Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen Zum Neuen Testament) 9783161493836, 3161493834

Table of contents :
Cover
Foreword
Table of Contents
List of Plates
Abbreviations
Introduction
A. Names and functions of rooms in Roman domus and insulae
B. Styles of Roman domestic art
C. Would Roman domestic art be seen outside Rome and Campania?
D. How spiritual was Roman domestic art, and are domestic rituals of mystery cults symbolized in Pompeian domus/insulae?
E. How private or public were Roman houses?
F. The seven chapters in this book
Chapter I: Rich Pompeian Houses (domus), Shops for Rent, and the Large, Multi-Story Building (insula) in Herculaneum as Typical Spaces for Pauline House Churches
Introduction
A. Wealthy Pompeian domus
B. The large Insula (so-called apartment house) in Herculaneum (Insula Orientalis II.4–18)
C. Shrines for household gods (lararia)
D. Julia Felix’s entertainment complex (Villa di Giulia Felice), the influence of Isis, and protective gorgoneia
Conclusions
Chapter II: The Suffering of Isis/Io and Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucified (Gal 3:1): Frescoes in Pompeian and Roman Houses and in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii
Introduction
A. Greco-Roman domestic, tragic art
B. Roman “Egyptomania”: frescoes of Io/Isis in houses, a Market, and the Isis Temple
C. Io’s suffering in literary sources
D. Two Frescoes of Io
E. Suffering portrayed in the rituals of Isis (and Eleusis)
Conclusion: The cross in early Christian art and ritual
Chapter III: Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucified (Gal. 3:1) in Light of Paintings and Sculptures of Suffering and Death in Pompeian and Roman Houses
A. Iphigenia
B. Laocoon
C. The Dying Gauls/Galatians
D. The crucifix on the Palatine
Conclusion: comparisons and contrasts
Chapter IV: Zeus, Vengeful Protector of the Political and Domestic Order: Frescoes in Dining Rooms N and P of the House of the Vettii in Pompeii, Mark 13:12-13, and I Clement 6:2
Abstract
A. The fourth style of Roman painting in Nero’s Golden House
B. The fourth style in the House of the Vettii (VI 15,1) in Pompeii
C. A first century CE Christian interpretation (ekphrasis) of Dirce
D. Theoretical reflections
Chapter V: “A Woman Clothed with the Sun” and the “Great Red Dragon” Seeking to “Devour her Child” (Rev 12:1, 4) in Roman Domestic Art
Introduction: comments on the ethnic political, economic, and aesthetic environment in Asia
A. The myth of the woman bearing a son threatened by a monster
1. Egyptian texts, including two new ones from the temple at Edfu
2. The pregnant Io (Greek)/Isis (Egyptian)/Venus (Roman) in domestic art, an Imperial visual representation
B. The combat myth of cosmic revolt
The epiphany of Apollo and the sun-torch-chariot in Roman domestic art
Conclusions and Theses
Chapter VI: From Endymion in Roman domus to Jonah in Christian Catacombs: From Houses of the Living to Houses for the Dead. Iconography and Religion in Transition
Introduction: selected second century CE Roman sepulchral and domestic mosaics of Endymion and third century sarcophagi of Jonah
A. Endymion Visually represented in wall frescoes and in a stucco chapel in a Pompeian domus
1. The Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4)
2. The Temple of Isis (VII 7,28) and the House of Octavius Quartio (II 2,2) in Pompeii
3. Preliminary conclusions
B. Jonah as Endymion in Christian catacombs and among North African fish in the earliest remaining mosaic in a Christian church (Aquileia)
1. The mosaic pavement of Jonah among North African fish in the early Christian basilica in Aquileia
2. Patristic (literary) interpretations of Jonah
Conclusions
Chapter VII: Values Visually Represented in 194 Pompeian Dining Rooms
A. Preliminary observations
1. How many triclinia are found in domus, insulae, and thermopolia?
2. Are mythological frescoes exhibited primarily by the wealthy?
B. Roman Imperial ideology visually represented in Pompeian triclinia
C. Divine will and human obedience visually represented in Pompeian triclinia
D. Isis imagery in Pompeian triclinia
E. Poets visually represented in Pompeian triclinia
F. Briefly: portraits, popular art, and dining scenes visually represented in Pompeian triclinia
1. Portraits in Pompeian triclinia
2. Popular/plebeian art in triclinia
3. Banquet scenes visually represented in Pompeian domus and caupona
Conclusions
Credits for Visual Representations
Introduction:
Chapter I:
Chapter II:
Chapter III:
Chapter IV:
Chapter V:
Chapter VI:
Chapter VII:
Credits for Original Publication of Chapters I–VI
Chapter I:
Chapter II:
Chapter III:
Chapter IV:
Chapter V:
Chapter VI:
Bibliography
Glossary
Index of Ancient Authors/Texts, including Biblical text
Biblical texts
Index of Modern Authors
Index of Architectural Structures and their Decorations
Catacombs
Dinner Ware
Frescoes
Graffiti
Mosaiacs
Papyrus
Reliefs
Sarcophagi
Statues (p. 196)
Stucco
Synagogue

Citation preview

Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Herausgeber / Editor Jörg Frey (München) Mitherausgeber /Associate Editors Friedrich Avemarie (Marburg) Judith Gundry-Volf (New Haven, CT) Hans-Josef Klauck (Chicago, IL)

228

David L. Balch

Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

Mohr Siebeck

DAVID L. BALCH, born 1942; 1974 PhD; 1987–88 Senior Fulbright Scholar to Eberhard-Karls-Universität, Tübingen; 1983–91 Associate Professor of New Testament, Brite Divinity School, Texas Christian University, Fort Worth, Texas, 1991–2006 Professor of New Testament, Brite Divinity School / TCU; since 2006 Pacic Lutheran Theological Seminary / GTU, Berkeley, USA.

e-ISBN PDF 978-3-16-151517-0 ISBN 978-3-16-149383-6 ISSN 0512-1604 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament) Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliographie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. © 2008 by Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, Germany. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher’s written permission. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microlms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was typeset and printed by Gulde-Druck in Tübingen and bound by Buchbinderei Spinner in Ottersweier. Printed in Germany.

Foreword I thank my teachers, the rst of whom was my mother, Claudine Elizabeth Balch, even though she no longer recognizes how I read scripture. She and my father sent me from their north Texas farm to Abilene Christian College, where I studied with two more great teachers, Everett Ferguson and Abraham J. Malherbe. They are friends, who studied together and earned doctorates at Harvard Divinity School; our group of eager students learned from them how exciting such study can be. In conversation with Everett, I decided to attend Union Theological Seminary in New York City, where James A. Sanders and J. Louis Martyn were teaching. In their persons they posed a problem with which I have continued to struggle: how are early Judaisms and early Christian authors and culture related? At Union I once heard Reinhold Niebuhr lecture and also danced the hora with Abraham Heschel, a visiting professor from Jewish Theological Seminary. A Fulbright scholarship enabled me to travel to Tübingen, Germany, to study with Ernst Käsemann, the most inuential teacher with whom I ever studied, whose Lutheran critique of the “law” intensied the problem of how we as Christians (Protestants) relate, now not only to Jews but also to Roman Catholics. It is tting that the book that follows this Foreword is being published in Tübingen. During those years both Hans Küng and Josef Ratzinger, later to become Pope Benedict XVI, taught in the Catholic faculty in Tübingen. Later, I was given a second Fulbright Grant to Tübingen; Martin Hengel was my gracious host. From Germany I returned to Yale University, where I again studied with and wrote a dissertation for Abraham Malherbe. His colleagues at Yale, Wayne A. Meeks and Nils A. Dahl, are among the world’s most creative teachers and authors in the eld. Scholarly interests later took me from northern to southern Europe, to Rome, Italy, where I heard lectures of Frederick E. Brenk, S. J., now retired from the Pontical Biblical Institute. Fred is uncommonly kind and generous in sharing his knowledge of the Greco-Roman world in relation to the New Testament. I want to acknowledge his help in editing the present volume, especially making the spelling of words that occur in Greek, Latin, Italian, French, German, and English sources more consistent. The inconsistencies that remain are my own. In Rome I also came to know Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, Director of the British School, from whom I have learned much about Roman housing. I am grateful that he took time to critique chaps. 6 and 7 below, which does not mean, of course, that he agrees with my specic interpretations. John Clarke has also been a knowledgeable mentor.

VI

Foreword

Looking back on my research, the study of early Christian house churches may give some unity to my academic fascinations. With the help of Abraham Malherbe, I related Greek philosophy (Aristotle and the Stoics) to household codes in 1 Peter and Colossians. The household code in 1 Peter is indirectly apologetic, which involved me in the study of Josephus’ Hellenistic Jewish apologetic, and in the study of Josephus’ model, Dionysius of Halicarnassus. These political and rhetorical historians returned me to a study of house churches in the early Christian biographer / historian who wrote Luke-Acts. Research grants teamed me with Carolyn Osiek to write on early Christian households/families. The reader will notice that I have not repeated here what Carolyn and I wrote in the volume that we co-authored, nor the interpretations in our second volume, conference papers that we co-edited, except to reprint my own revised contributions, now chaps. II and III below. I thought of returning to the study of Josephus and Luke-Acts. Edwin A. Judge advised me that in order to complete this kind of study, I needed to learn Italian. So I set off for Rome to study Luke-Acts – and found Pompeii, Fred Brenk, and Andrew Wallace-Hadrill. A decade later, this book on Roman domestic art is the consequence. Incidentally, the book is also an argument that Judge is correct: more New Testament scholars would benet from learning Italian. This revised collection of essays is also the idea of Jörg Frey, Editor, and Henning Ziebritzki, Editorial Director of Theology and Jewish Studies, Mohr Siebeck, whom I thank warmly for their initiative. I have revised all the essays and coordinated them with the hope that they now become a unied book. Finally, I caution readers. I have not censored or excluded scenes of sex and violence visually represented in Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Rome. Greco-Roman artists typically painted domestic walls and gured mosaics on oors with nude gods, goddesses, and heroes, and they graphically represented the bloody, lethal entertainments that Romans enjoyed in amphitheaters. Seeing domestic visual representations that many early believers experienced daily in their own or their masters’ or patrons’ Roman living spaces assists in comparing and contrasting the gospel with contemporary culture, visually represented by hundreds of examples in this book and the accompanying CD. Pacic Lutheran Theological Seminary Berkeley, June 2008

David Balch

Table of Contents Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of Plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A. B. C. D.

Names and functions of rooms in Roman domus and insulae. . . . Styles of Roman domestic art . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Would Roman domestic art be seen outside Rome and Campania?. How spiritual was Roman domestic art, and are domestic rituals of mystery cults symbolized in Pompeian domus/insulae? . . . . . E. How private or public were Roman houses? . . . . . . . . . . . . . F. The seven chapters in this book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

V XI X 1

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3 12 28

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29 34 38

Chapter I: Rich Pompeian Houses (domus), Shops for Rent, and the Large, Multi-Story Building (insula) in Herculaneum as Typical Spaces for Pauline House Churches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

42

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A. Wealthy Pompeian domus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B. The large insula (so-called apartment house) in Herculaneum (Insula Orientalis II.4–18) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . C. Shrines for household gods (lararia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . D. Julia Felix’s entertainment complex (Villa di Giulia Felice), the inuence of Isis, and protective gorgoneia . . . . . . . . Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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42 44

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49 52

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55 57

Chapter II: The Suffering of Isis / Io and Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal 3:1): Frescoes in Pompeian and Roman Houses and in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A. Greco-Roman domestic, tragic art . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B. Roman “Egyptomania”: frescoes of Io/Isis in houses, a market, and the Isis Temple . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . C. Io’s suffering in literary sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

59

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59 60

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64 71

VIII

Table of Contents

D. Two Frescoes of Io . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . E. Suffering portrayed in the rituals of Isis (and Eleusis) . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion: The cross in early Christian art and ritual . . . . . . . . . . . .

74 78 80

Chapter III: Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal. 3:1) in Light of Paintings and Sculptures of Suffering and Death in Pompeian and Roman Houses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

84

A. Iphigenia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B. Laocoon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . C. The Dying Gauls / Galatians . . . . D. The crucix on the Palatine . . . . Conclusion: comparisons and contrasts

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87 92 101 104 105

Chapter IV: Zeus, Vengeful Protector of the Political and Domestic Order: Frescoes in Dining Rooms N and P of the House of the Vettii in Pompeii, Mark 13:12-13, and I Clement 6:2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

109

Abstract . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A. The fourth style of Roman painting in Nero’s Golden House . . B. The fourth style in the House of the Vettii (VI 15,1) in Pompeii C. A rst century CE Christian interpretation (ekphrasis) of Dirce D. Theoretical reections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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109 111 115 132 136

Chapter V: “A Woman Clothed with the Sun” and the “Great Red Dragon” Seeking to “Devour her Child” (Rev 12:1, 4) in Roman Domestic Art . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

139

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Introduction: comments on the ethnic political, economic, and aesthetic environment in Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A. The myth of the woman bearing a son threatened by a monster . . . 1. Egyptian texts, including two new ones from the temple at Edfu . 2. The pregnant Io (Greek) / Isis (Egyptian) / Venus (Roman) in domestic art, an Imperial visual representation . . . . . . . . . B. The combat myth of cosmic revolt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The epiphany of Apollo and the sun-torch-chariot in Roman domestic art . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusions and Theses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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139 142 144

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147 156

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157 165

Chapter VI: From Endymion in Roman domus to Jonah in Christian Catacombs: From Houses of the Living to Houses for the Dead. Iconography and Religion in Transition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

168

Introduction: selected second century CE Roman sepulchral and domestic mosaics of Endymion and third century sarcophagi of Jonah. . . . . . . . .

169

IX

Table of Contents

A. Endymion Visually represented in wall frescoes and in a stucco chapel in a Pompeian domus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. The Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. The Temple of Isis (VII 7,28) and the House of Octavius Quartio (II 2,2) in Pompeii. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Preliminary conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B. Jonah as Endymion in Christian catacombs and among North African sh in the earliest remaining mosaic in a Christian church (Aquileia) . . 1. The mosaic pavement of Jonah among North African sh in the early Christian basilica in Aquileia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Patristic (literary) interpretations of Jonah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter VII: Values Visually Represented in 194 Pompeian Dining Rooms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

174 174 179 183 186 188 191 193

195

A. Preliminary observations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. How many triclinia are found in domus, insulae, and thermopolia?. . 2. Are mythological frescoes exhibited primarily by the wealthy?. . . . B. Roman Imperial ideology visually represented in Pompeian triclinia . . C. Divine will and human obedience visually represented in Pompeian triclinia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . D. Isis imagery in Pompeian triclinia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . E. Poets visually represented in Pompeian triclinia . . . . . . . . . . . . . F. Briey: portraits, popular art, and dining scenes visually represented in Pompeian triclinia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Portraits in Pompeian triclinia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Popular/plebeian art in triclinia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Banquet scenes visually represented in Pompeian domus and caupona Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

226 226 228 230 237

Credits for Visual Representations . . . . . . . . . . . Credits for Original Publication of Chapters I–VI. . . . Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Index of Ancient Authors/Texts, including Biblical text Index of Modern Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Index of Architectural Structures and their Decorations

239 241 243 269 275 281 287

This book contains a CD with pictures.

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199 199 199 202 210 213 223

List of Plates Explanation: The number on the left designates the CD photograph. If the CD photograph is also printed in the book, the Plate number follows. Then follows the name of the building, e.g. Casa del Fauno. The  rst series of numbers inside the parenthesis gives the physical location of the house. Modern archaeologists have divided Pompeii into nine “Regions” (I–IX), beginning in the south central of the city, and counting counter clockwise around the edge of the city, with region IX in the middle. Within each Region archaeologists speak of “insulae,” a block of buildings encircled on all (typically four) sides by streets. For example, VI 12,2 refers to Region VI, insula 12, door number 2. Finally I give a reference to the Italian encyclopedia Pompei: pitture e mosaici = PPM, volume and page, where the reader may  nd more information about the house and the visual representation. The page number on the right is the place where this can be found in the book. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 14 a. 15. 15 a. 16. 16 a. 17. 18.

[Plate 1 Chapter I]: The grand doorway at the front of the Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 86). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 87, 114–16), service atrium (7). Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 411), front façade of the house, client benches. [Plate 1 Introduction]: Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 43): doorway, client benches. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Casa del Salone nero (VI 13), Herculaneum, view of house axis. Casa di Tramezzo di legno (III 11), Herculaneum. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 241): front door (4), client benches. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 243): view from inside tablinum (8). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 243–44): lararium in the atrium (b). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4): view from rear atrium (41) out back door. Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 138–39): view in peristyle (17). Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 141): close-up of landscape. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4): view from atrium (b) into ala (4). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 276–79), ala (4), north wall. [Plate 5 Chapter III]: Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 276–79): the Night of Troy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 280–81), ala (4), east wall. [Plate 6 Chapter III]: Casa del Menandro, Pompeii (I 10,4, ala 4; PPM II 280–81): fresco of Cassandra.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 [Plate 7 Chapter III]: Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 282–85), ala (4), south wall. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 [Plate 8 Chapter III]: Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 282, 285): fresco of the death of the priest Laocoon. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Villa di Oplontis, slave peristyle decorated by stripes (32). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 262–70), peristyle (c).

XII 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 30 a. 31. 32. 32 a. 33. 33 a. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 39 a. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 52 a. 52 b. 53. 54. 55.

List of Plates

Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 364), exedra 22 at the rear of peristyle: Actaeon. [Plate 2 Introduction]: Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 367), exedra 23 at the rear of peristyle (c): Menander. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 373), rectangular exedra 25: ancestors. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 499, 509, 516–22), peristyle (l), from south to north. Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 129), the third peristyle (32). [Plate 2 Chapter I]: Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 97, 117, 127), photo from inside the ofce. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 118),  rst peristyle (36),  rst style. Grande Palestra (II 7; PPM III 311–13), colonnade on three sides. Grande Palestra (II 7), colonnade and pool. Insula Orientalis II.7–18, Herculaneum, a three-story insula. Insula Orientalis II.7–18, Herculaneum, the courtyard. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 195): oven in cubbyhole. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3): oven for triclinium (3). Villa di Oplontis, oven in kitchen (7). Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia: kitchen, oven. [Plate 3 Introduction]: Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, oven. . . . . . 10 Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, peristyle with large pool. Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, peristyle with pool. Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, second, upper, large peristyle. Panicio (VII 2,22; PPM VI 660–61), commercial oven. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 337), triclinium (18). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 191–95), door (7), thermopolium (1). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), triclinium (3), view from tables with banks. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), triclinium (3), view from triclinium. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), triclinium (3), south wall, tables with banks. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 379, #222), atriolo del bagno (46): caricature. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 381), mosaic at entrance to caldario (48). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 382), mosaic oor in caldario (48). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 390–94), caldario (48) wall decoration. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 383), caldario (48) wall decoration. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 386), caldario (48) wall decoration. Terme Stabiane (VII 1,8; PPM VI 152–57). Terme Stabiane (VII 1,8; PPM VI 172), stucco of Zeus enthroned. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 101), cubiculum (32): rst style. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 90–91), fauces (53). Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 118), peristyle (36). Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2), exedra (37),  rst style. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 121–23), exedra (37), oor mosaic. [Plate 8 Chap. I]: Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 123), Alexander mosaic. . . . . 56 Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2), exedra (37), oor mosaic, Darius. [Plate 4 Introduction]: Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 122, #54), exedra (37), Nile mosaic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 121), exedra (37), ducks mosaic. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 105), triclinium (34), animals mosaic

List of Plates

56. 57. 58. 58 a. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 64 a. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 71 a. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 83 a. 84. 84 a. 84 b. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96.

XIII

Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 107), triclinium (34), sh mosaic. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 113), cubicolo (28), erotic mosaic. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13; PPM II 172, 220–21), cubicolo (k), second style. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13), cubicolo (k), second style. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13; PPM II 190–91), cubicolo (c), second style. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13), cubicolo (c), second style. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13), cubicolo (c), second style. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 37–38), cubicolo (42): Theseus. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 43), oecus corinzio (43). Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 31, 40–42), oecus corinzio (43). Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), oecus corinzio (43), tholos. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 50–51), cubicolo (46). Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 42), oecus corinzio (43), mask. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), cubicolo (11), columns. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), modern sign reporting gladiator spectacle. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), remains of grafto. Villa di Oplontis, atrium (5), doors. [Plate 5 Introduction]: Villa di Oplontis, triclinium (14), tripod. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Villa di Oplontis, oecus (15), tripod. Villa di Oplontis, stanza (23), masks. Villa di Oplontis, triclinium (14), tholos. Villa di Oplontis, peristyle (40). Villa di Oplontis, pool. Villa di Oplontis, three garden fountains at corner. Villa di Oplontis, viridarium (87), two garden fountains. Villa di Oplontis, garden fountain. Villa di Oplontis, garden fountain, layered architecture. Villa di Oplontis, space (68) near viridarium, sphinx. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22; PPM VII 947, 950–53), atrium. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22, terrace (14)). Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22, terrace (14)). Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22, terrace (14)). Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 442–45), triclinium (e), tholos in upper zone. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,16), triclinium (e), tholos in upper zone. [Plate 6 Introduction]: Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 442–47), triclinium (e): Dionysus .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Villa dei Misteri, Pompeii, whole of room 5. Villa dei Misteri, room 5, left wall. Villa dei Misteri, woman breast feeds small deer. Villa dei Misteri: young man looks into cup of wine, Dionysus. Villa dei Misteri: priestess on left prepares to uncover basket with a phallus. Villa dei Misteri: young woman, scourged by the winged divinity. Villa dei Misteri: a young woman, prepares for her wedding. Casa di Augusto sul Palatino, room 5, south wall, left side. Casa di Augusto, room 5, south wall, right side. Casa di Augusto, room 6. Casa di Augusto, room 11. Casa di Augusto, upper cubiculum, room 15.

XIV 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 104 a. 104 b. 104 c. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 110 a. 110 b. 111. 112. 113. 114. 114 a. 114 b. 115. 116. 117. 117 a. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126.

List of Plates

Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; PPM III 464–65, and for Orestes, III 460–63), cubicolo. Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; PPM III 470–71), Attis. Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; PPM III 470–71), Attis. Casa dei Cubicoli oreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 114–34), cubicolo (12). Casa dei Cubicoli oreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 16–35), cubicolo (8), blue garden room. [Plate 7 Introduction]: Casa dei Cubicoli oreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5), cubicolo (8), blue garden room, Pharoah. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 [Plate 8 Introduction]: Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 140), peristyle (8). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 141–42), peristyle (8): Venus. Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 140), peristyle (8). Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 138–39), peristyle (8): Mars. Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 143), peristyle (8). Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 841), an Ionic column Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 824), a platform. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 840), grand columns frame the scene. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 826), a Nile scene. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 411), façade. [Plate 9 Introduction]: Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 473, 475), giardino (h). . . . . . 23 Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 474), giardino (h), lion chasing bull. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 474–75), giardino (h), dogs attack boar. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 476), giardino (h), sacred Nile landscape. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 481), giardino (h), shepherd. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 482), giardino (h), temple landscape. Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; PPM V 265–66), scene from entrance. Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; PPM V 282), peristyle (o). [Plate 10 Introduction]: Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; PPM V 284–91), peristyle (o), Orpheus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1070), peristyle (d). Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1074), peristyle (d), lion faces dog. [Plate 11 Introduction]: Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1074), peristyle (d), bleeding dogs attacking boar. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3), peristyle (d), dogs attacking boar. Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1073), peristyle (d), deer chased. Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1071), peristyle (d), Europa riding bull. Casa dei Cubicoli oreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 52–58), triclinium (11): Actaeon. Casa dei Cubicoli oreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 88–92), triclinium (11): Icarus. House I 3,23 (PPM I 80), riot in Pompeian amphitheater. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 327), ambiente (15), Dirce. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 531–33), triclinio (n), Dirce. [Plate 12 Introduction]: Casa del Granduca (VII 4,56; PPM VII 53, 55), tablino (11), east wall, Dirce. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 185), façade.

List of Plates

127. 127 a. 127 b. 127 c. 127 d. 128. 128 a. 129. 130. 131. 132. 132 a. 132 b. 133. 133 a. 133 b. 134. 134 a. 135. 135 a. 135 b.

XV

Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 252, 256–61), triclinium (EE). Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 257, 259), Dirce. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3), capture of Dirce. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 261), bull dragging Dirce. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 257), a small temple. Farnese Dirce group/Farnese Bull (3.7 m. high) from Caracalla Thermae. Farnese Bull/Dirce. Farnese Bull/Dirce, thrysus. Farnese Bull/Dirce, small relief/sculpture, amphitheater scene. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 16), atrium and peristyle. Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38; PPM V 764–66), peristyle (F). Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38; PPM V 765), Anubis, Isis, Osiris. Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38; PPM V 765), symbols of the Isis cult. Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40; PPM VI 381–83), fauces mosaic. Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40), fauces mosaic, dolphins. Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40), closed city gate. Casa del Cinghiale (VIII 2,26–27; PPM VIII 191–96), fauces mosaic: boar. Casa del Cinghiale (VIII 2,26–27;PPM VIII 196), boar swiveling. Casa del Cinghiale I (VIII 3,8–9; PPM VIII 362, 364), fauces with mosaic. Casa del Cinghiale I (VIII 3,8–9; PPM VIII 364), fauces mosaic oor. Casa del Cinghiale I (VII 3,8–9; PPM VIII 364), fauces mosaic: two dogs attacking a boar, an amphitheater scene. 136. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 168, 172–80), fauces mosaic. 136 a. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 168), fauces oor mosaic, wrestlers. 136 b. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 172–75), wall fresco of athletes. 136 c. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 175), fresco of two wrestlers and umpire. 137. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 471), apotropaiac fresco: Priapus. 138. (VII 1,36?), apotropaic stone Priapus. 139. Panicio (VII 1,36; PPM VI 367), apotropaic stone phallus. 140. [Plate 13 Introduction]: Bardo Museum, Tunis, Tunisia, oor mosaic of Endymion and Selene. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 141. Getty Museum, Malibu, California, front panel fragment of small sarcophagus. 142. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum, second oor decoration. 143. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum, Hydra Lernaea. 144. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum ten shops along cardo V. 145. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum shops from rear. 146. [Plate 3 Chapter I]: Insula Orientalis II.8, Herculaneum, mill grindstones. . . . . . 48 147. [Plate 4 Chapter I]: Insula Orientalis II.6, Herculaneum, thermopolium. . . . . . . . 49 148. Insula Orientalis II.5, Herculaneum, bakery. 149. Casa dell’atrio corinzio (Insula V.30), Herculaneum, atrium. 150. Casa dell’atrio corinzio (Insula V.30), Herculaneum, tablinum. 151. [Plate 5 Chapter I]: ancient Herculaneum in the foreground. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 152. Casa dei Cervi [Deer] (IV.21), garden, statue of deer attacked by dogs. 153. Casa dei Cervi (IV.21), garden, second statue of deer. 154. Casa dei Cervi (IV.21), cryptoporticus, basket of fruit. 155. Casa dei Cervi (IV.21), cryptoporticus, nuts and gs. 156. Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I.2, 3), atrium. 157. Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I.2, 3), atrium.

XVI 158. 159.

List of Plates

Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I.2, 3), atrium, relief of Telephus myth. [Plate 6 Chapter I]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 571) the lararium, a shrine to the household gods. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 160. Erotic visual representation in the Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 468). 161. Edicio di Eumachia (VII 9,1; PPM VII 312), view west. 162. Edicio di Eumachia (VII 9,1; PPM VII 320), the statue to Eumachia. 163. Edicio di Eumachia (VII 9,1; not shown in PPM), stucco at entrance. 164. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, atrium [93]; PPM III 244, 292), entrance atrium. 165. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, biclinium [91]; PPM III 281–85). 166. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, biclinium [91]), view through a window. 167. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 230–38), view of portico from atrium (93). 168. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 232), pool outlined. 169. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), view of triclinium from the garden (8). 170. [Plate 7 Chapter I]: Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 263), the reconstructed triclinium (83). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 171. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), view up the water stair. 172. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), view from inside the triclinium to garden (83). 173. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, ambiente [30]; PPM III 205). 174. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), benches around ambiente (30). 175. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 184, 197), second pool. 176. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), back gate of the orchard, view to amphitheater (9). 177. [Plate 3 Chapter V]: Casa di Livia, Rome: Hermes, Io seated on rock, Argos. . . 151 177 a. [Plate 1 Chapter II and Plate 3 Chapter V]: Casa di Livia, Rome: Hermes, Io, Argos (restored). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65, 151 178. Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 125–31), view from peristyle 32. 179. [Plate 2 Chapter II]: Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 129), fresco of Argos, Io, Hermes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 180. [Plate 3 Chapter II]: Macellum (VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 328–52), two entrances at the far end onto forum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 181. [Plate 2 Chapter V]: Macellum (VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 331–48), the large painted wall. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 181 a. [Plate 4 Chapter II and Plate 2 Chapter V]: Macellum (VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 341, 344, 346), fresco of Io and Argos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68, 150 182. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 732, 736, 785, 790), temple surrounded on all four sides by a portico. 183. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), purgatorium (4; PPM VIII 798–811). 184. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), marble statue of Isis with sistrum, Naples inventory 976. 185. [Plate 4 Chapter V]: Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), marble statue of Venus Anadiomene. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 186. Tempio di Iside, north portico (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 745), priest of Isis. 187. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), view into ekklesiasterion. 188. [Plate 5 Chapter II]: Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), ekklesiasterion, fresco of the sarcophagus of Osiris. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 189. [Plate 6 Chapter II and Plate 5 Chapter V]: Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), ekklesiasterion, the central fresco on the south wall, Isis receives Io. . . . . . . 69, 154 190. [Plate 7 Chapter II and Plate 1 Chapter V]: Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28;

List of Plates

XVII

PPM VIII 825), ekklesiasterion, the central fresco on the north wall, Io, Hermes, Argos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69, 149 191. [Plate 8 Chapter II]: Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), ekklesiasterion, marble head of Isis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 192. [Plate 9 Chapter II]: Gospel of John 19:16–20 in papyrus 66, dated c. 200.. . . . . . 82 193. [Plate 1 Chapter III]: Casa del Poeta tragico, (VI 8,3.5; PPM IV 552–53), peristyle (10): unwilling Iphigenia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 194. [Plate 2 Chapter III]: Casa di Modestus (?), (VI 5,2; PPM IV 292–93 and 342): fresco of the sacrice of willing Iphegenia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 195. [Plate 3 Chapter III]: House of the Emperor Titus, Rome: sculpture of the priest, Laocoon. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 196. [Plate 4 Chapter III]: Villa near Pompeii (Gragnano): caricature of Aeneas carrying his father.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 197. Casa di Laocoonte (VI 14,28.33; PPM V 352–54), the priest Laocoon. 198. [Plate 9 Chapter III]: Sanctuary of Athena (soon after 223 BCE) on the acropolis in Pergamon, Gaul killing self and wife. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 199. A fragment of a long frieze depicting a gigantomachy: theater in Perge. 200. [Plate 10 Chapter III]: Barracks on Palatine Hill, Rome: grafto of man on cross. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 201. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 486–87), triclinium (e), north wall, Cyparissus. 202. and 202 a. [Plate 2 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 492), triclinium (e), west wall: Zeus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 203. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 488–89), triclinium (e), south wall, Dionysus. 204. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 479), atrium (c), west wall cupid. 205. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534), Ixion triclinium (p). 205 a. [Plate 3 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534–35, 538–39), triclinium p, east wall, Ixion, Hermes, Hera. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 206. [Plate 4 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 535–36), triclinium p, north wall, Pasiphae. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 207. and 207 a. [Plate 5 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534, 540), triclinium p, south wall, Dionysus and Ariadne. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 208. and 208 a. [Plate 6 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 526–28), triclinium n, north wall, child Heracles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 209. and 209 a. [Plate 7 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 526, 529–30), triclinium n, east wall, Pentheus and Agave. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 210. and 210 a. [Plate 8 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 531–33), triclinium n, south wall, Dirce. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 211. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 572), kitchen (w), oven. 212. [Plate 9 Chapter IV]: Sollertiana Domus, Roman Thysdrus, modern El Jem. . . . 135 213. [Plate 6 Chapter V]: Casa di Apollo (VI 7,23), cubiculum (25; PPM IV 523), in situ, Apollo, Venus, Hesperos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 214. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 947–1125), terrace second/third oor down. 215. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 950), second/third oor down, large room with apse. 216. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/third oor down, small pool. 217. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1085), second/third oor down, central zone: Apollo; upper zone: Leda.

XVIII

List of Plates

217 a. [Plate 7 Chapter V]: Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1085, 1088), second/third oor down, Apollo. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 217 b. [Plate 8 Chapter V]: Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1089), second/third oor down, Leda.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 218. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/third oor down, socle: leopard. 219. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1079, 1082), second/third oor down, Poseidon and Amymone. 220. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1080), second/third oor down, grif n. 221. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1083), second/third oor down, grif n. 222. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/third oor down, Dionysus and Ariadne. 223. [Plate 1 Chapter VI]: Isola Sacra, mouth of Tiber river, port of Rome, Tomb 87, Endymion and Selene. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 224. and 224 a. [Plate 2–3 Chapter VI]: Maison A du terrain Jilani Guirot, Endymion and Selene. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 225. and 225 a. [Plate 4 Chapter VI]: Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4; PPM I 303–05), stucco sacellum (e) Endymion and Selene. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176 226. 226 a. and 226 b. Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4; PPM I 322–25), room (p). 227. and 227 a. Ofcina coactiliaria di Verecundus (IX 7,7; PPM IX 776–77) on Via del Abbondanza, Venus Pompeiana. 228. 228a.; 228b. [Plate 5 Chapter VI]: and 228c. [Plate 6 Chapter VI]: Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 103–05), outdoor biclinium. . 180, 181 229. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2): north wall, amphitheater scene. 230. and 231. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 100–01): Diana spied while bathing nude by Actaeon. 232. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 75–77): ambiente (f), south wall, priest of Isis. 233. 233a.; 233b.; 233c.; 233d. and 234. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2, oecus [h], east wall; PPM III 82–98): the middle zone is a megalograph of Hercules. 235. [Plate 7 Chapter VI]: Crypt of Lucina, Rome: Jonah-at-rest. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 236. and 236 a. [Plate 8 Chapter VI]: Ecclesial basilica in Aquileia, Italy, mosaic pavement: Jonah panel. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189, 190 237. [Plate 1 Chapter VII]: Termopolio I.8,8 (PPM I 805), customer view from street. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200 238. Termopolio I.8,8 (PPM I 814–15), triclinium in garden (9). 239. Termopolio I.8,8, view from inside triclinium (10). 240. Termopolio I.8,8, triclinium (10), east wall, central zone (PPM I 819, 821), Europa on bull. 241. Termopolio I.8,8, triclinium (10), east wall (PPM I 818–19, 822–24), tholos. 242. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 849), entrance door (15). 243. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 853), atrium (B), Narcissus. 243 a. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 853), atrium (B), west wall. 244. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 851), atrium (B), north wall, lararium. 245. [Plate 2 Chapter VII]: Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 869), tablinum (F), west wall, Endymion and Selene. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200

List of Plates

246. 247. 248. 249. 250. 251. 251 a. 251 b. 251 c. 252. 252 a. 252 b. 252 c. 253. 254. 255. 256. 257. 258. 259. 260. 261. 262. 262 a. 263. 264. 265. 266.

XIX

Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 865), tablinum (F), east wall, Dionysus and Ariadne. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 871–72), triclinium (G), north wall, Mars and Venus. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 875), triclinium (G), east wall, Hercules. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 882), pseudo-tablinum (D), south wall, grifn. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 966, 968–81, 1006–20), entrance door (4a), atrium (2). Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 978), atrium (2) to tablinum (7), north wall. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1016), tablinum (7), north wall. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1016–18), tablinum (7), north wall, Mars and Venus. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1016–17), tablinum (7), north wall, villa. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1010–13), tablinum (7), south wall, Dionysus and Ariadne. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1010–13), tablinum (7), south wall. [Plate 3 Chapter VII]: Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1010–11), tablinum (7), south wall, scaenae frons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1011, 1013), tablinum (7), sea villa. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 978), atrium (2), dog chasing antelope. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 978), atrium (2), dog chasing animal. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a), dog chasing deer. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 986), triclinium (4), Orestes killing Neoptolemus. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 989–92), cubiculum (5), Theseus and Ariadne. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1002–03, 1005), cubiculum (6), Narcissus. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1007–08), cubiculum (6), Pero. Amphitheater in Pompeii (II 6). Inscription in “amphitheater” in Pompeii: “spectacula”. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; not represented in PPM), portico (i), north wall, amphitheater scene. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2) of north wall. Casa annessa alla Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,19; PPM I 764, 767), tablinum (c), Mars and Venus. Casa annessa alla Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,19; PPM I 766, 768), tablinum (c), Hercules and Hylas. Casa annessa alla Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,19; PPM I 773), cubiculum (d), Paris and Helen. Collegium of the Augustales (VI 21), Herculaneum, north and east walls, apotheosis of Hercules.

XX 266 a. 267. 267 a. 268. 269. 269 a. 269 b. 269 c. 270. 270 a. 270 b. 271. 272. 272 a. 273. 274. 275. 276. 277. 278. 279. 280. 281. 282. 282 a. 282 b. 282 c. 282 d. 283. 284. 285. 285 a. 286. 287. 288.

List of Plates

[Plate 4 Chapter VII]: Herculaneum, Collegium of the Augustales, east wall. . . 203 Collegium of the Augustales (VI, 21), Heracles ghting the river god Achelous. Collegium of the Augustales, west wall. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1037–38), triclinium (41), Theseus with pedum. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 590–97), triclinium (b), Hercules with Hesperidi. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 590–92), triclinium (b). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 590–97), triclinium (b). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 594–97), triclinium (b), Icarus. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 598–606), triclinium (b), Polyphemus and Galatea. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 598–600), triclinium (b). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 602–05), triclinium (b), Perseus and Andromeda. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 607–09), cubiculum (c), Helen and Paris. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 614–15), altar. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7, not in PPM), altar. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 614–15), peristyle (m). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 614–15), peristyle (m), niche. Casa di Giasone (IX 5,18; PPM IX 697), triclinium (f), west wall, Jason and Pelias. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 906), vestibule (1), entrance mosaic. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1041), triclinium (41), hermaphrodite. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1043), triclinium 41, Iphigenia and Orestes. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1059), cubicolo (42), Endymion and Selene. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7, [43]; PPM IX 1068–70), erotic scene. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7 [43]; PPM IX 1066–67), Hercules. [Plate 5 Chapter VII]: Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1001, 1007, 1011), viridarium (33) water stair with amphitheater scenes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1007, 1010), viridarium (33), lion attacks bull. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1007, 1016), viridarium (33), leopard attacks horse. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 997), viridarium (33), sh. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1001, 1005, 1020), viridarium (33), sphinx. [Plate 6 Chapter VII]: Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 296–97), oecus verde (11), pygmie mosaic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,24.22; PPM VIII 719), fragment of fresco, Ethiopian. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24; PPM VIII 720), two Ethiopians dancing. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24), crocodile. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24; PPM VIII 720), an Ethiopian eeing. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24; PPM VIII 720), idyllic symposium. Casa del Poeta tragico (VI 8,3.5; PPM IV 546), tablinum (8), mosaic oor, poet preparing actors.

List of Plates

289. 290. 291. 291 a. 291 b. 292. 293. 294. 295. 296. 297. 298. 299. 299 a. 300. 301. 302. 302 a. 303. 304. 305. 306. 307.

XXI

[Plate 7 Chapter VII]: Termopolio (VI 15,13.15; PPM V 700), triclinium (m), at center of oor mosaic, portrait. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 [Plate 8 Chapter VII]: Casa di Terentius Neo (VII 2,6; PPM VI 486), tablinum (g), portrait of couple. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 [Plate 9 Chapter VII]: C asa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 713), garden (23), garden triclinium. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 713), garden (23). Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 708–09), garden (23), bull runing away. [Plate 10 Chapter VII]: Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 714–15), garden (23), Isis, Horus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 717), garden (23), boat. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 719), garden (23), bridge with pygmies. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 722), garden (23). Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 722–23), garden (23), symposium. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 724–25), garden (23), temple. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 727), garden (23), erotic. A similar image in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, erotic. The other half of CD 299. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 556–57), sala (q): cupids racing in a circus. [Plate 11 Chapter VII]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 563), sala (q), cupids and psychai making wine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), three walls of the dining room. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, west and north walls. [Plate 12 Chapter VII]: Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, west wall, three couples drinking.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, north wall, couples and slaves. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, east wall, drinking contest. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), stable near dining room. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), yellow grif n room.

Abbreviations Archäologischer Anzeiger. Berlin Antichità altoadriatiche. Udine / Trieste, Italy Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums American Journal of Archaeology Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt British Archaeological Reports Series Collection de ÉFR Corpus des Mosaiques de Tunisie, Margaret A. Alexander and Mongi Ennaifer, co-directors. 1973 Domus Mazzoleni, Donatella, ed., Essay and texts on the sites by Umberto Pappalardo, Photographs by Luciano Romano. Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House. Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2004 ÉFR l’École Française de Rome EPRO Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l’Empire romain HTRHDR Harvard Theological Review, Harvard Dissertations in Religion JAC Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies JRA Journal of Roman Archaeology JRS Journal of Roman Studies LIMC Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae. Zurich: Artemis, 1981–97, 8 vols., each vol. in two parts, the  rst text, the second plates, plus Indices (1999) Loeb Loeb Classical Library LTUR Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae, ed. Eva Margarete Steinby. Rome: Quasar, 1995, 4 vols. NEAEHL The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, ed. Ephraim Stern. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1993, 4 vols. OCD Oxford Classical Dictionary. 1996, 3rd ed. OEANE The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East, ed. Eric M. Meyers. New York : Oxford University, 1997, 5 vols. PBSR Papers of the British School at Rome PIAC Ponticio istituto di archeologia cristiana PPM Baldassarre, Ida, ed. Pompei: pitture e mosaici. Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana; Rome: Arti Graci Pizzi, 1990–2003, 10 vols., plus La documentazione nell’opera di disegnatori e pittori dei secoli XVIII e XIX, 1995 PW Paulys Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft RAC Reallexicon für Antike und Christentum RivAC Rivista di archeologia cristiana RM Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Institutes, Römische Abteilung = Römische Mitteilungen AA AAAd AGJU AJA ANRW BARS CÉFR CMT

XXIV SAC SBLDS SuppNT ThesCRA WUNT ZAW

Abbreviations

Studi di antichità cristiana Society of Biblical Literature, Dissertation Series Supplements, Novum Testamentum Thesaurus Cultus et Rituum Antiquorum. Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2004–2006, vols. I–V. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum neuen Testament Zeitschrift für die altestamentliche Wissenschaft

Introduction This discussion of frescoes and of some mosaics in Roman domus (houses) and insulae (typically called apartment buildings), that is, of Roman domestic art, occurs in the context of recent, stimulating scholarly discussion that includes the following. The foundational work is a collection of earlier articles by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill1 and a book by John R. Clarke.2 Two further books by Clarke focus on Roman domestic art,3 as does a decisive one by Roger Ling.4 Shelly Hales published a dissertation written while studying with Ja Elsner.5 A wonderful book that focuses on domestic frescoes of dining is by Katherine Dunbabin,6 and two recent crucial works are by Jens-Arne Dickmann and Eleanor Winsor Leach.7 Two larger-sized books have stunning plates: Pittura romana8 and Domus.9 Many of these books have glossaries. 1 Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum (Princeton: Princeton University, 1994). 2 John R. Clarke, The Houses of Roman Italy, 100 B. C.-A. D. 250: Ritual, Space and Decoration (Berkeley: University of California, 1991) with extraordinary color plates. 3 Clarke, Looking at Lovemaking: Constructions of Sexuality in Roman Art, 100 B. C.-A. D. 250 (Berkeley: University of California, 1998, 2001), as well as Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans: Visual Representations and Non-Elite Viewers in Italy, 100 B. C.-A. D. 315 (Berkeley: University of California, 2003). The former is reviewed by William S. Anderson, BMCR 1998.08.12, and the latter by Matthew B. Roller, BMCR 2005.04.68 and Richard Neudecker, Gnomon 78/8 (2006) 716–21. Now also Looking at Laughter: Humor, Power, and Transgression in Roman Visual Culture, 100 B.C. – A.D. 250 (Berkeley: University of California, 2007). 4 Roger Ling, Roman Painting (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1991); also Ling’s “The Decoration of Roman Triclinia,” 239–51 in In Vino Veritas, ed. Oswyn Murray and Manuela Tecuan (Oxford: Alden, 1995). Now also Roger and Leslie Ling, The Insula of the Menander at Pompeii, vol. II: The Decorations (Oxford: Oxford University, 2005). Compare the important chapter by Erika Simon, “Mythologische Darstellungen in der pompejanischen Wandmalerei,” 239–47, in Pompejanische Wandmalerei, hrsg. Giuseppina Cerulli Irelli, Masanori Aoyagi, Stefano De Caro, and Umberto Pappalardo (Stuttgart: Belser, 1990) with 175 color plates, a book also published in Italian and French, but not English. 5 Shelley Hales, The Roman House and Social Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2003), reviewed by Timothy O’Sullivan in the BMCR 2004.06.31. 6 Katherine M. D. Dunbabin, The Roman Banquet: Images of Conviviality (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2003). 7 Jens-Arne Dickmann, domus frequentata: Anspruchsvolles Wohnen im pompejanischen Stadthaus (Studien zur Antiken Stadt, 4/1–2; Munich: Dr. Friedrich Pfeill, 1999) and Eleanor Winsor Leach, The Social Life of Painting in Ancient Rome and on the Bay of Naples (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2004). 8 Ida Baldassarre, Angela Pontrandolfo, Agnes Rouveret, and Monica Salvadori, Pittura romana: Dall’ellenismo al tardo-antico (Milan: Federico Motta, 2002).

2

Introduction

Finally, it is possible for a New Testament scholar to enter these discussions because of the Italian encyclopedia Pompei: pitture e mosaici,10 which publishes ten thousand pages that detail oor plans for hundreds of Pompeian houses as well as of insulae and thermopolia, indicating the exact location of frescoes and mosaics in relation to the oor plans and including previous bibliography on each building. I am grateful for the editors’ and authors’ efforts and can only hope to have used their work of art responsibly. I repeatedly cite PPM with volume and page, occasionally adding plate number, but to make reading the text easier, I typically place these references in footnotes. The most recent introduction to Roman / Pompeian wall painting is by Eleanor Winsor Leach, and she also has an intense interest in social history. With notes referring to her many contributions, I employ her book as the basis of the following two sections (A and B) of this introductory sketch, noting some of the differences from earlier interpretations. My brief notes do not do justice to her book, which I recommend to readers interested in Roman housing, the setting for many early Christian house churches. She more systematically relates literary sources to archaeological nds than do earlier studies,11 itself a debatable method.12 The German scholar August Mau (1904) rst outlined the chronology of the four styles of Roman/Pompeian domestic art, but his dates are reliable, Leach notes (15), only for the Republic and early Empire, when the related masonry can be dated. Mau also argued that the originality involved must be foreign, that is, Greek, whereas most art historians now hold that the genius of the changing art styles is Roman and that the painting itself as well as the aesthetic changes depend in a fundamental way on patronage (16). As is noted in several chapters below, Roman domestic life differs from our con9

9 Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House, ed. Donatella Mazzoleni, Essay and texts on the sites by Umberto Pappalardo, Photographs by Luciano Romano (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2004), critically reviewed by John R. Clarke, BMCR 2005.08.32. The remarks on architecture by Mazzoleni must be taken with a grain of salt. See also Filippo Coarelli, ed., Photographs by Alfredo and Pio Foglia, Pompeii (New York: Riverside, 2002), very critically reviewed by Larry Richardson, BMCR 2003.03.30. 10 Pompei: pitture e mosaici, ed. Ida Baldassarre (Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana; Rome: Arti Graci Pizzi, 1990–2003), 10 vols., abbreviated PPM, plus a supplementary volume: PPM. La documentazione nell’opera di disegnatori e pittori dei secoli XVIII e XIX (1995), which I abbreviate as PPM, vol. XI. Now see Pompei (Regiones VI-VII). Insula Occidentalis, eds. Masanori Aoyagi and Umberto Pappalardo (University of Tokyo Center for Research of Pictorial Cultural Resources; Naples: Valtrend, 2006) and their unbelievably helpful digitalization of Le Antichità di Ercolano esposte (1757–1792), 8 vols. (http://www.picure.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/arc/ercolano/index.html), or Google “University of Tokyo” and search for “Ercolano.” 11 Leach, Social Life of Painting (2004); on literary sources see 7, 8, 20, 47–48, 97, 105, 124, 130, 132, 153, 157, 167–76, 182. She discusses the Elder Pliny, Natural History (pp. 8–9, 169–70), Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture (pp. 9–10), historians and orators (e.g. Polybius, Vergil, Cicero, Philostratus, Suetonius, Tacitus, esp. Plutarch, Lucullus), and poets (e.g. Homer, Horace, Martial, Propertius, Ovid, Statius). On method compare Tonio Hölscher, The Language of Images in Roman Art, foreword by Ja Elsner (Cambridge: University of Cambridge, 2004). 12 See references to the debate in chap. VI below.

A. Names and functions of rooms in Roman domus and insulae

3

temporary assumptions about houses, with which we automatically associate the adjective “private.” Roman domus were not retreats for private lives, but rather showcases, in many cases like stunningly beautiful museums, built to attract public, social, economic, and political life into the domestic spaces of their owners. Greek houses were built to exclude and never achieved the decorative complexity of Roman houses,13 while Roman houses contributed to their owners’ political activity as legal ofces and social centers (19). Leach (34) follows several authors in observing that a house in the middle-sized, unimportant town of Pompeii, the Casa del Fauno (c. 31,000 sq. ft.14), exceeds the size of the king’s palace in the earlier Greek city of Pergamon!

A. Names and functions of rooms in Roman domus and insulae Describing the function of diverse rooms in such houses, Leach (20, 40) cites a passage in Vetruvius (6.5.1), which distinguishes spaces that are communia, open to all comers, from others that are propria patribus familiarum, which visitors cannot enter without an invitation, the majority of which would be for dining and sleeping.15 On building suitably for different ranks of society. 1. When we have arranged our plan with a view to aspect, we must go on to consider how, in private buildings, the rooms belonging to the family, and how those which are shared with visitors, should be planned. For into the private rooms no one can come uninvited, such as the bedrooms, dining-rooms, baths and other apartments which have similar purposes. The common rooms are those into which, though uninvited, persons of the people can come by right, such as vestibules, courtyards, peristyles and other apartments of similar uses. Therefore magnicent vestibules and alcoves and halls are not necessary to persons of a common fortune, because they pay their respects by visiting among others, and are not visited by others. 2. But those who depend upon country produce must have stalls for cattle and shops in the forecourt, and within the main building, cellars, barns, stores and other apartments which are for the storage of produce rather than for grand effect. Again, the houses of bankers and farmers of the revenue should be more spacious and imposing and safe from burglars. Advocates and professors of rhetoric should be housed with distinction, and in sufcient space to accommodate their audiences. For persons of high rank who hold ofce and magistracies, and whose duty it is to serve the state, we must provide princely vestibules, lofty halls and very spacious peristyles, plantations and broad 13 Paolo Bonini, La casa nella Grecia romana. Forme e funzioni dello spazio privato fra I e VII secolo (Antenor Quaderni 6; Rome: Quasar, 2006). 14 Paul Zanker, Pompeii: Public and Private Life (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1998) 34. Adolf Hoffmann and Mariette de Vos, “Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2),” PPM V (1994) 80–141, at p. 80: 3,000 square meters, comparable to the size of the Hellenistic palace in Pella, Macedonia, and with palaces of the Ptolemies. 15 Leach follows Wallace-Hadrill, Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum (1994), 45, 47, who discusses Vitruvius, De Arch. 6.5 on pp. 10–11, 38–39. Wallace-Hadrill’s book was also decisive for Carolyn Osiek and David L. Balch, Families in the New Testament World: Households and House Churches (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1997), esp. chap. 1: “archaeology.”

4

Introduction

Plate 1 (CD 4): Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 43): doorway, client benches, view into atrium (2); to the viewer’s right from the doorway, a thermopolium (1) that is both open to the street and also has back door into atrium (2) of the house. avenues  nished in a majestic manner. . . . (Vitruvius, On Architecture 6.5.1–2, trans. Granger in Loeb; my emphasis)

Astoundingly for modern readers, this means that “all comers” might walk through the open front doors of Roman houses into the central gardens / peristyles and gaze into their dining rooms, which typically open off the gardens, so that describing even the dining rooms as “private” in a modern sense is problematic. Paul Zanker, emeritus Director of the German Archaeological Insitute in Rome, rather employs a category of the American sociologist Veblin, writing of “conspicuous consumption.”16 Some Pompeian houses have grand portals (CD 1–2), but few have the formal waiting areas for clients (Plate 1 and CD 4; see CD 3 and 7) found in Rome (23). Typically, one walks through the front doorway,17 which leads through a narrow hall ( fauces, literally “jaws”; CD 5–6) into an atrium (CD 8, 9), typically the  rst large room of a domus, usually having a large opening in the roof, all four sides of which slope inward (compluvium) in order to drain rain water into a basin (impluvium) in the oor of the atrium below. Visitors, including clients who arrived in the wee hours of the morning, sometimes lled these atria. Leach (20–21) quotes Horace who with tongue in cheek urges 16

Zanker, Pompeii 12, citing Thorstein Veblin, Theory of the Leisure Class (New York,

1899). 17

Many houses also have a side or rear door (CD 10).

A. Names and functions of rooms in Roman domus and insulae

5

his addressee to “slip out the back door and leave your client keeping his eye on the atrium” (Epistle 1.5.30–31).18 Decorations in atria are typically simpler than other rooms, “intended to make a momentary impression on persons walking through” (54; see 25). Atria and peristyles are to be traversed rapidly, so function as corridors or walkways. Clarke19 calls these “dynamic” spaces as distinguished from “static” spaces decorated more elaborately for the enjoyment, for example, of diners who will remain in them for the evening hours of a symposium / convivium. One might see landscapes at some height, above the heads in a crowd (Leach 25; see CD 11–12). According to Polybius (6.54.2–3) and Pliny the Elder (35.6; Leach 26), Romans placed ancestral portrait masks (imagines) in the atrium, although modern archaeologists have found none remaining in these spaces. Elaborate atria might have columns: a tetrastyle has, of course, four, a Corinthian atrium six to twelve (Leach 29)! Rooms called alae (“wings”) open off the sides of atria, some of which are elaborately decorated (CD 13–17), while others seem to have been closets or storage spaces. At the opposite end of the atrium from the entrance, typically there is a tablinum, for which Leach notes (21, 26–28) that Vitruvius (6.5.1) is an isolated commentator; he names it the owner’s ofce, the goal, most modern writers have assumed, of a client’s visit. The more complex decoration indicates that tablinia were “static” areas where owners would spend time. Penelope Allison 20 notes, however, the common presence of cupboards and chests in these spaces, so suggests that they (also) served to store household goods. Vetruvius calls peristyles (CD 18–25) the core of the house (Leach 34): I record again his shocking observation that “all comers” were welcome in this core of Roman houses. Leach denies the common assumption that Roman houses simply adopted peristyles from earlier Greek houses: “Examples to be seen in Delian houses in the Greek style and at Olynthus are paved with mosaic and do not strike one in the manner of Roman peristyles as spaces intended for walking” (35). She then develops Varo’s fascinating observation 21 that the name and the inspiration of Roman 18 For references to houses full of clients and/or visitors see Leach, Social Life 23–24, 32, 41, 46–47, 295, n. 12. 19 Clarke, The Houses of Roman Italy (1991) 16, 28, 172–73, 243, 367. For terms and descriptions of atria see L. Richardson, Jr., Pompeii: An Architectural History (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University, 1988) 387: “In Pompeii far the commonest type of atrium is the Tuscanic, columnless, while the tetrastyle and the Corinthian, in which the compluvium is supported, respectively, by columns at the corners and multiple columns, are variants used only sparingly, often in conjunction with a Tuscanic atrium.” 20 Penelope Allison, “House contents in Pompei: data collection and interpretive procedures for a reappraisal of Roman domestic life and site formation process,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 3 (1995) 145–76, at pp. 159–60. Also Allison, Pompeian Households: An Analysis of the Material Culture (Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, Monograph 42; Los Angeles: University of California, 2004) 80–82, 168. 21 Leach 35 refers to Gilles Sauron, “Templa serena: à propos de la ‘Villa dei Papiri’ d’herculaneum: contribution à l’étude des comportements aristocratiques romains à la  n de la République,” Mélanges d’archeologie et d’histoire de l’École Française de Rome, Antiquité 92 (1980) 277–301. For philosophers and statesmen visually represented in the Villa dei Papiri, many

6

Introduction

domestic peristyles were modeled on Greek gymnasia, also pointing to peristyles in public temples and palaestrae (Vitruvius 3.2.8; 5.10.5; 5.10.2.16), concluding that Roman domestic peristyles were a “conation” of Hellenic and Roman forms. At Pompeii the Great Palaestra22 had a large pool and three colonnaded sides with double rows of plane trees more than a hundred years old (Leach 35; CD 26–27). Intriguingly, the huge three-story, Augustan insula in Herculaneum (see chap. I below) also has an internal palaestra that includes a peristyle walkway along a large pool (CD 28–29).23 This similarity between the Herculaneum insula and Roman domestic peristyles as interpreted by Leach supports Wallace-Hadrill’s skepticism regarding the thesis that domus and insulae were radically differentiated in the manner that some contemporary scholars assume.24 Leach (36) thinks that the popularity and perhaps even the origination of such peristyles were related to the villas of Lucullus, built after he returned to Rome from commanding the wars against Mithradates (73–67 BCE). Described by Plutarch, the villas were noted for their porticoes/peristyles and surrounding apartments, which Plutarch (e.g. Lucullus 39.3–4) calls diaitai, guest rooms for visitors (49). Some extracts: For I must count as frivolity his costly edices, his ambulatories and baths, and still more his paintings and statues (not to speak of his devotion to these arts), which he collected at enormous outlays. . . . Even now, when luxury has increased so much, the gardens of Lucullus are counted among the most costly of the imperial gardens. And for his works on the seashore and in the vicinity of Neapolis, where he suspended hills over vast tunnels, girdled his residences with zones of sea and with streams for the breeding of sh, and build dwellings in the sea, – in the atrium and the peristyle, Google “University of Tokyo,” search for “Ercolano,” and view Tomo 5, Tavole XI–LXXVI, and also Tomo 6, Tavole XXX–XXXII, XXXVIII–LI, LIX, LXX– LXXVI, with captions by Umberto Pappalardo and Rosaria Ciardiello. For discussion of two of the tractates found in the Villa dei Papiri see David L. Balch, “Philodemus, ‘On Wealth’ and ‘On Household Management’: Naturally Wealthy Epicureans Against Poor Cynics,” 177–96 in Philodemus and the New Testament World, ed. John T. Fitzgerald, Dirk Obbink, and Glenn S. Holland (SuppNT CXI; Leiden: Brill, 2004). 22 Grande Palestra (II 7; PPM III 311–15). 23 See the plan in Domus: Wall Paintings in the Roman House 358–59, but without the shops along cardo V. 24 Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, “Domus and Insulae in Rome: Families and Housefuls,” 3–18 in David L. Balch and Carolyn Osiek, eds., Early Christian Families in Context: an interdisciplinary dialogue (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003). Contrast Robert Jewett, Romans: a Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress, 2007) 53–55, 64–69, 86, 793, 810, 947, 959. Peristyle walkways along central pools are found in several Pompeian domus, e.g. Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 117–77, at 138–39); and the Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 184–310, at 196–97, 230– 35, 238, 244); as well as in Villa di San Marco in Castellammare di Stabia (see nn. 34–35 below). Smaller, decorative pools, visible from triclinia, are found in the Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7, peristyle [10]; PPM IX 903) and the Casa del Bracciale d’oro (VI 17[Ins. Occ.],42, triclinium [32]; not shown but mentioned at PPM VI 117, 129). The pool is included in the plan by Rosaria Ciardiello, “VI 17 Insula Occidentalis 42. Casa del Bracciale d’Oro,” 69–256 in Pompei (Regiones VI–VII). Insula Occidentalis, eds. Mansanori Aoyagi and Umberto Pappalardo (Naples: Valtrend, 2006) at pp. 30–31, 74, 80, 164, 255. Also Mario Grimaldi, “VII 16 Insula Occidentalis 22. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus,” 257–418 in Pompei, eds. Aoyagi and Pappalardo; this small pool appears on the plans at pp. 30–31, 271, 365, 418 (see CD 216).

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when Tubero the Stoic saw them, he called him Xerxes in a toga. He had also country establishments near Tusculum, with observatories, and extensive open banqueting halls and cloisters. . . . (Plutarch, Lucullus 39.1–4, trans. Perrin in Loeb) But what he did in the establishment of a library deserves warm praise. He got together many books, and they were well written, and his use of them was more honourable to him than his acquisition of them. His libraries were thrown open to all, and the cloisters surrounding them, and the study-rooms, were accessible without restriction to the Greeks, who constantly repaired thither as to an hostelry of the Muses, and spent the day with one another, in glad escape from their other occupations. Lucullus himself also often spent his leisure hours there with them, walking about in the cloisters with their scholars, and he would assist their statesmen in whatever they desired. And in general his house was a home and prytaneium for the Greeks who came to Rome. He was fond of all philosophy, and well-disposed and friendly towards every school, but from the  rst he cherished a particular and zealous love for the Academy, not the New Academy, so-called, . . . but the Old Academy. . . . (Lucullus 42.1–2)25

Leach (37) fascinatingly pursues the association of peristyles with gymnasia by relating their symbolic signicance to intellectual life. Cicero recounts (De Finibus 3.2.7) a visit to Lucullus’ library, where he found Cato reading Stoic philosophy in order to teach the owner, a parallel to the Epicurean library found in the Villa dei Papiri (Leach 37). Leach recounts several dialogues of Cicero set in domestic gardens (in hortibus), e.g. one of Scipio Aemilianus who leads friends from a domestic room into a peristyle, where after walking, they settle on a grassy plot to converse (De Republica 1.9.14). Another such conversation, she notes, takes place in the Tuscan villa of Crassus, intellectual games that the speakers compare to the setting for Plato’s Phaedrus (De Oratore 1.7.28, dated 91 BCE). Writing of his villa at Tusculum, Cicero names a gymnasium the “Academic” (Tusc. 2.4), recalling the philosophical world of Athens (Leach 37–38). The National Archaeological Museum in Naples displays a large, striking collection of bronze statues of philosophers and politicians gathered in the excavations of the Villa dei Papiri26 near Herculaneum, including two young athletic runners placed at one end of the villa’s large peristyle, a villa with a signicant Epicurean library. The far end of the peristyle in the Casa del Menandro has exedrae with frescoes of Greek dramatists (Plate 2 and CD 20; see CD 19, 21).27 Leach concludes (39) that these associations help explain why Vitruvius classes peristyles among “public” spaces that outsiders may enter without invi25 Cited by Jens-Arne Dickmann, domus frequentata: Anspruchsvolles Wohnen in pompejanischen Stadthaus (Studien zur Antiken Stadt, 4/1–2; Munich: Dr. Friedrich Pfeill, 1999) 218. 26 Stefano De Caro, The National Archaeological Museum (Naples: Electa, 2001) 141–43. This villa is now being re-excavated and preserved by a team directed by Maria Paola Guidobaldi. J. Paul Getty recreated this villa including beautiful copies of its statues, which visitors may see in Malibu, California. See n. 21. 27 Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 240–397, cubicoli and exedrae 21–25 at the far end of peristyle (c), which include frescoes of Actaeon and his dogs (364), a seated poet (366), Menander seated (367), Venus and a cupid inside a temple (368–69), as well as images of ancestors (373). See Roger and Leslie Ling, Decorations (cited n. 4 above) 84–92, 104–06 with gures 71–75, for exedrae 22–24, who identify (85, 104) the poet in exedra 23 as Euripides.

8

Introduction

Plate 2 (CD 20): Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 367), exedra 23 at the rear of peristyle (c): Menander the poet seated.

tation, but she also highlights them as zones of transition between and to other rooms, e.g. to dining rooms, bedrooms, or domestic baths. Vitruvius’ second major division refers to rooms that visitors cannot enter without an invitation, but even in these rooms, Leach notes (40), owners often held conferences with non-family visitors. Identifying the function of domestic rooms cleared by archaeologists has proved difcult and controversial. Given that Roman furniture was movable, Leach concludes with many that rooms’ functions were variable, depending on actions taking place in them. Some rooms include concrete banks that, with pads placed on them, could serve only as triclinia, but more commonly, movable dining couches or beds could be set up in numerous other rooms that would then function as dining rooms or sleeping quarters – depending on the season, whether in the cold of winter or the heat of summer.

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Triclinia and the kitchens where slaves produced meals and the elite reclining in such spaces are topics too large for this introduction: chap. VII below (with bibliography) focuses on this subject28 documenting my surprise as a New Testament scholar that dramas of suffering and dying as well as the power of society/the state to inict both were popularly, visually represented in Roman dining rooms. The meaning of suffering and death were not conversation subjects introduced into such meals by Christian Eucharistic formulae. Here I will make only summary comments, inuenced by Matthias Klinghardt’s persuasive argument that eucharists were full meals into the third century CE.29 “Owners of larger houses ‘deliberately segregated’ cooking and dining, placing the smells, noises, and persons of the kitchens as many meters as possible from the dining rooms.”30 The kitchens were “nowhere” where “nobodies” worked in rooms sometimes painted diagonally with stripes (CD 17).31 Writers refer to slaves, “the indigent, lthy and such” (Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae 8.71.3), as physically and socially “dirty” (Cicero, Oratio in Pisonem 67; Martial, Epigrammaton libri 10.66; Petronius, Satirae 34; Horace, Satirae 2.4.78–8732), snacking in the kitchen, scavenging for leftovers. The ovens in Pompeii and Herculaneum typically are located in kitchens that are small cubbyholes, including the one at the luxurious Villa of Julia Felix (CD 30– 30a).33 The oven at Poppaea’s villa at Oplontis is larger, c. 10 feet long with three supporting semicircular arches (CD 31). At rst sight of the oven in the kitchen (#26) of the Villa di San Marco (Plate 3 and CD 32a; see CD 32),34 just down the coast 28 Earlier see Osiek and Balch, Families in the New Testament World (1997), esp. chap. 8: “family life, meals, and hospitality,” which discusses contemporary literature, e.g. Plato, Symposium; Xenophon, Symposium; Plutarch, Table Talk and Dinner of the Seven Wise Men; Lucian, The Carousal (or the Lapiths, his Symposium) and Saturnalia; Petronius, Satyricon; and Philo, On the Contemplative Life. Leach, Social Life 108 adds Horace’s “vicarious narrative of the Cena Nasidieni” (Satire 2.8.53–55), “a forerunner of the Cena Trimalchionis.” 29 Matthias Klinghardt, Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft. Soziologie und Liturgie frühchristlicher Mahlfeiern (Texte und Arbeiten zum neutestamentlichen Zeitalter 13; Tübingen: A. Francke, 1996) 518–21; the meal was divided from the sacrament only in the third century CE (301). He also denies (8, 57, 509) the common distinction between eucharists and agape meals/love feasts, citing Ignatius’ use (Smyr. 6, 7, 8) of both terms to describe similar meals. 30 Osiek and Balch, Families 199, quoting Pedar W. Foss, “Kitchens and Dining Rooms at Pompeii: The Spatial and Social Relationship of Cooking to Eating in the Roman Household” (dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1994) 168; Foss 5, 40, 165, 168, 173 describes areas where slaves worked. 31 Foss, “Kitchens,” 176. 32 References from Foss, “Kitchens” 54–56, cited by Osiek and Balch, Families 29, 204. 33 See the plan in PPM III 184; the kitchen/oven is at a corner of triclinium #3. The domestic oven in the Casa dei Vettii (PPM V 572, #168) is larger than most in Pompeii (CD 211). 34 Xavier Lafon, Villa Maritima: Recherches sur les Villas Littorales de l’Italie Romaine (Bibliothèque des École Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 307; Rome: ÉFR, 2001) 421 with Fig. 153, a plan that includes the four-part oven. John H. D’Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples and Other Essays on Roman Campania, ed. Fausto Zevi (Bari: Edipuglia, 2003) index s.v. “Stabiae, Villa San Marco,” esp. plates 10a–11b and g. 11, a plan that again shows the four sections of the oven plus

10

Introduction

Plate 3 (CD 32a): Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, oven.

from Pompeii and Herculaneum at Castellammare di Stabia, I was shocked by its size. Instead of the usual one, small semi-circular arch typical of Pompeian ovens, this one has four, signicantly larger arches on which rests a masonry hearth that is c. 17 feet, 6 inches long and c. 3 feet, 9 inches wide – extended by a four-sided sink c. 3 feet, 9 inches square. For how many diners might this “commercial grade” oven prepare food? Within a service area of several rooms, the kitchen opens off a large peristyle (#53) that was constructed in the Claudian era and decorated in the fourth style. It has a huge central pool (30 x 5.9 meters35; CD 33–33a) around which grew two rows of eight plane trees, four of them 75 and two of them 105 years old at the time of Vesuvius’ eruption.36 The Villa di San Marco has an upper peristyle that is still larger, but without a pool (CD 34). The kitchen with its oven, several times larger than any in Pompeian domus, is comparable in size perhaps to ovens in commercial bakeries (CD 35), although their styles differ. This oven is a startling reminder that middle-sized Pompeii is not Rome, that even the “villa” of Julia Felix in Pompeii does not belong in the class of such luxurious, aristocratic, Roman coastal the sink. Alix Barbet and Paola Miniero, eds., La Villa San Marco a Stabia (Naples: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider / École française di Rome, 1999), 3 vols. Compare Allison, “Kitchen Areas,” Analysis of Material Culture 99–103; also “Food Preparation, Storage, Consumption, and Storage of Material for Food Consumption” 125–34. 35 D’Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples 128. 36 See Leach, Social Life, 35–36 (citing Valerius Maximus 8.1.4 and Pliny, NH 17.1.2–4) for the value Romans placed on such trees. The vast size of the Villa di San Marco at Castellammare di Stabia as well as its large peristyle and central pool are in a class with the Villa dei Papiri at Herculaneum and the Villa di Poppea at Oplontis.

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11

villas. Nevertheless, Leach (46–47) notes that some dining rooms in Pompeii are quite large, e.g. one in the Casa del Menandro (CD 36).37 Although Jews, Greeks, and Romans have early traditions of sitting at meals, all later adopted the posture of reclining for formal evening meals at which slaves served the food (see 1 Cor 8.10; Mark 6.39; 14.3, 18; Matt 14.19; Luke 12.37; 22.14; John 13.12), although Philo’s monastic Jewish Therapeutai reject the practice of slaves serving (Contemplative Life 70–72), and participants at eucharists in Pauline house churches “sit” (1 Cor 14.30 and James 2.3; see 1 Cor 10.21 and Acts 16.34). Intriguingly, the restaurant-for-rent in the Villa of Julia Felix has thermopolium on the street (CD 37), as well as a triclinium with concrete couches on which diners would recline on pads (CD 38) and in the same room concrete tables around which other patrons would sit (CD 39, 39a).38 Representations of clients in taverns visualize them sitting.39 However, when Alcidamus the Cynic arrives late at a symposium, he refuses to sit, which is “womanish and weak,” but rather reclines on the oor (Lucian, Symp. 13–14)! In that culture of honor, Plutarch records the problematic question “whether the host should arrange the placing of guests or leave it to the guests themselves?” (Table Talk 1.2, 615C-619A, trans. Clement and Hofeit in Loeb).40 Almost every Pompeian peristyle complex includes a cluster of two or three rooms available for guests (diaitai/diaetae), domestic spaces that earlier authors thought were women’s quarters, e.g. in the Casa dei Vettii41 and the Casa del Citarista 42 (Leach 36, 48–50). A few Pompeian houses have domestic baths, some of which were utilized by owners and their guests (Casa del Menandro; CD 40–45),43 others of which were clearly for public use, that is, for rent (Villa of Julia Felix),44 although these domestic baths-for-rent are much smaller than, for example, the public Stabian baths (CD 46–47).45 Finally, some rooms served for sleeping (cubicula); again, how37

Casa del Menandro, triclinium 18 (I 10,4; PPM II 336–53). Emphasized by Carolyn Osiek in a paper for the Meals Seminar of the Society of Biblical Literature (Nov. 2006). See chap. VII, nn. 26–29. 39 See chap. VII, nn. 303–311. below. 40 Discussed in Osiek and Balch, Families, chap. 8. 41 Casa dei Vettii, rooms s, t, u (VI 15,1; PPM V 468–572, at pp. 468 for the house plan, 565–71 for visitor’s quarters). 42 Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 117–77, at p. 117 for the house plan, 149–62 for rooms 20–23). 43 Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II, small atrium of the bath [46] at pp. 376–79, tepidarium [47] at pp. 379–80, caldarium [48] at pp. 380–97). Roger Ling and Leslie Ling, Decorations 56–67 with plates 45–58 and g. 81. Other small domestic baths: Casa del Criptoportico (I 6,2; PPM I 228–77), the Casa delle nozze d’argento (V 2i; PPM III 728–34), the Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40, tepidarium [15], caldarium [16]; PPM VI 430–43), and the Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1074–93). 44 Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III, frigidario [39] at pp. 220–29). For comments by Wallace-Hadrill, see chap. I below, the paragraph following n. 3; also chap. VII, n. 16 below on Decidia Margaris and Poppaea Note, two other Pompeian women who also owned domestic baths for rent (PPM VIII 98). 45 Terme Stabiane (VII 1,8; PPM VI 149–219). 38

12

Introduction

ever, function in Roman domus depends on actual use, so the same rooms might occasionally serve as dining rooms (Leach 47–48).

B. Styles of Roman domestic art As noted in the rst paragraph above, August Mau rst outlined the chronology of the four styles of Roman/Pompeian domestic art, and since then authors have referred to four more or less chronologically successive styles. However, instead of continuing this tradition, Leach (chaps. 2–4) focuses on three primary visual themes that overlap one or more chronological periods: 1) panels and porticoes, 2) the model of scaenae frons (theatrical backdrops of Roman theaters), and 3) gardens and picture galleries. She also modies the primary adjective that describes the function of these visual themes from “illusion” to “allusion”46; that is, she denies that painters wanted to convince viewers that what they were seeing was actual, arguing rather that these scenes allude to real structures or events with which viewers would have been familiar. Again, as a New Testament scholar I recommend her book, here continuing to rely on her recent, revised, “social history of painting” for introductory remarks, in order to help make the chapters that follow in this book comprehensible. Mau named his earliest form, found in the last century of the Republic, the “incrustation” style, following Vitruvius in assuming that the painters wanted to trick viewers into thinking of marble veneer. Leach recalls (60) objections by Bruno47 and Laidlaw48 that architects, not painters, invented the masonry style: instead of replicating a surface nish, stuccoists – not painters – wanted to reproduce the solid structures of masonry walls. Bruno points out that the style did not originate in domestic architecture, but rather immigrated from public masonry temples into the domestic world. Although Bruno’s proposal, on the basis of color, of the Parthenon as the model may be overly grandiose and specic, this is clearly a status architecture and perhaps also an architecture with religious connotations. . . . . . . the architecture embodies a principle of crossing over between the two worlds; it acquires connotations of liminality. This same principle of visual transference can pertain to any application of mimetic painting. Whenever a set of signiers is transmitted new sets of associations can be constructed around them (Leach 61).

Leach argues that the pattern of immigration from public temples in the Greek world to domestic spheres is replicated in Pompeii, with the difference from earlier houses

46 Leach, Social History of Painting 88–89, 92, 104–05, 125, 132. For “allusion” see also the earlier work by Wallace-Hadrill, Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum 17, 25. 47 Vincent J. Bruno, “Antecedents of the Pompeian First Style,” AJA 73 (1969) 305–15. 48 Laura Anne Laidlaw, The First Style in Pompeii: Architecture and Painting (Rome: Bretschneider, 1985).

B. Styles of Roman domestic art

13

Plate 4 (CD 53): Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 122, #54), exedra (37), Nile mosaic. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9990b.

in Greek Delos that Romans in Pompeii foreground the relationship rather than the distinction between public and domestic. The best example in Pompeii, a “museum” of masonry style, is the Casa del Fauno (Plate 4 and CD 53; see CD 48–52, 54–57).49 Early excavators scorned the bright colors on its walls,50 but Leach argues that the colors were meant to replicate smaller segments of real stone that composed the oors.51 In the Casa delle Nozze d’argento52 and the Casa di Cerere53 “as in the Casa del Fauno, the presence of colored stone chips in the pavement of opus signinum reveals the intention to coordinate decorative elements through imitation” (65, citing Laidlaw). Contemporary Republican Rome was probably gaudy. Most historians of Roman domestic art then move to describe the “second” style, but Leach rather continues the theme of “panels and porticoes” into the “late Republican houses of Campania.” Still, “we see for the rst time painted apertures opening illusionistically on an exterior glimpse of blue sky” (66). Both the Casa dei Grif in Rome54 and the Casa delle Nozze d’argento,55 architecturally avant-garde in Pompeii, have rooms with unique decoration indicating that those spaces are hierarchi49

Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 80–141). Color plates in Coarelli, ed., Pompeii 220–39. PPM V, color images of walls at 92–94, 101, 118. 51 PPM V, color images of mosaic oors at 94, 103, 105, 107, 109, 121–23. 52 Casa delle Nozze d’argento (V 2,i; PPM III 676–772, black and white plates of mosaic pavement at 678, 694, 707, 717, 731, 735, esp. 741, 746, 750, 753–55, 770). Wolfgang Ehrhardt, “Gli stili pompeiani ed il proprietario: L’esempio della Casa delle Nozze d’argento,” 170–90 with 32 plates, many in color, in Nuove Ricerche archeologiche a Pompei ed Ercolano, ed. Pietro Giovanni Guzzo and Maria Paola Guidobaldi (Atti del convegno internazionale, Roma 28–30 Novembre 2002; Studi della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei 10; Naples: Electa, 2005). 53 Casa di Cerere (I 9,13; PPM II 172–229, black and white plates of mosaic pavement at 183, 192–93, 197, 199, 202, 205, 217–19, with a color image at 218). 54 Color plates in Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 65–76. 55 Compare tablinum (o; PPM III 697–701), area (q; PPM III 708–13), triclinium (w; PPM III 50

14

Introduction

cally more signicant that others. The extent of change in style is debated: is this not only a technical but also a philosophical change in the function of mimesis? The change is related to Rome’s victory in the Italian Social Wars, after which Sulla established a colony of veterans in Pompeii (80 BCE) with his nephew, the patron of the colony, veterans who brought their style of domestic decoration with them from Rome (68–69). Zanker56 even suggests that surveying second style decoration in Pompeii would indicate where the new citizens settled, strikingly not in a Roman ghetto, but in remote corners of the city; however, there is a cluster of related structures in the Insula Occidentalis (= Ins. Occ.) along the northwest city wall of Pompeii, domus/insulae that Leach (70) fascinatingly relates to the increasingly multistory residences at Ostia, although the Ostian insulae date from at least a century and a half later. Houses such as the Nozze d’argento and the Casa di Cerere (CD 58–61), share the mimetic development of spatial illusions along with megalographic architecture (71).57 Leach notes (73–74) that earlier art historians had only one house in Pompeii to study, the Casa del Labirinto (CD 62–69),58 but now in addition, there are three villas outside Pompeii that exhibit this early style, the Villa dei Misteri (CD 85–91), Boscoreale, and the Villa di Oplontis (73; Plate 5 and CD 71; see CD 70, 72–80). Parenthetically, I pause for two paragraphs to emphasize the importance of Zanker’s and Leach’s observations for the study of early Christian house churches. Contemporary New Testament scholars often focus on insulae, multi-story, apartment buildings in Ostia, but the earliest of these date from the second and then also from the third centuries CE, a century or two after Paul, depending on the particular insula, while the multi-story domus/insula of the Pompeian Insula Occidentalis (CD 81–83a, 214–22)59 retain fragments of decoration (second style) from the mid- rst century BCE, followed by the three-story insula in Herculaneum built in the time of Augustus (see CD 28–29 and chap. I below, CD 142–45, 156–58, including the atrium of a three-story “house” that is one section of an “insula,” also built on an ocean bluff). Study of the earlier Pompeian and Herculaneum insulae will surely contribute to understanding social/domestic contexts for Pauline churches that gathered in domestic contexts in the  rst century CE. Relying on second-third century CE archaeology to clarify the Pauline social context would be like quoting Justin and 735–40), cubiculum (x; PPM III 741–45), area (y; PPM III 746–48), cubiculum (z; PPM III 748–51), and oecus tetrastylus (4; PPM III 753–65). 56 Paul Zanker, Pompeii: Public and Private Life (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1993) 61–77 on the Roman colonists, p. 74 for their relation to the second style. 57 Leach (72) doubts that the primary message is aesthetic, but sees rather an assertion of the individual status claims of the owner, which is surely correct – of all four styles! 58 Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 1–70). 59 PPM VI 1–145 and VII 840–1125, with oor plans at VI 1, 10, 45; VII 840, 845, 887–88, 947–48, including several rather large spaces monumentalized in the time of Claudius (CD 81– 83a). Now see Masanori Aoyagi and Umberto Pappalardo, eds., Pompei (Regioni VI–VII). Insula Occidentalis (Naples: Valtrend, 2006), esp. pp. 69–256, Rosaria Ciardiello, “VI 17 Insula Occidentalis 42. Casa del Bracciale d’Oro,” and pp. 257–418, Mario Grimaldi, “VII 16 Insula Occidentalis 22. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus.”

B. Styles of Roman domestic art

15

Plate 5 (CD 71): Villa di Oplontis, triclinium (14), tripod. De Francisis, plates 24–27.

Cyprian to interpret Paul; neither comparing exclusively the later archaeology nor citing such literary comparisons alone to interpret Paul would be defensible. Current assumptions lead to conclusions that are inadequate, e.g. Robert Jewett, assuming an average congregation of 20–40 members, argues as follows: “that two such groups [of followers of Christ in Rome] could be expected to meet in a single location in an over-crowded insula building located in one of the slum districts identied by the early evidence is implausible.”60 This ignores the earlier archaeological 60 Jewett, Romans 86, who depends on Peter Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus: Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003, translation of German of 1989). But Lampe’s bibliography cites only two articles (Gerkan, Packer) and four books (Klauck, McKay, White, Wotschitzky) on Roman housing, none after 1983. The last twenty-ve years of research on Roman housing are missing. Lampe generalizes about the poorer masses of people living in tenement houses in unhealthy lowlands between the hills, with rich aristocrats living in luxurious houses and favoring the air on the hills (46 with n. 73; see 50, 53 with n. 16; 58–59, 63–65, 369, 374–80). Recent research problemitizes this dualistic approach. See Jens-Arne Dickmann, “Residences in Herculaneum,” 421–34 in The World of Pompeii, ed. John J. Dobbins and Pedar W. Foss (New York: Routledge, 2007) at 422: “At the time of the eruption of Vesuvius in AD 79, we can therefore rule out the existence of separate residential quarters for people from different social classes in Herculaneum, just as in Pompeii. ... A. Wallace-Hadrill, in his carefull examination of Maiuri’s arguments, has undermined the assumption that house forms were clearly structured and tied to social class.” See A. Wallace-Hadrill, “Elites and trade in the Roman Town,” 241–72 in City and Country in the Ancient World, ed. John Rich and A. Wallace-Hadrill (London: Routledge, 1991). For insulae built in the mid-first century BCE by colonists from the city of Rome, not for the poor in slums, see Rolf A. Tybout, “Rooms with a view: residences built on terraces along the edge of Pompeii (Regions VI, VII, and VIII),” in The World of Pompeii, ed. Dobbins and Foss, 407–20 and CD 81–83a, 214–22; compare CD 28–29, 142–48.

16

Introduction

evidence. Meetings of 40 to 80 disciples or more are plausible both in the Insula Occidentalis in Pompeii and in the Augustan Insula Orientalis in Herculaneum. The same conclusion is true with respect to (second and rst century BCE to rst century CE) Pompeian domus, quite a number of which could accommodate gatherings of 40 to 80 or more; in fact, 40 to 80 or more tourists simultaneously walk through these buildings on a daily basis. To return to late Republican panels and porticoes, Leach (78) notes that in every case there are illusionistic views into spaces surrounded by columns, and inside this illusionistic space, tholoi are visually represented, round structures that appear very early in Greek architecture (76; compare CD 64–64a [Labirinto] and 73 [Oplontis], the second with a god visually represented inside). In second style decoration Leach61 argues at length that the tholos has religious, celebratory, funerary, and even commercial meaning. A tholos in the Athenian agora was where fty members of the pyrtaneium sat to dine.62 In the decoration of both the Villa dei Misteri (#16) 63 and the summer triclinium at Boscoreale, “the central part of the tholos is opened to show the statue of a god” (77).64 The Boscoreale room at the Metropolitan in New York has a triangular roof without luxury objects, except for bejeweled columns.65 I note another tholos visually represented in the second style from the mid-rst century BCE in ambiente (17) of the Pompeian house at VI 17(Ins. Occ.),41,66 now inventory 8594 in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples: a monumental portal of alabaster columns with Ionic capitals frames a sanctuary; before the temple, which has a Doric frieze; one sees a tholos, inside which there is a statue of Venus Andyomene to whom women bring offerings of owers and fruit. On either side of 61 Leach 87 cites F. Cooper and S. Morris, “Dining in Round Buildings,” Sympotica: A Symposium on the Symposium, ed. O. Murray (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990) 66–85. 62 For the pyrtaneium see the quotation of Plutarch, Lucullus 42.1–2 at n. 25 above. 63 Color plates in Pittura romana 93, Domus: Wall Paintings in the Roman House 104, and Coarelli, Pompeii 358. Also discussed n. 114 below. 64 Triclinium (14) at Oplontis (Torre Annunziata), CD 73 above and Alfonso De Franciscis, “La Villa Romana di Oplontis,” 9–38 in Neue Forschungen in Pompeji und den anderen vom Vesuvausbruch 79 n. Chr. Verschütteten Städten, eds. Bernard Andreae and Helmut Kyrieleis (Recklinghausen: Aurel Bongers, 1975), color plate 23: “in the upper level a tholos with a statue of divinity.” For the house plan, see his plate 1. Also discussed n. 115 below. 65 This room can be seen on the web under “Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,” key word “Boscoreale.” Also a color plate in Pittura romana 95 and Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 79. And now see M. Grimaldi, “La Villa di Publius Fannius Synistor a Boscoreale,” 221–40 in La villa romana, ed. Rosaria Ciardiello. Collana “Archeologia” 8; Naples: L’Orientale Editrice, 2007, with 54 figures on a CD, the tholos at figs. 19–21. 66 Valeria Sampaolo, “VI 17 (Ins. Occ.), 41” (PPM VI 10–43, at p. 36), who cites V. M. Strocka, “Pompeji VI 17,41. Ein Haus mit Privatbibliotek,” RM 100 (1993) 321–51. However, Girolamo Ferdinando De Simone, “VI 17 Insula Occidentalis 41,” in Aoyagi and Pappalardo, Pompei (2006) 43–67 does not include this fresco in the house. See Stefano De Caro, The National Archaeological Museum of Naples (Naples: Electa, 1996) 149, who dates the fresco to the middle of the  rst century BCE and describes the view as the entrance to a sanctuary, with the bunches of sh and birds visually represented on either side as ex voto, offered by sher folk and hunters, documented by many Hellenistic epigrams in the Palatine Anthology.

B. Styles of Roman domestic art

17

Plate 6 (CD 84b): Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 442–45), triclinium (e), parousia/epiphany of Dionysus in central zone. The white light around Dionysius’ head is in the fresco, not from this author’s ash camera.

the monumental portal, the artist has painted large sh and partridge that are hanging. Persons dining in this space would look out across a large terrace on a magnicent vista of the ocean.67 I note a third style tholos in the upper zone of the wall of a dining room (e) in the House of the Ceii, below which is a parousia / epiphany of Dionysus (Plate 6 and CD 84b; see also CD 84).68 Both landscapes and still-life images begin to appear painted on these walls, the 67 See a plan of the insula at PPM VI 10; also Girolamo F. De Simone in Pompei, eds. Aoyagi and Pappalardo (2006) 44. 68 M. de Vos, Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15); PPM I 442–47; she uses the terms “epiphany” and “parousia” at 443, #54a–e and 447, #61. De Vos observes that the decoration is orthodox third style (I 447, #59), so early  rst century CE.

