery Finds from Excavations in Vicˇ ava in Roman Poetovio (Slovenia)

of Poetovian tableware production; it gives a fairly good evidence of how people lived in this part of Poetovio during the 1st and the 2nd centuries AD.

Pottery Finds in Phase 1 (Fig. 7–8) In the first phase dating to the second quarter or the middle of the 1st century AD, Italian sigillata, mostly from Arezzo covers the complete supply of imported tableware (Fig. 7: 1–9). Consp. 20.4, 34.1 are in majority, while all other common shapes are less frequent. The moulded footless cup (Fig. 3) could not be assigned to any known reliefware production and has to remain undefined. The planta pedis stamp on the bottom of the cup Consp. 29 is unfortunately too damaged for a univoque interpretation (Fig. 7: 7). Italian Sigillata is combined with Italian thin walled pottery (Fig. 7:  10–11), mainly corresponding to Magdalensberg Fabrikat E. Red-fired PS are rare and consist of sanded cups, some with scale decoration.4 The site yielded a number of medicine bottles. The one found in phase 1, a shape absent in Augst, is almost certainly an imported piece, perhaps of oriental origin5 (Fig. 7: 16). Some oil lamps, mostly Bildlampen from Northern Italy complete the picture (Fig. 7: 14–15). The most interesting and intriguing fact about the study of clay material in this phase is the complete lack of Poetovian production tableware. Local craftsmen of the early 1st century seem to have concentrated on plain wares such as amphorae, jugs and flagons (Fig. 7: 17–19), some revival forms of Celtic origin like biconical pots, often with painted surface, and rare piecrust shaped vessels (Fig. 7: 20–21). Maybe the abundant production of the Italian style tableware has to be connected with the arrival of the Legio XIII to Poetovio in the 40es of the 1st century6. Among the cooking ware some shapes like tripod vessels (Fig. 8: 3) stand in early Roman/Celtic tradition. Particularly the fabric, even more than the shapes of the early coarse grey wares appears substantially different from the cooking ware as it appears in the second and third phases. Tempering is often done with calcite rather than with quartz or small broken pebbles and the vases seem made of a lightweight prime material. The main features of the first half of the 1st century, triangular rims, Auerberg-like bodies (Fig. 8: 8. 10) and non-standardized sizes each pot shows its own proportions and volume, nobody cares for stackable crockery can be observed (Fig. 8: 4–7. 9–10). Decorations are frequent and extremely varied. Standardisation was not a goal aimed at. Poetovio is not situated in Noricum, but the locally made pot and pan family belongs there rather than to the Pannonian repertoire.7

Pottery Finds in Phase 2 (Fig. 9–10) Phase 2 is dated between the second quarter of the first and the beginning of the second century AD. Only Italian sigillata, mostly Tardopadana of both groups A and B, compose the long distance traded tablewares8 (Fig. 9: 1–7), while amongst thin walled cups and bowls only Italian provenience has been

4 Schindler-Kaudelka 2012. 5 Schmid 2014. 6 As already stated by Iva Mikl-Curk. 7 Sedlmayer 2010. 8 Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger 1990.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

117

Fig. 3: Vicˇava, the moulded TS footless cup.

Eleni Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežicˇ

Fig. 4: Vicˇava, armour scales.

recorded (Fig. 9: 8–9). Most of it belongs to the grey fired fabric group mainly made in different as yet not clearly localised workshops of the Eastern Padana.9 Imported amphorae (Fig: 9: 10–13) rather seem to belong to the shores of the Adriatic and its hinterland, both Istria and the Marche. The orlo ad imbuto piece stamped TI CL S finds analogies in Opitergium and Patavium10 and has been sampled for analysis (Fig. 9: 10), while the stamp Amethystos on Dr 6B belongs to the later Laekanius production of Fazana and can be found quite frequently in similar contexts (Fig. 9: 13).11 The heavy unguentaria of phase 2 similar but not exactly matching to the shapes present in Augst12 may be imported rather than local (Fig. 9: 14–15). Phase 2 is well assorted with locally produced table ware, but shapes and sizes seem to be different to those of the later phase 3. Flagons with two handles (Fig. 10: 1–2) recalling Dressel 25 amphorae are common all over the Roman towns and villages in today’s Slovenia. Colour-coated Poetovio tableware comes in the two most frequent shapes of all PGW groups (Fig. 10: 4–9). The ever-present platters with rounded rim derived from imported Backplatten occur both in the black and the red-fired variants, while cups and small bowls, copies of Consp. 43 (Fig. 10: 7) often lack the elegance of their antitypes and look chubby. No barbotine decoration has been recorded.13 A rich assemblage of coarse wares, mostly grey-fired, but some also in buff colours produced at Poetovio (Fig. 10: 10–17) show a very different pattern when compared to what belongs to phase 1. Pots are the most frequent shape; therefore it has to be assumed that the common way of preparing a hot meal was boiling the ingredients in liquid. No matching sets of pots, saucepans, stewing pans and fryers could be detected in phase 2, but with respect to the usual fragmentation in settlement environs such diagnosis proves quite difficult. The finds of Roman militaria mainly occur in phase 2 (Fig. 4). Most of it is already published and will be inserted in the monography planned to be sent to printers soon.

Pottery Finds in Phase 3 (Fig. 11–13) The majority of pottery and small finds has to be assigned to the layers of this phase. The ensembles are dated from the end of the 1st till the second half of the 2nd century AD. The biggest change consists in a complete shift of supply sources. Italian sigillata imports drop (Fig. 11: 1–3), while late South Gaulish sigillata takes over. It is in slight majority, and Central Gaulish is already present (Fig. 11: 4–5). Imported amphorae transported olive oil and olives from Istria (Fig. 11: 7) while the Beltran 2A (Fig. 11: 9) carried fish products from the Baetica to Poetovio. However the largest amount of the pottery in phase 3 belongs to local Poetovian production. The local potters provide by now the most important supply source. It encompasses amphorae with as yet unknowns content but of testified local provenience (Fig. 12: 1–4) as well as colour-coated thin walled pottery (Fig. 11: 18–20). The local workshops already developed quite specific shapes easy to recognize as Poetovian.14 Analyses missing, no indication can be given for the provenience of the heavy unguentaria, that might be imports as well as locally made15 (Fig. 11: 15–17). Dishes, platters and bowls show a varied and sophisticated repertoire of the typical mid-Roman Poetovian tableware (Fig. 13: 1–6). Typologically the pottery maintains the international fashion and 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

118

Schindler-Kaudelka 2012. Cipriano / Ferrarese 2001. Bezeczky 1998. Schmid 2014, fig. 2: 6 and 15. Istenič 1999. Istenič 1999. Schmid 2014, Fig. 2, no. 15 and 16.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Pottery Finds from Excavations in Vicˇ ava in Roman Poetovio (Slovenia)

patterns with influences taken not only from Gaulish fashion, but also from Medioadriatica as well as from ARS. Decorations are restricted to a wide range of rouletting variations, arranged in zones or covering the complete surface. The phase is well assorted with depression cups of different sizes (Fig. 11: 19–20).16 A rich array of locally made cooking ware completes the context finds of this phase (Fig. 13: 9–15). Potters took care to adapt the fabrics and the temper they used, but as it appears after macroscopic analysis they also adjusted the firing conditions to the different shapes and purpose. Therefore surfaces, wall thicknesses, weight as well as decoration patterns can tell a whole story of their own. A number of cooking and storage pots are undecorated.

Pottery Finds in Phase 4 (Fig. 14–15) The stratigraphic units of phase 4 were damaged during the construction of the military building. Moreover they are notably fewer than in the earlier phase and contained substantially less material. It seems that the upper layers were removed during the building activities in the 19th century. The absence of amphora sherds in the assemblages is probably due to selection executed at the time of the construction. No elimination has been done by the excavators. Only a small number of residuals have been observed in the context list, but as a whole the pottery finds in this phase bear no notable difference with the repertoire present in phase 3. Terra sigillata consists on a small amount of South and Central Gaulish imports. Italian sigillata is absent (Fig. 14: 14–15). The layers of phase 4 contained two more medicine bottles (Fig. 14: 3–4).17 According to the finds of Augst, where a local production has been defined, part of these long-living bottles could have been locally made. In this case the question arises if the content was brought in larger containers by the tradesmen and decanted locally or if even cosmetics and drugs can be considered Poetovian.18 The most common artefacts in this phase belong to the local repertoire, both tableware like slipped bowls and plates (Fig. 14: 9–13) and coarse cooking ware.19 Tripods (Fig. 14: 14–15), kettles (Fig. 15: 1) and matching pots seem to form a special kitchen set, a surprising observation normally invisible in heavily fragmented settlement assemblages (Fig. 15: 2–4).

To Conclude A closer look at the figures confirms common opinions about the composition of contexts in a dating range between the end of the second quarter of the 1st and the second half of the 2nd century (Fig. 15). Counting has been done by using all diagnostic sherds. It has been deliberately omitted to set up a minimum number of individuals and to establish percentages, since it is considered that proportions can be clearly seen without these abstractions. Italian plain sigillata remains predominant in southern Noricum and Pannonia at least until the first third of the 2nd century AD, even under the influence of soldiers. One shy plain cup of plain South Gaulish can be spotted in phase 2. All the Gaulish fragments present in phase 3 belong to moulded bowls. Only phase 4 produced a small amount of plain Gaulish vessels. This is mainly due to trading traditions and good transport connections along the Amber route. After a sharp rise in phase 2, the number of imported amphorae drops dramatically. No explanation for the early decline can be given. Commonly this decline takes place towards the end of the 2nd century and is generally connected to the increased use of wooden barrels rather than to a change in eating and drinking habits. As soon as a decent regional production has been established and quality tableware is available during the course of phase 2, consumers switch to it, and imported goods seemingly decline. In Poetovio this 16 17 18 19

Istenič 1999. Schmid 2014, Fig. 2, no. 15 and 19. Janežič / Schindler-Kaudelka to be published. Istenič 1999.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

119

Eleni Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežicˇ 540 PHASE 1

PHASE 2

PHASE 3

PHASE 4

454

288 204

183 142

Fig. 5: Vicˇava, summary of pottery in phases 1 till 4.