18

Introduction

latter perhaps examples of food hosts gave to guests (Leach 79–80). Oplontis still exhibits “an undisturbed Second Style atrium” (82).69 The doors seen on the wall of the atrium are identical, so do not, Leach argues, imitate a scaenae frons (theatrical backdrop; CD 70); there are spatially open views in other, interior rooms, but the decorators thought them inappropriate for an atrium (83–84). The great tripod salon (#15; CD 71–71a)70 displays an illusionistic, grand, double tiered colonnade in marble of two colors, rose and gray-blue (84). On either side of the central gate green foliage appears, and again at the base of the tripod, more greenery appears. Here . . . the ctive prospects are played off against the real. On the side facing the peristyle the tripod room opens with great double-leaved doors. The use of enclosed and open space emphasizes this interplay so that three levels of reality appear in the schemes. (84)

A nearby kitchen (#7) means that these rooms comprise a complex of dining areas so situated as to take full spatial and thematic advantage of the surrounding porticus. Variations in orientation and size bear out the general principle of providing varied spaces for dining within the prosperous Roman house. The grandeur of the decoration signals dining as a ritual of consequence, and the symmetrical ordering of the perspective vistas frames the couches and creates an atmosphere appropriate to stationary activity. (85)

Finally, Leach’s conclusion about the “social history” of this second style painting signicantly revises prior opinions: “local society is the context because no evidence has been discovered that any one of these well-decorated Second Style villas belongs to a member of the Roman aristocracy.” (91, also 142, 150) Freedmen of the local Istacidii still owned the Villa dei Misteri (CD 85–91) in CE 7, and Boscoreale was in the hands of another freedman, P. Fannius Synistor. Local farm owners commissioned these wall paintings, not the Roman aristocrats theorized by earlier historians!71 The second primary theme claried by Leach (her chap. 3) is the model of the scaenae frons (a theater backdrop for performances on Roman stages), for which Vitruvius (5.6.8) gives guidelines: 8. The scenery itself is so arranged that the middle doors are gured like a royal palace, the doors on the right and left are for strangers. Next on either side are the spaces prepared for scenery. . . . 9. There are three styles of scenery: one which is called tragic; a second comic; the third satyric. Now the subject of these differ severally one from another. The tragic are designed with columns, pediments and statues and other royal surroundings; the comic have 69

See De Franciscis, “Oplontis,” color plates 4–7, 11–12 for atrium (#5). De Franciscis, “Oplontis,” color plates 24–27; also a color plate in Pittura romana 99. 71 This leaves open the question of the visual representation of the tholos in VI 17 (Ins. Occ.),41; see nn. 66–67 above as well as the tholos in Ceii (see n. 68). For recent interpretations of the fresco in the Villa dei Misteri, see Bettina Bergmann, “Seeing Women in the Villa of the Mysteries: A Modern Excavation of the Dionysiac Murals, 231–70 in Antiquity Recovered. The Legacy of Pompeii and Herculaneum, eds. Victoria C. Gardner Coates and Jon L. Seydl (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2007). 70

B. Styles of Roman domestic art

19

the appearance of private buildings and balconies and projections with windows made to imitate reality, after the fashion of ordinary buildings; the satyric settings are painted with trees, caves, mountains and other country features, designed to imitate landscape. (trans. Granger in Loeb)

An earlier art historian, H. G. Beyen, focused on theater masks, which he thought suggested comic, tragic, and satiric modes of the earlier Hellenistic theater. Leach focuses not on foreign but on Roman theaters, which were constructed de novo of wood for many Roman religious festivals. Roman patrons underwrote both the building of the wooden theaters and the production of the plays. One example that strains belief is the theater built in 58 BCE by M. Aemilius Scaurus: 3 stories high, using marble, mosaic, and guilded wood, with 300 columns and 3,000 bronzes, plus tapestries, worth a total of 30 billion sesteres (103 citing Pliny, NH 36.114)! In this section I am heavily indebted to Prof. Leach for her revised social history of painting; here I have a question. After Caesar’s death, the ludi Romani, she writes, were “virtually all occasions for the performance of games . . . that were political rather than religious” (102). Has there ever been such an alternative for Romans/ Italians? The fate of these men may serve to indicate that our empire was won by those commanders who obeyed the dictates of religion. Moreover if we care to compare our national characteristics with those of foreign peoples, we shall  nd that, while in all other respects we are only the equals or even the inferiors of others, yet in the sense of religion, that is, in reverence for the gods, we are far superior (Cicero, Nature of the Gods 2.3.8, trans. Rackham in Loeb)

But the meaning she suggests for the domestic imitation of such theatrical backdrops is exciting: . . . one must consider the general interpenetration of pubic and private life among the Roman aristocracy and thus the manner in which theatricality imbues not only staged dramas but also rituals shaping the conduct of private life. Painted theatrical imagery of the kind we see at Oplontis or on the Palatine underlines a metaphorical transference from public into private life of the upper class prerogative and ofcium of sponsoring games to serve as a bond of hospitality between host and guests. (104)

As noted above, Leach argues that painters were not trying to trick viewers into supposing they were looking at theaters, but rather were often alluding to the owner’s sponsorship of theatrical productions at actual festivals. Plutarch (Lucullus 40.1) mentions choruses and dramatic recitations as features of Lucullan domestic luxury (105). At a dinner given by Pliny, he mentions (Ep. 1.15, cited by Leach 105) that the guest would experience “comic actors, or a reader, or a lyre-player. Leach’s color plates IV and V picture a poet reciting in an exedra,72 and her g. 71 exhibits another theatrical scene.73 72 Also PPM VI 38–40 (exedra 18), which has a view across the terrace to the ocean. One of the two gures has an Augustan knotty staff and wears a Greek mantle (Sampaolo, PPM VI 40, #66). 73 Also Irene Bragantini, Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.], 22; PPM VII 947–1125,

20

Introduction

The House of Augustus in Rome has theatrical backdrops on walls throughout, for example, in the Room of the Masks (CD 92–96).74 Suetonius writes of the princeps’ fondness for the theater, and in this context Leach interprets the theatricality of the walls in his house as follows: I am less inclined to perceive them as carriers of a strategic political message than as signs of the princeps’ awareness that theatricality may be assimilated to power on the private level as well as the public when the alliance is masked by facades of hospitality and taste. (113)

This interprets a deep afnity between theatricality and Roman culture. Later, Nero both wrote plays and acted in them. This theatricality is reected in Pompeii, which I document extensively in chap. VII (E) below. Leach gives the example of the House of Pinarius Cerialis75: two dramas (CD 97–99) are in progress on the walls, Iphigenia in Taurus76 and, on a facing wall, the drama of Attis and Cybele,77 which as a mime Nero himself enjoyed performing (117–18, citing Dio Cassius 52.20). Then Leach (119–20) gives the example of Euripides’ play Phaëthon painted in the Casa di Apollo,78 which I interpret below in chap. V. Again, her social history is fascinating: whereas Augustus and Nero themselves acted on the stage of life as reected, for example, in the wall decorations of Augustus’ house, the social ideology of these later paintings echoes the character of the empire not as an expression of political ideology, but as an endorsement of the private life as a world removed from the public sphere. It also is a quotidian life to which the theatre stands both as an antithesis and a cultural asset. What the paintings show is no longer a parallel between public and private lives [as for Augustus and Nero], but the opportunity of the private life for personal enrichment and self-cultivation, . . . an alternative to daily life. (121)

Leach’s third discussion (her chap. 4) of fundamental themes of Roman domestic art concerns gardens and picture galleries, including dining in those – juxtaposed natural and cultural – settings. The earliest example in Roman domestic art is Livia’s villa at Prima Porta, visual representations now exhibited in the National Roman Museum, Palazzo Massimo alle Terme.79 Again, Leach argues that these paintings are not ctive replications, but rather allude to real gardens (125); in fact, these visual representations occur most often as decoration within real gardens (128). A at pp. 1107, 1109–10), who suggests that the gure is Venus, “the personal divinity of the dictator” (1109, #320), Julius Caesar. See a color plate in Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 399. 74 Color plates in Pittura romana 134–35. 75 Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; PPM III 435–77). 76 PPM III 460–63 (p. 463 in color). 77 PPM III 464–67 (465 in color). PPM III 468–72 illustrate the other two walls. 78 Casa di Apollo (VI 7,23; PPM IV 470–524, cubiculum 25 at pp. 512–24). 79 Mabel M. Gabriel, Livia’s Garden Room at Prima Porta (New York: New York University, 1955) with 36 plates, and W. J. T. Peters, Landscape in Romano-Campanian Mural Painting (Assen: Van Gordum, 1963) 119–25. Adriano La Regina, ed., Palazzo Massimo alle Terme (Milan: Electa, 1998), color plates at 208–13. Color plates in Pittura romana 151–54 and Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 186–208.

B. Styles of Roman domestic art

21

Plate 7 (CD 102): Casa dei Cubicoli oreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5), blue garden room, cubicolo (8), Pharoah enthroned among leaves. Compare PPM II 16–35, Domus 299, and Ciardiello, “Casa del Bracciale d’Oro,” in Pompei, eds. Aoyagi and Pappalardo (2006) 176, 178, for Pharoah in the garden (not in PPM).

Plate 8 (CD 103): Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 140), peristyle (8). Compare Domus 301.

22

Introduction

striking example in Pompeii is the Casa del Frutteto (Plate 7 and CD 102; see CD 100–01),80 not primarily an attempt to compensate for gardens the house does not have, but rather visually to bring the summer indoors (127). Recently, archaeologists discovered a second example of such a blue garden room in Pompeii, the Casa del Bracciale d’oro,81 a house that has a magnicent outdoor triclinium, including one of the most elegant water stairs in Pompeii,82 due to the introduction of aqueduct water in the rst century BCE. Another example is the Casa della Venere in Conchiglia (Plate 8 and CD 103; see CD 104a–c), a visual representation of a garden in the setting of a real garden.83 Again, the images were not illusory: . . . the quest for variety might also be thought to subvert the natural illusion . . ., especially the activity of the birds. . . . Although some perch on branches, we see others suspended in midair or approaching the trees with whirring upraised wings. . . . Likewise the plenitude of blossoms subverts probability. (125)

Visual representations, often African animals, depicted in a rocky landscape with contorted, bare trees is a related category of visual representations (CD 105–08). Jashemski argues that these represent paradeisoi of Eastern monarchs imitated by Roman aristocrats. But Leach responds, as I do below,84 that these scenes refer rather to popular amphitheater games, as in the House of M. Lucretius Fronto,85 who had served as duovir (one of the pair of chief city administrators), and who ran for quinquennial administrative ofce late in the 70s. (132) Similar paintings in the Casa dei Ceii (Plate 9 and CD 110; see CD 109, 111–13) 86 belonged to L. Ceius Secundus, duovir of CE 78. Again, the Casa del Centenario87 displays such frescoes around a nymphaeum with a water stair, a house that belonged to Aulus Rustius Verus, whose amphitheater games were advertised in four posters still extant (132).88 The Casa di

80 Casa dei Cubicoli oreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 1–137), cubiculum (8) at pp. 15–35 and cubicolo (12) at 113–34, with many plates in color. Also color plates in Pittura romana 192–98 and in Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 298–300, 305–07. 81 PPM VI 117–28, ambiente (32), with striking color plates; now see Ciardiello in Aoyagi and Pappalardo, eds., Pompei (2006) 162–86, with the domus/insula plan at 78–80. 82 PPM VI 129–45, triclinium (31), with color plates, also in Pittura romana 194–97 and Domus. Wall Painting in the Roman House 261–63, 268–72. 83 Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 112–72, at pp. 137–44). Color plates in Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 301–03, 308–12. 84 See n. 91 below citing CD 134–35a–c, as well as chap. IV below, nn. 70–85, and chap. VII, nn. 66–77, where I cite the Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1069–98), a domestic setting in which gladiators trained with similar visual representations in the lower zone of the garden walls. 85 Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 966–1032). Color plates in Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 274–96. See chap. VII below, CD 253–56, 260–62a, 282a–c. 86 Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 407–82, garden (h) at 470–82 (475 in color). Color plates in Domus: Wall Paintings in the Roman House 382–87. 87 Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 903–1104), viridarium (33) at pp. 995–1024. On this house and its owner see Richardson, Pompeii 126–27. Color plate in Pittura romana 240. See chap. VII below, CD 268, 276–82d. 88 In chap.VII below, at nn. 19, 116, 167, 172–217, I survey and describe fresoes in this house.

B. Styles of Roman domestic art

23

Plate 9 (CD 110): Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 473, 475), giardino (h), amphitheater scene. Compare Domus 382–83, 386–87.

Orpheo (Plate 10 and CD 114b; see CD 114),89 perhaps owned by Vesonius Primus (VI 14,20) who also possessed the fullery next door,90 offers a distressing variation. Jashemsky includes this scene with the category of paradeisoi citing in proof of its Hellenistic resonances a description in the De Re Rustica (3.13). . . . Once again, however, literary context argues to the contrary, and this time not ex silentio. When Axius, Varro’s speaker, describes this little pagent, . . . he likens it to the venationes staged by aediles in the Circus Maximus. Thus it seems far more likely that the cultural point of reference is an immediately contemporary one, involving a particular species of amphitheater scene in which participants, primarily condemned criminals, enact some manner of mythological scenario in which animals gure as instruments of execution: Acteon and his hounds; Dirce and the bull. Martial’s celebratory epigrams on the Colosseum shows of Titus, the Liber de Spectaculis, describe several such spectacles “that make fable into penalty” (7.12). Orpheus is the subject of two epigrams, the longer of which (21) describes an elaborately staged dramatization . . . [that] diverges from mythology when a bear impervious to singing lacerates unhappy Orpheus (21.24: Leach 132)

Leach points to visual representations of exotic animals in the Pompeian amphitheater itself, which means that the identity of these scenes is beyond question: they are trophies of (amphi)theatrical spectacle (131), often sponsored by the owners of houses where the scenes were painted.91 89 Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; PPM V 264–307), peristyle (o) at pp. 282–91, color plate at p. 287. Color plate at Pittura romana 239. 90 Fullonica di Vesonius Primus (VI 14,21.22; PPM V 308–32). 91 Compare chap. IV below, nn. 70–77, citing the color plates of scenes visually represented in

24

Introduction

Plate 10 (CD 114b): Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; PPM V 284–91), peristyle (o): Orpheus among animals.

Not only “gardens,” but visual representations of picture galleries, pinacothecae,92 were popular. Verres’ theft in the rst century BCE of such art from Asia Minor, Sicily, and Greece was notorious,93 but when paid for, such museums became popular, especially as the second style was transformed into the third style of domestic painting. However, the meaning and date of this transition is controversial. Art historians typically have understood the more expansive second style, with its windows the amphitheater (PPM XI 105–111). Compare Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3), peristyle (d), with amphitheater scenes (Plate 11 and CD 117; see CD 115–16, 118–19). 92 Chap. IV below interprets pinacothecae in two dining rooms of the Casa dei Vettii. 93 For Verres’ theft and Cicero’s prosecuting him, see chap. V below, nn. 65–67; and for Nero’s later theft of statues from Pergamon in Asia Minor, see chap. III, nn. 73–74. For the display in Rome of statues of dying Gauls from Pergamon, see Kim J. Hartswick, The Gardens of Sallust: A Changing Landscape (Austin: University of Texas, 2004) 104–07 with gs. 3.15–16.

B. Styles of Roman domestic art

25

Plate 11 (CD 117): Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1074), peristyle (d), dogs attacking boar.

into illusory worlds beyond its domestic walls to have been transformed into a more restrictive third style with closed spaces. Leach argues rather that the patrons/painters wanted to imitate pinacothecae, so that the third style is to be understood as a mimetic takeover (133), which then dominated the decoration of walls into later centuries of the Empire. An early example is the Villa Farnesina Romana,94 which Beyen associated with Augustus’ daughter Julia; Leach agrees that it was elite property, but notes the lack of any proof that it was owed by any particular historical person (142). More controversially, Leach relates this change to the House of Augustus on the Palatine, some of which burned in 1 BCE. The lower story retained its decoration, but an upper cubiculum was redecorated.95 Her late date for these paintings would work havoc, she notes (142), with the traditional date of the third style, whose beginnings many have dated before 20 BCE and understood to have matured before the

94 Color plates in Pittura romana 140–45. Maria Rita Sanzi di Mino, ed., La Villa della Farnesina in Palazzo Massimo alle Terme (Milan: Electa, 1998) with 150 color plates, and Domus: Wall Paintings in the Roman House 210–40. 95 Compare chap. II below, nn. 28–35 for a description of this transition in the House of Augustus, where I assume (2003) the earlier theory and date now questioned by Leach. Just published on the House of Augustus: Irene Iacopi and Giovanna Tedone, “Biblioteca e Porticus ad Apollinis,” RM 112 (2005–2006) 351–78, which outlines three phases of the complex; plans of the complex (Tavole 1–3, 5–8) include the Casa di Augusto, Tempio di Apollo, Area Apollinis, Portico delle Danaidi, and Biblioteca.

26

Introduction

close of that century. This change moved from valorizing the entire second style wall to a focus on its central third style panel (143). As discussed above, relatively few second style decorations are found in Pompeii, but the third style is popular throughout the city, primarily, however, in small houses (145) 96 such as the Accademia di Musica,97 some rooms of the Casa del Frutteto, and the Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; CD 269–74).98 Besides the garden rooms mentioned earlier, the Casa del Frutteto99 has a black pinacotheca with four mythological landscapes (148–49): Diana and Actaeon (CD 120), the fall of Icarus (CD 121), Dirce, and the duel of Eteocles and Polynices.100 The fact must not be overlooked that Third Style mythological painting achieves a subtle integration of style and thematic complexity previously unknown in extant Roman ancient painting. Over and beyond their rened and often intricate ornamentation, its pinacothecae are distinguished by a novel form of subject painting commonly called continuous narrative. With an emphasis on plotline, this manner of treating myths employs recurrent images of one or more principal gures to adumbrate a sequence of actions . . ., gure groups such as Diana and Acteon. (149–50)

These visual representations focus on certain subjects: Acteon, Dirce, Perseus, Polyphemus, Daedalus. If we look for a source from which this treatment might derive, it is in all probability the theater, whose standard settings may even be explicitly suggested by such backgrounds as Andromeda’s cliff, Polyphemus cave or the cavern on Mt. Cithaeron. The complex four-stage presentation of the drama of Antiope and Dirce, appearing almost identically in the House of Julius Polybius101 (CD 126–127d) and in the Casa del Marinaio,102 demonstrably employs images belonging to the actual staging of the play. (151)

Prof. Leach has herself shown, however, that the popularity of several of these scenes derives not from the theater but from the amphitheater (see the quotation above from p. 132, mentioning Orpheus, Actaeon, and Dirce). I lived for years in Texas where the popularity of the Cowboys football team in Dallas dwarfs the Shakespeare festival in nearby Fort Worth. Pompeii does have two classical theaters, one of signicant size; its origins are in the second century BCE; it was enlarged in the early years of the Roman colony and refurbished in the Augustan period.103 It is dwarfed by the amphitheater, dating originally from the second quarter of the  rst century 96 Leach cites Richardson, Pompeii 221–27, 240. Compare chap. VII below, nn. 30–54 for mythological decoration in smaller Pompeian houses. 97 Accademia di Musica (VI 3,7; PPM IV 278–89). 98 Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 586–618). 99 PPM II 46–113, triclinium (11). 100 Compare nn. 123–41 below for M. de Vos’ interpretation of this room. 101 Casa di Polibio (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 252, 256–61); see Casa di M. Epidius Sabinus (IX 1,22.29; PPM VIII 1043). Color plate in Pittura romana 255. 102 Casa del Marinaio (VII 15,2; PPM VII 741). 103 Richardson, Pompeii 75–80, 82–83, 131–34, p. 80 for the dates. On the amphitheatre, Richardson 124–38, p. 134 for the date.

B. Styles of Roman domestic art

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Plate 12 (CD 125): Casa del Granduca (VII 4,56; PPM VII 53, 55), tablino (11), east wall, Dirce. Compare De Caro, National Museum of Naples (1996) 156, who describes this as third style (c. 30 CE), whereas the later, fourth style depiction in the Casa dei Vettii is “much more violent and Baroque.” Museum inventory 9042.

BCE. The passions aroused are seen in the domestic fresco of a riot in the amphitheater (CD 122),104 not unlike the aftermath of some contemporary American football or European soccer games. The strange popularity of a minor character like Actaeon must result from spectators who had seen him repeatedly torn apart by his own dogs in the amphitheater.105 That Dirce too was repeatedly dragged to death by 104 A ght between Nucerians and Pompeians occurred in the amphitheatre in 59 CE, an event painted in House I 3,23 (PPM I 80, #6a). See the color plate in Pittura romana 255. 105 Roger Ling, “The Decoration of Roman Triclinia,” in In Vino Veritas, ed. Oswyn Murray and Manuela Tecuan, (1995) 239–51, at 248 gives a table of the most popular subjects in dining rooms, noting that “only on three occasions (all, curiously involving pictures of Diana and Actaeon) do two of them recur together.” The interpretation above suggests a social context for this curi-

28

Introduction

a bull in the amphitheater (Plate 12 and CD 125; see CD 123–24, 126–30) is indicated by a chance reference in 1 Clement 6.2, which ancients surely understood, but modern commentators on the book have not.106 The theater and amphitheater are not mutually exclusive, of course; Romans combined them into “fatal charades.”107 Commenting on Rome burning in the time of Nero, Champlin explains that the re destroyed sections of Rome including temples, probably including that of Luna Noctiluca on the Palatine, Luna, Light of the Night, which is why Christian martyrs were burned, to light up the night again. By the same token, presenting the Christians as beasts to be torn by the dogs must have reminded spectators of Actaeon transformed into a stag and torn to pieces by hunting dogs. His sacrilegious crime had been to gaze upon the goddess Diana while she bathed. Diana was not only goddess of the hunt, she was also goddess of the moon, and it would be appropriate to propitiate her with the lives of the criminals who had supposedly attacked her temple.108 They [Christians] were covered with wild beasts’ skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night (Tacitus, Annals 15.44, trans. Jackson in Loeb).

C. Would Roman domestic art be seen outside Rome and Campania? Several other important questions are debated in the literature, e.g., how widespread was this domestic art in the Roman Empire? In this introduction, I am raising this question, not attempting to give a comprehensive answer. Hales has chapters on the Imperial palaces in Rome, Pompeian houses, houses of the Western provinces (Gaul, Britain, North Africa), and the East Greek oikos (Syria, Antioch, and Ephesus into the early Christian period). I quote a section of her introduction to the study of the East Greek oikos: By the time the planted peristyle appeared in Italy, it had more in common with the peristyles of Hellenistic palaces.109 In these palaces, overt competition and the desire to demonstrate power through excessive display and inversion of domestic, civic, and natural norms fostered similar responses to those that would later appear in imperial architecture. . . . Of course, the Italians were not the only people to appropriate Greek design. Often the only recognizable features of the houses across the empire are those Hellenistic elements that had spread around the Mediterranean in the second century B.C. . . . The peristyle, the portico, and decorative water feature are characteristics of houses across the empire. Decorational ous popularity. PPM X, 558, Index s.v. “Diana e Atteone,” lists thirteen different visual representations of Diana and Actaeon on Pompean walls, popular indeed. 106 See chap. IV below, passim, esp. nn. 82, 85. 107 K. M. Coleman, “Fatal Charades: Roman Executions Staged as Mythological Enactments,” JRS 80 (1990) 40–73. 108 Edward Champlin, Nero (Cambridge: Harvard University, 2003) 123. Contrast the geographical reason given by Peter Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus: Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003) 47. 109 Contrast Leach’s evaluation (cited n. 21 above).

D. How spiritual was Roman domestic art?

29

techniques such as mosaic and wall paintings also had their roots in the Greek repertoire. The use of Greek art and architecture brought some common ground to many elites.110

The mention of “Hellenistic palaces,” however, does not sufciently emphasize the Roman development: several houses in the middle-sized, relatively unimportant Roman town of Pompeii were larger and more luxurious than the palaces of earlier Greek kings, and myths that had been painted in Greek temples are now presented in Roman domestic settings. When the four women who wrote Pittura romana study the second style of the late Republic, they give examples from Sicily (85–88) as well as from Herod [the Great’s, 37–4 BCE] Judea,111 France, and Germany (115–27). Their study of the third style, from Augustus to Claudius, includes examples from below the Alps (180–91) and the provinces, Switzerland and Gaul (210–13). Their study of the fourth style, nally, from Nero to the Flavians, includes again Gallia Cisalpina and Gaul (259–74).112 I have argued that a fresco of Io in the House of Augustus’ wife, Livia, in Rome was inuential in Ephesus (see chap. V below).

D. How spiritual was Roman domestic art, and are domestic rituals of mystery cults symbolized in Pompeian domus/insulae? Two techniques in Roman domestic art give a sense of the beyond. First, in second style decoration imaginary windows in the wall, no longer just concrete, create an illusion of layers of space beyond the room, for example, in the antechamber of the bedroom of the Villa of Publius Fannius Synistor at Boscoreale, now in the Metropolitan Museum in New York, one sees through the concrete wall to an architectural landscape beyond: a sanctuary with a small altar beside its gate, a columned temple above and the sky beyond.113 Similarly in the Villa of the Mysteries, in bedroom (16), the upper wall opens, and through the opening one sees a tholos.114 In the

110

Hales, The Roman House 208. See Josephus, Life 65–66: “I told them [the council and principal men of Tiberius] that I and my associates had been commissioned by the Jerusalem assembly to press for the demolition of the palace erected by Herod [Antipas] the tetrarch [exiled by Gaius Caligula in 39 CE], which contained representations of animals–such a style of architecture being forbidden by our laws. . . . We were, however, anticipated in our task by Jesus, son of Sapphias, the ringleader, . . . of the party of the sailors and destitute class. Joined by some Galileans, he set the whole palace on  re . . .” (trans. Thackeray in Loeb) The date would indicate third style decoration – during the 30s in Galilee. 112 Compare Ling, Roman Painting, chap. 8: “The Pompeian Styles in the Provinces.” 113 Also discussed nn. 64–65 above. Mazzoleni and Pappalardo, Domus 80–81. 114 See n. 63 above. Mazzoleni, Pappalardo, and Romano, Domus: Wall Painting in the Rman House 104, 109. Compare the discussion of these two second style Pompeian frescoes by Anneliese Kossatz-Deissmann, “Representation of Cult Places,” ThesCRA IV 378, #28, a & b; Plates, p. 44. 111

30

Introduction

Villa of Poppea at Oplontis,115 the wall of oecus (15) opens and one sees temples and in the top center, a Delphic tripod (CD 73).116 Second, Mediterranean peoples wanted gardens inside their houses, and when also painted on walls, these took on further dimensions. In Mazzoleni’s words (26), painting that had contributed to the mass of walls was now inverted: “illusionary fantasy suddenly took wing toward the innite.”117 Following V. M. Strocka, she outlines (27–28) the Pompeian Casa del Labirinto.118 Standing at the front door of the house, in its fauces or entryway, we would see, directly in front of us, in a single glance and across ve planes in depth, a sequence of the daily living spaces that ran the entire length of the house. This view into a sequence of four spaces . . . stretches some fty meters (164 ft.) from the house’s threshold. . . .

She then describes these four planes, stretching through repeated colonnades to the rear wall, which is painted as yet another colonnade (CD 131 and 62–69). In this and other houses, the “proliferation of virtual space is so rich as to make it truly an ‘other’ world that substitutes for the real one . . . Dreams almost defeat reality”.119 In the Villa di Oplontis, The play of illusion and visual references reaches its apogee in the sequence of interior gardens on the south (68 and 61) and north (70 and 89) sides of the large reception room. They were constructed as rooms open to the sky, and they alternate in a system of careful symmetry. . . . The living plants in these gardens and the even more luxuriant ones painted on the walls participate in an optical game of continual alteration between what is real and what is illusion on a single axis that passes through the windows. The paintings of birds and animals, craters, and other pieces of ctive sculpture are carefully studied and they almost compete with the real ones one could admire beside the pool and in the niches of the triclinia themselves.120 (See CD 76–80)

Writing in relation to the houses in Boscoreale and Oplontis, Agnès Rouveret121 writes of a period of disquiet, of aspirations for Pythagorean revelation or Dionysic epiphany. Karl Schefold gives these phenomena a Christian interpretation.122 Looking at these layered spaces, where the difference between “reality” and idyllic imagination vanishes, gnostics or mystics would have been at home. The rst style alluded to the masonry walls of temples, now introduced into domestic rooms (see n. 47 above), and such “crossing over between the two worlds . . . acquires connotations 115 Pompejanische Wandmalerei (cited n. 4), color plates 148–62; Domus 126–64; Coarelli, ed., Pompeii 360–77. 116 See n. 70 above. Mazzoleni and Pappalardo, Domus 148–50. 117 Hales, Roman House 153–62: “the garden – the triumph of the liminal?” 118 Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 1–70). 119 Mazzoleni, Domus 28. 120 Umberto Pappalardo in Mazzoleni and Pappalardo, Domus 133. Compare Leach, Social History (p. 84, cited just below my n. 70 above). 121 Pittura romana 100. 122 Karl Schefold, Der religiöse Gehalt der antiken Kunst und die Offenbarung (Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 78; Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1998) 417–34.

D. How spiritual was Roman domestic art?

31

of liminality” (Leach 61). The second style followed by visually representing temples through tromp l’oeil, illusory windows in concrete domestic walls (see CD 58a, 71–73, 84–84a and nn. 61–66, 68 above), occasionally with a god visually represented in a tholos (CD 73; compare 84). When different persons view such layered, idyllic spaces, their perceptions and interpretations would also have been quite diverse, a diversity that for some would allude to religious experiences associated with temples and epiphanies outside domestic contexts. Others, as Leach has documented (section B above), would see simply allusions to porticoes and gardens. In our postcolonial age, the further question then arises about the relationship between such religious experience and political, imperial power (see chap. VII below). In particular, Mariette de Vos draws far-reaching conclusions in her study, e.g. of the Casa dei Cubicoli oreali o del Frutteto.123 “The crown/garland of the Triumph of Osiris124 gures among the attributes of Dionysus and signals the syncretism of the two divinities. The four frescoes in triclinium (11) represent several variations of the theme of ritual death by being torn to pieces” (CD 120–21).125 Further, “the theme that unites the four frescoes [in triclinium (11)], death by being torn apart for the sin of hybris, is symbolic of the ritual death of the initiates. Numerous instruments of initiation in the triclinium (not the ante-room) are reminders”: 16 tambourines, 6 masks, 30 containers, many for lustral water, 8 birds symbolizing the immortality of the soul.126 The most recent excavator of this house, Andrew WallaceHadrill of the British School,127 is skeptical or at least agnostic with respect to this interpretation. However, he does observe: in the case of the two garden rooms, by comparison with the Villa of Livia at Prima Porta, the Braciale d’Oro, and other examples, religious elements were not standard in these paradeisoi, and so are the more signicant when they do occur. . . . The serpent going up the tree of knowledge in the black garden room (CD 100) is very suggestive – not a standard Greco-Roman motif is it?128

123

I 9,5; PPM II 1–137. See the plates at PPM II 116–18, #143–44. 125 de Vos, PPM II 2. 126 de Vos, PPM II 46. Mazzoleni, Domus 31, likewise refers to “sacred objects of a mystery cult” in this room. 127 See Unpeeling Pompeii: Studies in Region I of Pompeii, ed. Joanne Berry (Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei; Milan: Electa, 1998) 49–68: “Region I, Insula 9, The British Project,” esp. 55–57, “House of the Fruit Orchard (I.9.5).” See also Mazzoleni and Pappalardo, Domus 298– 300, 305–07; compare Hellmut Sichtermann, “Zu den Malereien des Tricliniums der Casa del Frutteto in Pompeji,” in Forschungen und Funde: Festschrift Bernhard Neutsch, eds. Fritz Krinzinger, et al. (Innsbruck: Amoe, 1980) 457–61. 128 Wallace-Hadrill, email to me of 7 Jan 2007. For the House of Livia at Prima Porta see Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 189–91, 198–208. For the blue garden room (32) in the Casa del Bracciale d’oro (VI 17[Ins. Occ.],42;) see PPM VI 117–28 and Ciardiello in Aoyagi and Pappalardo, Pompei 162–86. Among the greenery in the blue garden room (8) in the Casa del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 15–35) one sees a Pharoah holding an ankh and seated on a throne (16, # 26); a Pharoah is also present in the frescoed garden of the Bracciale d’Oro (Ciardiello in Aoyagi and 124

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Introduction

Similarly, in the study of another house, M. de Vos129 observes that “peacocks and parrots are birds that, like swans, gure in the evergreen world of the Elysian Fields described by Ovid, Amor., 2.6.49–58.” Scholars in the eld of New Testament remember Goodenough overstating the meaning of symbols in Jewish art,130 so we are deservedly cautious. Certain birds are indeed attributes of the gods: the eagle of Zeus/Jupiter,131 the white dove of Aphrodite/Venus,132 and the falcon/phoenix of Osiris,133 but the last example occurs in a caupona (inn, tavern). Is it legitimate when de Vos here quotes Herodotus, Hist., II,73 that the phoenix is the symbol of life reborn in ames like the sun in its aurora? The grafto under the bird says simply, “the phoenix is happy; (hopefully) also you (Phoenix felix et tu)” The bird is indeed exotic: Pliny (NH 21,11) observes, “animals like the cat, the peacock, the tiger, the lion . . . live in China.”134 But Stroka can say simply that the peacock “is one of the typical motifs that express the expensive splendor of the fourth style”,135 It can appear on a balcony in a simple architectural scene136 or on a storefront.137 The peacock occurs among the attributes of Hera138 and appears naturally enough at the lip of a fountain.139 A parrot is ying in the center of a black wall of the third style.140 I conclude that a peacock or a parrot, unlike an eagle, would not have the same meaning to all observers; they do not always symbolize immortality. Whether a peacock or a parrot may contribute to that meaning in contexts thick with many accompanying symbols of Dionysus/Osirus or Isis141 remains an open, debatable question.

Pappalardo, Pompei 171, 176, 178). For the black garden room (12) with the snake climbing a tree without disturbing the birds, see PPM II 113–34. 129 PPM I 394, #60. 130 Arthur Darby Nock, “The Question of Jewish Mysteries: Review of Goodenough, Gnomon 13, 1937,” Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, ed. Zeph Stewart (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1972) I, 459–68. 131 PPM I 673, # 98, one of many examples. 132 PPM III 137, # 39, one of many examples. 133 PPM I 640, # 36, 38; Caupona di Euxinus (I 11, 10.11; PPM II 572). 134 Cited by de Vos, V 84. 135 PPM V 675. A beautiful second style example occurs in Oplontis, before a temple and beside a tripod, which visually gives this peacock a religious context (CD 70–71a). 136 PPM III 132. 137 PPM III 347. 138 PPM IX 285 & 974. 139 V. Sampaolo, PPM VII 273. 140 PPM III 352. 141 Frederick E. Brenk suggests to me that the peacocks, substitutes for a phoenix, in the Temple of Isis at Pompeii (PPM VIII 749, 778) do symbolize immortality. He thinks that the large bronze peacocks in the Vatican Museum near the Nile god come from the Isaeum Campense. See Brenk, “Osirian Reections. Second Thoughts on the Isaeum Campense at Rome,” now in the third volume of his collected essays, With Unperfumed Voice: Studies in Plutarch, in Greek Literature, Religion and Philosophy, and in the New Testament Background (Potsdamer Altertumswissenschaftliche Beiträge; Franz Steiner Verlag, 2007) 383–95.

D. How spiritual was Roman domestic art?

33

Irene Bragantini presents a carefully nuanced interpretation of such visual representations of Isis.142 She emphasizes careful chronology, the social rank of the patron, and the function of such images in the precise context of their origin. This enables viewers to distinguish images that refer to a domestic cult from those that refer to contemporary culture. She further distinguishes between images that occur in “representative” areas, which refer to the owners’ attachment to the Isis cult, and those that occur in “service” (slave) zones. The Casa degli Amorini dorati143 has two locations for the domestic cult; both are in the center of the house and datable to the last decade before Vesuvius’ eruption. In front of the grand cubicolo that gives its name to the house, there is an edicola in the form of a small temple with statues of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, the two lari and of Mercury, a “Roman” lararium. In the opposite corner of the peristyle, there is a cult to Egyptian divinities: the typical two snakes are in the lower zone, but above are instruments of the cult of Isis (a sistrum, two ciste, a patera and a situla). Also visually represented are Anubis, Isis (with a sistrum in her right hand, a situla in her left), and Osiris (also with a sistrum in his right hand and a cornucopia in his left), as well as a small Harpocrates (CD 132– 132b). In front of the divinities a priest ofciates at an altar. (159) But a visual representation in House IX 7,21–22 occurs in the service quarter, in a corridor leading to a latrine; also in this case there is a terracota altar under the image, which in this context has a cultic connotation. Approximately twenty sistri used in the cult have been found in Pompeian domus (160), several of which are presented in this exhibition catalogue (III 1–16). Jewelry and amulets, worn on the body, also directly attest seeking the protection of Egyptian divinities (catalogue III 70–104). But some visual representations do not clearly have a cultic function, for example, the image of a priest of Isis from a house in Herculaneum and another from Pompeii,144 especially since the excavators of the Herculaneum image did not identify the context. In both cases we may see a generic preference for an Egyptian world (161). In the Casa di Octavius Quartio (II 2,2) excavators found terracotta lamps with gures of Bes and Pharoah, as well as marble statues of an ibis and a snake, which may intensify the signicance of the image of the priest (161). But numerous images simply represent the Egyptian countryside, without cultic implications. Recontextualized in Italy, such images may simply be decorative, representing Egypt as a strange land of mystery and miracles. The images are not “descriptions of reality,” but a system of communication (162). Already in the mid-rst century BCE 142 Irene Bragantini, “Il culto di Iside e l’Egittomania antica in Campania,” in Egittomania. Iside e il mistero, ed. Stefano De Caro (Milan: Electa, 2006) 159–217, I thank Andrew WallaceHadrill for recommending this article to me. 143 Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7, peristyle [F]; PPM V 758–59, 764–68). Bragantini (159) compares a small temple in the garden of the Casa delle Amazzoni (VI 2,14, viridarium [9]; PPM IV 174, in color), which also served a domestic cult. (The visual representation includes a peacock.) 144 Bragantini 160 referring to House II 2,2 (PPM III 75–77; CD 232), Naples Museum inventory 8919 and 8924.

34

Introduction

mosaics such as those in the Casa del Fauno “allude” to the Nile and to Egypt (CD 52–57).145 Other examples are from the Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; CD 283), the Casa di Paquio Proculo (I 7,1), and the Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,24.22; CD 284– 87), all of which visually caricature pygmies within a luxurious atmosphere; the mosaics date c. 50–25 BCE and represent a Nilotic repertoire among gardens. These visual protagonists create “another world” with its alterity,146 one distant from the real world of conict and domination (163). Along with scenes of couples enjoying a banquet (CD 296, 298–299a), they are scenes of luxury and pleasure. After Octavian’s conquest of Egypt, iconography developed, as in the Casa di Augusto on the Palatine, and later, in the Villa di Boscotrecase.147 Two Pompeian examples are the Casa del Bracciale d’oro (VI 17,42) and the Casa dei Cubicoli Floreali (I 9,5). The latter has one room (32) decorated in the mid- rst century CE as a luxurious garden with herms, fountains, and reliefs, while the adjacent room (31) visually represents an Egyptian world, with statues of Pharoahs and sphinxs, so one room Roman, the other Egyptian. Similarly, the Casa del Frutteto (I 9,5) has two rooms (8; CD 101–02) and (12; CD 100) with the same elements, one blue the other black. The Casa del Bracciale d’oro and the Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; CD 170–72) both add water stairs that create grottos, as does contemporary Imperial architecture.148 But in immediate proximity to the water stair / triclinium in the Villa of Giulia Felice, there was an Isaic lararium, lost today, in which there were visual representations of Isis, Serapis, and Anubis with Fortuna, while Harpocrates was represented by a silver statue.149 The decoration in these three houses, all from the mid-rst century CE, are variations at diverse economic levels on the same formula, an aspect of luxurious living, to which political motivations were probably not foreign (165). In the mid-rst century CE the number of persons whose economic and social situation permitted them such luxurious domestic life grew, and they copied styles in current villas that in turn were copying earlier Hellenistic courts (165, citing Zanker).

145 Bragantini 162 refers to P. G. P. Mayboom, The Nile Mosaic of Palestrina. Early Evidence of Egyptian Religion in Italy (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 121; Leiden: Brill, 1995) and F. Zevi, “Die Casa del Fauno in Pompeji und das Alexandermosaik,” in RM 105 (1998) 21–65. 146 Bragantini 167 cites M. J. Versluys, Aegyptiaca Romana. Nilotic scenes and the Roman views of Egypt (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 144; Leiden: Brill, 2002) and R. A. Tybout, “Dwarfs in discourse: the functions of Nilotic scenes and other Roman Aegyptiaca,” in JRA 16 (2003) 505–15. 147 C. Alexander Ph H. von Blanckenhagen, “The paintings from Boscotrecase,” in RM Ergänzungsheft 6; Mainz, 1962, reprinted 1990). 148 Bragantini 164 cites P. Gros, L’architecture romaine. 2. Maisons, palais, villas et tombeaux. (Paris, 2001) 244–52, 351–60. 149 Bragantini 164 cites C. C. Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity. Karl Weber and the Excavation of Herculaneum, Pompeii, and Stabiae (Cambridge, 1995) 110.

E. How private or public were Roman houses?

35

E. How private or public were Roman houses? This is a critically important question for this book: would ordinary persons, and would Jews and Christians have seen this domestic art, or was it sequestered in “private” houses? A. Wallace-Hadrill150 originally made the point with a number of arguments that I do not repeat here: “A public gure went home not so much to shield himself from the public gaze as to present himself in the best light. . . . Except when closed as a symbol of mourning, the doors of noble houses stood open to all . . .” This article (1988), later included in the book (1994), had a profound impact on the study of Roman housing. Several scholars have tried to modify or argue with the point, one of whom is Shelley Hales in a cleverly worded chapter, “Finding a Way into the Pompeian House.” She rehearses some of the same data: from the street one can see along an axis through the fauces and the atrium into the tablinum, and in some of the “better” homes, peek through the tablinum to the peristyle beyond.151 “The house is laid bare and made public. Unfortunately, . . . the combination of atrium, tablinum, and so on, as seen from the front entrance, is precisely that–just a view. It is what Drerup described as Bildraum rather than Realraum.” The chapter argues that the architecture works against the viewer’s quest for access. The fauces is narrow and easily policed, and the decoration of the vestibule also mediates between reality and fantasy, e.g. mosaics in that space invite the viewer to stop.152 The author lists mosaics in these entrances,153 which I discuss below, adding some not mentioned there. I argue that there is a better, alternative interpretation of these mosaics and that there is signicant additional evidence, in short, that Wallace-Hadrill’s original point remains valid: Roman houses are open to (formally) uninvited visitors. The vestibule mosaic of the Casa di Paquius Proculus o di Cuspius Pansa154 visually represents a chained dog.155 The Caupona di Sotericus156 has another tall one sitting on his haunches, perhaps also chained to a tree.157 The Casa di L. Caecilius Iucundus e casa annessa158 visually represents another dog, this time smaller, without a chain, and lying down with the head lying on the chest.159 The dog in front of the Casa del Poeta tragico160 is smaller, ercer, chained, with teeth showing, poised, and ready to spring161; below the dog, “cave canem” is inscribed: beware of 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161

Wallace-Hadrill, Houses 5. Hales, Roman House 107. Hales, Roman House 108–09. Hales, Roman House 110–11. I 7,1; PPM I 483–552. PPM I 485; cited by Hales 110. I 12,3; PPM II 701–32. PPM III 710–11. V 1,26 and V 1,23; PPM III 574–620. PPM III 579. VI 8,3.5; PPM IV 527–603. PPM IV 529; cited by Hales 110.

36

Introduction

the dog! The Casa di M. Caesius Blandus162 has a different vestibule mosaic, one with two dolphins and a sea horse, Posidon’s trident, perhaps a paddle on which a bird (kingsher) sits and pecks, and further inside, a mosaic image of the city wall with battlements, towers, and closed city gates (CD 133–133b).163 The Casa di Sirico164 greets the visitor with “salve lucru” [Salve lucrum]: Welcome, Prot!165 The Casa dell’Orso ferito166 visually represents a wounded gray-brown bear, red blood owing from his side from which a lance protrudes167: the inscription above ironically reads, “Have” (Ave!): hail, be well!168 The Casa del Cinghiale169 presents the visitor with a erce boar, its head swiveled around to its right, tusk showing, to face anyone entering the fauces (CD 134–134a).170 Another entrance mosaic visually represents two dogs attacking a boar, again with tusk showing (CD 135–135b).171 This house is located only half a block (eight doors) from the main forum and across the main street (Via del Abbondanza) from Eumachia (VII 9,1), an extraordinary social/political/business location; it is difcult to imagine that its Roman owner wanted to seal it off from active social-economic-political interaction. A nal example is an entrance mosaic of wrestlers, visual imagery that must invite those on the street into the gym inside to participate (CD 136–136c).172 Hales omits both boars, the rst one a striking mosaic, one of three colorful entrance mosaics created by the same workshop.173 She omits another that suggests a different meaning for them all, the famous Priapus with his oversized phallus painted on the wall of the fauces174 at the Casa dei Vettii (CD 137–39),175 to which many modern visitors respond with uncertain giggles. There is a similar Priapus,176 not so well known, at the Complesso di Riti magici.177 Clarke178 observes persuasively: “at the all-important passageway into the house,179 Priapus’ phallus wards away the evil eye. He has much 162

VII 1,40; PPM VI 380–458. PPM VI 381–83; cited by Hales 110, 111. 164 VII 1,25.47; PPM VI 228–353. 165 PPM VI 231; cited by Hales 110. 166 VII 2,44–46; PPM VI 742–85. Hales (Roman House 110) locates this house at VII 2,5 and names it the House of the Bear, instead of the Wounded Bear; she also omits the inscribed greeting, “Have!” 167 PPM VI 746, in color; cited by Hales 110. 168 The same inscription occurs at the entrance to a triclinium in a tavern (I 49), where it clearly means “Welcome!” 169 VIII 2,26–27; PPM VIII 191–225. 170 PPM VIII 193–96. 171 Casa del Cinghiale I (VIII 3,8–9; PPM VIII 364). 172 VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 166–90. 173 Sampaolo, PPM VIII 197, #6, who cites M. E. Blake, The Pavements of the Roman Buildings of the Republic and Early Empire (Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 8; 1930). 174 PPM VI 471. 175 VI 15,1; PPM V 468–572; Priapus at 471. 176 PPM III 21. 177 II 1,12; PPM III 21–41. 178 Clarke, Lovemaking 174–77, 193. Now see Clarke Laughter 52–57. 179 Arnold de Vos, PPM III 469 comments on a hermaphrodite visually represented at the en163

E. How private or public were Roman houses?

37

the same apotropaic function as the ithyphallic Ethiopian” [mosaic] at the entrance to the domestic bath complex in the Casa del Menandro (CD 141).180 Similarly, an emblema of a lion181 occurs on the pavement at the entrance to the second peristyle in the Casa del Fauno.182 The lion between the rst and second peristyles in the Casa del Fauno does not prohibit those already inside the house from entering the second garden, no more than closed city gates visually represented in the mosaic at the entrance to the Casa di M. Caesius Blandus realistically represents a city that divides those outside from those inside the city – or the house. The dogs, the bear, the lion, the hogs, and the phalli are warnings to thieves and others, warding off the evil eye in a dangerous transition zone. These entrance mosaics and frescoes are sometimes beautiful, always powerful, but Hales has misunderstood their function, resulting in nearly absolute distinctions between those outside and others inside Roman houses. Hales’ sharp distinction between outsiders and insiders also ignores entrances other than the fauces. Many of the houses Hales cites have shops on the street along side the fauces that have their own back doors into the house and/or back doors on the far side of the house, either of which would strongly qualify the outsider/insider dichotomy. The rst house mentioned above, the Casa di Paquius Proculus, has a back door at the other end of the house, in fact, a shop at door number 20, which has both an opening to the street and a back door from the shop directly into the peristyle.183 The second (tall) guard dog I mention184 actually sits in a caupona, an inn, with a thermopolium that has ve large wine jars inside the atrium (2); the owner would not want the guard dog to keep customers in the street! The Casa di L. Caecilius Iucundus has several shops on the street; the one at entrance number 24 has a back door leading indirectly into the atrium. And on the far side of the house, there is a back door into the house from a different street at entrance number 10.185 The Casa del Poeta tragico, the one visually representing the smaller dog ready to pounce, has shops on the street and a door at the far end of the house (number 3) that leads directly into the peristyle.186 I will give only one more example, because these are typical. The house with the mosaic of closed city gates also has a shop on the street, actually on a street corner with wide doors into the shop from both streets meeting 181

trance to a room: “the gure, naturally ambiguous, seems chosen appropriately to ornament the zone of passage from outside to inside.” 180 Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 381). Clarke, Lovemaking 174, and for the Ethiopian 125. Also John R. Clarke, Roman Sex 100 BC-AD 250 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 2003) 104–06 and PPM II 381–82. 181 Compare the triclinium pavement of a similar, magnicent lion with signicant teeth, but this one drawing blood from a panther (PPM VIII 280, in color). 182 PPM V 134. 183 PPM I 483. 184 PPM II 710–11. 185 PPM III 574. 186 PPM IV 527.

38

Introduction

at a right angle, and a further wide door from the back of the shop directly into the atrium of the house.187 At the far end of the same house, there is a back door (#43) directly into the atrium. Outsiders divided from insiders by a fauces mosaic of dolphins and closed city gates? These fauces mosaics do not signicantly qualify Wallace-Hadrill’s observation that Roman houses were open. Given multiple entrances, the houses are too “leaky” to support Hales’ hypothesis of a radical differentiation between outsiders and insiders, a conclusion already suggested by the quotation of Vitruvius, On Architecture 6.5.1–2 at the beginning of this Introduction. The owners anxiously provided aesthetic, apotropaic images to fend off the evil eye and to warn malevolent intruders (Clarke), but the architecture simultaneously welcomed (formally) uninvited guests into their caupona or domestic atria and peristyle.

F. The seven chapters in this book Chapter I: in 2003 the Society of Biblical Literature Group studying “Families” asked a classicist, Michele George, and me to clarify the archaeology of housing in Italy and Asia Minor; as a New Testament scholar, I responded to Prof. George. Earlier I had focused on Pompeian domus as explicated by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, but in this paper, I expanded my interests to include comments on the three-story insula built in Herculaneum during Augustus’ reign. In a more recent article, Wallace-Hadrill had suggested focusing on city “neighborhoods,” a suggestion I took up by investigating housing near the apartment building in Herculaneum, noting that there was no zoning in these Roman towns, but that rich and poor houses were crowded together near this large insula. Further, when they are built on busy streets, both domus and insulae incorporate shops along that street to generate income. Contrary to expectations in philosophical literature and in legal texts, women owned important houses and businesses in Pompeii, and Isis was inuential. I also document several visual indications that the decoration in such buildings expresses their owners’ religious anxieties. Chapters II–III: in 2000 the Lily Endowment (through the good ofces of Prof. Don Browning) had enabled Prof. Carolyn Osiek and me to hold a conference on Christian families at which ancient historians and classicists along with scholars of both early Judaism and Christianity gave papers. Carolyn and I had co-authored an earlier book, and we developed an interest in bringing together the fascinating authors whom we had cited in the footnotes so that they might talk to each other. After co-authoring the rst book, I began to research not only the social implications of Pompeian housing that we had discussed in the book, but also the aesthetic expressions of Roman domestic culture, the frescoes on walls and mosaics on oors. I gave a paper at that conference before some of the world’s greatest Roman historians and 187

PPM VI 380.

F. The seven chapters in this book

39

archaeologists, which I confess made me nervous. Later when editing the book, my co-editor informed me that I had to cut my paper, since it was twice as long as any of the others, the origin of the splitting of the twin chapters II and III below. Chapter II investigates “Egyptomania” in Roman domestic culture, the craze for Egyptian decoration. When early Greeks heard the Egyptian story of Isis, they found it similar to their own story of Io, and in the Temple of Isis in Roman Pompeii, the Greek Io is visually represented in the center of both the north and south walls of the banquet room. Variations of this female symbol are visually represented not only in the Temple of Isis, but also in the market place (macellum) and in several houses in Pompeii, as well as in the house of Livia, wife of the Emperor Augustus, in Rome. I raise the question of the relationship between Io/Isis’ suffering in the Greek/Egyptian myths and the early Christian emphasis on Jesus’ suffering and death on a cross. Chapter III introduces other visual symbols of suffering in Pompeian and Roman aesthetic culture, after citing several of Lucian’s comments on ekphrasis, the interpretation of visual representations in domestic settings. Euripides wrote his tragedy of Iphigenia at Aulis in 405 BCE, and Sam Williams had noted close parallels between the language of that tragedy and the Pauline Eucharistic words: both Iphigenia and Christ “gave” their “bodies” “for” others, but four and a half centuries between Euripides and Paul is a signicant gap – until one sees Iphigenia repeatedly visually represented in Pompeian frescoes; then the centuries disappear. That culture was not only textual, but also visual. Another work of art from that period, the marble statue of the Laocoon, the classic exemplum doloris, was rediscovered in the 1500’s in the presence of Michelangelo himself. The statue, visualizing a story told by Vergil, may now be seen in the Vatican Museum, but several art historians think that in the rst century CE, this very statue stood in Nero’s Golden House. The story was not only sculpted, but also painted on the walls of houses in Pompeii. Third, statues of dying Gauls, the Galatians to whom Paul wrote, were sculpted in Asia Minor, in Pergamon, a city that had defeated them in the second century BCE. These baroque statues were so striking that Julius Caesar imitated them in his gardens, and later, Nero stole them for his Golden House. Titus placed these statues of dying Gauls in his “Temple of Peace” to celebrate his victory over barbarians, the Jews. Finally, I discuss a grafto found on the Palatine Hill that caricatures a man on a cross who has the head of an ass. Chapter IV: a young doctoral student in Heidelberg, Annette Weissenrieder, heard of these interests and asked me to write a chapter in the book she was editing. That summer (2004) I was touring archaeological sites in Italy and Tunisia, a tour organized by another young doctoral student at the University of Chicago, Laurie Brink. Both when traveling and later doing research in the British School in Rome, I was able to study both Nero’s Golden House – an interest raised by earlier study – and its relationship to visual representations in two dining rooms in the House of the Vettii in Pompeii – one of which the art historian H. G. Beyen had called a “chamber of horrors.” This chapter examines six myths and their relationships as they are

40

Introduction

Plate 13 (CD 140): Bardo Museum, Tunis, Tunisia. Floor mosaic (now hanging on a wall) of Selene, moon goddess, approaching Endymion from viewer’s right; he sleeps with his right hand over his head, while his dog below turns its head to see Selene.

visually represented in the two triclina, three in each dining room, and investigates their relationship to the textual traditions of those same myths. One of the six myths concerns Dirce being dragged to death by a bull, a story that I was shocked to nd mentioned explicitly in 1 Clement 6.2: “[Christian] women were persecuted as Danaids and Dircae and suffered terrifying and profane torments . . .” Chapter V: John Fotopoulos then requested an essay for the Festschrift in honor of David Aune, and I developed these connections while on sabbatical in Rome (spring, 2005). My intuition was that the story of the pregnant Io visually represented in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii, as well as in the House of the Empress Livia in Rome (chap. II above), were related to the pregnant woman threatened by a dragon in Revelation 12. Studying at the Pontical Biblical Institute in Rome, I was surprised both to nd two new texts narrating the Egyptian myth of Isis giving birth to Horus, and then to see the close relationship of that Egyptian myth to the Greek myth of Leto giving birth on the island of Delos to Apollo and Artemis, that is, the Artemis = Diana whose great temple was built in Ephesus, where one of the churches to whom John wrote Revelation was worshipping in houses. I argue that the author of Revelation is subverting the other myths, Egyptian and Greek divine mothers giving birth to divine children, myths that had been co-opted by the Imperial cult. I argue further that still another myth visually represented on Pompeian walls has some analogy to the cosmic disturbances that spiral through the Apocalypse.

F. The seven chapters in this book

41

Chapter VI: traveling with the group organized by Laurie Brink, one experience happened repeatedly. Laurie had persuaded me to write on early Christian burials, even through the evidence is third century CE, not my eld, when she agreed that I might investigate relationships between those early Christian visual representations and their antecedents in rst century CE Pompeian domestic art. Prior to Constantine, the most popular Christian visual representation is the three-stage story of Jonah, and I had discovered that some art historians relate the early Christian image of Jonah to the earlier gure of Endymion, of whom I had never heard, but who is represented seventeen times on Pompeian walls. In many of the places to which Laurie led our group, we discovered the obscure gure of Endymion; it kept happening: in a Roman tomb at Isola Sacra, the port of Rome, in the museum in El Jem, Tunisia, ancient Roman Thysdrus, then in the Bardo, the great art museum in Tunis (Plate 13 and CD 140). And we repeatedly saw the similar image of Jonah: on sarcophagi in the Vatican Museum as well as in early Christian catacombs. A few of us traveled later to see one of the earliest Christian churches remaining, the basilica in Aquileia (northeast Italy), and to my shock, there was Jonah/Endymion, visually represented nude in a mosaic oor right under the altar. Later still, I was visiting the Getty Museum in Malibu, California, and one of the only sarcophagi displayed has a striking Endymion (CD 141), yet again!188 This chapter investigates a very popular gure and asks what such a common image might have meant to the Romans and Christians who had him visually represented both in houses of the living and in tombs/sarcophagi/catacombs for the dead. Chapter VII: while doing the research for chap. IV, I saw a surprising relationship between tragic images of suffering and Roman dining rooms; then the chairpersons of the SBL seminar on Meals, Dennis Smith and Matthias Klinghardt, requested a paper on the subject (November, 2006). I decided to survey all the rooms that the authors in PPM name triclinia, 334 of them, although only 194 still have some of their frescoes and/or mosaics. The chapter traces the visualization in Pompeian triclinia of Roman imperial ideology, of the divine will for human obedience, of the Isis cult, of Roman fascination with classic Greek theater, then more briey, of portraits, of plebeian art in taverns, and of the visual representation in triclinia of banquet scenes, which are among the themes that would have been discussed by friends during the symposia/convivia that were enjoyed in those domestic spaces. To me, at least, it seems that a splendid hall (oPko :, house, decorated room) excites the speaker’s fantasy and stirs it to speech, as if he were somehow prompted by what he sees. . . . Then are we to believe that the passion for speech is not enhanced by beautiful surroundings? . . . Certainly, then, the beauty of this hall has the power to rouse a man to speech. . . . Next to this picture is portrayed another righteous deed, for which the painter derived his model, I suppose from Euripides or Sophocles, inasmuch as they portrayed the subject in the same way. (Lucian, De Domo [PerH toc oLkou] 4, 13 23, trans. Harmon in Loeb)

188

Compare CD 140–41, 223–225a, 245, 279.

Chapter I

Rich Pompeian Houses (domus), Shops for Rent, and the Large, Multi-Story Building (insula) in Herculaneum as Typical Spaces for Pauline House Churches

Introduction Contemporary readers of Paul’s epistles raise many questions about the social setting of worship in Roman houses, questions such as where did Pauline house churches meet and in what sort of domestic spaces, in houses, in shops, or in so-called apartment buildings (insulae)? How many attended the assembly, and what was the social level of those in early Pauline house churches? Was there a relationship between members’ professions and the spaces in which they worshipped? Would the new converts not have been in conict with the religion of the household? What activities and inuence were women and slaves able to exercise? Were Roman households open to foreign deities such as Isis, Yahweh or Jesus? How rational and/or spiritual was Roman domestic culture? The archaeology of Roman domus and insulae will not answer all these questions, but the domestic structures of Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Rome do provide some clues about the answers.1 Archaeology may undermine or support interpretations of our texts (for example, see Peter Richardson, Building Jewish). Prof. George has written illuminatingly on The Roman Domestic Architecture of Northern Italy,2 which she followed with a discussion on “Repopulating the Roman House”.3 In those works she adds signicantly to our knowledge by expanding research on Roman houses beyond Campania (the region in Italy destroyed by Vesuvius’ eruption in 79 CE), and in her paper she added some houses in Ephesus. In her earlier works as well as in her paper, Prof. George focused exclusively on the urban 1 In the context of such questions, Prof. Michele George presented a paper at the 2003 meeting of the Families Group (SBL) in Atlanta. Originally, my article was stimulated by hers, but rather than being simply a response, it consists of reections generated by her observations and theses. The editor of JNTS requested that I also comment on the Martin-Theissen-Meggitt debate published earlier in JSNT (see below). 2 Michele George, The Roman Domestic Architecture of Northern Italy (BAR International Series 670; Oxford: Oxford University, 1997). 3 Michele George, “Repopulating the Roman House,” 299–319 in Beryl Rawson and Paul Weaver, eds., The Roman Family in Italy: Status, Sentiment, Space (Oxford: Clarendon; Canberra: Humanities Research Centre, 1997).

Introduction

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town house, not on what she calls the multi-family insula or the villa. Ten years ago when doing research for the book that I co-authored with Carolyn Osiek, I found the work of Andrew Wallace-Hadrill and was so excited that I too focused on domus [Roman houses]4 and exaggerated their importance for understanding Pauline house churches. I (not my co-author) incorrectly claimed: “the atrium house is surely not the exclusive but is the primary setting for Pauline ekklesiai [house churches], which did not meet primarily in apartment buildings” (Osiek and Balch 16–17). Three arguments I made then, however, remain valid: Murphy-O’Connor had argued that house churches were necessarily small (a maximum of 30–40 persons) and private. Pompeian domus demonstrate that both these conclusions are mistaken,5 although Gerd Theissen still appeals to him and assumes a maximum of forty for Christian assemblies.6 We cannot visit the houses, e.g. of Mary (Acts 12:12), Gaius (Rom 16:23; 1 Cor 1:14), Crispus or Stephanus (1 Cor 1:14, 16), or of Prisca and Aquila (1 Cor 16:19; Rom 16:5), but theoretically, some might have been smaller, some larger – with space for signicantly more than forty worshippers. Second, one of Wallace-Hadrill’s most important points concerns the open doors of Roman houses, doors open for uninvited visitors (see the Introduction above, sections A and E). Romans’ differentiation of public from domestic space was very different from modern, Western values (see Osiek and Balch 1997, 25–25, citing Wallace-Hadrill 1994, 45, 47), as Prof. George’s paper also demonstrated. In the modern West, we divide our “private” living spaces from “public” work areas, but Romans did not. Houses along busy streets incorporated shops that invited customers into the domus; the lack of privacy would make modern, Western persons paranoid. Paul asks, for example, “If, therefore, the whole church comes together and all speak in tongues, and outsiders or unbelievers enter, will they not say that you are out of your mind?” (1 Cor 14:23 NRSV) Wallace-Hadrill’s and Eleanor Winsor Leach’s observations (see the Introduction above, sections A and E) mean that outsiders walked into the assembly through the open front door! Third, Pompeian domus and insulae help frame questions about how and where early Christians celebrated the eucharist (Osiek and Balch, ch. 8),7 although we need more studies on meals in insulae [multistory, so-called apartment buildings; see CD 28].8 4 Carolyn Osiek and David Balch, Families in the New Testament World: Households and House Churches (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1997), citing Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum (Princeton: Princeton University, 1994). 5 Jerome Murphy O’Connor, St. Paul’s Corinth: Texts and Archaeology (Wilmington: Michael Glazier, 1983; 3rd ed. 2002) 182. Contrast Osiek and Balch, Families 201–02. 6 Gerd Theissen, “The Social Structure of Pauline Communities: Some Critical Remarks on J. J. Meggitt, Paul, Poverty, and Survival,” JSNT 84 (2001) 65–84 at 83. Contrast David L. Balch, “Paul, Families, and Households,” 258–92 in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook, ed. J. Paul Sampley (Harrisburg: Trinity Press International, 2003) 259–60. 7 Larger domus had numerous rooms that could serve as dining rooms; see Jens-Arne Dickmann, Domus frequentata: Anspruchsvolles Wohnen im pompejanishcen Stadtdhaus (Studien zur antiken Stadt 4/1–2; Munich: Dr. Friedrich Pfeill, 1999), who cites the striking passage in Plutarch, Lucullus 41.

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Wallace-Hadrill has recently suggested focusing on city “neighborhoods” (vici). He gives an example of a rich house with mosaic oors in Rome, one like domus in Pompeii, but “the modern conviction that a rich domus was fundamentally different from an insula with its rental apartments evaporates on consideration of the rest of the block”.9 The domus abuts a bath block, so that the magnicent hall (E12) leads to a frigidarium (E17 [cold bath]), two tepidaria (E26, 27 [warm baths]), and a caldarium (E28 [hot bath]), with changing rooms (E32, 33), and a latrine (E34). “What is obvious is that this is not a private bath suite for the use of the household, but a public facility.” Further, “we need to look too at the double row of shops, split into two units, C and D, by a little lane, that form fourteen or so distinct units of operation (but surely not of ownership).” “This dense block of shops and ats must have been a valuable source of rental income; that they were originally constructed in association with the domus is implied by the common drainage system.” Further, he restates that he is “unhappy with the conventional wisdom that the rich and poor lived apart in imperial Rome, the rich in large airy houses on the hills, the poor crowded in unsanitary apartment blocks in the valleys” (Wallace-Hadrill 2003, quotations from 11–14). 8

A. Wealthy Pompeian domus Prof. George focuses on rich domus in Pompeii, the sort of Roman house on which I focused earlier. For example, the Casa di Obellius Firmus (IX 14,4 [which refers to Region IX, Insula 14, door number 4]) is one of the grandest in Pompeii, whose last owner was M. Obellius Firmus, duovir [one of two city magistrates elected annually] between 62 and 79 CE. Benches for his clients are found in room (2).10 The Casa delle Nozze d’argento (V 2,i) has monumental proportions.11 The Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38) is one of the most signicant Pompeian houses.12 The Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; CD 22, 124, 137) is the most famous one in Pompeii in modern times; its ancient proprietors included the freedman A. Vettius Conviva, an Augus8 For cooking on a brazier in the medianum (hall-like room or space in the middle of Roman apartment buildings shaped like a “U”) of second-century CE insulae, see Gustav Hermansen, Ostia: Aspects of Roman City Life (Edmonton: University of Alberta, 1981) 21–22, 26, 31, 43–49. Further, Mattias Klinghardt, Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft: Sociologie und Liturgie frühchristlicher Mahlferern (Texte und Arbeiten zum neutestamentlichen Zeitalter 13; Tübingen: Francke, 1996) and Dennis E. Smith, The Banquet in the Early Christian World (Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 2003). 9 Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, “Domus and Insulae in Rome: Families and Housefuls,” 3–18 in Early Christian Families in Context: An Interdisciplinary Dialogue, ed. David L. Balch and Carolyn Osiek (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003) 12 with his gure 1: Antiche Stanza, E 1–11. 10 Valeria Sampaolo, “Casa di Obellius Firmus (IX 14,4),” PPM X (2003) 361–500, at 361. 11 Franca Parise Badoni, “Casa delle Nozze d’argento (V 2,i),” PPM III (1991) 676–772, at 676. 12 Florien Seiler, “Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38),” PPM V (1994) 714–846, at 714.

A. Wealthy Pompeian domus

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Plate 1 (CD 1): The grand doorway at the front of the Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 86), Pompeii, and to the left, shop #1 facing the street, also with a back door into the atrium (27); to the right shop #2.

Plate 2 (CD 24): Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 97, 117, 127), photo from inside the ofce (tablinum 33) across one garden/peristyle (36/54), through exedra (37) between the two gardens, then through the second, larger garden/peristyle (39/40) to the back of the house (49).

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talis, whose duties included nancial contributions for public works.13 The Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; see Plates 1–2 and CD 1, 24; also CD 48–57) is located on one of the two grand axes of the city, and with other residences in that northeast quarter of Pompeii, is comparable to palaces of the Hellenistic kings in Pella.14 It has two atria (public reception rooms near the street), a novelty when built that served as a model for houses of the second century BCE.15 It has a second peristyle and four shops along the front (Hoffmann and De Vos 80–82). The owners of the Casa di L. Caecilius Iucundus annexed the Casa del Toro (V 1,23), which is situated along the two decumani [main east-west streets] (Via della Fortuna and Via dell’Abbondanza).16 The Casa di L. Caecilius Jucundus (V 1,26) itself is also situated along a cardo, Via Stabiana, the main north/south passage, and it is near the forum (A. De Vos 575). The Casa di Polibio (IX 13 1–3; CD 126–127d) is another grand house of the Republican era like the Casa del Fauno.17 It belonged to the freedman Caius Iulius Polybius, candidate in the last decade of the city for duovir (Bragantini 2003, 184). Among the domus chosen for study by Prof. George, only the Casa dell’ Ara massima (VI 16,15.16) is a house of modest dimensions18 (CD 242–49). What do we learn by focusing on the wealthiest houses in town? We learn that the conclusions in many books that early Pauline house churches were necessarily small and private are mistaken. One author describes the atrium in these domus as a “privates forum,” a domestic town square (Dickmann 114)! Some or many Christian assemblies may indeed have been small in number, but that conclusion does not follow from the archaeological investigation of the size of houses in Pompeii. Pompeian archaeology also raises questions about Justin Meggitt’s argument that the economic elite of 1 % lived lives totally different from the other 99 %.19 First, an observation about the town that Vesuvius’ volcanic eruption both destroyed and preserved: “Pompeii was by no means an important urban center; it was only one of many medium-sized country towns in Italy”.20 About this unimportant, mediumsized country town, Zanker, emeritus Director of the German Archaeological Institute in Rome, asserts:

13 14

Valeria Sampaolo, “Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1),” PPM V (1994) 468–572, at 469. Adolf Hoffmann and Mariette De Vos, “Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2),” PPM V (1994) 80–141, at

80. 15 For the development and function of specic rooms in domus see Dickmann, who interprets the House of the Faun as a key early architectural inuence. 16 Arnold De Vos, “Casa di L. Caecilius Iucundus (V 1,26) e casa anessa (V 1,23),” PPM III (1991) 574–620. 17 Irene Bragantini, “Casa di Polibio (IX 13,1–3),” PPM X (2003) 183–356, at 183. 18 Klaus Stemmer, “Casa dell’Ara maxima (VI 16,15.17),” PPM V (1994) 847–86, at 847. 19 Justin J. Meggitt, Paul, Poverty, and Survival (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1998) 50. 20 Paul Zanker, Pompeii: Public and Private Life (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1998) 20.

B. The large Insula (so-called apartment house) in Herculaneum

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Naturally, the preceding remarks [in Zanker’s book on Pompeii] apply only to the houses of the wealthy and socially prominent. They were the only ones who needed large atria to receive clients and large dining rooms for entertaining friends (Vitruvius VI.5). But in a competitive society with relatively extensive upward mobility, the powerful create models for the less wealthy and powerful contemporaries through their habits and the style in which they live, at least when they place themselves on display as ostentatiously as Roman aristocrats did (Zanker 13; see 193).

One of Zanker’s primary theses is that “various elements of the new domestic architecture and decor [of the larger, luxury villas] were imitated particularly in [hundreds of] medium-sized and smaller residences in Pompeii. . . .” (Zanker 20, followed by Dickmann, chap. 5). Meggitt’s book might lead one to expect a few wealthy villas owned and inhabited exclusively by the 1% to be surrounded by slums for the 99%, like contemporary, zoned, Western, industrial cities. There are indeed palatial homes in Pompeii like the House of the Faun, but they were crowded “housefuls” in Wallace-Hadrill’s terminology,21 a description supported by Cicero’s observations: The truth is, a man’s dignity may be enhanced by the house he lives in, but not wholly secured by it; the owner should bring honour to his house, not the house to its owner. . . . In the home of a distinguished man, in which numerous guests must be entertained and crowds of every sort of people received, care must be taken to have it spacious. But if it is not frequented by visitors, if it has an air of lonesomeness, a spacious palace often becomes a discredit to its owner. This is sure to be the case if at some other time, when it had a different owner, it used to be thronged. For it is unpleasant, when passers-by remark: “O good old house, alas! How different The owner who now owneth thee!” For how many people imitate zealously the foibles of the great. . . . For example, who copies the virtues of Lucius Lucullus, excellent man that he was? But how many there are who have copied the magnicence of his villas! (Cicero, De Ofciis I.39, trans. Miller in Loeb, cited by Dickmann 88)

Owners and slaves, rich and poor lived in these mansions,22 and there are also hundreds of smaller ones (see Wallace-Hadrill 1994, chap. 4). These hundreds of smaller shops and houses had owners, who paid to have some of their thousands of walls professionally painted.23 21 Wallace-Hadrill 1994, 92: “a houseful rather than a household, that is, a group unconnected in family terms except by co-residence: the symbol of its unity is the place of common food preparation, the fuoco. . . .” Also 185–86, Wallace-Hadrill’s summary of the articles collected in his book: “Massive social contrasts are apparent, in the gulf between the most magnicent mansions and the humblest tabernae or cenacula. Yet the gulf is constantly bridged, by contiguity and mutual dependence. We have seen not so much a gulf between ‘rich families’ and ‘poor families’,” but the promiscuity of the big household, in which rich and poor, and indeed male and female, young and old, inhabit the same spaces, separated by social ritual rather than physical environment.” 22 Wallace-Hadrill 1994, 103: “the pursuit of ‘lower-class’ and ‘middle-class’ housing is misleading, for the poor of Pompeii, as slaves and dependents, were surely to be found in the big houses too, and probably in greater numbers.” 23 There are more than ten thousand pages of house plans, wall paintings, and mosaics in PPM, 10 vols.

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Plate 3 (CD 146): Insula Orientalis II.8, Herculaneum, Pistrinum e bottega di sex patulcius felix, a photo that shows mill grindstones, which were worked by donkeys; I took the photo from the shop entrance on cardo V.

The later, second- and third-century CE insulae in Ostia are different, but how different? Wallace-Hadrill compares these insulae with the modern city of Naples that does not have exclusively popular quarters: The ghettos of the sub-proletariat, typical of the heavily industrialized cities, like Turin or Chicago, have never existed in our city. In Naples, the working class lived in the basements, the nobles on the so-called “primo piano nobile” and the bourgeoisie on the upper oors. This social stratication of a vertical type has obviously favored cultural exchanges between the classes, avoiding one of the worst evils of class, that is the ever greater cultural divergence between the poor and the rich. (Wallace-Hadrill 1994, 141–42, quoting De Crescenzo)

Ninety-nine percent of the people of Pompeii were not poor by Meggitt’s de nition, “those living at or near subsistence level, whose prime concern it is to obtain the

B. The large Insula (so-called apartment house) in Herculaneum

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Plate 4 (CD 147): Insula Orientalis II.6, Herculaneum, a tavern serving hot food and drinks (thermopolium) facing the street (cardo V).

minimum food, shelter, and clothing necessary to sustain life, whose lives are dominated by the struggle for physical survival” (Meggitt 1998, 5). Many poor and slaves and clients lived in these big houses with their small percentage (1%?) of owners.

B. The large Insula (so-called apartment house) in Herculaneum (Insula Orientalis II.4–18; see Plates 3–4 and CD 146–47; also 142–48; compare CD 28–29 and 81–83a) In order to understand early Pauline house churches, should we not be investigating small shops rather than big houses? Here we must keep in mind the cautions quoted above by Wallace-Hadrill, Zanker, and Dickmann: in Roman society many of those who lived in medium-sized and smaller houses aped the values of the rich. On the other hand, there was, for example, an alternative, popular art as elucidated by John Clarke24 that will be crucial for further investigation. Prof. George discusses such a 24 John R. Clarke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans: Visual Representations and Non-Elite Viewers in Italy, 100 B. C.-A. D. 315 (Berkeley: University of California, 2003) has wonderful chapters on “everyman, everywoman, and the gods” (73–94) and on “minding your manners: banquets, behavior, and class” (223–245). For life in the tavern, involving dice playing, eating and drinking, and sex, see his chap. 6 on the visual representations in the Caupona of Salvius (VII 14,36) in Pompeii, as well as Irene Bragantini, “Caupona di Salvius” (PPM V 366–71); both have color reproduc-

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visual representation of an entire household worshipping in the Casa di Sutoria Primigenia (I 13,2; PPM II 876–80; see Clarke 2003, 75–78, gs. 39–40). We need good descriptions of insulae and their shops contemporary with Paul; those of Ostia are second century CE or later. One such is the very large building that is Herculaneum’s Insula Orientalis II (= Ins. Or. II).25 It was enormous, 118 x 80 meters = 360 x 260 ft. (Maiuri 113 with gs. 91, 106, 109, 111), a unied edice (116, 449) built in the early rst century CE (117). The insulae in Ostia have internal courtyards, but the Herculaneum edice has instead an internal, palaestra (Maiuri 449).26 The ground oor has ten shops facing a main street (CD 144–48) that modern writers name “cardo V,” which extends between the decumanus maximus (the main east-west street) to the decumanus inferior. Several of the ground-level shops have internal wooden stairs ascending to the next oor (Ins. Or. II.2, 7, 17; see Maiuri, g. 419). Little remains of the upper, third oor apartments (cenacula); they had entrances separate from the other two oors (see CD 28, 142). Just as Wallace-Hadrill notes in relation to the Antiche Stanza in Rome, the many shops and industries on the street level of the insula in Herculaneum provided rental income for the city, which nanced its building (see Pagano 2000, 75). There was a dye-works at Ins. Or. II.17–18. Wine was sold at II.9. Bakers worked at II.8 in the Pistrinum e bottega di sex patulicus felix (Plate 3 and CD 146). Across the street from the insula shops at II.9–10 is the Casa dell’atrio corinzio (Insula V.30) that includes elegantly decorated rooms (Maiuri, Tav. XXIII; CD 149–50). Across the street from insula shops at II.7– 8 is the Casa del gran portale (Insula V.32–35; see Pagano 2000, 79, and color images in Domus 368–71, 378–80), so-called today because of the ne entrance with semi-columns topped by Hellenistic capitals; it has a vast triclinium at its entrance. Further down and also on the far side of cardo V is the elegant Casa dei cervi [deer] (Insula IV.21; see Plate 5 and CD 151; also CD 152–5527), a large seaside villa (Maiuri, Tav. XXX). Only four doors down, but now on the same side of cardo V as the large insula, is the Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I.2, 3; see Maiuri 133, and for tions of the four visual representations on the tavern wall. On the Caupona of the Seven Sages in Ostia, see Clarke, “High and Low: Mocking Philosophers in the Tavern of the Seven Sages,” 47–57 in The Art of Citizens, Soldiers, and Freedmen in the Roman World, Eve D’Ambra and Guy P. R. Metraux, eds. (BAR International Series 1526; Oxford: Archaeopress, 2006). 25 Fikreta K. Yegül, “The Palaestra at Herculaneum as New Architectural Type,” 369–93 in Eius Virtutis Studiosi: Classical and Postclassical Studies in Memory of Frank Edward Brown (1908–1988), Russell T. Scott and Ann Reynolds Scott, eds. (Hanover and London: University Press of New England, 1993) and J. J. Deiss, Herculaneum: Italy’s Buried Treasure (Malibu: J. Paul Getty Museum, 1989, 2nd ed.) 114–15, based on Amedeo Maiuri, Ercolano: I nuovi scavi (1927– 1958) (Rome: Istituto Poligraco dello Stato, 1958) vols. I–II, esp. I, 113–43 on the palestra, and I, 449–69 on its shops and apartments. Citations in the text above are from Maiuri. 26 Mario Pagano, Herculaneum: A Reasoned Archaeological Itinerary (Torre del Greco: T&M, 2000) 79–83. 27 For more frescoes from this house Google “University of Tokyo,” search for “Ercolano,” and view Tomo 1, pp. 155–191, Tavole XXIX–XXXVI; further Tomo 4, pp. 171–179, Tavole XXXVI– XXXVIII, digital images edited by Masanori Aoyagi and Umberto Pappalardo, with captions prepared by U. Pappalardo and Rosaria Ciardiello.

B. The large Insula (so-called apartment house) in Herculaneum

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Plate 5 (CD 151): Ancient Herculaneum in the foreground, modern Ercolano above in the background. At the bottom is a square altar, above it on the left, the Casa dei Cervi, a seaside villa, and to its right, the Casa del rilievo di Telefo, Senator Balbus’ house, and between them rising up the hill toward modern Ercolano, cardo V, the street along which a large, three-story insula was constructed.

the house plan, Tav. XXXI–XXXII), which, like the insula further up cardo V, has three oors.28 [It is] one of the largest and most nely decorated Herculaneum houses. Due to its connection with the Suburban Thermae, it is reasonable to include this Augustan-age house among the likely possessions of the senator M. Nonius Balbus. The atrium is particularly sumptuous, presenting, on three sides, stuccoed columns painted in red. . . . (Pagano 2000, 87; CD 156– 58)

Wallace-Hadrill’s term “neighborhood” (vicus) does describe this urban area where both rich and poor lived. The poorer folk (slaves or freedmen, as suggested by Dickmann [102] for shops in Pompeii?) who worked in the small shops and climbed stairs to their small living quarters lived near those who inhabited the luxury seaside villa and near Senator Balbus. Further, how is this Herculaneum neighborhood similar to or different from the grand domus chosen for study by Prof. George? Like the insula in Herculaneum, these wealthy domus, particularly when they are on busy streets, also incorporate 28 This three-story building is named the Casa del relievo di Telefo, and is also the major section of the Insula Orientalis I. Should we call it a domus or an insula? Like the Insula Occidentalis in Pompeii and the later Hanghäuser in Ephesus, it is a multi-story structure built on the side of a cliff / hill.

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shops that produce wealth (Dickmann 94–95). The Casa di Obellius Firmus has a shop inserted into its grand complex (PPM X 490, #225). The Casa del Fauno29 in Pompeii also has four shops along the front of the house (1, 2, 3, 4; see PPM V 88, #4; CD 1), and its second peristyle (7) was a “service section” (PPM V 81; CD 2). Shops (2) and (3) have simple decoration, as does the service section, e.g. (room 20) (PPM V 82). Similarly the grand Casa di Polybius has a shop (2) on the street; and the shop has a back door directly into the large service area deeper in the house (A) (PPM X 183). I add that the grand Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3) located near the amphitheater had a tavern that served heated wine and food at entrance 7 (CD 30– 30a, 37–39a) and public baths at entrance 6,30 just as did the Antiche Stanze in Rome (discussed by Wallace-Hadrill 2003, 11–14). Wallace-Hadrill’s thesis that rich and poor, master and slave coexisted in mixed “neighborhoods” of domus and insulae does describe these grand houses in Pompeii and the insula in Herculaneum as well as the Antiche Stanza neighborhood in Rome. Can we imagine Christian surrogate families (see Hellerman) developing their life style in this mixed neighborhood?

C. Shrines for household gods (lararia) The Pauline house churches’ confession of one God (1 Thess 1:9–10; 1 Cor 8:4–6; 10:14–22; Rom 3:29–30) would surely have introduced tension into worship enacted before domestic lararia. Dickmann observes that lararia were often built into the forward area of the house and aimed toward the outside guest entering the domus (Dickmann 121, 124 and CD 9, which can include statues, such as those of Hera and of “Venus in a Bikini”).31 This was not an intimate religious sphere closed to outsiders, but increasingly utilized not only to honor household gods but also the Roman pantheon connected with Caesar. The quality of lararia from imperial times suggests that they demonstrate the owner’s pietas in order to increase her or his honor in civic society (Dickmann 122). There are often small niches in kitchens, but in large atria (the rst room in the house entered from the street) there is a growing tendency to build impressive lararia more like temples, another factor pointing to the atrium as a public space (Dickmann 123). Four times Prof. George notes that Pompeian domus lack visual representations in service (slave) areas, in the Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), Casa dei Vettii (VI 29 Dickmann 89 notes that the expansion of the luxurious House of the Faun (VI 12,2) illustrates the vehemence of economic growth in second century BCE Pompeii in that it is situated not far from the poorer houses in Region VI, Insula 2. 30 Valeria Sampaolo, “Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3),” PPM III (1990) 184–310, at 190–95, 200– 29. 31 The National Archaeological Museum in Naples exhibits a statue of Aphrodite that has a colorful two-piece “bathing suit,” a statue found in the Villa of Julia Felix: see Angela Donati, ed., Romana pitura: la pittura romana dale origini all’eta Bizantina (Milan: Electa, 1998) 245, #153. Also Lorenzo Fergola, “Casa della Venere in bikini (I 11,6.7),” PPM II 526–69.

C. Shrines for household gods (lararia)

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Plate 6 (CD 159): The lararium, a shrine to the household gods, in a second atrium (v) in the service (slave) area of the Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 571).

15,1), Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; see PPM V 82), and the House of Polybius (IX 13,1– 3; see PPM X 195, 211, 215, 338).32 Discussing the House of the Vettii, Sampaolo (PPM V 469, 571) refers not only to the service area in the small atrium v with its lararium, kitchen, and stairs, but also to an older service quarter accessed by entrance (27), which includes a room for animals (4) and a latrine (1). The Casa degli Amorini dorati also has a service quarter with an entrance at (38) (PPM V 715). The owners of the Casa di L. Caecilius Jucundus annexed the Casa del Toro and assigned the service functions (kitchen and bath) to it (PPM III 575, 583). One manner of decorating slave areas was simply to paint the walls with stripes (see Osiek and Balch 29–30, n. 114 with g. 8; CD 17). How distinct were representational and service areas of these houses? Did the differentiation result in social and perhaps religious separation between slave and master? In the Casa dei Vettii the lararium is in the service area beside the kitchen. Was this shrine for slave familia? Lararia do appear in Pompeian kitchens and service areas;33 were they for slave members of the familia, so that they might contribute 32 Compare Dickmann 88, 161, 202, 218 on the development of this social and spatial differentiation within domus. 33 For Ostia and North Africa see Jan T. Bakker, Living and Working with the Gods: Studies of Evidence for Private Religion and its Material Environment in the City of Ostia (100–500 A. D.) (Dutch Monographs on Ancient History and Archaeology 12; Amsterdam: J. C. Gieben, 1994) 37, 41. Also David G. Orr, “Roman Domestic Religion: The Evidence of Household Shrines,” ANRW II.16.2 (1997) 1557–91, at 1576, 1579.

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to the formation of a collective slave identity in the house, as has sometimes been argued? Valeria Sampaolo’s discussion (PPM V 571) of the lararium in the Casa dei Vettii (see Plate 6 and CD 159) implies otherwise.34 First, there is only one lararium in the house, which is typical. Rarely are there two, as in the Casa del Menander, 35 but not in the Casa dei Vettii. Second, the artist who painted the lararium in the Casa dei Vettii, named the Perseus Painter by modern students, was popular among the wealthy. The characters painted in the lararium in the Casa dei Vettii have full lips, sharp chins, and a characteristic nose found also in the Casa degli Amorini dorati (PPM V 714), the Casa del Balcone pensile,36 and the Villa di Diomede (outside the Herculaneum Gate; cited by Sampaolo PPM V 571, #167).37 One of the most accomplished artists of Pompeii did not paint a slave lararium. Rather the owners (and perhaps visitors?) of the house came into the “service area” of the house to worship at their prize lararium; the house was not segregated. Both owners and slaves worshipped before this work of art. Third, the erotic paintings in room x´ (located immediately behind the kitchen) of the Casa dei Vettii raise questions that may not have answers (see CD 160).38 Are the males and females who are visually represented as engaged in sex all slaves, or are they male masters and female slaves? Did the male slave owners enter the service area both for worship and perhaps also for sex? We do not know, but neither the architecturally distinct service areas nor the religion of the Vettii brothers protected their slaves from abuse. May we not reasonably imagine that Chloe’s people (1 Cor 1:11), if they are her slaves and not her children, might make arrangements to worship Christ in a service section of Chloe’s domus, which since she has slaves who travel, would probably not have been among the smallest houses in Corinth, or imagining another architectural possibility, in a shop of her insula that they as her slaves managed? But on the other hand, Crispus, Gaius, or Stephanus (1 Cor 1:14, 16; 16:15, 17; Acts 18:8) or Prisca and Aquila (1 Cor 16:19; Rom 16:3–5a) would have arranged worship in the representation area of their domus or insula. Might not Paul have practiced his profession in a shop along a major street in a domus or insula owned by Pricilla and Aquila, a shop that could have had a back door directly into the house where the ekklesia worshipped Christ (Acts 18:2–3, 18, 26)? 34 Franz Bömer and Peter Herz, Untersuchungen über die Religion der Sklaven in Griechenland und Rom, vol. I, Die wichtigsten Kulte und Religionen in Rom und im lateinischen Westen (Forschungen zur Antiken Sklaverei 14.3; Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1981, 2nd ed.) 46–47, 52, 54–56, who refer to a “cult of slaves” before the lares. 35 Roger Ling and Franca Parise Badoni, “Casa del Menandro (I 10,4),” PPM II 240–397, 244, 373–74. 36 Irene Bragantini, “Casa del Balcone pensile (VII 12,28),” PPM VII 594–613, at 594. 37 Sampaolo (PPM V 530–31, #111) refers to the Casa dei Dioscuri (VI 9,6.7; PPM IV 860– 1004), where the same painter accomplished some of the richest decoration in Pompeii. 38 Compare John R. Clarke, Looking at Lovemaking: Constructions of Sexuality in Roman Art 100 B. C.–A. D. 250 (Berkeley: University of California, 1998) 169–77.

D. Julia Felix’s entertainment complex (Villa di Giulia Felice)

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Plate 7 (CD 170): Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 263), the reconstructed triclinium (83) with ediculae and water stair.

D. Julia Felix’s entertainment complex (Villa di Giulia Felice), the inuence of Isis, and protective gorgoneia Three more matters are striking. Signicant owners of domus in Pompeii were women.39 Eumachia owned the largest building on the forum (VII.9.1,67; see Bragantini PPM VII 312–27), and the fullers (who dyed and cleaned clothes) dedicated an inscription to her, their patron (see Ward 326 on CIL 10.813; CD 161–63). Julia Felix owned a domus/villa in Pompeii that occupies two typical insula blocks (Sampaolo PPM III 184; Plate 7 and CD 170; also CD 164–69, 171–76 and 30–31, 37– 39a 40). Christopher Parslow of Wesleyan University has studied this complex intensively, and in an e-mail he writes as follows: “My working thesis is that what we see today is not a villa, but was designed to be a semi-public ‘entertainment complex’ with baths, gardens, and dining rooms accessible for a fee. The bath complex certainly was always public, comparable to the small neighborhood bath complexes we read about in Rome and to others elsewhere in Pompeii. . . . We don’t know when 39 See Roy Bowen Ward, “The Public Priestesses of Pompeii,” 318–34 in The Early Church in its Context: Essays in Honor of Everett Ferguson (NovTSupp 90; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1998). 40 For frescos from Julia Felix’s domestic walls, see the intriguing visual representations of “life in the forum” by Googling “University of Tokyo,” searching for “Ercolano,” and viewing Tomo 3, pp. 213–27, Tavole XLI, XLII, and XLIII. Further frescoes at Tomo 2, pp. 299 and 307, Tavole LVI, LVIII; also Tomo 7, p. 159, Tavola XXXVI and p. 375, Tavola LXXXIV, digital images edited by Masanori Aoyagi and Umberto Pappalardo, with captions supplied by U. Pappalardo and Rosaria Ciardiello.

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Plate 8 (CD 52a): Alexander the Great on his horse, Bucephalas, attacking Darius the Persian, a famous mosaic from exedra 37 in the Casa del Fauno, (VI 12,2; PPM V 123; see CD 24, 52). Alexander wears a breast plate with a gorgoneion, Medussa’s head that both protects a person (or a house) and puts the evil eye on an enemy.

Julia Felix actually lived (the baths are Augustan in date), or how or when she came upon these properties. . . .”41 These two inuential Pompeian women illuminate the social context in which Prisca and Junia were hosts in Pauline house churches. Carolyn Osiek surmises that women like Prisca, Lydia and Junia found their voices at the Lord’s Supper in Pauline ekklesiai: “these women hosted formal dinners and presided at them, including the assembly of the ekklesia”.42 Isis43 was popular in the patrician Pompeian domus selected for study by Prof. George. The Casa delle nozze d’argento has Egyptian animals in the garden (PPM III 677). The Casa degli Amorini dorati has a sacellus (d) related to the cult of Egyptian divinities (CD 132–32b) as well as symbols of Isis in the peristyle (PPM V 715, 764). The Casa dell’ Ara massima has a bronze table in the triclinium with Egyptian 41 Alternatively, F. Pesando, “Abitare a Pompei,” in F. Pesando and M. P. Guidobaldi, Gli ‘ozi’ di Ercole. Residenze di lusso a Pompei ed Ercolano (Rome, 2006) 264, proposes that the complex was used by an association of Isis devotees. 42 Carolyn Osiek, “Women in House Churches,” 300–15 in Common Life in the Early Church: Essays Honoring Graydon F. Snyder (Harrisburg: Trinity Press International, 1997). 43 See David L. Balch, “The Suffering of Isis/Io and Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal 3:1): Frescoes in Pompeian and Roman Houses and in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii,” JR 83:1 (2003) 24–55, now chap. II below, and Reinhold Merkelbach, Isis regina–Zeus Serapis: Die griechischägyptische Religion nach den Quellen dargestellt (Stuttgart: Teubner, 1001, 2nd ed.) 68, 106, 134– 35, 157, and esp. 236–41, with his plates #35–85, 148.

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elements (PPM V 878–79). And the Casa del Fauno has a pavement imported from Egypt (PPM V 102; CD 24, 52–57). These households were open to a foreign, Eastern religion from Egypt, perhaps then also to one from Israel? Finally, apotropaic symbols in these houses communicate their owners’ concern to ward off evil inuences. Here I comment on gorgoneia, paintings or reliefs of Medussa’s head that kills the one seeing it or turns them to stone (Merkelbach, color plate 1). These visual representations communicate more of their owners’ fear of the evil eye to me than do magical texts from that age. One sees gorgoneia in the Casa di Obellius Firmus (Sampaolo, PPM X 425), the Casa delle nozze d’argento (Badoni PPM III 713), the Casa di L. Caecilius Jucundus (De Vos PPM III 601), and the Casa di Polybio (Bragantini PPM X 2003, 215, 296). The famous Alexander mosaic in the Casa del Fauno has a visual representation of a gorgoneion on the hero’s breast-plate protecting him (Hoffmann and De Vos PPM V 124; see Plate 8 and CD 52a; compare CD 52, 137–39).

Conclusions Archaeological investigation of domus and insulae in Pompeii and Herculaneum does not sustain the current consensus that early Pauline house churches were necessarily small or that they were private. The size of many Christian assemblies may indeed have been small, but Pompeian domus and insulae could have accommodated numbers far greater than forty persons. I have also argued that we as New Testament scholars should heed the conclusions of Andrew Wallace-Hadrill that Roman domus were “housefuls” of persons unconnected by family ties, that there were massive social contrasts within the domus, that many rich and poor (far more than 1% of the population) lived in the same spaces. Nevertheless, we would surely prot by following John Clarke in investigating the differences between “ordinary” and professional culture and art and asking how our literature relates to these distinctions. Both domus and insulae incorporated shops, again placing owners, freedmen, and slaves in the same domestic spaces; nor were domus in zoned neighborhoods separated from insula. Both domus and insula might include public baths and/or even a palaestra. Inside these domestic structures, the lararia would have been problems for new converts who chose to worship one God exclusively, the more so since imperial lararia tended to become more magnicent in order to demonstrate the piety and patriotism of the domus’ owner. Beginning in the second century BCE, Roman domus44 begin to exhibit a differentiation between representation and service areas, 44 This statement includes not only domus but also insulae. The  rst-century BCE, three-story Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins.Occ.]22) in Pompeii is named a “casa” (domus) and is one of 15 luxurious dwellings that constitute the “Insula” Occidentalis. The owner probably annexed the three-story Casa di Umbricius Scaurus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.]17) as a “service” area, suggested by Ivan Varriale in Pompei, eds. Aoyagi and Pappalardo (2006), 419–503, at 422. Many of the houses in the

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the former lavishly decorated with wall frescoes, mosaics, and statues. Would slave familia in early Pauline churches have worshipped in service areas? The Casa dei Vettii, however, with its magnicent lararium in the service area cautions us about positing too deep a divide between these distinct areas of the domus. We have seen that women owned some magnicent domus, and would have exercised deep inuence over groups that met and dined within their houses. Worship of the foreign goddess Isis was popular in the luxurious houses of middle-sized Pompeii, which suggests that other foreign gods might also be welcome. Finally, the ubiquity of gorgons intended to ward off evil inuences visually demonstrates the religious fears of many owners of these grand domus and insulae.

Insula Occidentalis were decorated in the second style when Sulla sent colonists from the city of Rome to Pompeii in the mid- rst century (80–50) BCE, according to Umberto Pappalardo and Mansanori Aoyagi, “L’Insula Occidentalis: una sintesi delle conoscenze,” in Pompei (Regiones VI–VII). Insula Ocidentalis, eds. Aoyagi and Pappalardo (Naples: Valtrend, 2006) 15–31, at 22 and 25. Compare Leach, Social History 70–72.

Chapter II

The Suffering of Isis / Io and Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal 3:1): Frescoes in Pompeian and Roman Houses and in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii*

Introduction Paul was formed by and lived in diverse cultures that included Palestinian and diaspora Judaism1 but also the dominant, Greco-Roman culture of the eastern Mediterranean, especially, as this article argues, as visually represented on the walls of Greco-Roman houses. This paper compares aspects of Pauline Christology and anthropology to myth and ritual in the Isis cult, a comparison developed by the history of religions school beginning in the late nineteenth century, for example by Gunkel, Bousset, and Weiss.2 Hans-Josef Klauck has recently observed that such earlier attempts occasionally simplied complicated situations, which exaggerated the results of the research.3 These exaggerations produced a reaction that denied any dependence on non-Jewish and non-Christian religions. But as Erich Gruen observes, “Jews abroad far outnumbered those dwelling in Palestine – and had done so for many generations.” “They evidently preferred it there.”4 Paul, a disapora Jew, founded house (domus) churches and also churches in large multi-story buildings (insula) in Asia Minor and Greece, and he wrote churches living and worshipping in these architectural structures in Rome. How was Paul’s gospel of Christ crucied received by people living in Greco-Roman domus and insulae in those Greco-Roman cities?

* For Frederick E. Brenk, S. J. 1 E. P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism: A Comparison of Patterns of Religion (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1977). John M. G. Barclay, Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (323 BCE-117 CE) (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1996). 2 See Gerd Lüdemann and Martin Schröder, Die Religionsgeschichtliche Schule in Göttingen: Eine Dokumentation (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1987). 3 Hans-Josef Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity: A Guide to Graeco-Roman Religions (Studies of the New Testament and its World; Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 2000; trans. from German of 1995 and 1996) 4–5. 4 Erich S. Gruen, Diaspora: Jews amidst Greeks and Romans (Cambridge: Harvard University, 2002) 3 and vii.

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A. Greco-Roman domestic, tragic art5 Carolyn Osiek and I co-authored a book on early Christian house churches that this chapter presupposes. We investigated how Christian families lived in the concrete setting of Greco-Roman houses. For example, Paul baptized the household of Stephanas in Corinth, as he remembered while writing from Ephesus (1 Cor 1:16; 16:15, 19), where the church was meeting in the house of Aquila and Prisca (1 Cor 16:19).6 In this paper, I assume that earlier research and ask a related question. Greco-Roman houses, unlike many modern ones, were lled with art, for example, with paintings, mosaics, and sculptures. Greeks and Romans were not left-brained, but were and remain among the most right-brained,7 artistic peoples on earth. My question is: when Paul preached in such houses, or when there was a discussion after a Eucharist, might there have been art in the houses related to the sermon or to the Eucharistic conversations that would have shaped how Paul’s audience perceived his message?8 Recent studies of Roman domestic art focus not only on Pompeii and Herculaneum, but also on the Roman West (Spain, Gaul, Germany, Britain, and Dacia) and the Greek East (especially Ephesus).9 Lavgne observes that the paintings were discussed by those who viewed them at symposia: “one must not forget one’s culture (philologiam) even at dinner” (Petronius, Sat. 39.4, which Petronius meant ironical5 This article is a companion piece to another, now chap. III below. There I describe and interpret frescoes and sculptures of Iphigenia, Laocoon, and the Dying Gauls/Galatians found in GrecoRoman houses, as well as the pagan crucix on the Palatine. An important book related to this chapter has just been published: Laurent Bricault, Paul G. P. Meyboom, and Miguel John Versluys, eds., Nile into Tiber: Egypt in the Roman World: Proceedings of the IIIrd International Conference of Isis Studies, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, May 11–14, 2005 (Colloque international sur les études isiaques 3; Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 159; Leiden: Brill, 2005). 6 See Carolyn Osiek and David L. Balch, Families in the New Testament World: Households and House Churches (The Family, Culture and Religion, ed. Don S. Browning and Ian S. Evison; Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1997) 202 and passim. Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, “Domus and Insulae in Rome: families and housefuls,” in Early Christian Families in Context, ed. Balch and Osiek, rejects a rigid distinction between domus and insulae, suggesting rather that scholars think in terms of neighborhoods (vici) of mixed living arrangements that would include both familial relationships and commercial tenancy. 7 Michael C. Corballis and Ivan L. Beale, The Psychology of Left and Right (Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1976). 8 For early Christian development of art despite their critique of pagan art, see Paul Corby Finney, The Invisible God: The Earliest Christians on Art (Oxford: Oxford University, 1994). Reinhold Merkelbach, Isis regina–Zeus Sarapis: Die griechisch-ägyptische Religion nach den Quellen dargestellt (Stuttgart: Teubner, 1995) 68, 106, 134, 157, 236–41 only briey discusses Isis and Sarapis in Greco-Roman houses, but he prints many plates of frescoes and other aesthetic objects found in a dozen such houses (Abbildungen 33–85, 148), e.g. the house of Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; Merkelbach, Abbildungen 33–50), as well as in the Temple of Isis (VIII 7,28) in Pompeii (Abbildungen 1–32). 9 Henri Lavagne, “Römische Wandmalerei: Bilanz jüngerer Forschungen und neue Sichtweisen,” in Römische Glaskunst und Wandmalerei, ed. Michael J. Klein (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1999) 21–24, at p. 21.

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ly; trans. Heseltine and Rouse, Loeb). Tiberius made paintings or mosaics the subject of riddles while at dinner (Suetonius, Tib. 56). The paintings could and would have been understood differently by persons of varying intellectual and economic levels, who would have seen diverse symbolic messages in the same image. Penelope M. Allison of Sydney has also pointed out that the number of painters at any given time would be limited, and the choice of pictures to be painted would depend on the painters’ ability.10 These recent studies show that styles and themes of this art originated in Rome and spread to the provinces both in the East and the West. One would nd particular, datable styles and a limited number of themes in Rome and Pompeii, and in the rst century BCE and CE, and to some extent, similar styles and themes in Corinth, Philippi, and even in a Greek city such as Ephesus (see chap. V below). I have viewed these pictures asking whether they portray themes in common with Paul’s gospel. Surprisingly perhaps, Paul’s gospel of Christ crucied has far more in common with Greco-Roman domestic art than I would have guessed. The thesis of this chapter is that Greco-Roman, tragic art emphasizing pathos found both in Greco-Roman houses and in this instance also in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii would have provided one, meaningful cultural context for those hearing Paul proclaim the gospel of Christ’s passion. Although Dionysiac themes are more prominent than scenes of suffering and death in Roman domestic art, tragic art portraying suffering was surprisingly signicant in domestic contexts – where Christians lived and worshipped.11 The subject content of the gospel itself (e.g. 1 Cor 15:3–8) and the rituals of baptism (Rom 6:3–4) and the Eucharist (1 Cor 11:23–26) all focus on the meaning of Christ’s death. Paul observes that “Jews demand signs and Greeks desire wisdom, but we proclaim Christ crucied” (1 Cor 1:22). In fact, Paul declares to the Corinthians that he “decided to know nothing among you except Jesus Christ, and him crucied” (1 Cor 2:2). He interprets Christ’s death on the cross as atonement at the cost of his blood (Rom 3:25–26).12 Paul proclaimed that Christ’s death was voluntary (Gal 1:4; see 2:20 and 2 Cor 5:14–15), and he coordinated the confession of Christ’s saving death with an anthropology that emphasized believers’ suffering and dying with Christ (2 Cor 1:5–6).13 If we imagine Christians in Antioch, Ephesus, 10 Lavagne, “Römische Wandmalerei” 23 citing a paper by Volker M. Strocka, “Bildprogramme in pompejanischen Häusern” as well as the argument by Allison mentioned in the text. Mythological subjects were popular in second style paintings, which were interpreted allegorically and morally, depending on the social status of the viewers. See John R. Clarke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans: Visual Representation and Non-Elite Viewers in Italy, 100 B. C.-A. D. 315 (Berkeley: University of California, 2003), and for contemporary allegorization, Donald A. Russell and David Konstan, editors and translators, Heraclitus: Homeric Problems (Writings from the GrecoRoman World 14; Atlanta: SBL, 2005). 11 I owe the phrasing of this sentence to John R. Clarke. 12 Sam K. Williams, Jesus’ Death as Saving Event: The Background and Origin of a Concept (HTRHDR 2; Missoula: Scholars, 1975), 31, 47 compares 2 Macc 6:14 and 4 Macc 6:29; Robert Jewett, Romans (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress, 2007) 283–93. 13 See Ernst Käsemann, “On Paul’s Anthropology,” Pauline Perspectives (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971), 1–31.

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Corinth, Philippi, or Rome reading and interpreting manuscripts of the Greek Bible (LXX) in their houses, this essay inquires into what visual representations they would be seeing in the domestic spaces where they were reading/hearing their scriptures. I assume that the interpretation of the Biblical texts would have been inuenced consciously or unconsciously by the visual representations valued in GrecoRoman domestic culture. In Gal 3:1, Paul exclaims, “You foolish Galatians! Who has bewitched you? It was before your eyes that Jesus Christ was publicly exhibited (proegr1fh) as crucied!” (NRSV)14 Speakers drawing word pictures15 in houses that had beautiful frescoes on their walls was common. Lucian,16 while speaking in such a house, says the following: To me, at least, it seems that a splendid hall (oLkou [house, decorated room]) excites the speaker’s fancy and stirs it to speech, as if he were somehow prompted by what he sees. No doubt something of beauty ows through the eyes into the soul, and then fashions into the likeness of itself the words that it sends out. . . . It wants a cultured man for a spectator, who, instead of judging with his eyes, applies thought to what he sees. . . . Certainly, then, the beauty of this hall has power to rouse a man to speech, to spur him on in speaking and to make him succeed in every way. I for my part am trusting in all this and have already trusted in it, in coming to the hall [house] to speak, I was attracted by its beauty as by a magic wheel. . . . The painter derived his model, I suppose from Euripides or Sophocles (De domo [PerH toc oLkou] 4, 6, 13, and 23 trans. Harmon in Loeb).

Lucian (“Essays in Portraiture” [EIKONES]) paints a verbal picture of the Emperor Verus’s mistress, Panathea of Smyrna, comparing her, for example, to Alcamenes’ Athenian Aphrodite (the Venus Genetrix; 4). He thinks “Homer . . . the best of all painters” (t0n )riston t9n grafe9n Umhron; 8). Lucian compares Panathea with Aspasia, the consort of Pericles, who was painted (graeK:) by Aeschines, the friend of Socrates, who painted (4g2grapto) on a small canvas, but Lucian says his gure is colossal (17). Lucian uses the same language of a painting 14 Compare Hans Dieter Betz, Galatians (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979) 131–32 and contrast Basil S. Davis, “The Meaning of proegr1fh in the Context of Galatians 3.1,” New Testament Studies 45/2 (1999) 194–212. 15 On description of works of art see Christiane Reitz and Ulrike Egelhaaf, “Ekphrasis,” Brill’s New Pauly, ed. Hubert Cancik, et al. 3 (1997) 942–50. Examples they give (950) include the Alexander mosaic in the House of the Faun (VI 12,2) and the nymphaeum in the garden of the House of Octavius Quartio (Loreius Tiburtinus; II 2,2) in Pompeii, which symbolically represents the Nile; on Lucian and Vergil, see p. 946. Also Glanville Downey, “Ekphrasis,” Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum 4 (1959) 922–44. Karl Lehmann-Hartleben, “The Imagines of the Elder Philostratus,” Art Bulletin 23 (1941) 16–44; Ja Elsner, Art and the Roman Viewer (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1995) chap. 1; and Richard Brilliant, Visual Narratives: Storytelling in Roman and Etruscan Art (Ithaca: Cornell University, 1984), chap. 2, references for which I thank John R. Clarke. Further, Bettina Bergmann and Christine Kondoleon, The Art of Ancient Spectacle (Studies in the History of Art 56; New Haven: Yale University, 1999) 97–123 (by Ann Kuttner) and 321–41 (by Christine Kondoleon). 16 Sonia Maffei, ed., Luciano di Samosata, Descrizioni di opere d’arte (Torino: Giulio Einaudi, 1994) discusses ekphrasis in seven of Lucian’s works.

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on a wall or of a colossal statue as he does of his word picture. He compares her to Theano, Sappho, and Diotima (18), and Lycinus says, “paint (gr1fou) more of them!” (19) Lucian’s word picture is painting. Lucian summarizes, “I painted (4gray1mhn) her soul, not made of wood and wax and colors, but portrayed with inspirations from the Muses” (23). Lucian’s essay was criticized, so he wrote “Essays in Portraiture Defended.” Lucian replied that he had not compared Panathea with goddesses, but with masterpieces of good craftsmen made of stone or bronze or ivory, with what humans have made, which is not impious (23). These images do not attain divinity. But he equivocates: Homer did compare Briseis with Aphrodite (Iliad 19,286), and she was a foreign woman (b1rbaron; 24)! Persons who lived in Greco-Roman houses outside Israel in the  rst century CE would typically have seen tragic stories on their walls. At the conclusion of his helpful fourth chapter on salvic death in Greek literature, Williams cites modern scholars who testify to the inuence of Aeschylus and Euripides on literature four or ve centuries later.17 We do not have to guess which stories Greeks and Romans, including Christians, valued; in Pompeii we can still see which ones they chose to have painted on the walls of their houses. In the rst and most of the second century, Christians did not build church buildings18; rather they lived and worshipped in the same houses in which they had lived before they were converted. Neither Greeks nor Romans built Western Protestant houses with bare walls. Rather Greek and Roman cultures were and are right brained; they would have had beautiful visual representations in their homes. My question is, what word picture of Christ crucied would Paul have sketched, and would some Greco-Roman domestic paintings and sculptures have helped make his gospel comprehensible?

17

Williams, Jesus’ Death 159, nn. 41 and 42. See L. Michael White, The Social Origins of Christian Architecture, vol. I: Building God’s House in the Roman World; Architectural Adaptation among Pagans, Jews and Christians (HTS 42; Valley Forge: Trinity International, 1990) and vol. II: Texts and Monuments for the Christian Domus Ecclesiae in its Environment (1997) 210–11 on the oldest Christian church buildings. Contrast Robert Jewett, Romans (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress, 2007) 56–57, 64. 18

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B. Roman “Egyptomania”: Frescoes of Io/Isis in Houses, a Market, and the Isis Temple Visual representations of Io19 are painted in the so-called Casa di Livia on the Palatine in Rome (see Plate 1 and CD 177a; see CD 177),20 in the Casa di Argos e Io in Herculaneum,21 in the Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25) in Pompeii (see Plate 2 and CD 179; see CD 178),22 in the Macellum (VII 9,7.8) at Pompeii (see Plates 3–4 and CD

19 Nicolas Yalouris, “Io I,” LIMC (1990) 5.1, pp. 661–76 and 5.2, pp. 442–52. Nikolaos Yalouris, “Le mythe d’Io: Les transformations d’Io dans l’iconographie et la litérature grecques,” in Iconographie classique et identités régionales (Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique, Supplément 14; Paris: École Française d’Athènes, 1986) 3–23. Tran Tam Tinh, “Isis,” LIMC 5.1 (1990) 761–796, #265–68. Merkelbach, Isis regina 59, 67–69, 91, 104, 135, who cites Ruth Ilsley Hicks, “The Metamorphosis and Wanderings of Io,” pp. 93–100 in a larger article: “Egyptian Elements in Greek Mythology,” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 93 (1962) 90–108. My friend, Frederick E. Brenk, graciously assisted my studies in Rome, for which I am grateful. For his own studies of Isis see “’Isis’ is a Greek Word.’ Plutarch’s Allegorization of Egyptian Religion,” in Plutarco, Platón y Aristóteles: Actas del V Congreso Internacional de la I. P. S., Madrid-Cuenca, 4–7 de Mayo di 1999, ed. A. Pérez Jiménez et al. (Madrid, 1999) 227–38. Also, “In the Image, Reection and Reason of Osiris. Plutarch and the Egyptian Cults,” in Estudios sobre Plutarco: Misticismo y religions mistericas en la obra de Plutarco. Actas del VII Simposio Espanol sobre Plutarco, Palma de Mallorca, 2–4 noviembre de 2000, ed. A. Pérez Jiménez and F. Casadesús Bordoy (Ediciones Clásicas, Madrid/Charta Antiqua, Distributión Editorial Málaga 2001) 83–98. And “Osirian Reections: Second Thoughts on the Isaeum Campense at Rome,” in Hommages à Carl Deroux, tome 4: Archéologie et histoire de l’art, Religion, ed. Pol Defosse (Collection Latomus 266–67, 270, 277, 279; Brussels, 2003), now in the third volume of his collected essays, With Unperfumed Voice: Studies in Plutarch, in Greek Literature, Religion and Philosophy, and in the New Testament Background (Potsdamer Altertumswissenschaftliche Beiträge; Franz Steiner, 2007) 383–95. 20 Giulio Emanuele Rizzo, Le pitture della “Casa di Livia,” in Monumenti della pittura antica, Sezione Terza, La pittura ellenistico-romana (Rome: Instituto Poligraco dello Stato, 1936) 2 vols., I.25–30 with Tav. I, II, and III (Sala del Polifemo). Also in H. G. Beyen, Die Pompejanische Wanddekoration vom Zweiten bis zum Vierten Stil (Haag: Martinus Nijhoff, 1960 [orig. pub. 1938]), vol. 2.1: Tafeln, gs. 228–29, the entire wall of the “Tablinum,” with Io, Argos, and Hermes as the central panel. Merkelbach, Isis regina, Abbildungen 64 and 76/77. Rita Paris, “Le testimonianze pittoriche a Roma,” in Romana pictura: La pittura romana dalle origini all’età bizantina, ed. Angela Donati (Milan: Electa, 1998) 73–84, plate 6 on p. 77. Yalouris, “Io” 669, g. 61 dates this image c. 30 BCE. Note: in the text above I translate many non-English terms, e.g. “casa” by “house,” but in the footnotes I do not. 21 Wilhelm Zahn, Die schönsten Ornamente und merkwürdigsten Gemälde aus Pompeji, Herculaneum und Stabiae nebst einigen Grundrissen und Ansichten nach den am Ort und Stelle gemachten Originalzeichnungen (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1828–1859) 2.83, a sketch of the entire wall, which is divided into three blocks; Io, Argos and Hermes is a small painting in the central panel. 22 Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25), in triclinium (37), the central painting on the north wall (Mariette de Vos, PPM I.117–77, at pp. 129–30). Triclinium (37) opens onto peristyle (32), the third peristyle approached from the entrance at 4,25. Olga Elia, Le pitture della “Casa del citarista,” Fasc. 1 in La pittura ellenistico-romana: Pompei (Rome: Istituto poligraco dello Stato, 1937) g. 14. Yalouris, “Io” 667, g. 37 dates this picture to c. 70 CE. Merkelbach, Isis regina, Abb. 63. Collezioni 146–47, g. 162, National Archaelogical Museum, inventory 9557.

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Plate 1 (CD 177a): Casa di Livia, Rome: Hermes, Io, Argos (restored).

180–181a).23 Further, the central frescoes on both the north and south walls of the ekklesiasterion in the Tempio di Iside in Pompeii (VIII 7,2824; CD 182–83) visually represent the myth of Io (see Plates 5–8 and CD 188–91; see CD 187–88). This 23 Martin Robertson, A History of Greek Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1975), 1.436– 39, and vol. 2 with plate 138c, a fresco of Io and Argos. See especially Burkhardt Wesenberg, “Zur Io des Nikias in den Pompejanischen Wandbildern,” in Kanon: Festschrift Ernst Berger zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Margot Schmidt (Antike Kunst, Beiheft 15; Basel: Vereinigung der Freunde antike Kunst, 1988) 344–52, Tafel 96.3. Also Valeria Sampaolo, Macellum (VII 9,7; PPM VII 328–51). 24 Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), two frescoes: the  rst, Io, Argo ed Hermes, the central painting of three on the north wall of the ekklesiasterion, and the second, Io a Canopo, the central painting among three on the south wall of the ekklesiasterion (Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII.732–849, at pp. 823–25 and 836–37). See Alla riccerca di Iside: analisi, studi e restauri dell’Iseo pompeiano nel Museo di Napoli, ed. Stefano De Caro (Soprintendenza Archeologica per le Province di Napoli e Caserta; Rome: Arti, 1992), g. on p. 34 and Tav. X, XIV, and XVI. Olga Elia, Le pitture del Tempio di Iside, in Monumenti della pittura antica scoperti in Italia, sezione terza, La pittura ellenistica Romana: Pompei (Roma: Libreria dello Stato, 1941): Tav. A: Io, Argos, ed Hermes; Tav. B: Arrivo di Io a Canopo. Tran Tam Tinh, Essai sur le culte d’Isis à Pompéi (Paris: E. di Boccard, 1964), Pl. VI: Réception d’Io par Isis (in Temple of Isis) and Pl. XVI.2: Réception d’Io par Isis (in Casa di Duca d’Aumale [VI 9,1]). Merkelbach, Isis regina, Abb. 20–21. Iside il mito, il mistero, la

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Plate 2 (CD 179): Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 129): fresco of Argos, Io seated in the center above, a cow below, and Hermes. Now in National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9557.

Plate 3 (CD 180): Macellum ([the meat, sh, and vegetable market] VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 328– 52). Two entrances at the far, west end open onto the forum. The reconstructed stoa in the far corner covers a painted wall.

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ekklesiasterion, a large room, “was probably the place where worshippers of Isis gathered and ritual banquets were held.”25 The House of Augustus’ wife, Livia, and the Casa del Citarista in Pompeii belonged to the upper crust of Roman society. A great inscription on the wooden door at the entrance to the sanctuary states that after the earthquake in CE 62, Numerius, a wealthy Pompeian freedman, restored the Temple of Isis – which was done quickly with 4th style paintings. The leading assembly of the town, that of the decurions, appreciated Numerius’ gesture so much that it was willing to accept his son as a future free man into the curia even though he was only six years old.26 Wealthy, politically powerful Romans commissioned these paintings of Io.27 One may date the beginning of “Egyptomania” in Roman houses rather precisely. Astoundingly, one may still see part of the house of Augustus on the Palatine (CD 92–96).28 The house was decorated in the second style, inuenced by visual representations of the Roman theater, the stages for which were often built in wood,29 and by images from the cult of Apollo.30 The second style depicted realistic architecture; decorative elements were clear, logical, simple, and precise, not dominant. In Augustus’ house, however, individual artisans added some phantastic, impressionist elements such as knotted garlands, grif ns, and Amazons, Beyen’s phase Ic of the magia (exhibit, Milan), ed. Ermanno A. Arslan (Milan: Electa, 1997) 439, Plate V.65, places the fresco in the Casa del Duca d’aumale in a room north of the atrium. 25 Salvatore Nappo, Pompeii: Guide to the Lost City (London: Weidenfeld & Nicoloson, 1998) 89–91. 26 Nappo, Pompeii, 90. 27 On the sociology of the Isis devotees see Tinh, Essai 39–61 and Reinhold Merkelbach, “Der Isiskult im Pompeji,” Latomus 24 (1965) 144–49, at p. 145, n. 3. Also Mariette De Vos, “’Egittomania’ nelle case di Pompei ed Ercolano,” Civiltà dell’Antico Egitto in Campania (exhibit, Naples, National Archaeological Museum, June-September, 1983) (Naples: Tempi Moderni, 1984) 59–72, at p. 69: archaeologists have found twenty sistra in houses whose owners had not provided a lararium for Isis worship; household members not of the highest status brought these musical instruments home after temple functions or processions. De Vos discusses numerous houses where other cultic images were painted or items found; for these sistra now see Irene Bragantini, “Il culto di Iside e l’Egittomania antica in Campania,” 159–217 in Egittomania. Iside e il mistero, ed. Stefano De Caro (Milan: Mondadori, 2006), plates III.6–16. 28 Gianlippo Carettoni, Das Haus des Augustus auf dem Palatin (Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt; Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1983) and his article “La decorazione pittorica della Casa di Augusto sul Palatino,” RM 90 (1983) 373–419. For the house plan see Haus, pp. 8, 10. Compare Merkelbach, Isis regina 134–37 with Abb. 64, 74–81. He traces this artistic interest to Augustus’ daughter, Julia, who was  rst the wife of Agrippa; then Augustus forced her to marry Tiberius. See, however, a new article just published on this house: Irene Iacopi and Giovanna Tedone, “Biblioteca e Porticus ad Apollinis,” RM 112 (2005–2006) 351–79. 29 Carettoni, Haus, 26, 86 on the prohibition of permanent theaters in Rome until c. 50 BCE, which resulted in the wooden theater stages seen in frescoes on the walls of Augustus’ house. Suetonius, Aug. 99.2 (trans. Rolfe in Loeb) narrates Augustus’ death: “calling in his friends and asking whether it seemed to them that he had played the comedy of life tly, he added the tag [switching from Latin to Greek!], ‘Since well I’ve played my part, all clap your hands And from the stage dismiss me with applause.’” 30 Carettoni, Haus 27 on the konoieides kion (cone-like pillar) in the room of masks (5).

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Plate 4 (CD 181a): Macellum (VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 341–48), Pompeii: fresco of Io, partially nude, guarded by Argos, in situ; PPM VII 344, 346).

Plate 5 (CD 188): Ekklesiasterion, Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 836): fresco of the sarcophagus of Osiris (PPM VIII 836). The most recent discussion places this fresco on the south wall just to the left of the image of Isis receiving Io. Now in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 8570.

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Plate 6 (CD 189): Ekklesiasterion, Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 837): the central fresco on the south wall: Io on the viewer’s left, borne by the river god is received by Isis, who has a cobra wrapped around her left arm and a crocodlile below her feet. Horos/Harpocrates, her son, sits on an urn in the lower right. Above Isis are a priest and a priestess of Isis before a altar. Now in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inv. 9558.

Plate 7 (CD 190): Ekklesiasterion, Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 825): the central fresco on the north wall: a cow, Io, Hermes, and Argos. Now in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inv. 9548.

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Plate 8 (CD 191): Ekklesiasterion, Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), marble head of Isis; the ears had holes for earrings. The limbs of her body were also of marble, but the rest of the body was in wood. From the age of emperor Claudius. Naples Museum inventory 6290.

second style.31 The house of Augustus and the temple of Apollo are architecturally related; the latter was built between 36 and 28 BCE. The ground oor of Augustus’ house was decorated around the year 30 BCE according to strict, typical Roman tradition, before exotic, decorative fantasies ooded Rome after the battle of Actium in 31 BCE. The latter artistic development may be seen in the house of his wife Livia, in the Aula Isiaca, also on the Palatine, and in the Villa della Farnesina Romana, also in Rome but across the Tiber.32 Room 15 on the upper oor of Augustus’ house displays this new dimension: 31 32

Carettoni, Haus 89, citing Beyen, Pompejanische Wanddekoration (above n. 20). Carettoni, Haus 90. Contrast Leach, Social History, cited pp. 22–25, n. 95 above.

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free, playful fantasy. Architecture falls into the background before an ocean of vegetable decorations. Items from the Isis cult (situlae [cult objects] and uraei [typical Egyptian sacred serpents]) appear with water plants that are unreal. Comparable to the popularity of the Chinese style in seventeenth and eighteenth century Europe, many Egyptian forms occur: obelisks, lotus owers, lions and snakes. The new style of room 15 was painted between 30 and 28 BCE by an Alexandrian artist now in the service of the victor at Actium.33 This is probably the studio where if ever he [Augustus] planned to do anything in private or without interruption, he had a retired place at the top of the house, which he called ‘Syracuse’ and ‘technyphion.’ In this he used to take refuge. . . . (Suetonius, Aug. 72.2, trans. Rolfe in LCL)

In the Villa Farnesina Romana, one nds a visual representation of Zeus Ammon34 as well as of Isis herself. The entire decorative repertory of the Farnesina seems to be based on the elaborate structure of Augustan propaganda; the same frequent Egyptianizing motifs, which early scholarship associated with Cleopatra’s stay in Rome (46 BC), might be more accurately seen as references to Octavian’s conquest of Egypt following his defeat of Antony and Cleopatra (31 BC), and the introduction of this new territory to the Roman Empire. This interpretation ts in well with the hypothesis (supported by archeological data) that the Villa of the Farnesina was decorated on the occasion of the marriage of Augustus’ daughter Julia to Agrippa (19 BC), although built twenty to thirty years previously.35

C. Io’s suffering in literary sources I turn from documenting frescoes of Io / Isis on Roman and Pompeian walls and from aesthetic, domestic Egyptomania in Rome to a brief investigation of the myth of Io’s suffering in literary sources. Literature may aid in understanding these visual representations of the myth of Io, whose importance may be seen especially since her image is the central fresco on both the north and south walls of the ekklesiasterion in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii. Both Isis and Io are women who suffered while wandering around the world. Isis is Egyptian, but the Greek Argive Io also nally nds refuge in Egypt. Both give birth to royal sons (Horus and Epaphus). The initiates of Isis are transformed into human beings; Io is  rst transformed into a cow, but 33

Carettoni, Haus 91–92; see pp. 67–85 with Taf. 18–22; W.1–4, X, and Y; also Abb. 10–17. Maria Rita Sanzi Di Mino, ed., La Villa della Farnesina in Palazzo Massimo alle Terme (Milan: Electa, 1998) plates 24 and 75. Also Di Mino, “The Villa of the Farnesina,” in Palazzo Massimo alle Terme (English edition), ed. Adriano La Regina (Milan: Electa, 1998) 215–35 and Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 210–40. In the latter volume compare pp. 208–13, “The painted garden of the Villa of Livia at Prima Porta,” and see Domus 189–208. For a representation of Isis at the Villa, see Di Mino, ed., La Villa della Farnesina, plate 76 (Cubiculo B, right wall). See Mariette De Vos, L’egittomania in pitture e mosaici romano-campani della prima età imperiale (Leiden: Brill, 1980), pp. 76–79. 35 Di Mino, “The Villa of the Farnesina” 215. 34

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after she arrives in Egypt, again into a human being. “Because of her bovine shape, Io was identied with the Egyptian Isis (who had assumed the bovine characteristics of Hathor).”36 Isis searches the world for her dead husband; Io searches for her stolen child. Both Isis and Io – and later their descendents – rule Egypt. However, aspects of this identication were rejected by the Greek philosopher Plutarch (Isis and Osiris 355B, 358EF, 360E, 361A, 363B, 377F, and 379EF), who criticized the Egyptian understanding of animals as gods. Isis and Io have striking similarities but also problematic differences. Most often in the myth Io’s father is Inachus, the Argive river god (Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound 561–589, at 58937), but alternatively Iasus (Apollodorus, Library 2.1.338). Her mother, the wife of Inachus, is usually Melia.39 Io is a priestess of Hera, but her beauty inames Zeus, which, of course, makes his wife jealous. Hera changes Io into a cow, whom she tethers to the olive tree in the sacred grove of the Mycenaeans, and assigns Argos Panoptes (“the all-seeing”) to guard her. Some writers say not only that Io but also Argos, was the child of Inachus (Apollodorus). Zeus orders Hermes to steal the cow. Hermes kills Argos, either by throwing a stone at him or by playing his reed pipe, lulling him to sleep so that he can cut off his head with a sword (Ovid, Met. 1.679–72140). Hera sends a gady after the cow, which drives her mad as she wanders to the north and east, nally arriving in Egypt. Zeus

36

Ken Dowden, “Io,” OCD (3rd ed., 1996) 763. Éschyle, Prométhée enchainé, ed. and trans. Paul Mazon (Budé; Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1995; orig. 1920–1925). Aeschylus, trans. Herbert Weir Smyth in Loeb (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1922). Compare the more uent translation by Grene in The Complete Greek Tragedies, vol. 1: Aeschylus, ed. David Grene and Richard Lattimore (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1942, 1956) 311–51. Bernhard Zimmermann, “Aeschylus,” Brill’s New Pauly (2002) 1.244–51 denies this work is authentic. Judith A. Swanson, “The Political Philosophy of Aeschylus’s Prometheus Bound: Justice as Seen by Prometheus, Zeus, and Io,” Interpretation: A Journal of Political Philosophy 22/2 (1994–95) 215–45 assumes authenticity. Synneve des Bouvrie, “Aiskhulos, Prometheus: An Anthropological Approach,” Métis: revue d’anthropologie du monde grec ancien 8/1–2 (1993) 187–216 is agnostic. This is not the place to continue the debate. Compare Aeschylus, The Suppliant Maidens (also trans. Grene, pp. 179–214), perhaps the oldest extant drama of European literature (Smyth 3), a story of fty of Io’s female descendants, daughters of Danaus, who ee as suppliants to Argos because they refuse to marry fty of Io’s male descendants, sons of Aegyptus. This drama repeatedly refers to Io’s suffering, e.g. lines 52, 112– 116, 162–163, 291–292, 350–354, 531–599. 38 Apollodorus, The Library of Greek Mythology II.1, “Early Argive Mythology,” trans. Robin Hard (The World’s Classics; Oxford: Oxford University, 1997) 58–60, 196–97, written in the  rst or second century CE. 39 Samson Eitrem, “Io,” PW 9 (1916) 1732–43, at 1732. See Katarina Waldner, “Io,” Brill’s New Pauly 6 (2005) 885–86. 40 Ovid, Metamorphoses, trans. Frank Justus Miller (Loeb; London: Heineman, 1928) ix, a work written before his banishment in 7 CE. For Io’s suffering see Met. I.635–639, 646–650, 668, 725, 728;  nally she is transformed (738) and worshipped (747). Compare Ovid, Tristia 2.297–298. Also Propertius, Elegies II.28.17; 30.29; 33.7, written in the  rst century BCE, Vergil, Aeneid 7.789–92, and Lucan, The Civil War VI.363, written in the time of Nero. See also J. Gwyn Grifths, “Lycophron on Io and Isis,” CQ 36 (1986) 472–77. 37

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transforms her back into human form, and she bears their son, Epaphus, who continues the royal line. The myth even in Aeschylus has many variations. In The Suppliant Maidens the tragedian hardly mentions either the sexual encounter with Zeus or Hera’s enmity, but in the Prometheus Bound in response to night visions and a riddling oracle, her father expels her from the house “that Zeus’s eye may cease from longing for you” (654, trans. Grene). She immediately loses her human form and her sanity (674), all because of Zeus. The sexual encounter occurs between cow and bull (651, 676). But in The Suppliant Maidens (294) the encounter occurs while Io still has human form. Only after the death of Argos does the goddess send the gady who chases the mad Io as she wanders. Madness goes with animal form. In Egypt Zeus touches the cow with his divine, wonder working hand, which transforms her into human shape and restores her sanity. Io wanders to the Io-nian Sea (Prometheus Bound 839–41), popularly thought to be named after her, and through the channel of Maeotis, which again according to a popular etymology is then named the Bosphorus (“the passing of the cow,” 733). She moves from Europe to Asia (734–35), north to the Caucasus mountains (717–19), and nally to the Nile river (809, 812).41 In another variation, Dio Chrysostom skips over this wandering: Hermes escorts her to Egypt where she rules over the winds (Dio, Dialogues of the Sea Gods 318 (11 [7]).42 The story is known to and criticized by several church fathers, for example Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius, Lactantius, and Augustine.43 Drawing on diverse evidence Ferguson concludes: “during the rst two centuries of the common era they [Isis and Osiris/Sarapis] were the most popular and widespread of the non-Greek deities.”44 41 Jean M. Davison, “Myth and the Periphery,” Myth and the Polis, ed. Dora C. Pozzi and J. M. Wickerssham (Ithaca: Cornell University, 1991) 49–63, at p. 61: “The major signicance of the myth of Io for the Greeks of the sixth and fth centuries BC was that it authenticated and legitimated the traditional genealogies on which their history was based – to the extent that they could  nd a link to Io. Io provides the crucial connection between Greece and Egypt.” Apollodorus (see n. 38) organized his survey of Greek mythology according to these local genealogies (Argos, Thebes, Athens, Troy, etc.). 42 Lucian, trans. M. D. Macleod in Loeb (1961). 43 Clement, Stromateis I.75.2, trans. John Ferguson (FC;1991) 79; Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 2.1, 48cd, trans. Edwin Hamilton Gifford (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1981) 1. 53. Lactantius, The Divine Institutes I.11, trans. Mary Francis McDonald (FC; 1964) 47. Augustine, The City of God 18.3, trans. Gerald Walsh and Daniel Honan (FC; 1954) 88–89. These church writers’ critique was anticipated by Plutarch’s critical allegorization; see Isis and Osiris 355B, 358F, 360DEF, 376F380E, 382BC. Daniel E. Gershenson, “A Greek Myth in Jeremiah,” ZAW 108 (1996) 192–200 argues that Jer 46:20–21 reects the Io/Isis myth. For fascinating reections contrasting the decline of the Isis cult with the rise of Christianity, see Merkelbach, Isis regina vii-viii, 66, 72, 82, 87, 118–19, 306, as well as chaps. 10, 20, 24–26. 44 Everett Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993, 2nd ed.) 249. See Regina Salditt-Trappmann, Tempel der Ägyptischen Götter in Griechenland und an der Westküste Kleinasiens (EPRO 14; Leiden: Brill, 1970); Michel Malaise, Les conditions de

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D. Two frescoes of Io Wesenberg45 discusses the pictures of Io, Argos, and Hermes, originally painted by Nicias of Athens according to Pliny: “the Athenian Nicias . . . was an extremely careful painter of female portraits. Nicias kept a strict watch on light and shade, and took the greatest pains to make his paintings stand out from the panels. . . . He also executed some large pictures, among them a Calypso, an Io, and an Andromeda. . . .” (Nat. Hist. 35.130–32, trans. Rackham in Loeb).46 The earliest of these both chronologically47 and with respect to its artistic composition is the painting in the so-called House of Livia (CD 177–177a). Io, sitting on a rock in the center of the composition, is shown at the initial moment 48 of growing horns and being exposed to suffering, typically indicated in Greco-Roman art by her exposed left breast.49 Argos, to the viewer’s right, guards her from behind the rock, and Hermes, to the viewer’s left, is even further in the background behind the rock. Io seems unaware of the two men, who both focus on her, in the visual representation at least, seemingly unaware of each other. The rock remains in other versions of this scene, but loses its function or even contradicts the scene, which Wesenberg argues shows that the other paintings derive from this one. Further, the later paintings are in the 3rd and 4th styles. Several of the later painters cover Io’s breast (Casa dell’Imperatrice di Russia, Casa di Meleagro, Casa di Argos e Io in Herculaneum, the Tempio di Iside in Pompeii, Villa di P. Fannius Synistor in Boscoreale), so that she becomes a proper lady, but this deemphasizes the motif of her suffering seen in the other paintings (Casa di Livia, pénétration et de difusion des cultes Égyptiens en Italie (EPRO 22; 1972); Günther Hölbl, Zeugnisse Ägyptischer Religionsvorstellungen für Ephesus (EPRO 63; Leiden: Brill, 1978). Robert A. Wild, “Isis-Sarapis Sanctuaries of the Roman Period,” ANRW I.17.4 (1984) 1740–1847, surveys archaeological remains of other such temples, few of which are as early as the  rst century CE, perhaps one in the Campus Martius in Rome. 45 Wesenberg, “Zur Io des Nikias” (above n. 23), 344–50, with Taf. 96,1–3 and Abb. 1–6, including pictures of Io and Argos (without Hermes) in the Casa dell’Imperatrice di Russia (Abb. 1), the Casa di Meleagro (Abb. 2), and in the Macellum at Pompeii (Taf. 96,3). For the location of these three frescoes, see PPM V 409–25, IV 681, and VII 341, 344. 46 See Jacob Isager, Pliny on Art and Society: The Elder Pliny’s Chapters on the History of Art (London: Routledge, 1998, 2nd ed.) and Robertson, A History of Greek Art (cited n. 23), 1.436–39 and vol. 2 with plate 138c, a fresco of Io and Argos in the macellum at Pompeii. 47 Irene Iacopi, “Domus: Livia,” in Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae, ed. E. M. Steinby (Rome: Quasar, 1995) 2.130–32, notes that the 2nd style image belongs to the era of Augustus along with those in the Villa di Boscoreale and the Villa dei Misteri (see also n. 20). Rizzo, Casa di Livia, 26, calls the painter a master whose work has an excellence rare in Campanian painting. He also observes that two of the characters have inscriptions: ERMHS and IW, although only the omega of Io’s name is certain. Merkelbach, Isis regina, Abb. 64, and Domus 188. 48 Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII.825. 49 Compare the reliefs of Claudius and Britannia (Plate XIV) and of Nero and Armenia (Plate XVI), which represent conquered Britannia and Armenia as partially nude women, published by R. R. R. Smith, “The Imperial Reliefs from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias,” Journal of Roman Studies 77 (1987) 88–138, a monument built in the reigns of Tiberius, Claudius, and Nero. Below the relief of Augustus, the visual representation is of Aeneas’ ight from Troy (132).

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Casa del Citarista, Macellum in Pompeii; CD 177a, 179, 181a).50 Later painters also move Io to the side or put her on a higher plane, so that the interaction occurs between the two male gures, as in the Temple of Isis. This artist who painted the temple fresco sidelined Io by painting her on the viewer’s left, while in the foreground Hermes hands Argos the syrinx,51 which will result in his death. In the temple of Isis, men have taken over the action – once again. Wesenberg notes that Ovid (Met. 1.588–779) rst introduced the syrinx into the story and recalls that Nicias was known as a painter of women, from which he concludes that Nicias’ original painting was of a beautiful Io alone, sprouting horns and with her breast bare. Not even the painting in the House of Livia is an exact reproduction of Nikias’ work. In the second visual representation in the Temple of Isis (CD 189),52 Io, recognized by the horns on her head, is carried by a personication of the Nile. Isis, seated with a cobra wrapped around her left arm and her feet on a crocodile, receives Io in her sanctuary at Canopus by reaching out with her right hand, that Io takes with her right hand. A small Harpocrates sits below Isis on an urn with water. Above Isis there is a priestess with a sistrum, a ritual rattle,53 and a priest who shakes a sistrum and a caduceus (compare CD 186). On the viewers’ lower left there is a small statue of a sphinx, and in the background a great altar with horns, which makes the scene a sanctuary.54 Here Io nally nds refuge. In Egypt Io / Isis gives birth to Zeus’ son, Epaphus, which De Caro observes legitimated the Greek Ptolemies in Alexandria by rooting their dynasty in Heraclean and Argive origins, that is, in Greek/Macedonian ancestors of the new Egyptian 50

Wesenberg, “Io des Nikias,” 348–49, who prints all the images listed in the text above. A good example of this musical instrument can be seen in Stefano de Caro and Luciano Pedicini, The National Archaeological Museum of Naples (Naples: Electa, 1996) 242. 52 Compare Collezioni 136–37, #97, inv. 9555, Casa del Duca di Aumale (VI 9,1); also in Tinh, Essai, Pl. XVI.2. But Valeria Sampaolo (PPM VIII.837, g. 206) asserts that the Casa del Duca di Aumale is unknown. Merkelbach, Isis regina, Abb. 21, 65. Jean-Claude Grenier, “Isis assise devant Io,” La Parola del Passato 49 (1994) 22–36 interprets P.Oxy. 1380. 53 De Caro and Pedicini, National Archaeological Museum of Naples, 132, picture a sistrum found at the entrance to the ekklesiasterion of the Temple of Isis in Pompeii, which typically created a “din that was so upsetting to the traditionalists in Rome.” On the sistrum shaking the cosmic elements see Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 376CD. De Caro comments that archaeologists found numerous such instruments, showing “just how extensively the cult had permeated the society of this small Campanian city, due in part no doubt to the proximity of the cosmopolitan port of Puteoli.” On the temple of Sarapis in Puteoli dating from at least 105 BCE see Stefano De Caro, “La Campania e l’Egitto in età ellenistica e romana,” Civiltà dell’Antico Egitto in Campania (cited n. 27 above) 53–58 and Merkelbach, Isis regina, Abbildungen 116, 150, 213. Puteoli is the port where Paul landed in Italy according to Acts 28:13, where he found Christians. Now Google “University of Tokyo,” search for “Ercolano,” and view Tomo 6, p. 105, Tavole XXVII: four statues of Iside-Fortuna from Puteoli. One might easily compare the city of Corinth and the Isis temple in its port, Cenchreae, the home of Phoebe (Rom 16:1). De Caro and Pedicini also exhibit (p. 131, inv. 6290) a marble head of Isis found at the entrance to the ekklesiasterion (Plate 8 and CD 191). “The iconography of the goddess is derived from Aphrodite, and only the attribute which adorned the head, possibly a plume, made her identity explicit.” This was a Hellenized cult. 54 PPM VIII.837. 51

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kingdom.55 He says that the prototype of this painting can then be ascribed to Alexandria of the 3rd century BCE. But that cannot be why the painting occurs in Roman Pompeii. Io / Isis could legitimate various foreign rulers of Egypt. In Rome Augustus had built an arch to commemorate his victory over Pompey (36 BCE), but replaced it with the Actium Arch celebrating his victory over Antony and Cleopatra (31 BCE), who had styled themselves as Dionysus and Isis. Augustus had also built the Temple of Apollo to commemorate his victory over Pompey, but later installed in it the rostra captured from the Egyptian ships of Antony and Cleopatra. He “intended to remove from the city’s political center all record of the civil wars in which he was a protagonist. . . . Instead . . . a well-orchestrated propaganda campaign presented it as a war between Romans and Eastern barbarians.”56 The painting of Io / Isis in his wife’s, Livia’s, house (c. 30 BCE) must represent an appropriation of his opponents’ religion. In 28 BCE Augustus prohibited Egyptian sacra inside the pomerium, which Takács interprets as restricting them to temples, an action not affecting “private” art and literature.57 This is an odd distinction: Roman houses were not private. Perhaps we can interpret the picture of Io in Livia’s house in light of the image of Augustus on the temple gate from Kalabsha in Egypt. “Augustus, depicted as a pharaoh, stands before Osiris and Isis. He is the one giving. Here Augustus symbolically offers the land of Nubia to Isis, and not the other way around.”58 Io is closely associated with Isis and her rule in the picture in Pompeii. Mariette De Vos assembled evidence of Egyptian religion not only in the Casa di Livia, but in the Casa di Augusto, and in the Aula Isiaca, all three on the Palatine, as well as in the Villa Farnesina Romana, said to be owned by Augustus’ associate, Agrippa.59 She observes that Isis in her role as wife and sister of Osiris and mother of Horus guarantees the dynastic succession. At the death of Osiris, his son succeeds to the throne.60 This throws light not only on the painting of Io / Isis in Livia’s house in Rome, but also, I suggest, on paintings in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii. The painting of the Sarcophagus of Osiris has recently been located next to the painting of Io’s Recep-

55 De Caro and Pedicine, National Archaeological Museum of Naples 133. Also Alla ricerca di Iside 55, no. 1.63. 56 Paola Guidobaldi, The Roman Forum (Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma; Milan: Electa, 1998) 37. Now Irene Iacopi and Giovanna Tedone, “Biblioteca e Porticus ad Apollinis,” RM 112 (2005–2006) 351–78. 57 Sarolta A. Takács, Isis and Serapis in the Roman World (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 124; Leiden: Brill, 1995) 75–76, 78. 58 Takács, Isis 100. But Augustus may have offered Isis the land of Nubia to be put under her protection. 59 Mariette De Vos, “Nuove pitture egittizzanti di epoca Augustea,” in L’Egitto fuori dell’Egitto: dalla riscoperta all’Egittologia, ed. C. M. Govi, S. Curto, S. Pernigotti (Bologne: CLUEB, 1991) 121–27 and also her “’Egittomania’ nelle case di Pompei ed Ercolano,” (cited n. 27 above) 59–71. 60 De Vos, “Egittomania,” 59.

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tion by Isis (CD 188).61 In this second painting, the son of Osiris and Isis, HorusHarpocrates, sits below her on an urn of the sacred water, usually interpreted allegorically as the Nile ooding and giving life and opulence to Egypt (189).62 But simultaneously, the Saracophagus of Osiris is adjacent to the painting of Io / Isis ruling Egypt, while their son sits below her on the holy water. M. De Vos relates this to Augustus succeeding his divine father, Caesar. In the temple of Isis in Pompeii, if the painting of the Sarcophagus of Osiris was indeed immediately adjacent to the painting of Io’s Reception by Isis (with Horus on the urn), De Vos’ reading of the myth could be seen at a glance. The political allegory would be capable of multiple reinterpretations. The freedman Numerius rebuilt the temple of Isis, and his young son was therefore promoted into the Pompeian curia. Might not Horus in the painting of Io’s Reception by Isis be a portrait of Numerius’ young son, Numerius Popidius Celsinus? 63 Brenk emphasizes a religious interpretation of the two central Io / Isis panels in the ekklesiasterion: both represent the mercy of Isis related to the role she plays in Apuleius, Metamorphoses. The new hymns of the Hellenistic and Graeco-Roman period humanized some of Isis’ features: “the destiny of every man then depended on the goddess who, in her love for the suffering, oppressed, imprisoned, and imperiled, became a succor and a savior of mankind. It was this Hellenized Isis who conquered the Mediterranean world. . . .” 64 61 The picture of the Sarcophagus of Osiris is the west painting on the north wall, that is, next to the central painting of Io, Argos and Hermes, according to Valeria Sampaolo in Alla riccerca di Iside (pp. 35, 57 and Tav. XIII); see Tran Tam Tinh, Essai, Pl. X: Adoration de la momie d’Osiris. But in PPM VIII.835, g. 204 Sampaolo argues (six years later) that it was the east painting on the south wall, so next to the central painting of the Reception of Io by Isis. Stefano De Caro, Soprintendente archeologico delle provincie di Napoli e Caserta, in a personal letter (Jan. 22, 2002) observes that a reading of the Pompeianarum Antiquitatum Historia [ed. G. Fiorelli (Naples, 1860– 1864) 3 vols.] con rms Dr. Sampaolo’s later placing of the Sarcophagus of Osiris fresco on the south wall. On the “Adoration of the Mummy of Osiris,” see Frederick E. Brenk, “The Isis Campensis of Katja Lembke,” in Imago Antiquitatis: Religions et iconographie du monde romain. mélanges offerts à Robert Turcan, eds. Nicole Blanc and André Turcan (Paris: De Boccard, 1999) 134–143 with Figs. 1–2 on p. 140, now in his Relighting the souls: Studies in Plutarch, in Greek literature, religion, and philosophy, and in the New Testament background (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1998). On the twisted landscape in this and other frescoes in the ekklesiasterion see Barbara Hughes Fowler, The Hellenistic Aesthetic (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1989) chaps. 3 and 7, esp. pp. 107–09. 62 Iside: Il mito, il mistero, la magia (cited n. 24) 439. 63 Portraits occur elsewhere in Pompeian frescoes, for example, in the Villa of the Mysteries. See Gunter Zuntz, “On the Dionysiac Fresco in the Villa dei Misteri at Pompeii,” Proceedings of the British Academy 49 (June 1963) pp. 177–201, with Plates I–VII, at p. 191: “The faces of the human persons on the fresco, almost all of them, are unmistakably portraits.” Iphigenia and her brother Orestes are painted in the Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25), where Orestes is a portrait of Nero (PPM I.118). See also chap. VII, n. 361. 64 Louis V. Zabkar, Hymns to Isis in Her Temple at Philae (Hanover: Brandeis University, 1988) 160; also 153–54. See 146 for the comparison with Apuleius, Met. 11.25, Lucius’ prayer to Isis: “thou bringest the sweet love of a mother to the trials of the unfortunate.” I thank Frederick Brenk for the reference to Zabkar.

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E. Suffering portrayed in the rituals of Isis (and Eleusis) Io does not die in the myth and ritual of her cult, in contrast to the myth and rituals related to Osiris; this paper primarily concerns the goddess Isis, not Osiris. Some argue that it is misleading to speak of “dying and rising gods.”65 Greece (Eleusis) and the East did know of dying gods; there were always two, usually an older female goddess and a younger male partner who dies. The older female mourns, and death is partially abolished, but Theissen argues that there is never a real resurrection.66 Osiris is killed violently, struck or drowned by his brother Seth, then cut to pieces. The overcoming of death is not resurrection: Osiris rules as king of the underworld. The ritual around the fate of dying deities is lamentation: cult members join the female deity in mourning the loss of the partner deity. Cult members do not experience the death themselves, but lament it. Other scholars argue that Osiris is indeed raised from the dead.67 Since this paper focuses on Isis, I will not debate this crucial question. But in the Christian sacraments, adherents experience Jesus’ death in symbolic form, being buried in baptism and eating food identied with Jesus’ death. The longing for nearness to the deity, also found in cults of dying deities, becomes central and is transformed. Christ is close to Christians’ transitoriness, wretchedness, and guilt.68 The Egyptian aretalogies of Isis do not mention her suffering, e.g. the epigraphic hymn from Cyme.69 Plutarch, the Greek philosopher, does: 65 Gerd Theissen, The Religion of the Earliest Churches: Creating a Symbolic World (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1999) 58–59. 66 Theissen, Religion 58, citing Dieter Zeller, “Die Mysterienkulte und die paulinische Soteriologie (Röm 6,1–11): Eine Fallstudie zum Synkretismus im Neuen Testament,” in Suchbewegungen. Synkretismus-kulturelle Identität und kirchliches Bekenntnis (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Bichgesellschafat, 1991) 42–46. Also A. J. M. Wedderburn, Baptism and Resurrection: Studies in Pauline Theology against Its Graeco-Roman Background (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1987) and Walter Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1987) 23, 27, 87, 99–101. See the review of Burkert by Frederick E. Brenk in Gnomon 61 (1989) 289–92. 67 R. E. Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World (Ithaca: Cornell University, 1971) 139, 162–63, 256 and Merkelbach, Isis regina 19, 178, 232–35, who cites Diodorus Siculus I.25.6 and the Paris immortality liturgy (the Mithras liturgy). Diodorus is striking: Isis not only “discovered the drug which gives immortality (&_anas4a: f1rmakon), by means of which she raised from the dead her son Horus . . . giving him his soul again, but also made him immortal” (trans. Oldfather in Loeb). 68 Theissen’s phrase (60) for this is “competitive syncretism.” Compare Ferguson, Backgrounds 573–74, 579–83. See Robert A. Wild, Water in the Cultic Worship of Isis and Sarapis (EPRO 87; Leiden: Brill, 1981) 69: “At least one segment of the cult as it is found in the Roman period associated Nile water very strongly with Osiris. For them, the pitcher containing Nile water was the ‘summi numinis veneranda efgies,’ the revered image of the great Osiris . . . [P]erhaps in Roman times Nile water was more often valued as a sign of the presence of the gods rather than of their power. . . . I am reminded of the shift in Christian Eucharistic practice from ancient and patristic times to the medieval era. The Eucharistic bread, once valued as a substance to be shared in the community and eaten on certain occasions, instead became something to be looked at and adored.” Compare Wild, Water 128. 69 Text in Maria Totti, Ausgewählte Texte der Isis- und Sarapis-Religion (Subsidia Epigraphica

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But the avenger, the sister and wife of Osiris, after she had quenched and suppressed the madness and fury of Typhon, was not indifferent to the contexts and struggles (to6: )_lou: kaH to`: &g9na:) which she had endured, nor to her own wanderings nor to her manifold deeds of wisdom and many feats of bravery, nor would she accept oblivion and silence for them, but she intermingled in the most holy rites portrayals and suggestions and representations of her experiences at that time, and sanctied them, both as a lesson in godliness and an encouragement for men and women who nd themselves in the clutch of like calamities (sumfor9n; Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 27 [361DE]).70

Isis’ suffering as she wanders is a Hellenized aspect of the myth as can be observed in Plutarch’s text (Isis and Osiris 354A, 356E, 358A, 373A) and in the popular visual representations of Io in Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Rome. This myth and ritual is analogous to those at Eleusis, where Demeter is lled with sorrow for her daughter Kore/Persephone (Homeric Hymn to Demeter 192–211).71 The myth has meaning in that agricultural society: Persephone remains in the underworld while the seed is underground, and she returns when it begins growing.72 But a second, anthropological meaning is that “the human person, threatened by transience and death, is to receive a share in the vital force of nature, which is ever renewing itself.”73 A fragment of Plutarch refers to “initiation into the great mysteries” as straying and wandering, the weariness of running this way and that, and nervous journeys through darkness that reach no goal, and then immediately before the consummation every possible terror, shivering and trembling and sweating and amazement. But after this a marvelous light meets the wanderer. . . . And amidst these, he walks at large in a new freedom, now perfect, and fully initiated, celebrating the sacred rites, a garland upon his head, and converses with pure and holy men; he surveys the uninitiated, unpuried mob here on earth, the mob of living men who, herded together in mirk and deep mire, trample one another down and in their fear of death cling to their ills, since they disbelieve in the blessings of the other world. (Plutarch, Frag. 178)74

Here the mysteries have become gnostic, individualized eschatology.75 12; Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1985) 1–4. Diodorus of Sicily I.27 has lines 1–11 and 57. Zabkar, Hymns 140–41; Merkelbach, Isis regina 113–19; Klauck, Religious Context 132; Ramsay Macmullen and Eugene N. Lane, Paganism and Christianity 100–425 C. E. (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992) 53–54. 70 Plutarch, Isis and Osiris, trans. Babbitt in Loeb (1969). 71 Hesiod, Homeric Hymns and Homerica, trans. Evelyn-White in Loeb (1977). 72 Ken Dowden, Death and the Maiden: Girls’ Initiation Rites in Greek Mythology (London: Routledge, 1989), chap. 6: “Mycenae: Io and Argos ‘All-Seeing,’” interprets these stories as the end of maidenhood terminated by marriage and by the birth of the  rst child. 73 Klauck, Religious Context 104. Compare H. S. Versnel, Ter Unus: Isis, Dionysos, Hermes. Three Studies in Henotheism (Studies in Greek and Roman Religion 6; Leiden: Brill, 1990) 46 of Isis, quoting Artemidorus, Oneir. 2,39 and Isidorus, Hymn 1.26–34. 74 Plutarch, frag. 178, trans. Sandbach in Loeb, vol. 15 (1969) 318–19. See Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults 91, 103, Merkelbach, Isis regina 174, 235, and Klauck, Religious Context 104–05 on this text. 75 Hans Dieter Betz, Plutarch’s Theological Writings and Early Christian Literature (Leiden:

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Conclusion: The cross in early Christian art and ritual When Io arrives in Egypt, her reason is restored and her sufferings end. In contrast to Jesus’ passion, her suffering and transformation do not conclude in her sacricial death, but rather in the death of Argos, her tormentor, and in the political dynasty of her posterity.76 She does not arrive in Egypt to a cross, but to a crown, or in political context, she arrives as a Greek (Cleopatra) or Roman (Antony, Octavian) conqueror. “According to Hermes, she will have power over those at sea and be our mistress. . . . No horns now, or tail or cloven hooves, but instead a lovely girl” (Lucian, Dialogues of the Sea Gods 318). This transformation from suffering and powerlessness into power is close to what some in Corinth understood Paul to be preaching. “Already you are rich; already you rule as kings!” (1 Cor 4:8), Paul responds in shock. Rather, he counters, “We have this power in pots made of clay, in order that the abundance of power might belong to God, and not to us.” (2 Cor 4:7)77 The aim of this paper has been to present new aesthetic data from Roman houses that may shed light on how Paul’s Greco-Roman domestic auditors – and spectators (Gal 6:17) – might have heard and even seen his proclamation of Christ’s and his own suffering, not to explicate Pauline texts themselves. I will only point to relevant texts. In 2 Cor 6:4–5 Paul lists nine hardships (peristaseis); the similar catalogue in 2 Cor 4:8–9 attests that he does not despair (4:1, 16).78 Paul attributes these hardships to God (1 Cor 4:9; 2 Cor 6:9): his suffering plays a role in the divine plan, as it is inseparable from the mission to which God called him. He gives himself up to death for Jesus’ sake (2 Cor 4:11), joyfully accepting all that his ministry involves (2 Cor 12:10): “I delight in weaknesses, in insults, in hardships, in persecutions, in difculties” (NIV). The long catalogue in 2 Cor 11:23–28 includes journeying: “three times Brill, 1975) 321. Frederick E. Brenk, “A Gleaming Ray: Blessed Afterlife in the Mysteries,” Illinois Classical Studies 18 (1993) 147–64, reprinted in his Relighting the Souls. Studies in Plutarch, in Greek Literature, Religion, and Philosophy, and in the New Testament Background (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1998) 291–308. 76 After building the temple of Apollo in 28 BCE, Augustus attached to it the colonnade of Danaos’ fty daughters (descendants of Io; see n. 37) in 25 BCE (Carettoni, Haus 9). For clarication of the mythical context of Augustus’ house see Timothy Peter Wiseman, “Conspicui Postes Tectaque Digna Deo: The Public Image of Aristocratic and Imperial Houses in the Late Republic and Early Empire,” in L’Urbs: espace urbain et histoire (1er siècle av. J.-C. – IIIe siècle ap. J.-C.) (Actes du colloque international organizé par le Centre National de la Recherche Scientique et l’École Française de Rome (Rome, 8–12 mai 1985) (Collection de l’École Française de Rome 98; 1987) 393–413, p. 403, who cites Ovid, Tristia III.1.27–38 and Metamorphoses I.168–76. Heracles was a descendant of Io, and also one of the ve founders of Rome (Dionysius, Ant. Rom. 1.34.1). 77 See John T. Fitzgerald, Cracks in an Earthen Vessel: An Examination of the Catalogues of Hardships in the Corinthian Correspondence (SBLDS 99; Atlanta: Scholars, 1984). Also Scott Hafemann, “‘Because of Weakness’ (Gal 4:13): the Role of Suffering in the Mission of Paul,” in The Gospel to the Nations: Perspectives on Paul’s Mission. In Honour of Peter T. O’Brien, ed. Peter Bole and Mark Thompson (Leicester: Apollos, 2000) 131–46. Hafemann cites his two earlier books on the theme. 78 Fitzgerald, Hardships 204–06, on which this paragraph is dependent.

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I was shipwrecked; for a night and a day I was adrift at sea; on frequent journeys, in danger from rivers, danger from bandits, danger from my own people, danger from Gentiles, danger in the city, danger in the wilderness, danger at sea, danger from false brothers and sisters. . . .” (vss. 25c–26) Paul’s accomplishments belong to God: “I can do all things in him who gives me strength” (Phil 4:13). It is God who justies. Who is to condemn? It is Christ Jesus, who died, yes, who was raised, who is at the right hand of God, who indeed intercedes for us. Who will separate us from the love of Christ? Will hardship, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or sword? As it is written, ‘For your sake we are being killed all day long; we are accounted as sheep to be slaughtered.” [Ps 44:22] No, in all these things we are more than conquerors through him who loved us. (Rom 8:33b–37 NRSV)

Divine power is revealed through Paul’s frailty. Hardships display the power of God and simultaneously Paul’s weakness (2 Cor 4:7, 11; 11:30; 12:10). “Let the one who boasts boast in the Lord” (1 Cor 1:31, quoting Jer 9:24) Second, in conclusion I must also address a possible objection to the reconstruction in this paper based on the observation that “the earliest known [Christian] representations of Jesus crucixion date to the early fth century, and are extremely rare until the seventh.”79 The lack of early Christian visual representations of Jesus’ death corresponds to scholars’ observation with respect to Paul’s theology in the century after he died: “the authority of Paul is, to be sure, acknowledged in a formal way but Paul’s fundamental view of justication is hardly to be found.”80 Jensen argues that the problem is not as severe as it seems; for example, in those early centuries visual representations such as that of the lamb of God and the sacrice of Isaac carried similar symbolic value. On the other hand, Jensen refers to visual representations of the cross, the staurogram, in early Christian papyri, the oldest Christian artifacts. Christian scribes developed a unique system of abbreviating approximately a dozen words, sacred names (nomina sacra) and others, including the noun (staur5:) and verb (staur5w) for “cross / crucify.” Three of the most important of these papyri are P46 (the Pauline epistles including Hebrews but without the Pastorals), P66 (the gospel of John 1–21), and P75 (the gospels of Luke 3–24 and John 1–15). Some scholars date these three papyri to the late second century, while others place them in the early third.81 P46 abbreviates the verb “to crucify” eight times and the noun “cross” twelve 79 Robin Margaret Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art (New York: Routledge, 2000) chap. 5, here p. 131. Contrast my argument with that of Graydon F. Snyder, Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence of Church Life Before Constantine (Macon: Mercer University, 1985), 165–66 and thus with the argument of my (deceased) friend, Daryl Schmidt, “The Jesus Tradition in the Common Life of the Early Church,” in Common Life in the Early Church: Essays Honoring Graydon F. Snyder, ed. Julian V. Hills et al (Harrisburg: Trinity International, 1998) 135–46. 80 Georg Strecker, Theology of the New Testament (trans. M. E. Boring; Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 2000) 18. This is nuanced in William S. Babcock, ed., Paul and the Legacies of Paul (Dallas: Southern Methodist University, 1990). 81 Kurt Aland, Studien zur Überlieferung des Neuen Testaments und Seines Textes (Berlin: De

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Plate 9 (CD 192): Gospel of John 19:16–20 in papyrus 66, dated c. 200. Staurograms occur in verses 16, 18, 19, and 20. Papyrus Bodmer II, Supplément, Evangile de Jean, chap. 14–21, ed. Victor Martin and J. W. B. Barns (Cologny-Geneva: Bibliothèque Bodmer, 1962) 37. Published by permission of the Fondation Bodmer, Geneva.

times by omitting the diphthong “au” from st(au)r5: and st(au)r5w.82 But in P66 the abbreviation becomes an aesthetic image. Eleven or twelve times in the fragmentary text of John 19 (vss. 6 [perhaps 3x], 15 [perhaps 2x], 16, 18, 19, 20, 25, 31, and perhaps 41), not only is “au” omitted, but the letters tau (t) and rho (r), thrown together in the abbreviation, are combined to form a staurogram, e.g. in vs. 19, Pilate put the title on the (see Plate 9 and CD 192). Curiously, once in P66 the verb is neither abbreviated nor aesthetically represented, but simply written 4sta6rwsan (John 19:23). Thus in one of the earliest Christian artifacts we have, text and art are combined to emphasize “Christus crucixus.”83 Similarly in P75 the staurogram Gruyter, 1967), pp. 91–92, 102 dates P46 and P66 “around 200” and P75 to “the beginning of the third century.” 82 Aland, Überlieferung 175. 83 Matthew Black, “The Chi-Rho Sign – Christogram and/or Staurogram?” in Apostolic History and the Gospel: Biblical and Historical Essays Presented to F. F. Bruce on his 60th Birthday (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970) 319–27, at p. 327. Now see Larry W. Hurtado, “The Earliest Evidence of an Emerging Christian Material and Visual Culture: The Codex, the Nomina Sacra and the Staurogram,” in Text and Artifact in the Religions of Mediterranean Antiquity: Essays in Hon-

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occurs twice (Luke 14:27; 24:7) and the abbreviation once (Luke 23:26). Also in the third century, P45 has the abbreviation twice (Mark 8:34; Luke 14:27), P80 (consisting of only one verse, John 3:34) has two staurograms, not in the text but concluding the verso and recto sides of the papyrus, and P91 has one staurogram (Acts 2:36). In conclusion, there are four early papyri with the staurogram (P66, P75, P80, and P91) and two that abbreviate “cross/crucify” (P45 and P46).84 The staurogram constitutes a Christian artistic emphasis on the cross within the earliest textual tradition. It is not surprising, then, that a Christian apologist, Minucius Felix, Octavius 29.6 (closely related to Tertullian’s Apology, written in 197 CE), responded to critics that “crosses are not objects that we worship.”85

our of Peter Richardson, ed. Stephen G. Wilson and Michel Desjardins (Studies in Christianity and Judaism 9; Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University, 2000) 271–88. 84 These papyri have been assembled by Philip W. Comfort and David P. Barrett, eds., The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts: New and Complete Transcriptions with Photographs (Wheaton: Tyndale House, 2001, 2nd ed.). 85 G. W. Clarke, The Octavius of Marcus Minucius Felix (Ancient Christian Writers 39; New York: Newman, 1974) 106, cited by Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art 141. She also (p. 138) quotes Tertuallian, Adv. Marc. 3.22, who recommends tracing the symbol of the cross on the forehead “in all the ordinary actions of daily life.” The sign of the cross is made over the bread (diex1raxen tv )rtJ t0n staur5n) after the Eucharistic prayer according to the Acts of Thomas 50, written in the second century. Richard A. Lipsius and Maxamilian Bonnet, Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha (Braunschweig, 1883–1891; reprinted Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1959) II.166,18. I owe this  nal reference to Salvatore Pricoco and Manlio Simonetti, eds., La preghiera dei Cristiani (Lorenzo Valla; Milan: Mondadori, 2000) 24–25. Note: Jürgen Hodske, Mythologische Bildthemen in den Häusern Pompejis: Die Bedeutung der zentralen Mythenbilder für die Bewohner Pompejis. Stendaler Winkelmann Forschungen 6. Ruhpolding: Franz Philipp Rutzen, 2007, has just been published. For Io see plates 131–133.

Chapter III

Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal. 3:1) in Light of Paintings and Sculptures of Suffering and Death in Pompeian and Roman Houses

Paul baptized the household of Stephanas in Corinth, as he remembered while writing from Ephesus (1 Cor. 1:16; 16:15–16), where the church was meeting in the house of Aquila and Prisca (1 Cor. 16:19; see Rom. 16:3–5a, reversing the order: Prisca and Aquila). Carolyn Osiek and I investigated how Stephanas’ household might have lived in their house, and what it meant to worship in the house of Prisca and Aquila.1 While doing that earlier research, I found the work of Andrew Wallace-Hadrill on Pompeii and Herculaneum. His new insights informed our book, and the Lilly Endowment conference papers in the book of conference papers (Early Christian Families in Context: an interdisciplinary dialogue), sponsored by Don Browning, grew out of those research questions. Greco-Roman houses, unlike many modern ones, were lled with art, with paintings, mosaics, and sculptures. The question that generates this essay is: when Paul preached in such houses, or when there was a eucharist or a baptism, might there have been art in the house that could help those gathered to understand the sermon or the eucharistic dinner conversation?2 Recent studies of Roman domestic art focus not only on Pompeii and Herculaneum, but also on the Roman West (Spain, Gaul, Germany, Britain, and Dacia) and the Greek East (especially Ephesus). Indigenous traditions inuenced the paintings, but especially in the beginning, Italian centers were determinative.3 Lavagne observes that the paintings were discussed by those who viewed them at symposia: “You musn’t forget your classics even at dinner!” (Petronius, Sat. 39.4, which Petronius meant ironically; trans. Bracht and Kinney). These recent studies show that styles and themes of this art typically originated in Rome and spread to the provinces in the East and the West. One would nd datable styles and a limited number

1

See Osiek and Balch, Families 202 and passim. For early Christian development of art despite their critique of pagan art see Paul Corby Finney, The Invisible God: The Earliest Christians on Art (Oxford: Oxford University, 1994) chaps. 1–3. 3 Henri Lavagne, “Römische Wandmalerei: Bilanz jüngerer Forschungen und neue Sichtweisen,” in Römische Glaskunst und Wandmalerei, ed. Michael J. Klein (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1999), 21–24, at p. 21. 2

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of themes in Rome and Pompeii, and in the  rst centuries B. C. E. and C. E., comparable styles and themes in other Greco-Roman cities. The thesis of this paper is that Greco-Roman, domestic, tragic art emphasizing pathos would have provided a meaningful cultural context for understanding Paul’s gospel of Christ’s passion. Although Dionysiac themes are more prominent than scenes of suffering and death in Roman domestic art, tragic art portraying suffering was surprisingly signicant in domestic contexts – where Christians lived and worshipped.4 The gospel itself (e.g. 1 Cor. 15:3–8) and the rituals of baptism (Rom. 6:3–4) and the eucharist (1 Cor. 11:23–26) all focus on the meaning of Christ’s death. One of these meanings was that his death was an expiation at the cost of his blood (Rom. 3:25–26). Paul proclaimed that Christ’s death was voluntary (Gal. 1:4; see 2:20 and 2 Cor. 5:14–15), and he coordinated the confession of Christ’s saving death with an anthropology that emphasized believers suffering and dying with Christ (2 Cor. 1:5–6).5 If we imagine Christians in Antioch, Ephesus, Corinth, Philippi, or Rome reading manuscripts of the Greek Bible (LXX) in their houses, this essay asks what domestic visual representations they would be seeing? I assume that the interpretation of the Biblical texts would have been inuenced consciously or unconsciously by the visual representations valued in Greco-Roman domestic culture. Would Jews too have seen such visual representations? During Paul’s lifetime, most Jews in Israel did not have gurative art in their homes, but there were exceptions. When Josephus was sent to Galilee in 66 C. E., just before the war with Rome, he informed the leaders of Tiberius that he had been commissioned by the Jerusalem assembly to press for the demolition of the palace erected by Herod the tetrarch, which contained representations of animals (zLwn morf%:) – such a style of architecture being forbidden by the laws (Josephus, Life 64–65, trans. Thackeray in Loeb).6 In the early third century C. E. at Beth-She’arim in lower Galilee, Rabbi Judah I was buried in catacombs that exhibit representational art.7 But already in the rst 4 I owe this precise wording to John R. Clarke (personal letter, April 2002). See his The Houses of Roman Italy, 100 B. C.-A. D. 250: Ritual, Space, and Decoration (Berkeley: University of California, 1991). Bettina Bergmann, “The Roman House as Memory Theater: The House of the Tragic Poet in Pompeii,” The Art Bulletin 76/2 (1994) 225–56, at p. 249: “In the Roman world, tragic myth pervaded the very heart of family life, the domus.” On the following Pauline references see Sam K. Williams, Jesus’ Death as Saving Event: The Background and Origin of a Concept (HTRHDR 2; Missoula: Scholars, 1975) 31, 47, who compares 2 Macc 6:14 and 4 Macc 6:29. A recent important work, which includes a discussion of the evocation of pathos, is Tonio Hölscher, The Language of Images in Roman Art, Foreword by Ja Elsner, trans. Anthony Snodgrass and Annemarie Künzl-Snodgrass (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2004). 5 See Ernst Käsemann, “On Paul’s Anthropology,” Pauline Perspectives (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971) 1–31. 6 See Lee I. Levine, Judaism and Hellenism in Antiquity: Conict or Conuence? (Peabody: Hendrickson, 1998) 56–58, on Josephus, Ant. 15.267–79. Now see Steven Fine, Art and Judaism in the Greco-Roman World: Toward a New Jewish Archaeology (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2005). 7 Levine, Judaism and Hellenism, chap. 4 and Levine, “Beth-She’arim,” OEANE 1.311.

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century C. E., Greco-Roman domestic culture in the form of a peristyle house with Romano-Campanian frescoes had invaded Jerusalem.8 Animals were depicted in houses of the Herodian period in Sepphoris as well as on Mount Zion and in the Jewish Quarter of Jerusalem.9 A late rst century C. E. inscription, dated probably between 60 and 80, from a synagogue in Phrygia (Asia Minor), refers to an “edice” (oPko :, l.1) constructed by Julia Severa.10 The edice was renovated probably by the early second century by the Jewish leaders Publius Tyrronius Cladus, archisynagogos for life; Lucius the son of Lucius, archisynagogos; and Popilius Zoticus, archon. A portion of the inscription reads: “They have decorated the walls and the ceiling (6grayan to`: kaH tjn Vrofjn), and they made the security of the gates and all the rest of the decoration (p1nta k5smon)” (ll. 7–8, 10).11 The Jewish author of Pseudo-Phocylides (3–8), written perhaps in Syria, begins moral exhortations with the ten commandments, but the prohibition of images disappears!12 The Jewish-Christian gospel of Matthew (22:20), also written in Syria, allows the use of coins with human “images.” In the rst century C. E., some Jews in Antioch and Jerusalem began accepting the artistic depiction of animals in houses and palaces and of humans on coins; in the second century C. E., they represented animals and humans in their rabbis’ burial caves. More obviously, when Paul converted Gentile households, they would have had frescoes on their domestic walls. In Gal. 3:1, Paul exclaims, “You foolish Galatians! Who has bewitched you? It was before your eyes that Jesus Christ was publicly exhibited (proegr1fh) as crucied!” (NRSV)13 Paul portrayed Christ crucied by his preached words and deeds (see 2 Cor. 13:4; Gal. 6:17). Speakers sketching word pictures in houses that had beautiful frescoes on their walls was common. Lucian,14 while speaking in such a 8 L. A. Roussin, “Mosaics,” OEANE 4.51. Nahman Avigad, “Jerusalem,” NEAEHL 2.730–34, p. 734 for the House of Columns. 9 Silvia Rozenberg, “The Absence of Figurative Motifs in Herodian Wall Painting,” in I temi gurativi nella pittura parietale antica (IV sec. a.c.–IV sec. d.c.), ed. D. S. Corlàita (Bologna: University Press, 1997), 283–85, 415–16, at p. 284. For later synagogue mosaic oors, Fine, Art and Judaism, chap. 12, “Synagogue Mosaics and Liturgy in the Land of Israel.” 10 See the text with discussion in L. Michael White, The Social Origins of Christian Architecture, vol. II, Texts and Monuments for the Christian Domus Ecclesiae in Its Environment, HTS 42 (Valley Forge, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 1997), pp. 307–09, nn. 45–46. 11 Louis H. Feldman, Studies in Hellenistic Judaism, AGJU 30 (Leiden: Brill, 1996) 582, translates: “and they donated the (painted) murals for the walls and the ceiling, . . . and made all the rest of the ornamentation.” 12 John M. G. Barclay, Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (323 BCE–117 CE) (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1996) 341–42. 13 Compare Hans Dieter Betz, Galatians (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979) 131–32, and contrast B. S. Davis, “The Meaning of proegr1fh in the Context of Galatians 3.1,” NTS 45/2 (1999): 194–212. 14 Christiane Reitz and Ulrike Egelhaaf, “Ekphrasis,” Der Neue Pauly, ed. Hubert Cancik et al., 3 (1997): 942–50, p. 946 on Lucian and Vergil. See Ann Vasaly, Representations: Images of the World in Ciceronian Oratory (Berkeley: University of California, 1993), a reference for which I thank Beryl Rawson. Also Karl Lehmann-Hartleben, “The Imagines of the Elder Philostratus,” Art

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house, says that a beautiful house excites the speaker, that “something of beauty ows through the eyes into the soul,” then into the words; and the painter of such word pictures has Euripides or Sophocles as a model (De Domo [PerH toc oLkou]) 23 trans. Harmon in Loeb) Lucian (“Essays in Portraiture” [EIKONES] paints a verbal picture of the Emperor Verus’s mistress, Panathea of Smyrna, comparing her, for example, to Alcamenes’ Athenian Aphrodite (the Venus Genetrix; 4). He thinks “Homer . . . the best of all painters” (t0n )riston t9n grafe9n Umhron; 8). Lucian compares Panathea with Aspasia, the consort of Pericles, who was painted (graeK:) by Aeschines, the friend of Socrates, who painted (4g2grapto) on a small canvas, but Lucian says his gure is colossal (17). He compares her to Theano, Sappho, and Diotima (18), and Lycinus says, “paint (gr1fou) more of them!” (19) Lucian’s word picture is painting. Lucian summarizes, “I painted (4gray1mhn) her soul, not made of wood and wax and colors, but portrayed with inspirations from the Muses” (23). Persons who lived in Greco-Roman houses outside Israel in the  rst century C. E. would typically have seen tragic stories on their walls. At the conclusion of his insightful fourth chapter on salvic death in Greek literature, Williams cites modern scholars who document the inuence of Aeschylus and especially Euripides on literature four or ve centuries later.15 We do not have to guess which stories Greeks and Romans, including Christian Gentiles, valued; in Pompeii we can still see which ones they chose to have painted on the walls of their houses. In the  rst and most of the second century, Christians did not build church buildings16; rather they lived and worshipped in the same houses in which they had lived before they were converted. What would Paul’s word picture of Christ crucied have looked like, and would some Greco-Roman domestic paintings and sculptures have helped make his gospel comprehensible?