0

1

28

SAMIAN WARE

57

92 44 0

0 ITALIAN TS

227

145

134

55

15

231

AMFORAE

TABLEWARE - LOCAL PRODUCTION

0

26

39

9

DRINKING VESSELS LOCAL PRODUCTION

COOKING POTS - LOCAL PRODUCTIONS

already happens before the shift to a new repertoire in Hadrianic times. It is an indication that the ancient consumer had other quality criteria than today’s archaeologist. Moulded decoration was not as important as one may think, and the differences in slip and weight between imported terra sigillata and locally made red- or black-slipped PGW might be a result of the soil conditions. The small number of drinking vessels depends on the invisibles. Both bronze and glass vessels get lost in the record because of extreme deterioration in the earth and extensive recycling habits. There is a complete ignorance on the topic of wooden tableware, although a fair number has to be assumed, both from shipwreck finds20 and from fango conditions in excavated portual areas.21 Numbers of the cooking pots, although the most important of the lot, still need more assessment. Detailed results on shapes, proportions, sizes, shifts as well as specifics on technology are under analysis and will be discussed in the final report. Medium-sized cooking pots with a capacity of 2–3 liters are the most popular, smaller items occur in considerably smaller numbers. Saucepans, stewing and frying pans were uncommon and are almost invisible perhaps because they used to be made in recyclable metal. However, bowls and tripod vessels are scarce, as are large stocking vessels. In this case it seems that the proportions could somehow reflect Roman reality. A substantial modification is visible over the phases. Therefore, cooking and eating habits underwent change within the slightly more than 100 years covered by the finds (Fig. 6). Drastic modifications both in fashion and in commodity supply are obvious even in long living classes like amphorae, regional productions or cooking pots. Terra sigillata, in particular the plain forms, are connected with eating diversification and dietary habits, while decorated forms herald again another alteration. In the current case it can clearly be seen that even in a well-favoured provincial town situated at the crossroads of an international road with a navigable river local production substitutes imported goods as soon as a certain quality level is reached by craftsmen in the region. This can be interpreted in different ways, and in research this is usually linked to economic factors. However in the present case no signs of a decline in prosperity can be detected. Therefore it is highly probable that the Roman consumer did not find any quality difference between imported and locally made terra sigillata, nor between imported and locally made thin-walled wares. The differences archaeologists rely upon were probably not that obvious in the shops than what they seem after 2.000 years of burying. Evaluating the proportion of wine, olive oil, fish sauces and other commodities is work in progress. The main difficulty consists in pondering how the long life cycle of amphorae, their reuse and refuse may have an influence on the results. Dressel 6B oil containers in phase 1 are heavily fragmented, but nevertheless they represent the most common amphora type. The complete supply of olive oil came from the regio decima italica. Much less evidence exists for wine, which might have been shipped in non-ceramic containers and transferred in the readily available local amphorae. Hispanic products appear at a quite late date in the central provinces. This probably does not reflect cooking habits, but rather supply sources other than the Spanish connections. With the reused containers 20 Cfr. Navi di Pisa, passim. Autopsie ESK. 21 Cfr. Aquileia, Canale Anfora. Autopsie ESK.

120

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Pottery Finds from Excavations in Vicˇ ava in Roman Poetovio (Slovenia)

Fig. 6: Vicˇava, comprehensive table of the main features.

of the Grado shipwreck 22 in mind, it has to be assumed that Spanish fish products could have been decanted somewhere on the road and travelled to Poetovio in smaller not yet identified containers. Another possible explanation can be sought in the presence of vivaria in Istria, an indication for the production of garum, liquamen and allec there. Here again no containers have as yet been identified.23 Only a very small amount of amphorae from the Eastern Mediterranean and none from the Levante have been recorded. Can it be possible that wine played a minor role in Poetovio? It has to be strongly doubted. The importance of local tableware has already been mentioned, but the chart shows best that cups, plates and bowls played only a rather minor role in the varied repertoire offered by local potters. Large containers, jugs and multifunction platters complemented the sales offer. Kitchen crockery seems much less standardized and specialized than a 21st century cook would ask for. Today we require a special item for each and every cooking and stocking fancy. This approach must have appeared completely strange to a Poetovio housekeeper, where any matching container was used in the kitchen and the storage cupboard. Except for the specially well-studied Western graveyards, 24 Poetovio provides only very limited access to contextually presented material, and cemeteries are not the perfect place to study ensembles and pattern changes. Therefore the Vičava dig is a forerunner, hopefully soon to be followed by a good number of others. We draw a curtsey to Iva Mikl Curk and her early hypothesis that the main impetus for the pottery production, in particular the one in Roman style, came with the potters migrating along with the soldiers, when the Legio XIII arrived from Vindonissa. The sequence of the Vičava dig confirmed it and embedded it in a chronological background. As a matter of course, when the 13th legion was sent to Vindobona at the end of the first century the potters traveling with the army eventually transferred some of the south Pannonian shapes.

22 Auriemma 2000, Pesavento et al. 2009. 23 Carre et al. 2009. 24 Istenič 1999.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

121

Eleni Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežicˇ

Fig. 7: Vicˇava, the pottery finds in phase 1.

122

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Pottery Finds from Excavations in Vicˇ ava in Roman Poetovio (Slovenia)

Fig. 8: Vicˇava, the pottery finds in phase 1.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

123

Eleni Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežicˇ

Fig. 9: Vicˇava, the pottery finds in phase 2.

124

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Pottery Finds from Excavations in Vicˇ ava in Roman Poetovio (Slovenia)

Fig. 10: Vicˇava, the pottery finds in phase 2.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

125

Eleni Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežicˇ

Fig. 11: Vicˇava, the pottery finds in phase 3.

126

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Pottery Finds from Excavations in Vicˇ ava in Roman Poetovio (Slovenia)

Fig. 12: Vicˇava, the pottery finds in phase 3.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

127

Eleni Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežicˇ

Fig. 13: Vicˇava, the pottery finds in phase 3.

128

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

The Pottery Finds from Excavations in Vicˇ ava in Roman Poetovio (Slovenia)

Fig. 14: Vicˇava, the pottery finds in phase 4.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

129

Eleni Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežicˇ

Fig. 15: Vicˇava, the pottery finds in phase 4.

Bibliography Auriemma 2000, Rita Auriemma, Le anfore del relitto di Grado e il loro contenuto. Mélanges de l‘École Francaise de Rome. Antiquité 112.1, 2000, 27–51. Bezeczky 1998: T. Bezeczky, The Laecanius Amphora Stamps and the Villas of Brijuni, Denkschriften der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 261 (Wien 1998). Cipriano / Ferrarini 2001: S. Cipriano / F. Ferrarini, Le anfore romane di Opitergium (Cornuda 2001). Horvat / Dolenc-Vičič 2010: J. Horvat / A. Dolenc–Vičič, Arheološka najdišča Ptuja: Rabelčja vas / Archaeological sites of Ptuj: Rabelčja vas, Opera Instituti Archaeologice Sloveniae 20 (Ljubljana 2010). Istenič 1999: J. Istenič, Poetovio, zahodna grobišca I / Poetovio, the Western Cemeteries I. Katalogi in monografije 32 (Ljubljana 1999). Janežič / Lazar 2015, M. Janežič / E. Lazar, Roman military equipment from the town centre of Poetovio. Katalogi in Monografije 41, 2015, 257–268. Janežič / Schindler-Kaudelka to be published: M. Janežič / E. Schindler–Kaudelka, Heavy unguentaria from Poetovio: cosmetic or medicinal use? Forthcoming, sent to the editor. Schindler-Kaudelka 2012: E. Schindler–Kaudelka, La ceramica a pareti sottili del Magdalensberg 1975– 1998–2011. In: I. Lazar, B. Županek (ed.), Emona between Aquileia and Pannonia. (Koper 2012). Schmid 2014: D. Schmid, Balsamarien aus Keramik aus Augusta Raurica. RCRF Acta 43, 2014, 801– 806. Sedlmayer 2010: H. Sedlmayer, „Fremde Heimat“ – Autochthones und Allochthones in Ostnoricum während der flavisch–trajanischen Zeit. Arheološki Vestnik 61, 2010, 203–228. Zabehlicky–Scheffenegger 1992: S. Zabehlicky–Scheffenegger, Terra Sigillta Tardopadana, RCRF Acta 31–32, 1992, 415–443. Carre / Pesavento Mattioli / Belotti 2009: M. B. Carre / S. Pesavento Mattioli / C. Belotti, Le anfore da pesce adriatiche. In: S. Pesavento Mattioli / M.B. Carre (ed.), Olio e pesce in epoca romana. Produzione e commercio nelle regioni dell’Alto Adriatico. Atti del Convegno Padova, 16 febbraio 2007. Antenor Quaderni 15 (Roma 2009), 215–238.

130

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:14 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Neufunde kaiserzeitlicher Importkeramik aus Korinth im Municipium Claudium Aguntum

von Veronika Sossau

Abstract Recent field campaigns and study seasons at Municipium Claudium Aguntum in Osttirol have braught to light some previously unknown fragments of Roman Corin­ thian relief ware as well as a lamp of a Corinthian manufacture. These new and for the region Noricum atypical finds prove that Corinthian wares were distributed in provinces much further from the Mediterranean coast as it was assumed until recently.