A. Iphigenia Iphigenia at Aulis, is Euripides’ nal extant tragedy presented in 405 B. C. E. Earlier (414–412 B. C. E.) he had written Iphigenia in Tauris.17 In Euripides’ earlier play, Bulletin 23 (1941) 16–44 and Ja Elsner, Art and the Roman Viewer (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1995) chap. 1, two references for which I thank John R. Clarke. 15 Williams, Jesus’ Death 159, nn. 41 and 42. 16 See L. Michael White, The Social Origins of Christian Architecture : Texts and Monuments for the Christian Domus Ecclesiae in its Environment, vol. II, HTS (Valley Forge, PA: Trinity Press International, 1997) 210–11, on the oldest Christian church buildings. Contrast Robert Jewett, Romans (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress, 2007) 56–57, 64. 17 Emanuel Löwy, “Der Schluss der Iphigenie in Aulis,” Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts in Wien 24 (1929): 1–41, at 34, n. 1. Quotations are from Euripides, Bacchae, Iphigenia at Aulis, Rhesus, trans. David Kovacs (Cambridge: Harvard University, 2002); the text is ed. by Francois Jouan in the Budé (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1983).

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Iphigenia rejects death, not being willing to become a sacrice, but in Euripides’ nal tragedy, she willingly gives herself for her country. Assembled to sail against Troy, the Greek eet was becalmed at Aulis. The seer Calchas informed them that Artemis was angry (89–93), and that only by sacricing Agamemnon’s eldest daughter, Iphigenia, would the eet be able to set sail and to capture Troy. Throughout the play Agamemnon vacillates, but Iphigenia willingly sacrices her body for Greece, bowing to the will of the gods. Her mother, Clytemnestra, asks Achilles: “Will he [Agamemnon] drag her away against her will (oac 5kocsan)?” (1365 trans. Kovacs). Iphigenia, however, afrms, “It is determined that I must die: but to do so gloriously – this is the thing I want to do” (1375) to “destroy the Phrygians”; “All this rescuing is accomplished by my death, and the fame I win for freeing Hellas will make me blessed” (1383–84). If Artemis has decided to take my body (eI bebo6lhtai d3 s9ma), shall I, who am mortal, oppose a goddess? That is impossible: I shall give myself to Greece. Make sacrice (_6et’) all of you, and sack Troy. . . . Greeks, mother, must rule over barbarians, not barbarians over Greeks: the one sort are slaves but the others free men (t0 m3n g%r doclon, oJ d’ 4le6_eroi) (1395–1401). . . . But allow me to save Hellas (s9sa4) if I can (1420), . . . I . . . am Hellas’ benefactor (1447), . . . for Hellas’ sake (bp3r g8: Ell1do :) (1456). . . . you raised me as a light of salvation to Greece. I do not regret my death (_anocsa d’ oak &na4nomai) (1502–03).

At the conclusion of the present play, a messenger goes to Clytemnestra to inform her of the nal event (1532–1629). Many scholars doubt the genuineness of the ending and debate when it was added and by whom, but the visual tradition with which I am concerned focuses on these lines, so I quote some of the messenger’s words. And when King Agamemnon saw the girl entering the grove to be sacriced, he groaned aloud, and bending his head backwards, he wept, holding his garment before his face. But she stood next to her father and said, “Father I have come to you. I willingly grant that your men may bring me to the goddess’ altar and sacrice me (s9ma t8: 4m8: bp3r p1tra: . . . gper _csai d4dwm’ 5kocsa). . . . In view of this, let no Greek take hold of me: I will bravely submit my neck to the knife (1547–1560). Then Calchas the seer took a sharp knife from its sheath . . . and began to examine her neck for a place to strike. . . . But at once something miraculous (qacma) occurred. Everyone could have heard clearly the sound of the blow, but no one could where in the world the girl had disappeared (1566–1583)

Artemis herself supplied a substitute, a mountain deer, whose blood she accepted. But Clytemnestra’s child lives among the gods (1609, 1612, 1622). Artemis removed her to Tauris, where she was a priestess for the goddess. After Euripides died, there was a competition to paint Iphigenia. Timanthes won over Colotes, and his visual representation is described by later authors: The artist had depicted an expression of grief on the face of Calchas and of still greater grief on that of Ulysses, while he had given Menelaus an agony of sorrow beyond which his art could not go. Having exhausted his powers of emotional expression he was at a loss to portray the father’s face as it deserved, and solved the problem by veiling his head and leaving his

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sorrow to the imagination of the spectator. (Quintilian, Inst. 2.13.13, trans. Butler in Loeb; see Cicero, Orat. 22.74)

Löwy argues that Timanthes’ painting is the source of the interpolated conclusion of the present play, since the two are so similar18: in the conclusion to the play and in the painting, Agamemnon is veiled. Like the textual tradition, the visual tradition presents both an unwilling and a willing Iphigenia; in the rst she is carried to the altar in the arms of two men, in the second, she stands alone on her own feet.19 In Aeschylus’ play Agamemnon, “Iphigenia is sacriced to Artemis; there is no mention of the story . . . that at the last minute the sacrice was averted; and years later Clytemnestra will assume her daughter to have perished.”20 The post-Biblical Jewish tradition of the sacrice of Isaac on Mount Moriah exhibits a similar ambiguity. Genesis 22, like Euripides’ tragedy, has God substitute an animal for Isaac at the last minute; despite the Biblical story, however, Jews developed a midrash that Isaac died – voluntarily sacricing himself.21 In the second century B. C. E. Jewish martyrs refused to understand themselves simply as victims of their Hellenizing persecutors. Rather they willingly gave themselves as martyrs “for the law” (2 Maccabees 6–7), and at some date they revised the Biblical story of Isaac accordingly. Both Euripides’ tragedy and the Jewish midrash are similar to Christian baptismal, eucharistic, and theological language: Jesus willingly gives his body and blood as a sacrice for us. Williams has already observed the textual similarities between Euripides and Paul, but this story was also known through domestic frescoes in Roman cities during the decades that Paul preached Christ crucied. The Iphigenia at Aulis was visually represented in Pompeii on the walls of the Casa del Poeta tragico (VI 8,3.5),22 Iphigenia at Tauris in the Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25),23 the Casa di Pi-

18

Löwy, “Der Schluss,” 20, 33, 38–39. Stefano De Caro, “Igenia in Aulide su una brocca ttile da Pompei,” Bollettino d’Arte 23 (1984) 39–50, at p. 42 and Lilly Kahil and Pascale Lilant De Bellefonds, “Iphigeneia,” LIMC 5.1.717, 720, 726–27, g. 40 and # 64; also 5.2, p. 473, gs. 41–42. 20 Hugh Lloyd-Jones, “Artemis and Iphigenia,” JHS 103 (1983) 87–102, at p. 88. 21 See Jon D. Levenson, “The Rewritten Aqedah of Jewish Tradition,” The Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son: The Transformation of Child Sacrice in Judaism and Christianity (New Haven: Yale University, 1993) 173–99. 22 Casa del Poeta tragico, in peristyle (10), inv. 9112 (Franca Parise Badoni, PPM IV.527–603, at pp. 552–53). The paintings in the House of the Tragic Poet date to the reign of Nero, or less likely, to the reign of Vespasian (Bergmann, “Roman House” [cited n. 4], 228, n. 15; 248, n. 48). On the varied, gendered meanings of Iphigenia for Roman viewers see Bergmann 249–51, 54: she is the cause and cost of war, an exposed woman, and she died to save others; competition for women can rupture male bonds (Iliad 19.56–60, 86–94), and she is an allegory of the bride. The altar in this fresco means that her father, king Agamemnon, perpetrates impious family worship. 23 Casa del Citarista, the central picture in exedra (35), inv. 9111 (Mariette de Vos, PPM I.117– 177, at p. 134). See Joanne Berry, ed., Unpeeling Pompeii: Studies in Region I of Pompeii (Milan: Electa, 1998) 27–39. Note: in the text above, I translate many non-English terms, e.g. “casa” by “house,” but in the footnotes, I do not. 19

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narius Cerialis (III 4,4; CD 97; compare 278),24 and the Casa di L. Caecilius Iucundus (V 1,26).25 The painting in the Casa del Citarista is in an exedra (35), the central picture on the east wall. The Popidius family that owned this house was in the service of Nero. The similarity between Iphigenia’s brother, Orestes, and Nero in the painting has led to the hypothesis of direct imperial inuence either on the painter or on the maker of the cartoon that was used as a model.26 Nero sang of “Orestes the matricide” (Suetonius, Nero 21.4; 39.2; 46.1): both killed their mothers. The dimensions of the picture (2 x 3 m) are exceptional in Campanian painting and may be modeled after the style developed for the House of Augustus on the Palatine. Löwy sees no resistance in the Iphigenia at Aulis of the Casa del Poeta tragico, understanding her rather as a martyr already looking for her salvation to Artemis, whom the painter has represented among the clouds with the animal that will be her substitute (see Plate 1 and CD 193).27 However, Kahil and De Bellefonds observe28 that this pose, Iphigenia carried by two men while raising her arms to heaven, is exactly that of earlier Etruscan urns belonging to the tradition in which she does not consent. In 1835 Zahn sketched a picture of Iphigenia at Aulis that he found in a room near the Casa di Modestus (see Plate 2 and CD 194).29 He described the painting: The background of the painting is black. Iphigenia wears a green garment with a violet trim; she has brown hair and gold earrings. She appears to have a branch in her right hand. The priest Calchas wears a bright red, short skirt, the lower part of which has blue trim. A sorrowful Achilles sits to Iphigenia’s left, veiled by a red garment. The lance point of Achilles and the sacricial knife of the priest are steel blue.

Löwy30 corrects Zahn’s identication: the veiled gure is not Achilles but rather Agamemnon. And the authors of PPM reverse the right and left sides of the painting, that is, Agamemnon is on the viewer’s right and Calchas on the left.31 Perhaps the printers reversed Zahn’s drawing. M. de Vos found the picture in the National Archaeological Museum in Naples, which enabled the authors of PPM to print it correctly. Iphigenia stands on her own feet, not carried by anyone, while the priest Calchas 24

Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (Arnold de Vos, PPM III.435–477, at p. 461). Casa di L. Caecilius Iucundus, in the tablinum (i), inv. 111439 (Arnold de Vos, PPM III.574– 620, at p. 589, g. 23). 26 PPM I.118. 27 Löwy, ‘Der Schluss’ 32, 41. 28 Kahil and De Bellefonds, “Iphigeneia,” 726. 29 Zahn II.61. PPM IV.342–44 places the Casa di Modesto at VI 5,13, some distance from the room (VI 5,2) where this painting has traditionally been located. 30 Löwy, “Der Schluss,” 6. 31 PPM IV.290–93, gs. 5 and 6, the room located in Pompeii at VI 5,2 [nameless]; however, the authors are not certain that this picture was found in this room nor are they sure to what house the room belonged. 25

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Plate 1 (CD 193): Casa del Poeta tragico, (VI 8,3.5; PPM IV 552–53), peristyle (10): fresco of the sacrice of an unwilling Iphigenia carried by two men at Aulis, Calchas the seer standing on the right, her father Agamemnon seated on the left with his robe drawn over his head, the goddess Artemis with a substitute deer above in heaven. Now in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9112.

Plate 2 (CD 194): Casa di Modestus (?), (VI 5,2; PPM IV 292–93 and 342): fresco of the sacrice of a willing, standing Iphigenia, the seer Calcas on the left cutting a lock of her hair, the sorrowing father Agamemnon seated on the right.

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cuts a lock of her hair with the sacricial knife, against the background to the viewer’s right of Artemis’ temple. When Paul preached Christ crucied, who willingly died for us, some of his auditors may well have been familiar with this visual representation; both he and they could even have been viewing it while Paul preached. In this respect the cultural/religious gap between Paul and his Greco-Roman auditors was not wide. The voluntary, sacricial deaths of Iphigenia, Isaac, and Christ are strikingly similar.

B. Laocoon In 1506 in the presence of Michelangelo himself, the sculpture of Laocoon was discovered. The ancient sculptors’ tragic presentation of human suffering, the classic exemplum doloris, became the most celebrated statue of the Renaissance (see Plate 3 and CD 195).32 Giuliano Da Sangallo at once recognized the statue as the one praised by Pliny,33 who judged it preferable to all other paintings and sculptures: . . . because [when there are two or more sculptors] no individual monopolizes the credit nor again can several of them be named on equal terms. This is the case with the Laocoon in the palace of Emperor Titus, a work superior to any painting and any bronze. Laocoon, his children and the wonderful clasping coils of the snakes were carved from a single block (ex uno lapide) in accordance with an agreed plan (de consilii sententia) by those eminent craftsmen Hagesander, Polydorus and Athanodorus, all of Rhodes. (Nat. Hist. 36.37–38, trans. Erichholz in Loeb)

This great sculpture, now in the Belvedere Court in the Vatican Museum, dominates the modern understanding of the story. Scholars debate its date, who the sculptors were that created it, and whether it is an original or a copy. Laocoon was also painted in the House of Menander (I 10,4; CD 16–16a; see 14–14a, 15–15a)34 and in the House of the Laocoon (VI 14,28.33; CD 197)35 in Pompeii. I will summarize discussions of the sculpture without pretending to decide issues that have been debated for ve centuries, then focus on the domestic paintings. Vergil (Aeneid 2.40–56, 199–231) tells the story. The Greeks attacking Troy under Agamemnon apparently gave up the ght and sailed away, leaving a wooden horse as an offering. The priest of Apollo, Laocoon, did not want to recognize that the gods 32 Bernard Andreae, Laocoon und die Gründung Roms (Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 39; Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1988) 13, 23. With its emphasis on the human body, a new interest over against the Middle Ages, the Laocoon sculpture fascinated Renaissance culture. Paul too focused on the body (e.g. Gal 6:17; 2 Cor. 4:10). 33 Andreae, Gründung Roms 33–34. 34 Casa del Menandro (I 10,4), the picture in ala (4), the central fresco on the south wall, with two related pictures on the east and north walls (Roger Ling, PPM II.240–397, at p. 285, g. 68). See Berry, Unpeeling Pompeii 22–25. 35 Casa di Laocoonte (Irene Bragantini, PPM V.341–62, at pp. 352–53, g. 16, inv. 111210). A picture of Polyphemus and Aeneas is in the next room, the tablinum, inv. 111211.

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Plate 3 (CD 195): House of the Emperor Titus, Rome: sculpture of the priest, Laocoon, with snakes coiled around him and his two sons, sculpted by Hagesander, Polydorus and Athanodorus of Rhodes. Now in the Belvedere Court of the Vatican Museum, Rome.

had decided on the fall of Troy and its rebirth in a newly founded Rome. He warned the Trojans against the wooden horse; therefore, the gods made the priest himself an offering. Athena sent her snakes over the ocean, and they attacked the priest and his two sons. Versions differ about whom they killed, all three, the father and one son, or both sons, but the Trojans interpreted their deaths as punishment of the priest. They tore a hole in their city wall, and against the advice of Laocoon, hauled the horse into Troy. The prophet Cassandra, daughter of the king of Troy, Priam, also fought against bringing the wooden horse into the city, saying that it was full of warriors. But as fated, no one believed her prophecy. Odysseus36 and his Greeks inside the horse were then able to burn the city, but the Trojan Aeneas, following the will of the gods, ed the burning city and founded a new Troy in Italy, Rome. The story was promoted by Julius Caesar, Augustus Caesar, and Vergil, but not only by the political and literary elite in Rome. The National Archaeological Museum in Naples exhibits a statuette of Aeneas, Anchises, and Ascanius from Pompeii).37 De Caro writes that it may derive from a traditional pictoral pattern: Aeneas 36 One may read Homer’s stories of Odysseus for an example of growing wise by enduring suffering without being overwhelmed (Horace, Ep. 1.2.18–22), a reference for which I thank Andrew Wallace-Hadrill. I recently visited Troy and am astounded by its small size. Homer was a good storyteller! 37 De Caro, “Igenia in Aulide su una brocca ttile da Pompei,” 271. F. Canciani, “Aineias,” LIMC 1.2.303, #96 exhibits a similar gure from Rome.

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carries his father, who holds a reliquary containing the Penates, and with his right hand he leads his son. It may have been a trinket, or perhaps an element in a lararium in the house of a Pompeian who cherished traditions of the Julio-Claudian period. Zanker observes that “images such as that of Aeneas were well nigh ubiquitous in Roman cities during the Early Empire.”38 It was so well known even in small towns that it could be caricatured for comic effect with an expectation that the joke would be understood. Zanker prints an image of these same three characters, Aeneas carrying his father and leading his son, painted on a villa wall at Gragnano near Pompeii (see Plate 4 and CD 196).39 The caricature pictures three long bodies of monkeys who have short legs and the heads of dogs; both Aeneas and his son are pictured with long penises.40 Andreae argues that the three sculptors of the marble statue named by Pliny worked in the time of Tiberius Caesar. They copied an earlier bronze original by Phyromachus, whose original sculpture had been commissioned by the Attalid king of Pergamon in Asia Minor, Eumenes II (197–159 B. C. E.).41 Simon42 argues rather for a date under Nero or Vespasian. A third scholar, Kunze, insists against Andreae that the marble group in the Vatican is the original of the sculpture to which Pliny refers, and he dates it to 30–20 B. C. E., earlier than Andreae.43 The two Pompeian paintings (late third and fourth style), on the other hand, were generated by Vergil’s text published in 19 B. C. E. The one in the House of Menander follows Vergil (Aen. 2.220) in placing the snake above the head of the Laocoon, and the painter in the House of Laocoon reects Vergil’s description of the older son (2.202, 213–15). But the marble group does not assume Vergil, since it is only loosely connected with the ight of Aeneas from Troy. Salvatore Settis examines inscriptions concerning Hagesander and his father’s sculptural workshop and concludes that they were active in Rhodes in 50–40 B. C. E.44 He concludes that the Laocoon must have been sculpted not in Rhodes but in a shop in Italy between 40–20 B. C. E.,45 a judgment concerning the date that he shares with R. R. R. Smith. As Smith has observed, these baroque gures are a “dis38 Paul Zanker, “Augustan political symbolism in the private sphere,” in Image and Mystery in the Roman World: Papers Given in Memory of Jocelyn Toynbee (Gloucester, 1988) 1. 39 Zanker, “Immagini come vincolo: Il simbolismo politico augusteo nella sfera privata,” in Roma: Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della città. Roma, Museo Nazionale Romano (Milan: Electa, 2000), 84–91, g. on p. 85, inventory 9089, 1st cent. C. E. 40 See Otto J. Brendel, “Der Affen-Aeneas,” RM 60–61 (1953–54): 153–59 with Taf. 61. Brendel (153) notes other caricatures in Pompeii, e.g. of pygmies in Nile landscapes. 41 Bernard Andreae, Gründung Roms and Laocoon und die Kunst von Pergamon: die Hybris der Giganten (Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch, 1992). 42 Erika Simon, “Laokoon und die Geschichte der Antiken Kunst,” Archäologischer Anzeiger (1984) 643–72 with Abbildungen 1–21 and “Laokoon,” LIMC 6.1, 196–201 and 6.2, 94–95. 43 Christian Kunze, “Zur Datierung des Laokoon und der Skyllagruppe aus Sperlonga,” in Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 111 (1996): 183–84, 221. 44 Salvatore Settis, Laocoonte: fama e stile (Roma: Donzelli, 1999), 29–41. 45 Settis, Laocoonte 50.

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Plate 4 (CD 196): Villa near Pompeii (Gragnano): caricature of Aeneas carrying his father, Anchises holding the household deities, and leading his son, Ascanius; all three have bodies of monkeys, short legs and heads of dogs. Aeneas and his son are sketched with penises. In the Secret Cabinet (now open to the public) of the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9089.

turbing” presence in the calm, sovereign world of Augustan art.46 Settis contrasts another sculptural school, that of Pasiteles and Stephanus, with the baroque sculpture of Laocoon. Stephanus created an athlete in neoclassical style, a sculpture dated 40–30 B. C. E., that is, contemporary with Settis’ dating of Laocoon.47 He also contrasts the contemporary portraits of Caesar and Pompey, political rivals in the 50’s B. C. E. The portrait of Pompey imitates Alexander the Great, emphasizing pathos, while that of Caesar emphasizes control. There was a conict of styles in the midrst century; one emphasized and the other de-emphasized pathos.48 The Laocoon sculpture is “neopergamonic”; the Athlete of Stephanus is “neoattic.” The marble Laocoon presupposes the art of Pergamon, specically the Pergamon Altar and the battle between Athena and the giant Alcyoneus.49 There was a similar contrast in the rhetoric of the period. Demetrius, On Style 36, distinguishes four styles: simple, grand, elegant, and powerful. These may all be combined, except that the grand and the simple styles exclude each other. Settis describes the Laocoon as grand, the Athlete of Stephanus as simple. The portrait of Pompey is powerful and elegant; the 46 47 48 49

Settis, Laocoonte 56 citing R. R. R. Smith in JRS 79 (1989): 215. Settis, Laocoonte 56–60. Settis, Laocoonte 61. Settis, Laocoonte 62, 72, as argued by Andreae.

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portrait of Caesar is simple and powerful.50 Against prevailing categories, however, Settis asserts that Augustan style included all these elements, including the Pergamene.51 The domestic paintings are interpreted by Schefold,52 Maiuri,53 Ling,54 and Settis. Schefold observes that of all the Greek sagas, the Trojan war became the most important for the Romans: the Trojan Aeneas became the father of Rome. For second style painting, scenes of Troy, that is, of conict, were characteristic, as Vetruvius noted (7.5.3). These disappeared in the third and fourth styles, for which youth and love become dominant values, a change that Schefold regarded as a decline (Verarmung).55 These scenes return in the late 4th, the Vespasianic style. In the Casa del Criptoportico (I 6,2) there is a series of 83 scenes, 75 of which are from the Iliad. The nal one is the ight of Aeneas with his father and son from Troy.56 The choice of visual representations and their order corresponds with that of the Iliad Tablets.57 This correspondence assumes a tradition of such pictures in schoolbooks, although the painter in the Casa del Cryptoportico used a picture book from the time of Alexander that recalls the Alexander mosaic in the House of the Faun (VI 12,2). The Cryptoporticus series emphasizes Cassandra’s warning against the wooden horse, probably balanced on the left end of the series by a Laocoon where there is room for 3 to 5 more visual representations.58 The hellenistic poet pseudo-Lycophron (Alexandra 1226–82), Vergil (Aen. 2.246–47), and Horace (Ode 3.3) all have Cassandra prophesy not only the fall of Troy, but also the future greatness of Aeneas’ descendants, as long as they do not degenerate into the ancient impiety of Troy.59 Romans loved visual representations of the prophet Cassandra, for example in the Casa dei cinque scheletri (VI 10,2; PPM IV 1040) and in Nero’s Golden House, anked by

50

Settis, Laocoonte 63. See Andrew Wallace-Hadrill in JRS 79 (1989): 157–64. Settis, Laocoonte 62. 52 Karl Schefold, “Die Troiasage in Pompeji,” Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 5 (1954): 211–224. 53 Amedeo Maiuri, La Casa del Menandro e il suo Tesoro di Argenteria (Roma: La Libreria dello Stato, 1933), I.39–52, and vol. II, Tavole IV, V. The three paintings are still in situ. See Roger Ling, “The Insula of the Menander at Pompeii: Interim Report,” Antiquaries Journal 63 (1983): 34–57, Plates V–XII and gs. 1–12. 54 PPM II, 276–285. 55 Schefold, “Troiasage,” 219. 56 See PPM I, 193–277 and 280–329, the second style paintings at pp. 201–22, gs. 13–46, including g. 46 of Aeneas’ ight from Troy; the fourth style reliefs of the Iliad, books 22–24 at pp. 296–305, gs. 20–43. See Richard Brilliant, Visual Narratives: Storytelling in Etruscan and Roman Art (Ithaca: Cornell University, 1984) 61–65. Compare the series of perhaps a 100 panels discussed by Filippo Coarelli, “The Odyssey Frescos of the Via Graziosa: A Proposed Context,” Papers of the British School at Rome 66 (1998): 21–37. 57 Schefold, “Troisaga,” 212. See Brilliant, Visual Narratives 54–60. 58 Schefold, “Troiasaga,” 212, 215, 220–22. 59 Schefold, “Troiasaga,” 220, 222. Other domestic pictures of Cassandra warning against the wooden horse: Collezioni 136–37, #90, inv. 8999; also 152–53, #208, inv. 9010. 51

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Hector and Andromache.60 She prophesied the theft of the Palladium that had guaranteed the city’s security, which Romans believed was later deposited in the temple of the Vestal Virgins in Rome. The corresponding male prophet is the Laocoon, whose destiny was tied to Aeneas’, because Laocoon’s death shocked Aeneas into realizing that Apollo willed the destruction of Troy. It is no accident that the marble Laocoon group was created about 40 B. C. E., Schefold writes, when thoughts of the disintegration of Rome disturbed so many, and it is important that Nero gave this statue an important place in his Golden House (CD 195). Nero composed a poem on the destruction of Troy that he performed in 64 CE, while watching Rome and his own Domus Transitoria burn. The destruction of Troy/Rome was probably to be followed by a new golden age, presided over by the lord of the Domus Aurea.61 I will briey describe the three paintings in the Casa del Menandro,62 which are not simply illustrations, but three examples of perilous rebellion.63 They are from the same cycle concerning the fall of Troy, have the same style and structure (small), and were certainly painted by the same artist.64 They are very close to Vergil (Aen. 2.201 ff., 228 ff., 246 ff.) and probably reproduce manuscript illustrations of the epic poem.65 The three paintings in ala (4) as well as those in the atrium and the tablinum are in the grand style, while others in the house are simpler; the three in ala (4) represent the beginning of the 4th style.66 Cassandra is the subject of the central visual representation (on the east wall; 62.5 x 62.5 cm; see Plate 6 and CD 15a). On the right the wooden horse is on a cart. A person with a double ute announces the triumph of Troy, but Cassandra points out the fatal error. With one hand she pushes the horse; with the other she tries to tear open its stomach to reveal the deception. A portion of the city wall above has been breached to admit the wooden horse. Above is also the temple of Athena enclosed by an ample porch and approached by a frontal stairway; priests are inside the temple. The Death of Laocoon (on the south wall; 64 x 67.5 cm; see Plate 7–8 and CD 16–16a; compare CD 197) is the painting that has deteriorated the most. It has two planes. In the center is Laocoon as a priest with his head encircled by a white wreath 60 Schefold, “Troiasaga,” 221. For one viewer’s response see Philostratus, Imagines 1.10: Cassandra. 61 Schefold, “Troiasaga,” 222–23, citing A. von Salis, Antike und Renaissance (Zurich: Eugen Rentsch, 1947) 137. 62 See Maiuri, Menandro, 1.39–52; also Ling, PPM II, 240–42, 276–85. 63 Schefold, “Troiasaga,” 222. 64 PPM II, 281. 65 PPM II, 277, 281, 284, citing Simon, “Antiken Kunst,” 649, who calls these Pompeian paintings the earliest illustrations of Vergil. Ling (personal e-mail) is less condent now about illustrated texts of Vergil before 79 C. E. 66 PPM II, 240. Also Ling, “Interim Report,” 49, 52, who dates them between 50 and 62 C.E, the years during which the apostle Paul was active. But in The Insula of the Menander at Pompeii: The Structures (Oxford: Clarendon, 1997), vol. 1, 56, Ling is inclined to date the atrium and ala paintings after 62 C. E.

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Plate 5 (CD 14a) left: Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 276–79): the Night of Troy with two episodes. Aias or Odysseus seizes Cassandra as she clings to the image of Athena, and Menelaus seizes the adulterous Helen by her hair. Priam, king of Troy and father of Cassandra, stands in the center observing his daughter captured. In situ. Plate 6 (CD 15a) right: Casa del Menandro, Pompeii (I 10,4, ala 4; PPM II 280–81): fresco of Cassandra, a prophet warning against the wooden horse before Troy. Above are the city wall and the temple of Athena. In situ.

and with a snake wrapped around his right, raised arm, its head close to his face. One knee is bent and rests on the altar. Immediately to his left, the bull destined for sacrice has already been wounded by the sacricial ax and is bleeding; he forcefully runs away from the two snakes. Below, the sacred bronze table has been overturned; there are a metal vase and two other objects, perhaps cymbals. At the bottom of the picture are the two sons of Laocoon, also victims of the wrath of Athena, one already dead, lying on the ground with his adolescent face turned up. The other son, nude, has his knee on the ground and, like his father, is being attacked by a snake while trying to ee. Above there are two distinct groups of spectators or servants of the cult with the Phrygian cap, four above the bull and three on the Laocoon’s left behind a podium. One of the three raises his hand in terror. Further above is the wall of the city and the gures of an old man and a woman. The old man, perhaps Priam, has a Phrygian cap; he raises his right hand in terror at the sight of this monstrous prodigy. This painting is quite similar to one of the same subject in the House of the Laocoon. The Night of Troy (on the north wall; 63.5 x 70 cm; see Plate 5 and CD 14a) has two episodes in one painting: the violent capture of Cassandra and the rst dramatic

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Plate 7 (CD 16): Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 282): the entire south wall with the painting of Laocoon in its center. This is one wall of the three that exhibit these three frescoes (Plates 14a, 15a, 16a) of Homeric scenes, a side room opening onto the atrium.

Plate 8 (CD 16a): Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 282, 285): fresco of the death of the priest Laocoon, with the sacricial bull running away from the snakes. His two sons are below, one already dead, the other on the viewer’s left being attacked by a snake. Two groups of spectators are above. In situ.

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encounter of Menelaus with the adulterous Helen. On the viewer’s right, Aias/Ajax or Odysseus aggressively seizes Cassandra as she holds the Palladium with her left hand (Vergil, Aen. 2.402 ff.). On the viewers’ left, Menelaus in armor seizes Helen’s hair, who is nude and defends herself with her hands. Priam, between Cassandra and Helen, seems to be the center of the painting.67 There is some dissonance between the original myth and this melodramatic, Roman, anecdotal elaboration. Settis notes that the marble sculpture of the Laocoon made such an impact after 1506 that it obscured every other representation of the story.68 Before contrasting the different versions, Settis adds a relief from Gandahra, emphasizes Petronius’ story (Sat. 89) of the Laocoon in front of the wooden horse, recalls the illustration of a Vatican manuscipt of Vergil that is similar to the Pompeian paintings, and adds two fragments of a relief in terracotta from Tarsus.69 Two terracotta fragments from Tarsus are in the Louvre and probably belong to a Laocoon group. Since this paper concerns Paul, it is intriguing that there are fragments of the Laocoon group, although of unknown date, from his birth place. Settis’ additional illustrations generally represent Cassandra and Laocoon in the context of the fall of Troy, as does the painting in the House of Menander. Here the female and male prophets are iconographic synonymns. When the story of Laocoon is presented, methodologically one could substitute Cassandra before an altar. An iconographic formula they have in common is a bent knee pointing to an altar. In the House of Menander, the artist used this formula both for Laocoon and for Cassandra before the Palladium, a pathos formula, in which one takes refuge before an altar.70 Often the other leg is tense, and the person raises an impotent hand to heaven. Therefore, the marble Laocoon of Athanodorus, Hagesander, and Polydorus is an exception. Their Laocoon takes refuge on the altar and nearly collapses in the extreme tension of his defense. His right knee is bent but does not point to the altar; rather he is virtually seated. In his passion, terror and death, that right knee, although marble, seems to move with the twisted body. The three sculptors have created a variation of the story that differs from other presentations, especially in that it is only loosely related to the fall of Troy. The father grieves impotently, seeing his two sons threatened. The clients for such a sculpture of vibrant, nervous passion, of such explosive tension, in the last half of the  rst century B. C. E. would have been Pompey and Mark Anthony.71 Augustan classicism rendered such passion marginal, except, of course, that the emperor Tiberius (may have) owned such sculptures at Sperlonga, Nero stole some for his Golden House (see below), and Titus had exactly this Neopergamene work in his house. For the subject of this article, the later history of the Laocoon group is more important even than the debate about its origin. Its 67 68 69 70 71

PPM II, 227. Settis, Laocoonte 66. Settis, Laocoonte 67, 70 with plates 31, 36–37, 40–41, 45. Settis, Lacoonte 68. Settis, Laocoonte 75.

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later history is or may have been entwined with another group, the Dying Galatians.

C. The Dying Gauls / Galatians I include the Dying Galatians in this paper on domestic pictures for two reasons. First, the visual representation of defeated enemies is common in Roman iconography. In Pompeii the Triumph of Dionysus is painted on the triclinium wall (16) of the House of Marcus Lucretius (IX 3,5.24).72 An enemy prisoner sits on the shield that had been taken from him with his hands tied behind his back. These are elements of Hellenistic victory iconography represented in Roman Imperial art, for example, in the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias, which celebrates the Caesars as conquerors of the provinces, typically represented as women (see n. 94). In Pompeii the scene is painted on a dining room wall. Second, Nero stole sculptures of the Dying Galatians for his Domus Aurea (an unusual domus, but for the purposes of this paper, still a “house”),73 as Pliny reports (Nat. Hist. 34.84),74 conrmed by Dio Chrysostom (Or. 31.148) and Pausanius (10.7.1). Then Vespasian placed these statues in the Temple of Peace in his new forum, “an edice erected to commemorate his victory over the Jews, the ‘barbarians’ assimilated from the Roman point of view to the Galatians.”75 Schefold and others (see nn. 61 and 73) think that the marble Laocoon was also among the statues in Nero’s Domus Aurea. The Jew Paul, who became a Christian, was martyred in this artistic/political context. But I return to the origin of the Dying Galatians. Attalos I became the ruler of Pergamon after ghting the Syrian Seleucids and the invading Gauls/Galatians. To commemorate his victories, shortly after 223 B. C. E. he erected monuments in the sanctuary of Athena on the Acropolis, that included a Gaul Killing Himself and His Wife (see Plate 9 and CD 198). The statue can 72 Casa di Marcus Lucretius, in triclinium (16) (Irene Bragantini, PPM IX.141–313, at pp. 261– 63, gs. 178–79). 73 See Eric M. Moormann, “‘Vivere come un uomo’: L’uso dello spazio nella Domus Aurea,” in Horti romani: atti del convegno internazionale, Roma, 4–6 maggio 1995, eds. Maddalena Cima and Eugenio La Rocca (Roma: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, 1998) 345–61. Moormann agrees (p. 357) with Coarelli’s hypothesis that Nero placed both the Dying Galatian and the Galatian Killing Himself and his Wife in the Octagonal Room of the Golden House. For the display in Rome of statues of dying Gauls from Pergamon, see Kim J. Hartswick, The Gardens of Sallust: A Changing Landscape (Austin: University of Texas, 2004) 104–07 with gs. 3.15–16. 74 Cited by Filippo Coarelli, Da Pergamo a Roma: I Galati nella città degli Attalidi (Rome: Quasar, 1995) 15. 75 Coarelli, Da Pergamo 16. See J. Packer, “Forum Traiani,” LTUR 2.348–56 with g. 116. The Galatian sculptures were created at the same time as the Maccabean revolt, and two centuries later they symbolically represent the defeat of the Jews. The sculpture, Galatian Killing Himself and His Wife, would have inuenced Roman readers’ understanding of Josephus’ narration of the suicides at Masada (War 7.320–406). This sculpture may well have inuenced Josephus, who knew Vespasian’s Temple of Peace (War 7.158–62), as he narrated the suicides.

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Plate 9 (CD 198): Sanctuary of Athena (soon after 223 BCE) on the acropolis in Pergamon, Asia (Minor), statue stolen by Nero for his Domus Aurea, then placed by Vespasian in the Temple of Peace in his new forum: large sculpture of a Gaul killing himself and his wife. Now in Palazzo Altemps, Rome.

be viewed from several different directions.76 Seen from the left, the Gaul glares at his enemy and seems to be drawing his wife close to him. From the front however, his face is covered, vividly revealing his wound and that his powerful sword thrust is suicidal. He seems about to topple over his wife. Schalles says this reveals Classical views of the Galatians, their apparent courage, strength, and boldness, but also their naivete and stupidity, ultimately their lack of stamina. Greeks perceived an antithesis between their own cultured moderation and such barbarians, who since the fth century had submitted to Greek genius and power. After the nal victory over the Gauls (168–165 B. C. E.), Eumenes II built the biggest relief cycle known from antiquity, the Great Altar in Pergamon, now recon76

See H.-J. Schalles, “Pergamon: Sculpture,” in Dictionary of Art 24: 413–16, at p. 413.

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structed in the Pergamon Museum in Berlin. The Great Frieze depicts a Gigantomachy, in which the gods, with the help of the mortal Hercules, suppress a revolt by the Giants, descendants of the earth mother Ge, thus preserving order and reason in the world (compare CD 199). The Great Frieze, then, compares the gods and the giants with the Pergamenes and the Gauls: the Pergamene kings claimed descent from Hercules. In the east frieze, the  rst one to confront the viewer, Athena downs the giant Alcyoneus – whom Andreae has shown is a model for the Laocoon – who in pride also did not submit to Athena at Troy. Andreae insists that both sculptures exhibit not only suffering, fear, and tragedy, but also blindness against the will of the gods.77 The priest Laocoon died because he opposed the goddess Athena, who willed the destruction of Troy. Nero sang of the destruction of Troy while Rome burned (Suetonius, Nero 12.3; 21.1, 3; 38.2–3; Tacitus, Ann. 15.39). Later he built the Domus Aurea, in which he placed the Dying Galatians and, according to some modern art historians, also the marble Laocoon. In this same time and place, Christians practiced a “pernicious superstition” according to Tacitus: [The Christians] were covered with wild beasts’ skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle and gave an exhibition in his Circus. . . . (Tacitus, Ann. 15.44, trans. Jackson in Loeb; see Suetonius, Nero 16.2).

Christians confessed a Lord other than Caesar or the Roman state,78 which put them in conict with a core value of Roman society.79 Romans thought that Laocoon, the Galatians, and the Christians deserved to die. This raises the question, however, whether viewers had ambivalent reactions, for example, satisfaction that the priest Laocoon who opposed the will of the gods was punished, but perhaps also pity? Tacitus answers this question in relation to the Christians: Hence, in spite of a guilt, which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacriced not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man (Ann. 15.44). 77 Andreae, Gründung Roms 210, which agrees with Schefold (see n. 63) and R. R. R. Smith, Gnomon 63 (1991) 356–57. The museum in Antalya, Turkey, exhibits the long frieze of a Gigantomanchy that decorated the Perge theater’s third oor scenium, completed in the reign of emperor Severus Alexander (222–235 CE) or Maximinus Thrax (235–238 CE; CD 191). See CD 199; also chap. V, n. 7 below. 78 See Introduction above, n. 108 on the event reported by Tacitus. On conicts between the earliest Christians and Rome see Gerd Theissen, The Gospels in Context: Social and Political History in the Synoptic Tradition (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991) chaps. 3 (on Mark 13) and 5 (on Q, e.g. the temptation story in Matt 4:1–11, with v. 9: “all these things [kingdoms of the world] I will give you, if you will fall down and worship me”). 79 See G. B. Conte, “Virgil’s Aeneid.” The Rhetoric of Imitation: Genre and Poetic Memory in Virgil and Other Latin Poets (trans. C. Segal; Ithaca: Cornell University, 1986), 144, who refers to “the supremacy of the state as an embodiment of the public good, with the acceptance of divine will as providential guidance. . . .”

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D. The crucix on the Palatine Some have suggested that the rst visual representation of Christ dying on a cross that was actually drawn on a wall may be a grafto found on the Palatine hill and now exhibited in the Palatine Museum (see Plate 10 and CD 200).80 It sketches a man on a cross, who has the head of an ass. To the left is the sketch of a man who raises his left hand toward the gure on the cross, and a grafto under the two gures reads, “Alexamenos adores god” (ALEXAMENOS SEBETE QEON81). Tertullian conrms (Ad Nat. 1.114.1) that Christians were accused of worshipping a divinity with the head of an ass. There is a second grafto above and to the right of the crucied gure, a “Y,” which has been interpreted as a moan; however, the Y is not part of the original grafto.82 Tomei dates the image to the rst half of the third century C. E. Maser83 objects to the traditional interpretation: the gratto is supposed to show the Christian Alexamenos honoring the cultic image of the cross in the third century, but honoring such images began only in the fourth or fth century. Maser may or may not be right; some archaeologists have indeed wanted to attract tourists. He does make one incorrect assumption, that Christians must themselves have been honoring physical images before such a caricature could have been drawn. First, Lucian “wrote” oral word pictures of Panathea, which he could have done whether or not an artist had painted her on a wall or sculpted her in marble. Second, caricature was popular in Pompeii, for example, of Augustus’ ideology and of pigmies. In that case, the caricaturist also painted animals, monkeys with the heads of dogs (CD 196). The Pompeian caricaturist was imitating physical images and paintings on walls, but Lucian was not. It would have been possible for a Roman soldier to caricature Christian word pictures of Christ crucied, as Paul said he was “writing” (Gal. 3:1), without the soldier having seen them honoring physical images in their worship. It remains a possibility that this grafto caricatures the worship of Christ dying on a cross.84

80 See Maria Antonietta Tomei, Museo Palatino, English ed. (Roma: Electa, 1997) 104–05 #78: the original interpretation . . . appears to be the most convincing: the author of the drawing makes fun of a Christian.” 81 SEBETAI was written as SEBETE. 82 Heikki Solin and Marja Itkonen-Kaila, Grafti del Palatino (Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae 3; Helsinki: Helsingfors, 1966) 211. 83 Peter Maser, “Das sogenannte Spottkruzi x vom Palatin: Ein ‘frühchristliches’ Denkmal im Wiederstreit der Meinungen,” Das Altertum 18 (1972): 248–54, with Abbildungen 1–2. 84 See Robin Margaret Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art (New York: Routledge, 2000), p. 131 with n. 2; 134 with n. 11, citing Thomas F. Mathews, The Clash of Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art (Princeton: Princeton University, 1993) 48–50 with g. 33. Now see John R. Clarke, Looking at Laughter.

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Plate 10 (CD 200): Barracks on Palatine Hill, Rome: grafto of man on cross who has the head of an ass. To the lower left another man raises his hand toward the gure on the cross. A grafto under the two reads, “Alexamenos adores god.” Now in the Palatine Museum, Rome.

Conclusion: comparisons and contrasts The thesis of this paper is that contemporary, domestic tragic art emphasizing pathos would have provided a meaningful cultural context, whether consciously or unconsciously assimilated, for understanding Paul’s gospel of Christ’s suffering and his saving death. When Paul portrayed Christ crucied in the earliest churches in Greco-Roman houses, his audience might well have been aware of, and could even have been observing, a wall-painting of Iphigenia at Aulis, especially in Roman colonies like Corinth and Philippi, where the domestic art such as that now still ex-

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tant in Pompeii would have been imitated. Both Iphigenia and Christ voluntarily gave their bodies as a sacrice – for Greece (Euripides) or for the ungodly (Paul). The powerful representation of Iphigenia, however, could also have led to misunderstanding: she died so that “Phrygians” and not Greeks would be slaves, whereas those (Gauls/Galatians!) baptized in the early Pauline churches denied the value of such ethnic distinctions (Galatians 3:28). The priest of Athena, Laocoon, died rebelling against her will; he opposed the destruction of Troy, which she had decreed. The prophet Cassandra in the House of Menander is an iconographic synonymn of Laocoon: she too opposed the will of the gods and suffered the consequences (see Euripides, Trojan Women). Romans would most easily have understood the crucixion of Christ and his disciples as legitimate punishments (Suetonius, Nero 16.2; Tacitus, Ann. 15.44). For Christians, however, Jesus died not opposing but submitting to the will of God (e.g., Rom. 4:25; 8:32; compare Mark 14:36). Vergil and Nero, on the one hand, and Paul, on the other, had fundamentally different understandings of the meaning of human suffering and death as they relate to God(s), providence, and the Roman state. The Pergamene king Eumenes II sponsored the sculpting of some of the most moving statues created in the Greco-Roman world, the Dying Gauls, in order to celebrate his victory85 over those barbarians after decades of war. Julius Caesar had these statues copied for his gardens on the Esquiline hill, Nero stole them for his Domus Aurea, and Vespasian placed them in the Temple of Peace in his new forum to celebrate his capture of Jerusalem. They symbolize the victory of the Olympian gods over the Giants, of the Athenians over the Persians, of the Pergamene kings over the Gauls/Galatians, of Vespasian over the Jews, and Schefold adds, of Stoic order over Eastern Isiac mysticism.86 In crises Jews like Jesus, Paul, and those in Jerusalem who rebelled against the Seleucids in 165 BCE, or against Rome in CE 66, t into this Greco-Roman order as martyrs who were defeated, committed suicide, or were crucied. This social and religious experience may have been mocked by a soldier on the Palatine hill, if the grafto of Alexamenos worshipping god caricatures Christ on a cross. One problem with the reconstruction in this paper, however, is that “the earliest known [Christian] representations of Jesus’ cruci xion date to the early fth century, and are extremely rare until the seventh.”87 The lack of early Christian visual 85 Andreae, Gründung Roms, 171, 214 emphasizes that Eumenes’ goal was the Galatians’ “annihilation.” 86 Karl Schefold, Der religiöse Gehalt der antiken Kunst und die Offenbarung (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1998) 334–37; note his discussion (432) of sculptures of Marsyas and the gospel. See Philostratus the Younger, Imagines 2: Marsyas. 87 Jensen, Christian Art, chap. 5, here p. 131. Compare Graydon F. Snyder, Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence of Church Life Before Constantine (Macon: Mercer University, 1985) 165– 66. In chap. II, n. 50 above, I discuss an analogy; frescoes of Io / Isis, the earliest of which is in the Casa di Livia on the Palatine (c. 30–20 B. C. E.), exhibit her suffering, that several later copies of this painting suppress.

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representations of Jesus’ death corresponds to scholars’ observation with respect to Paul’s theology in the century after he died: “the authority of Paul is, to be sure, acknowledged in a formal way but Paul’s fundamental view of justication is hardly to be found.”88 Jensen argues that the problem is not as severe as it seems; for example, in those early centuries visual representations such as that of the Lamb of God and the sacrice of Isaac carried similar symbolic value. Observations in this paper (see nn. 46–51, 71, 73) raise the following question in relation to the lack of early Christian visual representations of Jesus’ death in catacomb and sarcophagus art: if Neoattic art displaced Neopergamene art in the culture generally, to what extent did early Christian art reect Greco-Roman culture by abandoning the baroque Pauline images?89 On the other hand, Jensen refers to visual representations of the cross, the staurogram, in early Christian papyri, the oldest Christian artifacts. Christian scribes developed a unique system of abbreviating approximately a dozen words, sacred names (nomina sacra) and others, including the noun (staur5:) and verb (staur5w) for “cross / crucify.” Three of the most important of these papyrii are P46 (the Pauline epistles without the Pastorals but including Hebrews), P66 (the gospel of John 1–21), and P75 (the gospels of Luke 3–24 and John 1–15). Some scholars date these three papyri in the late second century, while others place them in the early third,90 that is, earlier than or contemporary with the grafto on the Palatine discussed above. P46 abbreviates the verb “to crucify” eight times and the noun “cross” twelve times by omitting the diphthong “au” from st(au)r5: / st(au)r5w.91 But in p66 the abbreviation becomes an aesthetic image. Eleven or twelve times in the fragmentary text of John 19 (vss. 6 [perhaps 3x], 15 [perhaps 2x], 16, 18, 19, 20, 25, 31, and perhaps 41), not only is “au” omitted, but the letters tau (t) and rho (r), thrown together in the abbreviation, are combined to form a staurogram, e.g., in v. 19, Pilate put the title on the Curiously, once in p66 the verb is neither abbreviated nor represented, but simply written 4sta6rosan (John 19:23). Thus in one of the earliest Christian artifacts we have, text and art are combined to emphasize “Christus crucixus.”92 Similarly in P75 the staurogram occurs twice (Luke 14:27; 24:7) and the abbreviation once (Luke 23:26). Also in the third century, P45 88 Georg Strecker, Theology of the New Testament (trans. M. E. Boring; Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 2000) 18. This is nuanced in William S. Babcock, ed., Paul and the Legacies of Paul (Dallas: Southern Methodist University, 1990). 89 See Klaus Fittschen, “Pathossteigerung und Pathosdämpfung. Bemerkungen zu griechischen und römischen Porträts des 2. und 1. Jahrhunders v. Chr.,” AA (1991) 253–70. 90 Kurt Aland, Studien zur Überlieferung des Neuen Testaments und Seines Textes (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1967) 91–92, 102 dates P46 and P66 “around 200” and P75 to “the beginning of the third century.” 91 Aland, Überlieferung 175. 92 Matthew Black, “The Chi-Rho Sign – Christogram and/or Staurogram?” in Apostolic History and the Gospel: Biblical and Historical Essays presented to F. F. Bruce on his 60th Birthday (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970) 319–27, at p. 327.

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has the abbreviation twice (Mark 8:34; Luke 14:27), p80 (consisting of only one verse, John 3:34) has two staurograms, not in the text but concluding the verso and recto sides of the papyrus, and P91 has one staurogram (Acts 2:36). In conclusion, there are four early papyri with the staurogram (P66, P75, P80, and P91) and two that abbreviate “cross/crucify” (P45 and P46). The staurogram constitutes a Christian artistic emphasis on the cross within the earliest textual tradition. It is not surprising, then, that a Christian apologist, Minucius Felix, Octavius 29.6 (closely related to Tertullian’s Apology, written in 197 C. E.), responded to critics that “crosses are not objects that we worship.”93 Finally, the art we have seen reinforces ethnic divisions. Pergamene art dramatizes the differences between Athenians and Persians, Pergamene victors and Galatians losers (see n. 86). Augustus’ architecture in the Roman Forum, both the Temple of Apollo and his victory Arch, portrayed his battles not as civil war, but as conicts of Romans against Eastern barbarians.94 With its sources in the East, earliest Jewish Christian baptism rejected this ideology: despite their gathering in Greco-Roman houses that architecturally reinforced socio-economic status, they confessed that God’s call and not ethnic identity determines human worth (Gal. 3:28). Then as now, feminists have legitimate cause to reject the value that women like Iphigenia should sacrice themselves for men.95 Neither ethnic nor gender roles are to determine status in the Christian assembly. Christ did not die for Greece, or Rome, or North America, or for straight men, but according to Paul’s polemical thesis, for the “ungodly” (Rom. 1:18 with 4:5), in that cultural context, for Laocoon, Cassandra, and the Galatians – for whom Paul portrayed Christ crucied (Gal. 3:1). Paul’s polemical gospel was disturbing because he embodied, proclaimed, and challenged key Roman ideological values.96

93 G. W. Clarke, The Octavius of Marcus Minucius Felix (Ancient Christian Writers 39; New York: Newman, 1974) 106, cited by Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art 141. She also (p. 138) quotes Tertuallian, Adv. Marc. 3.22, who recommends tracing the symbol of the cross on the forehead “in all the ordinary actions of daily life.” 94 See Paola Guidobaldi, The Roman Forum (Milan: Electa, 1998) 37 and R. R. R. Smith, “The Imperial Reliefs from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias,” JRS 77 (1987): 88–138, at p. 98: “it is always victory over barbarians of various kinds: Britons, Armenians, and the like.” 95 See Osiek and Balch, Families, chap. 5 for some ways that the Pauline churches modied gender roles. 96 Another key difference is that those who painted Iphigenia, Laocoon, and Cassandra, and who sculpted Laocoon and the dying Galatians sacriced animals to their deities, but Christians replaced actual sacrices with sacricial language, a major change in the history of religion. See Gerd Theissen, The Religion of the Earliest Churches: Creating a Symbolic World (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1999), chap. 7, and Richard L. Rubenstein, “Atonement and Sacrice in Contemporary Jewish Liturgy,” After Auschwitz: Radical Theology and Contemporary Judaism (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1966) 92–111, a chapter not included in the 2nd ed. (1992).

Chapter IV

Zeus, Vengeful Protector of the Political and Domestic Order: Frescoes in Dining Rooms N and P of the House of the Vettii in Pompeii, Mark 13:12–13, and I Clement 6:21

Abstract Paulus verkündigt das Evangelium in römischen Häusern, die im frühen sog. “Vierten Stil” ausgestattet sind; einem Stil, der durch die Maler von Neros Domus Transitoria mitgeprägt wurde (54–64 n. Chr.). Nachdem ein Brand einen Großteil Roms vernichtet hatte, erklärte Nero Christen für schuldig und richtete sie in seinen Gärten hin. Dann baute er sein Domus Aurea (64–68 n. Chr.) und stattete es ebenfalls im frühen “Vierten Stil” aus. Der Aufsatz von David Balch charakterisiert kurz diese Art der Ausstattung und richtet dann sein Augenmerk auf ein Beispiel in einer mittelgroßen Stadt, den Ausstattungen des Speiseraums in Haus der Vettii in Pompeji. Nach Meinung des Archäologen und Kunsthistorikers V. Sampaolo ist ihr Hauptthema die göttliche Macht: Zeus und seine Kinder garantieren die Ordnung der Welt; sie sind wohlwollend gegenüber den Guten, aber strafen die, die von der Ordnung abweichen. Mythische Erzählungen, die sich an den Wänden be nden, entnehmen ihren Stoff beispielsweise den Bacchae und Antiope des Euripides und visualisieren als Negativbeispiele etwa Penthus und Dirke, die getötet werden. Der Kunsthistoriker H. G. Beyen nennt dies “Amphitheater-Kunst.” Dieser Artikel nennt Beispiele für explizite, häusliche “Amphitheater-Kunst” in Pompeji und dem römischen Afrika. Diese häusliche Kunst erhellt den kulturellen Kontext, in dem christliche Hauskirchen römische Werte verändert haben, wie es etwa hinsichtlich der Verfolgungssituation im Markusevangelium, Hebräerbrief, ersten Petrusbrief, der Offenbarung des Johannes und bei Ignatius reektiert wird. Der erste Clemensbrief bezieht sich direkt auf Christinnen, die “wie Dircae” verfolgt werden. Der Artikel schließt mit theoretischen Reexionen. 1 Abbreviations: PPM = I. BALDASSARRE (ed.): Pompei: pitture e mosaici, Milan 1990–2003 (Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 11 vols.), more than 10,000 pages of oor plans, wall frescoes, and oor mosaics, some in color. RM = Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaeologischen Institutes. Römische Abteilung (= Römische Mitteilungen). John R. Clarke is publishing a new teaching tool based on the Casa dei Vettii: Roman Life, 100 B. C.–A. D. 200 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 2007), including a CD entitled “The House of the Vettii at Pompeii: An Interactive Visit.” One can walk through the house virtually as slave, client, guest, or as Vettius.

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Interpreting the New Testament, we have had our eyes xed on written texts and have often overlooked visual representations in the Greco-Roman world. We discuss the relationship between oral and textual stories, overlooking that communication in that aesthetic culture was more visual than textual. I studied the domus (houses) of Pompeii for several years before beginning to consider frescoes on the walls, mosaics on the oors, sculptures, and other more practical arts like dining ware. Then I began wondering what the relationship might be between what auditors heard Paul preach in such houses and what they might have been seeing on their walls and oors.2 This article is a study of aspects of the artistic program in the Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1 [which locates the house in Region I, Insula 15, door number 1]) in Pompeii, focused on the paired triclinia (dining rooms) n and p, especially the “chamber of horrors,”3 triclinium n.4 This house was painted in the fourth style of Roman painting,5 a style generated or at least strongly inuenced by the decoration of Nero’s Domus Transitoria (the House of Passage connecting the Palatine and Esquiline hills, dating probably from the reign of Claudius, so at least from Nero’s accession, 54-64 CE) and his later Domus Aurea (Golden House, 64–68 CE, the date of Nero’s suicide).6 Therefore, before characterizing the House of the Vettii in Pompeii, I will 2 C. OSIEK /D. L. BALCH: Families in the New Testament World: Households and House Churches, Louisville 1997; D. L. BALCH /C. OSIEK (eds.): Early Christian Families in Context: an interdisciplinary dialogue, Grand Rapids 2003; D. L. Balch: Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal. 3:1) in Light of Paintings and Sculptures of Suffering and Death in Pompeian and Roman Houses, BALCH /OSIEK: Early Christian Families, 84–108, gs. 1–3, plates 5–11, now chaps. II–III above. 3 The phrase of H. G. BEYEN: The Workshops of the ‘Fourth Style’ at Pompeii and in its Neighbourhood, Studia Archaeologica Gerardo van Hoorn Oblata (Studia van Hoorn), Leiden 1951, 43– 65, 55. See K. M. COLEMAN: Fatal Charades: Roman Executions Staged as Mythological Enactments, JRS 80 (1990), 40–73. 4 V. SAMPAOLO: Casa dei Vettii, PPM V (1994), 468–572 refers to both n and p as triclinia, but to sala q and oecus e. W. C. A RCHER: The Paintings in the Alae of the Casa dei Vettii and a De nition of the Fourth Pompeian Style, American Journal of Archaeology 94 (1990) 95–123, at p. 95 refers to “the four large rooms for dining and entertaining – e, n, p, and q.” Since Roman furniture was movable and in light of a passage like Plutarch, Lucullus 41, I adopt Archer’s terminology for these four rooms as (at least sometimes) dining rooms. 5 On the four styles see K. SCHEFOLD: Vergessenes Pompeji: Unveröffentlichte Bilder. Römischen Wanddekorationen in Geschichtlicher Folge Herausgegeben, Bern 1962; R. LING: Roman Painting, Cambridge 1991; J. R. CLARKE: The Houses of Roman Italy. 100 B. C.–A. D. 250: Ritual, Space, and Decoration, Berkeley 1991, 30–77; H. MIELSCH: Römische Wandmalerei, Darmstadt 2001; I. BALDASSARRE/A. PONTRANDOLFO/A. ROUVERET/M. SALVADORI: Pittura romana: dall’ellenismo al tardo-antico, Milan 2002, 61–275. For location and proposed dates of frescoes in Pompeii see K. SCHEFOLD: Die Wände Pompejis: Topographisches Verzeichnis der Bildmotive, Berlin 1957. For the Casa dei Vettii see Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 334–37. 6 W. J.TH. PETERS/P. G. P. MEYBOOM: The Roots of Provincial Painting. Results of Current Research in Nero’s Domus Aurea, J. LIVERSIDGE (ed.): Roman Provincial Wall Painting of the Western Empire, Oxford 1982 (BAR International Series 140), 33–74; D. HEMSOLL: The Architecture of Nero’s Golden House, M. HENIG (ed.): Architecture and Architectural Sculpture in the Roman Empire, Oxford 1990, 10–38; R. LUCIANI /L. SPERDUTI: Domus Aurea Neronis Roma, Rome 1993 (Itinerari dei musei, gallerie, scavi e monumenti d’Italia, nuova serie 20); E. M. MOORMAN: ‘Vivere come un uomo’: L’uso dello spazio nella Domus Aurea, M. CIMA /E. LA ROCCA (eds.): Horti romani: atti del convegno internazionale, Roma, 4–6 maggio 1995, Rome 1998, 345–361; I. I ACOPI: Domus

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briey summarize art historians’ current conclusions about the meaning of the fourth style domestic decoration in Nero’s Domus Aurea, including current conclusions concerning the date the fourth style developed.7 Then I describe an individual artistic program in one provincial example of this style, the House of the Vettii. Finally, I imagine tensions Christian converts might have generated in this domestic ideological context, a chamber of horrors that I will relate to Mark 13:12–13 and one that I was surprised to nd explicitly mentioned in I Clement 6:2.8

A. The fourth style of Roman painting in Nero’s Golden House The sources are unclear whether Nero himself set the re of 64 CE (see Suetonius, Nero 38.2; Tacitus, Ann. 15.38; Dio, Rom. Hist. 62.16-18) or not (Suetonius, Nero 31.1). It devastated rst the valleys then the hills, “the town being an easy prey owing to the narrow, twisting lanes and formless streets typical of old Rome” (Tacitus, Ann. 15.38) 9. “Viewing the conagration from the tower of Maecenas and exulting, as he said, in ‘the beauty of the ames,’ he sang the whole of the ‘Sack of Ilium,’ in his regular stage costume” (Suetonius, Nero 38.210; see Tacitus, Ann. 15.39; Dio, Rom. Hist. 62.18.1). Then a greater scandal circulated that “Nero was seeking the glory of founding a new capital and endowing it with his own name” [Neronopolis] (Tacitus, Ann. 15.41; Suetonius, Nero 55). The means sought for appeasing the deity and suppressing these rumors were unsuccessful; therefore, Tacitus informs us, Aurea, Milan 1999; E. SEGALA /I. SCIORTINO: Domus Aurea (English Edition), Milan 1999. Now Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 314–19. 7 Art historians interpret these frescoes in three or four qualitatively different ways. 1) K. SCHEFOLD writing since 1930 has understood them as expressions of religious feeling and thought: Der religiöse Gehalt der antiken Kunst und die Offenbarung, Mainz 1998. Also BALDASSARRE ET AL.: Pittura romana, 96–100. 2) CLARKE: Houses, writes of decoration that expresses the owner’s tastes and sometimes his/her belief systems. Clark repeatedly cites D. C. SCAGLIARINI: Spazio e decorazione nella pittura pompeiana, Palladio 23–25 (1974–1976), 3–44. 3) Others see political programs, perhaps best expressed by P. H. VON BLANCKENHAGEN/C. A LEXANDER: The Paintings from Boscotrecase, RM. Ergänzungsheft 6 (1962), 1–70, plates 1–58 and color plates A-D; see also T. P. WISEMAN: Conspicui postes tectaque digna deo: The Public Image of Aristocratic and Imperial Houses in the Late Republic and Early Empire, L’Urbs: Espace urbain et histoire (1er siècle av. J.C.-IIIe siècle ap. J.-C.), Collection de l’École française de Rome 98 (1987), 393–413, and F. COARELLI: Architettura sacra e architettura privata nella tarda repubblica, Architecture et société: de l’archaisme grec à la  n de la République romaine, Collection de l’École Française de Rome 66 (1983), 192–217. 4) J. BODEL: Monumental Villas and Villa Monuments, Journal of Roman Archaeology 10 (1997), 5–35 is political interpretation but may form a fourth category. I thank John Clarke for the references to Scagliarini, von Blanckenhagen/Alexander and Coarelli. Compare the interpretations of E. W. LEACH: The Social Life of Painting in Ancient Rome and on the Bay of Naples, Cambridge 2004, surveyed in the Introduction above, sections A and B. 8 Compare Suetonius, Nero 12.2, 21.2–3 and Dio, Rom. Hist. 62.9.4; Dio names Euripidean characters including Heracles whom Nero played on stage; compare one of the domestic frescoes considered below. 9 Translation: JACKSON in Loeb. 10 Translation: ROLFE in Loeb.

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“Nero substituted as culprits and punished with the utmost re nements of cruelty, a class of men [persons], loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians [. . .]. They were covered with wild beasts’ skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens [of the Domus Transitoria] for the spectacle [. . .]. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacriced not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man.” (Tacitus, Ann. 15.44; see Suetonius, Nero 16.2; 38.2)

The apostles Peter and Paul were martyred in Rome by Nero (I Clement 5; IgnEph 12; IgnRom 4–5),11 perhaps during this time. Since the Domus Transitoria had been burnt in the re, Nero built (64–68 CE) the Domus Aurea (Suetonius, Nero 31; Tacitus, Ann. 15.42), the fourth style of which I will very briey characterize. There are some remains of the Domus Transitoria that include a lavish nymphaeum with a pavilion inside supported by porphyry columns around a central fountain.12 Regarding the Domus Aurea we know that “the whole complex was faced with inlaid polychrome marble both on the oors and walls. The vaults were frescoed with epic scenes and Dionysiac friezes,”13 including scenes from Homer. Beyen, however, observes a signicant difference between Rome and Pompeii: “In Nero’s Domus Aurea only a few large “central pictures” were found; most of them are relatively small and unimportant, and even these smaller specimens are not abundant. They are but modest elements in the decorative system. Nero, no doubt, possessed a collection, or rather collections, of ne Greek originals [on portable panels], and the Roman “elite” of the time would have followed the Emperor in decreasing the demand for “central pictures” executed by the “pictores parietarii.” At Naples, a centre of Greek culture, galleries with Greek pictures, both public and private, must have existed much earlier than the lifetime of Philostratus the Elder, who mentions one in the “Prooemium” to his “Imagines.” The wealthy clients (including many Romans) of our painters in the big town, who could boast such precious possessions and dictated fashion, are less likely to have been anxious to possess pseudopanel-paintings; while even the less wealthy probably often eschewed them, for fear of showing a want of good taste. Dwellers in the provincial towns like Pompeii, on the other hand, doted on these “ ne pictures,” because they made their houses look as if they contained real pinacothecae.”14

After the re Nero expropriated a vast area of 80 hectares to build his new palace, in the vestibule of which stood a colossal statue of himself 120 feet high. Including gardens and porticoes, the house was three miles long and enclosed a lake made to 11 See my earlier comments on the aesthetic, domestic context in BALCH: Paul’s Portrait, 93, 99–102, now chap. III above. 12 M. DE VOS: Nerone, Seneca, Fabullo e la Domus Transitoria al Palatino, G. MORGANTI (ed.): Gli Orti Farnesiani sul Palatino (Roma Antica 2), École Française de Rome (1990), 167–86, gs. 1–15. 13 SEGALA /SCIORTINO: Domus Aurea, 6. For beautiful, page-length examples in color, IACOPI: Domus Aurea, 19–161. 14 BEYEN: Workshops, 57–58.

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resemble the sea. Domestic and wild animals wandered its vineyards and woods (Segala and Sciortino 7). Suetonius describes Nero’s house as follows: “In the rest of the house all parts were overlaid with gold and adorned with gems and motherof-pearl. There were dining rooms with fretted ceilings of ivory, whose panels could turn and shower down owers and were tted with pipes for sprinkling the guests with perfumes. The main banquet hall was circular and constantly revolved day and night, like the heavens.” (Suetonius, Nero 31.2l)

This dining room may have been the Octagonal Room (#128 in the east wing), the rst monument in Rome to exploit the new use of concrete in vaults, a revolutionary architectural vision of internal space.15 Nero stole sculptures of Dying Gauls/Galatians from Pergamon (including the Gaul Killing Himself and his Wife now in Palazzo Altemps in Rome) perhaps for this Octagonal Room in his Golden House (Plin., HN 34.84; Dio Chrysostomus 31.148), statues that Vespasian later placed in his Temple of Peace commemorating his victory over the Jews.16 Some modern art historians have also argued that Nero placed the statue of the dying priest Laocoon in the Octagonal Room (a statue now in the Belvedere Court of the Vatican Museum).17 The pavilion of the Golden House on the Oppian hill that is now open to visitors is divided into a western and an eastern area.18 The decoration of the western area recalls the Hellenistic style of hanging gured tapestry comparable to the festive tent of Ptolemy II Philadelphus (Athenaeus V 196a, 25–26 in 279 BCE).19 In the middle of these tapestries were reproductions of famous paintings. But the eastern area owes much to theater scenes (scaenae frons), stage building of the Roman theater decorated with columns, aediculae, and niches with statues, complex polychrome facades painted on a light background portray spaces crowded with gures.20 Art historians suggest that two different workshops did the decoration of the eastern and western areas, but debate whether those workshops were contemporary. The name of the artist Fabullus is associated with the Domus Aurea, but we do not know whether to connect him with the traditional western or the innovative eastern wing. The western area reects more the third Pompeiian style, the eastern area the fourth style.21 15 SEGALA /SCIORTINO: Domus Aurea, 90–94, but there is no archaeological evidence for a hydraulic mechanism that would rotate the room. Another early vault was the Pantheon rebuilt by Hadrian (118–125 CE), originally constructed by Agrippa without the vault (27–25 BCE). 16 See BALCH: Paul’s Portrait, 100, 103 with n. 73, chap. III above. 17 BALCH: Paul’s Portrait, 96–97 with n. 61 and 86, now chap. III above; SEGALA /SCIORTINO: Domus Aurea, 40–45. 18 SEGALA /SCIORTINO: Domus Aurea, 24, 32, 35–36, on which this paragraph depends. 19 Cf. CLARKE: Houses, 65–68. 20 Cf. CLARKE: Houses, 69–72. 21 I ACOPI: Domus Aurea, 20 lists Pompeian houses that also exhibit early fourth style painting; Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4a; PPM III 966–1029); triclinium of Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 468–572); Casa di M. Epidius Sabinus (IX 1 22.29; PPM VIII 956–1044). A more mature fourth style according to Iacopi is found in Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; PPM III 435–477); Casa dei Dioscuri (VI 9,6.7; PPM IV 860–1004); and the Casa di P. Cornelius Tages = Casa dell’Efebo (I 7.11; PPM I 619–727). For a list of thirteen early (45–62 CE) fourth style Pompeiian houses and

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Segala and Sciortino22 observe that both are characterized by a taste for minute detail not worthy of the architectonic greatness of the rooms; artists accustomed to decorating smaller rooms had to extend their schemes over the vast surfaces of Nero’s house. Nero represented himself as the Sun, the initiator of a new golden age. Seneca, Nero’s tutor and political advisor, quotes Aristo, who asks about the difference between ourselves and these children [. . .]. we elders go crazy over paintings and sculpture [. . .] while we take delight in tall columns of veined marble brought either from Egyptian sands or from African deserts to hold up a colonnade or a dining-hall large enough to contain a city crowd; we admire walls veneered with a thin layer of marble [. . .]. Poverty is a hissing and a reproach, despised by the rich and loathed by the poor [. . .]. People seem to think that the immortal gods cannot give any better gift than wealth – or even possess anything better: The Sun-god’s palace, set with pillars tall, And ashing bright with gold [. . .]. (Seneca quoting Ovid, Metam. 2.1–2) And nally, when they would praise an epoch as the best, they call it the “Golden Age.” (Seneca, Ep. Mor. 115.8–9, 11–1423)24

Romans would not have missed allusions to the Domus Aurea and its shining “sun.” Following Seneca, Segala and Sciortino (22, 74) emphasize the role light played in the palace: the sun lled the main rooms, “illuminated the marble facings, made the gold-leaf on the frescoes and stuccoes shine, created a play of light and reected on the water of the fountains.” The Greek Zenodorus sculpted the colossus, a statue 120 feet high representing the emperor, later dedicated to the Sun after Nero’s crimes were condemned (Plin., HN 34.46). Martial (Epigram 2) complained of this Colossus “near heaven” and of the single house that had robbed dwellings from the poor. Pliny (HN 33.5425) remembered that “Nero covered the theatre of Pompey with gold for one day’s purpose, when he was to display it to Tiridates, King of Armenia. Yet how small was the theatre in comparison with Nero’s Golden Palace which goes all round the city!” Tacitus (Ann. 15.52) recounted Piso’s plot to have Nero assassinated in the “hated palace that Nero plundered his people to build.” Finally, I gather some observations about the fourth style in Nero’s house - without claiming to characterize the whole.26 The main rooms always have more marble than painting, although painting predominates in the service rooms. Polychrome discussion see A RCHER 102–113; for 45–62 CE as the date of the early fourth style, see A RCHER 95, 104, 108–110, 113, 115, 117, 121. Paul’s apostolic activity thus falls in the years of the early fourth style. 22 SEGALA /SCIORTION: Domus Aurea, 36. 23 Translation: GUMMERE in Loeb. 24 This and the following references are from SEGALA /SCIORTINO: Domus Aurea, 10–11, 14, MOORMAN: Vivere, 334, n. 12 cites Seneca, Ep. Mor. 90.15, dated to 63–64 CE, in which he refers to “a dining room with a ceiling of movable panels [. . .] one pattern after another, the room changing as often as the courses.” 25 Translation: R ACKHAM in Loeb. See also Plin., HN 35.2–3, 120; 37.17. 26 See SEGALA /SCIORTINO: Domus Aurea, 29, 31, 37–38, 60, 64, 76, 79, 98.

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marbles from Greece, Asia Minor, and Africa were used both on walls and oors. Combinations of stucco and painting are characteristic in this transition from the late third to the early fourth style. Some of the mythical scenes are the rst examples of gured mosaics on ceilings.27 These include fantastic animals, scenes with tritons and seahorses surging out of the waves. The fourth style also often includes illusory windows in walls (trompe l’oeil/Durchblicke) that look out on lake landscapes. The whole is philhellenic; that is, Greek not Roman myths are the subjects. In the western area of Nero’s house subjects of the visual representations are linked to initiation that promises rebirth, alluding to rebirth promised during his principate. In the eastern area themes are related to the Trojan cycle; these paintings are attributed to Fabullus himself, in which heroes are seen at their most human and sorrowful (Plin., HN 35.120). Homer’s Iliad was the main source of inspiration for visual representation in the eastern area; the imperial capital was the New Troy resurrected from ashes for the Golden Age.

B. The fourth style in the House of the Vettii (VI 15,1) in Pompeii Moving from the Golden House to the House of the Vettii (see Plate 1), we leave the capital of the Roman empire for a provincial town. For both art historians and tourists this is the most famous house in Pompeii. Art historians note the consistent quality of the visual representations in the atrium [a central entrance room usually having an opening in the roof] (c), the peristyle [a garden in a courtyard surrounded by a colonnade] (l), and in the four large triclinia, rooms for dining and entertainment (e, n, p, and q). The most important rooms in Pompeii for dating the fourth style are two side rooms, alae [“wings”] (i and h)28 off the atrium (c) in the House of the Vettii, the only two rooms in this house painted before the earthquake in 62 CE. The south (h) and north (i) wings are paired rooms, twins, with contemporary, virtually identical decoration: walls in both alae are decorated with “carpet” patterns (Sampaolo #42, 44), as is the western area of Nero’s Domus Area. Both alae exhibit patterns for the “carpets,” b-a-b on the north walls, a-b-a on the south walls.29 Proof for a terminus ante quem in wing h was provided by Lauter-Bufe.30 When the room was transformed into a closet after the earthquake in CE 62, a wall closed it off from the atrium, and a window to the peristyle was also closed. The base of that later wall remains today, a wall that abuts the painted socle [the bottom zone – typically of three zones – in a wall painting] of both the east and west walls, which means that 27

Figured mosaics in the ceiling vaults of St. Peters represent an ancient art in Rome. For the visual representations in alae h and i see SAMPAOLO: Casa, 495–497, #41–46. 29 W. J.TH. PETERS: La composizione delle pareti dipinte nella Casa dei Vetti a Pompei, Mededelingen van het Nederlands Instituut te Rome (1977), 95–128, 98–99. 30 H. LAUTER-BUFE: Zur Stilgeschichte der gürlichen pompeijanischen Fresken, Erlangen 1969, 86–113. 28

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Plate 1: Casa dei Vettii (from John R. Clarke, The Houses of Roman Italy [1991] 209; used by permission. Triclinia n and p are marked by horizontal lines.

the visual representations in both rooms h and i were earlier than the reconstruction, therefore date before 62 CE.31 Beyen was able to identify ten “workshops of the fourth style at Pompeii,” the most important of which he named “the workshop of the Casa dei Vettii.” It had its headquarters in some large town in Campania, probably Naples, he suggests.32 The same workshop was engaged more than once by the Vettii brothers, both before and after the earthquake of 62 CE. Atrium c and triclinium q are Neronian, while triclinia p and n are Flavian. The decoration of the alae (h and i) is earlier than the atrium itself; therefore, the workshop was active in the House of the Vettii on at least three different occasions ten years apart. Lauter-Bufe33, Peters34, and Archer35, while agreeing that the alae (i and h) were decorated before 62 CE, dispute Schefold and Beyen’s assertions of a development of the fourth style between Nero and Vespasian. Rather all the other rooms in the House of the Vettii were painted in the years just after the earthquake. Archer (119) goes further: “at present no valid evidence exists of distinctions between decorations of the Fourth Style executed before and after 62 in the basic manner of conception of the painted wall and the principal compositional components employed.”36 Two freedman brothers owned the house, and one of them, A. Vettius Conviva, 31 A RCHER: Paintings, 96 and PETERS: Composizione, 95–98, 120–122 follow LAUTER-BUFE: Stilgeschichte. Against SCHEFOLD: Vergessenes Pompeji, 133–134. 32 BEYEN: Workshops, 45–49, 54–60, on which this paragraph is based. 33 LAUTER-BUFE: Stilgeschichte, 97–100. 34 PETERS: Composizione, 120–121. 35 A RCHER: Paintings, 119–121. 36 A RCHER: Paintings, 119.

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was an Augustalis. Such persons donated a large sum for public works, and the emperor then appointed them to this status, the highest civic ofce open to freedmen. And as Beyen notes, the quality of the fourth style decoration in their house was among the nest in Pompeii.37 Like many other Roman houses, this one has a central axis; that is, from the street one can see through the entrance (a) and the atrium (c) all the way to the rear of the peristyle (m). Atypically, between the atrium and the peristyle, there is no tablinum (a reception area for the patron receiving clients into his [or her?] house), and second, the peristyle lies at a right angle to the central axis, whereas more typically, the peristyle’s length would lie along the main axis.38 As one enters the house, to the right there is a service (slave) area around a second atrium (v) and to the left an older service area with its own entrance (27).39 As one enters the house, on the extreme left of atrium c is one of the four dining rooms (e). Its frescoes include:40 1) on the north wall Cyparissus grieves because of having unwittingly killed the deer he loved (Sampaolo #28–29; CD 201), although Apollo will give him immortality through metamorphosis into the tree that bears his name. 2) On the south wall Eros and Pan are ghting while watched by Dionysus and a maenad or Ariadne (Sampaolo #32). Importantly for the thesis of this paper, 3) on the west wall in the upper zone we nd Zeus Enthroned with his scepter and thunderbolt (Sampaolo #35; see Plate 2 and CD 202a)41 along with two women whom he loved. 4) On the south wall in the center of the upper zone (above the Dionysus fresco) Leda is enthroned with a swan (that is, Zeus) on her lap (CD 203), an image represented in the Temple of the Divine Julius at Rome (Sampaolo #30, 31, 33). And 5) on the north wall in the upper zone art historians see Danae enthroned, although only the lower half of the representation, the legs of a woman sitting, survives. Like the fourth style in the eastern area of Nero’s Domus Aurea, these walls show gures descending stairs in a scaenae frons (stage building of the Roman theater).42 This visual representation of Zeus Enthroned states the theme of two of the other triclinia, the two on which this paper focuses. According to Sampaolo, “the dominent theme in both [triclinia p and n] concerns divine power, in particular that of Zeus 37 BEYEN: Workshops, 45; CLARKE: Houses, 208. P. ZANKER: Pompeii: Public and Private Life, Cambridge 1998, 191–192, judges the quality of the painting less positively. 38 A. WALLACE-H ADRILL: Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum, Princeton 1994, chap. 1 (originally published 1988) and CLARKE: Houses, 208. 39 On such service areas see D. L. BALCH: Rich Pompeiian Houses, Shops for Rent, and the Huge Apartment Building in Herculaneum as Typical Spaces for Pauline House Churches, JSNT 27 (September, 2004), now chap. I above. 40 I do not supply complete descriptions, but give details relevant to the thesis of the paper; for further description, CLARKE: Houses, 227–233. 41 Reproductions are sometimes clearer in the older work by A. SOGLIANO: La Casa dei Vettii in Pompei, Rome 1898; Zeus Enthroned is g. 11. The image of Zeus is that of a young Alexander the Great, an observation I owe to Mattia Buondonno of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei. See chap. VII, n. 89 below for bibliography. 42 CLARKE: Houses, 230, g. 137.

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Plate 2 (CD 202a): Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 492), triclinium (e), west wall, upper zone: Zeus enthroned with scepter and thunderbolt. See chap. VII, nn. 89–90.

and his children; they guarantee the order of the universe, benevolent toward the good but punitive toward protestors, for example as treated on the one hand in the cycle of Cretan myths and on the other by Theban myths” (Sampaolo 469–470, my translation). Triclinium n has visual representations of Heracles, Penthus, and Dirce, all from Theban mythology (see Plates 6–8 and CD 208/208a, 209/209a, and 210/ 210a), while triclinium p has frescoes of Pasiphae and Dionysus, both associated with Crete, as well as a representation of Ixion, a legendary king in northern Thessaly (see Plates 3–5 and CD 205a, 206, and 207/207a and the discussion below).43 Before describing those two triclinia, I return to the entrance ( fauces), the atrium, and the peristyle. No modern visitor to this house forgets the ithyphallic Priapus with his enormous penis at the doorway (CD 137). He is weighing his manhood against a bag of money. In modern culture where bigger is normally better, he may seem erotic, but in Greco-Roman art, ideal men had small members. In the Roman world Priapus’ large member was both ugly and comical; laughter, the opposite of evil, disarms the Evil Eye. Priapus evoked laughter, not lust.44 On the other hand, if

43

See the stunning reproductions of Vettii frescoes in CLARKE: Houses, color plates 12–16. CLARKE: Houses, gs. 121–122; J. R. CLARKE: Roman Sex: 100 BC-AD 250, New York 2003, 111 and g. 72; also IDEM: Looking at Lovemaking: Constructions of Sexuality in Roman Art 100 B. C.–A. D. 250, Berkeley 1998, 169–177. 44

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one intended to steal something from the garden or the house, the verses of the Priapea were not funny, but threatened sexual abuse.45 Fortuna, the Greek goddess Tyche, also appears in the atrium near the money chest on the north wall sitting with rudder and globe while cupids sacrice to her. It is debated whether she also appears in the upper zone of the east wall of triclinium p, to be considered below, thus emphasizing the role of fate in the events visually represented in that room.46 The bag of money in the doorway image of Priapus is an attribute of Mercury/ Hermes, and the Vettii brothers displayed their new wealth in the atrium: two chests held money and treasures; and the attributes of Mercury are painted on the pilaster between rooms g and i.47 Further, both Priapus and Mercury in their threatening aspect are in the peristyle garden. From the fresco of Priapus in the entrance, the line of sight is along the axis through the atrium to a marble statue of Priapus on one of the bases near a marble basin (see n. 44); and there are several herms (quadrangular pillars topped with a head, plus a phallus lower on the front of the pillar] in the garden.48 Two of the herms have heads with double faces, Dionysus and Ariadne, the other Silenus and a maenad (Sogliano g. 24; Sampaolo #90). Here the contrast between Roman and modern symbol systems is signicant. Many modern persons would nd images of a phallus in the garden startling, even offensive; but Romans felt a need even a duty to display these apotropaic, threatening images where danger lurked.49 They are omnipresent in Pompeii (CD 138–39). Priapus was also one of Dionysius’ manifestations, and the garden/peristyle had statues of Dionysius (Sampaolo #99) and his companions, seven of marble, two in bronze, and two in fragments.50 These statues in the garden, then, have not only apotropaic aspects but also celebrate pleasure. Besides the statues of Priapus and Dionysus mentioned above, there are two satyrs (Sampaolo #98, 100), a Theseus, a Paris, two bronzes of children with ducks (Sampaolo #96–97), a Hellenistic statue of a child sitting and holding a rabbit, and two standing children from whom jets of water emerge (Sampaolo #102–103). Triclinium q with its famous frieze of cupids and psychai (female counterparts of cupids), children pictured active in the various trades of Pompeii,51 thus has contacts with these statues of children in the garden/ 45 Examples in A. R ICHLIN: The Garden of Priapus: Sexuality and Aggression in Roman Humor, revised ed., New York 1992, 116–127 and T. K. HUBBARD: Homosexuality in Greece and Rome: A Sourcebook of Basic Documents, Berkeley 2003, 352–353. 46 CLARKE: Houses, 223; SAMPAOLO: Casa, 475, #8; 533, #113. 47 PETERS: Composizione, 113; CLARKE: Houses, 212; SAMPAOLO: Casa, 473, #4, who also reproduces images of apotropaic gorgoneia in this house (#8, 11, 14, 35, 73, 138). 48 CLARKE: Houses, 211–212; and for the herms, SAMPAOLO: Casa, 516, #84; 520–521, #90–92. 49 CLARKE: Roman Sex, 112, suggests reection on fears we might have living in a society without police protection or modern medicine – realizing too that the poor in modern societies often do not have access to either. 50 SAMPAOLO: Casa, 522-525, #95–103. 51 SOGLIANO: Casa, gs. 47–60 and Tav. XI; CLARKE: Houses, 215–220; SAMPAOLO: Casa, 541–

Unied thematic message: The relationship between the sexes. Love as power to bring blessing or curse

Each Room in Itself as a Closed Entity

God appears on earth to save a divine boy, who is assumed among gods, receives immortality and marries a god (Hebe). Same god punishes indirectly in p2. A man is guilty, Pentheus transgresses consciously against Dionysus, a god, intensication of n1, hybris

6 gures

A woman is guilty, Dirce, transgsresses: inhumanity against Antiope, against divine law, indirectly against gods

Bull; only human actors

Unied thematic message; The relationship between parents and children Pietas as solicitude (of father for son [n3]), lethal inversion (mother kills son [n2]), & vengeance (sons for mother [n1]) Representations p1 & p3 are from Cretan cycle of Representations are from Theban cycle of myths. myths. The events in each picture happen quietly. The events in each picture happen dramatically.

God appears on earth to save a woman beloved by god; she ascends to gods, receives immortality, marries a god. Same god punishes in n2.

A woman is guilty, Pasiphae, transgresses; passion against divine law, indirectly against gods

Intellectual Relationship A man is guilty, Ixion, transgresses, consciously attempts violation of Hera, a god. Development of p1, hybris

(Wooden) cow; 6 gures only human actors

Details

Care of god Punishment by Punishment by (Zeus as eagle) god (Dionysus, men (Zeus’ for mortal son; Zeus’ son) sons) happy result

Pentheus (back Dirce (right wall) = n2 wall) = n1

Pentheus Dining Room (n) Dionysus (right Heracles (left wall) = p3 wall) = n3

Punishment by Punishment by Love of god god god (Zeus’ son) for mortal woman; happy result

Ixion (back wall) = p2

General Thematic Relationships

Pasiphae (left wall) = p1

Ixion Dining Room (p)

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peristyle as well as with representations of children in the atrium (Sampaolo #9–20). One winged cupid painted on the southern post separating the atrium from the peristyle is riding a crab! (CD 204) But I pass over these fascinating cupids/psychai, many of whom are at work, in order to focus on triclinia n and p.

Fig. 2. Chart of possible relationships among central pictures in the twin triclinia p and n

565. SCHEFOLD: Der religiöse Gehalt, 327, observes that earlier classical artists did not positively represent the crafts.

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Theo Wirth argues two theses with respect to the House of the Vettii as a whole: “1) just as the main part of the house (atrium c with b, d/k, f/g, h/i, and n/p) is planned as a symmetrical unity, so also the visual decoration of these rooms was planned in large part with the same symmetry. 2) This symmetry that includes both architecture and painting is not done slavishly; individual symmetrical elements exhibit both correspondences and differences including independent structure”52 (my translation). This symmetrical unity may be seen in the chart rst produced by Wirth then modied by Clarke,53 a chart I translate and modify (see Fig. 2). After presenting the chart, I will discuss the myths. Both Clarke and I omit a row in Wirth’s chart that I present as Figures 3 and 4. The particular theme of each dining room is presented by oppositions (a) that, nevertheless, within each room generate a similar result (b): (a) p1: prohibited love of human for animal (woman for “man”) = crossing boundary below

(a) p2: prohibited love of human for god (male for female) = crossing boundary above

(b) Fruit of this union, a mixture, the minotaur (b) Fruit of this union, a mixture, the centaur, from Nephele not Hera

Fig. 3. Analysis of relationship between visual representations p1 & p2 in the Ixion triclinium (a) n2: transgression of human against god (male against male)

(a) n1: transgression of human against human (female against female)

(b) therefore, women kill a man

(b) therefore, men kill a woman

Both myths are set in the Cithairon mountains during a festival of Dionysus (Dirce is also a maenad).

Fig. 4. Analysis of relationship between visual representations n2 & n1 in the Pentheus triclinium

I have followed Clarke in naming Fig. 2 a chart of “possible relationships.” As one possible means checking whether the relationships Wirth outlined are simply modern, not ancient, analyses, I will quote the six myths as narrated by Apollodorus, The Library of Greek Mythology, the only work of its kind to survive from classical antiquity, a work probably dating to the rst or second century CE.54 After narrating Greek theogony (book 1), Apollodorus organizes the myths geographically. Book 2 retells myths of Argos and Thebes; then book 3 narrates myths of Crete as well as 52 T. WIRTH: Zum Bildprogramm der Räume N und P in der Casa dei Vettii, RM 90 (1983), 449–455, 449. 53 WIRTH: Bildprogramm, 453–454; CLARKE: Houses, 222. 54 A POLLODORUS: The Library of Greek Mythology, trans. R. H ARD, Oxford 1997, vii, xii. Critical text: P. SCARPI (ed.): Apollodoro, I Miti greci (Lorenzo Valla), trans. M. GRAZIE CIANI, Milan 1996. But compare The Myths of Hyginus, trans. Mary Grant (Lawrence: University of Kansas, 1960).

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more myths of Thebes, Arcadia, Laconia, Troas, Athens, etc. Apollodorus narrates the myth of Pasiphae (Vettii fresco p1; Sampaolo #112–116; see Plate 4 and CD 206) at the beginning of book 3: “Minos lived in Crete, where he enacted laws, and married Pasiphae, daughter of the Sun and Perseis [. . .]. When Asterios died without offspring, Minos wanted to become king of Crete, but he encountered opposition. So he claimed that the kingdom had been granted to him by the gods, and to make people believe him, he said that whatever he prayed for would come to pass. And during a sacrice to Poseidon, he prayed that a bull should appear from the deep, promising to sacrice it when it appeared. When Poseidon responded by sending up a magnicent bull, Minos acquired the kingdom; but he sent the bull away to join his herds and sacriced another. Poseidon, angry with Minos for having failed to sacrice the bull, turned it savage, and caused Pasiphae to conceive a desire for it. Becoming infatuated with the bull, Pasiphae enlisted the help of Daidalos, an architect who had been exiled from Athens for murder. He built a wooden cow, mounted it on wheels, hollowed it out, sewed round it the hide from a cow that he had skinned, and placing it in the meadow where the bull habitually grazed, he made Pasiphae climb inside. The bull came up to it and had intercourse with it as if it were a genuine cow. As a result, she gave birth to Asterios, who was called the Minotaur; he had the face of a bull, but the rest of his body was human. In obedience to some oracles, Minos kept him enclosed in the Labyrinth [. . .]. (Apollodorus, Library 3.1.2–3)55

The protagonists in conict in the textual story are Minos and Poseidon, not Pasiphae, whose guilt Apollodorus does not mention. Growing out of this conict, Poseidon causes Pasiphae to desire the bull. Philosophers might debate her guilt, but Apollodorus does not mention it. On the other hand, in the visual representation, Pasiphae is the central character, the source of the action: she has asked Daidalos, the artist/ craftsperson, to make the wooden cow, and a viewer sees his assistant working in the carpenter’s shop, a Roman elaboration (Sampaolo #115). But in the socle (the lowest typically of three painted zones on a wall, here immediately below Pasiphae) there are three marine horses (Sampaolo #116) similar to those in the socle below the Ixion fresco (Sampolo #118; see discussion below), where Triton (a god of the sea, son of Poseidon and Amphitrite, who has the head and trunk of a man, the tail of a sh) (Sampaolo #118–119), guides two marine animals, which places both myths in triclinium p in a cosmic context (Sampaolo #112, 116, 118). Apollodorus’ textual version of the Cretan myth of Poseidon, Minos, the bull, Pasiphae, and Daidalos does not support Wirth’s interpretation emphasizing a woman’s guilt, although the visual representation that focuses on Pasiphae might. The marine horses in the socle bring the visual and literary plots closer; both then emphasize cosmic, not just individual moral conict.56 Among the myths of Athens we read of Ixion (Vettii fresco p2; Sampaolo #118, 119; see Plate 3 and CD 205a): 55 56

Translation: H ARD, 97–98. Nero too sponsored this myth (Suetonius, Nero 12.2).

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Plate 3 (CD 205a): Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534–35, 538–39), triclinium p, east wall, central zone. Ixion on viewer’s left tied to a wheel by Hermes (in heroic nudity, with his staff), Hera enthroned on the right, her servant Iris sitting below; upper zone: Concordia enthroned with cornucopia and libation dish; socle below (deteriorated, not seen here): Triton and his marine animals. “Ixion conceived a passion for Hera and tried to take her by force. Hera reported the matter to Zeus; and Zeus, wanting to know whether it was really the case, fashioned a cloud in Hera’s likeness and laid it down beside Ixion. When Ixion boasted that he had slept with Hera, Zeus fastened him to a wheel on which, as punishment, he is whirled through the air by the force of the winds. As for the cloud, it gave birth to Centauros, a child by Ixion.” (Apollodorus, Library [Epitome 1.20])57

In Apollodorus’ textual narrative Ixion is the protagonist. He desires Hera, and Zeus responds, acting to discover whether the king has been involved with his wife. Ixion boasts, and Zeus punishes him on the wheel. In the visual narrative, however, Ixion is incidental: we see only his shoulders, right arm, and head; Hephaestus has already xed him to the wheel. There is indeed “punishment” for Ixion, but visually off to the side. Rather the central characters are all divine, four or ve of them, not includ57

Translation: H ARD, 142.

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Plate 4 (CD 206): Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 535–36), triclinium p, north wall, central zone. Pasiphae, wife of Minos, king of Crete, receives the wooden cow presented by the craftsman Daidalos, with his assistant in the left foreground, with three marine horses in the socle below.

ing Zeus/Jupiter. His wife Hera sits enthroned, her servant Iris sits below, and Zeus’ nude messenger Mercury/Hermes stands front and center. The centaur is nowhere to be seen. There is no conict in this visual representation. Most important, in the zone above the Ixion fresco Concordia is enthroned with a cornucopia in her left hand and a patera in her right (strikingly reproduced in Baldassarre et al [n. 5], 230). She suggests the lucrative fortune of the Vettii brothers, but also is a reference to Concordia Augusta, a permanent cult also seen in the Eumachia building (VII 9,1)58 58

101.

See I. BRAGANTINI: Edicio di Eumachia, PPM VII 312–327, #11 and ZANKER: Pompeii, 93–

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and an instrument of political propaganda in the time of Nero (Sampaolo #113). Concordia reigns in the zone above with Triton and his marine animals in the zone below. In Nero’s empire and in the Vettii’s domestic sphere, all is in hierarchical, peaceful cosmic order. Apollodorus’ story of Dionysus falling in love with Ariadne (Vettii fresco p3; Sampaolo #120, 121; see Plate 5 and CD 207a) is as follows: “When the third tribute was sent [from Athens] to the Minotaur [in Crete], he [Theseus] was included on the list, or according to some, he offered himself as a volunteer. . . . When Theseus arrived in Crete, Ariadne, the daughter of Minos, fell in love with him and promised to assist him if he would agree to take her away to Athens and have her as his wife [. . .]. [On the journey back to Athens,] he [Theseus] arrived at Naxos by night with Ariadne and the children. There Dionysos fell in love with Ariadne and carried her off; and taking her to Lemnos, he had intercourse with her, fathering Thoas, Staphylos, Oinopion, and Peparethos.” (Apollodorus, Library [Epitome 1.7–9])59

In Apollodorus’ narrative of the third myth, Theseus and Dionysus are the active characters. In the rst scene, Theseus and Ariadne interact, but in the second, Dionysus acts on a passive Ariadne. In the second scene Apollodorus writes nothing of Ariadne’s feelings and actions, but only that as a result of Dionysus’ actions, she has four children. Dionysus is not saving Ariadne; she was in love with Theseus. A question about how she felt may be modern. In other narratives (listed by Plutarch, Thes. 20), however, Ariadne was deserted by Theseus before Dionysus’ appearance, a version that is visually represented in cubicolum (d) in the house of the Vettii (Sampaolo #23). In the dining room fresco, Dionysus holds his thrysus (ivy-twined staff tipped with pine cones); maenads and satyrs surround him, one of them raising an arm in awe at the epiphany. Adriadne is asleep on the pelt of a panther and watched over by Hypnos (the god of Sleep, the twin brother of Death); again, marine horses appear in the socle below. A cupid (a small cute winged child) in the lower right corner of the fresco observes the scene like an external spectator who does not participate in the action. The only human is beautiful and passive/asleep. The visual representation in Vettii triclinium p is also represented in the House of the Lyre Player (I 4,5, exedra 35), a decoration copied from the sanctuary of Dionysus in Athens (Sampaolo #120). Theseus has sailed off, and Dionysus arrives to take Ariadne (Pausanius, Description I,20,3). The rich, male owners of the House of the Vettii, freedmen made ofcials by the emperor, commissioned this representation, and I imagine, assumed that Ariadne was blessed in their Dionysiac world. However one evaluates the meaning, the visual representation is more moving than Apollodorus’ spare textual rendition. Moving to triclinium n, Apollodorus’ story of the child Heracles (Vettii fresco n3; Sampaolo #104–106; see Plate 6 and CD 208a) reads as follows:

59

Translation: H ARD, 140.

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Plate 5 (CD 207, 207a): Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534, 540), triclinium p, south wall, central zone. Dionysus with his staff of ivy and pine cones (thyrsus) on the left, accompanied by maenads and a young satyr, appears in order to take Ariadne, seminude in foreground, sleeping, guarded by Hypnos, with marine horses in socle below.

“Before Amphitryon arrived back in Thebes, Zeus came to the city by night, and tripling the length of that single night, he assumed the likeness of Amphitryon and went to bed with Alcmene, telling her all that had happened in the war with the Teleboans. When Amphitryon arrived and saw that his wife was welcoming him with no great ardour, he asked her the reason; and when she replied that he had come the previous night and slept with her, he found out from Teiresias about her intercourse with Zeus. Alcmene gave birth to two sons, Heracles, who was the son of Zeus and the elder by a night, and Iphicles, whom she bore to Amphitryon. When Heracles was eight months old, Hera, wanting to destroy the child, sent two huge serpents to his bed. Alcmene cried out for Amphitryon, but Heracles lept up and killed the serpents by strangling them, one in each hand. According to Pherecydes, however, it was Amphitryon who placed the serpents in the bed, because he wanted to  nd out which of the children was his own; and seeing that Iphicles ed while Heracles stood his ground, he realized that Iphicles was his child.” (Apollodorus, Library 2.5.8) 60 60

Translation: H ARD, 70–71.

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Plate 6 (CD 208, 208a): Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 526–28), triclinium n, north wall, central zone. Heracles as a young child strangles snakes sent by Hera; his mother Alcmene and her husband Amphitryon on the right, Heracles’ pedagogue in awe on the left, an eagle (Zeus) on an altar in the left background, an ionic temple in the far right background.

In this textual version, Zeus is active with Alcmene, but he does not save Heracles. Alcmene is indeed frightened by Hera’s snakes, but Amphitryon is present only through Alcmene calling him, or in another textual version, Amphitryon, the husband and father, not Hera, sent the snakes. Wirth’s interpretation of the visual representation in triclinium n seems possible, because the painter included an altar in the left background (and an Ionic temple in the far background) from the top of which an eagle (Zeus) oversees Heracles killing the two snakes, one with each hand.61 A marine animal is painted in the lower right hand corner of this wall; the other lower 61 The Pompeiian house at VII 3,10 and another house in Herculaneum had a different visual representation (SAMPAOLO: Casa, #105).

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corner has been destroyed. This fresco then corresponds with Zeus Enthroned in triclinium e, where Zeus’ two human loves are Leda and Danae. The scene in triclinium n is an epiphany, for the pedagogue on the left throws up her right hand in awe before the divine child Heracles.62 Another fresco in this dining room is of Pentheus being killed by his mother (Vettii fresco n2; Sampaolo #107–108; see Plate 7 and CD 209a): “After his discovery of the vine, Dionysos was driven mad by Hera and roamed around Egypt and Syria. . . . [A]fter he had been puried by Rhea and learned the rites of initiation, and had received the [initiate’s] robe from her, he hurried through Thrace to attack the Indians [. . .]. After traveling through Thrace and the whole of India, where he set up pillars, he arrived in Thebes, where he forced the women to desert their houses and abandon themselves to Bacchic frenzy on Mount Cithairon. But Pentheus, a son of Echion by Agave, who had inherited the throne from Cadmos, tried to put an end to these practices, and when he went to Mount Cithairon to spy on the Bacchai, he was torn to pieces by his mother Agave, who, in her frenzy, took him for a wild beast. Having shown the Thebans that he was a god, he went to Argos, and there again, when they failed to honour him, he drove the women mad, and they carried their unweaned children into the mountains and feasted on their esh.” (Apollodorus, Library 3.5.1–2) 63

According to Apollodorus’ textual narrative, king Pentheus consciously refuses to honor Dionysus; instead he opposes worship of the God. Dionysus’ goal in the text is to show the Thebans and Argives that he is divine. He is not directly represented in the fresco (a contrast to p3) but is present indirectly through the frenzy of the maenads. The result of Pentheus’ opposition to the god is that the relationship of mother and son is lethally inverted: Agave kills her son, Pentheus, as a result of his impiety.64 The result is a direct contrast with the action on the adjoining wall, where Zeus oversees Heracles killing the snakes that threaten him. In the visual representation the head of the god Oceanus is in both the right and the left lower corners of the wall. Under the title “Successors and Usurpers at Thebes,” Apollodorus writes of Dirce (Vettii fresco n1; Sampaolo #109–111; see Plate 8 and CD 210a): “Antiope was a daughter of Nycteus; and Zeus had intercourse with her. When she turned out to be pregnant and her father threatened her, she ran away to Epopeus in Sicyon, and became his wife. Nycteus was thrown into such despondency that he killed himself, ordering Lycos to punish Epopeus and Antiope. So Lycos marched against Sicyon, killed Epopeus, and took Antiope prisoner. On the way back, she gave birth to two sons at Eleutherai in Boeotia. They were exposed, but a cowherd discovered them and brought them up, calling one of them 62

Nero typically sang of Hercules/Heracles: Suetonius, Nero 21.3; Dio, Rom. Hist. 62.9.4. Translation: H ARD, 102–103. 64 SAMPAOLO: Casa, #107, 117, 118, 138 suggests that the same workshop that painted this fresco of Pentheus redecorated the temple of Isis in the fourth style, both commissions accomplished soon after the earthquake of 62 CE. This would mean that the same painters were concerned with the iconography of Dionysus and of Isis. See D. BALCH: The Suffering of Isis/Io and Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal. 3:1): Frescoes in Pompeian and Roman Houses and in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii, Journal of Religion 83/1 (2003), 24–55, now chap. II above. 63

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Plate 7 (CD 209, 209a): Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 526, 529–30), triclinium n, east wall, central zone. Pentheus, king of Thebes, surrounded by Dionysiac thiasus (a band of revelers), about to be killed by his mother, Agave on the left.

Zethos and the other Amphion. Zethos devoted himself to cattle-rearing, while Amphion practiced singing to the lyre (for he had been given a lyre by Hermes). As for Antiope, Lycos and his wife Dirce kept her in con nement and ill-treated her. One day, however, without her jailers knowing it, her bonds untied themselves of their own accord, and she made her way to her sons’ farmhouse, hoping to  nd refuge with them. Recognizing her as their mother, they killed Lycos, and bound Dirce to a bull, and then, when she was dead, hurled her body into the spring that bears the name of Dirce on her account.” (Apollodorus, Library 3.5.5) 65

65

Translation: H ARD, 104.

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Plate 8 (CD 210, 210a): Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 531–33), triclinium n, south wall, central zone. Dirce. wife of the king of Thebes, being fastened to the horns of a bull by Amphion and Zethus, with a Dionysiac thyrsus (staff with ivy and pine cones) lying on the ground below her. Compare CD 123– 30.

There is a famous sculpture of the myth of Zethos and Amphion tying Dirce to a bull, the Toro Farnese, now in the National Archaeological Museum in Naples.66 The 66 S. DE CARO: The National Archaeological Museum of Naples, Naples 1996, 334. See E. W. LEACH: The Punishment of Dirce: A Newly Discovered Painting in the Casa di Giulio Polibio and its Signicance within the Visual Tradition, RM 93 (1986), 157–182, plates 49–59, color plates 1–2, who lists seven other examples of this domestic fresco (159, nn. 1–7). Amedeo Maiuri, Herculaneum (Rome: Istituto Poligraco dello Stato, 1969) Taf. XXVIII, no. 49: Casa dell’Atrio a Mosaico (Insula IV, 1–2), east exedra. U. HAUSMANN: Zur Antiope des Euripides: Ein hellenistischer Reliefbecher in Athen, Mitteilungen der Deutschen Archaeologischen Institut (Athen) 73 (1958), 50–72; C. H. KUNZE: Der Farnesische Stier und die Dirkegruppe des Apollonius und Tauriskos, Berlin 1998

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original sculptors, whom the Farnesian sculptors copied, were from Rhodes and by their creation honored the kings of Pergamon, Eumenes II and Attalos, c. 180 BCE, for their fraternal concord and love of their mother. The notoriety of the sculpture inuenced artists who painted frescoes (Sampaolo #110), which do not represent the bull dragging Dirce, but the previous moment when the bull is captured, thus the resolution and strength of Zethos and Amphion, that is, the kings of Pergamon. A thrysus just below Dirce in the Vettii fresco is one indication that the painting faithfully copies the sculpture (Sampaolo #111). This wall too has marine animals painted in the left and the right lower corners, one with the head of a horse and the other with a bull’s head, both with long curly marine tails. In contrast, the textual story has more characters and a longer narrative. Although Zeus is not explicitly present, the miraculous untying of Antiope’s hands when she was imprisoned by Dirce suggests divine assistance: the sons are divine heroes carrying out just vengeance against the queen who mistreated their mother, Antiope, the beloved of Zeus. Politically, both the textual story and the visual representation justify actions by the kings of Pergamon against their enemies, and perhaps by the Vettii brothers against theirs. As Dionysus, the son of Zeus (indirectly) punishes Pentheus on the adjoining wall, here too, Zethos and Amphion, sons of Zeus, act with vengeance against Dirce to restore God’s just political and domestic order, the same cosmos visible as Zeus Enthroned in triclinium e. Do these observations conrm Wirth’s perception of symmetrical relationships in and among the twin dining rooms? The Vettii fresco p1 does focus on the woman Pasiphae and her actions; the socle supplements with a view of the cosmic context, one not so different then from the textual version. Vettii fresco p2 presents the cosmos harmonized by the gods with Ixion’s passion a minor episode at the edge of the fresco, a signicant contrast to Ixion as protagonist in Apollodorus’ textual version. Wirth is correct, of course, that Ixion is guilty and punished, but that is not at the center of the visual representation, a key supplied rather by Concordia reigning in the zone above with Triton below. In Vettii fresco p3, Dionysus may save Ariadne from the point of view of the wealthy, male owners of the house who were also Augustan ofcials, but neither the textual nor the visual representations make any statement of how she felt about her redemption, even though in Apollodorus, she was in love with Theseus. The question may not have occurred to owners of slaves, even though they were freedmen. I have no qualications to make of Wirth’s analysis of the “chamber of horrors,” triclinium n: Zeus reigns supreme, except to observe parallels with the Octagonal Room in the Domus Aurea. In that dining room Nero may have placed statues of the Dying Galatians, including the Galatian Killing Himself and His Wife, statues that (Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaeologischen Institut. Ergänzungsheft 30); R. LING: The Paintings of the Columbarium of Villa Doria Pamphilii in Rome. Stuccowork and Painting in Italy, Sydney 1999, 127–135, at p. 131 (on the punishment of hybris).

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Vespasian later moved to his new Temple of Peace to celebrate his victory over barbarians, the Jews (see nn. 16–17 above). Those who did not t into the pax Romana died. The Octagonal Room may also have displayed the famous sculpture of Laocoon, the priest of Apollo who did not recognize the gods’ decision concerning the fall of Troy. Athena made the priest himself an offering: she (with some parallel to Hera in the Ixion fresco) sent her snakes over the ocean to attack Laocoon and his two sons, who, like Pentheus and Dirce, died.

C. A rst century CE Christian interpretation (ekphrasis67) of Dirce Beyen detects the skill of a master in several paintings in the House of the Vettii, an artist who also painted Perseus and Adromeda, a Medusa, Endymion and Selene, the Dioscuri, and Demeter in the House of the Dioscuri (VI 9,6.7).68 This master painted both the Dioscuri and the Jupiter/Zeus in that house as well as the cupids in triclinium q in the House of the Vettii (Beyen 51). “The painter tries to outstrip Greek easel-painting by imitating its technique without abandoning the special, compositional effects achieved by Roman wall-painting.”69 Beyen concludes: “Nor is there any real break in the tradition of the Vettii workshop in oecus n, “the Chamber of Horrors,” as I would like to call it. Here, however, we see the evolution of the “younger line,” the principal links of the central pictures with the recent past being those with the “Medea” and the “Perseus and Andromeda” in the C[asa] dei Dioscuri. In fact all these ve paintings may be by one hand [. . .]. The painter of the central pictures is aiming at the same rich effects as before, but he is trying to obtain them by less rened means, which are “cheaper” both in the literal and in the metaphorical sense of the word, even when compared with those used in the “Perseus” and the “Medea.” The popular liking for scenes of horror exhibited in these paintings, which smack of the amphitheater, is truly Flavian. The Vettii-workshop is lowering its standard.”70 67 See C. R EITZ/U. EGELHAAF: Ekphrasis, H. CANCIK ET AL. (eds.): Der neue Pauly 3 (1997), 942–950; G. DOWNEY: Ekphrasis, RAC IV (1959), 922–944. A fundamental article is K. LEHMANNH ARTLEBEN: The Imagines of the Elder Philostratus, Art Bulletin 23 (1941) 16–44, another title for which I thank John Clarke. 68 BEYEN: Workshops, 50–52; see I. BRAGANTINI: Casa dei Dioscuri, PPM IV (1993), 860–1004: Perseus (#224); Medea (#223); Endymion (#65 & 83); Dioscuri (#14–15); Demeter/Ceres (#56); Achilles on Scyrus (#84, 88); Quarrel between Achilles and Agamemnon (#82); Birth of Adonis (#107-108). Intriguingly, there is also a striking Zeus Enthroned with the cosmic symbols of an eagle and a globe at his feet in the atrium (#62, in color), just as there is in triclinium e in the House of the Vettii (SAMPAOLO: Casa, #35; see above). Beyen’s thesis is that the same workshop, in some instances even the same master painter, was commissioned to decorate the houses of the Dioscuri and the Vettii, but that the former are of a higher aesthetic quality. 69 BEYEN: Workshops, 52. 70 BEYEN: Workshops, 55. In this context Beyen refers (55, n. 6) to the fresco of the ght between Nucerians and Pompeiians that took place in the amphitheatre in 59 CE, an event painted in House I 3,23 (PPM I 80, #6a). He also suggests that, in contrast to the Vettii master painter, probably from Naples (57), the Ixion-painter may have been a local master employed because the director of the workshop did not have sufcient hands to complete the work. “The popular taste of the

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Beyen here perceives values from the amphitheater implicit in frescoes of triclinium n of the House of the Vettii, but elsewhere in Pompeii and in Roman society, explicit amphitheater art had become popular in the time of Nero.71 In the Pompeian amphitheater itself (Jacobelli gs. 9, 48–51),72 the gladiators’ barracks (g. 54b),73 wall inscriptions (gs. 33–35, 37–38), grafti on street walls, tombs, theaters, and in houses (gs. 36, 41–43, 55) there are announcements and representations of gladiatorial games. The most colorful is a fresco from the House of the Ceii (I 6,15)74 depicting struggles between wolves, boars, stags, lions, rams, and bulls. Explicit amphitheater art continues to develop in domus of the second and third centuries CE.75 Mosaics survive in Africa depicting ghts between animals: “a lioness overpowering and tearing apart a wild boar, a lion standing up near an onager that he has just thrown to the ground (g. 186), a tiger snatching up an ibex in the course of a chase, another tiger in a struggle against a bull (g. 187), an enormous bull unleashed next to a bear (g. 185).”76 A mosaic in the Sollertiana Domus from the end of the second or beginning of the third century in Roman Thysdrus (modern El Jem, Tunesia) “demonstrates a far higher level of technical ability. It represents an astonishing amphitheatre show. Brutally realistic, the scene is set in an arena drenched in blood in the middle of which stands a sort of quadrangular edice (perhaps a podium, or a large crate used for transporting the animals) at the four corners of which are four trophies. Four animals are circling the ‘podium’ in a state of extreme agitation. In the two corners of the mosaic which remain intact are two damnati ad bestias, people condemned to being thrown to the animals (g. 195). The victims of these kinds of torture would have been either prisoners of war, Christians to be martyred or else dangerous criminals who are to be punished publicly in order to make an example of them. The trophies seem to indicate that the victims here are rather prisoners of war. They are, in any case, typical representations: they are clearly athletes, well-muscled, dressed only in short loincloths. One, his feet bound, upright and in a stiff pose, is having his hands tied behind his back by a lanista or slave, whilst another participant is attempting to ee a leopard which has already been set lose. The leopard seems enormous next to his powerless new proprietors, freedmen of the Vettii, made the leader less scrupulous in the choice of his men.” (56). 71 L. JACOBELLI: Gladiators at Pompeii, Rome and Malibu 2003, 69. 72 For reproductions of these Pompeiian amphitheater frescoes in color see also PPM XI 105– 111. 73 F. P. BADONI: V 5,3, Caserma dei gladiatori, PPM III (1991) 1069–1098, here 1072–1074, #5–10. 74 M. DE VOS: Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15), PPM I (1990) 407–482, 473–477, #100–106, Giardino (h). Compare V. SAMPAOLO: Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7), PPM I (1990) 586–618, 588, #1–2, Vistobolo. Also I. BRAGANTINI: Casa delle Pareti rosse, (VIII 5,37), PPM VIII (1998) 619–647, 620–621, #2–6, atrio (l). And V. SAMPAOLO: Caupona di Purpurio (IX 12,7), PPM X (2003) 171–182, 181–182, #15–16. 75 A. BEN A BED -BEN K HADER /E. DE BALANDA /U. ECHEVERRIA: Images in Stone: Tunisia in Mosaic Paris 2003, 36–37, 41, 56, 71–72, with plates #161–196. 76 BEN A BED -BEN K HADER ET AL.: Images in Stone 71. Compare ROUVERET in: BALDASSARRE ET AL: Pittura romana, 241 on some violent frescoes of the fourth style that reect the values of amphitheater games.

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victim, his hair standing on end and wide-eyed with terror. The fury of the beast and the pathetic sight of the prisoner preparing to meet his fate make for an atmosphere of great dramatic intensity. The second victim is already beginning to collapse in despair. As his hands are tied behind his back, a panther pounces, plunges its claws into this thighs and devours his face. Blood spouts from his wounds and ows onto the ground. The fact that blood is spilled makes of the torture a kind of ritual sacrice.”77 (See Plate 9 and CD 212)

Doing this research I began rereading texts narrating tensions between early Christians and Roman society. The gospel of Mark, probably written in the late 60s in northern Galilee or in Rome, prophesies (13:12–13) what had surely already been experienced: “brother will betray brother to death, and a father his child, and children will rise against parents and have them put to death; and you will be hated by all because of my name,” language not so far from images of the lethal family conicts of Pentheus and Dirce. Nero’s burning Christians for a spectacle in the gardens of the Domus Transitoria (Tacitus, Ann. 15.44, see above) occurred about the same time. Hebrews, written in Rome perhaps during the 70s and 80s, reecting back on Vespasian’s triumphal procession (with 97,000 prisoners of war [Josephus, BJ 6.420], some of whom may have been Jewish Christians) and on scenes on the Arch of Titus,78 recalls confessors “sometimes being publicly exposed to abuse”; the author expresses empathy for those who were in prison, whose possessions were plundered (10:33–34). I Peter, written from Rome in the late 80s or early 90s,79 notes society’s “surprise” that Christians, including Christian wives, differ (4:4; 3:1), resulting in their being maligned as evildoers (2:12) and reviled (4:14), while experiencing a “ery ordeal” (4:12). Revelation, probably written from Asia Minor in the mid-90s, contains a letter to the church at Pergamon referring (2:13) to “Antipas my witness, my faithful one, who was killed among you [. . .]” and to two prophets, on whom “the beast that comes up from the bottomless pit will make war and conquer them and kill them” (11:7). In the time of Trajan (98–117 CE) Ignatius, Rom 4–5, expects to face beasts in the arena. There is the later story of Blandina, who was lynched at Lyon in 177 CE. Eusebius gives a gruesome description, climaxing in her being “thrown into a basket as a play-thing for a bull” (Eusebius: Church History 5.1.56).80 77 BEN A BED -BEN K HADER ET AL: Images in Stone, 72. Discussion of the Sollertiana Domus in L. FOUCHER: Decouvertes Archeologiques a Thysdrus en 1961, Tunis n.d. (Institut d’Archeologie Tunis, Notes et Documents V, n.s.), 15–26, plates XV–XXVI; also in C.DULIERE/H. SLIM (eds.): Corpus des Mosaiques de Tunisi. Volume III. Fascicule 1: Thysdrus, El Jem, Quartier Sud-Oest, Tunis 1996, 1–29, plates I–XIX, and color plates LIX–LXV (amphitheater scene in room XXIV [color plate LXIII]). See K. M. D. DUNBABIN: The Mosaics of Roman North Africa: Studies in Iconography and Patronage, Oxford 1978, chapter V: The Amphitheatre; #50–51, are of the Sollertiana Domus mosaic. Also DUNBABIN: Mosaics of the Greek and Roman World, Cambridge 1999. 78 E. B. A ITKEN: Portraying the Temple in Stone and Text: The Arch of Titus and the Epistle to the Hebrews, Sewanee Theological Review 45/2 (2002), 135–151. 79 M. E. BORING: 1 Peter, Nashville 1999, 33–38. 80 C. DE VOS: Popular Graeco-Roman Responses to Christianity, P. F. ESLER (ed.): The Early Christian World. vol. II, London 2000, 869–889, 875–876; G. CLOKE: Women, Worship, and Mis-

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Plate 9 (CD 212): Sollertiana Domus, Roman Thysdrus, modern El Jem, Tunisia (now in the El Jem Museum): oor mosaic (destroyed on the right) of amphitheater show, podium in the center with four trophies on top, agitated animals circling the podium, with two humans condemned to be killed by beasts, one of them eeing a leopard, the second, his hands tied, pounced on by a leopard that plunges its claws into his thighs and devours his face.

Then I reread a familiar text in I Clement about the deaths of Peter and Paul under Nero written from Rome in the mid- to late 90s,81 but was surprised to see something new: “Because of jealousy and envy the greatest and most upright pillars were persecuted, and they struggled in the contest even to death. We should set before our eyes the good apostles. There is Peter, who because of unjust jealousy bore up under hardship not just once or twice, but many times [. . .]. Because of jealousy and strife Paul pointed the way to the prize for endurance. Seven times he bore chains; he was sent into exile and stoned [. . .]. To these men who have conducted themselves in such a holy way there has been added a great multitude of the elect, who have set a superb example among us by the numerous torsion: The Church in the Household, P. F. ESLER (ed.): The Early Christian World. vol. I, London 2000, 422–451. Also W RORDORF: Die neronische Christenverfolgung im Spiegel der apokryphen Paulusakten, NTS 28 (1982), 365–374. 81 A. LINDEMANN: Die Clemensbriefe, Tübingen 1992 (HNT 17), 12–13.

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ments und tortures they suffered because of jealousy. Women were persecuted as Danaids and Dircae and suffered terrifying and profane torments because of jealousy. But they condently completed the race of faith, and through weak in body, they received a noble reward.” (I Clement 5:2–6; 6:1–2)82

Before visiting the House of the Vettii, I had not noticed “Dircae” in this text.83 Early Christian viewers did not have to own a house or be wealthy enough to commission a Vettii painter to have seen the frescoes of Dirce; slaves, educated or not, would also have seen them in Roman domus. Lampe describes the author of I Clement as one who had attended grammar school (usually until 17 years of age), where students read Homer, Euripides, and Demosthenes.84 But in a manner that our postmodern age would understand, early Christian viewers were not critical historians investigating details of the myth of Dirce. In these domestic visual representations they saw powerful ofcials murdering a woman, when they had also seen women from their own assemblies experiencing “terrifying and profane torments,” that is, Christian women forced to play the role of Dirce.85 Some of these women, for example, may have been “publicly exposed to abuse” by Vespasian (Heb 10:33). Living myths are powerful. These stories on the domestic walls of Pompeii and Rome were enacted in the gardens of the Domus Transitoria, where the result was human esh burning on crosses.

D. Theoretical reections In relation to the introduction to “Methods of Iconography” by Dr. Annette Weissenrieder and Friederike Wendt,86 I make the following observations in relation to this article. My research does not fall within the boundaries of only one of the four 82

Translation: EHRMAN in Loeb. See J. WEISS: Earliest Christianity: A History of the Period AD 30–150, New York 1959 (originally published 1937), II, 841 n. 5, a reference for which I thank Margaret M. Mitchell. 84 P. LAMPE: From Paul to Valentinus: Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries, Minneapolis 2003, 206–217, 215.217. 85 This paper has not included Danaids. See E. K LULS: Danaides, LIMC III.1 (1986), 337–341 and LIMC III.2, 249–253, #1–33. Edward Champlin, Nero (Cambridge: Harvard University, 2003) 124–25 explains the reference to Danaids and Dirce in 1 Clement 6 as a glimpse into “fatal charades” (see Dio 62.18.1 [Nero singing of Troy burning]; 62/63.9.4 and 63.22.6 [Nero acting in Euripides’ plays]. Danaids, represented in the damaged Temple of Apollo on the Palatine, were said to have murdered their bridegrooms, so were condemned in Hades to carry leaking jars throughout eternity. “Roman audiences were satised with the sketchiest of symbols: give each [Christian] woman a jar, then let loose the beasts. . . . The choice of the Danaids would be quickly understood by a Roman audience. . . . Cassius Dio (62.18.2) picks out by name only the devastation of the Palatine and the burning of the . . . only permanent amphitheater in Rome, . . . the (amphi)theatrum Tauri, the . . . Ampitheater of the Bull. To Roman connoisseurs of execution, death by raging bull for those who had destroyed the amphitheater of the bull would be the height of verbal wit.” (Champlin 125) 86 Annette Weissenrieder and Frederike Wendt, “Images as Communication. The Methods of 83

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methods they outline, nor is my research driven by those theories, but it does have contacts with them. Christians as reected in Mark 13 and I Clement 6 were not Panofsky’s “ideal viewers” (Weissenrieder and Wendt 1.1). A few of them may have owned the houses where the kind of visual representations I analyze would have been seen, but surely more were slaves, some of whom might not have known all the details of the myths either because they were uneducated in Greek culture, whether oral or written or visual, or because they were foreign, for example, Jewish. Strikingly, the myths Romans commissioned artists to paint on the walls of mediumsized Pompeii were typically Greek, not Roman. Romans had conquered the Mediterranean militarily, but Greek aesthetic culture was pervasive. Second, I analyze only one form (2.1), fourth style Roman visual representation. I do not analyze all four styles, but beginning with the second style, Roman domestic decoration developed signicantly beyond visual representation in Greek culture, for example, myths that had been represented in Greek temples were painted by Romans in domestic spaces. Some houses in medium-sized Pompeii were equivalent both in size and beauty to the palaces of earlier Greek kings. Romans represented their ideological world in their dining rooms (2.2), an ideology with which Christians came into direct conict with the result that some Christians died. H. G. Beyen (see notes 68–70) has described the style of a particular master painter in the House of the Vettii and contrasted that master’s frescoes with a local painter who painted a myth in the same room (2.3). I assume the interpretations of Schefold (see n. 7) and Rouveret (96–100 in Baldassarre et al; see n. 5): the second and fourth domestic styles expressed Romans’ feeling for spiritual transcendence, especially by trompe l’oeil/Durchblicke (imaginary “windows” through which viewers of domestic frescoes saw idyllic worlds), a development beyond earlier Greek domestic art. I have compared and contrasted the visual representation of myths on domestic walls with textual accounts of the stories. In some cases, the visual stories differ signicantly from the textual versions: Euripides’ Greek tragedy, Antiope, in the fth century BCE takes on other nuances when Dirce is represented on provincial Italian domestic walls in the rst century CE, with consequences for Christian converts who lived in those spaces (1.2). The myths represented in Roman domestic frescoes along with Triton and marine animals painted in the socle below either reassured or alienated the owners who commissioned the painting and/or the slaves who served food and entertained in those same triclinia. The Roman empire under Nero, Vespasian, and Domitian was the historical setting with consequences for the Christians who heard the gospel of Mark read, as remembered by the Roman Christian author of I Clement. I will not give a semiotic interpretation of these frescoes, but the image of Dirce, the most important visual Iconography,” 3–49 in Picturing the New Testament, ed. Annette Weissenrieder, Frederike Wendt and Petra von Gemünden. WUNT 2. Reihe 193. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005.

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representation I discuss, was repeated at least eight times on domestic walls that remain to us (see n. 66); it had meaning to more than one householder, and as we have seen, also to Roman Christians, especially the women. The decorators of Nero’s Domus Transitoria and later of his Domus Aurea were among the painters who constructed the fourth style of Roman painting and interpreted myths that were some of its content. For example, in Rome Nero sponsored the myth of Pasiphae, which was also painted in triclinium p of the House of the Vettii in provincial Pompeii, a myth with both religious and political meaning for Nero and the Vettii brothers, a meaning that Christians would have rejected. But when Christians saw frescoes of Dirce being killed by two powerful men, they understood Christian women to have been forced to play the role of Dirce, an image they used to describe the “torments and tortures” they had seen women believers suffer (1.4).

Chapter V

“A Woman Clothed with the Sun” and the “Great Red Dragon” Seeking to “Devour her Child” (Rev 12:1, 4) in Roman Domestic Art

David Aune interprets an astounding range of ancient and modern sources in his commentary on Revelation. His linguistic knowledge and ability at exegesis is an excellent paradigm, but beyond many of us. In contrast, not as an ideology but as a method of research by which I have hoped to make original contributions to understanding the New Testament, I have focused on Greco-Roman culture, especially philosophy and historiography, more lately on Roman domestic art. To honor David Aune, in this instance his outstanding commentary, the question I ask in this essay is, when John wrote and when Asian Christians heard John’s word pictures read aloud, would they have been seeing mythological frescoes, statues, or mosaics in their houses that would have inuenced the meaning they perceived in the symbolic images John verbalized? The central thesis of this paper is that in Rev 12 John was subverting the Imperial visual representation of a pregnant woman/goddess, whose giving birth to her divine child would generate cosmic conict. A secondary thesis is that the cosmic disorder in heaven and on earth described verbally by John has visual analogies among frescos on Roman domestic walls.

Introduction: Comments on the ethnic, political, economic, and aesthetic environment in Asia Among those hearing John’s Apocalypse read aloud in Asian house churches would have been some Jewish Christians who, probably like the author, had been forced to emigrate from Israel to Asia Minor after the Jewish war with Rome (66–73 CE).1 Others were not immigrants from Israel but had already been residents of the seven cities he specically addresses and probably also of other urban areas.2 Both Aune 1 David E. Aune, Revelation 1–5 (Word Biblical Commentary 52; Dallas: Word Books, 1997) 131. A common abbreviation in this article is PPM = Pompei: pitture e mosaici, ed. Ida Baldassarre (1990–2003) 11 vols., a key resource for Roman domestic art. 2 Paul Trebilco, The Early Christians in Ephesus from Paul to Ignatius (WUNT 166; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004) 297.

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and Trebilco assume signicant tension between author and audience. Aune argues that John’s “chief opponent in the churches is “Jezebel” who calls herself a prophetess (2:20; for analogous professional, female gures in Roman domestic art see chap. VII, n. 178). This direct claim to prophetic authority by “Jezebel” is countered by John’s greater claim to mediate divine revelation from Jesus Christ to the seven churches.”3 The “Jezebel”/Nicolaitan group espoused cultural accommodation, while John in the Apocalypse supported radically nonconformist behavior. Aune suggests that “the majority of Christians, however, seem to belong to a centrist tendency or party, which has not yet moved into the camp of the Nicolaitans, but which (from John’s perspective) has departed from the works done at rst (2:5), or whose works are imperfect in God’s sight (3:2), or who are neither cold nor hot (3:15 f.).”4 Depending on Aune, Trebilco concludes, “we cannot equate John’s attitudes on a whole range of matters with the attitudes to these matters to be found among his readers! In fact, John’s attitudes are likely to be quite different from the attitudes of some of his readers.”5 Without extensive discussion, I give two or three indications of the enthusiasm, the tendency to accommodate, that many residents of Asia had for Rome and the imperial cult. Augustan peace generated tremendous growth and prosperity in parts of Asia Minor, indicated already by Strabo around 20 CE for Ephesus: “the city, because of its advantageous situation in other respects grows daily, and is the largest emporium in Asia this side of the Taurus” (Geog. 14.1.24 (641)).6 The wealth is reected in the size and decoration of the homes on the south side of Kouretes Street, built at the end of the rst century BCE and frequently remodeled; many of the rooms were decorated with paintings on the walls and mosaics on the oors.7 In 3 David E. Aune, “The Social Matrix of the Apocalypse of John,” Biblical Research 26 (1981) 16–32, at p. 19. 4 Aune, “Social Matrix,” 28–29. 5 Trebilco, Christians in Ephesus 340; see 298–350. 6 Trans. H. L. Jones in Loeb, quoted by Trebilco, Christians in Ephesus 14. 7 Volker M. Stroka, Die Wandmalerei der Hanghäuser in Ephesos (Forschungen in Ephesos 8.1; Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1977) with 466 plates, e.g. plate 70: Heracles ghts Acheloos, which Stroka (pp. 49–50) interprets in the light of Ovid, Metam. VIII 881 ff., IX 1 ff., and dates to 150–200 CE; plate 340: Apollon. For a contemporary gigantomachy sculpted in the theater in Perge, see CD 199 and chap. III, n. 77 above. See Paul Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1990), chap. 8: “Imperial Myth and Cult in East and West.” For battle against the giant Acheloos sculpted on the Altar of Zeus in Pergamon between 189 and 166 BCE, see A. Yarbro Collins, “Pergamon in Early Christian Literature,” in Pergamon: Citadel of the Gods. Archaeological Record, Literary Description, and Religious Development, ed. Helmut Koester (Harrisburg: Trinity Press International, 1998) 164– 84. For conference papers on this baroque altar of Zeus, see From Pergamon to Sperlonga: Sculpture and Context, ed. Nancy T. de Grummond and Brunhilde S. Ridgeway (Berkeley: University of California, 2000), e.g. 235–54, Stephan Steingrüber, “Pergamene Inuences on Etruscan Hellenistic Art,” who gives early examples of multi-headed serpentine monsters. I thank Brigitte Kahl for the reference to this book. Sculptures on the south frieze represent Eos and her companion Tithonos battling an opponent with the small horns of a steer, snake legs, and a gigantic human body; see

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89/90 CE Domitian permitted the third provincial imperial cult of the koinon of Asia to be built in Ephesus.8 Whether the visual representations seen in the houses and in the imperial cult buildings were generated in Rome and spread to the provinces or whether there was also signicant provincial creativity is debated, but we must assume both Roman dominance and provincial creativity.9 For example, one of the most famous painters of antiquity, Apelles (active 336–304 BCE; see Pliny, Nat. Hist. 35.36.75, 79–98), was educated in Ephesus by Ephorus.10 Augustus paid 100 talents for one of Apelles’ paintings of Venus Emerging from the Sea (Aphrodite Anadyomene) and placed it in the Temple of the Divine Julius in the Roman forum (Pliny 35.36.91).11 He also painted an Alexander the Great Holding a Thunderbolt, which was placed in the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus, for a fee of 20 talents in gold (Pliny 35.36.92; see Cicero, Against Verres 2.4.60 #135) and a Procession of the Megabyzus, the priest of Artemis of Ephesus (Pliny 35.36.93). Might we not see some of this provincial creativity in John? Adela Yarbro Collins has argued that Revelation is characterized by a complex interaction of inherited tradition and environment, both Jewish and Hellenistic: the history-of-religions context of Revelation is to be understood as a deliberate fusion of diverse traditions.12 In John’s case this creativity also involved elements of caricature and parody, a genre that was alive and well in ancient Roman art,13 as it still is on the piazzas of modern Rome. Huberta Heres and Volker Kästner, Der Pergamonaltar (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2004) gs. 40–41. 8 Trebilco, Christians in Ephesus 16, 31. 9 A. Wallace-Hadrill, “The Roman Revolution and Material Culture,” La Révolution romaine aprés Ronald Syme: bilans et perspectives (Entretiens sur l’Antiquité Classique XLVI, ed. Fergus Millar et al.; 1999) 283–313. 10 Paolo Moreno, Pittura greca: Da Polignoto ad Apelle (Milan: Mondadori, 1987) 99; Moreno, Apelle: La Battaglia di Alessandro (Milan: Skira, 2000) 97–123, esp. 104–07 on Ephesus; and Susan B. Matheson, “Apelles,” The Dictionary of Art, ed. Jane Turner (New York, Grove, 1996) 2.217–18. 11 Stefano De Caro, ed., Alla ricerca di Iside: Analisi, studi e restauri dell’Iseo pompeiano nel Museo di Napoli (Rome: ARTI, 1992) 70, note by Stefania Adamo Muscettola on the statue of Venus Anadyomene (#3.8), Naples Museum inventory no. 6298. See Pierre Gros, “Iulius, Divus, Aedes,” LTUR (1996) 3.116–19, at p. 117 who cites Strabo, Geography 14.2.19; Ovid, Art of Love 3.401–02, Amores 1.14.31–34; Pontic Epistles 4.1.29; see Ovid, Metamorphoses 15.843–51. 12 A. Yarbro Collins “The History-of-Religions Approach to Apocalypticism and the ‘Angel of the Waters’ (Rev 16:4–7),” CBQ 39 (1977) 367–81, at 367–69. David E. Aune, Revelation 6–16 (Word Biblical Commmentary 52B; Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1998) 665 agrees. 13 See the caricature of Aeneas, whom Augustus’ propaganda proclaimed one of the founders of Rome, in David L. Balch, “Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal 3:1) in Light of Paintings and Sculptures of Suffering and Death in Pompeiian Houses,” in Early Christian Families in Context: an interdisciplinary dialogue, ed. David L. Balch and Carolyn Osiek (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003) 84–108, color plate 7, now chap. III above = CD 196. Compare the visual representation of Zeus with an over-sized head and a short, understated thunderbolt in his right hand in Valeria Sampaolo, “Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7),” PPM IX (1999) 903–1104, at p. 987, #156. Also the wonderful discussion by Amedeo Maiuri, La Casa del Menandro e il suo tesoro di argenteria (Rome: La Libreria dello Stato, 1933), 2 vols., at vol. 1, pp. 127–39, gs. 59–64 of l’atriolo del bagno (46), north

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A. The myth of the woman bearing a son threatened by a monster David Aune and Adela Yarbro Collins agree that the author/redactor of the Apocalypse has combined two originally distinct myths in chap. 12. One of these myths had been adapted in texts of the Hebrew Bible (e.g. Ps 74[LXX 73]:13–14; Isa 27:1; Dan 8:10–11), combat with the Dragon, but the second, the pregnant woman/goddess whose child the dragon seeks to devour, does not have roots in the Old Testament.14 In this article, I will investigate rst whether and how the second myth concerning the woman, the child, and the dragon might be visually represented in Roman domestic art; then I will discuss visual representations of the other myth. Aune discusses the combat myth and Rev 12 succinctly. He disagrees with those who search for a unitary origin of particular myths and agrees rather with those who conclude that a myth consists in all its versions: “the author has not used a coherent pagan myth; rather he has created a pastiche of mythological motifs.”15 The myth of combat between a protagonist representing order and fertility and an antagonist representing chaos and sterility, often depicted as a monster, serpent, or dragon, is found in Babylon, Canaan, Egypt, and in the Greek world, where it is often narrated as a succession myth. In the latter culture the combat myth is narrated early (Hesiod, Theog. 820–68), but more fully by later sources (Apollodorus 1.6.1–216; Nonnus, Dionysiaca 12.29–3217). The antagonist is named Satan only in early Jewish apocalyptic literature and in the New Testament, never in the Old Testament. wall: the vendetta of Aphrodite, to whom the artist gives an old, deformed body, and of the loves of Zeus as grotesques. Roger Ling and Lesley Ling, The Insula of the Menander, vol. II: The Decorations (Oxford: Oxford University, 2005) 64, 245–46 and g. 81. 14 Aune, Revelation 6–16, 663–64, 666–74; Adela Yarbro Collins, The Combat Myth in the Book of Revelation (HTRHDR 9; Missoula: Scholars, 1976; Eugene: Wipf and Stock, 2001, 2nd ed.) 64, 67, 70–71, 83, 111, 129. Compare Loren Stuckenbruck, “Revelation,” in Eerdmans Commentary on the Bible (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003) 1554–55 on early Jewish versions of the myth. 15 Aune, Revelation 6–16, 667–74, at p. 672. See the careful distinction between these myths by Jan Willem van Henten, “Dragon Myth and Imperial Ideology,” SBL 1994 Seminar Papers (Atlanta: Scholars, 1994) 496–515. 16 Apollodorus, The Library of Greek Mythology, trans. Robin Hard (The World’s Classics; Oxford: Oxford University, 1997), written in the  rst or second century CE. 17 Nonnos is a mythographer from Egypt writing before 425–428 CE, who narrates combat myths in the  rst two books of his forty-eight volume work, Dionysiaca, but since he became a Christian, he may have been reading John’s word pictures into his own work. Francis Vian, Nonnos de Panopolis, Les Dionysiaques, Tome I, Chants I–II (Paris: Collections des Universités de Frances, 1976) ix–lxxiv; Daria Gigli Piccardi, Nonno di Panopoli, Le Dionisiache: Introduzione, tradizione e commento (Milan: Rizzoli, 2003) 34. Compare Callimachos’ earlier Hymn II: To Apollo, Hymn III: To Artemis, and esp. Hymn IV: To Delos (that Mair, 29, dates to 271 BCE), trans. Mair in LCL, narrating cosmic conict around Leto giving birth to Apollo and Artemis as well as their conict with several monsters including Python (IV.1. 91). This Artemis/Diana is, of course, the goddess whose great temple was built in Ephesus; the mythology thus closely connects her birth in Delos and her temple in Ephesus. For this reference I thank my mentor in Rome, Frederick E. Brenk. See Rick Strelan, Paul, Artemis, and the Jews in Ephesus (BZNTW 80; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1996), Section One.

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Scholars have debated sources of the myth of the pregnant woman’s conict with a dragon, some arguing for Leto as the mother, Apollo the male child, and Typhon as the antagonist, others for Isis as the mother, Horus the male child, and Seth/Typhon the antagonist. The most complete literary source for the Leto-Apollo-Python myth is Hyginus’ mythography, a section that Aune quotes.18 Yarbro Collins summarizes the constituent motifs of the Leto-Apollo-Python myth narrated by Hyginus as follows: 1) Motivation of Python’s attack (possession of the oracle; Fabulae 140.1; cf. 2,3), 2) Leto pregnant by Zeus (140.2), 3) Python pursues Leto with intent to kill her (140.2), 4a) By order of Zeus the north wind rescues Leto (140.3), 4b) Poseidon aids Leto (140.3,4), 5) Birth of Apollo and Artemis (140.4), 6) Apollo defeats Python (140.5), and 7) Apollo established Pythian games (140.5).19 Yarbro Collins argues that the myth in Rev 12 exhibits similar motifs, to which she gives corresponding numbers, but in the differing order in which they occur in Revelation, as follows: 2) A woman about to give birth (vs. 2), 3) A dragon intends to devour the child (vs. 4), 5) birth of the child (vs. 5), 7) kingship of the child (vs. 5), 4a) the woman is aided by God (vs. 6), 4b) by the great eagle (vs. 14), 4c) by the earth (vs. 16), and 6) Michael defeats the dragon (vs. 7–9).20 However insightful this analysis, Aune sees aws: 1) Rev 12 does not end with the defeat of the dragon, 2) the woman ees not to an island, but to the wilderness, 3) the woman gives birth before she ees, not after, and 4) there is no obvious motivation for the dragon to pursue the woman after she has given birth and after her child has been snatched away to heaven.21 Further, 5) Yarbro Collins’ designation of the child as “Champion” is not appropriate since he plays merely a cameo role, and 6) Yarbro Collins writing of the “death” of the champion is not appropriate, since the child in Rev 12 does not die but is snatched up to heaven.22 Aune then considers possible Egyptian origins for the myth, the Isis-Horus-Seth (Typhon) myth, as narrated in three sources, Herodotus 2.156, an early Pyramid text (c. 1500 BCE), and the Metternich Stele.23 18 Aune, Revelation 6–16, 670; he dates the work to before 207 CE. Mary Grant, trans., The Myths of Hyginus (Lawrence: University of Kansas, 1960). P. K. Marshall, ed., Hyginus. Fabulae (Stuttgart: Teubner, 1993). 19 Yarbro Collins, Combat Myth 66. 20 Ibid. 21 Aune, Revelation 6–16, 671. 22 Aune, Revelation 6–16, 672. 23 Aune, Revelation 6–16, 672–74. C. E. Sander-Hansen, Die Texte der Metternichstele (Analecta Aegyptiaca 7; Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1956) and a later translation by Heike Sternberg-elHotabi, Die Metternichstele (Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments II/3: Rituale und Beschwörungen II; Gütersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1988) 358–80, who dates the stele (p. 358) to the 30th dynasty (360–342 BCE). This text expresses deep anxiety. The theological assertions consistently function magically to ward off specic dangers analogous to those experienced by the gods, e.g. poison, dangerous animals, snakes, often scorpions, also water animals; or the text repeatedly, frantically urges analogous healing of cats, other animals, and especially sick children. The Metternich Stele, then, presents the threatened life situation of the small child, Horus, as an analogy for problem cases of magical oaths, an example for the actual social-religious function of the citation

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1. Egyptian texts including two new ones from the temple at Edfu Thomas Schneider has recently outlined the parallels between this Egyptian myth and the birth and infancy narratives of Matthew and Luke. Schneider documents that the myth of the birth of Horus includes all relevant motifs that appear in the birth legends in the two gospels: 1) extraordinary conception, 2) divine proclamation, 3) the search for a safe place for the birth, 4) birth among the poor, 5) an appearance of heavenly beings, 6) the heavenly joy, 7) the anxiety of an evil king, 8) the interpretation of the epiphany as meaning the birth of a redeemer king, 9) gifts to the child and homage, 10) the murder of children and the following search for the one born to be the redeemer king, 11) the ight and hiding of the child, and 12) his nal return.24 Two of the Egyptian texts that Schneider quotes have not, as far as I am aware, been read in relation to Rev 12, but his points 11) and 12) are especially relevant to the interpretation of this chapter. I will utilize four of the texts. Commenting on Cofn Text Spell 148,25 Münster concludes, “in connection with the statements of the text about the birth of Horus, the following is important: Isis requests protection for the unborn child in her body against Seth, who could kill it while it is still in its mother’s body,”26 a close parallel to Rev 12:2, 4. O’Connell’s analysis of the schema of Spell 148 is as follows: Prescript PART I with Introductory Narrative to Part I A. Isis rejoices in hope that Osiris’ death may still be avenged on Seth by the seed of Osiris within her womb. (211a–13b) B. Isis pleads for divine protection of the helpless foetus while within her womb. (213c–15a) C. Atum-Re calms the agitated Isis with an admonition to substantiate her boisterous claim of the foetus’s divinity. (215b–16b) D. Isis testies that she is trustworthy in saying that the foetus is Osiris’ offspring. (216c– 17b) C'. Atum-Re calms the agitated Isis with an admonition to keep the father of the foetus a secret from Seth – thus he grants approval of the foetus’s divine protection. (217c–18a) of the myth; see Sternberg el-Hotabi’s translation, “Metternichstele,” 368, 374, 377, 379. Cited by Yarbro Collins, Conict Myth 63, n. 34. 24 Thomas Schneider, “Die Geburt des Horuskindes. Eine ägyptische Vorlage der neutestamentlichen Weihnachtsgeschichte,” Theologische Zeitschrift 60/3 (2004) 254–71, at p. 257: the list of twelve motifs. 25 Schneider, “Geburt des Horuskindes,” 257–58, observes that Cof n Texts are later than the Pyramid Texts but earlier than the Ptolemies. On Cofn Text Spell 148 see Maria Münster, Untersuchungen zur Göttin Isis vom Alten Reich bis zum Ende des Neuen Reiches (Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 11; Berlin: Bruno Hessling, 1968) 6–10; Rainer Hannig, “Die Schwangerschaft der Isis,” Festschrift Jürgen von Beckerath zum 70. Geburtstag am 19. Februar 1990 (Hildesheimer Ägyptologische Beiträge 30; Hildesheim: Gerstenberg Verlag, 1990) 91–95; and Robert H. O’Connell, “The Emergence of Horus. An Analysis of Cof n Text Spell 148,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 69 (1983) 66–87. Cited by Yarbro Collins, Combat Myth 63, n. 33. 26 Münster, Göttin Isis 9 (my translation of her German), a conclusion that follows from her translation of the text on p. 7.

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B'. Isis rejoices that her request for divine protection of the foetus in her womb has been granted. (218b–19b) A'. Isis incites the unborn foetus to take up the place of Osiris so as to vindicate his name. (219c–20d) PART II with Introductory Narrative to Part II A". Isis procures a position of prominence for her son, hereafter named Horus. (221c–2a) Concluding Narrative to Isis’ Procuration (221c–2a) Isis heralds her son Horus. (222d) a. Horus announces himself as the one who outdistances all his predecessors in his exaltation. (222e–5a) b. Horus, elaborating on the fact of his divine origin and protection in the womb of Isis, afrms that he is safe from all assault. (225b–e) a'. Horus reiterates his exaltation. (225 f) b'. Horus reiterates his divine origin in Isis.27

Further, in Cofn Text Spell 148, through Isis’ prayer to Re, her son Horus receives a place in the sun-ship; Horus receives a mh n-snake, one like the sun god possesses. Horus receives a position among the powerful gods, a place in heaven,28 as does the child in Rev 12:5. In Cofn Text 760 Isis enables her son to become Lord of the night sky, the moon god who follows the sun god; he has the highest position in the cosmos after Re.29 Schneider also presents two texts, D and E, from the Temple at Edfu, dated to the end of the second century BCE, texts translated by Dieter Kurth.30 These two texts have remarkable parallels to Rev 12, more extensive than those found in Herodotus 1.156, the Metternich Stele, and Plutarch, Isis and Osiris. On the basis of those three texts Yarbro Collins outlined the Isis-Horus-Seth myth (following the order of Rev 12) as follows: 1) Motivation of attack by Seth-Typhon on Osiris (kingship), 2) Isis pregnant by Osiris, 5) Birth of Horus, 3) Seth-Typhon persecuted Isis and child in order to kill child, 4) Isis aided by Ra and Thoth, 6) Horus defeats Seth-Typhon, 7) Kingship of Horus.31 The narrative texts D and E from the Temple at Edfu expand this outline. As in

27 O’Connell, “Spell 148,” 86–87. The outline is a “tentative schema of the genre-form of this [poetic] spell.” 28 Münster, Göttin Isis 17–22. 29 Münster, Göttin Isis 21. 30 Dieter Kurth, “Über Horus, Isis und Osiris,” The Intellectual Heritage of Egypt: Studies Presented to László Kákosy by Friends and Colleagues on the Occasion of His 60th Birthday, ed. Ulrich Luft (Studia Aegyptiaca XIV; Budapest: Université Eötvös Loránd de Budapest, 1992) 373–83. Van Henten, “Dragon Myth” 507, n. 69, does refer to “Horus von Edfu.” See William Brashear, “Horos,” RAC 16 (1992) 574–97, esp. 575–78, on the conict, and 592 on Egyptian Christians’ substitution of Michael as the victor over the dragon Seth (compare Rev 12:7)! R. Merkelbach, “Drache,” RAC 4 (1959) 226–50, 233 on Egypt, 236–37 on Greece (Plutarch, Moralia 293BC, 418A-C on Delphi), 238–39 on Rev 12, and 243 on Constantine. 31 Yarbro Collins, Combat Myth 66.

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Rev 12:1a, there are signs in heaven, the morning star or light itself.32 Isis cries out with birth pangs as in Rev 12:2.33 Seth is red, as is the dragon in Rev 12:3: a red Nilehorse, a red donkey; or the enemy Seth has the form of a snake.34 Horus’ diadem is gold,35 although in Rev 12:3, the dragon, not the child, wears (seven) diadems. Horus is motivated to ght for the throne of his father (Yarbro Collins #1) and accuses Seth of murdering his father.36 Isis is pregnant by Osiris (Yarbro Collins #2).37 Horus is born (Rev 12:5, Yarbro Collins #5).38 There is joy at his birth (Luke 1:41–55; 2:10, 38; Rev 12:12); God’s mother breaks out in joy, and men are joyful.39 Seth-Typhon persecutes Isis and the child in order to kill the child (Rev 12:4b, 13, 17; Yarbro Collins #3); Seth seeks Horus without nding him.40 War breaks out (Rev 12:7a, that Yarbro Collins assigns to a different myth). Michael and his angels ght the dragon: Horus has “followers,” a thousand men; all gods and goddesses are Horus’ followers.41 The war is narrated.42 Horus changes into a huge young man.43 The dragon and his angels ght back (Rev 12:7c); crocodiles are around Seth.44 There are multiple stages in the war (all of Rev): Horus, Lord of lower Egypt, attacks Seth, Lord of upper Egypt, and drives Seth out of Egypt. Another battle is at Byblos; after astronomers have been consulted, there is still another battle at Gau of Wadjet.45 Isis and Horus are aided by Ra and Thoth, the weak aided by the strong (Rev 12:5b–6; Yarbro Collins #4).46 Horus defeats Seth-Typhon (Yarbro Collins #6); Seth is slaughtered.47 There is prayer for and jubilation at victory (Rev 12:10–12, typically assigned to a redactor).48 God’s mother requests ships; there is prayer for wind and a plea that Horus is only a child. Horus is praised, but Seth defamed.49 There is no longer place

32

Kurth, p. 374 [D], 378 [E]. Kurth 374 [D]. 34 Kurth 375 [D], 380 [E], 379 [E]. 35 Kurth 374 [D]. 36 Kurth 375 [D], 376 [D]. 37 Kurth 373 [D], 380–81 [E]. 38 Kurth 374 [D], 378 [E]. 39 Kurth 374 [D], 378 [E]. 40 Kurth 374 [D], 375 [D], 379 [E]. 41 Kurth 374–75 [D], 377 [D]), 378 [E], 380 [E]. 42 Kurth 376 [D]. 43 Kurth 376 [D], 380 [E]. 44 Kurth 375 [D], 377 [D]. 45 Kurth 379 [E], 380 [E]. 46 Kurth 373–75 [D]. 47 Kurth 377 [D], 380 [E]. 48 Maurice Alliot, Le Culte d’Horus à Edfou au temps des Ptolémées (Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Bibliothéque d’Étude XX, 1–2; Cairo: l’Institut Français, 1949 and 1954), 1.317–23 on divine images in the naos, 1.293–94 on the festival of the birth of Horus, 2.561–676 on the festival of the coronation of the king, 2.677–822 on the festival of victory. Alliot (1.263) dates the calendar text at Edfu to 116–80 BCE. See J. Gwyn Grifths, The Conict of Horus and Seth: A Study in Ancient Mythology (Liverpool: Liverpool University, 1960). 49 Kurth 375 [D], 376 [D], 377 [D], 379 [E]. 33

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for the dragon and his angels in heaven (Rev 12:8b–9a); Horus drove Seth out of Egypt.50 Horus becomes king (Rev 12:5a, Yarbro Collins #7).51 Schneider interprets a fourth text, Papyrus Louvre 3079.52 In this Paris Hymn, “She [Isis] took his [Osiris’] semen into herself and brought forth the heir; she reared the child in isolation, without anyone knowing where he was,” another illustration of the pregnant mother hiding from the dragon Seth, as in Rev 12:4b, 13, 17. Several observations follow from relating these Egyptian texts to Rev 12. In the Metternich Stele, isolated elements of the story are mentioned in relation to particular magical spells, but Cofn Text Spell 148, several centuries earlier than Revelation, as well as texts D and E from the Temple at Edfu, dated around 100 BCE, so two centuries earlier than Revelation, are connected narratives. Both myths of 1) the pregnant woman/goddess pursued by the dragon and 2) of the dragon’s war against divine order (see also Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 358D, 363D, 367A) are narrated in the Temple at Edfu. The transition from Rev 12:6 to 7 is abrupt, and the author may have combined these two myths again, but the combination is not original to the author of the Apocalypse. There are also prayers and celebrations, as in Rev 12:10–12, more jubilation at the birth of Horus, however, than at his defeat of Seth. The motivations for the praise in Rev 12, especially vs. 11, victory by the blood of the Lamb, are different, but prayer and jubilation are present in the Egyptian myth narrated in the temple at Edfu. Further, the new texts presented by Schneider meet one of Aune’s objections to Yarbro Collins’ emphasis on the Egyptian origins of the myth, namely that Rev 12 does not end with the defeat of the dragon. Neither does text E from Edfu end after the rst battle, but narrates successive battles in the war. Aune’s other objections to a unitary origin of the myth remain. 2. The pregnant Io (Greek) / Isis (Egyptian) / Venus (Roman) in domestic art, an Imperial visual representation Neither John nor many of the members of these Asian house churches were from Egypt; how would they have known these myths? Yarbro Collins’ suggestion 53 that Isis iconography played an important role can be strengthened. The myth of a goddess giving birth to a divine child, the prospect of whose birth generates cosmic conict, was not only written down in texts as just outlined, but was also visually represented. The iconography of Isis was prominent in Roman domestic art. The introduction above (see nn. 10–11) notes that Apelles, a painter trained in Ephesus, was popular in Rome, and that Ephesian houses had frescoes on their walls; given the enthusiasm for assimilation to Roman values, we can imagine that art styles in 50

Kurth 379 [E]. Kurth 377–78 [D, an epiphany], 379 [E]. 52 W. Spiegelberg, “Varia,” Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 53 (1917) 91–115, esp. 94–96, “3. Eine neue Legende über die Geburt des Horus”; also Münster, Göttin Isis, at 5–6, who observes (5, n. 87) that Pap. Louvre 3079 is late. 53 Yarbro Collins, Combat Myth 75. 51

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Rome, the imperial capital, would also have inuenced Asian domestic art.54 When early Greeks heard the story of Isis, they perceived it as similar to their own myth of Io,55 and later Romans painted her on their domestic walls. The Temple of Isis in Pompeii has an ecclesiasterion, a large room in which it is probable that worshippers gathered and ritual banquets were held; there is an “iconostasis” on both the north and south walls. On both walls the central visual representation is of Io.56 The central “icon” on the north wall is of 1) Io, pregnant by Zeus, 2) Argos with his myriadeyes,57 who had been sent by a jealous Hera to guard Io, and 3) Hermes, Zeus’ envoy, who ordered him to kill Argos (see Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound 561–886 and Plate 1 and CD 190).58 Io’s son will be mightier than his father (768, referring to Heracles/Hercules), and their later descendants will found a royal house in Argos (869). This visual representation, without Hermes but guarded by the many-eyed Argos, was also painted in the market place in Pompeii, where Io is visibly pregnant (see Plate 2 and CD 181a59), and in several houses in Pompeii, e.g. the House of the Lyre Player,60 where she is also visibly pregnant. This was a popular image that was seen in the Isis Temple, the food market, and I emphasize, in Roman houses, where already in the early Pauline mission, Christians had met and worshipped. 54 See the Introduction above, section C. Ida Baldassarre, Angela Pontrandolfo, Agnes Rouveret, and Monica Salvadori, Pittura romana: dall’Ellenismo al tardo-antico (Milan: Federico Motta, 2002) give numerous examples of frescoes in the four successive styles of Roman art that have been found in the Roman world outside Italy, e.g. pp. 115–17, examples of the second style in Herod’s palaces in Jericho, Masada, and the Herodium. Compare Ray Laurence, “The Uneasy Dialogue between Ancient History and Archaeology,” Archaeology and Ancient History: Breaking down the Boundaries (London: Routledge, 2004) 99–113. 55 Jean M. Davison, “Myth and the Periphery, in Myth and the Polis, ed. Dora C. Pozzi and J. M. Wickersham (Ithaca: Cornell University, 1991) 49–63. For additional evidence, see n. 62–64 below and chap. II above, n. 36. 56 David L. Balch, “The Suffering of Isis/Io and Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal 3:1): Frescoes in Pompeian and Roman Houses and in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii,” Journal of Religion 83/1 (2003) 24–55, now chap. II above. Also parallel is the Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7, peristyle [9]), whose owner was probably a devotee of Isis, a house characterized in chap. VII, nn. 207–08 below; decoration in the peristyle includes a Perseus and Andromeda and a second fresco of Hercules standing before Troy and liberating Hesione, around whom a marine monster has entwined in its coils. Both frescoes visually represent marine monsters threatening women (Andromeda and Hesione) saved by male heroes (Perseus and Hercules).” Chap. VI (see nn. 46–47) visualizes still another domestic parallel; the Casa di Octavius Quartio (II 2,2, ambiente [f]), also exhibits Hercules liberating Hesione in the context of signicant Isis imagery. I emphasize the domestic context of the two locations just mentioned. For another example, Google “University of Tokyo,” search for “Ercolano,” and view Tomo 4, Tavola LXII. 57 Compare and contrast Eze 1:18; 10:12; Dan 7:8, 20; Rev 4:6, 8; 5:6. 58 Balch, “Temple of Isis,” g. 11. Valeria Sampaolo, “Tempio di Iside (VIII 7.28),” PPM VIII 732–849, at p. 825, #188. Naples Museum inventory 9548. 59 Balch, “Temple of Isis,” gs. 5–7. Valeria Sampaolo, “Macellum (VII 9,7),” PPM VII 328– 52, at p. 346, #25, in situ. For early photographs see Monica Mafoli, ed., Fotogra a Pompei nell ’800 dalle collezioni del Museo Alinari (Florence: Alinari, 1990) 90–91. 60 Balch, “Temple of Isis,” gs. 3–4. See Mariette de Vos, “Casa del Citarista (I 4,25),” PPM 1 (1990) 117–77, at p. 129, #21.

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Plate 1 (CD 190): Ekklesiasterion, Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 825), central fresco on the north wall. A cow, Io, Hermes, and Argos. Now in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9548.

The most important house for understanding the Imperial interpretation of this myth is the so-called House of Livia, Augustus’ wife, in Rome (see Plate 3 and CD 177a).61 The decisive clue for understanding the Imperial representation of this image lies in a beautiful statue of Venus in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii (Plate 4 and CD 185). The presence of a statue of Venus in a sanctuary of Isis is not surprising. . . . At Pompeii the syncretism of the two cults [of Venus and Isis] is demonstrated by a painting (in the Pompeiian house VII 9,47) where a procession of Isis advances carrying the throne of the goddess on a ferculum (litter) toward the temple of Venus Pompeiana.62 61 Balch, “Temple of Isis,” gs. 1–2, and Karl Galinsky, Augustan Culture: An Interpretive Introduction (Princeton: Princeton University, 1996), 181–83, g. 98. Some think that the “House of Augustus” may have been the “public” space in this complex, the “House of Livia” the residential space. 62 Alla ricerca di Iside, ed. De Caro, 70 (my translation). See n. 11 above: Apelles’ painting, which Augustus placed in the Temple of the Divine Julius, is the same subject as the statue of Venus in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii, perhaps not a coincidence. See Reinhold Merkelbach, Isis regina– Zeus Sarapis: Die griechisch-ägyptische Religion nach den Quellen dargestellt (Stuttgart: Teubner, 2001, 2nd ed.) 95–96, #167, n. 4, and Mary Beard, John North, and Simon Price, Religions of Rome, vol. 1: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1998) 281; contrast Carl Koch, “Venus,” Paulys Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart: Alfred Druckenmüller, 1955) VIII A1, 828–87, at 842, references for which I thank Giovanni Casadio. For the inscription describing the original Carmen Saeculare of Horace, sung on the last day of the festival (17 BCE), see Frederick C. Grant, Ancient Roman Religion (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1957) 182–

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Plate 2 (CD 181, 181a): Macellum (the meat, sh, and vegetable market, VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 341, 344, 346), in situ. A large painted wall near the entrance from the forum into the macellum. Visual representation of Io and Argos in the center.

This domestic fresco portrays a statue of Venus in the center; and to her left a group of ten young people advance toward the goddess led by a young woman shaking a sistrum (a ritual rattle) of Isis.63 This syncretism, the fusion of the two goddesses, means that Imperial propaganda could symbolize the pregnant Io in the House of Livia as a pregnant Venus, the divine ancestress of the Julian dynasty (Suetonius, The Deied Julius 6.1; 61: Venus Genetrix). Isidorus, Hymn 1.26 calls Isis the “undy84: Augustus is a descendant of Aeneas, “the glorious son of Anchises and Venus” (183); further Beard, North and Price, Religions of Rome, vol. 1: A History 201–06 and vol. 2: A Sourcebook, 139–44. 63 Valeria Sampaolo, “Casa delle Nozze di Ercole (VII 9,47),” PPM VII (1998) 358–77, at p. 373, #32 (in color), from a drawing of 1868–69.

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Plate 3 (CD 177, 177a): Casa di Livia, Palatine Hill, Rome. Hermes to viewer’s left, Io seated on a rock, Argos.

ing Savior, of many-names”64 (see Apuleius, Metam. 11.2, 5), which specically includes “Leto” (1.19) and “Aphrodite” = Venus (1.21). The cultural context is illuminated by Cicero – with reference to the geographical area addressed by John in his Apocalypse – when he prosecuted Gaius Verres in 70 BCE.65 The technical charge was extortion, but more basically the accusation was criminal misgovernment and oppression when he was governor of Sicily, but for my argument, it is crucial that Cicero also narrates Verres’ earlier behavior as assistant governor (legatus): “We know the vast scale of his vile robberies and outrages – not merely in Sicily, but in Achaia and Asia and Cilicia and Pamphylia, and even in Rome before the eyes of us all.” (Cicero’s introductory “Speech delivered against Quintus Caecilius Niger” #6).66 One of Cicero’s key arguments concerns Verres’ theft of valued “statues and pictures” (Verres 2.1.20 #55; see 2.1.22 #59 and 2.1.17 #45). One would have to read the whole (Verres 2.1.18–23 #49–61 on Asia; the whole of 2.4.1–67 #1–151 on Sicily) to gain a full impression of the deep fervor that Asians, 64 Benedetta Rossignoli, “Iside,” Le Religioni dei Mysteri, ed. Paolo Scarpi, vol. II: Samotracia, Andania, Iside, Cibele e Attis, Mitraismo (Lorenzo Valla; Milan: Mondadori, 2003, 2nd ed.) 115–257, 468–532, at pp. 230–31. Rossignoli dates (515) Isidorus “perhaps to the  rst century BCE.” Maria Totti, Ausgewälte Texte der Isis- und Sarapis-Religion (Subsidia Epigraphica 12; Hildesheim: Olms, 1985) 76–82. 65 Cicero, The Verrine Orations, trans. L. H. G. Greenwood in Loeb (1978). 66 Compare Verres 2.1.34 #86 and 2.1.37 #95 where Cicero lists Miletus, Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Phrygia. Also 2.4.32 #71: Athens, Delos, Samos, Perge, Asia and Greece, Rome; and 2.4.60 #135.

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Plate 4 (CD 185): Marble statue of Venus Anadyomene (height 74.5 cm, without base, 70.5 cm), National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 6298. Because it is not a fresco or mosaic, it is not published in PPM. See Stefano De Caro, ed., Alla reccerca di Iside: Analisi, studi e restauri dell’Iseo pompeiano nel Museo di Napoli (Rome: Arti S.p.A., 1992) p. 69, #3.8. I visited the Isis exhibit in the Naples museum with my pregnant daughter, Alison, in Feb. 2005. Seeing this small statue of Venus among the exhibits from the Temple of Isis led to the major thesis of this chapter.

Sicilians, and Romans attached both to the myths and to these statues and pictures of the gods/goddesses, as well as their outrage when Verres stole them from their temples and houses. I quote only the section dealing with the myth and visual representations being discussed in this paper, the pregnant Leto as related to Delos: He [Verres] reached Delos [as legatus, earlier than his appointment as governor in Sicily]. There one night he secretly carried off, from the much-revered sanctuary of Apollo, several ancient and beautiful statues (signa pulcherrima atque antiquissima), and had them put on board his own transport. Next day, when the inhabitants of Delos saw their sanctuary stripped

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of its treasures, they were much distressed; for, to show how ancient, and how much venerated by them, that sanctuary is, they believe it to be the birthplace of Apollo himself. (Verres 2.1.17 #46, trans. L. H. G. Greenwood in Loeb)

The citizens of Delos were afraid to accuse the Roman legatus, so said nothing. But a storm came up, suddenly lashing the town and the ship with huge waves. In that storm this pirate’s ship, with its load of sacred statues, was driven ashore by the waves and went to pieces. The statues of Apollo were found lying on the beach: by Dollabella’s [the governor’s] order, they were put back where they came from; the storm abated, and Dolabella left Delos . . . (Verres 2.1.18 #46). You [Verres] dared to rob Apollo–Apollo of Delos? Upon that temple, so ancient, so holy, so profoundly venerated, you sought to lay your impious and sacrilegious hands? Even though as a boy you did not receive the kind of education and training that would enable you to learn or understand the records of literature, could you not even take in later, when you came to the actual spot, the story of which both tradition and literature inform us: how after long wanderings the fugitive Latona, being pregnant, and the time of her delivery now fully come, found refuge in Delos, and there brought forth Apollo and Diana? Because men believe this story, they hold the island sacred to those deities; and the reverence felt for it is, and has always been, so strong, that not even the Persians – though they had declared war upon all Greece, gods and men alike, and their eet, to the number of a thousand ships, had put in at Delos – yet not even they sought to profane, or to lay a nger upon, anything therein. (Verres 2.1.18 #46–48)

Cicero verbally narrates the myth, but at least as central are the visual representations of the myth, the statues. Cicero assumes that everyone, even the archetypal barbarians, the Persians, certainly also the people in the geographical area of Verres’ misgovernment, not only Delos but also Asia [Minor] and Rome,67 valued both the myths and these visual representations of the gods and goddesses, specically of the pregnant Leto and of the birth of Apollo and Artemis. John’s readers would not have valued these myths and visual representations as much as Cicero’s rhetoric suggests, but – living in the same geographical area – many of them would have been aware of the myths and will have seen their visual representations. The story of Leto giving birth to Apollo and Artemis on Delos in Greco-Roman culture is somewhat comparable to the story of Mary giving birth to Jesus in Bethlehem in modern Western culture. Both were/are visually represented, and readers/viewers would recognize allusions to them. Not only the statues of Apollo on Delos but also the fresco of Io (identied with Isis, who is identied with Leto and Venus) in the House of Livia connects Rome and Ephesus/Asia. The original painter of this Io was Nicias, an Athenian active in the second half of the fourth century BCE). Because it “delighted” him, Augustus took Nicias’ painting of Hyacinthus from Alexandria, and Tiberius later placed it in the 67 The myth is sculpted on a few Roman sarcophagi; see Guntram Koch and Hellmut Sichtermann, Römische Sarkophage (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1982) 141. Also Frank Brommer, Denkmälerlisten zur griechischen Heldensage (Marburg: N. G. Elwert, 1976), vol. 3, 404–05.

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Plate 5 (CD 189): Ekklesiasterion, Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 837), central fresco on the south wall. Io on the viewer’s left, borne by the river god, received by Isis, who has a cobra wrapped around her left arm and a crocodile below her feet. Horos/Harpocrates, her son, sits on an urn in the lower right. Above Isis are a priest and a priestess of Isis before an altar. Now in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9558.

Temple of the Deied Augustus in Rome (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 35.40.131).68 Nicias also painted the tomb of a priest of Artemis at Ephesus (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 35.40.132; see Pausanius 1.29.15). “The pictures of Io, Perseus and Andromeda, and Calypso [by Nicias] seem to have inspired a group of wall paintings at Rome and Pompeii, since several versions of all three subjects exist. . . .”69 It seems a safe assumption that Nicias’ visual representation of Io was painted not only in the Imperial house in Rome and on Pompeian walls, but also on the domestic walls of Ephesus, where Nicias was well known and valued, where Isis was venerated, and whose residents were anxious to please the emperors. Io’s son Heracles/Hercules was not only founder of the royal line in Argos, but also one of the ve founders of Rome (Dionysius Hal., Rom. Ant. 1.34; see Livy 1.7). Augustan propaganda included an image of Io / Isis / Venus, pregnant by Zeus and 68 M. Torelli, “Bibliotheca Templi Divi Augusti,” LTUR (1993) 1.197. Herbert Jennings Rose and B. C. Dietrich, “Hyacinthus,” Oxford Classical Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford University, 1996, 1999) 734 observe that in the Bronze Age Hyacinthus merged with Apollo. 69 G. I. Vzdornov, “Nikias,” Dictionary of Art, ed. Turner, 23.141–42, at p. 142. See Balch, “Temple of Isis” 45, citing Burkhardt Wesenberg, “Zur Io des Nikias in den Pompejanischen Wandbildern,” in Kanon: Festschrift Ernst Berger zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Margot Schmidt, Antike Kunst, Beiheft no. 15 (Basel: Vereinigung der Freunde Antike Kunst, 1988) 344–52. For further bibliography, Nicola Hoesch, “Nikias (3),” Der Neue Pauly (2000) 8.913–14.

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Plate 6 (CD 213): Casa di Apollo (VI 7,23), cubiculum (25; PPM IV 523), in situ. Apollo, holding a torch, enthroned in theatrical setting, points with a left hand to a sitting Venus, but Apollo gazes at Hesperos sitting on his right, who also holds a torch. Reproduction by permission of Stefano de Caro from Fausto e Felice Niccolini, Le case ed i monumenti di Pompei: disegnati e discritti, saggio introdutivo e aggiornamento critico di Stefano De Caro (Sorrento-Napoli: Franco Di Mauro, 2004), vol. 2, plate XXXIX.

threatened by the many-eyed Argos; but this mother of God (for this designation see Kurth 375 [D], 378 [E]), protected by Zeus, would eventually nd safe haven in Egypt (Plate 5 and CD 189)70 and bear a divine son, the pharaoh of Egypt, as well as lineages of divine royalty in Argos and Rome. The author of the Apocalypse, chapter 12, was subverting71 visual Imperial propaganda,72 visual representations venerated

70 See the second fresco of Io, still pregnant, in Balch, “Temple of Isis,” g. 10, and in Sampaolo, “Tempio di Iside,” 835–837, #206. 71 I owe the use of this verb to my colleague in theology, Stephen V. Sprinkle. In the categories of John Barclay, Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora from Alexander to Trajan (323 BCE – 117 CE) (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1996), the author of Revelation is acculturating (employing linguistic, educational, ideological aspects of a cultural matrix) and accommodating (employing cultural tools such as language and concepts of thought), but not assimilating (socially integrating, becoming similar to one’s neighbor). This modies the conclusion of Trebilco, Christians in Ephesus 324–27, 351–53, 624 that “John’s solution to the problems posed by pagan worship for the Christian seems to be to have as little as possible to do with pagan social and cultural life” (324). Although he is subverting it, John is employing an Imperial conict myth. 72 Another popular, Imperial, domestic visual representation that would throw light on Rev 12 is the battle of Perseus with the sea monster to save Andromeda, painted in the third style ( rst half of the  rst century CE), an event that several classical authors locate at Joppa (e.g. Josephus, War 3.419, 421), although it is usually located in Ethiopia. Io is pregnant, but Andromeda is not. See Kyle

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in Delos but also in an unimportant, middle-sized town like Pompeii, and offering a subversive theology of alternative word pictures. Would John’s readers/hearers/ viewers choose cultural/political/religious accommodation or nonconformist behavior? Who was the Mother of God, who was also the readers’/viewers’ Mother? And who is Her Child/Son, Augustus and his Imperial divine sons or rather the Lamb and Her children to be martyred by Rome?

B. The combat myth of cosmic revolt The second myth (without the motif of a woman bearing a son) was known in many cultures and was adapted in the Hebrew Bible: In Greek tradition Ge functions like Tiamat [in Accadian tradition] in that she is the mother of the gods and yet produces monsters to overthrow the ruling gods of heaven. The battles of Zeus and his allies with the Titans (Hesiod, Theog. 617–735) and with the Giants (Apollod. 1.6.1–2) are analogous to the battle of Marduk with Tiamat, Kingu and their allies. When Zeus defeated the Titans, he consigned them to Tartarus (Theog. 717–35). . . . The battle of Zeus with Typhon was perhaps understood as the central encounter of the gigantomachy. According to Hesiod, Zeus cast Typhon into Tartarus after conquering him.73

Hesiod (Theog. 617–735, 836–38), Plutarch (On Isis and Osiris 363E, 368D), and Apollodorus (1.2.1, 6.3) tell the tale, but Nonnos (Dionysiaca 1.163–64, 180–81; 2.271–72, 296–315, 337–41), is more elaborate: The most striking characteristic of Nonnos’ account is that, like Dan 8:10–11, one of the major acts of rebellion is an attack on the stars. Typhon stretched his hands to the upper air and seized the various constellations, dragging them from their places and even knocking them out of the sky. He dragged the two shes (the zodiacal sign Pisces) out of the sky and threw them into the sea (Nonnos, Dion. 1.163–64, 180–81).74

M. Phillips Jr., “Perseus and Andromeda,” American Journal of Archaeology 72/1 (1968) 1–23, plates 1–20. Van Henten, “Dragon Myth and Imperial Ideology,” adds evidence to this conclusion. 73 Yarbro Collins, Combat Myth 79–80. Rev 12:9, 14–15 (see 20:2) calls the dragon a “snake.” The cuirass (armour) of the equestrian statue of Vespasian/Nerva, found in the sacellum of the Augustales (priests who celebrated the cult of the emperor) at Baia/Miseno on the bay near Pozzuoli/Naples, features a representation on Vespasian’s right chest of the young Heracles/Hercules strangling snakes–which was also a popular subject in Roman domestic art–another visual representation of the Imperial conict myth that Rev 12 is subverting. See Paola Miniero, Baia: The Castle, Museum and Archaeological Sites (Naples: Electa, 2003) 53–57 and Alfonso de Francisis, Il Sacello degli Augustali a Miseno (Naples: ARTE Tipograca, 1991), plates 30–33. For the domestic fresco, see Balch, “Dining Rooms N and P of the House of the Vettii in Pompeii,” now chap. IV above = CD 208, 208a. Also Noel Forsyth, The Old Enemy: Satan and the Combat Myth (Princeton: Princeton University, 1987). Compare also chap. VII below, nn. 207–08, which document a house suffused with Isis images that include two heroes battling snakes to rescue heroines. 74 Yarbro Collins, Combat Myth 78.