Keywords Austria, Noricum, Alps, Middle Imperial Era, pottery, Corinthian relief ware, lamps

Während der letzten Grabungs- und Fundbearbeitungskampagnen im Municipium Claudium Aguntum (Abb. 1) wurden zwei für die Region ungewöhnliche Fragmente korinthischer Reliefbecher und einer Lampe identifiziert, die hier zur Kenntnis gebracht und diskutiert werden sollen.1 Die sogenannte korinthische Reliefkeramik 2 wurde von der Mitte des 2. Jh.s bis in die ersten Jahre des 4. Jh.s hinein im Umkreis Korinths produziert3 und verbreitete sich im gesamten Mittelmeerraum. Die Ware zeichnet sich durch ihren hellbeigen Ton und einen matten rotbraunen Überzug aus, der sich in den tiefer liegenden Stellen des Reliefs zumeist besser erhält und an höher liegenden Stellen zum Abplatzen neigt. Das Formenspektrum ist auffallend klein: Neben den mit Abstand am häufigsten erscheinenden und zugleich am weitesten verbreiteten konischen Bechern bzw. Pyxiden mit Ringfuß sind einzelne Schalen mit etwas größerem Durchmesser sowie einige Fragmente von paterae bzw. trullae bekannt.4 Welche Funktion diese Gefäße einnahmen, lässt sich bislang noch nicht zufriedenstellend beantworten. Sie werden zumeist als Bestandteil des Tafelgeschirrs interpretiert. Dabei wird eine Benützung als Trinkbecher, gelegentlich aber auch als Behältnis für feste Speisen und Saucen in Betracht gezogen.5 Immer wieder wurde auch die Möglichkeit vorgeschlagen, dass es sich um Pyxiden handelt, die Salben, Pulver oder in flüssigen und halbfesten Substanzen gelöste Parfüme beinhalteten.6 Signaturen

1 Die Bearbeitung der entsprechenden Fundkontexte erfolgte mit Unterstützung des Tiroler Wissenschaftsfonds (TWF). Für Anmerkungen und Hinweise zu meinem Manuskript danke ich Martin Auer und dem anyonymen Reviewer. (David Ojedas Anmerkungen waren im nachhinein nicht besonders konstruktiv und wurden auch wieder ausgebaut). 2 Zu korinthischer Reliefkeramik siehe grundlegend Spitzer 1942; Bats 1981; Malfitana 2007; zuletzt: Hoxha 2012. Zu Datierung und Verkontextualisierung siehe Slane 1994, 147 Anm. 11; Malfitana 2007, 135–139. Die ungewöhnliche Form und Ikonographie Stücke aus Skhodra veranlassten Gëzim Hoxha zur Überlegung, dass es abseits der hier diskutierten noch weitere Produktionsorte korinthischer Reliefkeramik gegeben haben könnte: Hoxha 2012, 79. 3 Zum Model s. Spitzer 1942, 189, III 9, Kat. Nr. III.13.2. Gerwulf Schneider bestätigte mittels chemischer Analysen von 13 Fragmenten aus verschiedenen Fundorten, dass die beprobten Stücke einer homogenen Gruppe zuzuordnen sind. Vergleiche zur Gebrauchskeramik legen eine Produktion in Korinth nahe: Schneider 2007, 142–143. 4 Zum Formenspektrum vgl. Malfitana 2007, 39–89 (Typologie), 93–95 (statistische Verteilung und Größenangaben). 5 Malfitana 2007, 92 und Anm. 175 mit Verweis auf eine entsprechende Mitteilung durch Kathleen Warner Slane. Auch Hoxha geht von einer Verwendung als Tafelgeschirr aus: Hoxha 2012, 78–79. 6 Bisher lassen sich der Form allerdings keine Deckel zuordnen, sodass bei dieser Deutung ein Verschluss aus organischem Material, ev. Leder anzudenken ist. Mingazzini 1978, 144–145; Malfitana 2007, 91–92. This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

131

Veronika Sossau

korinthischer Lampenmanufakturen auf einigen Böden korinthischer Reliefbecher weisen auf eine gemeinsame Produktion der beiden Gattungen hin.7 Die bislang bekannten Funde beschränken sich fast ausschließlich auf entlang der Küstenlinie des Mittelmeeres gelegene Orte.8 Dieser Umstand lässt sich auf zwei Arten erklären: 1. Die Ware bzw. die Inhalte der Gefäße wurden nicht weiter in die nördlichen Provinzen hinein verhandelt, oder 2. Fragmente römischer Reliefbecher aus Korinth wurden bei der Fundbearbeitung in weiter abseits der Mittelmeerküste gelegenen Provinzen nicht erkannt, weil sie dort nicht erwartet wurden. Die am fernsten der Küste gefundenen Exemplare bildeten bislang einige Einzelfunde aus der Provinz Noricum: einige heute verschollene, aus dem Nachlass Fritz Eichlers bekannte Bruchstücke eines mit rituellen dionysischen Motiven dekorierten Bechers aus Aguntum sowie zwei weitere Altfunde aus dem sogenannten Bäderbezirk von Virunum.9 Das Fragment eines konischen Bechers (Abb. 2a) wurde während der 2008 durchgeführten Ausgrabungen im Kontext einer spätantiken Nachnutzung der Porticus im Süden des Forumsplatzes gefunden (Abb1).10 Es zeigt einen Opfernden, der einen mit Broten oder Früchten gefüllten Korb über einen mit Girlanden verzierten Altar erhebt und eine Oinochoe in seiner gesenkten rechten Hand hält.11 Diese rituelle Szene ist Teil einer aus mehreren Einzelbildern bestehenden größeren dionysischen Darstellung.12 Auch das zweite, unlängst beim Sortieren der Altfunde entdeckte Wandfragment (Abb. 2b) lässt sich dieser Gruppe zuordnen:13 Es stammt aus dem Bereich des sogenannten Handwerkerviertels und kam östlich von Raum 61 zutage (Abb. 1).14 Das Stück ist mit einem Blatt dekoriert. Links davon ist ein weiteres, unvollständig erhaltenes Motiv zu sehen, bei dem es sich um einen kleinen, mit Früchten oder Broten bedeckten Tisch handeln dürfte.15 Der Vergleich zu einem Becher einer römischen Privatsammlung16 zeigt eine Opferszene mit einem gedeckten Tisch. Sie ist Teil einer größeren dionysischer Darstellung, die sich 7 Malfitana 2007, 144–145. Belegt sind folgende Signaturen: [ΚΡΑ]ΥΓΑΔΟΥ (Kraugados), [ΟΝΕ]ΣΙΜΟΥ (Onesimos), Π[ΡΕΙΜΟΥ, [ΠΡΕ]ΙΜΟΥ (Preimos). All diese Namen lassen sich der von Broneer unter der Gruppe XXVII (Broneer 1930, 90–102) zusammengefassten Lampen zuordnen, die vom Beginn des 2. Jh.s über das ganze 3. Jh. und teilweise bis ins beginnende 4. Jh. hinein produziert wurden, darunter der auch in Aguntum vertretene Stempel ΠΡΕΙ[MOU]. Dieser erscheint nicht ausschließlich auf korinthischen, sondern mit leichter Verzögerung auch auf attischen Lampen. Zum Bezug zwischen dem korinthischen und dem attischen Preimos-Workshop siehe Broneer 1930, 97 Anm. 8; Kübler 1952, 102–103; Perlzweig 1961, 48–49; Bruneau 1971, 446, 448–453; Bruneau 1977, 249–250, 285; Petridis 1992, 656. Petropoulos sprach dafür aus, dass die sog. korinthischen Lampen zwar in Korinth verhandelt, aber in Patras produziert wurden. Den starken Bezug der Preimos-Werkstatt zu Athen erklärte er mit einem Umzug des Lampenherstellers (Petropoulos 1994, 110, 120–123, vgl. auch Petropoulos 1999). Aufgrund der fehlenden Begründung wurden diese Überlegungen mehrfach zurückgewiesen: Karivieri 1996, 125–126; Slane 2003, 327 Anm. 36; zu dieser Diskussion siehe auch Malfitana 2007, 144–145 mit weiteren Verweisen. Die ungewöhnliche Form und Ikonographie Stücke aus Skhodra veranlassten Hoxha zur Überlegung, dass es abseits der hier diskutierten noch weitere Produktionsorte korinthischer Reliefkeramik gegeben haben könnte: Hoxha 2012, 79. 8 Zur Verbreitung siehe Malfitana 2007, 147–152. Zur Verbreitung entlang der Küstenlinie siehe bes. 149 Abb. 74. 9 Fragment eines Bechers/Pyxis mit Opferszene (dionysische Bildszene e), Klagenfurt, Landesmuseum für Kärnten Inv. 8369: Malfitana 2007, 189, III. 35.27; Fragment eines Bechers/Pyxis mit Kampfszenen (Bildszenen b, d), Klagenfurt, Landesmuseum für Kärnten Inv. 8141: Kenner 1947, 100, 8141 Abb. 95; Malfitana 2007, 168, II.3.14. 10 Zu diesem Befund vgl. Tschurtschenthaler 2010; Tschurtschenthaler 2011; Sossau 2015, 38–39. 11 Die Szene ist nach Malfitanas Einteilung dem Typ III.B zuzuordnen: Malfitana 2007, 106. Zu den dionysischen Szenen vgl. auch Bats 1981. 12 Für eine ausführliche Auseinandersetzung mit den dionysischen Einzelszenen vgl. Malfitana 2007, 105–108; vgl. auch Bats 1981, insbes. 9–10 (scene b). 13 Für den freundlichen Hinweis auf dieses Stück danke ich Martin Auer (Universität Innsbruck). Das Fragment stammt aus den Ausgrabungen der 50-er Jahre im Areal zwischen dem Atriumhaus und dem Handwerkerviertel. 14 Der in den alten Grabungsberichten häufig postulierten langen Laufzeit der Häuser im Handwerkerviertel mehr oder weniger unverändert bis in die Spätantike hinein muss heute zumindest skeptisch begegnet werden: In anderen Bereichen Aguntums, für die diese Annahme ebenfalls galt, etwa die Hypokaustheizungen im Atriumhaus oder die Thermen (Alzinger 1959, 85–86; Karwiese 1974, 65 Anm. 175 mit Verweis auf Miltner 1953, 116 und 121), stellte sich diese Vorannahme u. a. anhand spätantiker baulicher Modifikationen (Einbau von Schlauchheizungen, teilweise verstürzte Mauern) als unzutreffend heraus: dazu ausführlicher Sossau 2018. 15 Zu diesem Motiv (Teil einer Opferszene) vgl. Malfitana 2007, 106 (dionysische Bildszene e). 16 Rom, Privatsammlung o. Inv. (Fundort Via Cassia): Mingazzini 1978, 139–150, Taf. 77–79; Malfitana 2007, 177, III.1.5. Taf. 13–14, II.1.5.