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The epiphany of Apollo and the sun-torch/sun-chariot in Roman domestic art This is the subject of a controversial series of visual representations. Assuming that Ephesian/Asian domestic culture assimilated the successive styles of Roman/Pompeian Imperial aesthetics, they would have been available in the domestic environment in which the author wrote the Apocalypse and in which readers would have heard these word pictures of the dragon, whose “tail swept down a third of the stars of heaven and threw them to earth” (Rev 12:3a). My argument in this section is more indirect than in the former one. In section A above I argued that John was subverting a specic type of myth, whether in its Egyptian, Greek, or Roman form. Here by contrast, I am arguing rather that visual mythical representations on Roman walls have some analogy to John’s verbal apocalyptic pictures, so that his language would have seemed less strange or unfamiliar to Greco-Roman readers. This is still important to argue because Greco-Roman culture was visual. It is not only true that Ovid wrote of these cosmic disorders for the intellectual delight of an elite readership, but also that everyone living and worshipping in Roman houses – masters and slaves, males and females, older and younger, patrons and clients, educated and uneducated, the worshippers of many divinities as well as Jews and Christians – saw these images daily. Before describing these frescoes, I raise two points crucial for understanding, rst: “the story of a myth unfolds in time; an image is static. How does an artist decide what moment to illustrate?”75 If around Christmas time we were to see an image of a young, pregnant woman on a donkey accompanied by an older man, most would recognize the image and know at least one version of the preceding and succeeding episodes of the story. Even though many modern persons may no longer know the story/myth discussed below, the images of the one dramatic moment portrayed assume the entire story. Second, in contrast to some contemporary, Northern European and North American, Western Christian sensibilities, Greeks and Romans typically chose dramatic moments to sculpt or paint that enabled them to exhibit beautiful, nude human bodies in their temples or houses, as the following series of frescoes demonstrates. Phrased differently, the sex and beautiful, nude bodies that we see occasionally in two-hour lms and on TV are often similar to the dramatic moments that Romans chose to have painted on their domestic walls. Erika Simon labels these frescoes by the name art historians have traditionally used: Sternenstreit, a contest of the stars of the day and the night as judged by Apollo.76 For modern persons Venus is the second planet from the sun, the morning 75 Susan Woodford, Images of Myths in Classical Antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2003), chap. 3, “Choosing a Moment,” at p. 28. 76 Erika Simon, “Apollo,” Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae II/1 (1984) 363– 464, at p. 421, #421. She observes (419) that the designation goes back to R. Rehm, “Hesperos,” RE VIIII/1 (1912) 1250–57, at p. 1255, and R. Herbig in Denkmähler der Malerei des Altertums I, ed. P. Hermann, R. Herbig, and F. Bruckmann (Munich, 1904–1931), Taf. 228, a work I have not seen.

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and evening star. In Greco-Roman antiquity this is the star named most often after the sun and the moon. Greeks gave the name Hesperos to the evening star and the area of the sunset.77 They called the morning star Phosphoros, but neither the name nor the gender of either the morning or evening star(s) is/are consistent. Scholars debate whether Greeks recognized the identity of the two phases, or whether they naively distinguished them, as does the phrase the morning and evening star(s). Hesperos is praised as the most beautiful (Homer, Iliad 2.22.318; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 2.36). In visual representations Hesperos is most often the companion of the sun, Helios, rst developed by Nonnus (Dion. 12.3; 38.29), or appears as the servant of Helios, much more often than does Phosphoros. Roman mythography interpreted Hesperos as the star of the divinized Caesar (Vergil, Ecl. 9.47; Propertius 4.6.59). Simon describes the Sternenstreit in four domestic frescoes: 1) the Casa di Apollo (VI 7,23 in Pompeii), cubiculum (25), the west wall just off the garden (24), in situ; see Plate 6 and CD 21378), early fourth style (Neronian). This house is just north of the forum. One enters, passes through the atrium (2) and tablinum (7), the latter with a statuette of Apollo, then turns right (north) and descends some stairs into a sunken garden with four-foot high terraces on three sides (24). On the far north wall, the side without the terrace, are three large niches above an external triclinium. To the left in the far northwest corner and up some stairs to the height of the terrace is a separate room with two alcoves. Sampaolo (471) thinks of rooms for refuge and meditation in country villas. On entering one sees the west wall, Phoebus / Apollo / the sun god presented frontally, enthroned in a theatrical setting (scaenae frons). With his right hand he holds a torch (Apollo’s sun torch); a mantel falls over his right leg, but the left leg and his upper body are nude. With his left hand he points to his left toward a sitting Venus, who is also nude except for a cloak over her legs, but Apollo gazes at Hesperos sitting on his right, who holds a torch in his left hand. All three have halos. Just above the heads of Venus and Hesperos on the doorways behind them, there may be grifns (lion bodies with wings and heads of falcons; Niccolini and Niccolini). Simon refers to Rehm’s references to an almost forgotten star story in which Hesperos challenged Venus to a beauty contest. The judge of the competition is not given in the literature, but the Pompeian frescoes show him as Phoebus / Apollo, to Karl Schefold, Pompejanische Malerei: Sinn und Ideengeschichte (Basel: Benno Schwabe, 1952) 134–35, Taf. 37, agrees, referring to R. Herbig’s interpretation of Hyginus, Astron. 2,42 and to a “Throne in Boston.” 77 Rehm, “Hesperos,” 1251, 1254, on whom this paragraph depends. 78 See Valeria Sampaolo, “Casa di Apollo (VI 7,23),” PPM IV (1993) 470–524, at pp. 512, 516– 17 and 522–23, #71, 80–81, 87–88, esp. 523, #88; Wilhelm Zahn, Die schönsten Ornamente und merkwürdigsten Gemälde aus Pompeji, Herculaneum und Stabiae nebst einigen Grundrissen und Ansichten nach den am Ort und Stelle gemachten Originalzeichnungen (Berlin: Reimer, 1828– 1859) II.76. Fausto e Felice Niccolini, Le case ed i monumenti di Pompei: disegnati e discritti, saggio introdutivo e aggiornamento critico di Stefano De Caro (Sorrento-Napoli: Franco Di Mauro, 2004), vol. 2, plate XXXIX.

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which this fresco in the Casa di Apollo is an early witness.79 Marsyas’ disastrous challenge of Apollo is painted on the adjacent north wall80; these two frescoes indicate that Apollo is judge of both the divine stars and of Marsyas (whose upper body appears human, so humans might identify with him). Apollo severely punishes Marsyas’ pride by aying him alive, some sculptures of which look remarkably like a crucixion. 2) Also Neronian is the fresco in the small Pompeiian house, at I 3,25, oecus (h).81 The fresco is similar to the one in the Casa di Apollo, and the background is again stage architecture, which raises the question, Simon suggests,82 whether this was material for a Neronian pantomime. The role of Venus, of the beautiful, young male Hesperos, and of Phoebus as judge of the beauty contest, would then have been danced before the audience. Simon thinks that the result would probably not have been the same as in the Judgment of Paris, the victory of Venus, but rather a pronouncement of equality; both were, as had long been known, a single star. 3) The Casa di M. Gavius Rufus (VII 2,16–17, exedra (o), south wall.83 Sampaolo says that the characters in this scene are represented in an ambiguous manner, and in addition some of the details are not well preserved, which leaves the interpretation in doubt. The feminine gure is clearly Venus, who in the Casa di Fabius Rufus (see below) holds a abellum (fan) and is assisted by a cupid. Additional feminine gures are represented, one standing behind Venus, the other behind the seated male gure. The central gure, bathed in light, stands emphatically on a podium before a throne with a long torch in his left hand. Below him lies an animal whose identity is contested. Some see a panther, an attribute which would identify the gure as Dionysus, which would mean that the masculine gure seated on his right, who has a halo and seems to be undressing himself, would be Helios/Apollo. Simon, differently from

79 Simon p. 421, #419 (but see below). See Laura Caso, “Gli affreschi del cubicolo ‘amphithalamos’ della Casa di Apollo,” in Rivista di Studi Pompeiani 3 (1989) 111–130. 80 Sampaolo, PPM IV 518–19, #82–83, cubiculum (25), west wall. See Eric Moorman, “Rappresentazioni teatrali su scaenae frontes di quarto stile a Pompei,” Pompeii, Herculaneum, Stabiae 1 (1983) 73–117, esp. 84–91 on the House of Apollo, here pp. 85–86. 81 Valeria Sampaolo, “I 3,25,” PPM I (1990) 86–109, at pp. 96–101, #10, 14–16, where the fresco has deteriorated, so that it is no longer discernable. Simon, “Apollo” 421; Karl Schefold, Die Wände Pompejis: Topographisches Verzeichnis der Bildmotive (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1957) 13 agrees, thus correcting his earlier identication in Pompejanische Malerei. 82 Simon, LIMC II/1, p. 421, #420. Moorman, “Rappresentazioni theatrali,” 85–86, calls the hypothesis of a pantomine “molto probabile.” See Eleanor Leach, “Satyrs and Spectators: Reections of Theatrical Settings in Third Style Mythological Continuous Narrative Painting,” 81–84 and 335, esp. 83–84 in I temi gurativi nella pittura parietale antica (IV sec. a.C.–IV sec. d.C.). Atti del VI Convegno Internazionale sulla Pittura Parietale Antica, ed. Daniela Scagliarini Corlàita (Bologna: University Press, 1997). 83 Valaria Sampaolo, “Casa di M. Gavius Rufus (VII 2,16–17),” PPM VI (1996) 530–85, at p. 565, #57 (in color); Naples Museum inventory 9449. L. Richardson Jr., Pompeii: The Casa dei Dioscuri and its Painters (Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 23; Rome: G. Bardi, 1955) 120 with plate XIX describes the artist who painted this fresco.

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Sampaolo, insists that this animal is a grifn.84 Experts agree that this is a contest between two divinities of light being judged by a third. Since there is little evidence of such rivalry between Apollo and Venus, Sampaolo concludes that it is preferable to accept the hypothesis that Apollo judges between Venus and Hesperos, a rivalry recorded in a passage in Hyginus (Astron. II 42,4): The fourth star is Venus . . . also called Hesperus. . . . Some say he is the son of Cephalus and Aurora, more beautiful than all the others. For this cause it is said, there was dissension with Venus, as Eratosthenes (a writer in the time of Ptolemy Euergetes, 246–221 BCE) maintains. . . .85

This fresco seems to represent a moment in which the two divinities are removing the garments that had covered them so that Apollo can see their splendor. 4) The fresco in the Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16 [Ins. Or.], 22 (salone absidato 62), east wall, in situ; see Plate 7 and CD 217a with CD 214–222).86 This house or insula has three oors, and is on a bluff facing west toward the Bay of Naples. The room with our fresco is two oors high (the two oors below the street level), and the apse, which is at the west end of the room facing the ocean, has three large windows on each level, a total of six windows (see Bragantini 950, #1; CD 215). This apse is the only one in that area of the western bluff facing the ocean. All three zones of the three walls were painted against a black background in the years 50–55 CE; then the house was not occupied after the earthquake in 62 (Solin 245). These paintings, therefore, are from the time of Claudius or Nero, so may be the earliest ones remaining. The height of the room, the apse, the only one on that bluff, and the ocean view combined make the room itself exceptional. On the east wall opposite the apse in the central zone, Apollo sits enthroned again, in this representation not surrounded by stage architecture. His upper body is 84 Simon, LIMC II/1, 421, #421. See E. Simon, “Zur Bedeutung des Greifen in der Kunst der Kaiserzeit,” Latomus 21 (1962) 749–80, Taf. XLVI–LI with Abb. 1–11, at 770–71, Taf. XLVII.4. “Who would want to believe, in the face of so many grif n scenes from early Roman times, that the grif n is hardly referred to in texts from that time?” (p. 761). Her n. 2 follows: “The only reference known to me is Vergil, Ecl., 8.27.” Her observation is relevant to the series of frescoes under discussion, interpreted only by the late reference in Hyginus. 85 Hygini De Astronomia, ed. Ghislaine Viré (Stuttgart: Teubner, 1992); C. Giulio Igino. L’astronomia: Introduzione, testo e traduzione, ed. Mariagrazia F. Vitobello (Bari: Adriatica Editrice, 1988). See the previous note. 86 Irene Bragantini, “Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22),” PPM VII (1997) 947– 1125, at pp. 1085, 1088, #273, 279, and Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 388–91, 396– 400. Now see Mario Grimaldi, “VII 16 Insula Occidentalis 22. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus,” 257–418 in Pompei (Regiones VI–VII). Insula Occidentalis, eds. Mansanori Aoyagi and Umberto Pappalardo (Naples: Valtrend, 2006) 376–90: “Apollo, Fetonte, Venere e Eros.” Renate Thomas, Die Dekorationssysteme der römischen Wandmalerei von augusteischer bis in trajanische Zeit (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1995) Farbtafel 4.3. Heikki Solin, “Die Wandinschriften im sog. Haus des M. Fabius Rufus,” in Bernard Andreae and Helmut Kyrieleis, Neue Forschungen in Pompeji (Recklinghausen: Aurel Bongers, 1975) 243–72, who doubts (246–47) the identication of Fabius Rufus as the owner. Solin also insists (249–50, 256) that writing was a skill of some men and women in the lower classes.

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Plate 7 (CD 217a): Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.], 22; PPM VII 1085; 1088), second/third oor down, large room with apse (62; PPM VII 1088), east wall, central zone. On black wall, a visual representation of Apollo sitting enthroned, torch in his left hand, another torch still burning on the oor in front of him, a grif n sitting to right of Apollo’s head on a marble throne. Venus stands to Apollo’s left, a cupid or Eros on her left shoulder, a dove at her feet; to Apollo’s right Hesperus with halo.

Plate 8 (CD 217b): Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.], 22; PPM VII 1089), second/ third oor down, large room with apse (62; PPM VII 1089), east wall, upper zone above the Apollo fresco: Leda with a swan on her lap = Zeus.

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nude and faces the front, while his legs are turned to his left; his cloak falls over both legs and covers him below his naval. He holds a torch in his left hand, but another one still burning lies in front of him; his head is wreathed. Simon points out that a(nother) grifn, often an attribute of Apollo, also sometimes of Nemesis or of the Sun god, sits to the right of Apollo’s head on the arm of the marble throne (CD 217a).87 This animal in the Casa di Fabius Rufus is quite clearly a grifn. This decides the issue debated above (under 3), whether the animal at the central gure’s feet in the Casa di Gavius Rufus is a panther or a grifn. Admittedly, a leopard is visually represented in the socle to the viewer’s left below the Apollo fresco (Grimaldi 382–85; CD 218), although grifns are visually represented in the socle on the east wall below the fresco of Poseidon/Neptune and the Danaid Amimone (CD 220– 21). The central divinity in this series of frescoes, given the grif ns in the frescoes themselves in the Casa di Apollo and the Casa di M. Fabius Rufus, is Apollo, not Dionysus. In the upper zone immediately above Apollo is a visual representation of intercourse between Leda and the swan, that is, Zeus (Bragantini 1089, #281; Plate 8 = CD 217b).88 This black wall is rather heavy with divine power. On Apollo’s left stands Venus, leaning with her left arm on a pillar and holding a fan in her left hand; she seems to be disrobing, with her robe falling below her naval; a cupid, or Eros, is seen with his hands on her left shoulder. A dove stands at her feet. To Apollo’s right Hesperos, with a halo, stands with his right arm raised high and his left arm horizontal, both hands grasping a robe seen behind him, so that he is facing front nude. A hydria (vase) is seen upright in the center at the bottom of the fresco. Bragantini89 comments: “despite the diverse interpretation of Elia (RM 1962) 90 or the doubts recently expressed (Hijmans, 1995),91 the traditional interpretation of this scene as a Sternenstreit, a contest between the star of the day and the star of the night judged by Apollo, seems to be the one that best explains the attributes of the personages represented as engaged in contest in this scene (see Simon, LIMC), which does not necessarily reect the version of the myth attested in literature.” 5) House VIII 4,34, tablinum (4), east wall.92 Sampaolo notes that Helbig originally described this fresco as a competition between two divinities of light, judged by a seated Dionysus, but as just noted, in this series of frescoes Simon has shown him to be Apollo. He has a halo, supports a long torch with his left arm, and with his raised right hand points toward the seated male gure on his left, a different choice 87

Simon, LIMC II/1, 421, #421. Leda, approached by Zeus in the form of a swan, became the mother of the Dioscuri. 89 Bragantini, “Fabius Rufus,” 1089, #279 (my translation). 90 Olga Elia, “Lo stibadio dionisiaco in pitture pompeiane,” RM 69 (1962) 118–27 with Tav. 38–41. 91 Steven E. Hijmans, “Sol or Hesperus? A Note on Two Unknown Fragments of the ‘Sternenstreit’ in the Archaeological Museum of Naples,” Mededelingen van het Nederlands Instituut te Rome 54 (1995) 52–60. 92 Valeria Sampaolo, “VIII 4,34,” PPM VIII (1998) 531–46, at p. 539, #9, from an early drawing. 88

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than in the Casa di Apollo, which would indicate that the outcome of the contest was uncertain. Hesperos is the young man seated on the central gure’s left, covered with a green mantel, a blue halo crowned by a star on his head and a shepherd’s crook at his feet. Venus is standing on the central gure’s right, unadorned and holding a garland between her hands. Two other feminine divinities behind rocks, each with a halo and nude above the waist (see Ovid, Metam. 2.341), assist the contest from on high, just as there are two additional feminine gures in the Gavius Rufus fresco. Bragantini refers to the recent modication of the traditional identication by Leach,93 which relates the scene to other frescos in the same room (62) of the Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (CD 219, 221). Leach identies the personages in the fresco with Aphrodite/Venus and Phaëthon (an alternate name for both Hesperos and Phosphoros).94 The union between the two, an inappropriate/negative union between a goddess and a mortal, is the cause of Phaëthon’s fatal driving of Helios’ carriage.95 The most familiar version is by Ovid, Metam. 1.748–2.400.96 I select a few sentences (from Metam. 2.150–200) to give the avor: 93 Eleanor Winsor Leach, “The Iconography of the Black Salone in the Casa di Fabio Rufo,” Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte 24 (1991) 105–112. I thank John R. Clarke for originally referring me to this article. His label of the fresco indicates that Grimaldi, in Pompei, eds. Aoyagi and Pappalardo, 378 with his label of the fresco, accepts Leach’s interpretation. 94 Moorman, “Rappresentazioni theatrali,” 84–91 agrees. When Aune, Rev 6–16, 667, lists versions of the combat myth in the Greek world, he includes “Helios and Phaëthon (particularly important for Rev. 12).” I offer him my essay as a development of the idea he expressed in this parenthesis. 95 Leach interprets other frescos in the same room as representing appropriate/positive unions between male gods and mortal women. In the same room (Bragantini, #290, south wall) Bacchus/ Dionysus is represented appearing to Ariadne. On the north wall (Bragantini, pp. 1079, 1082, #262, 267) is a representation of Neptune/Poseidon, who sits holding a torch in his left hand, and Amymone, the Danaid, standing while the deity pulls away her mantle exposing her. At her feet is an overturned hydria. Leach did not interpret the fresco of Leda “in ight” and the swan (= Zeus), the original of which has been ascribed to the sculptor Timotheos. On the other hand, she incorporated visual elements (vases, Eros, the Hediades [the female gures beside Apollo’s throne, Phaëthon’s grieving sisters?]) in her interpretation, elements that others have ignored. 96 Trans. Goold in Loeb. For Ovid’s ekphrasis of the cosmos see Hans Bernsdorff, “Verbindungen zwischen Kunstwerksekphrasis und Haupthandlung: Phaëthon vor der Sonnenburg (met. 2,1– 18),” Kunstwerke und Verwandlungen: Vier Studien zu ihrer Darstellung im Werk Ovids (Studien zur Klassischen Philologie 117; New York: Peter Lang, 2000) 13–31; regrettably, he fails to cite the Pompeian frescoes, which could have strengthened his arguments. Grafto 8 in the House of Fabius Rufus concerns astronomy (Solin [cited n. 86] 256–62, who cites e.g. Strabo, Geog. 2.2.2–3). The presence of this grafto supports the cosmological interpretation of the Apollo fresco given in the text above. Compare Lucian, Dialogues of the Gods 24 (25).278–80. U. Wilamowitz-Möllendorff, “Phaëthon,” Hermes XVIII (1883) 396–434, concludes (p. 422), “We must name the star in the Pompeian pictures Phaëthon.” Differing versions are discussed by James Diggle, Euripides’ Phaëthon, Edited with Prolegomena and Commentary (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1970), e.g. Euripides includes Phaëthon’s marriage, perhaps to a daughter of Helios, some argue to Aphrodite, but Ovid does not. Compare Christopher Collard, M. J. Cropp, and K. H. Lee, Euripides: Selected Fragmentary Plays (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1995), vol. 1, 195–239: “Phaëthon.” Also E. Peterson, “Phaëthon im Palast des Helios,” RM 11 (1895) 67–73, so in Nero’s Golden

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But the lad [Phaëthon] has already mounted the light chariot [of Apollo] . . . and thanks his unwilling father for the gift. . . . Meanwhile the sun’s swift horses . . . dashed forth. . . . When they feel this [Phaëthon’s light grip on the reigns], the team run wild. . . . The driver is panicstricken. . . . Then for the  rst time the cold Bears grew hot with the rays of the sun. . . . But when the unhappy Phaëthon looked down from the top of heaven . . . he grew pale, his knees trembled with sudden fear. . . . To add to his panic fear, he sees scattered everywhere in the sky strange gures of huge and savage beasts. There is one place where the Scorpion bends out his arms. . . . When the boy sees this creature reeking with black poisonous sweat, and threatening to sting him with his curving tail, bereft of wits from chilling fear, drown he dropped the reins. . . .

More specically, “ the Moon in amazement sees her brother’s [the sun’s] horses running below her own, and the scorched clouds smoke” (2.208–09). “The earth bursts into ame . . . and splits into deep cracks, and its moisture is all dried up. The meadows are burned to white ashes; the trees are consumed. . . . Great cities perish with their walls, and the vast conagration reduces whole nations to ashes. The woods are ablaze with the mountains. . . .” (213–14; see Rev 7:3; 8:7; 16:8–9; 18:9) “Aetna is blazing boundlessly with ames now doubled” (220; see Rev 6:12; 16:18). “Nor do rivers . . . remain unscathed” (241). “The sh dive to the lowest depths . . .; the dead bodies of sea-calves oat” (265–68; see Rev 8:9; 16:3). Earth personied fears dying by re (272–300), saying “Look around, the heavens are smoking from pole to pole. If the rst shall weaken these, the homes of the gods will fall in ruins. . . . If the sea perish and the land and the realms of the sky, then are we hurled back to primeval chaos” (298–99; see Rev 6:13–14). Finally, Jupiter restores Arcadia’s springs and rivers, grass, trees and forests (401–08) and again chases a nymph. The possibility of such a cosmic catastrophe would have frightened (and Ovid knew, entertained) Roman audiences, much as the tsunami in the Pacic, the earthquake in Afghanistan, and hurricane Katrina hitting New Orleans have horried our world. Some art historians argue that the cosmic contest in this series of domestic frescoes is between Hesperos and Venus (Herbig, Schefold, Simon), others that the cosmic disaster results from Phaëthon borrowing his father’s sun chariot for a spin for a rendezvous with Aphrodite/Venus (Wilamowitz-Möllendorf, Moorman, Leach).97 As Bragantini observes, in either case these frescoes represent a Sternenstreit, a contest among the stars in which viewers see an epiphany of Apollo.

House, the house of the sun-god! For the Neronian visual representation of Phaëthon see Leach, “Casa di Fabio Rufo,” gs. 5–6. For further characterization of Nero’s Golden House, see David L. Balch, “Zeus, Vengeful Protector of the Political and Domestic Order: Frescoes in Dining Rooms N and P of the House of the Vettii in Pompeii, Mark 13:12–13, and 1 Clement 6.2,” in Picturing the New Testament, ed. Annette Weisssenrieder, Frederike Wendt, and Petra von Gemünden (WUNT, 2. Reihe, 193; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005) 67–95 with 9 plates, now chap. IV above. 97 For a longer list of authors involved in the discussion see Hijmans, “Sol or Hesperus,” 55–56. I note in addition that Phaëthon is one of the small number of myths popularly sculpted on Roman sarcophagi. See Robert Turcan, “Les sarcophages romains et le problème du symbolisme funéraire,” ANRW II.16.2 (1978) 1700–35; Koch and Sichtermann, Römische Sarkophage 180–83.

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These painters may have mixed the two myths:98 Hesperos and Phaëthon were, after all, alternate names for the same star. Apollo pointing at Venus, or in the fth house discussed above, pointing at Hesperos/Phaëthon as they disrobe, indicates a stellar beauty contest. But the burning sun torch lying at Apollo’s feet in the black salon of the Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (Image 7 = CD 217a) suggests the story of Phaëthon’s aming descent; that second, fallen burning sun torch would supply no added meaning if the subject were simply a beauty contest (see Euripides, Phaëthon, lines 252–269, ed. Diggle). Further, Leach points out that the two additional feminine gures in both the Gavius Rufus fresco and in house VIII 4,34 are Heliades, Phaëthon’s sisters who mourn his death (see Ovid, Met. 2.340–66).99 Finally, Diodorus Siculus (5.23.2, rst century BCE) states that the story of Phaëthon was “told by many poets and historians.” One can assume again that assimilationists in Asia imitated the aesthetic values of Imperial art in their houses, so John’s hearers/viewers would have had such visual representations of a stellar contest/catastrophy – nevertheless controlled by Apollo (Augustus, Nero) – before their eyes in their own or their patron’s or their master’s houses. Simon, supported by Moorman and Leach, suggests (see n. 82) that Nero pantomimed such cosmic competition on stage in his Golden House, with himself as Apollo, Lord of the sun torch/sun chariot. Such imperial pretensions would have offered the provincial, creative Jewish Christian author of the Apocalypse visual images to subvert. The assimilationists among John’s hearers/viewers would have wanted Apollo/Nero to keep political/economic/cosmic order! John judged the Roman emperor’s rule, rather, to be cosmic chaos. Who is the God whose messengers can throw the great red Imperial dragon out of heaven and defeat it on earth?

Conclusions and theses I conclude with ve theses. First, Imperial Roman art was imitated in the provinces (Baldassarre), in Asia, but local artists (Apelles, Nicias) were also creative (WallaceHadrill). John was subverting Imperial visual representations that many Asian Christians would have seen and that assimilationist Christians would have valued aesthetically and politically, perhaps also religiously. This would have been one of the differences for which Aune and Trebilco argue (see nn. 3–5, 71) between John and many of his readers/hearers. Second, myths consist of all their versions (Aune), although the verbal mythical pictures in Rev 12 have extraordinarily close ties to the Egyptian myth of Isis-Horus-Seth and to the Greek myth of Leto-Apollo-Artemis-Typhon as utilized in Ro98 Woodford, Images of Myths in Classical Antiquity, chap. 15: “Confusing One Myth with Another.” 99 Leach, “Fabio Rufo” 109–10.

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man Imperial propaganda (Yarbro Collins). In the context of this paper, this thesis claims that myths consist of all their textual and their visual representations. Third, Schneider’s recent research emphasizes new Egyptian texts, three of which are connected narratives. Texts D and E from the Temple at Edfu expand the narrative parallels to the myths in Rev 12, e.g. the birth pangs/shouts of both women are mentioned, and text E narrates a multi-stage war, analogous to the cosmic disasters that spiral through Revelation. This means that 1) the myth of a pregnant woman threatened by a monster and 2) a second myth of a dragon rebelling against divine order had been combined two centuries before John, and they were recorded in a temple where the birth and victory of Horus over the monster Seth were celebrated in worship. Fourth, the most important thesis of this paper is that the Imperial visual representation of a pregnant Io (Greek) / Isis (Egyptian) / Venus (Roman) threatened by a monster (Argos, Seth = Typhon [Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 367D, 371B]) commissioned by an angry deity (Hera) was popular in the Temple of Isis, in the market, and in houses of Pompeii, an unimportant, middle-sized city, as well as on the island of Delos. Most important, this visual representation was painted in the so-called House of Livia, Augustus’ wife, in Rome: it was an Imperial visual representation, which means that similar Imperial aesthetics would have been appreciated in the houses of a larger, wealthier, politically important provincial capital like Ephesus, where the original painter of Io, Nicias, was appreciated, and in an art center like Pergamon.100 John’s portrait in Rev 12, sketched on the island of Patmos for viewers in Ephesus/ Asia, of a woman bearing a son threatened by a monster, is a visual/verbal representation that subverts the Imperial visual representation of a pregnant Io/Isis/Venus. The question is: Who is the Mother of God, who is also our Mother? And who is Her Child, Augustus or the slain Lamb, and who are Her other children, assimilationists or non-conformists in Roman culture? Fifth, a series of ve domestic frescoes in Pompeii visually present an epiphany of Apollo judging a contest between two star divinities, who are presenting their claim to beauty by unrobing before him. The repeated epiphanies in Revelation (e.g. 1:9–20; 4:1–5:14; 11:19–12:9; 19:1–10) subvert the visual representation of an epiphany of Apollo = the emperor (Nero) judging the stars.101 Historians of Roman domestic art disagree whether the two stars in a contest with each other in this series 100 Compare discussion below, chap. VII, n. 208, of the Casa del Centenario (IX 8, 3.7), triclinium (8). 101 In an arcosolium in the Catacomb of Domitilla, “the lunette on the back wall depicts an evocative scene of maiestas Domini with Christ enthroned between the two princes of the apostles, in front of a capsa [chest] of volumes (g. 78). A mandorla [almond-shaped] light, composed of glass paste of tesserae of brilliant green, sets the representation within a visionary state, alluding to the epiphany of the Logos in reference to Apoc. 4.2–3.” Fabrizio Bisconti, “The Decoration of Roman Catacombs,” in Vincenzo Fiocchi Nicolai, Fabrizio Bisconti, and Danilo Mazzoleni, The Christian Catacombs of Rome: History, Decoration, Inscriptions (Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2002, 2nd ed.) 71–145, at pp. 74–75.

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of domestic paintings are Hesperos and Venus or whether they are rather Apollo’s son Phaëthon in relation to a daughter of Helios or Aphrodite/Venus. In either case viewers see a popular Sternenstreit, a contest among the stars, an analogy to the cosmic catastrophes John verbally presents in the pages of the Apocalypse. These visual domestic representations are not the ultimate source of John’s apocalyptic language, but the analogies would have made his verbal pictures less strange, more familiar, to Greco-Roman readers. The question is, who is the God whose messengers can throw the dragon out of heaven and defeat it on earth, Nero or the Lamb who was slain?102

102 But even this formulation has easily been interpreted to legitimate Christian imperial violence. See Jürgen Moltmann, “Friedenstiften und Drachentöten im Christentum,” Evangelische Theologie 64.4 (2004) 285–94. I am grateful to Frederick E. Brenk, and to Giovanni Casadio for critiques of this article. Citations of Egyptian sources in the footnotes exhibit my indebtedness to the library of the Pontical Biblical Institute, Rome, and to the librarian, James L. Dugan, S. J. The libraries of the German Archaeological Institute, the British School, and the American Academy in Rome have been exciting resources for Greco-Roman art history. I thank my hosts at the Waldensian Seminary. Finally, my research time came from the generous sabbatical policy at Brite Divinity School.

Chapter VI

From Endymion in Roman domus to Jonah in Christian Catacombs: From Houses of the Living to Houses for the Dead. Iconography and Religion in Transition* Pre-Constantinian Christians valued the three-stage Jonah cycle. Graydon Snyder lists how often thirty-one different Biblical stories are visually represented this early: Jonah-Cast-into-the-Sea appears 38 times, Jonah-and-the-Ketos (sea monster) 28 times, and Jonah-at-Rest 42 times in various media, including mosaics, wall paintings, and sarcophagi. Of the other twenty-eight visual images found, the Sacrice of Isaac occurs most frequently, 8 times.1 Christian artists emphasized the third Jonah image, Jonah-at-Rest, and represented him in the visual tradition of Endymion, a handsome young man loved by the goddess Selene (the moon). Endymion appears 17 times in wall frescoes in Pompeii,2 in Roman houses dating from the  rst century CE. This essay concerns how visual representations of Endymion made the journey from mosaics and wall frescoes in Roman houses and tombs of the rst and second centuries CE to represent Jonah in Christian catacombs of the third to fth centuries CE, then again moved above ground to one of the earliest oor mosaics that remains in a church – in Aquileia, early fourth century CE. Although many authors assume that Jonah is represented in the style of Endymion, two important writers deny that Jonah images are dependent on him,3 so this essay will also inquire whether they are correct. The question of method is unavoidable. One problem is that the catacomb paintings have only recently been adequately published, although only about 40% of them, in contrast to research on sarcophagi and inscriptions.4 Further, some earlier interpreters proceeded from the paintings directly to Christian dogma,5 emphasiz* Used with permission. 1 Graydon F. Snyder, Ante-Pacem. Archaeological Evidence of Church Life Before Constantine. Macon: Mercer University, 2003, revised ed.) 87. 2 PPM X (2003) 560, Index s.v Endymion. Compare CD 140–41, 223–225a, 245, 279. 3 Hans Gabelmann, “Endymion,” LIMC III.1 (1986) 726–42, at p. 742, and Antonio Ferrua, “Paralipomeni di Giona,” in RivAC 38 (1962) 7–69. 4 Norbert Zimmermann, Werkstattgruppen Römischer Katakombenmalerei (JAC, Ergänzungsband 35; Munster: Aschendorf, 2002) 27, 29. 5 André Grabar, Christian Iconography: A Study of its Origins (Bollingen Series 35.10; Princeton: Princeton University, 1968), Parts 3–5: Dogma. Giuseppe Wilpert, Roma sotteranea: Le pit-

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ing either their sacramental or their eschatological meaning. The German reaction has been to study the catacomb paintings simply as late Roman folk art and to deny the appropriateness of interpreting the visual in light of the textual, that is, by Patristic authors.6 One advantage of this debate is that “Early Christian art seems to have freed itself from unambiguous interpretations that united the various gurative models, using a connecting thread that related them all to a single fundamental reference.”7 This methodological ssure means that scholars must decide whether to be Italian or German.

Introduction: selected second century CE Roman sepulchral and domestic mosaics of Endymion and third century sarcophagi of Jonah First, the Hellenistic and Roman “biography” of Endymion: he is said to have led the Aetolians from Thessaly in northern Greece to Elis, a plain in the Peloponnese.8 Early sources do not narrate Selene’s (the moon goddess’) love of him, an addition to the saga made in Asia Minor. When describing the Ionians and Carians near Miletus, Strabo (XIV 1.8; C636; c. 64 BCE to 21 CE) mentions Mount Latmus and a river nearby, where one may see the sepulcher of Endymion in a cave, which Selene (= Trivia) left her cosmic course to visit (Catullus 66.5–6 [c. 84–54 BCE], alluding to Callimachus, “The Lock of Berenice”9 [c. 305–240 BCE]; also Lucian, “Dialogues of the Gods”10 [c. 120–180 CE]). Hellenistic authors expand the bucolic imagery: Endymion is a shepherd whom Selene comes down from Olympus to kiss (Theocritus 20.37–39 [c. 300–260 BCE]), which leads to the wish, “O would I were Endymion / That sleeps the unchanging slumber on . . .” (Theocritus, 3.49–50, trans. Edmonds in Loeb; also Cicero, Tusculan Disputations 1.38.92; Amicitia 1.13.43–44; ture delle catacombe romane (Roma Sotterranea; Rome: Desclée Lefebvre, 1903) 2 or 3 vols. German title: Roma sotteranea: Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms. 6 Zimmermann, Katakombenmalerei 29, citing Peter Dückers, “Agape und Irene: Die Frauengestalten der Sigmamahlszenen mit antiken Inschriften in der Katakombe der Heiligen Marcellinus und Petrus in Rom,” JAC 35 (1992) 147–67 and Carlo Carletti, “Origine, committenze e fruizione delle scene bibliche nella produzione romana del III secolo,” Vetera Christianorum 26 (1989) 207–19. Also Josef Engemann, “Biblische Themen im Bereich der frühchristlichen Kunst,” Stimuli: Exegese und ihre Hermeneutik in Antike und Christentum: Festschrift für Ernst Dassmann, ed. Georg Schöllgen and Clemens Scholten (JAC, Ergänzungsband 23 (1996) 543–56. Carletti’s observation (212–15) that the Biblical scenes occur in family burial chambers reserved for the elite renders problematic Snyder’s hypothesis (see n. 1) that these images reect values of the non-elite. 7 Fabrizio Bisconti, “The Decoration of Roman Catacombs,” pp. 71–145 in Vincenzo FiocchiNicolai, Fabrizio Bisconti, Danilo Mazzoleni, eds., The Christian Catacombs of Rome: History, Decoration, Inscriptions (Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2002, 2nd ed.) 133. 8 Gebelmann, “Endymion,” LIMC III.1, 727–28 gives references to the classical authors cited in the following two paragraphs. 9 Callimachus, “Aetia,” trans. Trypanis in Loeb, pp. 80–85. 10 Lucian, “Dialogues of the Gods” 19 (11), trans. Macleod in Loeb, pp. 328–31.

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but see Cicero, De Finibus V.20.55 [106–43 BCE]). Propertius (II.15.15–16 [c. 54–2 BCE]) emphasizes Endymion’s nudity. Some interpretations are eschatological: “wise souls” among the Stoics, named “Endymiones,” live around the moon (Tertullian, Treatise on the Soul 55 [c. 160–240 CE]).11 Rational souls are resolved into the moon, Plutarch says (The Face of the Moon 945AB; [c. 50–120 CE]), but those enamored of the body sleep with memories of their lives as dreams, as did the soul of Endymion. Pliny the Elder (Natural History II.43, trans. Rackham in LCL; c. 23–79 CE) rationalizes: “The  rst human being to observe all these facts about her [transformations of the moon during eclipses] was Endymion – which accounts for the traditional story of his love for her.” And Lucian satirizes, telling A True Story (I.11–12) of Endymion, king of those living on the moon, warring with the people of the sun and their king, Phaethon. The eschatological overtones must be one aspect of the saga that led to Roman Christians’ fascination, but we should also include the early Roman Christians’ appreciation of aesthetic beauty. Second, selected visual representations: the Roman tombs at Isola Sacra (between Ostia and Porta at the mouth of the Tiber river) include an Endymion mosaic in tomb 87, dated to the Antonine era (c. 140 CE), just earlier than the Christian catacomb paintings.12 The tomb is richly decorated by frescoes, stucco, and mosaic. The epigraph reports that the dedicators, P. Varius Ampelus and Varia Ennuchis, constructed the tomb for themselves, for their patron, Varia Servanda, the children, freed persons, and their descendants, and it also prohibits the rite of inhumation– unique in Isola Sacra (Baldassarre et al., p. 71, g. 26).13 There are two klinai (dining couches) in front; inside there is an edicola (niche) and an oven. To the right of the niche inside, a male wearing a toga is represented (Ostia Museum inventory #10037), and to the left a person seated, an emperor administering justice, perhaps Trajan. Below the niche one sees Thisbe who has discovered her lover, Pyramus, killed by a lion (Ostia Museum inventory #10115).14 Left of the niche is Ajax and Cassandra (Ostia inventory #10114); one version of this Trojan story is that he drags her away from the statue of Athena to rape her (CD 14a).15 Above the niche Artemis/Diana, 11 A fragment of Varro [116–27 BCE], Saturarum Menippearum, ed. Raymond Astbury (Leipzig: Teubner, 1985) 18–20, lines 100–108, has the title Endymiones, referring to this Stoic conception. Werner A. Krenkel, ed., Marcus Terentius Varro. Saturae Menippeae (Subsidia Classica 6; St. Katharinen: Scripta Mercaturae, 2002) 1.172–84. 12 Ida Baldassarre, Irene Bragantini, Chiara Morselli, and Franca Taglietti, Necropole di Porto. Isola Sacra (Itinerari dei musei, gallerie, scavi e monumenti d’Italia, n.s. 38; Rome: Istituto poligraco e zecca dello stato, 1996) 71–74, g. 28. Hans Gabelmann, “Endymion,” LIMC III.2 (1986) 551–61, at 553, #29. 13 During the second century CE, Roman values changed from cremation toward inhumation, a change not generated by Christians. 14 Ida Baldassarre, “Piramo e Thisbe: dal mito all’imagine,” L’art décoratif à Rome à la n de la République et au début du Principat (CÉFR 55; 1981) 337–51 with 11 gs., including gs. 5–6 of Tomb 87 at Isola Sacra. 15 A version of this painting also occurs in the House of Menander (I 10,4) at Pompeii (CD 14).

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spied by the hunter Actaeon while she was bathing, turns him into a deer, and he is then attacked and killed by his own dogs.16 Diverse artists, whom Baldassarre judges had little skill, painted these frescoes. The vault was also decorated, and nally, there is a black and white mosaic pavement of Selene and Endymion who are placed in the center of a geometric design (Baldassarre et al, p. 74, g. 28; see Plate 1 and CD 223). Baldassare (74; also 33–34) sees the theme of violent death in the four visual representations of male-female couples, and believes the images were placed here by a society undergoing ideological change, one aspect of which was the internalization of the experience of death. Endymion also occurs in domestic settings, as in a scene from El Jem, Tunisia, ancient Roman Thysdrus, now in the museum. Four couples (as in Tomb 87 above) are represented in small panels (Plates 2–3 and CD 224–224a). The museum label reads as follows: “Endymion, a good looking shepherd, sleeping near a rock; Selene, the Moon, admires him. Polyphemus playing the lyre to charm Galatea, nymph that he loves. Dionysus, drunk, is leaning on a Satyr who uncovers Ariadne. Alpheus, a river god, unclothes the nymph Arethusa. End of 2nd c. A. D. Maison A du terrain Jilani Guirot.”

The Museo Pio Cristiano in the Vatican exhibits a Christian sarcophagus with the three scenes of Jonah perhaps dating to the nal third of the third century, the third scene of which exhibits the prophet in a pose like that of Endymion.17 Another early sarcophagus from the Basilica of S. Maria Antiqua in Rome also has the three Jonah scenes.18 However, this paper focuses on comparing Pompeian with catacomb visual representations; to some extent frescoes and sarcophagi belong to different traditions, so I will refer to the latter primarily in footnotes.19 See David L. Balch, “Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal.3:1) in Light of Paintings and Sculptures of Suffering and Death in Pompeiian and Roman Houses,” in Early Christian Families in Context: an interdisciplinary dialogue, ed. David L. Balch and Carolyn Osiek (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003) 84–108, color plate #11, now chap. III above, and CD 230. 16 Eleanor Winsor Leach, “Metamorphoses of the Acteon Myth in Campanian Painting,” RM 88 (1981) 307–32 with plates 131–41. 17 E. Jastrzbowska, “Sol und Luna auf frühchristlichen Sarkophagen. Ein traditionelles Motif der ofziellen kaiserzeitlichen römischen Kunst in christlicher Verwendung,” in Fabrizio Bisconti and Hugo Brandenburg, eds., Sarcofagi tardoantichi, paleocristiani e altomedievali: atti della giornata tematica dei seminari di archeologia cristiana (ÉFR – 8 maggio 2002) (Monumenti di antichità cristiana II serie, XVIII: Città del Vaticano: PIAC, 2004) 155–63, at 159, Abb. 1. Robin Margaret Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art (New York: Routledge, 2000) 48 with gs. 13a-c dates it to the late third century. 18 F. Bisconti, “I sarcophagi del paradiso,” in Bisconti and Brandenburg, Sarcofagi 53–74, at 57, 72, g. 32. Marion Lawrence, “Three Pagan Themes in Christian Art,” Essays in Honor of Erwin Panofsky, ed. Millard Meiss (De Artibus Opuscula 40; New York: New York University, 1961) 1.323–34, at p. 325 dates it c. 280, later than some other scholars. 19 See Guntram Koch and Helmut Sichtermann, Römische Sarkophage (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1982) 144–46 and Helmut Sichtermann, Späte Endymion-Sarkophage: Methodisches zur Interpretation (Deutsche Beiträge zur Altertumswissenschaft 19; Baden-Baden: Bruno Grimm, 1966), reviewed by Josef Engemann in JAC 10 (1967) 247–50. Josef Engemann, Untersuchungen zur

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Plate 1 (CD 223): Isola Sacra, mouth of Tiber river, port of Rome, Tomb 87: Selene and Endymion.

These are examples of Endymion in a mid-second century CE Roman tomb, in a late second century CE North African, Roman house, and on two Christian sarcophagi from the late third century CE. Seeking a more complete aesthetic and cultural context, I turn to Endymion represented in houses of the living in Pompeii, all prior to Vesuvius’ eruption in 79 CE. I will examine selected frescoes in Pompeii before locating Jonah in some Christian catacomb visual representations, keeping in mind whether and how this gure made the transition from the former to the latter.

Sepulkralsymbolik der späteren römischen Kaiserzeit (JAC, Ergänzungsband 2; Munster: Aschendorf, 1973) 28–30, 70–85 (important). Helmut Sichtermann and Guntram Koch, Griechische Mythen auf römischen Sarkophagen (Bilderhefte des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Rom 5–6; Tübingen: Ernst Wasmuth, 1975) 27–30. Robert Turcan, “Les sarcophages romains et le problème du symbolisme funéraire,” ANRW 2.26.2 (1978) 1700–35, esp. 1704–08, 1712–13 on Endymion; his Planche II.2 exhibits an Endymion sarcophagus from Ostia: see Joan R. Mertens, The Metropolitan Museum of Art: Greece and Rome (New York: Dai Nippon, 1987) #114, a sarcophagus dated 210–225, the date of the earliest catacomb paintings. Fabrizio Bisconti, “I sarcophagi: ofcine e produzioni,” vol. 1, 257–63 in Letizia Pani Ermini, ed., Christiana loca: lo spazio cristiano nella Roma del primo millennio. Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali. Compleso di S. Michele, 5 settembre–15 novembre 2000 (Rome: Fratelli Palombi, 2000) 2 vols. Tobi Levenberg Kaplan, ed., The J. Paul Getty Museum: Handbook of the Antiquities Collection (Los Angeles: Getty, 2002) 169: front of sarcophagus is dated to c. 210, with the myth of Endymion; Selene arrives in her chariot, after which, in a second scene to the right, she departs (CD 141).

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Plates 2–3 (CD 224, 224a): Maison A du terrain Jilani Guirot (now in Museum, El Jem, Tunisia): mosaic of four couples, including Endymion and Selene.

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A. Endymion visually represented in wall frescoes and in a stucco chapel in a Pompeian domus Fabrizio Bisconti argues that “the decoration of domestic, funerary and civic buildings above ground was imitated in these underground settings [Christian catacombs].”20 His supporting observations include the triumph of marble in all its forms and the tripartite division of spaces, e.g. three principle registers on walls, which crescendoes as images move up the wall. He concludes that this “betrays, very generically a dependence [of catacomb visual representations] on ‘Pompeian’ wall painting, with extreme simplication of the architectural imitation” (Bisconti 88– 89). Agreeing with his argument, I will compare wall frescoes in Pompeii of Endymion with later paintings of Jonah in Christian catacombs in the larger aesthetic and mythical contexts of domus and catacomb decoration. 1. The Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4) Two houses in Pompeii, the Casa del Criptoportico (I 6,2) and the Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4) were united, and the decoration is of unusual quality.21 (Note: I 6,4 refers to the rst of nine regions into which archaeologists have divided Pompeii, then to the sixth insula, a block of buildings typically surrounded by streets, and third, to the entrance door number.) In the late Republican period (40–30 BCE) the cryptoporticus (19) in house I 6,2 was painted in the late second style, with frescoes whose quality is comparable with those of the House of Augustus on the Palatine in Rome (Bragantini 194). Five windows high in the arch of the vault provide signicant light for the dark cryptoporticus. In the other part of the combined house (I 6,4), 20 Bisconti, “Roman Catacombs,” 85. See his pp. 89, 94 on the transition in the late Antonine and the mature Severan periods from the fourth, architectural Pompeian style to the red and green linear, illusionistic style that involved dematerialisation and simplication. This is based on Fritz Wirth, Römische Wandmalerei vom Untergang Pompeijs bis am Ende des dritten Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Kunstwissenschaft, 1934; reprint: Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1968). See Wladimiro Dorigo, Late Roman Painting (New York: Praeger, 1971, Italian original 1966), chap. 5, and Johannes Kollwitz, “Die Malerei der konstantinischen Zeit (Taf. I–LXVII),” Akten des VII. Internazionalen Kongresses für Christliche Archäologie, Trier, 5–11 September 1965 (SAC XXVIII; Città del Vaticano/Berlin: PIAC, 1969), at 93–98, who dates catacomb visual representations fty years later than does De Bruyne (see n. 62 below). 21 Irene Bragantini, “Casa del Criptoportico e Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,2.4),” PPM I (1990) 193–277, 280–329. Vittorio Spinazzola, Pompei alla luce degli scavi nuovi di Via dell’Abbondanza (anni 1910–1923) (Rome; La libreria dello stato, 1953), 2 vols. of text, 3rd of Tavole, vol. 2.869–901 on the “Sacrario,” and 2.903–970 on the cryptoporticus. On the innovative quality of the stuccowork in the cryptoporticus (19), see Roger Ling, “Stucco Decoration in Pre-Augustan Italy,” PBSR XL (1972) 11–57, esp. 24–55. For the sacellum see Richard Brilliant, Visual Narratives: Storytelling in Etruscan and Roman Art (Ithaca: Cornell University, 1984) 63–65, g. 2.5 and Nicole Blanc, “L’énigmatique ‘Sacello Iliaco’ (I 6,4 E): contribution à l’étude des cultes domestiques,” 37–41 in I temi gurativi nella pittura parietale antica (IV sec. a.C. – IV sec. d.C.). Atti del VI convegno internazionale sulla pittura parietale antica, ed. Daniela Scagliarini Corlàita (Bologna: University Press, 1997).

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a complete renovation in the fourth style of the atrium area was undertaken, which is to be dated a century later, either just before Vesuvius’ eruption in 79 CE or, according to Stroka, just before the earthquake in 62 CE.22 One triclinium (c) was virtually nished, but one cubiculum (d) lacked the socle (the lowest of the three horizontal bands of decoration on its walls), the sacellum (e) received only the stucco decoration in the vault and in the frieze just below the vault, cubiculum (h) received only the upper of its three zones of horizontal decoration, triclinium (i) lacked central wall pictures in its middle zone, and cubiculum (l) lacked the central picture on its south wall (Bragantini 194). An Endymion stucco is in the sacellum (e; see Plate 4 and CD 225a). From the fauces (entrance hall) one sees the sacellum on the far, right side of the atrium (typically the rst room one enters from the street, the roof of which has an opening to the sky) just to the right of the tablinum (ofce). It is a small, walled-off space 1.9 meters deep with a raised platform 28 cm high; the platform covers the full width of the space, 1.5 m, but extends only 1.3 m from the back wall towards the door. There are thus 60 cm. remaining between the platform and the door to the atrium. The base of the Homeric frieze is 1.9 m above the top of the platform; the frieze itself, varying from 15 to 17 cm high, wraps horizontally around all three walls and extends on both side walls past the platform to the door. A semicircular lunette on the back wall is just above the frieze and contains the Endymion stucco measuring 55 cm. high and 1.3 m wide; it is under a barrel vault that extends from the back wall only as far as the end of the platform below. Both the Endymion lunette and the Homeric frieze are outlined with stucco borders. Above the oor between the platform and the door there is an open space (also 60 cm. deep), the at ceiling of which is 1.6 m above the frieze. The word sacellum designates “a room set apart for the service of the domestic cult and especially equipped for that purpose”23 with the statue of the god(s) in a niche. Cicero (Against Verres IV 2–4) describes such a domestic chapel in which one could see a marble statue of cupid by Praxiteles and a bronze Hercules by Myron, before which there were altars, as well as bronzes, Canephoros by Polycletus and a wooden statue of Bona Fortuna. Boyce notes that they are rare in Pompeii with only

22 Volker Michael Strocka, “Ein Missverstandener Terminus des Vierten Stils: Die Casa del Sacello Iliaco in Pompeji (I 6,4) (Taf. 50–61),” RM 91 (1984) 125–40. 23 George K. Boyce, “Corpus of the Lararia of Pompeii,” Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 14 (1937) with 41 plates, at 18. Also David G. Orr, “Roman Domestic Religion: The Evidence of the Household Shrines,” ANRW II.2 (1978) 1559–91 with 10 plates, at p. 1578 and his “Learning from Lararia: Notes on the Household Shrines of Pompeii,” 293–99 plus 6 gures in Studia Pompeiana and Classica in Honor of Wilhelmina F. Jashemski, vol. 1: Pompeiana, ed. Robert I. Curtis (New Rochelle: Aristide D. Caratzas, 1988).

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Plate 4 (CD 225a): Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4; PPM I 303–05), Pompeii, stucco sacellum (e): Endymion visited by Selene in her chariot; Iliad frieze below.

six certain examples (in VI 1,124; VI 15,1825; VII 2,20 (v)26; IX 8,3.6 (?)27; IX 9,6 (q)28; and in the Villa of the Mosaic Columns29), each with benches for worshipers, a niche with or without paintings, and a permanent altar for sacrice; our room is not among Boyce’s six. The sacellum in VII 2,20 is a small, walled space comparable in size and shape to the sacellum in the Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4). It has two niches and an altar, but pace Boyce, no benches. The lunette exhibits a peacock fresco (Sampaolo 655, #83) instead of an Endymion stucco. The sacellum in the Villa of the Mosaic Columns also has an altar, but no benches. Nor are there benches in Boyce’s 24 Boyce, plate 40, 3–4. Hans Eschebach, “Probleme der Wasserversorgung Pompejis,” Cronache Pompeiane 5 (1979) 24–60, at 59, but without any description. 25 A. Mau, “Ausgrabungen von Pompeji,” RM 16 (1901) 283–365, at 284, g. 1 (sacellum h), and 287–88: “eine kleine Larenkapelle.” 26 Boyce, plate 41, 2. Valeria Sampaolo, “Casa di N. Popidius Priscus (VII 2,20.40),” sacello (v), in PPM VI (1996) 615–58, at 652–58, #74–93. 27 Boyce, plate 40, 2, but I do not locate it in PPM IX 903–1104. See rather Valeria Sampaolo, “Albergo (IX 9, e-12),” cortile (e), PPM X 93–106, pp. 93, 95: il piccolo sacello e l’altare di tufo. 28 Boyce, plate 41, 1. Valeria Sampaolo, “Casa del Vinaio (IX 9,6),” PPM X (2003) 131–42, sacello (q) at 140–41, #14–16, a small, walled-off space off the viridarium (p); also Sampaolo, “IX 9,11,” sacello (f), PPM X 147–54, at p. 151. 29 Xavier Lafon, Villa maritima: recherches sur les villas littorales de l’Italie romaine (Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 307; Rome: ÉFR, 2001) 416 with g. 150, citing Valentin Kockel and Bertold F. Weber, “Die Villa delle Colonne a Mosaico in Pompeji,” RM 90 (1983) 51–89, sacellulm d, at 82–83 with Abb. 13–14 and Tafel 35,2, another small, walled-off, decorated space.

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plate of IX 8,3.6. To Boyce’s six examples I add a sacellum (d) honoring Egyptian deities in peristyle (F) of house VI 16,7.38, one with a visual representation of a circular altar in the lower register of the fresco, as well as of Anubis, Harpocrates, Isis, and Serapis in the upper register (CD 132–132b).30 Boyce (25, #37), describing the room in I 6,4, doubts that the room was the “lararium” (the household shrine of the family’s tutelary divinities). There is a lararium near the north door on the west wall of the peristyle in the other part of the house (I 6,2 (12); Bragantini 197, #3), but nowhere in I 6,4. Boyce (18) gives a footnote observing that “a bronze statuette of Hercules, standing, bearded, and nude, except for the lion skin over his left shoulder,” was found in the large room east of the fauces (c), indicating, perhaps, that it might have been intended for the platform in the sacellum after it was nished. Spinazzola (2, 871–901) records that in the frieze of the sacellum itself, ve episodes from the Iliad are represented in stucco: 1) Hector exiting from the gate of Troy, 2) the combat of Hector and Achilles, 3) Achilles dragging Hector’s body (all in Iliad, book 22), 4) the ransoming of Hector, and 5) Priam, guided by Hermes, returning to Troy with Hector’s body (both in Iliad 24). Spinazzola (1, 544) thinks there is no doubt that these episodes in the sacellum of I 6,4 reect the decoration, of nearly a century earlier, in the cryptoporticus of I 6,2, reminding viewers of the most prominent episodes. Discussing this frieze, Simon notes that the earlier third style representations had more gures, but that fourth style visual representations, like this one in the time of Nero and Vespasian, concentrate on representations of protagonists, great mythical personalities like Hector and Achilles.31 The stucco of Selene and Endymion is in the semicircular lunette just under the barrel vault on the south wall of the sacellum (e), restored today from the many fragments left by Pompeiian earthquakes (Bragantini 303, #39; 304, #41–42). The base is blue, the stucco gures ivory. Selene / Diana descends in her carriage, accompanied by perhaps two erotes, toward a sleeping Endymion. Selene’s carriage itself never occurs in contemporary wall paintings, but is common later on sarcophagi; the carriage was thought somehow compatible with the media of stucco and marble, but fresco painting has a different tradition.32 30 Florian Seiler, “Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38),” PPM V (1994) 714–845, at pp. 764– 67, #93–99. Some authors refer to “sacellum f” in the House of Octavius Quartio (II 2,4); see Shelley Hales, The Roman House and Social Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2003) 155 with g. 42. Mariette de Vos in PPM III, 71–79, #47–54, at 71, #47, notes that there is a niche outlined in wood in the east wall that may have exhibited the statue of a divinity, but she refers to the room as “ambiente f,” not “sacellum f.” See the summary of Bragantini’s important discussion in the Introduction above, at nn. 142–49, on this house, n. 144. 31 Erica Simon, “Rappresentazioni mitologiche nella pittura parietale pompeiana,” pp. 235–42 in La pittura di Pompei, Giuseppina Cerulli Irelli, et al, eds. (Milan: Jaca, 1990, 1991) 239; also in French: La peinture de Pompéi (Tokyo and Paris: Hazan, 1991, 1993), vol. 1, 267–76, and German: Pompejanische Wandmalerei (Stuttgart: Belser, 1990) 239–47, but not English. 32 Gabelmann, “Endymion,” LIMC III.1, 732 (#44) and 740. For an example, see n. 19 and CD

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As Zimmermann investigates different workshops in a single catacomb, so it is also legitimate to investigate the artistic program in an entire house (see nn. 45, 48) in order to give the complete aesthetic context, as Spinazzola does with this house (I 6,4). I follow his lead, down hallway (g) and through the second atrium (m) to room (p), which he names the “salon of philosophers and elephants.”33 (CD 226–226b) Its decoration belongs to the second phase of the second style; it, thus, is contemporary with the cryptoporticus in I 6,2, nearly a century earlier than the sacellum in I 6,4, but in same house. The north wall has a gigantic visual representation (megalographia) of a philosopher meditating before the globe of the universe (CD 226b), and to his left is the Muse of astronomy, Urania (Bragantini I, 324, #76–77). Clio, the Muse of history, is portrayed on the west wall (Bragantini I, 325, #78–79). On the east wall is another megalograa of two elephants facing each other (Bragantini I, 324, g. 77), each of them guided by reins of myrtle in the hands of small cupids who also hold glass goblets (CD 226a). Elsewhere in Pompeii, Venus stands on the raised head and trunk of one of four elephants (CD 227–227a); Spinazzola suggests her presence above the elephants here too, although that portion of the fresco has deteriorated (Spinazzola 1, 564–65, gs. 624–25).34 Spinazzola (1, 568–69 and 573, gs. 628–29, 632) compares the gure of the philosopher meditating to the statue of a meditating philosopher in Palazzo Spada, to a fresco of Tragedy meditating,35 as well as to a fresco of a poet giving friends an audience.36 The aesthetic program in this house, including the sacellum featuring Endymion, constitutes a portion of the political and mythical tradition in houses of the living. Artists drew on this tradition when selecting images to paint for burial chambers in Christian catacombs. The sacellum, “a room set apart for the service of the domestic cult,” should be added to the architectural sources discussed for Christian house churches.37

141, the small Getty sarcophagus. Color plates in Filippo Coarelli, ed., Pompeii (New York: Riverside, 2002) 256–61. 33 H. G. Beyen, Die Pompejanische Wanddekoration vom Zweiten bis zum Vierten Stil, Zweiter Band, Erster Teil: Tafeln (Haag: Martinus Nijhoff, 1960) 24–25, plates 50–55. 34 Compare Valeria Sampaolo, “Ofcina coactiliaria di Verecundus (IX 7,7),” in PPM IX (1999) 774–78, at 776–77, #2–4: Venus Pompeiana in a quadriga above four elephants. Color plate in Pittura romana 253. 35 Compare Mariette de Vos, “Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25),” in PPM I (1990) 117–77, at 143, #44a. 36 Valaria Sampaolo, “VI 16,36.37,” in PPM V (1994) 981–95, at pp. 988–991, gs. 12–16. 37 See L. Michael White, The Social Origins of Christian Architecture, vol. 1: Building God’s House in the Roman World: Architectural Adaptation among Pagans, Jews and Christians (Harvard Theological Studies 42; Valley Forge: Trinity Press International, 1990). Compare Dirk Steuernagle, “Kult und Community: Sacella in den Insulae von Ostia,” RM 108 (2001) 41–56, who gives examples of second-century CE sacella originally in open spaces that were later closed off for cult communities.

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2. The Temple of Isis (VIII 7,28) and the House of Octavius Quartio (II 2,2) in Pompeii Another domestic setting for Endymion is the residence of the priest(s) in the Temple of Isis (VIII 7,28; CD 105–08, 182–91). The temple was rebuilt after the earthquake of 62 CE. On the grounds of the temple is a building for the use of the priests, a cubiculum (7), triclinium (8), and a kitchen (9). The decoration is related to Egyptian motifs visually represented in the Roman fourth style. The triclinium (8) includes visual representation of a candelabrum on which an eagle is perched, the wise centaur (combined horse and man) Chiron, and a fresco that has been interpreted either as Endymion or Narcissus (Sampaolo VIII 846–47, ##220–22).38 Stemmer notes that the two (or three) basic traditions of representing Endymion sometimes reduce the image to Endymion alone.39 Both Endymion and Narcissus are hunters (and both are sometimes shepherds). The beautiful body of both young men is emphasized by contemporary authors (for Endymion see Propertius 1.15.15–16 and Cicero, Tusculan Disputations 1.38.9240; for Narcissus, Ovid, Metamorphoses 3.339–510).41 Narcissus is sometimes, but not always, distinguished by wearing a wreath of narcissus, the ower that sprang up beside the spring where he died. Actually in another house where a priest of Isis is visually represented, the House of Octavius Quartio (II 2,2, ambiente f, south wall),42 Narcissus (CD 228b) is painted above an outdoor biclinium (De Vos 103–04, #91–93; see Plate 5 and CD 228b). Besides Narcissus’ lethal self-infatuation, death is presented in another fresco above the same biclinium: Thisbe nds her lover, Pyramus, whom a lion has killed, and she prepares to take her own life (Ovid, Metamorphoses 4.55 ff.; in De Vos 103, 105, #91–92, 94; see Plate 5 and CD 228c). Further, a scene of a lion chasing deer (see Plate 5 and CD 229; also CD 262a) is painted on the left wall leading to the biclinium (not reproduced by De Vos), and from this place one can see the amphitheater that is virtually outside the back door. Further, on the garden side of the door from room (f) into the garden/portico/biclinium (i) there are visual representations of Diana spied upon while she is bathing nude by the hunter Actaeon; in anger Diana 38 Valeria Sampaolo, “Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28),” PPM VIII (1998) 732–849, at p. 847, #222. See David L. Balch, “The Suffering of Isis/Io and Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal. 3:1): Frescoes in Pompeian and Roman Houses and in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii,” Journal of Religion 83/1 (2003) 24–55, now chap. II above. Endymion is visually represented in a house that Valeria Sampaolo judges to have been owned by a devotee of Isis (see chap VII, n. 184 below with CD 279). 39 Klaus Stemmer, Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15–17) (Häuser in Pompeji 6; Munich: Hirmer, 1992) 51–55 on the iconography of the house, 52–53 on Endymion. 40 Gabelmann, “Endymion,” LIMC 3.1, 727, 737, with plates in LIMC 3.2, 551–61. 41 Birgitte Rafn, “Narkissos,” LIMC 6.1 (1992) 703–11, at pp. 703, 709. Another visual representation of Endymion occurs with a fresco of Io, Argos and Hermes in triclinium (37) of the “Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25),” described by Marietta de Vos, PPM I (1990) 117–77, at pp. 129–30, #19, 21. 42 Mariette de Vos, “Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2),” PPM III (1991) 42–108, at pp. 74–77, #50–53.

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Plate 5 (CD 228, 228a, 228b) and Plate 6 (228c): Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 103–05), outdoor biclinium: on the viewer’s right, Thisbe grieving and Pyramus dying after being attacked by a lion, and on the left, Narcissus’ fatal self-attraction; on the wall 90 degrees to the left, an amphitheater scene (CD 229). Below are the concrete banks of the biclinium with a nymphaeum between them.

metamorphosizes Actaeon into a deer, who is then lethally attacked by his own dogs (Ovid, Metamphoses 3.138–252; De Vos 100–01, #87–88; CD 230–230a; compare CD 19, 120).43 In the garden there is also a marble statuette of the infant Hercules strangling two snakes, a popular subject in Pompeian wall paintings.44 Just as in the Casa del Sa43

See n. 16 above. A second Narcissus is represented in ambient (b; De Vos 55, #21). The Hercules statuette in Wilhelmina Feemster Jashemski and Frederick G. Meyer, eds., The Natural History of Pompeii (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2002) 344, g. 286. For a fresco of this subject, see David L. Balch, “Zeus, Vengeful Protector of the Political and Domestic Order: Frescoes in Dining Rooms N and P of the House of the Vettii in Pompeii, Mark 13:12–13, and 1 44

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Plate 5 (228a): nymphaeum in the center.

Plate 6 (228c): Narcissus on the left

Plate 5 (228b): Thisbe and Pyramus on the right

cello Iliaco described above, so also in this house episodes from the story of Troy are visually represented (oecus h).45 The middle zone of the wall exhibits a megalograph Clement 6.2,” in Picturing the New Testament, ed. Annette Weisssenrieder, Frederike Wendt, and Petra von Gemünden (WUNT 2. Reihe 193; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005) 67–95, plate 6, now chap. IV above, and CD 208–208a. 45 See M. De Vos, PPM III 84–98, #68–86. Color plates in Pittura romana 208–09. Spinazzola (II, 903–70) compares the Trojan cycles in the cryptoporticus in I 6,2 and the sacellum (e) in the Casa del Sacello Iliaco (1, 544–48; II, 869–902) with room (f) in the Casa di D. Octavius Quartio

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of Hercules; below it, still in the middle zone, a narrow black predella visually represents Homeric heroes. The megalograph on the east wall from left to right visually presents Hercules’ liberation of Hesione, daughter of Laomedon, from the sea monster (PPM III 86), second, Hercules killing Laomedon, the king of Troy (PPM III 87), and third, his overseeing the marriage of Hesione and Telamon, the son of Aiacos, the son of Zeus and Aegina (PPM III 88; CD 233).46 Hercules allowed Hesione to take anyone she wished from his Trojan captives, and she chose her brother, Podarces; Hercules rst insisted that he become a slave and that she buy him, so that his name became Priam, an etymology claiming that the name of the king of Troy is derived from priamai, to buy.47 The scene to the viewer’s left in the megalogaph visually represents king Laomedon, a Phrygian beret on his head and a sceptre in his left hand, seated on his throne protected by Phrygian soldiers, who wear headscarves (CD 233a). Telamon is demanding the famous horses that Laomedon promised to Hercules, which the king is refusing to give. In the narrow black predella below, the funeral games for Patroclus are visually presented, including two boxers/ghters. In the central scene of the megalograph on the east wall, Hercules, nude, raises his right hand with his club to kill Laomedon, who is surrounded by Trojan guards, all with head scarves. One of the Phrygians ees to the right, terrorized. Laomedon is protected by a Trojan, who throws himself between the hero and the king. (CD 233b; compare CD 52–52b, the mosaic of the battle between Alexander and Darius, Greeks and Persians, West and East). In the black predella two of three chariots drawn by pairs of horses participate in the games in memory of Patroclus. In the adjoining scene to the right, Hesione and Telamon celebrate their marriage. For the occasion Hercules dresses in white, although he still has his lion skin, the tail of which one sees in front of Hesion’s feet (CD 233c; PPM III 88). The scene culmlinataes in Priam’s (the younger brother of Hesione) investiture as king of Troy. The scene was visually presented in Nero’s Domus Transitoria, so it circulated among the municipal elite. (PPM III 84) The lacuna following Priam’s investitute visualized the apotheosis of Hercules on Mount Oeta, comparable to a scene found in the College of the Augustales (VI. 21) in Herculaneum. (CD 266a). In the black praedella below, to the right of the boxers, rocks and columns signal a break the narration. Viewers (1, 574–93; II, 971–1008). In the latter house the central zone of the three on the wall is a megalograph of Heracles’/Hercules’ deeds at Troy. The black predella below the megalograph but still in the middle zone is only a third of its height. Brilliant, Visual Narratives 62–65, gs. 2.4 and 2.5. Antonella Coralini, “Una ‘stanza di Ercole’ a Pompei. La sala del doppio fregio nella Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2),” pp. 331–43 in Isabella Colpo, Irene Favaretto, and Francesca Ghedini, eds., Iconograa 2001: studi sull’immagine (Università degli Studi di Padova; Rome: Quasar, 2002). 46 See Apollodorus, Library of Greek Mythology II.6, trans. Robin Hard (Oxford: Oxford University, 1997) 86. 47 Hard 213.

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rst see Achilles seated, his old pedagogue Phoenix, encouraging him to give up his anger; then to the right, surrounded by armed friends, he hears the request of Priam on his knees, who reaches out his arms in supplication. (CD 233d; PPM III 88) In a subsequent visual representation, for which I do not have an image, Hercules seated, wearing his lion skin, transmits the royal power of Troy to Priam, by putting the Phrygian cap on his head (PPM III 90). The young boy accepts it by touching the cap with his right hand, while with the left he holds a scepter. With this ceremony Roman emperors invested their Oriental vassals. Then Hercules is seen on Mount Oeta. Deianrira, Hercules’ wife, receives from the centaur Nessus a container with the shirt that would be fatal to him (CD 234; PPM III 91). In the megalograph the infant Priam becomes a king, and the mortal Hercules becomes divine, two levels of moral-political promotion according to the Stoics. (PPM III 86) 3. Preliminary Conclusions I draw some conclusions from these observations. First, we already see the movement from aesthetic programs in houses of the living to the decoration of tombs for the dead: the artistic program in the House of Octavius Quartio is related to the decoration of Tomb 87 at Isola Sacra. The former is not the direct source of the latter, but the aesthetic programs are strikingly similar.48 Two of the couples visually represented in the House of Octavius Quartio, that is, Pyramus and Thisbe, Diana and Actaeon, reappear in Tomb 87, as well as the gure that is designated as Narcissus/ Endymion. The artists painting Tomb 87 added Ajax’s rape of Cassandra, another violent Homeric episode that was also represented in Roman domus.49 Death was visually present on the walls of Roman houses. We, rather, watch bloody deaths resulting from American and British imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq on TV, a medium intervention that gives some distance, but the residents of 48 Contrast Roger Ling, “The Decoration of Roman Triclinia,” In Vino Veritas, ed. Oswyn Murray and Manuela Tecuan (Oxford: Alden, 1995) 239–51, at p. 248: “Only on three occasions (all, curiously, involving pictures of Diana and Actaeon) do two of them [the most popular visual subjects] recur together. In no case do three subjects recur in combination.” Ling has extraordinary insights into Roman domestic decoration, but Simon (cited n. 31) sees more signicance in these mythological frescoes. Ling compares single rooms, triclinia, but Spinazzola had already productively compared the decorative programs of three entire houses (see n. 45 and Bergmann cited n. 52). Also important: Eleanor Leach, “Satyrs and Spectators: Reections of Theatrical Settings in Third Style Mythological Continuous Narrative Painting”, 81–84 and 335, esp. 83–84, in I temi gurativi (cited n. 21). Leach, The Social Life of Painting in Ancient Rome and on the Bay of Naples (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2004) 53, discussing “space, hierarchy, and decoration,” af rms: “the  rst point to emphasize is that the decoration of a house comprises a complete program of visual signiers; this synchronic principle is operative even when redecorations have taken place at different periods.” 49 See Balch, “Paul’s Portrait,” color plate 11 (now chap. III above, CD 14a), for the domestic fresco and compare the above discussion of four couples represented in the small mosaic panels from Maison A du terrain Jilani Guirot in the museum in El Jem, Tunisia, including the river god Alpheus attacking the nymph Arethusa (see Plates 2–3 = CD 224–224a).

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Pompeii trooped to the amphitheater to thrill while animals or people were killed in their presence.50 Investigating another image, Kathryn Dunbabin collects a signicant amount of evidence for Romans displaying and playing with skeletons in Roman triclinia. I will not repeat this evidence here, but she shows that the famous Trimalchio playing with a silver skeleton at dinner is not unusual (Petronius, Satyricon 26–79, at 34).51 Death was not a subject initially introduced into the aesthetic programs of Roman houses by early Christian eucharistic formulae, but was already visually prominent in Roman houses, even in dining rooms. Third, Endymion/Narcissus is often represented in larger mythological contexts. Romans were fascinated by Greek myths,52 which we have seen above in the Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4), in the Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2), and in a different way in the Temple of Isis (VIII 7,28). Homer’s narratives provide crucial aspects of the ideological context for the artistic programs in both houses, interpreted by the philosopher meditating on the cosmos and history in the House of the Sacello Iliaco (CD 226b), by a priest of Isis (CD 232) as well as by Priam’s elevation to royalty and Hercules’ metamorphosis into divinity (CD 233; compare CD 266a) in the House of Octavius Quartio, and by visual representations of the tragic suffering of Io (see Aeschylus, Promytheus Bound 561–886) in Roman houses, the market at Pompeii, and in the Temple of Isis (CD 189–90). Not only the visual representation of death, but larger mythical narratives as well as philosophers and priests visually accompany Endymion, so that it is not surprising that early Christians reinterpreted and visually represented a selection of such themes in the context of their own sacred narratives in the catacombs. I add an observation on the domestic iconography of Endymion: contrary to Gabelmann,53 he is not always represented with one arm above his head. He is portrayed four times in Pompeian domus54 in a pose with his arms down at his side, e.g. 50

See Luciana Jacobelli, Gladiators at Pompeii (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2003). Kathryn M. D. Dunbabin, “‘Sic erimus cuncti . . .’ The Skeleton in Greco-Roman Art,” Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 101 (1986) 185–255. 52 Bettina Bergmann, “The Roman House as Memory Theater: The House of the Tragic Poet in Pompeii,” Art Bulletin 76/2 (1994) 225–56, at p. 249: “In the Roman World, [Greek] tragic myth pervaded the very heart of family life, the domus.” T. B. L. Webster, Hellenistic Poetry and Art (London: Methuen, 1964), chap. XI: Italian Epilogue. 53 Gabelmann, “Endymion,” III.1, 742 (cited n. 3): “Jonah is not an exact copy of Endymion’s body type. He does, like Endymion (and other reclining gures), stretch one hand over his head; the other arm, however, is stretched out to his side. The gure of Jonah, therefore, is original, related somewhat to older sources (including the reclining Dionysus).” (my translation) Gabelmann’s conclusion assumes that both gures have canonical forms, e.g. that both of them have an arm over their head. At Isola Sacra, on the contrary (see Plate 1 and CD 223), Endymion is visually represented with both arms down; and in the El Jem mosaic panel (see Plates 2–3 and CD 224–224a), his left arm hangs down at his side, the pose Gabelmann ascribes to Jonah. Artists’ portrayals both of Endymion and of Jonah show parallel variations, so that some representations of Endymion are quite similar to some of Jonah. 54 Herculaneum also has a plump Endymion in the pose in which he has both arms down at his side and a second with his right arm over his head: Franco Maria Ricci, recent editor, Antiquités 51

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both frescoes in the Casa dei Dioscuri (PPM IV 894, #65, and 904, #83), in one of the two frescoes in the Casa dell’ Ara massima (PPM V 876, #37), as well as in House IX 2,10 (PPM VIII 1096, #6). In the Casa del Citarista, his left arm hangs straight down (PPM I 128, #19; the upper part of the fresco has disappeared). The artists of Tomb 87 at Isola Sacra around 140 CE (see Plate 1, CD 223) constructed Endymion’s pose with both arms down. These variations in the position of Endymion’s/Jonah’s arms also occur in the catacombs of slightly later date. Finally, on method I pose questions to Zimmerman (see nn. 4, 6). When art historians interpret the Casa del Criptoportico and the Casa del Sacello Iliaco, they quote Homer and Vergil. Neither artistic program is a simple interpretation of Homer: the former concludes with the ight of Aeneas from Troy, which was not the climax of the Homeric epic. The artistic program is a visual, Roman reinterpretation of the tradition. When art historians interpret the House of Octavius Quartio with its representation of the Nile River in the garden, they quote Plutarch and would have difculties without his text, although Plutarch gives a Middle Platonic reinterpretation that was not accepted by many orthodox priests of Isis in Egypt. When art historians interpret frescoes of Pyramus and Thisbe, whether in Tomb 87 at Isola Sacra or above the biclinium in the House of Octavius Quartio, they quote Ovid.55 Ovid is not sufcient: the visual tradition interprets an Oriental fable,56 so that this visual representation too is a reinterpretation. It is just as legitimate to quote Biblical texts when viewing Christian paintings in the catacombs as it is to cite Homer, Vergil, Ovid, Plutarch, and Apollodorus when interpreting frescoes in Pompeii. The point has been made repeatedly and well that catacomb paintings do not simply interpret the Biblical text; visual representations in the catacombs are reinterpretations that may be in signicant tension with Biblical texts. The relation between our eyes as sources for the rational analysis of a text and our eyes as sources for the appreciation of beauty is not simple, certainly not univocal, but also not totally unrelated.

d’Herculanum gravées par Th. Piroli et publiées par F. et P. Piranesi, Frères (Paris: Leblanc, 1804–1806, re-edited Milan: Panatenee, 1989) I–IV, at II.xxxiv; III.xx. 55 Ludwig Curtius, Die Wandmalerei Pompejis: Eine Einführung in ihr Verständnis (Leipzig, 1929; New York: Georg Olms, 1960, 1972) 44, 46, observed that Ovid is the most beloved poet in Pompeian art. He completed his Metamorphoses before his exile in 8 CE. See Simon (cited n. 31) on Homer, Vergil, and Ovid in Pompeian art. Also important: Christopher M. Dawson, RomanoCampanian Mythological Landscape Painting (Yale Classical Studies IX; Rome: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, 1965 reprint of 1944 original), chap. VI on Euripides and Ovid. Compare Leach, Social Life of Painting, cited in the Introduction, n. 11 above. Two books have just been published: Jürgen Hodske, Mythologische Bildthemen in den Häusern Pompejis. Die Bedeutung der zentralen Mythenbilder für die Bewohner Pompejis (Ruhpolding: Philipp Rutzen, 2007) and Gilles Sauron, La peinture allégorique á Pompéi. Le regard de Ciceron (Antiqua 10; Paris: Picard, 2007). For Narcissus see Hodske, color plate 3 and plates 41–50; for Endymion, color plate 5 and plates 105– 10. 56 Mariette de Vos in PPM III 105, #94.

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B. Jonah as Endymion in Christian catacombs and among North African sh in the earliest remaining mosaic in a Christian church (Aquileia) Christians followed Etruscans, Sabines, and Romans in burying their dead in hypogaea (underground burial chambers).57 The rst burials in the rst decades of the third century lacked minimal furnishings or any form of epitaph, and when the latter appear, they often consist only of the name of the deceased, an “archaic laconism.”58 They began to add the date of deposition in the grave, which often corresponded with the date of death, important since it represented the date of passage to new life, although it had been omitted earlier because it was considered inauspicious, a bad omen (Mazzoleni, “Inscriptions” 149). This extreme simplicity continued for half a century, but Fiocchi Nicolai59 and Reekmans (“Chronologie,” 278) observe that there are some texts and decorations from the  rst half of that century in the Crypt of Lucina60 (near the Catacomb of Callistus), in “Area I” of the Catacomb of Callistus,61 in the Catacomb of Priscilla,62 in the Catacomb of Calepodia, where Callistus was buried in 222, in the Cubiculum of Urania in the Catacomb of Pretextatus,63 in the Catacomb of Domitilla in the region named after the Flavii Aurelii “A”, 64 and in 57 Vincenzo Fiocchi Nicolai, Strutture funerarie ed edici di culto paleocristiani di Roma dal IV al VI secolo (Studi e ricerche 3, Ponticia Commissione di Archeologia Sacra; Città del Vaticano: Istituto Graco Editoriale Romano, 2001) 18–19. 58 Bisconti, “Roman Catacombs,” 76. Danilo Mazzoleni, “Inscriptions in Roman Catacombs,” in Christian Catacombs of Rome, ed. Fiocchi Nicolai et al., 147–85, at 148: “a majority of the tombs still intact do not have any inscription, whereas a certain number of the tombs have only small objects of every type xed into the closing mortar.” On these small objects see 76, 79, 152–53, e.g. g. 153 of a child’s small ivory doll. 59 Strutture 21–25 with plans in gs. 8–18 and “The Origin and Development of Roman Catacombs,” in Fiocchi Nicolai et al, eds., Christian Catacombs (cited n. 7), 5–69, esp. 17–19 with gs. 4–14, 30, and 15 (Jonah in the Catacomb of Callistus). 60 Wilpert, Tav. 24s; 26.1; 27.1; 28; 29.1; Catacomb of Callistus, 1 & 2 with Jonah. See Louis Reekmans, “La Chronologie de la peinture paléochrétienne: Notes et réexions,” Miscellanea in onore di Luciano de Bruyne e Antonio Ferrua, S. J., vol. II, RivAC 49 (1973) 271–91: he lists (276) six styles that developed after Pompeii, based on Wirth, Römische Wandmalerei (see n. 20); also Dorigo, Late Roman Painting 119–20. The standard form of locating and citing these paintings was developed by Aldo Nestori, Repertorio topograco delle pitture delle catacombe romane (Roma sotterranea cristiana V; Città del Vaticano: PIAC, 1993, rev. ed.;  rst ed. 1975). 61 Wilpert, Tav. 88s; 90.1. 62 Ipogeo degli Acili: Wilpert, Tav. 8.2, 13s, 15.1, 16; also the Capella greca: Wilpert, Tav. 8.2, 13s, 15.1, 16. Luciano de Bruyne, “La ‘Cappella greca’ di Priscilla,” RivAC 46 (1970) 291–330; contrast De Bruyne’s earlier dating with Kollwitz’s dating (cited n. 20) 50 years later. Klaus-Dieter Dorsch and Hans Reinhard Seeliger, Römische Katakombenmalereien im Spiegel des Photoarchivs Parker. Dokumentation von Zustand und Erhaltung 1864–1994 (Münster: Aschendorff, 2000) 161 with Abb. 31–32. 63 Wilpert, Tav. 34 exhibits only the top of the Jonah picture, perhaps two sailors and a sail. 64 Wilpert, Tav. 1–5; 6.1; 7.1, 3, 4; 8.1. Letizia Pani Ermini, “L’ipogeo detto dei Flavi in Domitilla,” Miscellanea in onore di Enrico Josi, vol. IV = RivAC 45 (1969) 119–73 and Miscellanea in onore di Luciano de Bruyne e Antonio Ferrua, S. J., vol. I = RivAC. 48 (1972) 235–69. Also Ivana Della Portella, Subterranean Rome (Cologne: Könemann, 2000) 212–15.

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the Catacomb of Novatianus, seemingly named after the martyr himself, who was killed in 257–258.65 I will give one example of an early visual representation of Jonah and then some examples from later catacombs. Among the earliest visual representations in Christian catacombs named by Fiocchi Nicolai is one of Jonah in the Crypt of Lucina, to be dated early in the third or perhaps to the mid-third century (Plate 7 and CD 235) 66 , an impressionistic, reddish brown Jonah. A burial chamber in the Catacomb of Callistus 21 is named for the Good Shepherd in the center of the domed vault.67 Two concentric circles around the Good Shepherd, the inner one a green line, the outer one red, outline the vault. Painted at the edge of the second, red circle is another impressionistic, reddish brown Jonah resting. I mention two or three more Jonahs because they are different or amusing. The crypts of Marcellinus and Peter 39 and 69 represent the sea monster expelling Jonah straight up, nude, his hands stretched out horizontally, with no land in sight.68 In Priscilla 9,69 the painter dressed Jonah in a robe, and he is thrown overboard facing the viewer, so that he looks out at the viewer. In Priscilla 970 again, a small ketos ejects a tiny Jonah, virtually a doll. In Giordani 11,71 the painter portrayed an exceptionally long sea monster and a small Jonah. In Giordani 6,72 the ketos has a thin tail, but a huge mouth/head with large, sharp teeth! The Catacomb of Marcellinus and Peter has a long series of Jonah representations,73 but the Catacomb of Commodilla has none.74 I do not see Endymion in the earliest example of Jonah in Christian catacombs, the one in the Crypt of Lucina (nn. 60, 66), but not for the reason given by Gabel65 Mazzoleni, “Inscriptions,” 152; Fiocchi Niccolai, Strutture 21. The Catacomb of Novatianus is not in Wilpert or Nestori. See U. M. Fasola and P. Testini, “I cimiteri cristiani,” in Atti del IX congresso internazionale di archeologia cristiana (Roma, 21–27 settembre 1975) (Città del Vaticano: PIAC, 1978), vol. 1, pp. 103–39, 191–210, esp. 109, 191–94 on the date and plan, but without discussion of any visual representations. 66 See n. 60 citing Wilpert, Tav. 26.1. 67 Wilpert, Tav. 38; Fiocchi Nicolai, Strutture, Tav. Vb. 68 Johannnes Georg Deckers, Hans Reinhard Seeliger, and Gabriele Mietke, Die Katakombe “Santi Marcellino e Pietro”: Repertorium der Malereien (Roma Sotterranea Cristiana VI; Città del Vatricano: PIAC, 1987) 2 vols., Tafeln 24a and 49a. 69 Wilpert, Tav. 109.1. 70 Wilpert, Tav. 109. 71 Wilpert, Tav. 122. 72 Wilpert, Tav. 189.1. 73 Plates 9a, 10a, 12a, 13a, 14a, 17ab, 23ab, 24a, 27a, 37ab, 40c, 41a, 49a, 50e in Deckers, et al., “Santi Marcellino e Pietro.” Also Fiocchi Niccolai, Strutture, color Tav. IXa. See Antonio Ferrua, The Unknown Catacomb: A Unique Discovery of Early Christian Art (New Lanark, Scotland: Geddes & Grosset, 1991) gs. 33, 35, 37, 71–73 and H. Gregory Snyder, “Pictures in Dialogue: A Viewer-Centered Approach to the Hypogeum on Via Dino Compagni,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 13/3 (2005) 349–86, pp. 362–63 on Jonah. 74 Johannnes Georg Deckers, Gabriele Mietke, and Albrecht Weiland, Die Katakombe “Commodilla”: Repertorium der Malereien mit einem Beitrag zu Geschichte und Topographie von Carlo Carletti (Roma sotterranea cristiana X; Città del Vaticano: PIAC, 1994) 3 vols.

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mann (n. 53). Bisconti has a description (n. 20) of the transition in the late Antonine and the mature Severan periods, the time of the earliest visual representations in Christian catacombs. From the fourth, architectural Pompeian style we move to the red and green linear, illusionistic style that involved dematerialisation and simplication, which ts the style of this early Jonah without need for further explanation. There seems to have been a later assimilation in catacomb painting of Jonah to Endymion. This represents a Hellenization / Romanization of the gure, towards portraying Jonah, nude with a beautiful body and one hand above his head, by artists who were accustomed to representing Endymion in Roman domestic as well as sepulchral contexts in several media. The catacomb artists had Christian patrons, Romans who valued this image, including its beauty, whether in contexts of the living or of the dead. 1. The mosaic pavement of Jonah among North African sh in the early Christian basilica in Aquileia Finally, Jonah moved out of the catacombs for the dead into one of the earliest churches that remains to us, perhaps exercising a function not so different from the function of a sacellum (“a room set apart for the service of the domestic cult and especially equipped for that purpose”) in the Casa del Sacello Iliaco. Soon after 311, when Galarius declared being Christian legal, that is, between 313 and 319–320, the bishop Theodorus constructed the new house of prayer in Aquileia (northeastern Italy), just as the bishop Paulinus constructed a basilica at Tyre in Syria, the latter eulogized by Eusebius.75 Other than the house church at Dura-Europos, these two basilicas contain some of the earliest ecclesial visual representations we know of outside sepulchral contexts. Nothing remains of the marble mosaic pavement in Tyre, but visitors may still see the mosaic pavement in Aquileia, which divides the nave into four horizontal sections (see Plate 8 and CD 236a).76 The fourth section across the entire width of the nave and closest to the apse is a marine scene, which has shermen, some of whom are represented as cupids, dozens of sh, an inscription, and our three episodes of Jonah: 1) thrown overboard,77 2) ejected by the sea 75 Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. 10.4.2–72, the description at 10.4.37–45, the mosaic pavement mentioned but not described at 10.4.45. See Françoise Thelamon, “Jonas: du décor de la tombe au décor de l’église,” Aquileia romana e cristiana fra II e V secolo, omaggio a Mario Mirabella Roberti, ed. Gino Bandelli (AAAd 47; 2000) 247–71, with 23 gs, here gs. 1–3. 76 Luisa Bertacchi, Basilica, Museo e scavi–Aquileia (Itinerari dei musei, gallerie, scavi e monumenti d’Italia n.s. 25; Rome: Istituto Poligraco e Zecca dello Stato, 1994) g. 71 for the four sections. See G. Foerster, “The Story of Jonah on the Mosaic Pavement of a Church at Beth Govrin (Israel), Atti del IX Congresso internazionale di archeologia cristiana, Roma 21–27 Settembre 1975 (SAC 32; 1978) 2.289–94 with 3 gs., from the fth or sixth century CE. 77 The  rst of these, Jonah thrown overboard, visually presents three shermen in a boat. The one on the viewers’ left, a robed orans (gure praying with both arms lifted), is a late restoration. See Luisa Bertacchi, “I ritratti nei mosaici di Aquileia,” Il ritratto romano in Aquileia e nella Cisalpina (AAAd 44; 1999) 81–104 with 32 gures, at pp. 93, 103, g. 11.