132

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Neufunde kaiserzeitlicher Importkeramik aus Korinth im Municipium Claudium Aguntum

Abb. 1: Gesamt­ plan der bis 2015 ausgegrabenen Gebäude des Municipium Claudium Aguntum (Bz. Lienz/A).

aus verschiedenen Einzelmotiven zusammensetzt, die mithilfe von großen Blättern optisch voneinander abgehoben werden. Alle bekannten Funde korinthischer Reliefkeramik aus Aguntum gehören daher der Gruppe der rituellen Szenen im dionysischen Umfeld an.17 Das Lampenfragment (Abb. 2c), das 2013 in der ins 3. Jh. datierenden Zerstörung des nördlichen Forumsbereichs18 gefunden wurde, trägt die Signatur ΠΡΕΙ[MOU] und ist daher der Preimos-Werkstatt zuzuordnen. Wie Malfitana aufzeigen konnte, erscheinen Signaturen korinthischer Lampenmanu­ 17 Die Gruppe der dionysischen Darstellungen ist insgesamt am stärksten repräsentiert: Vgl. hierzu v. a. Malfitana 2007, 121 pl. 5. 18 Tschurtschenthaler / Auer 2014.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

133

Veronika Sossau

fakturen immer wieder auch auf der Reliefkeramik, was auf einen Zusammenhang in der Produktion der beiden Gattungen hinweist.19 Petridis geht von einem gemeinsamen Export der Lampen mit anderen korinthischen Produkten aus.20 Die hier zur Kenntnis gebrachten Neufunde aus Aguntum belegen, dass römische Reliefbecher und Lampen aus Korinth keine vollkommen isolierten Einzelfunde in Noricum darstellen. Sie fanden demnach nicht nur entlang der Mittelmeerküste Verbreitung, sondern wurden offenbar auch weiter ins Landesinnere hinein verhandelt als bislang erwartet. Vielleicht vermag eine zunehmende Sensibilisierung für korinthische Importe in den Provinzen in Zukunft noch weitere Exemplare zutage fördern. Abb. 2: (a) Wandfrag­ ment eines konis­ chen Bechers mit Reliefdekoration, Inv. Nr. AG 2008/363/2; (b) Wandfrag­ ment eines ko­ nischen Bechers mit Reliefdeko­ ration, Inv. Nr. AG 1958/33/1; (c) Fragment einer Lampe mit Töpfersignatur [ΠΡΕΙ], Inv. Nr. AG 2013/395/1.

Katalog a. Wandfragment eines konischen Bechers mit Reliefdekoration, Inv. Nr. AG 2008/363/2 (Abb. 2a) Fundort: Porticus (südlicher Forumseingang), Befund 911. Dm nicht ermittelbar, H(erhalten) 3,5 cm, Wandstärke: 0,3–0,5 cm. Scheibengedreht. Farbe im Bruch: 7.5YR 7/6 (reddish yellow). Farbe des Überzugs außen: 7.5YR 4/2–5YR 4/6) (brown– yellowish red, unregelmäßig). Farbe des Überzugs innen: 5YR 4/4–5YR 4/6 reddish brown–yellowish red). Einschlüsse: wenige feine Glimmereinschlüsse (silbern und golden) auf der Oberfläche.

b. Wandfragment eines konischen Bechers mit Reliefdekoration, Inv. Nr. AG 1958/33/1 (Abb. 2b).

Fundort: (Handwerkerviertel, östlich von Raum 61, Quadrant C 12. Dm nicht ermittelbar, H(erhalten): 3,8 cm; Wandstärke: 0,4–0,5 cm. Scheibengedreht. Farbe im Bruch: 7.5YR 8/4 (pink). Farbe des Überzug (innen und außen): 2.5 YR 5/6–5YR 4/6 (red–yellowish red, unregelmäßig). Einschlüsse: wenige feine Glimmereinschlüsse (golden) auf der Oberfläche.

c. Lampenfragment mit Signatur ΠΡΕΙ[MOU], Inv. Nr. AG 2013/395/1 (Abb. 2c). Fundort: Nördlicher Forumsbereich, Raum 284, Schnitt 1/13, Befund 1702. 3 cm x 3,7 cm, Wandstärke: 0,3 cm. Farbe im Bruch, Farbe der Oberfläche: 10 YR 7/3 (very pale brown). Einschlüsse: wenige sehr feine Glimmereinschlüsse (silbern).

19 Vgl. Anm. 7. 20 Petridis 1992, 669–671.

134

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Neufunde kaiserzeitlicher Importkeramik aus Korinth im Municipium Claudium Aguntum

Bibliographie Alzinger 1959: W. Alzinger. Aguntum. Vorläufiger Bericht über die Grabungen in den Jahren 1955 bis 1957, Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts 47, 1959, Beiblatt 75–139. Bats 1981: M. Bats, Dionysiastai. A propos de vases corinthiens à repésentations dionysiaques d’epoque romaine, Revue Archéologique 1981, 3–26. Broneer 1930: O. Broneer, Terracotta Lamps, Corinth 4,2 (Cambridge, Massachusetts 1930) Bruneau 1971: Ph. Bruneau, Lampes corinthiennes, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 95, 1971, 437–501. Bruneau 1977: Ph. Bruneau, Lampes corinthiennes, II, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 101, 1977, 249–295. Hoxha 2012: G. Hoxha, Zwei >korinthische< Reliefschalen der mittleren Kaiserzeit aus Shkodra (Scodra), Archäologischer Anzeiger 2012, 63–83. Karivieri 1996: A. Karivieri, The Athenian Lamp Industry in Late Antiquity, Papers and monographs of the Finnish Institute at Athens 5 (Helsinki 1996) 125–129. Karwiese 1974: St. Karwiese, Aguntum. Das Ende einer Stadt im Spiegel der Münzfunde, Beiträge zur römerzeitlichen Bodenforschung in Österreich 2 (Wien 1974). Kenner 1947: H. Kenner, Die Kleinfunde, in: C. Praschniker / H. Kenner (Hrsg.), Der Bäderbezirk von Virunum (Wien 1947) 100–172. Kübler 1952: K. Kübler, Zum Formwandel in der spätantiken attischen Tonplastik, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 67, 1952, 99–145. Malfitana 2000: D. Malfitana, “Römische zylindrische Tonbecher mit Reliefverzierung”. Da Eduard Nowotny a Fritz Eichler. Note su un lavoro inedito, Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts 69, 2000, 235–248. Malfitana 2007: D. Malfitana, La ceramica "corinzia" decorata a matrice. Tipologia, cronologia ed iconografia di una produzione ceramica greca di eta imperiale, Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautores Acta, Supplement 10 (Bonn 2007). Miltner 1953: F. Miltner, Aguntum. Vorläufiger Bericht über die Ausgrabungen 1950–1952, Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts 40, 1953, Beiblatt 93–156. Mingazzini 1978: P. Mingazzini, Un vasetto decorato con relievi di eta imperiale, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Römische Abteilung 85, 1978, 139–150. Tafeln 77–79. Perlzweig 1961: J. Perlzweig, Lamps of the Roman Period, First to Seventh Century after Christ, Agora 7 (Princeton 1961). Petridis 1992: P. Petridis, Les lampes corinthiennes de Kritika, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 116, 1992, 649–671. Petropolus 1994: Τα εργαστήρια των ρωμαϊκών λυχναριών της Πάτρας και το λυχνομαντείο [unveröffentlichte Dissertation Universität Patras 1994]. Petropoulos 1999: M. Petropoulos, Τα εργαστήρια των ρωμαϊκών λυχναριών της Πάτρας και το λυχνομαντείο, Dēmosieumata tou Archaiologikou deltiou 70 (Athen 1999). Schneider 2007: G. Schneider, Chemical analysis of some Roman Corinthian bowls, in: Malfitana 2007, 142–143. Slane 1989: K. Warner Slane, Corinthian Ceramic Imports: the Changing Pattern of Provincial Trade in the First and Second Centuries, in: S. Walker / A. Cameron (Hrsg.), The Greek Renaissance in the Roman Empire. Papers from the Tenth British Museum Classical Colloquium, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of London, Supplement 55 (London 1989) 219–225. Slane 1994: K. Warner Slane, Tetrarchic Recovery in Corinth. Pottery, Lamps, and other finds from the Peribolos of Apollo, Hesperia 63, 1994, 127–168. Slane 2003: K. Warner Slane, Corinth's Roman Pottery. Quantification and Meaning, in: C. K. Williams / N. Bookidis (Hrsg.): Corinth. The Centenary 1896–1996, Corinth 20 (Athen 2003) 321–335. Spitzer 1942: D. C. Spitzer, Roman Relief Bowls from Corinth, Hesperia 11, 1942, 162–192.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