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Plate 7 (CD 235): Crypt of Lucina, Rome: Jonah-at-rest.

Plates 8 (CD 236, 236a): Ecclesial basilica in Aquileia, Italy, mosaic pavement: Jonah panel, one of four, on the right, under the altar.

monster, and 3) reclining/resting under the gourd plant, all three times nude, and not far in front of the altar (CD 236).78 Thelamon argues (253; see 258, 260, 266) that, inuenced by North African art, this ecclesiastical mosaic reproduces bucolic scenes from Roman houses of the living (de la maison des vivants) that are combined with images of Jonah from early Christian sepulchral art.79 Thelamon publishes (g. 17) a marine mosaic from a domus in Sousse, Tunisia,80 which represents four boats of shermen using lines and 78 Graziano Marini and Enzo Andrian, I mosaici della Basilica di Aquileia (Fondazione società per la Conservazione della Basilica di Aquileia; Villanova del Ghebbo (RO): Ciscra, 2003) 106–08, fold-out plate. See Yves-Marie Duval, “Jonas à Aquilée: de la Mosïque de la Theodoriana sud aux textes du Jérome, Ru n, Chromache?” Aquileia romana e cristiana fra II e V secolo, omaggio a Mario Mirabella Roberti, ed. Gino Bandelli (AAAd XLVII; Trieste: Editreg SRL, 2000) 273–96. 79 Thelamon 260, n. 47 cites M’hamed Hassine Fantar, et al, La mosaïque en Tunisie (Paris: CNRS Editions 1994) 248. See Federico Guidobaldi, “La produzione di mosaici e sectilia pavimentali e parietali,” vol. I, 275–81 in Christiana loca (cited n. 19). 80 From Michèle Blanchard-Lemée, et al, Sols de l’Afrique romaine: Mosaiques de Tunisie

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Plate 8 (CD 236a): Ecclesial basilica in Aquileia, Italy, Mosaic pavement: Jonah resting.

a net, two men in each boat, among scores of various kinds of smaller and larger marine life. The mosaic from La Chebba in the Bardo Museum in Tunis81 is comparable, as is the Triumph of Neptune from Utique/Utica, Tunisia.82 I add two more magnicent examples from Thuburbo Majus, the Maison du Char de Vénus: three men shing in a boat, plus more than seventy kinds of marine life,83 and the Maison (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1995) 122, g. 81. Also Louis Foucher, Inventaire des Mosaiques: Sousse (Institut National d’Archéologie et Arts Tunis, Feuille n. 57 de l’Atlas Archéologique; Tunis: Imp. Ofcielle, 1960), plate VIII (second century CE) and plate XXI (beginning of third century). 81 Blanchard-Lemée (1995) 122, g. 82. 82 CMT, ed. Margaret A. Alexander et Mongi Ennaifer, volume I, Fascicule 2, Utique, Mosaiques in situ en dehors des Insulae I-II-III by Cécile Duliere (Tunis 1974), plates XXXIII–XXXV, the Maison de Caton: beside Neptune there are cupids riding sh, as well as Venus in one boat and shermen in others. 83 CMT, volume II: Région de Zaghouan, Fascicule 4: Thuburbo Majus, Région Est, Margaret

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de Bacchus et Ariane: three shermen in a boat, another shing from a rock on the shore, with representations of nearly forty sh.84 Centuries earlier, there is an extraordinary marine mosaic in the House of the Faun (CD 56; see 282c), Pompeii,85 also inuenced by North African (Alexandrian) styles. Ovid, “On Sea Fishing,”86 and Oppian, “On Fishing”87 wrote of such scenes. 2. Patristic (literary) interpretations of Jonah Josef Engemann88 imagines simple Christians (einfache Christen), who were not theologians (keine Theologen), creating a people’s art (Volkskunst) in the catacombs. Over against these simple folk he sets the patristic “theologians” who wrote “literature.” But this polarity is problematic; for example, did these “simple folk” leave the inscriptions? Were the Christians buried in marble sarcophagi decorated by Jonah scenes “simple”? In the catacombs Biblical scenes occur in arcosolia for the elite (see n. 6): were all these simple folk? Such a dismissal of contemporary literature would make interpreting Endymion in Pompeii impossible (see nn. 8–11); and as argued above (see n. 55), art historians cite Homer and Ovid when commenting on many frescoes in Pompeii. Plutarch is necessary for understanding imagery of the Isis cult. Therefore, I will cite New Testament and patristic texts as sources that suggest at least some of the range of meanings early Christians would have seen in the Jonah images.

A. Alexander, Aïcha Ben Abed Ben Khader, David Soren, Marie Spiro (Tunis, 1994), plate XXX– IV. 84 CMT, volume II: Région de Zaghouan, Fascicule 4: Thuburbo Majus, Région Est, Margaret A. Alexander, Aïcha Ben Abed Ben Khader, David Soren, Marie Spiro (Tunis, 1994), plate XXV. 85 Adolf Hoffmann and Mariette de Vos, “Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2),” PPM V (1994) 80–141, at pp. 83–85, 107, 121–22, 134, esp. p. 107, color plate #30 with further references. See David S. Reese, “Fish: Evidence from Specimens, Mosaics, Wallpaintings, and Roman Authors,” pp. 274–92 in Jashemski and Meyer, eds., Natural History of Pompeii (cited n. 44). There are two Pompeian frescoes with approximately 14 and 17 sh in the Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 903–1104, at IX 997, 1008). 86 Ovid, The Art of Love and Other Poems, trans. J. H. Mozley in LCL (1929) 309–21, probably written during the poet’s exile on the Black Sea (8–17 CE). 87 Oppian of Cilicia, “Fishing,” trans. A. W. Mair in LCL (1928), who dates the work to 171 or 173 CE. See Athenaeus, Deipnosophists I.13, dated c. 200 CE. 88 Engemann, “Bibliche Themen” (cited n. 6). Also Theodor Klausner, “Erwägungen zur Entstehung der altchristlichen Kunst,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 76 (1965) 1–11, at p. 8, n. 35. For critique of this dualist or bipolar, plebeian vs. patrician method of interpretation, see Tonio Hölscher, The Language of Images in Roman Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2004, translation of the German of 1987) with the “Foreward” by Ja Elsner, e.g. pp. xvii, xx–xxi, and chaps. 3 and 8, esp. pp. 92–98: “the structure of the semantic system.” Compare Dieter Korol, Die Frühchristlichen Wandmalereien aus den Grabbauten in Cimitile/Nola: Zur Entstehung und Ikonographie altestamentliche Darstellungen (JAC, Ergänzungsband 13; Münster: Aschendorf, 1987), 130–47 on Jonah with Tafeln 2, 4, 47, 48, 50, a reference for which I thank D. A. Koch of Münster.

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The gospel of Matthew has two interpretations of Jonah.89 Matt 12:38–42 (= Luke 11:29–32 [Q]) parallels Jonah being three days and nights in the belly of the whale with the Son of Man being three days and nights in the heart of the earth. Matthew (12:41), not Luke, adds that the Ninevites repented, but that those of “this generation” have not, even though something greater than Jonah is here. Vss. 38–40 parallel Jonah in the whale with Christ in the earth, which might relate later to the second visual representation in the Jonah series. Vs. 41 emphasizes repentance. Matthew’s second reference (16:1–4; compare Mark 8:11–12 without Jonah) follows a series of Jesus’ miracles, but portrays the Pharisees and Sadducees still asking for a “sign.” Matthew has Jesus respond that no sign will be given except the sign of Jonah. Some patristic authors emphasize both the call for repentance and Christ’s passion and resurrection, as Matthew had done (Justin, Dialogus cum Tryphone Judaeo 107–10890; Tertullian, De pudicitia 10). Addressed to Trypho, Justin’s call for repentance urges conversion (compare Kerygmata Petrou 32.3 [Hennecke/Schneemelcher (trans. 1965) 2.127], but Tertillian’s focus on repentance involves a dispute internal to the church. Origen (Commentarium in evangelium Matthaei 12.3) can focus his interpretation exclusively on Christ’s resurrection; the Acts of Paul (8.29–31, trans. Hennecke/ Schneemelcher 2.377) argues against sceptics that Jonah, swallowed three days and three nights by a whale, means that he “will raise up you who have believed in Christ Jesus, as he himself rose up.” Several patristic authors, however, focus on the proclamation of repentance without mentioning the Christological “three days” (1 Clement 7.5–7; Clement of Alexandria, Stomateis 1.21; Origen, Homiliae in Numeriam 16.4; Homiliae in Jeremiam 1.1; Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem II.17 and 24; IV.10; V.11). Origen (De Oratione, trans. O’Meara in ACW 19) has a striking interpretation with a double point. One (13.2) describes Jonah as praying, “not having despaired of being heard from out of the belly of the whale that had swallowed him.” The other (13.4) assumes the love of monsters in Roman visual representations: after mentioning an asp, a basilisk, a lion and dragon, serpents and scorpions, he mentions the beast “symbolized by the sea monster (ketos) that swallowed Jonas.” 89 Related literature: Eduard Strommel, “Zum Problem der frühchristlichen Jonasdarstellungen,” JAC 1 (1958) 112–15. Jean Allenbach, “La Figure de Jonas dans les textes préconstantiniens ou l’histoire de l’exégèse au secours de l’iconographie,” in La Bible et les Pères. Colloque de Strasbourg (1er-3 octobre 1969) (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1971) 97–112. Yves-Marie Duval, Le Livre de Jonas dans la littérature chrétienne grecque et latine. sources et inuence du Commentaire sur Jonas de Saint Jérome (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1973) 2 vols. Ernst Dassmann, Sündenvergebung durch Taufe, Busse und Martyrerfürbitte in den Zeugnissen frühchristlicher Frömmigkeit und Kunst (Münsterische Beiträge zur Theologie 36; Munster: Aschendorff, 1973) 222–32. Danilo Mazzoleni, ‘Giona,’ Temi di iconograa paleocristiana, ed. Fabrizio Bisconti (Città del Vaticano: PIAC, 2000) 191–93. 90 Justin’s text reects the difference between the Septuagint (three days for Nineveh to repent) and the Hebrew/Masoretic text (forty days to repent) of Jonah 3:4. It takes three days to walk across Nineveh (3:3)!

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Irenaeus (Adversus haereses III.20, trans. in ANF I.450) emphasizes the parallel to the Jonah event of death and believers’ (not Christ’s) hope of resurrection. The Word accomplished the plan of salvation “that man, receiving an unhoped-for salvation from God, might rise from the dead, and glorify God, and repeat that word which was uttered in prophecy by Jonah: ‘I cried by reason of mine afiction to the Lord my God, and He heard me out of the belly of hell’” (Jonah 2:2). Tertullian (De resurrectione carnis 32, trans. ANF III, 568), like Origen, De Oratione, refers to the sh, which “symbolizes especially the men who are wildly opposed to the Christian name.” In the same work he argues for a literal resurrection: “from this perfection of our restored bodies will ow the consciousness of undisturbed joy and peace.” “For to borrow the apostle’s phrase [1 Cor 10:6]: these were ‘gures for ourselves.’” This focus on believers’ resurrection is close to Irenaeus (Adv. haer. III.20). The focus on “undisturbed joy and peace” corresponds to bucolic themes in the art. Tertullian (De fuga in persecutione 10) can appeal to Jonah in order to urge his Christian readers not to ee from the Lord. Like the prophet, they will be unable either to nd death or to escape from God. Most intriguing for this paper, however, is Tertullian’s discussion (De Anima 55, trans. in ANF III, 231; see n. 11 above) of the location of the soul after death: Christ spent three days in the heart of the earth, he journeyed to Hades, Christ sits at the Father’s right hand, some are in the “bosom of Abraham,” and Paul describes believers being caught up into the air to meet Him at His coming. “Shall we then have to sleep high up in the ether, with the boy-loving worthies of Plato? . . . or around the moon with the Endymions of the Stoics? No, but in Paradise. . . .” All the interpretations detailed above might occur to Roman Christian viewers of Endymion/Jonah in the catacombs, but this nal reference indicates the connection in Tertullian’s Roman mind between Endymion (in the catacombs = Jonah) and eschatology.

Conclusions91 Death was visible in Roman domestic culture. The gap between houses and graves was not great: the art of the living was employed in tombs for the dead. Scenes of death and violence, which Roman patrons asked artists to paint on their domestic walls and had artisans gure in stuccos and mosaics and sculpt in marble, we see in movies and on the evening news from a greater distance. Roman and contemporary Western imperialism, death, and violence have close parallels.92

91

Compare the important preliminary conclusions argued at the end of section A above. However, see Keith Hopkins, Death and Renewal: Sociological Studies in Roman History (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1983) chaps. 1 and 4. 92

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Endymion was a gure who could absorb many projected meanings; he was viewed by Romans, by devotees of Isis, and by Roman Christians. This gure could be attached to other myths, e.g. not only to Narcissus, Pyramus and Thisbe, but also to Homeric myths of death and violence, to a decorative scheme in the Temple of Isis where Osiris’ death was symbolized, as well as to early Christian experiences of death and martyrdom. Visually accompanying Endymion, we observe the transition from Homeric myths to myths of Isis and Osiris, then to the myths of early Judaism and Christianity, from Achilles, Priam, Aeneas, Hercules and Juno visually represented in the House of the Sacello Iliaco and the House of Octavius Quartio, as well as from the myths of Isis/Io/Osiris in the Temple in Pompeii and again in the House of Octavius Quartio, to Noah, Job, Daniel, Jonah, Mary and Jesus in the catacombs. As Northern Europeans move in the opposite direction, rejecting Christian myths and rituals, it is an important moment to reect on the meaning of such historic transitions.93

93 I express enthusiastic appreciation to Laurie Brink for her project, and to Andrew WallaceHadrill, Director of the British School in Rome, both for use of that great library and for his critique of this paper, which, of course, does not constitute agreement with the revised version. Also indispensable for this research were two other libraries in Rome, those of the German Archaeological Institute and of the Pontical Institute for Christian Archaeology.

Chapter VII

Values Visually Represented in 194 Pompeian Dining Rooms Pompei: pitture e mosaici1 publishes 334 triclinia, although weather, neglect by archaeologists, and abuse by tourists (following the damage done by Vesuvius) have destroyed the decorations in 140 of them. This paper attempts to organize and present some of the themes that art historians nd in the remaining 194 decorated triclinia. Plutarch, Lucullus 41, indicates that other rooms too might easily be used for dining, but I concentrate on those that PPM authors designate as triclinia.2 In order to convey the current state of the discussion, I often quote the archaeologists and art historians who are the authors of PPM. Since I am epitomizing thousands of pages and want readers to be able to nd the images to which I refer, this paper is loaded with references to volume and page numbers; I place most of them in footnotes to make reading easier. These visual representations number in the thousands, and I refer only to a few. This initial attempt at presenting values expressed aesthetically in the triclinia3 does not directly compare and contrast them with early Christian texts or archaeological remains, but summarizes some conclusions of Roman archaeologists and art historians. Addressing visual representations in Pompeian triclinia raises the dilemma of 1 Pompei: pitture e mosaici, ed. Ida Baldassarre (Enciclopedia Italiana; Milan: Arti Grache Pizzi S.p.A., 1990–2003). For this paper I adopt the names of houses used by authors of PPM. ThesCRA = Thesaurus Cultus et Rituum Antiquorum (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2004– 2006) vols. I–V. Compare Jürgen Hodske, Mythologische Bildthemen in den Häusern Pompejis. Die Bedeutung der zentralen Mythenbilder für die Bewohner Pompejis, esp. pp. 72–76. Stendaler Winckelmann-Forschungen 6. Ruhpolding: Franz Philipp Rutzen, 2007 (just published). 2 In this initial survey, I am not engaging in the debate about all the rooms that might function as dining areas; in order to limit the number of domestic rooms discussed, I accept designations in PPM. Both because I cannot even fully survey the 194 decorated rooms designated triclinia in PPM and because other rooms would also have been used for dining, the discussion in this paper cannot be complete. For further discussion John Clarke graciously suggests the following: Eleanor Winsor Leach, “Oecus on Ibycus: Investigating the Vocabulary of the Roman House,” in Sequence and Space in Pompeii, ed. Sara Bon and Rick Jones, 50–72 (Oxford: Oxbow Monographs, 1977); Penelope M. Allison, “How do We Identify the Use of Space in Roman Houses?” in Functional and Spatial Analysis of Ancient Wall Painting, ed. E. M. Moorman (Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress on Ancient Wall Painting; Stichtung BABesch 3:1–8); Andrew M. Riggsby, “‘Public’ and ‘Private’ in Roman culture: the Case of the Cubiculum,” JRA 10 (1997) 36–56. 3 I discuss some visual representations not in triclinia if they involve eating and/or drinking, e.g. popular scenes of eating in taverns or banquet scenes represented elsewhere in the building. If I cannot resist recording a visual representation that does not t these categories, I do so briey in footnotes.

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the relationship between textual and visual sources, which often have different emphases and concerns.4 The chairpersons of the Society of Biblical Literature seminar on meals, Matthias Klinghardt and Dennis Smith,5 have thoroughly discussed the textual sources. I here summarize in advance the values that I nd represented in these 194 Pompeian triclinia, and in the footnotes point to the further task of noting parallels and differences from the discussions by Klinghardt and Smith. Mythological scenes, e.g. as dramatized by Aeschylus and Euripides, and narrated by Ovid, are more widely represented than some current scholarly literature suggests; myths are represented on Pompeian walls and oors6 not only in richer villas and domus, but also in some smaller, poorer houses and shops (see A.2 below). The four styles of Pompeian painting – to some extent and with local variations still debated among scholars – are also to be found in the provinces, that is, outside Rome and Italy, which would include cities such as the Roman colonies in Philippi and Corinth (see the Introduction to this book, sections B and C). The second section argues that Roman imperial ideology was often visually represented in Pomepeian triclinia (see B below).7 These scenes sometimes visualize an epiphany of a god or goddess in the domestic visual context of bloody violence that is associated with the amphitheater. Such representations grew more prominent during the reign of Nero. Rulers are painted as gods, e.g. Alexander the Great is represented as Zeus enthroned. Gods and goddesses sponsor Roman Imperialism, e.g. Aphrodite / Venus is visually represented as concerned for Aeneas, founder of the Roman race, as his wound is treated. Divine will for human obedience is visualized in these triclinia sometimes as pairs contrasted on opposite walls, e.g. the obedience of Perseus over against the 4 See Ja Elsner, ed., Art and Text in Roman Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1996). 5 Matthias Klinghardt, Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft: Soziologie und Liturgie frühchristlicher Mahlfeiern (TANZ 13; Tübingen: A. Franke, 1996) and Dennis E. Smith, From Symposium to Eucharist: The Banquet in the Early Christian World (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003). See also L. Michael White, “Regulating Fellowship in the Communal Meal: Early Jewish and Christian Evidence,” 177–205 in Meals in a Social Context, ed. Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus Studies in Mediterranean Antiquity 1; Aarhus: Aarhus University, 2001, 2nd ed.). 6 I do not treat, e.g., marble and bronze statues or dinner ware with mythological scenes. For an example of the former, see E. J. Dwyer, Pompeian Domestic Sculpture: A Study of Five Pompeian Houses and their Contents (Rome: Giorgio Bretschneider, 1982). For the latter see Kenneth S. Painter, The Insula of the Menander, vol. IV: The Silver Treasure (Oxford: Clarendon, 2001) with 31 plates, and Antonio Cirillo and Angelandrea Casale, Il Tesoro di Boscoreale e il suo scopritore (Pompei: Litograa Sicignano, 2004) with Tavole I–XXXII. See the stunning Egyptian table ware published by M. Vallifouco, “Le coppe di ossidiana dalla Villa di San Marco a Stabia,” 257–96 in La villa romana, ed. Rosaria Ciardiello. Collana “Archeologia” 8; Naples: L’Orientale Editrice, 2007, figures 2–31 on a CD. Chris Kraus, Simon Goldhill, Helene P. Foley, and Ja Elsner, Visualizing the Tragic: Drama, Myth, and Ritual in Greek Art and Literature (Oxford University, Oxford: 2007). 7 Compare Klinghardt, Gemeinschaftsmahl 104, 110, 123, 158, on prayer for Caesar after all dinners, and Smith, From Symposium to Eucharist 166–71 on the messianic banquet.

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disobedience of Icarus (see C below). Virtue triumphs over impiety; this can extend beyond obeying the will of the gods to accepting fate. The piety of children to parents is also visually represented. Pompeians valued Isis, her cult, and the water displays associated with it (see D below), although how much cultic activity was performed in Pompeian domus outside the Temple of Isis itself is debated (see the Introduction, section D).8 In some houses with signicant Isiac iconography, women are visualized in intriguing ways, e.g. as poets and in colloquia with other women.9 Isis is interpreted through Greek myths, e.g. marine monsters threaten women who are saved by male heroes. In one such house, the traditional male god Zeus is caricatured. But next to the Temple of Isis in Pompeii, other xenophobic Pompeians visually represent Nile scenes that are absolutely grotesque. Poets and scrolls are widely represented (see E below),10 which reects Augustan Rome’s fascination with classic Greek theater, especially the tragedies of Euripides and the new comedy of Menander. One triclinium visually represents a poetic agon between three friends, perhaps actual portraits of persons, one of whom is represented giving a declamation while his friends judge the performance.11 More briey I mention portraits painted in these rooms (see F.1), as well as popular/plebeian art, which displays intriguing tavern scenes (see F.2). Other triclinia include visual representations of banquet scenes (see F.3),12 strikingly, one in a bakery next to a donkey stable; working bakers too, Wallace-Hadrill observes, wanted to be represented banqueting, even when the smell of donkeys might have diminished their appetites! Citing Lucian I argue (chaps. II and III above) that the subjects and themes of frescoes such as those summarized above and surveyed below were elaborated by orators and by symposiasts.13 I repeat only one quotation:

8 Compare Klinghardt, Gemeinschaftsmahl 4, 66, 529 on mystery banquets, which he argues did not inuence early Christian meals, and Smith, From Symposium to Eucharist 76–85 on the sacricial banquet. 9 Compare Frances Bernstein, “Pompeian Women and Programmata,” 1–18 in Studia Pompeiana and Classica in Honor of Wilhelmina F. Jashemski, vol. 1: Pompeiana, ed. Robert I. Curtis (New Rochelle: Aristide D. Caratzas, 1988). 10 Compare Eleanor Winsor Leach, Social Life of Painting, quoted in the Introduction above, nn. 21–27. 11 Compare Klinghardt, Gemeinschaftsmahl 69, 74, 128, 272 on teaching at meals, citing Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights II 22.1; II 27; III 19, and also Keith Bradley, “The Roman Family at Dinner,” Meals in a Social Context, ed. Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus: Aarhus University, 2001) 36–55, at 39, citing Suetonius, Terence 2. 12 See Smith, From Symposium to Eucharist, passim, on festive joy and friendship, e.g. 12, 79–80. 13 Sonia Maffei, ed., Luciano di Samosata. Descrizioni di opera d’arte (Torino: Einaudi, 1994) discusses ekphrasis in seven of Lucian’s works, e.g. Essays in Portraiture (Eikones), and Essays in Portraiture Defended. Compare Leach, Social Life, 34–42 on Roman domestic triclinia inuenced by intellectual life in Greek gymnasia, and all of her chap. three: “The Model of the Scaenae

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To me, at lest, it seems that a splendid hall (oPko :, house, decorated room) excites the speaker’s fantasy and stirs it to speech, as if he were somehow prompted by what he sees. No doubt something of beauty ows through the eyes into the soul, and then fashions into the likeness of itself the words that it sends out. . . . It wants a cultured man for a spectator, who, instead of judging with his eyes, applies thought to what he sees. . . . Certainly, then, the beauty of this hall has the power to rouse a man to speech. . . . The painter derived his model, I suppose from Euripides or Sophocles, inasmuch as they portrayed the subject in the same way. (Lucian, De domo [PerH toc oLkou] 4, 13, 23, trans. Harmon in Loeb)

I turn from this summary of aesthetic and dramatic themes to rooms that the art historians and archaeologists of PPM designate as triclinia. I focus on triclinia not only because of the topic of the Society of Biblical Literature Meals seminar, but also to narrow the material. PPM has 10,244 pages of oor plans, frescoes, and mosaics, some in color – including many images of walls and oors destroyed or deteriorated. For a single paper this narrowing of focus is necessary, but also problematic. Clarke’s rst sentence14 reads: “the architecture of the Romans was, from rst to last, an art of shaping space around ritual.” I mention only the  rst ritual Clarke outlines, the salutatio. “A sequence of architecturally framed planes conducted the client’s gaze to the paterfamilias in the tablinum [ofce].”15 The rst frame was the narrow entrance way, the fauces, which directed the client’s gaze to the paterfamilias in his or her16 typically beautiful ofce. Both the fauces and then the tablinum framed the gaze of any person entering the house. Third, typically, one’s gaze would extend further into the house into the garden/peristyle beyond. Fourth, one could look into the alae (“wings”), rooms around the atrium, which in Pompeian architecture typically preceded the tablinum. Fifth, persons invited to a symposium-convivium would approach the triclinium, gaze in at its beautiful decoration, and then after reclining, gaze out into yet another framed view. This progression from one framed view to another Clarke17 names “dynamic” space, differentiated from “static” space, the view one would see reclining in a triclinium. This paper focuses, then, on static spaces for those dining, although occasionally, I nd it helpful to be more complete, to outline the dynamic spaces diners would pass through on their way to the evening meal.

Frons,“ for convivial conversation and roles from the theater visualized and acted in Roman domus. 14 Clarke, Houses 1. 15 Clarke, Houses 5. 16 Four women, at least, own property: Iulia Felix [Italian: Giulia Felice] (PPM III 184), Eumachia (PPM VII 312), Decidia Margaris and Poppaea Note (PPM VIII 98). Carolyn Osiek and Margaret Y. MacDonald, A Woman’s Place: House Churches in Earliest Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2006) 155 quote Richard Saller, “Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household,” Classical Philology 94 (1999) 184, 187: “It is important to remember (as some social historians have not) that female property owners are subsumed in many categorical legal discussions cast in terms of the paterfamilias.” 17 Clarke, Houses 16 and often.

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A. Preliminary observations I deal with two preliminary questions in order to clarify the social setting of Roman dining rooms. 1. How many triclinia are found in domus, insulae, and thermopolia? Triclinia are not evenly distributed in houses, apartment buildings, warm drink stands (thermopolia), and taverns (cauponae). The Casa dell’Efebo18 and the Casa del Centenario19 each have ve triclinia: and the former owner annexed yet another house including its triclinium!20 House VIII 5,15–1621 has four. On the other hand, PPM publishes the large Casa di Pansa22 without designating any room a triclinium. The signicant Casa di M. Caesius Blandus23 has only one triclinium, as does the important middle-sized Casa degli Amorini dorati.24 On the other hand, in a tworoom house, one room is a triclinium (VII 12,15).25 Finally, some thermopolia26 have both a warm drink counter on the street and a formal triclinium in the garden further inside, as does the Villa di Giulia Felice at door 7.27 Thermopolium I 8,8 has a counter on the street (Plate 1 and CD 237), an open garden triclinium (9) further inside (CD 238–39), not visible from the street, and a second triclinium with decorated walls (10; CD 240–41), so three different dining areas. The triclinium in Iulia Felix’s entertainment complex (CD 30–30a, 37–39a) as well as the ones in Termopolio I 8,8 (9 & 10)28 were certainly rented by an economic class of customers different from those who bought warm drinks on the street. Here it is probably best to adopt the terminology of Mariette De Vos,29 who refers to “restaurants with triclinia in the open,” and we can add, restaurants with socially diverse levels of dining symbolized by standing, sitting, and reclining. 2. Are mythological frescoes exhibited primarily by the wealthy? The former question of the number and function of triclinia in houses or thermopolia has to do with economic class, as does this section: I have read and even written that mythical visual representations are characteristic of larger houses, not smaller ones, 18

I 7,11; PPM I 619–727. IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 903–1104. 20 PPM I 750–89. 21 PPM VIII 572–99. 22 VI 6,1; PPM IV 357–61. 23 VII 1,40; PPM VI 380–458. 24 VI 16,7.38; PPM V 714–845. 25 PPM VII 500–501. 26 I 8,8; PPM I 802–25 with its well-known lararium at the end of the counter. 27 PPM III 191–95, termopolium (1) and triclinium (3). See Filippo Coarelli, et al., eds., Pompeii (New York: Riverside, 2002) 312–21 and the Introduction above, CD 30–30a, 37–39a. 28 I 8,8 at 9, but also 2 & 10. 29 PPM I 53, commenting on caupona I 2,24. 19

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Plate 1 (CD 237): Termopolio I.8,8 (PPM I 805), customer view from street (Via del Abbondanza), hot drink counter and lararium, with entrance to the restaurant in the rear on the viewer’s right.

Plate 2 (CD 245): Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 869), tablinum (F), west wall, central zone: Selene visiting Endymion; upper zone: small temple (not in photo).

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but after doing this research, I question that assertion. The Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (CD 250–59),30 decorated in the time of Augustus “according to the type of decoration found in ambients of the imperial court in Rome”31 that included garden paradeisoi,32 belonged to an elite ofcial in middle-sized Pompeii. But his dwelling has only 460 square meters, while most of the elite elected to magisterial ofces had houses between 1000 and 2000 square meters.33 Roman provincial cities imitated Rome by electing two chief magistrates (duoviri). In this case, De Vos wonders whether the citizens elected one wealthy ofcial and another well-known person as duoviri; or perhaps, she inquires, might the owner of this house also have possessed another, larger house? The decoration in his house, “among the most re ned of the third style” in Pompeii, was certainly an effort to promote his political status. More modest houses also had mythological frescoes: the Casa del Principe di Napoli34 was redecorated in the 50’s CE by a proprietor of “modest economic conditions”35; the frescoes include a Perseus liberating Andromeda, a Bacchus, and a Venere Anadyomene. The Casa dell’Ara massima (CD 242–49)36 has “modest dimensions” of 180 square meters,37 but the decorations, often gold and red, include a fresco of Dionysus discovering Ariadne (CD 246), a Selene visiting Endymion (Plate 2 and CD 245), as well as a Mars and Venus (CD 247), and a Hercules and Admetus before the tomb of Alcestis (CD 248). Going through PPM, I began to notice smaller houses with several mythological frescoes.38 Polyphemus is in love with Galataea, and a nude Artemis/Diana is spied by Actaeon in a small house.39 Mars and Venus are visually represented, even in a smaller workshop40; Dionysus is enamored with Ariadne sleeping in a bakery.41 This is the Pompeian house (IX 7,16) 42 that is richest with landscape frescoes, in fact there are eight, including some of the most popular mythological subjects such as Daedalus and Icarus, Artemis and Actaeon, Perseus and Andromeda, and Theseus, and other subjects that are less frequent such as Hylas and the nymphs, Bellerophon and Pegasus, or the Horse of Troy.

I conclude that the visual representation of myths does not belong exclusively in wealthy domus or insulae, but also in some smaller ones. The style of certain workshops skilled in domestic decoration that were active 30 V 4a; PPM III 966–1029. For this house see also Mazzoleni and Pappalardo, Domus 21, 33, 274–96, with magnicent plates on large pages. 31 Mariette De Vos, PPM III, 967. 32 PPM III 966–67, 1022; compare I 473–75; VI 703–05 and the Introduction above, nn. 79–91. 33 Mariette De Vos (n. 31) lists seven such houses. 34 VI 15, 7.8; PPM V 647–79. 35 Volker Michael Stroka, PPM V 648. 36 VI 16, 15.17; PPM V 847–86. See Pompejanische Wandmalerei, color plates 78–84. 37 Valeria Sampaolo, PPM V 847. 38 See e.g. PPM VIII 531–46, 869–87, 1068–87. 39 IX 7, 12; PPM IX 780–81. 40 VII 3, 8; PPM VI 847. 41 IX 3, 19–20; PPM IX 353. 42 The small house IX 7,16; PPM IX 782 (Valeria Sampaolo).

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among the wealthy was also copied in more modest circumstances. The inuence of the imperial Villa Farnesina Romana 43 appears in house I 7,144 and in house IX 13,1–3.45 The style of ve Egyptianizing houses in Pompeii46 was copied by a more modest workshop of decorators in the smaller Casa della Venere in bikini.47 Sampaolo notes48 that one particular workshop designed mosaics for the fauces (narrow entryway) of the Casa del Poeta tragico,49 the Casa dell’Orso ferito,50 and also for the Casa del Cinghiale (CD 134–35).51 The artists who decorated the walls of the Casa del Poeta tragico also inuenced “the very modest habitations that characterize insula VII 12,”52 including those at doorways number 26 and 28.53 Both visual representations of myths and the high style in which they were painted or gured in mosaics were copied by workshops decorating more modest houses.54

B. Roman Imperial ideology visually represented in Pompeian triclinia55 The Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (CD 250–59)56 is one example of an imperially oriented domus. Mariette De Vos, commenting on a fresco in room (5) off the atrium visually representing soldiers ghting before a city, writes that it might be considered the Trojan war that had happened again in the age of Augustus; remembering celebrates the noble birth of the gens Romana and Aeneas, who in the myth of the gens Iulia was the prototypical Augustus. The end of Troy signies the birth of Rome, sung by the poet Vergil.57 As guests invited to a symposium/convivium entered the fauces, they would see the striking tablinum (7; Plate 3 and CD 252b; also CD 250–252c), and could view a “Triumph of Dionysus,”58 who with Ariadne is 43 For this house see Mazzolini, Pappalardo, and Romano, Domus 210–40 and Agnès Rouveret in Pittura romana 140–48. 44 Franca Parise Badoni, PPM I 546, who cites Irene Bragantini and Mariette De Vos, Museo Nazionale romano. Le pitture II, I. Le decorazioni della Villa Romana della Farnesina (Rome 1982) 50–60. 45 Irene Bragantini, Casa di Polibio, PPM X 184. 46 Listed by Badoni, PPM II 532. 47 I 11,6.7; PPM II 526–69. 48 PPM VIII 197, #6; Sampaolo cites Marion Elizabeth Blake, The Pavements of the Roman Buildings of the Republic and Early Empire (Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 8; 1930). 49 VI 2,45; PPM IV 529. 50 VII 2,45; PPM VI 746. 51 VIII 2,26–27; PPM VIII 195–96. 52 Bragantini, PPM VII 540, 553. 53 PPM VII 565–66, 595, 609–11. 54 Paul Zanker, Pompeii: Public and Private Life (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1998) argues that modest houses imitate the style of wealthy villas. See n. 48. 55 See T. Peter Wiseman, The Myths of Rome (Exeter: University of Exeter, 2004). 56 V 4a; PPM III 966–1029, cited above n. 30. 57 Mariette De Vos, PPM III 994. 58 In a triclinium (34) in the Casa del Fauno in a colorful pavement mosaic (VI 12,2; PPM V

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Plate 3 (CD 252b): Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1010–11), tablinum (7), south wall, upper zone (above Dionysus fresco), open doors of stage backdrop (scaenae frons), grifns visualized above the doors, on either side of a Delphic tripod, all above a still life of sh.

Plate 4 (CD 266a): Herculaneum, Collegium of the Augustales (VI 21), east wall: Apotheosis of Hercules (founder of Herculaneum), Hera/Juno, and Athena/Minerva.

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visually represented reclining on a kline (couch) mounted on a carriage pulled by two oxen and surrounded by a thiasos: nude maenads dancing, one silenus playing a double ute, another older one riding an ass (CD 252–252b).59 This room, including the fresco of Dionysus on the south wall, is a rich decorative program representing “a small cosmos, the house: an omphalos is visible above the base of a tripod, a symbol of the center of the world, . . . easily seen from the entrance to the house” (CD 250).60 The decorations are among the most rened of the third style dating from the age of Augustus, and as noted above, typical of living spaces of imperial Rome. This includes “hunting” scenes in wilderness landscapes. Walking to a symposium, guests passed through the atrium (2; CD 253–55) and could see an antelope running from a dog, another rearing above a dog,61 another attacked by a tiger,62 a rabbit chewed by a dog,63 and another dog ready to pounce on an antelope,64 all characteristic of the third style. Arriving at the triclinium (4), guests would no longer be surprised to see such a fresco on the east wall.65 It represents Orestes with a dagger and his slave with a lance; they are killing Neoptolemus in front of a temple of Apollo at Delphi while Hermione sits below, a scene recounted in Euripides, Andomache 1149–50 (CD 256). Whether the animals mentioned above are in a “wilderness” or rather recall amphitheater games is debated (see the Introduction above, section B). The amphitheater in Pompeii (CD 260–61) is early,66 and quite comparable scenes of animals savagely killing others are painted both in the Caserma dei gladiatori (CD 115–18)67 and in the amphitheater itself.68 From inscriptions we know that gladiators practiced in the Caserma, and it is located in the insula next to the one in which Lucretius Fronto’s house is situated. Similar frescoes in the amphitheater itself cause me to doubt that these scenes belong primarily in a wilderness, but rather to conclude that many viewers would be reminded of the most popular sport in the city.69 105) the child Dionysus rides a tiger with the head of a lion. Mariette De Vos comments: “wild animals obey Dionysus who conquered the Orient. . . . Dionysus also gives the wild animals drink” (PPM V 104). 59 PPM III 1010–13. 60 PPM III 1008. 61 PPM III 975. 62 PPM III 976–77. 63 PPM III 978. 64 PPM III 981. 65 PPM III 986. 66 Luciana Jacobelli, Gladiators at Pompeii (Rome: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, 2003) 53 dates it to 70 BCE; she includes plates of frescoes from the amphitheater (58–61). An inscription uses the word “spectacula” for the building (CD 261). She observes (69) that “paintings of gladiators became widespread during Nero’s reign (A. D. 54–68), as witnessed by both the Pompeian paintings and the literary sources.” See Introduction above, nn. 83–91, 100–108. 67 V 5,3; PPM III 1069–98. 68 PPM XI 105–111. 69 Compare Agnès Rouveret in Pittura romana 241.

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Walking through Lucretius Fronto’s tablinum (7), guests would arrive at the summer triclinium (12) facing the garden (10), which includes the iconography of a leopard pursuing a doe,70 a lion jumping with both feet at an antelope, a bull attacked by a leopard from the front and a lion from the rear,71 several other animals watching a leopard assault a horse,72 and two lions confronting each other.73 In the triclinium itself (12) we nd a fresco of Thisbe committing suicide by plunging a dagger into her chest, from which blood pours, a grieving response to her lover, Pyramus, who lies dead on the ground, bloody from having been mauled by a lion, seen at the top of the fresco running away.74 The same fresco of Thisbe, Pyramus, and the lion running away also occurs in the summer, garden biclinium (with two, not three, couches, here separated by a nymphaeum) of the Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (CD 228– 228c). Again we nd amphitheater images of animals hunting each other on the immediately adjacent wall (CD 262–262a), this time with the nearby Pompeian amphitheater actually visible through the back gate of the domestic garden. It seems peculiar that this oriental fable75 would occur in three76 Pompeian dining rooms; however, the key in each case must be the lion, related to the nearby amphitheater scenes.77 Each house is also suffused with Isis iconography, which calls for further reection on the relationship between violence, religion, and Roman imperial power. I write self-consciously as a Christian theologian in an imperial state engaged in wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. I conclude minimally that this city magistrate, M. Lucretius Fronto, enjoyed amphitheater games; Roman power, religion, and lethal violence are companions in this house. Arnold de Vos comments on the high quality of the frescoes in the annex to the Casa dell’Efebo (CD 263–65), “which present typical themes of the ideology of the Principate, such as those painted in the garden (like those in the Villa of Livia at Prima Porta78 with the statue of Venus, ancestress of the gens Iulia and the patroness of 70

PPM III 1021. PPM III 1022. 72 PPM III 1023. 73 PPM III 1024. 74 PPM III 1028–29; see Ovid, Met. IV 55–166. Ovid is popular in Pompeian domestic art. See Erika Simon, “Mythologische Darstellungen in der pompejanischen Wandmalerei,” 239–47 in Pompejanische Wandmalerei, ed. Giuseppina Cerulli Irelli, Masanori Aoyagi, Stefano De Caro, and Umberto Pappalardo (Stuttgart: Belser, 1990), and Christopher M. Dawson, Romano-Campanian Mythological Landscape Painting (Yale Classical Studies IX; Rome: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, 1965, reprint of 1944 original), chap. VI on Euripides and Ovid; as well as Franz Bömer, P. Ovidius Naso. Metamorphosen (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1986), 7 vols. 75 PPM III 105. 76 For the third, PPM IX 632–33, all in triclinia, with Isis iconography. 77 For further reections see Cristiano Grottanelli, “Wine and Death – East and West,” 62–92 in In Vino Veritas, ed. Oswyn Murray and Manuella Tecuan (Oxford; Alden, 1995). For many additional hunting scenes, PPM X 558, index s.v. “caccia.” For the large hunting scene in the House of the Ceii see Mazzoleni, Pappalardo, and Romano, Domus 382–87 and, in general, the Introduction above, nn. 83–108. 78 For Livia’s villa at Prima Porta, including its triclinium with an extraordinary illusionistic 71

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gardens), the exaltation of Arcadia and Phrygia in alcove (f), of Troy in room (d), and the emphasis on the apotheosis of Hercules79 in esedra (e), . . . the whole a Vespasianic imitation of the Augustan third style.”80 The garden includes aquatic plants, grotesque gures, a heron, a grifn, and a temple landscape with persons sacricing.81 Moving on from these two houses, I give other examples of imperially oriented domestic art in triclinia. The origin of Rome is uniquely represented in the dining room of a small house.82 Mars, in full armor and followed by the carriage of either the sun or the moon drawn by two horses, descends from the sky toward the Vestal Virgin Rhea Silvia (or Venus), Mercury, a wolf, and her twins. Imagines clipeatae are on the wall.83 The Casa di Sirico84 exhibits a striking image of Venus, nude from the waist up, hovering nearby as a doctor cares for a wounded Aeneas, whose attitude is stoic, although his son, Ascanius, weeps. Repeatedly, the love of Mars and Venus is visually represented in these houses (X 564, index s.v. “Marte”), also in a few triclinia,85 but more typically in tablina, e.g. in the tablinum of M. Lucretius Fronto (CD 251–251c).86 Zanker proposes an allegorical interpretation of a similar sculpted group in the Temple of Mars Ultor: “The little Eros holds out Mar’s sword to his mother . . . the disarming of Mars refers to the peace which follows a just war,”87 an interpretation close to that of Sampaolo,88 who sees in this fresco an allegory of Concordia.

garden, see Mazzoleni, Pappalardo, and Romano, Domus 189–91, 198–208 and Agnès Rouveret in Pittura romana 151–54. 79 Compare the Collegium of the Augustales at Herculaneum (CD 266–267a) with its frescoes, including Hercules’ apotheosis (Plate 4 and CD 266a) and his defeat of the river god Achelous (CD 267a); see Mazzoleni, Pappalardo, and Romano, Domus 14, 33–34, 364–67, 376–77 and Tina Najberg, “A Reconstruction and Reconsideration of the So-Called Basilica in Herculaneum,” 122–65 in Pompeian Brothels, Pompeii’s Ancient History, Art and Nature at Oplontis, and the Herculaneum “Basilica,” by Thomas A. J. McGinn, Paolo Carafa, Nancy T. de Grummond, Bettina Bergmann, and Tina Najberg (JRA Supp. 47; Portsmouth: Thomson-Shore, 2002). Also, watched over by a winged Genius, a drunk Hercules aggressively pursues Auge, in triclinium (t) of the Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 567–68), although this scene too is more common in tablina. 80 PPM I 750. 81 I 7,19 (b); PPM I 755–61. I describe the striking outdoor triclinium below, nn. 321–27, with Plates 9–10 = CD 291–98. 82 V 4,13; PPM III 1062–68. Plate in Pittura romana 156. 83 PPM I 930 is the clearest example of these portrait busts on round shields. 84 VII 1,25.47 (8); PPM VI 240 & 245 (in color). Stefano de Caro, The National-Archeological Museum of Naples (Naples: Electa, 1996) 264: “The presence of this subject in the triclinium of the house was possibly meant as a display of reverence for the myth of the origins of Rome.” 85 E.g. PPM V 871–72, in company with four cupids who play with the symbols of the two gods; the two below play with his helmet, the one above the couple with his shield and spear, the cupid on the viewer’s left with the goddess’s jewelry box; also PPM VII 739; VIII 598. 86 PPM III 1017–18. The scene occurs also in the purgatorium of the Temple of Isis (PPM VIII 809–11). 87 Paul Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1990) 196. Heraclitus discussed allegorizing Homer around 100 CE; see Donald A. Russell and David Konstan, eds. and trans., Heraclitus: Homeric Problems (Writings from the Greco-Ro-

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Alexander the Great marrying Roxane, in Bactria in 327 BCE, originally painted by Aetion, is visually represented in triclinium (20) of the Casa del Bracciale d’oro,89 a fresco in the fourth style from the time of Nero. The two portraits are assimilated to those of Ares/Mars and Aphrodite/Venus, so are related to the divinization of rulers/emperors, just as Zeus enthroned (also from the time of Nero) in the Casa dei Vettii is represented as Alexander sculpted in bronze by Lysippus (CD 202– 202a).90 The related, famous mosaic of Alexander confronting Darius in the Casa del Fauno visually represents the Persians who are being defeated as a procession of ferocious, fantastic animals dressed in yellow headgear (CD 52–52b; compare CD 233–34).91 In the same exedra (37), there is a rare, early,  rst style visual representation with gures, a centauromachia.92 Several centaurs are represented pointing toward the battle between the centaurs and Lapiths, a Thessalian clan; this symbolizes a battle between threatening, violent nature, represented by the centaurs, and culture, represented in this myth by Lapiths, marriage, and wine.93 A related battle appears in triclinium (e) in the Casa di T. Dentatius Panthera94: the war of Bellerophon or Theseus, against the Amazons, but the mythic warrior is outtted with Roman armor!95 Rome’s concord results from the love of the gods Mars and Venus; Apollo prophesied Rome’s future greatness through Cassandra (CD 15–15a), “an event inserted into the narrative contexts of the Troy cycle in order to exalt the reigning Julio-Claudian dynasty.”96 In a triclinium of the Casa dei cinque scheletri97 Cassandra, wearing a garland crown, reaches toward a water urn with her right hand, an allusion perhaps to water at the fountain Cassotis at Delphi98; the tripod of Apollo is seen 88

man World 14, ed. John T. Fitzgerald; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2005) with bibliography. See n. 123. 88 PPM IV 142, citing Homer, Odyssey VIII, 267 ff. 89 VI 17[Ins. Occ.],42; PPM VI 44–145, at VI 92. Adele Lagi di Caro, “Alessandro e Rossane come Ares ed Afrodite in un dipinto della casa Regio VI, Insula Occidentalis, n. 42,” 75–88 with 6 gures, in Studia Pompeiana and Classica in Honor of Wilhelmina F. Jashemski, vol. 1: Pompeiana, ed. Robert I. Curtis (New Rochelle: Aristide D. Caratzas, 1988). Rosaria Ciardiello, “VI 17 Insula Occidentalis 42. Casa del Bracciale d’Oro,” 69–256 in Pompei (Regiones VI–VII). Insula Occidentalis, eds. Mansanori Aoyagi and Umberto Pappalardo (Naples: Valtrend,2006), at pp. 121– 22, 137–39. 90 Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 44, 92; for Zeus enthroned represented as Alexander: PPM V 492–93. See chap. IV above, p. 118 with Plate 2 (CD 202, 202a). 91 Mariette De Vos, PPM V 123–24. 92 PPM V 125. Page DuBois, Centaurs & Amazons: Women and the Pre-History of the Great Chain of Being (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1982, 1991). 93 Ovid, Met. 12.240–41; Athenaeus, Deipnosophists 11.476c; Aeschylus, Perrhaebides; Pindar, frag. 166, cited by De Vos, V 125, #58. 94 IX 2,16; PPM IX 1–40. 95 PPM IX 21–23. 96 Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IV 1040. 97 VI 10,2 (6); PPM IV 1040. 98 Pausanius X 24,7.

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behind and above her head. Six male gures are on the viewers’ left, including a seated old man wearing a Phrygian (= Asia [Minor] and Galatia, i.e. Trojan) cap. A standing child leans onto the old man’s lap. To their left a younger man stands holding a sword. Three other men stand behind these, two of them also wearing Phrygian caps. “This scene is interpreted as a prophesy of the future greatness of Rome in the presence of Anchises, Aeneas, and Ascanius, although some prefer to identify the chief male characters as Priam, Hector, and the child Paris.”99 The Casa della Grata metallica100 has a similar dining room fresco, as does triclinium (14) in the Accademia di Musica.101 The latter dining room also has a fresco on the east wall of Dido being abandoned by Aeneas. She is seated, enthroned, and weeping, with a sword on her lap, clearly referring to her intention to commit suicide. She is surrounded by a court of women, one of whom is a personication of Africa, recognizable by the elephant trunk on her cap. Aeneas’ ship is seen sailing off in the upper register of the fresco. Sampaolo comments: “triclinium (14) pays respect to the reigning dynasty by recalling episodes salient to the ancient origin of Rome: the prediction of the destruction of Troy and the abandonment of Dido.”102 Another version of this fresco may have personications of Europe, Asia, and Africa103; a third has Isis-Nemesis, Asia with dark skin, and Africa, again symbolized by an elephant trunk.104 Related frescoes show Aphrodite/Venus giving Aeneas his armor105 and hovering near him as his wound is treated.106 Intriguingly, another fresco may represent “an older version of Dido seeking to restrain Aeneas, who is ready to continue his political mission. The hero presented in prole is similar to Octavian as represented on coins after his victory at Actium.”107 Frescoes of Theseus abandoning Ariadne, popular at the beginning of the Imperial era, represent a similar theme. In three triclinia, including in the Casa delle Amazzoni108 and the Casa di L. Cornelius Diadumenus,109 we see Ariadne abandoned on the island of Naxos by Theseus, who sails off to Athens. Theseus was “the Athenian hero who was considered a model of Greek civility, victor over the barbarians, and a model of Augustan ideology”.110 The fresco in the triclinium of Cornelius 99

Sampaolo, PPM IV 1040. I 2,28 [i]; PPM I 63. 101 VI 3,7 [14]; PPM IV 289. 102 PPM IV 279, 287. 103 PPM IV 677. 104 Again in a triclinium, PPM II 476–77. 105 PPM IV 843–44. 106 PPM VI 240 & 245, mentioned above (n. 84). 107 De Vos, PPM I 151. 108 VI 2,14 [11]; PPM IV 193–94. 109 VII 12,26 [h]; PPM VII 572. I. Bragantini (PPM VII 572) notes that a fresco in the Casa del Poeta tragico (IV 563) is quite similar, but there the iconography is heroic; Athena does not appear. 110 Mariette De Vos, PPM III 992, commenting on another fresco of Theseus in the Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (CD 257). 100

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Diadumenus, “a very modest house which imitates the very rich,”111 adds a visual representation of the goddess Athena, a “contamination” of the iconography, an Augustan reading of Theseus “who is called to refound Athens.”112 Similarly, in triclinium (o) the Casa di L. Caecilius Iucundus,113 Adriana is abandoned by Theseus at the “insistence of Athena.”114 The same is true in another fresco, this time not in a dining room: Theseus is “urged by Athena,” who is wearing a helmut and holding both a lance and shield in her left hand, to abandon Ariadne.115 I nd it intriguing, but not surprising, to see visual representations being reinterpreted, a phenomenon that we New Testament scholars experience often in our texts. The “contamination” of Theseus-Ariadne iconography by Augustan ideology as viewed in Roman domestic art is a clear example of the process. Triclinium (41) of the Casa del Centenario116 visually represents Theseus after his victory over the Minotaur (CD 268; see 257), a replica of the celebrated image in Herculaneum.117 He is presented in heroic nudity, seated on a cubical base, holding a pedum (shepherd’s crook) in his right hand. Behind him stands a young friend, perhaps a portrait; the minotaur is at his feet. Pompeian domus have a number of such images, but only this one in a triclinium.118 The mosaic of Theseus killing the Minotaur (CD 62) gives the House of the Labirinth its name.119 This house is one of the grandest from pre-Roman Pompeii.120 It was conscated by Roman administrators after they defeated the Italians in the Social War (89 BCE), and parts of it received a “stupendous pictoral and mosaic decoration” in the second style (70–60 BCE).121 The mosaic is in cubiculum (42), reserved for the master of the house, probably the head of the Roman colony, L. Sextilius.122 Stroka interprets it as a political allegory: Theseus represents the victorious Romans, the Minotaur the defeated Italians.123

111

Bragantini, PPM VII 571. Bragantini, PPM VII 572. 113 V 1, 23.26; PPM III 574–620. 114 Arnold De Vos, PPM III 611–12. 115 V. Sampaolo, PPM VII 683. 116 IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1037–1038. 117 V. Sampaolo, PPM IX 1039. 118 PPM X 570, index s.v. “Teseo, Arianna e il Minotauro,” and “Teseo e il Minotauro.” 119 VI 11,8–10; PPM V 1–70. 120 Stroka, PPM V 1. 121 Stroka, PPM V 2. 122 Stroka, PPM V 38 (in color). 123 See Volker Michael Stroka, Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10) (Häuser in Pompeji 4; Munich: Philipp von Zabern, 1991). On allegory see n. 87. 112

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C. Divine will and human obedience visually represented in Pompeian triclinia124 The subjects of gured frescoes in the Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (CD 269–74), triclinium (b),125 are among the most popular, celebrated, and studied among Pompeian visual representations. Episodes of four diverse myths, independently from each other, have in common the theme of obedience, with happy consequences for victorious heroes who respect the divine will, but with sorrowful, tragic concluding epilogues for heroes who act arrogantly without respect for the gods. Thus the heroic exploit of Perseus liberating Andromeda on the west wall (CD 269, 270b)126 has as its counterpart the ight and fall of Icarus on the east wall (CD 269, 269ac).127 So also Hercules in the garden of the Hesperides (CD 262–269ab)128 on the north wall has as its Gegenstück (counterpoint) a Polyphemus and Galataea on the south wall (CD 270–270a).129 The striking similarity of the idea and the composition of these frescoes in landscapes reveals the hand of an artist who copied the same model utilized at the Villa di Agrippa Postumus at Boscotrecase.130 The frescoes are dated to the nal phase of the third and the beginning of the fourth styles, that is, just before and during Nero’s principate. At the conclusion of section A.2 above (nn. 43–54), I noted that the workshops which decorated wealthier houses were copied by artists decorating more modest homes; this is also true of the

124 I have described two triclinia that emphasize this theme in “Zeus, Vengeful Protector of the Political and Domestic Order: Frescoes in Dining Rooms N and P of the House of the Vettii in Pompeii, Mark 13:12–13, and 1 Clement 6.2,” in Picturing the New Testament, ed. Annette Weisssenrieder, Friederike Wendt, and Petra von Gemünden (WUNT 2.Reihe, 193; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005) 67–95 with 4 gures and 8 plates now chap. IV above. See Bettina Bergmann, “The Roman House as Memory Theater: The House of the Tragic Poet in Pompeii,” The Art Bulletin 76/2 (June 1994) 225–55, at p. 255: “Three inuential rhetorical and mnemonic models operated in this pictorial ensemble; epic and dramatic exempla, the artful juxtaposition of likenesses and opposites, and the role of movement for comprehension.” 125 I 7,7; PPM I 586–617. 126 PPM I 602–05. Euripides, Andromeda; Sophocles, Ovid, Propertius (Sampaolo, I 602). See Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., “Perseus and Andromeda,” AJA 72 (1968) 1–23, plates 1–20. The sea monster (ketos) guarding and threatening Andromeda (see especially PPM VII 763, also VIII 995) is a match for the beasts in Revelation 12 and 13 and later appears repeatedly in Christian catacombs as the monster that swallows then disgorges Jonah. See chap. VI above. 127 PPM I 593–97. Euripides; Ovid (Sampaolo, I 594). See P. H. von Blanckenhagen, “Daedalus and Icarus on Pompeian Walls,” RM 75 (1968) 106–43. 128 PPM I 590–93. 129 PPM I 597–600. Philoxenos of Syracuse, Callimachus, Bion, Theocritus, and Ovid (Sampaolo, I 597). See Vergil, Aeneid III 655 ff., where a different episode involving Aeneas and Polyphemus is narrated, which is also visually represented and paired with a fresco of Laocoon (PPM V 352–55, 357–59), Gegenstücke once again symbolizing obedience (Aeneas) and disobedience (Polyphemus, Laocoon), but not in triclinia. 130 Sampaolo, PPM I 587.

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Casa del Sacerdos Amandus, copied by the artist decorating an Abitazione e termopolio,131 decoration that includes a Polyphemus and Galataea. “The subject [of Hercules in the garden of the Hesperides also] demonstrates the happiness that results from actions guided by prudence and attentive respect for the divine will.”132 In house V 2,10 its counterpoint is a fresco of Marsyas who challenges Apollo and suffers hideous consequences.133 Some scholars assume, as a way of explaining these similarities in theme and style, that “cartoons” of various Greek tragedies circulated, from among which artists and their patrons chose decorative schemes.134 Another example of this theme is the Casa di Giasone135: The frescoes . . . in this house . . . were painted as a unit, . . . including Phoenix and Hippodamia,136 Jason and Pelias (CD 275),137 and an episode of the myth of Dionysus138 in triclinium (f), Europa and the bull, Pan and the nymphs, Hercules and the centaur Nessus in cubiculum (g), Medea, Phaedra, Paris and Helen in cubiculum (e). The link among all these concerns is not only compatible or conicting psychologies, or the teaching of ethics. For example, one can observe, the triumph of virtue over impiety in triclinium (f), and the exaltation of honest love in contrast to negative examples that result in disaster in cubiculum (e). Also in the painting of the background: there is solemn architecture in triclinium (f), landscape in cubiculum (g), and internal columns in cubiculum (e). The artist, who did not attain a high level, as is the case with many Pompeian artists, copied cartoons at his disposal, copying images created for other compositions, correctly considering light and shade, and clearly revising, not giving enough volume to bodies, but nevertheless,  nally producing a pleasing result. . . .139

As one example of virtue triumphing over impiety, the young hero Jason is visually represented140 arriving at Iolcus wearing a single sandal. This he lost helping an old woman, the goddess Hera, who tested him by a request to carry her across the river Anaurus. He is recognized immediately by the old Pelias, who had usurped the throne after his brother and Jason’s father died. Pelias stands at the top of the temple steps; Jason halts at the bottom. Another young man approaches from the left with a sacricial bull, which gives the composition a pyramidal structure, culminating in a columned edice. Pindar, Euripides, and Apollonius Rhodius narrate a story in which Jason is aided by Hera, who hates Pelias for neglecting her rites. He is aided 131

VI 16,32.33; PPM V 960–73. Sampaolo, PPM III 844. 133 PPM III 842. The aying of Marsyas can appear like a cruci xion. 134 Franca Parise Badoni, PPM II 326, citing Eleanor Winsor Leach, “The Punishment of Dirce: A Newly Discovered Painting in the Casa di Giunio Polibio and its Signicance within the Visual Tradition,” RM 93 (1986) 157–82. 135 IX 5,18; PPM IX 670–719. 136 PPM IX 693–94. Interpretations of this fresco vary widely: Phoenix at Sciron, Achilles and Pentesilia, or Phoenix, Achilles, and Telephus (IX 693). 137 PPM IX 696–98. 138 PPM IX 696. 139 V. Sampaolo, PPM IX 671–72, who cites Fausto Zevi, “La casa Reg. IX 5, 8–21 a Pompei,” Studi Miscellanei 5 (Rome, 1964). 140 PPM IX 696–98; also Tonio Hölscher, ThesCRA V 190, #191; Plates, 28, #191a. 132

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too by Medea, Athena, and Aphrodite – a story that diners in this Pompeian triclinium would know. Pero, an exemplum pietatis of children to parents, nurses her aged father, who is dying of hunger in prison. A visual representation of this appears in triclinium (c) of house IX 2,5,141 a fresco also seen in cubiculum (6) of the Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (CD 259).142 Her pose is that of Isis lactans; she may also be seen in terracotta and ceramic statuettes from the time of Domitian.143 Another fresco illustrates that this emphasis can move beyond the will of the gods to fate. In two triclinia, Thetis is visually represented in Hephaestus’ blacksmith shop: Casa delle Quadrighe144 as well as house IX 1,7.145 The rst fresco listed differs profoundly from Homer; the visual representation becomes that of a divinization.146 A winged feminine gure behind Thetis (a personication of fate?) points with her stick to the signs of the zodiac that decorate the shield itself and predict the tragic fate of Achilles, stimulating a mother’s grief.147 The second triclinium listed has a simpler interpretation: Thetis sits on a throne, her feet resting on a footstool, and stares at the shield being fashioned by Hephaestus and a servant, a shield in which she sees herself reected perfectly. Finally, the gods sitting or standing were present in Roman domus through enthronement or epiphany. Triclinium (e) in the Casa dei Vettii exhibits a striking Zeus enthroned, with a scepter in his right hand, a lightening bolt in his left (CD 202– 202a),148 a fresco that also occurs with the cosmic symbols of a globe and eagle.149 Symbolized as an eagle, Zeus rules even over an explicitly erotic scene.150 The epiphany of Dionysus occurs repeatedly, but surprisingly, in only one dining room, triclinium (e) of the Casa dei Ceii (CD 84–84b).151 The wall exhibits a tholos in the

141 PPM VIII 1052–67, at 1061. Sampaolo (VIII 1061) cites Pliny, Nat. Hist. 7.36 and Valerius Maximus 5.4.7. 142 PPM III 1008. 143 Mariette De Vos, PPM III 1006. See Stefano De Caro, The National Archaeological Museum of Naples (Naples: Electa, 1996) 247: statue of Pero and Mycos from Pompeii VI 15, inventory 128486. 144 VII 2,25; PPM VI 683–717 at VI 710, 713, 715. 145 PPM VIII 869–87 (e) at VIII 878–79. Compare the Casa di Sirico (PPM VII 1.25.47 [exedra 10]); PPM VI 228–353, at VI 279. 146 I. Bragantini, PPM VI 279, cites Françoise Gury, “La forge du destin. A propos d’une série de peintures pompéiennes du IVe style,” Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome, Antiquité 98 (1986) 427–89 on frescos in houses III 1,25 ; VI 16,7 ; IX 1,7 and 5,2, plus a mosaic in VI 7,23. 147 Bragantini, PPM VI 279. 148 See n. 89 above; chap. IV, n. 41 above, and PPM V 492. 149 PPM IV 892–93 (in color). 150 PPM IX 663, ##104 & 105. 151 I 6,15; PPM I 407–83, at I 442–44. For Dionysus, compare PPM V 167; VI 255, 266; VII 841. For the epiphany of Apollo, but not in dining rooms, see I 93; IV 450, 476; VI 565, and for his victory over the dragon at Delphi, IV 1090. For the House of the Ceii, see also Mazzoleni, Pappalardo, and Romano, Domus 382–87.

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upper zone, from which light emanates for this epiphany. The acroteria have parrots and garland crowns, which M. de Vos152 refers to Osiris, who resembles Dionysus.

D. Isis imagery in Pompeian triclinia The central frescoes on both the north and south walls of the ekklesiasterion in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii visually represent the myth of Io (CD 189–90).153 This ekklesiasterion, a large room (13.2 x 7.65 m.), “was probably the place where worshippers of Isis gathered and ritual banquets were held.”154 I discuss these frescoes and banquets in chap. II above; here I focus on other Isiac images and themes that occur in Pompeian triclinia. Water is crucial for life and for the existence of any city, ancient or modern. Aqueducts brought water to Pompeii; it was available for drinking in many street fountains, in the impluvia of most domestic atria, and for relaxation in the baths.155 Some elite houses had domestic baths.156 Others built beautiful sh pools in their domus.157 Nymphaea158 built into dining rooms were especially exquisite.159 Current politics (Octavian’s conquest of Egypt), economics (grain was shipped from Egypt to Roman ports, e.g. to Puteoli near Pompeii), and thematic considerations (the main event in the myth of Isis and Osiris concerns the ooding of the Nile), contribute to the popularity of Egyptian decoration in Pompeian domus, insulae, caupona, and thermopolia. Decorative workshops and the patrons who employed them utilized “myth152

PPM I 443–45. VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 825 & 837. 154 Salvatore Nappo, Pompeii: Guide to the Lost City (London: Weidenfeld & Nicoloson, 1998) 89–91, cited by Balch, “The Suffering of Isis / Io” (chap. II above). 155 PPM X 525 & 545, index s.v. “terme,” e.g. Complesso a sei Piani delle Terme del Sarno, VIII 2, 17–21; PPM VIII 105–15. 156 E.g. Casa del Criptoportico, I 6,2; PPM I 274–77; Casa del Menandro, I 10,4; PPM II 376–97 and CD 40–44; Casa di M. Caesius Blandus, VII 1,40; PPM VI 430–43. See Xavier Lafon, “Les bains privés dans l’Italie romaine,” 97–114 in Les Thermes romains (Rome, 1991) and S. C. Herbert, “Tel Anafa I,I,” in JRA Suppl. 10 (1994) 62–74, cited by Bragantini, PPM VI 437. Fullonicae also had pools (e.g. PPM I 350–51). Garrett G. Fagan, Bathing in Public in the Roman World (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2002) 56–68 with gs. 1–22. 157 E.g. Casa del Citarista, I 4, 5.25 (17); PPM I 139; Villa di Giulia Felice, II 4,3; PPM III 230–32, 244. 158 Pierre Grimal, Les jardins romains à la n de la République et aux deux premiers siècles de l’Empire (1943), cited by A. R. A. Van Aken, “Some Aspects of Nymphaea in Pompeii, Herculaneum and Ostia,” in Studia Archaeologica Gerardo van Hoorn Oblata (Studia van Hoorn) (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1951) 80–92. 159 Casa dell’Efebo, I 7,11; PPM I 708; Villa di Giulia Felice, II 4,3; PPM III 263; Casa con Ninfeo, VIII 2,28; PPM VIII 235–40; Casa del Centenario, IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1001, 1007, 10011, although this last one is in the garden, but would be seen from triclinium 7. See Lawrence Richardson, Jr., “Water Triclinia and Biclinia in Pompeii,” 305–12 plus 5 gures in Studia Pompeiana and Classica in Honor of Wilhelmina F. Jashemski, vol. 1: Pompeiana, ed. Robert I. Curtis (New Rochelle: Aristide D. Caratzas, 1988). 153

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ological subjects that allude to water: Hylas, the Nereids and nymphs in aquatic displays, personication of the Sarno river, and pygmies with their grotesque characteristics in the customary Nile landscapes.”160 Whether these Egyptian decorations also had specically religious meaning for some house owners would need to be discussed in each case (see Introduction above, D). F. P. Badoni,161 discussing one house, lists ve other Egyptianizing houses in Pompeii; at the end of his list, I add two more, so eight Egyptianizing houses: Casa della Venere in bikini,162 Casa di Loreius Tiburtinus o di D. Octavius Quartio (CD 228–228d, 262–262a),163 Casa di Giuseppe II,164 Villa di Giulia Felice (CD 30–30a, 37–39a, 164–76),165 Casa delle nozze d’argento,166 Casa del Centenario,167 Casa dei Cubicoli oreali o del Frutteto (CD 100–02, 120–21),168 Casa del Bracciale d’oro.169 These houses, along with the Temple of Isis itself, contain a ood of rst century CE Isis imagery that has not been fully utilized by New Testament scholars. Triclinia, especially those in: the Casa del Frutteto (triclinium [11]170), the Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (portico [i], biclinium [k], and giardino [l]),171 and the Casa del Centenario (the ve triclinia [7], [8], [11], [36], and [41], the rst three of which open directly onto the peristyle [9], the exedra [32] and the garden [33],)172 would yield valuable perspectives. I make observations focused on the Casa del Centenario (Plate 5 and CD 282; also CD 276–282d) with accompanying parallels. In triclinium (41) of the Casa del Centenario, an artist painted a single panel of 22 gures, 14 of which display an Isis procession.173 All of the gures represented are 160

V. Sampaolo, PPM VIII 97. PPM II 532. 162 I 11, 6.7; PPM II 526–69. 163 II 2,2; PPM III 42–111. 164 VIII 2,39; PPM VIII 308–56. 165 II 4,3; PPM III 184–310. 166 V 2i; PPM III 676–772. 167 IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 903–1104. 168 I 9,5; PPM II 1–137. 169 VI 17[Ins. Occ.],42; PPM VI 44–145. 170 PPM II 68–138. See Pompejanische Wandmalerei, ed. Irelli et al, color plates 23–31. 171 PPM III 100–08. See PPM III 75–77 and Valérie Huet, “Priesthoods of ‘Oriental’ Tradition,” ThesCRA V 139, #258 (Plates 15, #258), in Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (f): “old priest with a shaven head holding a patera and a situla with his left hand and a sistrum with his right hand.” See n. 163. 172 PPM IX, the ve triclinia: 936–55, 956–67, 975–77, 1026–27, 1035–51, plus the peristyle, 968–74, exedra, 992–95, and the garden, 995–1024. 173 PPM IX 905, 1048–49, ##274–77. Sampaolo (IX 1049) cites Mariette De Vos, L’egittomanie 161

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women holding instruments of the cult, usually in both hands–a decoration in the early third style, so from the time of Augustus.174 Valeria Sampaolo175 observes that these gures and the rest of the visual program in the house relating to Isis “lead many to conclude that the owners were devotees of the Isis cult.” Having seen the Isis procession composed of women, it is not surprising to nd additional images of women in the same dining room, an extremely important one of two women in colloquium176: the rst rests her right hand on the cubical base on which she is seated. Her bent left arm is at her side; she holds the left hand, palm upward, just above her lap and is looking to her right toward a second woman who kneels, holding both her hands out toward the rst woman. There is a related fresco, named “the music lesson” or “the poet teaching” in cubiculum (c) of the Casa dei Ceii: again there are two women, one seated on a klismos (couch) with her body inclined forward, the elbow of her right arm resting on her knee, holding a scroll and directing her gaze to a young woman standing to her left, who is playing a lyre.177 This fresco is a replica of a famous painting in the Palestra di Ercolano.178 in pitture e mosaici romano-campani della prima età imperiale (EPRO 84; Leiden, 1080) 35–43. See Mary Beard, John North and Simon Price, Religions of Rome, vol. 2: A Sourcebook (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1998) 134–36. Compare the “plebeian” painting of a procession of Cybele on the street façade of the Ofcina coactiliaria e ofcina infectoria (IX 7, 1 e 2; PPM IX 772–73; also Catherine Lochin, “Cult Images,” ThesCRA II, 482, #592; Plates 114, #592). 174 The outline drawings are repeated with this last additional comment at PPM XI 874–75. Compare Mazzoleni, Pappalardo, and Romano, “The Villa of the Mysteries,” Domus 102–24; all the human gures in the Dionysiac frieze, except the young boy reading at the beginning of the frieze, are women. Also Coarelli, ed., Pompeii 346–59. 175 PPM IX 905. 176 PPM IX 1047, #273. For a similar image Google “University of Tokyo,” search for “Ercolano,” and view Tomo 2, Tavola XI. 177 PPM I 431. For a similar fresco Google “University of Tokyo,” search for “Ercolano,” and view Tomo 4, Tav XLII. It is not unusual to see one of the Muses, all of whom are goddesses, playing an instrument, e.g. Terpsichore (PPM IV 307, 379). 178 Mariette De Vos, PPM I 431. I  rst saw a similar fresco in the signicantly clearer, color plate published by Alfonso De Franciscis, Il Museo Nazionale di Napoli (Naples: De Mauro, 1963), color plate LXI: colloquio di donne. For the source of this image Google “University of Tokyo,” search for “Ercolano,” and view Tomo 2, Tavola XI; for women giving a concert, Tomo 4, Tavola XLII (Herculaneum); for the vesting of a priestess, Tomo 4, Tavola XLIII (Herculaneum); for a woman active as an artist, Tomo 7, Tavola 1 (from Pompeii); and Tomo 7, Tavola LI for Saffo or Penelope (from the triclinium, Villa di Arianna, Stabiae), images edited by Masanori Aoyagi and Umberto Pappalardo, with captions by Umberto Pappalardo and Rosaria Ciardiello. Compare the elegant citarista (woman playing the lyre) visually represented in oecus (H) in the Villa di P. Fannio Sinistore in Boscoreale, now in the Metropolitan Museum in New York, published by Agnès Rouveret in Pittura romana 107. In another of the eight Egyptianizing houses listed above (Casa di Giuseppe II), there is a stunning visual representation of a well-dressed woman, who holds an unrolled scroll with both hands. The artist has painted an elongated gure wearing a yellow tunic under a sky-blue, sleeveless chiton with an ample, rose, folded border. She has gathered her hair with a yellow sash [I am translating, but in the printed plate, the sash is rose], and she wears red shoes open at the toes (Sampaolo, PPM VIII 340). She is wearing a red necklace, I think, which would mean that her chiton has a V-neck, but her chiton may simply have a red border at the neck. Plate 23 (PPM VIII 322–23) of the same house is a visual representation of a sacrice before a

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I mention four more frescoes in the same triclinium (41) of the Casa del Centenario. One is a scene of sacrice in which two women stand on either side of an altar on which a re has been lit. The woman on the viewers’ right, using both hands, loops a garland around the altar, while the one on the left using her right hand pulls a small goat by its forepaws toward the altar and with her left hand holds both a hem of her cloak and a small object, perhaps a patera with which she will pour a libation.179 Still another fresco in the same dining room visually represents one woman on the viewers’ left, who sits on a cubical base, wears a cap (cufa), and points with her right hand toward two other persons approaching her from the right, a bearded man with a Phrygian cap, who has placed his left hand on the shoulder of a young woman in front of him. This scene is usually interpreted as two persons consulting a fortune-teller.180 In the same dining room there are other scenes from tragedy and comedy, including a Medea.181 In the third, a hermaphrodite holds a torch in the right hand, a kantharos (silver drinking vessel) in the left. To the viewer’s right stands an old Silenus who plays a lyre, while behind, a maenad shakes a tambourine (CD 277). Priapus is in the upper left, and a rhyton lies on the ground. Such a scene recalls Dionysiac rites.182 Fourth, there is a fresco of Orestes and Pylades in Tauris observing Iphigenia emerge from the temple where she is a priestess of Artemis (CD 278).183 The large exedra (32) and garden (33) lie to the south of this dining room; to the north, one could enter a forechamber (42) with a fresco of Endymion and Selene (CD 279). It has two other doors, one to the left exiting to the street, the one to the right to a room (43) with explicitly erotic scenes involving heterosexual couples, in both cases with women on top (CD 280),184 typical of Pompeian erotic scenes. Sampaolo185 names the theme as Amor omnia vincit.186 The room includes a Hercules under a tree, set in a mountainous landscape; he is lying on a lion’s skin with a club near his feet and is in the company of two cupids (CD 281).187 A Delphic tripod is painted near one of the erotic couples, and there are images of both a masculine and a feminine grifn, another attribute of Apollo.188 I briey treat the other triclinia, the peristyle, the exedra, and the garden in this house; the reader will recognize that this cannot be comprehensive, that is, cannot statue of Isis, who is seated in front of her temple; plates 67–69 (PPM VIII 344–345) visually represent other women, one of whom may be performing a ritual love incantation. 179 Sampaolo, PPM IX 1046, #271. 180 Sampaolo, PPM IX 1047, #272. 181 PPM IX 1049–51. 182 Sampaolo, PPM IX 1040–41. 183 PPM IX 1043. 184 PPM IX 1065–70. 185 PPM IX 1066, #309. 186 Compare Clarke, Looking at Lovemaking 161–69. 187 PPM IX 1066–67. 188 Erika Simon, “Zur Bedeutung des Greifen in der Kunst der Kaiserzeit,” Latomus 21 (1962) 749–80.

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be an adequate epitome/summary of dining in this house. Rather, I am touching upon only a few highpoints in order to introduce these triclinia and the views diners reclining in them would see. The decoration in triclinium (7) is “among the nest in the nal epoch of Pompeii.”189 The room opens directly onto the peristyle (9), and at a greater distance directly onto the exedra (32) and the garden (33). Included is a scene of two pygmies gathering grapes into a basket for a wreath,190 other pygmies dancing,191 hunting scenes (see Introduction above, n. 91) with a lion assaulting two panthers while they tear a deer to pieces,192 a hog chased by a panther,193 a leopard chasing a dog,194 all ruled over by an eagle atop a pergola,195 another hog assaulted by a panther, a second eagle above a globe,196 and a deer assaulted by a dog that is chased by a panther.197 Diners reclining in this triclinium would look out through the peristyle and the exedra to the garden that has one of the most impressive nymphaea in Pompeii, with a large shell above, lined with smaller shells, faced with multicolored Numidian marble, with water running down into pool198 containing sh (Plate 5 and CD 282; also CD 282a–d). There are two related wall paintings, one detailing the features of approximately 14 different sh,199 another with perhaps 17, including a ght in the center between an octopus and a larger sh biting one of its tentacles.200 Standing in the garden, a rather overwhelming space, one looks up to this nymphaeum with its large wall paintings on either side; to the left a lion is assaulting a bull (CD 282a),201 and to the right a leopard has knocked down and begins devouring a horse while a hog with tusks exits via a ravine (CD 282b).202 A sphinx is visually represented observing the scene (CD 282d).203 In triclinium (8) I mention only an architectural landscape that visually represents higher and lower elevations and includes two Egyptian-style towers among various shrubs, with a tree in the center of the composition.204 Peristyle (9) includes 189

PPM IX 936. PPM IX 940–41. 191 PPM IX 950–51. 192 PPM IX 942–43. 193 PPM IX 945. 194 PPM IX 946. 195 PPM IX 947. 196 PPM IX 949. 197 PPM IX 954. Parallel hunting scenes are seen in the Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (treated above under A.2, nn. 30–33 and in the  rst four paragraphs under B, nn. 61–74, Plate 3 = CD 252b– 55), as well as in the Egyptianizing Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (see under B, nn. 75–77, CD 262–262a; compare CD 152–53). 198 PPM IX 994, 1001, 1007, 1011. 199 PPM IX 997. Compare CD 56. 200 PPM IX 1008. 201 PPM IX 1007, 1009–10, 1016. 202 PPM IX 1015–16. 203 PPM IX 1001, 1005, 1017, 1020. Compare the sphinx in the Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15), giardino (h), northeast corner (PPM I 477). 204 PPM IX 962. 190

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Plate 5 (CD 282): Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1001, 1007, 1011), viridarium (33), water stair with amphitheater scenes on either side.

Plate 6 (CD 283): Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 296–297), oecus verde (11), Nile mosaic with both a small boat and a larger one, inside which are four light-skinned pigmies or dwarfs who row, one of whom may also be dancing. Four ducks swim in the river, and colonnaded buildings stand on the shore. Compare Roger and Leslie Ling, Decorations 53–55, plate 43, color plate 14, and pp. 201–02, who mention a crocodile sliding into the river.

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personications of the Winds (e.g. Boreas) and of Oceanus,205 a Perseus and Andromeda,206 a Hercules standing before Troy, carrying a shepherd’s crook and liberating Hesione, the queen of Asia, around whom a marine monster has entwined in its coils.207 Thus, both these frescoes visually represent marine monsters threatening women (Andromeda and Hesione) saved by male heroes (Perseus and Hercules), as in chap. V, section A above.208 Another fresco assembles the attributes of Minerva/Athena: a helmet, a golden gorgoneion with a spear lying across it, a snake with a red crest wrapped around a column, and an olive tree.209 One also assembles the attributes of Hera: to the left a peacock, an overturned kalathos (vase-shaped basket) from which a red cloth falls, while to the right a scepter leans on and a garland lays atop a pillar. A tree lls the center of the composition.210 The winter triclinium (11) is decorated with “beautiful arabesques”211 and a “sacred landscape”: a small island in a river that has a wharf on a sort of coastal ravine, above which is a sphinx. A tholos (a round building with a conical roof) decorated with drums lies in the center of the island; in front of it is a statue of Diana with garland and quiver. A man making an offering, accompanied by a young woman carrying a vase, approaches the tholos, beside which is a high pole surmounted by a Delphic tripod. Two statues, a balustrade, and another central tree complete the scene.212 Triclinium (36) presents an expiation scene similar to one in another triclinium (l) in house VII 3,29.213 There too a hero completes expiation rites214: the scene develops inside an enclosure with high walls, above the top of which one sees trees in front of a columned edice. Covered only with a red, royal loincloth around his thighs and standing on his right leg with his left raised and bent, resting on a rock, the hero leans forward and lowers his head. A priestess pours purifying water over 205

PPM IX 970–71. PPM IX 971. 207 PPM IX 972–73. For a similar fresco Google “University of Tokyo,” search for “Ercolano,” and view Tomo 4, Tavola LXII: the sea monster is wonderful, not unlike the sea monster that swallows Jonah in later catacombs. 208 Compare chaps. II and V above. In a house infused with Isis imagery, this is not coincidental. See Merkelbach, Isis regina – Zeus Sarapis 238–39: “Perseus und Andromeda,” visually represented in the Sarapeion in Alexandria (Aphthonius, Progymnasma 12), in the Isis temple in Pompeii (PPM VIII 803, ##143, 145), in the Villa di Boscotrecase (Merkelbach, color plate 1 and Abb. 69), and in the Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; Merkelbach, Abb. 70 and PPM I 603–06, triclinium [b]; also CD 270, 270b. See George A. Kennedy, Progymnasmata: Greek Textbooks of Prose Composition and Rhetoric. Translated with Introduction and Notes (Writings from the Greco-Roman World 10; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003) 118–20 for the Serapeion of Alexandria described by Aphthonius. 209 PPM IX 974. 210 PPM IX 974. 211 PPM IX 975. 212 Sampaolo, PPM IX 976–77. On the tholos see Introduction, nn. 61–68. 213 Sampaolo, PPM IX 1027. 214 Sampaolo, PPM VI 921–22 (in color). 206

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his head while looking forward toward a victim that has just been sacriced. The interpretation of the scene is dependent on recognizing a deer that has just been sacriced lying at the man’s feet. Some understand the scene as representing Achilles at the altar of Diana after a deer has been substituted for Iphigenia, but others see Hercules after having killed the Ceryneian deer. Sampaolo215 objects to both interpretations, because the man seems to wear a wedding garland, and nothing characterizes him as Hercules. She sees rather Orestes puried and protected by Apollo. Finally in this house, I note the caricature of Zeus with an over-size head and a short thunderbolt in his right hand; the deity stands beside an eagle under a pointed aediculum.216 Entering the fauces of door number 3, one arrives in the vestibule (16); turning slightly to the right, one could enter room (23) that displays this caricature. Is it accidental that Zeus is caricatured in an Egyptianizing house emphasizing Isis?217 After glancing at these quite diverse dining rooms in the House of the Centenario, I make a transition to a fuller discussion of pygmy scenes like those seen in triclinium (41). Both in the Casa di Paquius Proculus o di Cuspius Pausa, triclinium (16)218 and in the Casa del Menandro, oecus verde (11; Plate 6 = CD 283),219 these are multicolor oor mosaics of Nile scenes, both of them early second style, with palm trees, herons, crocodiles, hippopotami, and lotus owers. In both, the central image consists of several pygmies in a boat, one or several of them propelling it with poles. The boats have a canopy in the center and visually represent one or more columned buildings along the shore. They reect contacts with Alexandria and exhibit “gusto for the exotic.”220 There are several related frescoes in triclinium (83) of the Villa di Giulia Felice, the one with the water stair,221 including a fresco with two pygmies in a boat and a crocodile.222 Another presents two pygmies in a boat loaded with clay jars, a pygmy who spears a sh in the water, and one who carries a sh.223 In the Casa del Medico,224 in peristyle (g), the dynamic space through which guests would pass on the way to triclinia (m) and (o), there are several pygmy scenes, including the famous one resembling the judgment of Solomon (1 Kings 3:16–28), 215

PPM VI 922. PPM IX 987. 217 Compare the parody of Theseus and the Minotaur as well as parodies of an aged Aphrodite, the loves of Zeus, Daedalus, Pasiphae, Apollo, Athena and Marsyas in the Atriolo del bagno (46) of the Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 379; also Amadeo Maiuri, La Casa del Menandro e il suo Tesoro di Argenteria [Rome: La Libreria dello Stato, 1933] 128–38). Compare chap. III. D above. 218 I 7,1; PPM I 533 (in color). 219 I 10,4; PPM II 296 (in color). Roger and Lesley Ling, The Insula of the Menander at Pompeii: vol. II: The Decorations (Oxford: Clarendon, 2005) 53–55, 201–02, plates 3–4, color plate 14, and g. 28A. 220 Badoni, PPM I 532. 221 II 4,3; PPM III 260–67. 222 PPM III 260, #136. 223 PPM III 267 224 VIII 5,24; PPM VIII 604–607. 216

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similar to a fresco in the imperial Villa della Farnesina in Rome.225 Another is a banquet scene with three pygmies battling a hippopotamus, while ve others recline under an awning around a circular banquet table, observing a pygmy man and woman’s sexual activity, while a musician plays a double ute and others dance,226 a fresco similar to one now in the Secret Cabinet of the National Archaeological Museum in Naples (CD 280, 298, 299–299a).227 This genre takes on an “absolutely grotesque character”228 in the Casa dello scultore, a fresco 50 meters long dated to the early Augustan period,229 a house on the Via Stabiana immediately adjacent to the south to entrance number 27 (the entrance to the Theater), immediately adjacent to the north to entrance number 25 (the Tempio di Zeus Meilichios), and just around the corner from the Temple of Isis.230 Entrance 23 of this house leads to a taberna/caupona. Stairs lead from entrance 22 to an upper oor peristyle.231 The long frieze begins on the south wall: a barren tree is represented adjacent to a rural house beside a stream; on the roof of the house one sees two storks (CD 284).232 The next vignette on the south wall visually represents an iris and palm trees growing beside the river, while two nude, negroid men, Ethiopians, engage in a violent, orgiastic dance, both with enormous ejaculating phalli (CD 285). On the viewer’s right a horrible crocodile opens its jaws toward the buttocks of the nearby dancer (CD 285a), whom Maiuri interprets as fearful, defecating in fright towards the crocodile jaws. A woman with a double ute accompanies the dancers.233 The next scene on the south wall, further to the right of the crocodile, 225

Bragantini, PPM VIII 605, #3. PPM VIII 606, #5; Dunbabin, Roman Banquet 61. 227 Compare the Casa delle Quadrighe (VII 2,25; PPM VI 687) and the Casa dell’Efebo (I 7,11; PPM I 727, scenes painted on the inside and ends of a concrete, garden triclinium couch: Plates 9– 10 and CD 291–92, also CD 293–299a). But it is incorrect that scenes of coitus a tergo or fellatio “always involve pygmies or dwarfs” (Sampaolo, VI 687). In the Suburban Baths, the participants are Pompeian bathers; see Clarke, Looking at Lovemaking, plates 9–16 and pp. 42–46, 212–40. 228 Sampaolo, PPM VIII 719. 229 VIII 7, 24.22; PPM VIII 718–31; the description of this long fresco is more detailed in the original publication by Amedeo Maiuri, “Una nuova pittura nilotica a Pompei,” in Memori. Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, serie VIII, vol. VII/2 (1955) 65–80 with Tavole I–VII; the fresco is 50 m. long (72). “Basically the pygmies dancing on the prow of the phallus boat are on the north walls, while the dancing and defecating Ethiopians are on the south wall.” (Clarke) Now see John R. Clarke, “Three Uses of the Pygmy and the Aethiops at Pompeii: Decorating, ‘Othering’” and Warding Off Demons,” 155–69 in Nile into Tiber. Egypt in the Roman World. Proceedings of the IIIrd International Conference of Isis Studies, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, May 11–14, 2005, ed. Laurent Bircault, Miguel John Versluys, and Paul G. P. Meyboom (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 159; Boston: Brill, 2007), and in the same volume, Paul G. P. Meyboom and Miguel John Versluys, “The Meaning of Dwarfs in Nilotic Scenes,” in Nile into Tiber, 170–208. 230 PPM VIII 7,28. 231 See the plan and section view in Maiuri 67–68, gs. 1–2. 232 Maiuri 73, Tav. I, A1; PPM VIII 719. These frescoes are now located in il Laboratorio di Restauro Affreschi della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei, which is room (23) in the Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16, 22); I thank Stefano Vanacore for allowing and assisting me to photograph them. 233 Maiuri 73–74, Tav. I, A2; PPM VIII 720, #2. In another house a small gure defecates in the 226

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visually represents another thin, frightened Ethiopian gure beside a bare, contorted tree and in front of a small shrine defecating into the river, perhaps eeing in fear from the monster animal (CD 286).234 The rest of this scene is an idyllic symposium in the open: a miniature utist and an athletic gure stand beside a large wine jar, behind whom (in the upper portion of the reconstructed fresco) reclines another gure, perhaps feminine, to whose right is a large rock (CD 287). Two scenes are preserved on the north wall, the rst of which visually represents two ducks with large beaks “in animated colloquium” swimming in a river among reeds.235 In front of the ducks is a bare, contorted palm, and further to the viewer’s right, a boat whose prow has the form of a penis ejaculating and whose stern is decorated with a shield. Inside the boat two pygmies again nude and with oversized phalli are dancing, while a third pigmy, old and bald, is apparently accompanying the dancers with his hand motions.236 Between the old pygmy and the dancers, there is another minuscule gure, whose face alone is preserved; his crooked nose supports a white cap typical of other comic, dancing gures, whom Maiuri presumes to be dwarfs.237 A third scene, still on the north wall and further to the right, continues with the course of a clear, placid river, in which swim two smaller ducks; two more nude gures stand on the bank, both dancing; the gure on the right holds two sticks, and both are calmer than the orgiastic dancers seen earlier.238 The east wall is less well preserved, but seems to represent an athletic scene in a palaestra with grotesque, massive gures, thus offering a humorous, burlesque, Greco-Roman visual representation of life in Egypt.239 The rst scene on this east wall is a hunter or gladiator again with a huge penis, spearing a panther; behind them is a gigantic ibis.240 Immediately to the right of the panther scene, one sees a corpulent pygmy, on all fours, tortured by a crane visually represented with its legs clawing the back of the pygmy.241 Two fragmentary ght scenes follow, the rst of wrestlers, one of them kneeling and raising his right arm, surrendering to his competitor.242 The second palaestra scene visually represents three gures, two wrespresence of Fortuna (IX 869). The inscription above him reads, cacator cave malum, which “sounds like a warning not to use places other than those designated for satisfying certain physiological needs” (Jacobelli, Gladiators at Pompeii 64). 234 Maiuri, Tav. II, A3 and III; PPM VIII 720, #3. 235 Maiuri 74–75, Tav. II, B2 and IV, B2; PPM VIII 722. 236 Maiuri 74–75, Tav. V, B2; PPM VIII 721–23. Color plate in Pittura romana 241. These scenes have a partial parallel in the Terme del Sarno, frigidarium (7) (VIII 2, 17–21; PPM VIII 110): one pygmy is visually represented trying to drag another from the water, but defecates in the effort. 237 Maiuri 75. See Robert Garland, The Eye of the Beholder: Deformity and Disability in the Greco-Roman World (Ithaca: Cornell, 1995), e.g. plates 6, 22, 29, a reference that I originally owe to John Clarke. 238 Maiuri 75, Tav. V, B3; PPM VIII 724. 239 Maiuri 75–76; 240 Maiuri 76, Tav. VI, C1; PPM VIII 726–27. 241 Maiuri 76, Tav VI, C2; PPM VIII 727. 242 Maiuri 76, Tav VII, C3; PPM VIII 728.