135

Veronika Sossau

Sossau 2015: Fundmaterial aus dem Stadtzentrum Aguntums: Eine spätantike Nachnutzung der Ruinen der Porticus, in: Ch. Baur (Hrsg.), Ausgraben – Dokumentieren – Präsentieren. Jahresbericht des Instituts für Archäologien 2013 (Innsbruck 2015) 38–39. Sossau 2018: V. Sossau, Das Municiplium Claudium Aguntum in der Spätantike. Ein erster Überblick, in: M. Auer / H. Stadler (Hrsg.), Von Aguntum zum Alkuser See. Zur römischen Geschichte der Siedlungskammer Osttirol , Ager Aguntinus 1 (Wiesbaden 2018) 95-109. Tschurtschenthaler 2010: M. Tschurtschenthaler, KG Stribach, OG Dölsach, PB Lienz, Fundberichte aus Österreich 48, 2010, 448–451. Tschurtschenthaler / Auer 2011: M. Tschurtschenthaler, M. Auer, KG Stribach, OG Dölsach, PB Lienz, Fundberichte aus Österreich 49, 2011, 428–432. Tschurtschenthaler / Auer 2014: M. Tschurtschenthaler, M. Auer, KG Stribach, OG Dölsach, PB Lienz, Fundberichte aus Österreich 52, 2014, 370–373.

136

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:17 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Poetovio – An Important Economic Centre

by Mojca Vomer Gojkovicˇ

Abstract The advantageous position next to a passage across the Drava River was strategically important since the very beginning of Roman presence in the region. Due to this, Poetovio had numerous economic advantages, which were not only visible in the wealth of its inhabitants but also in the variety of economic branches. The biggest development of Poetovio took place in the 2nd and 3rd century, when it also comprised a large territory. In the 2nd century, the town became the centre of Illyrian customs and an important harbour. Poetovio consisted of four quarters with influential administration and countless craft workshops; of these crafts, it was the pottery industry which became very important. Numerous temples were built, and among them the most well-known is Mithraea; very early it became the centre of Christianity. Indirectly, these facts show the great economic power and rich cultural tradition of the provincial town in which people of different cultures and speaking different languages lived.

Keywords Poetovio, Amber road, quarter, workshop, vicus Fortunae, aqueduct, Mithraeum

Through the picturesque landscape between Haloze and Slovenske Gorice Hills, the ancient Amber road winded for centuries between the North Sea, the Po Valley and the Mediterranean. At the crossings of the then navigable Drava River, a series of settlements were situated. The ancient town of Ptuj developed at the intersection of traffic roads, the prehistoric Amber road, the Roman road and the navigable Drava river, which in ancient times connected the settlement with the Alpine: the Central European and the Pannonian area.1 Modern Ptuj is a small town in the northeast of Slovenia and on the edge of the Slovenske Gorice Hills showing the distinctive layout of the Medieval city. Both sides of the River Drava are rich in archaeological history; during the excavation works in the town and its surroundings numerous remains coming from different time periods were discovered.2 The advantageous position of Poetovio next to a passage across the Drava was strategically important since the first Romans arrived in the region, first stopping at the river and then pushing forward to the Pannonian plain and to the Danube River; at the same time Poetovio became the headquarter of the Roman military camps at the beginning of the 1st century. Poetovio was first mentioned in the “Historiae” by Tacitus where he described the events in 69 AD which had an impact on Poetovio’s role and its importance as well as on its economic development. The Roman Poetovio, with the official name Colonia Ulpia Traiana Poetovio, reached the peak of its development in the 2nd and 3rd centuries, when it became a large provincial town with important administrative offices. In the Roman time the town developed equally on both banks of the Drava River. Today, we can speak about four quarters: in Spodnja Hajdina in the Vicus Fortunae was the main customs’ office Portorium 1 Pahič1983, 247–287; Curk 1993, 205–218; Vomer Gojkovič / Kolar 1993; Vomer Gojkovič 2004a, 86−89; Vomer Gojkovič 2004b, 167–172. 2 Vomer Gojkovič 2003, 221–228; Vomer Gojkovič 2004a, 86–89; Horvat et al. 2003, 153–189.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:21 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

137

Mojca Vomer Gojkovicˇ ►

Fig. 1 (above): Fragment of frescoes with motifs of genius. Fig. 2 (below): Bellerophon on a horse kills a dragon with a spear – a central image of the mosaic.

publici Ilyrici; in Zgornji Breg there was a quarter of urban villas; on the left bank of the River Drava, below the Castle Hill and a part of Panorama Hill to the stream of Grajena, there was the administrative quarter, while east of the stream was the craft quarter.3 Excavations in Poetovio were carried out in all four quarters and constructional parts of architecture were discovered in the administra­ tive quarter, while the majority of construction remains were brought to light in the craft quarter in Rabelčja vas and in the residential quarter in Zgornji Breg and Spodnja Hajdina. Along the road, which crosses the modern settlements of Spodnja Hajdina and Zgornji Breg and near the military camp, a civil settlement developed during the second half of the 1st  century. In the 2nd  century and the first half of the 3rd  century, the town reached its main expansion. In the second half of the 3rd and the first half of the 4th century the residential area in Zgornji Breg expanded. The buildings were made of stone and wood, they were covered with high quality tiles made in the workshops of Poetovio. The remains of villae indicate the wealth of the inhabitants with their interior furnishing and decorations and with summer and winter premises richly decorated with frescoes and mosaics4 (Fig. 1–35). The infrastructure in Poetovio was complex, just like in other Roman towns. Two aqueducts supplied water for the town; one was leading from the Pohorje Mountain to the right bank of the Drava river6 and the other one from Vurberk to the left river bank and to the houses in all town quarters. The houses of wealthy town residents had bathrooms; there were also some public baths in the town. The waste water ran into the culverts. In the past years were uncovered parts of the aqueduct on the Panorama hill and parts of the sewage system at various sites in the town.7 Sections of the Roman road Celeia–Poetovio–Savaria8 were discovered in different parts of town. The paved town streets and the sandy side-streets on both sides of the main road Poetovio–Savaria lead to dwelling houses, workshops and sanctuaries. The banks of the Drava River were linked together by a bridge built or repaired during the reign of the Emperor Hadrian. On the amber-road which was, after the post road and post stations had been built, administratively included to the Roman road system, not only large transports with merchant goods and tradesman’s products went through Poetovio (Fig. 4), but also post coaches and fast messengers, who provided themselves with goods needed for the continuation of their voyage. During the Roman period, Poetovio and its surroundings had not only great administrative influence, but also a significant economic importance in craftsmanship, as evidenced by numerous craft workshops.9 3 Vomer Gojkovič 2003, 221–228; Horvat et al. 2003, 153–189. 4 Vomer Gojkovič 2009b, 261−272; Vomer Gojkovič 2012, 99–116. 5 Figs. 3, 10, 11 and 12 drawn by Nejka Uršič. 6 Saria 1974, 225; Pahič 1996, 139–140; Mikl Curk 1975, 59–60; Vomer Gojkovič 2010, 92–93. 7 Mikl Curk 1975, 60–61; Pahič / Šašel, 1993. 8 Vomer Gojkovič 1993, 461; Vomer Gojkovič 2009a, 183–192. 9 Vomer Gojkovič 2008a, 173−174.

138

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:21 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Poetovio – An Important Economic Centre

A significant craft quarter developed on the left bank of the Drava River, eastwards to the Grajena Brook, on several thousand square meters large area of Rabelčja Vas. A big number of workshop remains with clay and brick kilns was discovered in that area (Fig. 11). Besides them there were also glazier’s, stonecutter’s and smith’s workshops and a bronze foundry. In this quarter products which had been used by inhabitants of the town were made; as commodities, they were also sold in other settlements and towns in the province of Pannonia. Traces of various crafts can also be found in other town quarters: bone carving in the administrative area of the town between the Panorama Hill and the Drava River, glazier’s trade in Zgornji Breg, a foundry in Spodnja Hajdina, and traces of the potter’s trade can be found in all town quarters. The fast development of Roman pottery and brick-making in the area was possible due to the good quality of the clay, which was extracted from the slopes of the Slovenske Gorice Hills in the immediate vicinity of the Roman Poetovio.10 Pottery production in Poetovio most probably started at the beginning of the 1st century, as can be deduced from local copies of Italic sigillata. Up to the 5th century Poetovio represented an important production centre with a wide range of pottery products that met practically all the needs of the population in this area. It reached its peak in the 2nd and 3rd centuries when large brick and pottery workshops operated.11 Large plants in the craft quarter on the left bank of the river consisted of residential and commercial premises: workspaces, heated buildings for drying and yards with wells, water collectors, ready-for-use clay, rubbish pits with defective products, semi-finished products, moulds and working tools. Pottery kilns were found in groups, individually or within brick-making plants (Fig. 5).12 Each plant could contain up to ten kilns and have a common stoke-pit. The majority of kilns for firing ceramics and bricks have been studied or recorded in the area of the craft quarter. Various craft workshops ranged on both sides of the main road in the craft quarter. Road and water transport routes, converging in Poetovio from all directions, enabled the town to maintain trade with neighbouring cities and provinces, as well as within the Roman Empire. The favourable position at the crossing of important waterways and roads offered the possibility for trading with imported semi-products and products from the east and north, for their completion and trading with own products. At that time the navigable Drava River connected the town with places situated upwards and downwards the stream. The pottery from Poetovio was traded by main road towards towns in distance of about 40 km (Celeia, Mursa), and on the Drava. Pottery items represented an additional load and thus transport costs could be kept low. Namely, Poetovio was the centre of the Pannonian trade in marble,13 which was extracted from quarries in the eastern Pohorje, and then brought to Poetovio where it was carved. From here it was transported on the Rivers Drava and Danube. The fact that the ceramics from Poetovio was so widespread 10 11 12 13

Žižek 2004, 100−101. Vomer Gojkovič 2016, 88–98. Šubic 1968, 455–472; Vomer Gojkovič 1993, 449–480; Tomanič Jevremov 2004, 95−96, 98−99. Djurić 2004, 162–164; Vomer Gojkovič 2009c, 657−662.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:21 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

139

Fig. 3: The ground plan of a house with frescoes and pottery craft workshop, Ptuj, Gubcˇeva Street, 1997.