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tlers and a third who may represent a school master (ludi magister).243 Some Pompeians expressed their xenophobia humorously with grotesque Nile scenes, not accidentally next door to the Temple of Isis, where other Pompeians worshipped this foreign, Egyptian goddess.244

E. Poets visually represented in Pompeian triclinia245 The iconographic theme of the Casa di Marcus Lucretius246 can be clearly recognized: This house offers one of the few examples in Pompeii, at least in this epoch, of an iconographic program clearly recognizable; in fact, the theater is the theme that unites the vestibule and the alae, and the same theme occurs in the atrium and tablinum, while the frescoes of the triclinium with windows (16) again play on the theme of the theater, the banquet, and wine.247

I cannot appropriately survey the decoration in the triclinium of this grand house from the Republican era; again, I touch only upon a few highlights, beginning by noting the number of frescoes that visually represent books or letters.248 Even Polyphemus is represented receiving a letter.249 A poet is seated talking to an actor standing in front of him, at his feet a basket of open scrolls.250 As a pendant to the fresco of the poet, a woman is represented selecting a scroll from an open basket.251 In two upper registers persons are presented reading from unrolled scrolls.252 Another fresco presents instrumentum scriptorium: an open tablet, spatula, ink-pot and pen, and a closed letter with the seal, M(arco) Lucretio Flam(ini) Martis Decurioni Pompei(s?), which gives its name to the house.253 Bragantini publishes plates ##168–203 for triclinium (16) alone, plus ## 124–46 for the annexed ala (8). Several focus on Dionysus and wine254: the rst visually 243

Maiuri 77, Tav. VII, C3; PPM VIII 729. For a wider spectrum of scenes, PPM X 567, index s.v. “pigmei,” and Angès Rouveret in Pittura romana 241. 245 Compare the comments of Eleanor Winsor Leach summarized in the Introduction above, nn. 21–27. 246 IX 3, 5.24; PPM IX 141–313. 247 Bragantini, PPM IX 142. 248 Compare the philosophers represented in workshops IX 8, 1 and 2 (PPM IX 898–900, not a triclinium), some with books. I could imagine one of the bearded philosophers with a scroll as visualizing Paul (e.g. IX 900, #10), except that all the gures represented are male, thus excluding a Pauline school. 249 PPM IX 216–17. 250 PPM IX 230 (in color). 251 PPM IX 233. 252 PPM X 234–35, 239. 253 PPM IX 297; compare VI 64. 254 ##168, 178, 188, 191, 199. 244

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represents cupids and psyches banqueting.255 The second visualizes the triumph of Dionysus256; the third has cupids and psyches celebrating a banquet under a canopy in the open, with a statue of Dionysus in the background. One cupid carries a clay jar of wine, another plays the lyre, and a couple on the right is “in conversation.”257 In the fourth, Hercules, having abandoned his club and lion skin to be civilized, dresses like Dionysus, symbolizing the power of the latter and the signicance of civilization.258 Still another represents the triumph of a young Dionysus, encircled by his retinue and in the arms of Silenus, all in a carriage pulled by two oxen.259 Another fresco visually represents cupids preparing to stage a tragic play.260 A prisoner is presented sitting on his own weapons, while Victoria writes on a shield, a scene typical of Hellenistic victory art that was also popular in Rome.261 Other cupids, apparently reading music books, prepare a lyric choir.262 This triclinium communicates with the garden, with its nymphaeum and many statues.263 I mention further only that the poet talking to the actor264 mentioned above is in ala (8) annexed to this triclinium, as is another fresco of an actor talking to a comic poet.265 House VI 17(Ins. Occ.),41266 has a triclinium (20) decorated in the second style that is a unit with its library (18). This has the gure of a poet standing on a podium in a semi-circular exedra, perhaps giving a lecture.267 House VI 12,26268 is a modest dwelling whose decorators also in its triclinium imitated the extraordinary ability of the artists of the Casa del Poeta tragico with its dramatic subjects. The triclinium (h) exhibits the bust of a young woman with a book in her left hand and a pen in her right that she places on her lips.269 Similarly, several young women are presented in medallions, one as a poet, in triclinium (G) of the Casa dell’Ara massima.270

255

PPM IX 255 (in color). PPM IX 261. 257 Bragantini, PPM IX 267. 258 Bragantini, PPM IX 257, 268–71 (269–70 in color). 259 PPM IX 276–77. 260 PPM IX 259 (in color). Compare the famous mosaic of a poet preparing actors, in the tablinum of the Casa del Poeta tragico (VI 8,3.5; PPM IV 546: CD 288). 261 PPM IX 262. 262 PPM IX 279. 263 PPM IX 142, 286–91. 264 PPM IX 230 (in color). 265 PPM IX 238 (in color). 266 PPM VI 10–43. 267 PPM VI 11, 37–39; compare VI 63–72 also in a triclinium, and VI 144–45, 312, 343–44, and 995, a young boy standing under a tree reading an unrolled scroll that he has taken from a basket containing ve others. 268 PPM VII 565–93; also mentioned n. 53 above. 269 PPM VII 572–73. I recall the well-dressed woman holding an unrolled scroll described n. 178 above. 270 VI 16, 15.17; PPM V 878. 256

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Other houses whose iconography centers on the theater are the Casa dei Quadretti teatrali271 and the Casa di L. Caecilius Iucundus,272 houses decorated by the same workshop,273 the quality of whose third style decoration is equaled only in cubiculum (5) and tablinum (7) of the Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (CD 250–252c).274 Triclinium (o) the house of Iucundus275 exhibits a fresco of the judgment of Paris and an Ariadne abandoned by Theseus at the insistence of Athena,276 although the tablinum (i) is the dramatic, spectacular room in this house. This theme reects Augustan Rome and its fascination with classic Greek theater, focusing on the tragedies of Euripides and the new comedy of Menander, reected also in the Villa della Farnesina Romana and the Casa del Menandro (CD 7–10, 13–16, 18–21, 36, 40–45, 123),277 a house that exhibits a visual representation of Menander, including his name inscribed (CD 20).278 Tragedy and comedy reect the double aspect of Dionysus, dispenser of life and death, joy and sorrow, expressed in the color contrast blue/ black seen in numerous Dionysian contexts, e.g. in the Casa del Frutteto (CD 100– 02), Casa VII 6,28, and the Casa dei Dioscuri,279 including their triclinia.280 Pindar, Corinna281 and Myrtis are visually represented playing the lyre in triclinium (e) of house VI 14,38282 and again in the Casa degli Scienziati o Gran Lupanare.283 Fascinatingly, triclinium (H) of house VI 16, 36.37284 has three frescoes, one a banquet scene, another a “poetic audition or agon that accords perfectly with the use of the room.”285 Three persons, friends, crowned with wreaths or garlands sit on cathedrae in a semi-circle in the background, while a fourth person stands, his right hand emerging from his white chiton with a declamatory gesture. The second person from the viewer’s left has a particularly intense expression on his face, probably an actual portrait. The person seated on the far right has a wreath decorated with ribbons in his hands, probably the prize for the victor.286 271

I 6,11; PPM I 362. V 1,26; PPM III 576. 273 Mariette De Vos, PPM I 362. 274 Arnold De Vos, PPM III 576. 275 V 1, 23.26; PPM III 574–620. 276 PPM III 610–12. 277 PPM I 362, and for the Villa della Farnesina Romana, Domus 210–40. 278 PPM II 367. 279 M. de Vos, PPM I 362. 280 See e.g. Frutteto: PPM II 53, 57, 62, 71, 75, 89–95. 281 Compare the color plates of Corinna and Pindar, in Umberto Pappalardo, “Nuove ricerche nella ‘Villa Imperiale’ a Pompei,” 331–38, plates 5–6 of 9, in Nuove ricerche archeologiche a Pompei ed Ercolano, ed. Pietro Giovanni Guzzo and Maria Paola Guidobaldi (Atti del convegno internazionale, Roma 28–30 Novembre 2002; Studi della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei 10; Naples: Electa, 2005). 282 PPM V 380. 283 VI 14,43; PPM V 463. 284 PPM V 991. 285 Sampaolo, PPM V 981–82, 991. 286 Sampaolo PPM V 991. 272

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To conclude this section, I note that Hales287 contrasts Greek and Roman houses by emphasizing Greek intellectual pursuits, the competition for intellectual superiority. . . . if the tensions between inside and outside seem less emphasized and less fully expressed in Ephesus than Pompeii, they are still popular and evocative. However, the Ephesians seemed to have a different fantasy world they wanted to visit. In almost every house, there is a representation of intellectual pursuits. . . . More often, however, the intellectual sphere will either be represented by the depiction of famous philosophers or by the Muses. . . . Muses can be found in Pompeii 288 – often as in Ephesus – as gures oating in panels. . . . However, they are by no means omnipresent, overshadowed by the more familiar themes of animal hunts, divinities, Egyptians scenes, and landscapes. At Ephesus, these worlds are occasionally toyed with. . . . However, the overriding dynamics of Ephesian life were clearly organized around giving an impression of Greek, intellectual capacity.289

I argued above (Introduction, E) that Hales’ dichotomizing inside/outside in Pompeii is a misunderstanding. Here the emphasis on animal hunts, divinities, Egyptian scenes, and landscapes in Pompeii is certainly correct; however, Pompeian domestic art also exhibits a striking interest in intellectual life.290 Is this actually more intense in Ephesus? Perhaps so, if intellectual interest occurs “in almost every house,” as it does not in Pompeii. To gender the question, does Ephesian art present human (not divine Muses), women readers, writers, teachers, poets, and musicians, as does Pompeian/Roman art (see n. 178)? The same question should be asked concerning whether children are visually presented reading in Ephesus. The next question might be, who painted these frescoes in Pompeii, Greek or Roman artists?

F. Briey: portraits, popular art, and dining scenes visually represented in Pompeian triclinia 1. Portraits in Pompeian Triclinia291 Triclinium (o) in the Casa di L. Caecilius Iucundus e casa annessa292 presents three medallions, each with the bust/portrait of a woman. The rst wears a diadem of pearls and precious stones in her hair; and she wears a necklace with a larger, green, 287

Hales, Roman House 219–21, 231–34, 242–43. For the many Muses in Pompeian domestic art, which I do not have space to present, see PPM X 565, index s.v. “Muse.” Also PPM X, 561, index s.v. “Filoso,” and X, 568, index s.v. “Poeti.” 289 Hales, Roman House 231–32. 290 See Introduction above, nn. 21–27, where I summarize Leach’s argument (Social Life of Painting 35–39) that Roman domestic peristyles were inuenced by Greek gymnasia. 291 Günter Zuntz, “On the Dionysiac Fresco in the Villa dei Misteri at Pompeii,” Proceedings of the British Academy 49 (June 1963), 177–201, at p. 191: “The faces of the human persons on the fresco, almost all of them, are unmistakably portraits.” 292 VI,23; PPM III 609, 613–15. 288

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precious stone. Her dress hangs off her left shoulder; with her right hand she plays with her necklace.293 Another is of a younger woman whose hairstyle is NeronianFlavian. She wears a band in her curly hair, one string of which hangs down each side of her head in side locks, and dangling earrings; she holds a kantharos in her right hand. Her gaze looks insistently at spectators.294 The third portrait is of a somewhat older woman who again has a garland in her curly hair, a string of which hangs down both the left and right sides of her head to lie on her neck. She wears dangling earrings, each a single pearl, and with her right hand she holds an edge of her garment that is transparent.295 The most famous portrait in Pompeii is a mosaic from a termopolium, VI 15, 13.15, triclinium (m; Plate 7 and CD 289).296 This woman has oval, full cheeks, black eyes [again, I translate, but the printed plate gives her brown eyes] and hair in an Augustan style. Over her tunic she wears an embroidered cloak, which together with the earrings, the neckband, and her gaze indicates an elevated rank. It is commonly observed that the two sides of her face are not symmetrical: rouge is absent under the left eye, and the plumpness of the cheek on the same side probably results from the use of tesserae of diverse color in order to give volume and tone to the face and hair. Still, the mosaicist has recorded her perennial youth. This mosaic, together with that of Terrentius Neo and his wife (Plate 8 and CD 290),297 is considered the one, true Pompeian portrait that does not suggest mannered representation.298 Triclinium 31 of the Casa del Bracciale d’oro299 presents a couple accompanied by a slave woman. The woman in front is dressed in green [in the plate as printed, the color is blue], holds some object in her left hand, and strikingly, hangs her left arm outside the picture frame into the viewer’s space. The man is dressed in violet, wears a wreath of ivy on his head, and his eyes look to his far left, that is, away from the woman in front of him and away from the viewer. The background is a green [I see blue] drape hanging from a high cornice in the top center of the visual representation, spreading out behind all three persons.300 293

PPM III 609. PPM III 613–14. 295 PPM III 615. PPM II 648 is a portrait of a woman (perhaps a mother) and a young male (not in a triclinium). VI 621 has three medallions, one of an older woman, who places a long stylus on her lips, and a younger woman. PPM VI 1001 has medallion portraits of charming male and female children (not in a triclinium). 296 Valeria Sampaolo, Termopolio (VI 15,13.15; PPM V 692–700, at p. 700, in color), from 50– 79 CE. 297 Valeria Sampaolo, “Casa di Terentius Neo (VII 2,6; PPM VI 480–93, at pp. 486 [in color], 488), dated mid- rst century CE, another fascinating portrait, this one of a couple of popular origin, owners of a bakery, a portrait visually represented in a tablinum in order to convince the viewer of their elevated rank (Sampaolo). 298 Sampaolo, PPM V 699. The name is disputed; see Marisa Ranieri Panetta, ed., Pompeii. The History, Life and Art of a Buried City (Vercelli: White Star, 2004) 6–7, a reference for which I thank Nils Aksel Røsaeg. 299 VI 17[Ins. Occ.],42; PPM VI 141 (in color). 300 Sampaolo. In this same house compare the male and female portraits from the time of Clau294

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Plate 7 (CD 289): Termopolio (VI 15,13.15; PPM V 700), triclinium (m), at center of oor mosaic, an Augustan portrait. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 124666.

Plate 8 (CD 290): Casa di Terentius Neo (VII 2,6; PPM VI 486), tablinum (g), portrait of Terentius Neo and his wife. Valeria Sampaolo insists that this is a true portrait. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9858.

2. Popular/Plebeian art in triclinia I catalogue some plebeian art in Pompeian triclinia, partially in order to raise the question of its relationship in content and function to professional art.301 Professional activity in a ceramic workshop under the tutelary presence of Minerva is painted on the façade of a lararium in a taverna vasaria.302 In the Caupona della Via di Mercurio,303 there are several “very plebeian” paintings,304 which I record here, because it is a tavern where customers eat and drink. One outline sketch portrays the transport of wine jars on a wagon pulled by donkeys.305 A second shows a slave pouring liquid into a soldier’s cup with a grafto that reads, da dam [aquam] pusillam, “give me some cold water,” Latin close to the Greek of Matt 10:42. Another ve show daily events in the tavern 306: 1) four people dius, perhaps of the proprietors of the Casa del Bracciale d’oro (VI 17[Ins. Occ.],42; Sampaolo, PPM VI 118–19), who have visually represented themselves in an idyllic garden. 301 PPM II 903–05 has a popular visual representation (on the façade of the Casa di Lesvianus, I 13,9) of a ship under sail, beneath which is a Greek inscription: “Aphrodite saves.” See also Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari, “Graphic Caricature and the Ethos of Ordinary People at Pompeii,” Journal of European Archaeology 2 (1993) 131–48. 302 I 8,10; PPM I 826–33; Francesco Marcattili, “Taverna,” ThesCRA IV 339, #5; Plates 35, #5. 303 VI 10,1; PPM IV 1005–28; Dunbabin, Roman Banquet 81. 304 Bragantini, PPM IV 1005. 305 PPM IV 1009. 306 Bragantini, PPM IV 1013 cites Fausto Zevi, “L’arte ‘popolare,’” in La pittura di Pompei

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play dice307; 2) a man requests a drink of wine from another; 3) seated under a board with pegs from which food hangs, a group of travelers are eating, seated around a table supported by legs shaped like animal paws, a popular type in Pompeii308; 4) an erotic sketch that has little but the head of a woman and the bed preserved; and nally, 5) a server standing and talking with a customer seated at a table and holding a glass.309 The Caupona di Salvius310 has four more such sketches of daily life “that taverngoers would have found amusing precisely because it went against culturally accepted norms”311: 1) a man and woman press their bodies together and kiss, more active, Clarke argues, than Roman elites’ conceptions of women’s sexual role. 2) Two men already drunk, whom Clarke views as effeminate and passive, compete for wine that the waitress brings. 3) Two men seated at table get into an argument while gambling with dice. 4) The same two men stand and ght, while the innkeeper demands that they go outside. I include another fresco because of its subject, one in house VII 3,30,312 a public largess of the product of the owner’s bakery. A man dressed in a clear tunic with some violet reections and a yellow cloak thrown over his shoulders, perhaps the patron of the house, sits on a high podium on which there are piles of bread typical of Pompeii as well as a basket with a smaller form of bread. Behind him there is a shelf with more bread. Two tall men and a boy stand in front of the patron, one of (Milan, 1991) 267–73 and Thomas Froelich, Lararien und Fassadenbilder in den Vesuvstädten. Untersuchungen zur “Volkstümlichen” pompejanischen Malerei (Mainz, 1991). Clarke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans, 134–36, g. 75 prints and discusses an image from the front room that represents a nude, erotic mime, not published in PPM. 307 PPM IV 1014. 308 PPM IV 1016 (in color). 309 PPM IV 1017–18 (in color). 310 VI 14, 35.36; PPM V 366–71 with four color plates at 371. Clarke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans, chap. 6: Laughter and Subversion in the Tavern: Image, Text and Context, pp. 161–70 with color plates 7–10, and Dunbabin, Roman Banquet 82. 311 Clarke, Ordinary Romans 162. Clarke’s interpretation utilizes Michail Bachtin, a method criticized by Richard Neudecker, Gnomon 78/8 (2006) 717, 721, which should produce an intriguing debate. Neudecker argues on the contrary: “Images from the lower class are absent, because these did not have access to producing images. That differentiates the modern ood of images from the ancient world. Producing visual representations was a priviledge per se and communicated to a social outsider the status of the locale. Shop owners gladly painted the facades of their businesses, because the art suggested quality of life. . . . Simple people constructed their world with images that were not different from those of the elite, as one sees in the visual representations of manual labor, which consistently display hierarchy of the boss over the workers. . . . Despite a different audience, it is notable that ‘small people’ did not satirize the symbols of elite culture, but rather utilized them as messages to their own class. They did not discover a new aesthetic for their subculture, but only made mistakes. They mediated the social values of the elite to the lower class, because ancient society was not multicultural. Social tensions did not become visible in art.” (Neudecker 720–21) Neudecker’s critique is so absolute that it too is open to question. 1) There was no satire between classes? 2) Ancient society was not multicultural? Neudecker has not been reading Paul’s epistles e.g. Rom 1:25, where Paul writes esebasthesan, punning on “Augustus.” 312 PPM VI 943–73.

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whom reaches up with his right hand to receive a a loaf of baked bread. He wears a heavy, dark cloak for traveling, dress that contrasts with that of the man giving the bread. The scene probably represents a “gratuitous” distribution by the baker, as part of his election campaign, involving a reciprocity common in Pompeii.313 In triclinium (c) of the Casa del Camillo,314 a sketch exhibits a slave putting sandals on Paris.315 Finally, the façade of a lararium in the kitchen (18) of the Casa di Obellius Firmus316 displays a popular painting of a banquet of eight persons in a triclinium, who recline around a table on which there are glasses and a pitcher. A seventh person standing in the center of the composition raises a glass in each hand.317 “It has been taken to represent the members of the household, perhaps the slaves, celebrating a festival at which they were permitted to recline like their betters; the reference to contemporary custom would be essential for such a purpose, and Greek luxury would have no place.”318 3. Banquet scenes visually represented in Pompeian domus and caupona319 The pavement in the upper oor triclinium of the caupona at I 2,22320 welcomes guests with the inscription “Have!” The Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (Plates 9–10 and CD 291, 292; also CD 291–98)321 includes a striking garden triclinium (23).322 A large wall rises behind the triclinium; in the center of the wall is a large niche with two columns in front and a shell above (CD 291–291a). The niche is decorated with a stucco relief above of Artemis/Diana, the Huntress, standing between two deer. Under the shell, between the columns, and at the top of ve marble steps, stood a statue either of Venus or of a nymph. On either side of the niche, wilderness scenes are painted, to the left a Nile landscape with a deer drinking, to the right, an amphitheater scene of a bull eeing from a tiger (CD 291ab).323 A long Nile mural is painted on the inside and the front of the three banqueting couches in the garden. There is not space to detail the whole, but it includes visual 313

Sampaolo, PPM VI 948–49 (in color). VII 12, 22–23–24; PPM VII 540–64. 315 PPM VII 543. See VII 668 (not a triclinium): sketch of a bag of money, an inscribed scroll, and a seal. PPM VIII 175 presents an athletic competition (wrestling match) with a referee/ school master. 316 IX 14,4; PPM X 361–500. 317 PPM X 363, 453, 458. 318 Dunbabin, Roman Banquet 56–57. 319 Dunbabin, The Roman Banquet, focuses on such “images of conviviality.” In the text above I have already referred to PPM III 1013, V 366–71, VIII 606, IX 255, 267, X 453 & 458. 320 PPM I 49. 321 I 7,11; PPM I 619–727. 322 PPM I 708–27. 323 I 708–09. 314

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Plate 9 (CD 291): Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 713), garden (23), external triclinium.

Plate 10 (CD 292): Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 714–15), garden (23), external triclinium, one end of the triclinium bank: visual representation of golden statue of Isis-Fortuna seated, holding a patera, a cornucopia in her left hand; to the viewer’s right a statue of Horus, son of Isis, in the form of a falcon. A priest stands in front of the shrine, which is surrounded by a circular colonnade, before which there is an altar that is attended by a woman. To the left, two people pass an obelisk.

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representations of a statue of Isis-Fortuna, of Horus in the form of a falcon, an obelisk (CD 292),324 and of a circular table around which seven pygmy symposiasts recline underneath a curtain.325 A slave arrives carrying a pitcher in each hand. Further along in the mural there is a second banqueting scene that includes ve symposiasts reclining in a circle around an external triclinium, seemingly undisturbed by the crocodile with open jaws wandering in front of their table (CD 296). The second symposiast from the right holds up a cane, which may be a sign of the symposiarch directing the second part of the banquet, the drinking.326 This Nile mural also includes an erotic scene involving a couple, a musician playing the double ute, and three or four other onlookers (CD 298), similar to other scenes in the National Museum in Naples (CD 299–299a).327 The Casa del Toro328 has a pygmy frieze in the atrium, two persons near a table with drinking glasses and other vessels; nearby too are two commensalists reclining at a table, another seated, and another standing who advances to assist or serve at table. On the right is the trunk of a tree as well as bands of white and rose forming borders for the scene.329 The Casa del Triclinio330 has three visual representations of banquet scenes in its triclinium (r). “One is set indoors, one probably out of doors, the third in a portico with awnings.”331 On the north wall: a man, seated on the central couch between two couples reclining on the other couches, pronounces (clearly written above his head), Facitis vobis suaviter (“Have a good time!”), ego canto (“I am singing!”), and the man on the right responds, et ita valeas (“Good health to you!”).332 A young woman with a box stands behind the left couch, while a young slave with two oinochoai (wine vessels) advances on the right toward the center where there is a small round

324

PPM I 714–15. PPM I 718, #173ab. 326 Arnold De Vos, PPM I 722–23. 327 PPM I 726–27; compare VI 687. See n. 227 above. 328 V 1,7; PPM III 481–532. 329 V. Sampaolo, PPM III 487. 330 V 2,4; PPM III 797–823. Now see Stefan Ritter, “Zur Kommunikativen Funktion Pompejanischer Gelagebilder: Die Bilder aus der Casa del Triclinio und ihr Kontext,” Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, Rom 120 (2005) (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2006) 301–371; 372 abstract: studies the triclinium of the Casa del Triclinio. Three central scenes refer to contemporary banqueting culture: material and personal extravagance, high social status of the participants, and lively communication, reied with expressions painted next to the participants to interact with the viewers. Pompeian scenes cannot be divided into two groups, ideal with hetairai and realistic of ordinary life, but are closely related and differ only in what they emphasize in the same themes. In the Casa del Triclinio, gender relationships play only a secondary role; primary is the pleasure of amicitia among men of the same social standing. The unconventional central scene tries to depict the owner as a good host in the realm of the banquet, among his amici, so as to produce a sense of social cohesion. I thank Frederick E. Brenk for this reference. 331 Dunbabin, Roman Banquet 58. 332 Dunbabin, Roman Banquet 58. 325

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table with a vase of roses.333 “No women appear among the guests in the rst scene, although there may be one in the second. The third painting, however, shows couples of half-nude men and women, one drinking from a horn, in a scene of abandoned festivity comparable to those of Hellenistic inspiration . . .”334 “It is not clear, unfortunately, whether the comparatively modest house was privately owned or was an inn where the triclinium was available for hire.”335 On the east wall: according to Sampaolo,336 the scene presents the concluding moment of the banquet, when some of the friends, accompanied by their slaves, stand to leave; but instead of dressing to leave, they may be arriving and undressing.337 A slave on the viewers’ left, beginning with the left foot, puts on his master’s shoes (or takes them off), while a waiter offers the man still another silver cup from which to drink. Another person on the right, assisted by his slave, vomits. On the west wall: scarcely still legible, there are several banqueters, two autists accompanying a dancer, and a slave who advances toward the central, small, circular table. A man seated in a lectus consularis invites the other seven friends to applaud. In the lower level of the painting to the right, there is a statue.338 The Casa di Laocoonte con annesssi taberna e pannicio339 on the right presents a couple in a peristyle, reclining on a kline, on the left a woman standing and accompanied by a slave, perhaps catching the reclining couple red-handed, Bragantinni wonders?340 One of the many delightful scenes of cupids and psyches in sala (q, also used for dining) of the Casa dei Vettii (Plate 11 and CD 301; also CD 300)341 is on the west end of the north wall, the Triumph of Bacchus, celebrating his divine wedding, in a procession led by a panther. One cupid with a drinking vessel is offering wine even to the goats pulling Dionysus’ carriage. With his legs wrapped in a rose garment, and holding the thyrsus (ivy-twined staff tipped with pine cones) in his left hand, with his left elbow he leans on the head of the kline that is being transported by the carriage and raises his right arm above his head, a sexual gesture. The coachman encourages the goats with a whip that also has a tip of pine. An ithyphallic Pan, the

333

V. Sampaolo, PPM III 813. Dunbabin, Roman Banquet 58. 335 Dunbabin, Roman Banquet 59. 336 PPM III 815. 337 Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, “Imaginary Feasts: pictures of success on the Bay of Naples,” in Ostia, Cicero, Gamala, Feasts, and the Economy: Papers in Memory of John H. D’Arms, ed. Anna Gallina Zevi and John H. Humphrey (JRASupp 57; Portsmouth: JRA, 2004) 109–26, at p. 114. 338 Cubiculum (u) of this house has a fresco of two women before a sanctuary, an older woman seated, perhaps Sappho, with a veil over her hair, and a younger woman standing in front of her carrying a round, shallow basket (Sampaolo, PPM III 823). 339 VI 14, 28.33; PPM V 341–65. 340 PPM V 357. 341 VI 15,1; PPM V 468–572. 334

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only gure in the scene not a cupid or psyche, follows Dionysus’ carriage, playing a double tibia. The end of the procession is another cupid dancing.342 A second banqueting scene occurs on the east end of the same north wall: the scene includes two donkeys, animals necessary for turning the machine that produces grain for the oven. To the left a psyche carries a plate to a group banqueting in the open; at the left another, who sits on a stool, rests a foot on a white base and observes another cupid who, reclining, hands over a kantharos (silver drinking vessel). Another cupid reclines with the right hand over the head while the left holds a patera. Another pours a drink for a donkey. At the center, among the banqueters, is a large, golden tray on which there is a drinking cup, a crater with a cup for drawing wine (kyathos), and two other can-like cups (skyphoi).343 In triclinium (H) of house VI 16, 36.37344 a man with a garland on his head sits with his arms folded in his lap, before he reclines on a triclinium couch. In front of him is a small table on which there is a chalice and a vase. At the center of the composition is a courtesan occupying three quarters of the couch, who lifting her left arm seems to declaim. A feminine slave, wearing a yellow chiton and a violet cloak, approaches from the left. To the left of the fresco is the inscription XXXXIIIS.345 In the Casa di Giuseppe II346 there are fragments of a third style fresco traditionally identied with the death of Sophoniba (see Livy 30.15). This unfolds in a columned room with a statue of a bearded Dionysus with a kantharos, a thyrsus, and silver coins of Apollo with his olive branch and bow, which gives the room a luxurious tone. Two banqueters are on a couch; the woman, light-skinned, raising a silver cup with her right hand. One woman, standing beside the couch, also has light skin; the other gures, including the man on the couch, have brown skin, a typical gender contrast in Roman domestic art. One of the two brown slaves at the foot of the couch wears a turban. The other slave wears only a loincloth and carries a basket of fruit. The man on the right, wearing a tunic, is traditionally identied with Scipio in the presence of the daughter of Hasdrubal (brother of Hannibal), assisted by her husband, Masinissa, who is about to drink poison, to prevent the victor from taking her away as booty from the war. There is a similar fresco in the Casa del Fabbro,347 which Elia interprets as the death of Cleopatra, given the maturity of the woman, the gs in the basket, and the dating of the fresco to the age of Augustus. Brendel sees simply a banquet scene.348 Other iconography of Isis in the house (see n. 164 above) supports its interpretation as the death of Cleopatra, which would mean that the man on the couch with her is Antony. 342 343 344 345 346 347 348

Sampaolo, PPM V 546. Sampaolo, PPM V 548. PPM V 981–95, the last house mentioned above under E, “Poets” (n. 284–85). Sampaolo, PPM V 988. VIII 2,39; PPM VIII 308–56, at 356 (in color); see n. 164 above. I 10,7; PPM II 402–03. V. Sampaolo, PPM VIII 356.

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Plate 11 (CD 301): Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 563), sala (q), cupids and psychai making wine.

Plate 12 (CD 303): Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, west wall, two couples reclining in triclinium, two tables with dining ware from which a woman on the viewer’s right takes a glass; a third couple on the left are arriving or leaving.

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The Casa di M. Epidius Sabinus349 has another disputed scene. A couple, each wearing garland crowns, recline on a triclinium couch. The woman stretches out her right hand toward another woman, with a garlanded head, standing nearby to her right, who is wrapped from head to toe in a cloak and holding a kantharos in her right hand. Some think she is leaning on a slave behind her, staggering because she is drunk. For W. Helbig, however, the person who supports the standing woman from behind is male and is pushing her forward unwillingly to recline on the couch. A young slave, who approaches the couch from the right, holds something in his hands that is no longer discernable. A small table that has some silver vessels and a glass complete the scene.350 The Insula dei Casti amanti (IX 12,6; CD 302–07) is still being excavated, so was not published in PPM.351 Like the Casa del Triclinio, this new triclinium has three visual representations of convivia. That these are “a highly repetitive set of standard scenes emerges from the fact that for each of the three scenes there are close parallels elsewhere in Pompeii.”352 The rst scene (Plate 12 and CD 303)353 is similar to the one just discussed from the house of Epidius Sabinus, except that the new scene has a second reclining couple.354 Wallace-Hadrill prefers Helbig’s interpretation: the male-female couple on the viewers’ left are just arriving. The second, central scene (CD 304)355 with trees and awning represents dining in the open, as is also the case for the second fresco in the Casa del Triclinio; this scene has three couples. The third scene, on the right-hand wall, again has two drinking couples (CD 305).356 Varone interprets this scene as a drinking competition, which the young man on the right has lost, having fallen into a drunken sleep.357 Wallace-Hadrill (113) observes that this triclinium, at the back of the house, is sandwiched between a bakery and a stable (CD 306), the smells of which would drift into the triclinium! He (115) cites the inscriptions left by Crescens, who was a fuller, and interprets them as: “the fuller is king, . . . king of the feast, rex bibendi . . .: a feast makes a king of a commoner.” So too the bakers, despite the smell of donkeys, visually represent themselves in a symposium, “the denitive image of happiness and success. Our baker simply wants to be there too, and to be seen to be there.”358 349

IX 1, 22.29; PPM VIII 956–1044. V. Sampaolo, PPM VIII 1000–01. 351 See Dunbabin, Roman Banquet 53–55 and Wallace-Hadrill, “Imaginary Feasts,” 109–26 (cited n. 337). Also Coarelli, ed., Pompeii 334–45 with color plates. 352 Wallace-Hadrill 109. 353 Wallace-Hadrill, g. 1a. 354 Wallace-Hadrill, g. 1b. 355 Wallace-Hadrill, g. 2a. 356 Wallace-Hadrill, g. 3a. 357 Antonio Varone, “Scavi recenti a Pompei lungo Via dell’Abbondanza (Reg. IX, ins. 12, 6– 7),” in Ercolano 1738–1988. 250 anni di ricerca archeologica (Rome 1993) 617–40, cited by Wallace-Hadrill, “Imaginary Feasts.” 358 Wallace-Hadrill 116–17. House IX 5, 14–16 (PPM IX 600–69) visually presents a skillfully painted still life of baked bread, butcher knife, side of beef ribs, and a pitcher of red wine that that might appear in the kitchen of a good restaurant today (IX 653, in color). 350

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Conclusions As I skimmed or read PPM twice, I recorded impressions and organized them. In this initial, survey of the art in Pompeian dining rooms, I do not make any claim for completeness. Still, as a professor of New Testament, I have researched Pauline and Lukan house churches for three decades, so have been interested in the social role of religion in Jewish, Greek, and Roman households, including the role of Isis and of women in that cult. Otherwise, I am not aware of having searched for any particular subject. Subsequent searches will surely discuss signicant themes not recorded in this chapter. These frescoes and mosaics can often be dated rather precisely, some to the rst century BCE, others to the time of Augustus, a number of others to the reign of Nero. Viewers/visitors can see distinctions between rich and poor, for example, by the number of triclinia and by the quality of the decoration. The four styles of Roman domestic art would be seen in other provinces in the empire, something easily assumed for cities re-founded and colonized by Rome, not only Pompeii, but also Corinth and Philippi, perhaps also for Greek cities like Ephesus (see chap. V), eager to please the emperors, and even to some extent among the elite in Judea and Galilee. Debates remain about the ritual function of such decoration and the extent to which mystery cults of Dionysus and Isis were actually practiced in Pompeian and Roman domus, not only in temples. I argued in concert with A. Wallace-Hadrill that these houses were open to uninvited visitors, which means that the values seen in the visual representations were available for a wider public to see. The number and variety of Greek myths visually represented in Pompeian dining rooms, in order to support Julio-Claudian rule (B above), surprises me. Some houses, for example, the one belonging to M. Lucretius Fronto, were heavily oriented to imperial values, including the acceptance and pleasure of seeing lethal, bloody violence and death. Others express appreciation for Augustan peace, visually represented in the concord between Mars and Venus. Many visually reassured themselves that the present political arrangement was the will of the gods. Scholars debate whether this art originated in Rome or in the provinces.359 Much of this political propaganda must have originated in Rome. This means at least that Roman artists reinterpreted the ancient, primarily Greek myths, a procedure which further raises the question of the relationship between Roman imperial power and art.360 Augustus loved Greek drama; according to Suetonius (Deied Augustus 99.1), he died speaking Greek: “Since well I’ve played my part, all clap your hands And from the stage dismiss me with applause” (trans. Rolfe, Loeb). This Greek mythology was systematically reinterpreted for Roman imperial purposes, an intriguing 359 Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, “The Roman Revolution and Material Culture,” La révolution romaine aprés Ronald Syme: bilans et perspectives (Entretiens sur l’Antiquité Classique XLVI, eds. Fergus Millar, et al.; 1999) 283–313. 360 See Zanker, Power of Images.

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parallel to the contemporary, massive reinterpretation of the Bible to support North American, Christian imperialism. When Nero’s portrait appears as Orestes, both of whom killed their mothers,361 however, the nuances must have been ambivalent. A second prominent theme concerns the divine will and human obedience (C above). Both those who obeyed – such as Perseus who liberated Andromeda from the marine monster – and those who disobeyed – such as Icarus who fell into the sea – are visualized, sometimes in the same room as counterpoints. Piety, for example, Jason pleasing Hera by offering cult to her, is emphasized in houses where residents worshipped every morning before a lararium. Piety can be reduced to accepting fate, as visualized by Thetis in Hephaestus’ blacksmith shop. Finally, the gods appear visualized in temples, enthroned, or through epiphanies of light in Pompeian domestic spaces. Isis iconography is prominent not only in her Temple but also in the domus of Pompeii (D above); eight domus may be described as Egyptianizing and (some of) their owners as devotees of the cult. In this religious/cultural context, women are visually represented in colloquia and as musicians, both teaching and playing instruments; women also appear as educated readers of texts. Amphitheater scenes appear in many of the same houses, animals pursuing and killing other animals, as well as myths of humans dying in a bloody manner, killed either by animals or by other humans; the images raise questions as to what extent the Isis cult in Italy was inuenced by the imperial ideology of lethal violence. Finally, the worship of this foreign goddess, visually expressed in many Nile scenes, stimulated a xenophobic reaction in others, who painted absolutely grotesque counter-images. Many in Pompeii, for example, the whole house of Marcus Lucretius, were fascinated with the theater. We nd books of poets read by men, women, and children (E above); oral/visual presentations and staging appear. In the dining room of one house, friends visually represent themselves competing by acting dramatic scenes. Given such signicant intellectual activity in Pompeii, the question remains whether such interest was more intense in Greek cities such as Ephesus. Pompeii has left us famous portraits of persons who are certainly embedded in their society, in their domus or termopolia, but whose individual selves we still see (F.1). Popular art reveals much of tavern life as well as of other aspects of political and religious life in the city, including religious processions (F.2). Finally, repetitious banquet scenes visually represented in triclinia (F.3), even one in a bakery next to a donkey stable, project “the de nitive image of happiness and success” (WallaceHadrill). 361 Casa del Citarista, I 4,5.25; PPM I 117–77, at pp. 118, 134–35. Alex Butterworth and Ray Laurence, Pompeii: The Living City (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2005) publish two color plates (23 a and b) of Apollo Citarista from the Murecine wall frescoes, which they describe as Nero’s portrait. Their chap. 9 describes Nero’s visit to the city (May 64). See Salvatore Ciro Nappo, “La decorazione parietale dell’hospitum dei Sulpici in località Murecine a Pompei,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome, Antiguité 113/2 (2001) 839–95, gs. 5–6.

Credits for Visual Representations Introduction: The author took the digital photos in this chapter (June 2004 and June 2007) and publishes them with the kind permission of the Museo Nazionale di Napoli (#53, 125), and all the others (#4, 20, 32a, 71, 84b, 102, 103, 110, 114b, 117) of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei. Chapter I: The author took the digital photos in this chapter and publishes them with the kind permission of the National Arhaeological Museum, Naples (#52a), and all the others (#1, 24, 146, 147, 151, 159, 170) of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei. Chapter II: The author took the digital photos in this chapter and publishes them with the kind permission of the Fondation Bodmer, Geneva (#192), the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archaeologici di Roma (#177a), the Museo Nazionale di Napoli (#179, 188–91), and the others (#180, 181a) of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei. Chapter III: The author took the digital photos in this chapter (June 2004 and June 2007) and publishes them with the kind permission of the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archaeologici di Roma (#198, 200), the Museo Nazionale di Napoli (#193, 194, 196), the Vatican Museum (#195), and the others (#14a, 15a, 16, 16a) of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei. Chapter IV: Plan 1 is published by permission of John Clarke. #200, 202a, 205a, 206, 207, 207a, 208, 208a, 209, 209a, 210 and 210a are from A. SOGLIANO: La Casa dei Vettii in Pompei (Rome, 1898) and are published with the kind permission of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei. Chapter V: The author took the digital photos in this chapter and publishes them with the kind permission of Stefano De Caro (#213), of the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archaeologici di Roma (#177–177a), Museo Nazionale di Napoli (#185, 189–90), and all the others (#181, 181a, 217a, 217b) of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei.

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Chapter VI: The author took all these digital images and publishes them with the kind permission of Ida Baldassarre (#223), the Museum, Aquileia, Italy (#236–236a), and the others (#225a, 228a–c) of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei. Chapter VII: The author took the digital photos in this chapter (June 2004 and June 2007) and publishes them with the kind permission of the National Archaeological Museum, Naples (#289, 290), and the others (#237, 245, 252a, 266a, 282, 283, 291, 292, 301, 303) of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei.

Credits for Original Publication of Chapters I–VI Chapter I: “Rich Pompeian Houses, Shops for Rent, and the Huge Apartment Building in Herculaneum as Typical Spaces for Pauline House Churches,” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 27.1 (2004) 27–46. Chapter II: “The Suffering of Isis/Io and Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal 3:1): Frescoes in Pompeian and Roman Houses and in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii,” The Journal of Religion 83/1 (January 2003) 24–55. Chapter III: “Paul’s Portrait of Christ Crucied (Gal 3:1) in Light of Paintings and Sculptures of Suffering and Death in Pompeian Houses,” 84–108 in Early Christian Families in Context: an interdisciplinary dialogue, ed. David L. Balch and Carolyn Osiek. © 2003. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, Michigan. Reprinted by permission of the publisher; all rights reserved. Chapter IV: “Zeus, Vengeful Protector of the Political and Domestic Order: Frescoes in Dining Rooms N and P of the House of the Vettii in Pompeii, Mark 13:12–13, and 1 Clement 6.2,” 67–95 in Picturing the New Testament, eds. Annette Weissenrieder, Frederike Wendt, and Petra von Gemünden. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 193; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005. Chapter V: “‘A Woman Clothed with the Sun’ and the ‘Great Red Dragon’ Seeking to ‘Devour Her Child’ (Rev 12:1, 4) in Roman Domestic Art,” 287–314 in The New Testament and Early Christian Literature in Greco-Roman Context: Studies in Honor of David E. Aune, ed. John Fotopoulos. Supplements to Novum Testamentum 122. Leiden/ Boston: Brill, 2006. Chapter VI: “From Endymion in Roman Domus to Jonah in Christian Catacombs: From Houses of the Living to Houses for the Dead. Iconography and Religion in Transition,” 273– 301 in Roman Burials: Commemorating the Dead in Texts and Artifacts, eds. Laurie Brink and Deborah Green. Berlin/New York: De Gruyter, 2008.

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studie zum Synkretismus im Neuen Testament,” 42–46 in Suchbewegungen. Synkretismus-kulturelle Identität und kirchliches Bekenntnis. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1991. Zevi, Fausto. “La casa Reg. IX 5, 8–21 a Pompei,” Studi Miscellanei 5 (Rome, 1964). –. “L’arte ‘popolare,’” 267–73 in La pittura di Pompei, Giuseppina Cerulli Irelli, et al, eds. Milan: Jaca, 1990, 1991. –. “Die Casa del Fauno in Pompeji und das Alexandermosaik,” RM 105 (1998) 21–65. Zimmermann, Bernhard. “Aeschylus,” Brill’s New Pauly (2002) 1.244–51. Zimmermann, Norbert. Werkstattgruppen Römischer Katakombenmalerei. JAC, Ergänzungsband 35; Munster: Aschendorf, 2002. Zuntz, Gunter. “On the Dionysiac Fresco in the Villa dei Misteri at Pompeii,” Proceedings of the British Academy 49 (June 1963) 177–201, with Plates I–VII.

Glossary acroterium, -a – sculpture or ornament at the apex and angles of a pediment aedicule, ae – pavilion-like structure, modeled on temple front, especially as a frame for a picture or gure ala, -ae (“wings”) – open rooms off the sides of atria, some elaborately decorated, others apparently closets or storage spaces amphitheater/spectacula – large oval area where Romans seated above watched bloody entertainments, animals killing each other or humans. They became popular in Nero’s reign, so that frescoes visually representing the sport are popular in domus. apotropaic symbols – ward off evil inuences. arcosolia – found in tombs, resting places made of a bench with an arch over it. atrium – typically the  rst room at the entrance of a Pompeian/Roman house, usually having a large opening in the roof, all four sides of which slope inward (compluvium), in order to drain rain water into a basin (impluvium) in the oor of the atrium below. See Richardson quoted in the Introduction, n. 19 for three types. Augustale – person who donated a large sum for public works and was then appointed to this status by the emperor; the highest civic ofce open to freedmen. bacchant/maenad – female devotee of the god Bacchus/Dionysus, often visually represented dancing in a frenzy balustrade – a row of repeating small posts which support the upper rail of a railing. basilica/stoa – Roman public building, usually located near the center; later the term is used of large, important churches. bath (domestic) – much smaller than a public bath, with one or more rooms, including frigidarium (cold bath), tepidarium (warm bath), and caldarium (hot bath) cardo – major north-south street catacomb – Jewish and Christian underground burial places, having both simple, unmarked graves and burial vaults, often with vast systems of galleries and passages, found along Roman roads like the Via Appia caupona/taberna – tavern, inn centauromachia – battle between centaurs (part horse, part human male) and Lapiths, a Thessalian clan, which symbolizes a battle between threatening, violent nature, represented by the centaurs, and culture, represented in myth by Lapiths, marriage, and wine.

270

Glossary

citarista – a person playing a concert lyre cornucopia – symbol of food and abundance, horn of plenty cryptoporticus – underground (or in the insula in Herculaneum, a dark, ground oor) corridor cubiculum – bedroom cupids and psychai – male and female children, often with wings, in Pompeian/Roman domestic art, often engaged in crafts decumanus maximus – major east-west street diaeta, -ae – daytime resting room, often with view; Leach interprets them as guest rooms. domus – house, household. Dickmann, “Residences at Herculaneum,” 422–23: “A. WallaceHadrill, in his careful examination of Maiuri’s arguments, has undermined the assumption that house forms were clearly structured and tied to social class. . . . For this reason, we should avoid the study of houses according to convenient typological architectural criteria, at least for social questions.” Egyptomania – fascination in Rome with decorations that allude to Egypt, including e.g. cult objects (of Sarapis or Isis), obelisks, lotus owers, lions, cobras ekphrasis – the interpretation of visual representations exedra, -ae – an open-fronted room or recess, often situated in a persityle fauces (“ jaws”) – narrow passageway into a Roman house, closed at night by doors, sometimes guarded by a slave, but open in the daytime for visitors fresco – wall painting in which colored pigment is applied to wet plaster so that it is incorporated into the  nal plaster layer fullers – persons who dye and clean clothes gigantomachy – visual representation of the gods, aided by the mortal Hercules, suppressing a revolt of the giants, thus many Greeks and Romans thought, preserving order and reason in the world. gorgoneion – Medussa’s head, a visual representation that protects a person or house, putting the evil eye on an enemy grafto – text written in popular style, in contrast to inscriptions, texts written by a professional hand grifn – animal with a lion body, wings, and the head of a falcon, a symbolic attribute of Apollo herm – quadrangular pillar topped with a sculptured head or torso, plus a phallus lower on the front of the pillar hermaphrodite – person with both male penis and female breasts house, casa (Italian) – domus (Latin), oikos (Greek) hypogeum – underground burial chamber

Glossary

271

Imagines clipeatae – portrait busts on round shields Insula (“island”) – large multi-story building under single ownership; the function and relationship to domus (houses) is debated. Contemporary archaeologists use the term of a group of buildings surrounded by streets. Isis lactans – the goddess Isis nursing her son, Horus/Harpocrates kalathos – vase-shaped basket, an attribute of Hera kantharos – silver drinking vessel ketos – sea monster, often opposed by a male hero (Perseus, Hercules) who is saving a woman (Andromeda, Hesione); they are visualized both in Pompeii and in Christian catacombs, in the later case with Jonah. kline – dining couch lararium – shrine to the lares and other household gods, location for worship by the familia, typically one lararium in each domus, occasionally two, located in various rooms. Dickmann notes that they become more magnicent in the late Republican and early Imperial periods in order to demonstrate the piety and patriotism of the domus’ owner. lares – household gods, usually represented in pairs, as youths wearing kilts and holding rhyta, worshiped in the lararium macellum – meat, sh, and vegetable market medianum – hall-like “room in the middle,” courtyard, of Roman insula, surrounded on three sides by rooms, but lit by windows on the fourth side megalographia – wall painting representing large gures niche – an exedra or apse that is small in size nymphaeum, -a – decorative fountain; room or court containing such a fountain obelisk – tall, narrow, four-sided, tapering monument which ends in pyramidal top, in ancient times made of a single stone, which Romans imported from Egypt oecus – reception room often used for dining and entertaining ofcina – shop, workshop oinochoai – wine vessels omphalos (“naval”) – a religious stone, the naval/center of the world, the most famous of which was at the oracle in Delphi orans – gure with arms raised in prayer palaestra, -ae – exercise ground in gymnasium or baths – patera – small dish employed in pouring a libation to the gods pedum – shepherd’s crook, carried typically by satyrs or rulers peristyle – central garden or courtyard often having or surrounded by columns, an area that Vetruvius (6.5.1) calls communia, open to all comers, spaces for walking that Leach interprets as taking on intellectual and social functions of Greek gymnasia/palaestrae. The most

272

Glossary

luxurious ones included a pool, large or small, which could be seen from adjoining dining room(s). Phrygia – located in Asia Minor, characterized by particular dress, especially a cap, which identies the character as Trojan, e.g. in the Alexander/Darius mosaic in the Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2) and in the Hercules megalograph in the Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2) pomerium – sacred boundary of the city of Rome porticus – a column-supported, roofed space, open or partly closed predella – narrow frieze between the (lower) dado/socle and the medium zone of wall decoration, containing gures or ornaments Priapus – visual representation of male with an enormous penis, which Clarke, whom I follow, interprets as both ugly and comical, stimulating laughter, the opposite of evil, which disarms the Evil Eye relief – sculptured artwork, where a modeled form projects out from a at background representation and service (slave) areas – a differentiation in domus beginning in the second century BCE, the former lavishly decorated, the latter occasionally painted with stripes rhyton, -a – horn-shapped drinking cup sacellum – a room set apart for the service of the domestic cult and especially equipped for that purpose, with a fresco or statue(s) of the god(s), occasionally in niche(s), sometimes with an altar, sometimes with benches for worshippers sarcophagus – stone container, often carved, for a corpse, often made of limestone, some freestanding above ground, others placed in crypts satyr – woodland spirit, in form part human and part bestial, belonging to circle of the god Bacchus/Dionysus scenae frons – stage building of the Roman theater, decorated with columns, aediculae, and niches with statues. Vetruvius (5.6.8) assigns them a middle and two side doors, whose meaning is debated. sistrum – a ritual rattle in the cult of Isis situla – bronze vessel, typical of Isis cult socle – the lowest of three horizontal (lower, middle, and upper) zones of decoration on walls of Roman buildings stele – inscribed, sculpted stones, often with inscriptions and gures in relief styles of domestic decoration –  rst, second, third, and fourth styles: see Introduction, section B. For post-Pompeian styles, esp. the red and green linear, illusionistic style that involved dematerialisation and simplication in the terrace houses of Ephesus and in Christian catacombs, see chap. VI. stucco – ne lime-plaster, especially as a medium for decorative work in relief syrinx – musical pipes (of Pan) tablinium – typically the second space, beyond the atrium in a Pompeian/Roman house, which

Glossary

273

Vetruvius (6.5.1) names the owner’s ofce, a reception space, focal point of the axis beginning in the fauces and running through the atrium. Typically there is no wall between atrium and tablinum, although there is a wooden partition in the house of that name in Herculaneum. terrace – platform outside of a house tessera, -ae – the individual unit of mosaic, made of stone, or rarely of glass paste theater – permanent ones prohibited in Rome until 50 BCE, so that earlier ones were built of wood, later more elaborate ones of stone theogony – origins and genealogies of the gods thermopolium – archaeologists’ term to refer to hot drink counter, typically with large storage jars; properly: popina thiasos – band of Dionysiac revelers, e.g. nude maenads dancing and a silenus playing a double ute tholus – round structures, often with conical roofs, sometimes with a god or goddess visually represented inside; from early times in Greece, signicant dining occurred in such round buildings. thrysus – Dionysus’ ivy-twined staff tipped with pine cones triclinium – three couches in a “u” shape, sometimes with a concrete base, on which cushions would be placed, arranged against side and rear walls. The couches may be in a decorated room or outside in a garden. A biclinium is one variation, two couches parallel to each other, which also may be inside a house or outside in a garden. tripod – the center of the world, a three-legged symbol of Apollo of Delphi trompe l’oeil – form of painting which produces an illusion of reality, so as to “deceive the eye” villa – country house, farm viscus – neighborhood with both domus and insulae, that is, not zoned as in modern cities

Index of Ancient Authors/Texts, including Biblical texts 1 Clement 5 6.2 7.5–7

112, 135–36 40, 111, 135–36 192

2 Maccabees 6.14 6–7

61, 85 89

4 Maccabees 6.29

61, 85

Acts of Paul 8.29–31

192

Acts of Thomas 50 Aeschylus Agamemnon Perrhaebides Prometheus Bound 561–89 651, 654, 674, 676 734–35, 717–19, 809, 812 561–89, 768, 869 Suppliant Maidens 294, 651, 654, 674, 676

3.5.5 5.17

129 chap. III, Pl. 7

Apuleius Metamorphoses 11.25

77

Artemidorus Onirocritica 2.29

79

Athenaeus Deipnosophists 1.13 V 196a, 25–26 XI 476c

191 113 207

Augustine City of God 18.3

73

Callimachos “Lock of Berenice,” Aetia Hymn II: To Apollo Hymn III: To Artemis Hymn IV: To Delos 1.91

210 169 142 142 142

Catullus 66.5–6

169

83

89 207 72 73 73 148 72–73

Apollodorus 121 Library of Greek Mythology 1.2.1 156 1.6.1–3 142, 156 1.7–9 125 1.20 123 2.1.3 72 2.5.8 126 2.6 182 3.1.2–3 122 3.5.1–2 128

Cicero Against Verres 2.1.17, 18–23, 34, 37 2.4.60 2.4.1–67 4.2–4 Amicitia 1.13.43–44 De Finibus 5.20.55 De Ofciis I.39 De Oratore 1.7.28 22.74 Nature of the Gods 2.3.8 Oratio in Pisonem 67

151–52 141 151 175 169 170 47 7 89 19 9

276

Index of Ancient Authors/Texts, including Biblical texts

Tusculan Disputations 1.38.92 2.4

169, 179 7

Clement of Alexandria Stromateis 1.21 1.75.2

192 73

Cofn Text Spell 148

144–45, 147

Dio Cassius Roman History 52.20 62.9.4 62.16–18

20 128 111

Dio Chrysostom Dialogues of the Sea Gods 318 (11 [7]) 73 Oration 31.148 101, 113 Diodorus Siculus 5.23.2

165

Dionysius Halicarnassus Roman Antiquities 1.34.1 80 Euripides 7, 136, 185, 225 Andromeda 210 Antiope 137 Iphigenia at Aulis 89, 91 89–93, 1365, 1375, 1383– 84, 1395–1401, 1420, 1447, 1502–03, 1532–1629, 1547– 60, 1566–83, 1609, 1612, 1622 88 Iphigenia at Tauris 89–90 Phaëthon 20; see 163–65 Trojan Women 106 Eusebius Church History 5.1.56 134 Preparation for the Gospel 2.1, 48cd 73 Herodotus History 2.73 2.156

32 143

Hesiod Theogony 617–735 717–35 820–68 836–38

156 156 142 156

Homer Hymn to Demeter 192–211 Iliad 2.22.318 19.286 22–24 Odyssey 8.267 ff.

136, 185 79 96, 115 158 63 96 96 207

Horace Epistle 1.2.18–22 Ode 3.3 Satire 2.4.78–87 2.8.53–55

93 96 9 9

Hyginus Astronomy 2.42 158, 160 Fabulae 140.1, 2, 3, 4, 5; 2.3143 Ignatius Ephesians 12 Romans 4–5

112 112, 134

Irenaeus Adversus haereses 3.20

193

Isodorus Hymn 1.26

79, 150–51

Josephus Life 64–65 War 3.419, 421 6.420 7.158–62, 320–406

85 155 134 101

Justin Martyr Dialogus cum Tryphone Judaeo 107–08

192

Kerygmata Petrou 32.3

192

277

Index of Ancient Authors/Texts, including Biblical texts

Lactantius The Divine Institutes I.11 73 Livy 30.15

234

Lucan The Civil War VI.363

72

Origen Commentarium in evangelium Matthaei 12.3 192 De Oratione 13.2, 4 192 Homiliae in Jeremiam 1.1 192 Homilie in Numeriam 16.4 192

Martial Epigrammaton libri 2 10.66 Liber de Spectaculis 7.12; 21.24

114 9 23

Ovid 185, 210 Amores 1.14.31–34 141 2.6.49–58 32 Art of Love 3.401–02 141 Metamorphoses 1.635–39, 646–50, 679–721, 668, 725, 728, 738, 747 72 1.588–779 75 1.748–2.400 163 2.1–2 114 2.340–66 165 2.341 163 3.138–252 180 3.339–510 179 4.55 ff. 179 8.881 ff., 140 9.1 ff. 140 12.240–41 207 15.843–51 141 On Sea Fishing 191 Pontic epistles 4.1.29 141 Tristia 2.297–98 72 3.1.27–38 80

Metternich Stele

143

Papyrus Louvre 3079

147

Menander

7–8, 225

Pausanius 1.29.15 10.7.1 10.24.7

154 101 207

Nonnos Dionysiaca 142 1.163–64, 180–81 156 2.271–72, 296–315, 337–41 156 12.3; 38.29 158

Petronius Satirae 26–79 34 39.4 89

184 9, 184 84 100

Oppian On Fishing

Philo Contemplative Life

11

Lucian Concerning the Hall/ House 4, 6, 13, 23 Dialogues of the Gods 19 (11) 24 (25).278–80 Dialogues of the Sea Gods 318 Essays in Portraiture 4, 8, 17, 19, 23 Essays in Portraiture Defended 23, 24 Symposium (Carousal, or Lapiths) 13–14 True Story 1.11–12

Minucius Felix Octavius 29.6

41, 62, 87, 198 169 163 80 62–63, 87 63 11 170

83, 108

191

278

Index of Ancient Authors/Texts, including Biblical texts

Philostratus Eikones/Imagines

112

Pseudo-Lycophron Alexandra 1226–82

96

Pindar, Frag. 166

207

Pseudo-Phycylides 3–8

86

19

Quintilian Institutio oratoria 2.13.13

89

Seneca Moral Essays 90.15 115.8–9, 11–14

114 114

Pliny Epistle 1.15 Natural History 2.36 2.43 21.11 33.54 34.46 34.84 35.2–3, 120 35.36.75, 79–98 35.40.131, 132 36.114 37.17 Pliny the Elder 35.6 Plutarch Face of the Moon 945AB Fragment 178 Isis and Osiris 355B, 358EF, 360E, 361A, 363B, 377F, 379EF 354A, 356E, 358A, 361DE, 373A 358D, 363D, 367A 367D, 371B 363E, 368D Lucullus 39.1–4 41 42.1–2 Moralia 293BC Theseus 20

158 170 32 114 114 101, 113 114 141 154 19 114

5 185 170 79

72 79 147 166 156 6 195 6–7, 16 145 125

Polybius 6.54.2–3

5

Propertius Elegies 1.15.15–16 2.15.15–16 2.28.17; 30.29; 33.7 4.6.59

210 179 170 72 158

Strabo Geography 2.2.2–3 14.1.24 14.2.19 15.1.8

163 140 141

Suetonius Deied Julius 6.1; 61 Augustus 72.2 99.1 99.2 Tiberius 56 Nero 21.4; 39.2; 46.1 12.3; 16.2; 21.1, 3; 38.2–3 16.2 21.3 31.21 38.2 55

150 71 237 67 61 90 103 106, 112 128 113 111–12 111

Tacitus Annals 15.38–39, 44 15.44 15.52

103, 106, 111–12 134 114

Tertullian Ad nationes 1.114.1 Adversus Marcionem 2.17, 24; 4.10; 5.1 3.22 Apology De fuga in persecutione 10 De pudicitia 10 De resurrectione carnis 32 De Anima 55

192 83 83, 108 193 192 193 170, 193

Texts D and E, Temple at Edfu, Egypt

145–47, 155 166

104

279

Index of Ancient Authors/Texts, including Biblical texts

Theocritus 3.49–50 20.37–39

210 169 169

Varro De Re Rustica 3.13 23 Saturarum Menippearum 170 Vergil Aeneid 2.40–56, 199–231 2.201 ff., 228 ff., 246 ff. 2.246–47

94, 185, 202 92; chap.III, Pl.7 97 96

2.402 ff. 3.655 7.789–92 Eclogues 9.47

100 210 72 158

Vitruvius On Architecture 3.2.8 5.10.2, 5 6.5.1–2 5.6.8 7.5.3

6 6 3–4, 38, 47 18 96

Biblical texts Genesis 22

89, 107

Psalms 44.22 74[LXX 73].13–14

81 142

Isaiah 27.1

142

Jeremiah 9.24

81

Ezekiel 1.18; 10.12

148

Daniel 7.8, 20 8.10–11

148 142, 156

Jonah 2.2 3.3, 4

186–93 193 192

Matthew 4.1–11 10.42 12.38–42 14.19 16.1–4 22.20

103 228 192 11 192 86

Mark 6.39 8.11–12 8.34 13 13.12–13 14.3, 18 14.36

11 192 83, 108 103 111, 134 11 106

Luke 1.41–55; 2.10, 38 11.29–32 12.37 14.27; 22.14 23.26; 24.7

81, 107 146 192 11 83, 107–08 11 83, 107–08

John 3.34 13.12 19.16–20

Acts 2.26 2.36 12.12 16.34 18.2–3, 18, 26 28.13

81, 83, 107–08 11 82, 107; chap. II, Pl. 9

108 83 43 11 54 75

280

Index of Ancient Authors/Texts, including Biblical texts

Romans 1.18 1.25 3.25–26 4.5 4.25 6.3–4 8.32 8.33b–37 16.1 16.3–5 16.23

108 229 61, 85 108 106 61, 85 106 81 75 43, 84 43

1 Corinthians 1.11 1.14 1.16 1.22 1.31 2.2 4.8, 9 8.10; 10.21; 14.30 10.6 11.23–26 14.23 15.3–8 16.3–5a 16.15–16, 19 16.15, 17

54 43, 54 43, 54, 84 61, 85 81 61, 85 80 11 193 61, 85 43 61, 85 54 43, 54, 84 54

2 Corinthians 1.5–6 4.1, 7, 11, 16 5.14–15 6.4–5, 9 11.23–28 11.30 12.10 13.4 Galatians 1.4 2.20 3.1 3.28 6.17 Philippians 4.13

61, 85 80–81 61, 85 80 80–81 81 80–81 86

61, 85 61, 84 62, 86, 108 106, 108 80, 86 81

1 Thessalonians 1.9–10

52

Hebrews 10.33–34

134, 136

James 2.3

11

1 Peter 2.12; 4.12, 14

134

Apocalypse of John 1.9–20 2.5 2.13 2.20 3.2 3.15–15 4.1–5.14 4.6, 8 5.6 6.12, 13–14 7.3 8.7 8.9 11.7 11.19–12.9 12 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 12.5a 12,5–6 12.7 12.8b–9a 12.10–12 12.12 12.13 12.14–15 12.17 13 16.3, 8–9, 18 18.9 19.1–10 20.2

210 166 140 134 140 140 140 166 148 148 164 164 164 164 134 164 40, 210, chap. V passim 146 143, 144, 146 146, 157 146, 147 143, 147 146, 147 143, 145, 146, 147 147, 156 146, 147 146 146, 147 156 146, 147 210 164 164 164 156

Index of Modern Authors A ITKEN, ELLEN BRADSHAW 134 Aland, Kurt 81, 82, 107 Alexander, Margaret A. 190, 191 Allenbach, Jean 192 Alliot, Maurice 146 Allison, Penelope M. 61, 195 Andreae, Bernard 16, 92, 94, 103, 106 Andrian, Enzo 189 Aoyagi, Masanori 2, 14, 21, 50 A RCHER, William C. 110, 114, 116 Arslan, Ermanno A. 67 Astbury, Raymond 170 Aune, David E. 40, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 163 Avigad, Nahman 86 Babcock, William S. 81, 107 Bakker, Jan T. 53 Badoni, Franca Parise 44, 54, 57, 89, 202, 211, 220 Balch, David L. 43, 56, 60, 84, 107, 110, 113, 117, 128, 141, 148, 149, 154, 155, 156, 164, 171, 179, 180, 183, 210, 213 Baldassarre, Ida 1, 2, 110, 111, 148, 170, 195 Barbet, Alix 10 Barclay, John M. G. 86, 155 Beard, Mary 149, 150, 215 Ben Abed Ben Khader, Aïcha 133, 191 Bergmann, Betina 18, 62, 85, 89, 183, 184, 210 Bernsdorff, Hans 163 Bernstein, Frances 197 Berry, Joanne 31, 89 Bertacchi, Luisa 188 Betz, Hans Dieter 62, 79, 86 Beyen, H. G. 19, 39, 64, 110, 111, 116, 117, 132, 137, 178 Bisconti, Fabrizio 166, 169, 171, 172, 174, 186

Black, Matthew 82, 107 Blake, Marion Elizabeth 36, 202 Blanc, Nicole 174 Blanchard-Lemée, Michèle 189, 190 Bodel, John 111 Bömer, Franz 54, 205 Bonini, Paolo 3 Boring, M. Eugene 134 Boyce, George K. 175, 176 Bradley, Keith 197 Bragantini, Irene 19, 32, 33, 34, 49, 54, 55, 57, 67, 124, 132, 133, 160, 162, 163, 170, 174, 202, 208, 209, 212, 221 Brashear, William 145 Brendel, Otto J. 94 Brenk, Frederick E. 32, 64, 77, 78, 80, 142, 167 Bricault, Laurent 60 Brilliant, Richard 62, 96, 174, 182 Brink, Laurie 39, 40, 194 Brommer, Frank 153 Browning, Don 60, 84 Bruno, Vincent J. 12 Burkert, Walter 78, 79 Butterworth, Alex 238 Canciani, Fulvio 93 Cancik, Hubert 62, 132 Carettoni, Gianlippo 67, 70, 71 Carletti, Carlo 169, 187 Casadio, Giovanni 149, 167 Caso, Laura 159 Champlin, Edward 28, 136 Ciardello, Rosaria 14, 16, 21, 55, 196, 207, 215 Cima, M. 110 Cirillo, Antonio 196 Clarke, G. W. 83, 107 Clarke, John R. 1, 2, 36, 49, 50, 54, 57, 61,

282

Index of Modern Authors

85, 104, 109, 110, 111, 113, 117, 118, 119, 195, 216, 221, 229 Cloke, Gillian 134 Coarelli, Filippo 2, 12, 29, 96, 101, 111, 178, 199, 215 Coleman, Kathleen M. 28, 110 Collard, Christopher 163 Comfort, Philip W. 83 Conte, Gian B. 103 Cooper, Frederick 16 Coralini, Antonella 182 Corballis, Michael C. 60 Curtius, Ludwig 183 D’Arms, John H. 9, 10 Dassmann, Ernst 169, 192 Davis, Basil S. 62, 86 Davison, Jean M. 73, 148 Dawson, Christopher M. 185, 205 De Balanda, E. 133 De Bruyne, Luciano 186 De Caro, Stefano 7, 16, 27, 65, 75, 76, 77, 89, 93, 130, 141, 149, 152, 155, 206, 212 De Franciscis, Alfonso 16, 17, 18, 156, 215 De Grummond, Nancy T. 140 De Simone, Girolamo Ferdinando 16 De Vos, Arnold 36, 46, 209, 232 DE VOS, CRAIG 134 De Vos, Mariette 17, 67, 71, 76, 112, 133, 148, 177, 178, 179, 181, 185, 191, 201, 202, 204, 207, 208, 212, 214, 215 Deckers, Johannnes Georg 187 Deiss, Joseph Jay 50 Della Portella, Ivana 186 Des Bouvrie, Synneve 72 Di Caro, Adele Lagi 207 Di Mino, Maria Rita Sanzi 25, 71 Dickmann, Jens-Arne 1, 7, 15, 43, 46, 47, 52, 53 Diggle, James 163 Dobbins, John J. 15 Donati, Angela 52, 64 Dorigo, Wladimiro 174, 186 Dorsch, Klaus-Dieter 186 Dowden, Ken 72, 79 Downey, Glanville 62, 132 DuBois, Page 207 Dückers, Peter 169 Duliere, C. 134

Dunbabin, Katherine M. D. 1, 134, 184, 221, 229, 230, 232, 233, 236 Duval, Yves-Marie 189, 192 Dwyer, Eugene 196 Ehrhardt, Wolfgang 13 Ehrman, Bart D. 136 Eitrem, Samson 72 Elia, Olga 64, 65, 162 Elsner, Jas´ 1, 2, 62, 85, 87, 191, 196 Engemann, Josef 169, 171, 191 Ennaifer, Mongi 190 Ermini, Letizia Pani 172, 186 Eschebach, Hans 176 Esler, Philip F. 134, 135 Fagan, Garrett G. 213 Fantar, M’hamed Hassine 189 Fasola, Umberto M. 187 Feldman, Louis H. 86 Fergola, Lorenzo 52 Ferguson, Everett 73, 78 Ferguson, John 73 Ferrua, Antonio 168, 187 Fine, Steven 85, 86 Finney, Paul Corby 60, 84 Fiocchi-Nicolai, Vincenzo 186, 187 Fittschen, Klaus 107 Fitzgerald, John T. 6, 80, 206 Foerster, Gideon 188 Forsyth, Noel 156 Foss, Pedar W. 15 Fotopoulos, John 39 Foucher, Louis 134, 189 Fowler, Barbara Hughes 77 Froelich, Thomas 229 Funari, Pedro Paulo Abreu 228 Gabelmann, Hans 168, 169, 177, 179, 184 Gabriel, Mabel M. 20 Galinsky, Karl 149 Garland, Robert 222 George, Michele 38, 42, 43, 44, 46, 52 Gershenson, Daniel E. 73 Goold, George P. 163 Grifths, J. Gwyn 72 Gifford, Edwin Hamilton 73 Grabar, André 168 Grant, Frederick C. 149

Index of Modern Authors

Grant, Mary 121, 143 Greenwood, L. H. G. 151 Grene, David 72 Grenier, Jean-Claude 75 Grifths, J. Gwyn 146 Grimal, Pierre 6, 213 Grimaldi, Mario 14, 16, 160, 163 Gros, Pierre 34, 141 Grottanelli, Cristiano 205 Gruen, Erich S. 59 Guidobaldi, Federico 189 Guidobaldi, Maria Paola 7, 13, 76, 107 Gury, Françoise 212 Guzzo, Pietro Giovanni 13 Hafemann, Scott 80 Hales, Shelley 1, 28, 30, 35–37, 177 Hannig, Rainer 144 Hard, Robin 72, 121–26, 128, 129, 142, 182 Hartswick, Kim J. 24, 101 Hausmann, Ulrich 130 Hellerman, Joseph H. 52 Hemsoll, David 110 Herbert, S. C. 213 Heres, Huberta 141 Hermansen, Gustav 44 Herz, Peter 54 Hicks, Ruth Ilsley 64 Hijmans, Steven E. 162, 164 Hodske, Jürgen 83, 185, 195 Hoesch, Nicola 154 Hoffmann, Adolf 46, 191 Hölbl, Günther 74 Hölscher, Tonio 2, 85, 191, 211 Hopkins, Keith 193 Hubbard, Thomas K. 119 Huet, Valérie 214 Hurtado, Larry W. 82 Iacopi, Irene 25, 67, 74, 76, 110, 113 Inan, Jale CD 199 Irelli, Giuseppina Cerulli 1, 30, 177, 201, 205, 214 Isager, Jacob 74 Jacobelli, Luciana 133, 184, 204, 222 Jashemski, Wilhelmina Feemster 175, 180 Jastrze¸bowska, E. 171 Jensen, Robin Margaret 81, 104, 106, 107, 171

283

Jewett, Robert 6, 15, 61, 63, 87 Jouan, Francois 87 Kahil, Lilly 89 Kahl, Brigitte 140 Kaplan, Tobi Levenberg 172 Käsemann, Ernst v, 61, 85 Kästner, Volker 140 Kennedy, George A. 219 Klauck, Hans-Josef 15, 59, 79 Klausner, Theodor 191 Klinghardt, Matthias 41, 44, 196, 197 Kluls, Eva 136 Koch, Carl 149, 164 Koch, D. A. 191 Koch, Guntram 153, 171, 172 Kockel, Valentin 176 Kollwitz, Johannes 174, 186 Kondoleon, Christine 62 Konstan, David 61, 206 Korol, Dieter 191 Köse, Veli CD 199 Kossatz-Deissmann, Anneliese 29 Kovacs, David 87 Kraus, Chris 196 Krenkel, Werner A. 170 Kunze, Christian 94, 130 Kurth, Dieter 145–47 La Regina, Adriano 20 La Rocca, E. 110 Lattimore, Richard 72 Lafon, Xavier 176, 213 Laidlaw, Laura Anne 12 Lampe, Peter 15, 28, 136 Lattimore, Richard 72 Laurence, Ray 148, 238 Lauter-Bufe, Heide 115–16 Lavagne, Henri 60, 84 Lawrence, Marion 171 Leach, Eleanor Winsor 1, 2, 3–27, 43, 58, 70, 111, 130, 159, 163, 164, 165, 171, 183, 185, 195, 197, 198, 211 Lehmann-Hartleben, Karl 62, 86, 132 Levenson, Jon D. 89 Levine, Lee I. 85 Lindemann, Andreas 135 Ling, Roger 1, 7, 27, 28, 54, 92, 97, 110, 131, 142, 183, 220

284

Index of Modern Authors

Lipsius, Richard A. 83 Lochin, Catherine 215 Löwy, Emanuel 87, 89, 90 Lloyd-Jones, Hugh 89 Lochin, Catherine 215 Luciani, Roberto 110 Lüdemann, Gerd 59

Niccolini, Fausto and Felice 155, 158 Nock, Arthur Darby 32

Macdonald, Margaret Y. 198 Macleod, M. D. 73, 169 Macmullen, Ramsay 79 Maffei, Sonia 197 Mafoli, Monica 62, 148 Mair, A. W. 142, 191 Maiuri, Amedeo 15, 96, 97, 130, 141, 220, 221, 222 Malaise, Michel 73 Marcattili, Francesco 228 Marini, Graziano 189 Marshall, P. K. 143 Martin, Victor 81 Maser, Peter 104 Matheson, Susan B. 141 Mathews, Thomas F. 104 Mau, August 2, 12, 176 Mazon, Paul 72 Mazzoleni, Danilo 186, 187, 192 Mazzoleni, Donatella 1, 2, 30, 31 Meggitt, Justin J. 46–48 Merkelbach, Reinhold 56, 60, 64, 65, 67, 73, 75, 79, 145, 149, 219 Mertens, Joan R. 172 Meyboom, Paul G. P. 33, 60, 110, 221 Meyer, Frederick G. 180 Mielsch, Harald 110 Miller, Frank Justus 72 Miniero, Paola 156 Moltmann, Jürgen 167 Moormann, Eric M. 101, 110, 114, 159, 163 Moreno, Paolo 141 Mozley, J. H. 191 Murphy O’Connor, Jerome 43 Münster, Maria 144, 145, 147 Muscettola, Stefania Adamo 141

Packer, J. 101 Pagano, Mario 50, 51 Painter, Kenneth S. 196 Panetta, Marisa Ranieri 227 Pappalardo, Umberto 1, 2, 6, 14, 21, 29, 30, 31, 50, 55, 58, 160, 201, 202, 206, 207, 212, 215 Paris, Rita 64 Parslow, Christopher Charles 34, 55 Pesando, Fabrizio 56 Peters, Wilhelmus Johannes Theodorus 20, 110, 115, 116 Peterson, Erik 163 Phillips Jr., Kyle M. 156, 210 Piccardi, Daria Gigli 142 Pontrandolfo, Angela 1 Price, Simon 149, 150, 215 Pricoco, Salvatore 83

Najberg, Tina 206 Nappo, Salvatore 67, 213, 238 Nestori, Aldo 186 Neudecker, Richard 1, 229

O’Connell, Robert H. 144, 145 Orr, David G. 53, 175 Osiek, Carolyn v, 38, 43, 56, 60, 84, 107, 110, 141, 171, 198

Rafn, Birgitte 179 Rawson, Beryl 42, 86 Reekmans, Louis 186 Reese, David S. 191 Rehm, R. 157, 158 Reitz, Christiane 62, 86, 132 Ricci, Franco Maria 184 Richardson, Lawrence, Jr. 2, 26, 159, 213 Richardson, Peter 42 Richlin, Amy 119 Riggsby, Andrew M. 195 Ritter, Stefan 232 Rizzo, Giulio Emanuele 64, 74 Robertson, Martin 65, 74 Rordorf, Willy 135 Rose, Herbert Jennings 154 Rossignoli, Benedetta 151 Roussin, L. A. 86 Rouveret, Agnes 1, 110, 133, 137, 148, 202, 204, 206 Rozenberg, Silvia 86 Rubenstein, Richard L. 108

Index of Modern Authors

Russell, Donald A. 61, 206 Salditt-Trappmann, Regina 73 Saller, Richard 198 Sampaolo, Valeria 16, 32, 36, 44, 52, 54, 65, 74, 75, 77, 110, 116, 119, 127, 128, 132, 133, 141, 148, 150, 155, 158, 159, 162, 176, 178, 179, 207–212, 214, 216, 219, 221, 230, 232, 233, 234, 236 Sandbach, F. H. 79 Sander-Hansen, C. E. 143 Sanders, E. P. 59 Sauron, Gilles 185 Scagliarini Corlàita, Daniela 111 Scarpi, Paolo 121 Schalles, Hans-Joachim 102 Schefold, Karl 30, 96, 97, 103, 106, 110, 111, 120, 137, 158, 159 Schmidt, Daryl 81 Schneider, Thomas 144 Segala, Elisabetta 111, 112, 114 Seiler, Florian 44, 177 Settis, Salvatore 94, 95, 96, 100 Sichtermann, Helmut 31, 153, 164, 171, 172 Simon, Erika, E. 1, 94, 97, 157, 158, 159, 160, 162, 177, 185, 205, 216 Smith, Dennis E. 41, 44, 196, 197 Smith, R. R. R. 74, 103, 107 Smyth, Herbert Weir 72 Snyder, Graydon F. 56, 106, 168, 169 Snyder, H. Gregory 187 Sogliano, Antonio 117, 119 Solin, Heikki 104, 160, 163 Spiegelberg, Wilhelm 147 Spinazzola, Vittorio 174 Steingrüber, Stephan 140 Stemmer, Klaus 179 Sternberg-el-Hotabi, Heike 143 Steuernagle, Dirk 178 Strecker, Georg 81, 107 Strelan, Rick 142 Strocka, Volker M. 16, 30, 140, 175, 201, 209 Strommel, Eduard 192 Stuckenbruck, Loren 142 Swanson, Judith A. 72 Takács, Sarolta A. 76 Tedone, Giovanana 67

285

Theissen, Gerd 43, 78, 103 107 Thelamon, Françoise 188 Thomas, Renate 160 Tinh, Tran Tam 64, 65, 67, 75, 77 Tomei, Maria Antonietta 104 Torelli, M. 154 Totti, Maria 78, 151 Trebilco, Paul 139, 140, 141, 155 Turcan, Robert 164, 172 Tybout, Rolf A. 15, 34 Vallifuoco, M. 196 Van Aken, A. R. A. 213 Van Henten, Jan Willem 142, 145, 156 Varialle, Ivan 57 Varone, Antonio 236 Vasaly, Ann 86 Veblin, Thorstein 4 Versluys, Miguel John 34, 60, 221 Versnel, H. S. 79 Vian, Francis 142 Viré, Ghislaine 160 Vitobello, Mariagrazia F. 160 Von Blanckenhagen, Peter Heinrich 34, 111, 210 Von Salis, A. 97 Vzdornov, G. I. 154 Waldner, Katarina 72 Wallace-Hadrill, Andrew v, 1, 6, 15, 31, 32, 34, 43, 44, 47, 48, 51, 52, 60, 93, 96, 117, 141, 194, 233, 236, 237 Ward, Roy Bowen 55 Webster, T. B. L. 184 Wedderburn, A. J. M. 78 WEISS, Johannes 136 Weissenrieder, Annette 39, 136, 137 Wendt, Frederike 136 Wesenberg, Burkhardt 65, 74, 75, 154 White, L. Michael 15, 63, 86, 87, 178, 196 Wilamowitz-Möllendorff, Ulrich 163 Wild, Robert A. 74, 78 Williams, Sam K. 39, 61, 63, 85, 87, 89 Wilpert, Giuseppe 168, 186, 187 Wirth, Fritz 174, 186 Wirth, Theo 121, 131 Wiseman, Timothy Peter 80, 111, 202 Witt, Reginald E. 78 Woodford, Susan 157, 165

286

Index of Modern Authors

Yalouris, Nicolas 64 Yarbro Collins, Adela 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 156 Yegül, Fikreta K. 50 Zabkar, Louis V. 77, 79 Zahn, Wilhelm 64, 90, 158

Zanker, Paul 14, 46, 47, 94, 117, 124, 140, 202, 206, 237 Zeller, Dieter 78 Zevi, Fausto 33, 211 Zimmermann, Bernhard 72 Zimmermann, Norbert 168, 169 Zuntz, Gunter 77

Index of Architectural Structures and Their Decorations1 (CD = plate numbers on CD / p. = pages in the book)

Abitazione e termopolio (VI 16,32.33; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM V 960–73): p. 221 Accademia di Musica (VI 3,7; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IV 278–89): pp. 26, 208 Albergo IX 9, e-12; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM X 93–106: p. 176 Altar of Zeus, Pergamon, Asia [Minor]: pp. 95, 102–03, 106, 140–41 Anteatro (II 6): CD 260–61, pp. 24, 26, 133, 204 Antiche Stanza, Rome: pp. 44, 50 Botteghe (workshop – with [male] philosophers) IX 8,1 e 2; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IX 894–902: p. 223 Casa I 3,25; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM I 86– 109: p. 159 Casa V 2,10; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM III 830–47: p. 211 Casa VI 1,1 (not in PPM): p. 176 Casa VI 14,38; Irene Bragantini, PPM V 376–83: p. 225 Casa VI 15,18 (not in PPM): p 176 Casa VI 16,36.37; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM V 981–95: pp. 178, 225, 234 Casa VI 17(Ins.Occ.),41; Valeria Sampaoalo, PPM VI 10–43; also Girolamo Ferdinando De Simone, 43–67

in Pompei (Regiones VI–VII). Insula Occidentalis, eds. Aoyagi and Pappalardo (2006): pp. 16, 17, 19, 224 Casa VII 3,8; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 846–55: p. 201 Casa VII 3,10; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 858–59: p. 127 Casa VII 3,30; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 943–73: p. 229 Casa VII 6,28; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VII 182–96: p. 225 Casa VII 12,15; Irene Bragantini, PPM VII 500–01: p. 199 Casa VIII 4,34; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 531–46: pp. 162–63, 165, 201 Casa VIII 5,15–16; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 572–99: pp. 199, 206 Casa IX 1,7; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 869–87: pp. 201, 212 Casa IX 2,5; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 1052–67: p. 212 Casa IX 2,10; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 1091–1116: p. 185 Casa IX 5,14–16; Irene Bragantini, PPM IX 600–69: p. 236 Casa IX 7,12; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IX 779–81: p. 201 Casa IX 7,16; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IX 782–814: p. 201

1 For architectural structures in Pompeii, following the region, insula, and house numbers, I add the name of the art historian/archaeologist who describes the structure in PPM, plus the volume and