Mojca Vomer Gojkovicˇ

Fig. 4 (above): Roman road Poetovio–Savaria divided by the sandstones and with cart tracks preserved in the compressed gravel. Fig. 5 (below): Drawing of a kiln complex with partially preserved grids and a common stoke-pit.

especially in the south-east attests the great importance of river transport. Products with seals from Poetovio prove that certain types of pottery reached more distant markets: along the Amber road to the northeast Carnuntum, on the river Drava and Danube to Mursa, Singidunum and Viminacium. Two mortars sealed by Justinian were found in the cities of Virunum in Noricum and Apulum in Dacia.14 Poetovio was one of the biggest and most developed Pannonian towns where state offices were situated. Among the population there were many immigrants, soldiers, clerks, merchants and custom officers who brought different cultures and religions into the town. The world of antique religions was very rich, variegated and subdivided. Under the influence of Greek culture Romans took over their gods and adapted them to suit their needs. They worshiped various gods and deities because every sphere of their lives had its god protector. Shrines were erected in every town quarter.15 The Mithraea of Poetovio are undoubtedly the most recognisable monuments. As many as five, respectively seven temples were discovered in Ptuj and its immediate surroundings: two of them (Ptuj/Breg, Hajdina) are preserved in situ.16 The first Mithraeum was discovered in the end of the 19th  century in the quarter of trade and temples vicus Fortunae in Spodnja Hajdina. Among the monuments two are of specific importance: a monument depicting the birth of Mithras from the rock and a statue of Mithras carrying the bull (Fig.  6). The inscriptions on the monuments found in the temple revealed that the Poetovio customs officials dedicated a greater number of altars in the middle of the 2nd century. The Mithraeum was most probably used until the 4th century.17 According to current knowledge, this was not only the first, but also one of the smallest Mithraea in Pannonia. The second Mithraeum, also built by customs officials, was discovered in Spodnja Hajdina. Erected some 50 years after the first Mithraeum, it must have been in use until the mid of the 4th century.18 The third Mithraeum was discovered between the villae in Zgornji Breg and it is the largest among all temples found in Poetovio.19 Dedications belonging to the last building phase of the third Mithraeum were mostly commissioned by soldiers of legions V Macedonica and XIII Gemina, which asked for their own and Emperor Galiena’s prosperity, thus proving that in the 60s of the 3rd century an important military division was present in Poetovio, which was led by the commander Flavius Aper. The temple was still in use in the first decades of the 4th century (Fig. 7).20

14 15 16 17 18 19 20

140

Istenič 2004, 108–111. Vomer Gojkovič 2006, 463–470. Abramić 1925, 63–79, 162–171, 172–190; Curk 1972, 31; Vomer Gojkovič 2001a, 105–124. Abramić 1925, 162–171; Hoffiller / Saria 1938, 133–139; Vomer Gojkovič et al. 2011. Abramić 1925, 63–79; Vomer Gojkovič 2001a, 105–124; Vomer Gojkovič et al. 2011. Abramić 1925, 172–190; Hoffiller / Saria 1938, 144–150; Vomer Gojkovič 2001a, 105–124; Vomer Gojkovič 2014b. Abramić 1925, 172–190; Hoffiller / Saria 1938, 144–150; Vomer Gojkovič 2006, 463–470; Vomer Gojkovič 2014b.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:21 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Poetovio – An Important Economic Centre

Fig. 6 (left): Mithras carrying the bull from the first Mithraeum, Spodnja Hajdina. Fig. 7 (right above): The inside of the third Mithraeum, Ptuj/Breg Fig. 8 (right below): Plate, dedicated to the wet nurces nutrices augustae

The fourth Mithraeum was discovered on the southern foot of the castle hill in Vičava; here a relief with the depictions of Sol was found. The Mithraeum was in use from the 3rd century to the mid of the 4th century.21 That the spiritual life developed in the same way also in the handicraft quarter of Poetovio is indicated by the fifth Mithraeum which was discovered on the left side of the Drava river.22 It was in use from the 3rd to the mid of the 4th century.23 In vicinity of the Mithraea there were sanctuaries devoted to the nutrices augustae (Fig. 8).24 In Spodnja Hajdina also an early Christian church was situated. Here the bishop Viktorin of Ptuj was acting at the end of the 3rd and at the beginning of the 4th century. The burial sites in Roman Poetovio spread along the main road connecting the Danube region to Italy and following the ancient Amber road. The origin of the cemeteries set outside the urban town area is not absolutely clear as they are partly covered by Roman buildings. A similar situation can be found at the western cemetery which is partly covered by buildings belonging to the town quarter vicus Fortunae in Spodnja Hajdina. Other cemeteries are organised in clusters and are situated in town quarters known as Rabelčja Vas (Fig. 12), Vičava, Panorama, and at several spots in Zgornji Breg. A bit more confusing is the layout of the cemetery located in the very center of the Medieval town of Ptuj, north of Prešernova Street. The most famous tombstone is the monumental stele of the Valerii family, 5 m high and richly decorated 21 22 23 24

Mikl 1962, 212–218; Vomer Gojkovič 2001a, 105–124. Tušek 1990, 267–276; Tušek 2001, 191–215; Vomer Gojkovič 2001a, 105–124. Tušek 1990, 267–276; Tušek 2001, 191–215. Wigand 1915; Abramić, 1925, 78–80, no. 75–77; Tušek, 1986, 348–349; Jevremov, 1988, 50–55, no. 22–26; Vomer Gojkovič 2014a, 152.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:21 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

141

Mojca Vomer Gojkovicˇ

Fig. 9 (left): Orpheus monument, tombstone of Marcus Valerius Verus, Poetovio's municioal counsellor, judge and Mayor. Fig. 10 (right): Pot covered with lid containing three oil lamps.

with relief sculptures depicting the central scene of the Orpheus myth. It is dated in the middle of the 2nd century. During the Middle Ages it was used as a pillory, and even today it represents one of the town’s objects of interest (Fig. 9). In 1997 the Regional Museum Ptuj performed archaeological excavations in Gubčeva Street25, which belongs to the Roman residential quarter in the vicinity of the legion camp. Here parts of architecture were discovered, which represent the foundations of a Roman building and the remains of pottery kilns. The buildings latest phase dates back to the late Roman era. In the corner of a south-west situated room we discovered, in the depth of 1.2 m, a covered pot containing three oil lamps and a poorly preserved bronze coin. At the bottom of the pot there were cremated remains without bones and mixed with eggshells. The pot buried in the foundations of the first house has probably had a cultic function; the finds can be dated to the end of the 1st century AD. 1. Oil lamp with relief depicting a figure of a young boy who is turned to the right, his right leg is moving forward; he is presumably holding a musical instrument (double pipes?) in his hands (Fig. 10: 1) Material: pottery, orange, with red coat Size: length 9.3 cm, width 6.6 cm, height 2.3 cm

PMPO, inv. no. 97BH002/3

2. Oil lamp with relief depicting a cone (Fig. 10: 2) Material: pottery, orange, with red coat Size: length 9.3 cm, width 6.6 cm, height 2.3 cm PMPO, inv. no. 97BH002/4

25 Vomer Gojkovič 1998, 18–22; Vomer Gojkovič 2001b, 245–253; Vomer Gojkovič 2003, 221–227; Vomer Gojkovič 2005, 203–216; Vomer Gojkovič 2008b, 229–230.

142

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:21 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Poetovio – An Important Economic Centre

3. Oil lamp with depicting a large vessel (skyphos) with two handles and a wide rim and decorated with longish wavy ribs (Fig. 10: 3) Material: pottery, orange, with red coat Size: length 9 cm, width 6.6 cm, height 2.3 cm PMPO, inv. no. 97BH002/5

4. Pot (Fig. 10: 5)

Size: height 29.8 cm, rim diameter 21 cm, bottom diameter 11 cm PMPO, inv. no. 97BH002/1

5. Lid (Fig. 10: 4) Material: pottery, orange Size: diameter 22.3 cm, height 5.8 cm PMPO, inv. no. 97BH002/2

Fig. 12 (right): Ptuj, Ljudski vrt, Grave 155/2009.

Material: pottery, dark-grey

While exploring the area for the extension of the maternity hospital in Ptuj, a large pottery- and brickworkshop was discovered, yielding numerous details which point to the functioning of this large structure on the southern side of the main Roman road crossing Poetovio. The displayed pottery comes the from brick- and pottery- workshops of Poetovio. Ptuj, Rabelčja Vas, Hospital, 1990, pottery kiln 7.26 1. Lid (Fig. 11: 1) Material: pottery, grey Size: height 4.6 cm, rim diameter 13.5 cm, handle height 1.2 cm, handle diameter 3.2 cm PMPO, inv. no. 90PB017/69

2. Plate with grooves on the flat rim and under the rim (Fig. 11: 2) Material: pottery, grey-black Size: preserved height 4.9 cm, rim diameter 22.4 cm PMPO, inv. no. 90PB017/03

26 Vomer Gojkovič 1993; Vomer Gojkovič 2016, 97–98.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:21 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Fig. 11 (left): Pottery from brick-pottery workshops from Petovio, Ptuj, Rabelcˇ ja Vas, Hospital, 1990, pottery kiln 7.

143

Mojca Vomer Gojkovicˇ

3. Beaker with grooves on the rim and bands of grooves (Fig. 11: 3) Material: pottery, grey-black Size: height 8.9 cm, rim diameter 16.6 cm, bottom diameter 8 cm PMPO, inv. no. 90PB017/61

4. Jug, fragment, (Fig. 11: 4) Material: pottery, brown Size: preserved height 11.1 cm, bottom diameter 5.5 cm, the largest diameter 14.1 cm PMPO, inv. no. 90PB017/84

5. Tripod vessel with three grooves under the rim (Fig. 11: 5) Material: pottery, red to black Size: preserved height 7.9 cm, rim diameter 19.9 cm, bottom diameter 10.6 cm PMPO, inv. no. 90PB017/60

6. Bowl (Fig. 11: 6) Material: pottery, grey with grey coat

Size: height 11.8 cm, rim diameter 27.6 cm, bottom diameter 10.7 cm PMPO, inv. no. 90PB017/05

7. Plate with band of rouletting (Fig. 11: 7) Material: pottery, red, outside black coat, inside redbrown Size: preserved height 4.6 cm, rim diameter 25.1 cm PMPO, inv. no. 90PB017/39

8. Bowl with rib under the rim and stamp: . M CRESCE in planta pedis (Fig. 11: 8) Material: pottery, light red Size: height 10.6 cm, rim diameter 30.5 cm, bottom diameter 12,1 cm PMPO, inv. no. 90PB017/01

9. Jar, lower part (Fig. 11: 9) Material: pottery, grey Size: preserved height 16.5 cm, bottom diameter 8.9 cm, the largest diameter 30.5 cm PMPO, inv. no. 90PB017/18

A Roman cemetery with hundreds of graves was discovered at the site Ljudski vrt. Among the grave goods lots of items point to the importance of traded products.27 The cremation grave 155/200928 was 115 cm long, 53 cm wide and 40 cm deep. The rectangular shaped grave pit was dug into yellow clay and it had burnt edges. The grave had a brick construction made of tegulae that unfortunately was damaged. The grave was already destroyed during the Roman period and was filled with yellow-grey clay, fragments of burnt clay, fragments of bricks, burnt material and calcined bones (Fig. 12). In the grave there were various grave goods: iron, an oil lamp, fragments of terra sigillata, a distaff made of amber and glass objects. 1. Oil lamp of the Buchi type Xb with the stamp VRSVL[I] (Fig. 12: 1) Material: pottery Size: length 9.02 cm, width 6.14 cm, height 2.8 cm PMPO, inv. no. 09LV155/05 date: the end of the 2nd, the beginning of the 3rd century

2. Amber distaff made of 30 amber beads being stuck together on a bronze wire (Fig. 12: 2) Material: amber Size: length: 12.1 cm, size of pearls 0.7–1.3 cm PMPO, inv. no. 09LV155/01 date: 2nd century.

3. Small bottle with indents on the walls of elongated-shaped body, tabular rim, its neck is wound up with a glass trail made of greenish translucent glass (Fig. 12: 2. 3)

Size: high 11.23 cm, wide 3.26 cm, the bottle neck diameter 2.22 cm and the bottle bottom size is 2.33 x 2.12 cm PMPO, inv. no. 09LV155/02 date: from the 1st to the 2nd century.

4. Balsamarium with a bell-shaped body, long cylindrical neck and concave bas (Fig. 12: 4) Material: light-green translucent glass Size: high 27 cm, diameter 8.7 cm PMPO, inv. no. 09LV155/08 date: 2nd, 3rd century.

5. Rod – needle with a duck shaped head. The lower part of the needle is twisted and sharp ended (Fig. 12: 6) Material: greenish translucent glass Size: length 15.2 cm, size of the head: 2.7 × 1.49 cm PMPO, inv. no. 09LV155/03 date: 2nd century.

Material: greenish translucent glass

27 Vomer Gojkovič / Žižek 2015, 22–24, 50–63. 28 Vomer Gojkovič 2015, 264–271; Vomer Gojkovič / Žižek 2015, 55.

144

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:21 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

Poetovio – An Important Economic Centre

6. Rod – needle with a duck shaped head. The lower part of the needle is twisted and sharp ended (Fig. 12: 5)

PMPO, inv. no. 09LV155/04 date: 2nd century.

Material: greenish translucent glass Size: length 15.9 cm, size of the head: 2.87 × 1.4 cm

Bibliography Abramić 1925: M. Abramić Poetovio, Führer durch die Denkmäler der römischen Stadt (Wien 1925). Curk 1972: I. Curk, Ohranjeni mitreji na Slovenskem, Kulturni in naravni spomeniki Slovenije 31 (Ljubljana 1972). Curk 1993: I. Curk, Petoviona v sožitju z bližnjimi in daljnimi kraji. Ptujski arheološki zbornik (Ptuj 1993) 205–218. Djurić 2004: B. Djurić, V Saksanovem svetu, Rimsko pridobivanje belega marmorja s Pohorja, in: Saxanus' Welt. Römische Gewinnung des weißen Pohorje-Marmors, in: I. Lazar (ed.), Rimljani – steklo, glina, kamen / Die Römer – Glas – Ton – Stein (Celje, Ptuj, Maribor 2004) 147–165. Hoffiller / Saria 1938: V. Hoffiller / Saria, Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien 1, Heft I, Noricum und Pannonia Superior (Zagreb 1938). Horvat et al. 2003: J. Horvat / M. Lovenjak / A. Dolenc Vičič / M. Lubšina-Tušek / M. TomaničJevremov / Z. Šubic, Poetovio, Development and Topography, in: M. Šašel Kos / P. Scherrer (eds.), The Authonomous Towns of Noricum and Pannonia, Situla 41, 2003, 153–189. Istenič 2004: J. Istenič, Petoviona – središče izdelave in distribucije keramičnih izdelkov / Poetovio – Zentrum der Herstellung keramischer Erzeugnisse, in: I. Lazar (ed.), Rimljani – steklo, glina, kamen / Die Römer – Glas – Ton – Stein (Celje, Ptuj, Maribor 2004) 108–111. Jevremov 1988: B. Jevremov, Vodnik po lapidariju (Ptuj 1988). Mikl 1962: I. Mikl, Petovijski četrti mitrej, Ptujski zbornik 2, 1962, 212–218. Mikl Curk 1975: I. Mikl Curk, Rimski vodovodi Ptuja, Ptujski zbornik 4, 1975, 59–62. Pahič 1983: S. Pahič, Die Erforschung der Römerstrassen in Nordöstlichen Slowenien, Arheološki vestnik 34, 1983, 247–287. Pahič 1996: S. Pahič, Uničujoča Drava, in: B. Terbuc (ed.), Ptujski zbornik VI/I, 1996, 131–155. Pahič / Šašel 1993. S. Pahič / J. Šašel, Drugi vodovod za Petoviono: raziskave v letih 1949–1951, Doneski k pradavnini Podravja 10 (Maribor 1993). Saria 1974: B. Saria, Pregled topografije Poetovie, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje, Nova Vrsta 10/2, 1974, 219–226. Šubic 1968: Z. Šubic, Kompleks rimskih opekarskih peči v Ptuju, Arheološki vestnik 19, 455–472. Tomanič Jevremov 2004: M. Tomanič Jevremov, Obrtniške delavnice Petovione / Werkstätten in Poetovio, in: I. Lazar (ed.), Rimljani – steklo, glina, kamen / Die Römer – Glas – Ton – Stein, (Celje, Ptuj, Maribor 2004) 90–99. Tušek, I. 1986, Novi rimski reliefni kamni in napisi iz Ptuja, Arheološki vestnik 37, 343–370. Tušek 1990: I. Tušek, Peti mitrej v Ptuju, Arheološki vestnik 41, 1990, 267–276. Tušek 2001: I. Tušek, Peti mitrej na Ptuju, in: M. Vomer Gojkovič / N. Kolar (eds.), Archaeologia Poetovionensis 2 (Ptuj, 2001) 191–215. Vomer Gojkovič 1993: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Lončarsko opekarska delavnica v rimski četrti na Ptuju, Ptujski arheološki zbornik (Ptuj 1993) 449–480. Vomer Gojkovič 1998: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Neue Funde aus Ptuj, Alba Regia, Annales Musei Stephani Regis 27 (Székesfehérvár 1998) 17–23. Vomer Gojkovič 2001a: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Petovionski mitreji, in: M. Vomer Gojkovič /N. Kolar (eds.), Archaeologia Poetovionensis 2 (Ptuj 2001) 105–124. Vomer Gojkovič 2001b: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Neuentdeckungen der römischen Architektur in Poetovio, in: P. Zsidi / E. Hanny (eds.), Akten des 6. Internationalen Kolloquiums über Probleme des Provinzialrömischen Kunstschaffens - Budapest 1999, Budapest Régiségei XXXIV (Budapest 2001) 245–253.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:21 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

145

Mojca Vomer Gojkovicˇ

Vomer Gojkovič 2003: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Quarters of Roman Poetovio (Building complexes in different parts of Ptuj), Histria Antiqua 11, 2003, 221–228. Vomer Gojkovič 2004a: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Zgodovinski oris Petovione / Poetovio im historischen Überblick, in: I. Lazar (ed.), Rimljani – steklo, glina, kamen / Die Römer – Glas – Ton – Stein (Celje, Ptuj, Maribor 2004) 86–89. Vomer Gojkovič 2004b: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Poetovio – transportno-trgovački centar rimske provincije Panonije, Histria Antiqua 12, 2004, 167–172. Vomer Gojkovič 2005: Vomer Gojkovič, M., Römische Villen aus Poetovio, in: S. K. Palágyi (ed.), Internationale Tagung über römerzeitliche Villen, Veszprém-Baláca, 20–23. September 2004, Balácai Közlemények IX (Veszprém 2005) 203–216. Vomer Gojkovič 2006: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Die römischen Armee und die Religion, 19th Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, Limes XIX, 2006, 463–470. Vomer Gojkovič 2008a: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Roman Workshops in Poetovio (Pannonia), Internationaler Kongress CRAFTS 2007 – Handwerk und Gesellschaft in den römischen Provinzen, Universität Zürich (Schweiz) 1. März-3. März 2007, Zeitschrift für Schweizerische Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte, Band 65, Doppelheft 1/2, 2006, 173–174. Vomer Gojkovič 2008b: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Oil Lamps from the Territory of Eastern Slovenia: Poetovio. V: Acts of 2nd International Congress on ancient and Middle Age Lihgting Devices, Trade and Local Production of Lamps from the Prehistory until the Middle Age, Zalau/Cluj-Napoca, 13–18 May 2006, in: Sorin Cociş / Adrian Ursuțiu, (eds.), Lychnological Acts 2, Patrimonium Archaeologicum Transylvanicum 2 (Cluj-Napoca 2008) 227–232. Vomer Gojkovič 2009a: M. Vomer Gojkovič, All Roads lead to – Poetovio, Histria Antiqua 17, 2009, 183–192. Vomer Gojkovič 2009b: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Drobci iz Petovionske stanovanjske kulture, Histria Antiqua 18/2, 2009, 261–272. Vomer Gojkovič, M. 2009c: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Stoneworkshops of Poetovio, Les ateliers de sculpture régionaux: technique, styles et iconographie, in: V. Gaggadis-Robin / A. Hermary / M Reddé / C. Sintes (eds.), Publication of the Proceedings of the 10th Conference on Provincial Art, Arles and Aixen-Provence: 21–23 May 2007 (Arles 2009) 657–662. Vomer Gojkovič 2010: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Drobci iz davnine v občini Kidričevo, in: N. Kolar (ed.), Zbornik občine Kidričevo (Kidričevo 2010) 88–105. Vomer Gojkovič 2012: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Pogled na petovionsko arhitekturo – Gubčeva ulica, Ptuj, in: Zbornik Scripta in honorem Bojan Djurić, Monografije CPA 1, 2012, 99–116. Vomer Gojkovič 2016: M. Vomer Gojkovič, From Craftsmanship to Industrialisation: Brick-Pottery Workshops in Poetovio, Serta Instituti Archaeologici 3, 2016, 87–105. Vomer Gojkovič 2014a: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Women from Poetovio, in: I. Koncani Uhač (ed.), Prosidings of the 12th International Colloquium on Roman Provincial Art. The dating of stone monuments and criteria for determination of chronology – Pula, 23–28 May 2011 (Pula 2014) 148–153. Vomer Gojkovič 2014b: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Tretji petovionski mitrej (Ptuj 2014). Vomer Gojkovič 2015: M. Vomer Gojkovič, Glass Finds from Poetovio Grave at Ljudski vrt, in: I. Lazar (ed.), AIHV Annales Du 19e Congrès, 2012 (Koper 2015) 264–271. Vomer Gojkovič / Kolar1993: M. Vomer Gojkovič / N. Kolar, Archaeologia Poetovionensis, Stara in nova arheološka spoznanja, Archaeologia Poetovionensis (Ptuj 1993). Vomer Gojkovič et al. 2011: M. Vomer Gojkovič / B. Djurić / M. Lovenjak, Prvi petovionski mitrej na Spodnji Hajdini (Ptuj 2011). Vomer Gojkovič / Žižek 2015: M. Vomer Gojkovič / I. Žižek, Pot v neznano. Grobišča rimske Petovione / Path Beyond. Cemeteries of Roman Poetovio (Ptuj 2015). Wigand 1915: K. Wigand, Die Nutrices Augustae von Poetovio, Jahreshefte des Österreichisches archäologischen Instituts XVIII, 1915, 189–218. Žižek 2004: I. Žižek, Opekarstvo Petovione / Ziegelherstellung in Poetovio, in: I. Lazar (ed.), Rimljani – steklo, glina, kamen / Die Römer – Glas – Ton – Stein (Celje, Ptuj, Maribor 2004) 100–102. 146

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:21 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

List of Credits p. VII: Martin Auer created in ArcGIS Arc Map 10.6.1. based on U.S. Geological Survey (USGS), GTOPO30: GT30W020N40 (Sioux Falls, SD, September 2012). Auer (p. 1–10): Fig. 1: Swoboda 1935, fig. 2. — Fig. 2: Archive ÖAI AGU2a-52-22 — Fig. 3, 7–8, 10: FB Aguntum — Fig. 4: Archive ÖAI: AGU0028 — Fig. 5: Miltner 1955, fig. 32 — Fig. 6: FB Aguntum; based on Alzinger 1955 — Fig. 9: TIRIS Kartendienste, Historische Kartenwerke Tirol (https://www.tirol.gv.at/kunst-kultur/landesarchiv/historische-karten), 1: Carte von Tirol 1810/1811; 2: Philipp Mille, Geographischer Entwurf der Straßenzüge der 6 Tiroler Kreise 1804; Carte du Tyrol, en l´An 9 au Dépôt général de la Guerre et augmentée du Vorarlberg 1808 (download: 21.10.2016). Cottica / Ventura (p. 11–34): Fig. 1: rielaborazione da Maggi / Oriolo 2009, fig. 10 — Fig. 2: elaborazione M. Braini — Fig. 3: Brusin 1934, Fig. 18 = archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 155: la fotografia è datata 17/04/1930 — Fig. 4: Brusin 1939, fig. 4 = archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 2781 — Fig. 5: archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 214 — Fig. 6: Maurina 1999, Fig. 3 — Fig. 7: Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Aquileia, Archivio disegni, n. 209 — Fig. 8: archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 210 — Fig. 9: archivio MAN Aquileia – Polo museale Friuli Venezia Giulia, n. 215 — Fig. 10: Brusin 1934, Fig. 19 = Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Aquileia, Archivio fotografico, n. 1375 — Fig. 11: elaborazione A. Casellato e G. Renis — Fig. 12, 15: foto ed elaborazione A. Cipolato — Fig. 13–14: foto A. Cipolato — Fig. 16: foto D. Cottica. Filipovic / Kusik (p. 35–50): Fig. 1: Šašel Kos / Schrerrer 2004, p. 9 — Fig. 2–3, 6–7: A. Bašić, S. Filipović, V. Kusik — Fig. 4: scale 1:20; drawing O. Čamagajevac — Fig. 5: S. Filipović — Fig. 8: Slavica Filipovic and Vladimir Kusik. Gabucci (p. 51–58): The images 1–5 are from A. Gabucci, Attraverso le Alpi e lungo il Po: importazione e distribuzione di sigillate galliche nella Cisalpina, Publications de l’École française de Rome, 2017 (CEFR 532) (http://books. openedition.org/efr/3241). Horvat (p. 59–70): Fig. 1–3, 5: J. Horvat — Fig. 4: Krajšek / Stergar 2008, fig. 3 — Fig. 6: Ciglenečki 2015, fig. 8 — Fig. 7: Ciglenečki 2015, fig. 9 — Fig. 8: Ciglenečki 2015, fig. 9 — Fig. 9: Horvat 1990, map 5. Gspurning / Lamm / Marko (p. 71–80): Fig. 1–7: J. Gspurnig / S. Lamm / P. Marko. Modrijan (p. 81–90): Fig. 1–3: Z. Modrijan. Rabitsch (p. 91–102): Fig. 1: map data Universalmuseum Joanneum, layout: St. Karl — Fig. 2–4: J. Rabitsch.

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:23 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

147

List of Credits

Ramstetter (p. 103–114): Fig. 1–6: K. Ramstetter. Eleni Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežiˇc (p. 115–130): Fig. 1: Horvat / Dolenc-Vičič 2010, sl. 2 — Fig. 2: Janežič / Lazar 2015, fig. 2 — Fig. 3: photo Sergej Pukšič — Fig. 4: Janežič / Lazar 2015, fig. 8 — Fig. 5: Schindler-Kaudelka and Maja Janežicˇ — Fig. 6–14: drawings Samo Ohman, design Nataša Svenšek. Sossau (p. 131–136): Fig. 1: graphic: O. Defranceschi, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum, Universität Innsbruck — Fig. 2a–b: drawing and photo V. Sossau — Fig. 2c: photo M. Auer, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum, Universität Innsbruck. Vomer Gojkoviˇc (p. 137– 146): Fig. 1–2, 5–8 : photo B. Farič — Fig. 3: photo M. Vomer Gojkovič — Fig. 4: Šubic 1968, Fig. 2.

148

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:23 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11288-8 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19944-5

UNSERE PREMIUMBEHANDLUNG FÜR REIFE MÄNNERHAUT. Einsatz am Mount Rushmore: 2005 verliehen wir Washington, Jefferson, Roosevelt und Lincoln wieder einen frischen Teint. www.kaercher.com

This content downloaded from 128.104.46.206 on Sat, 02 Mar 2024 00:57:25 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms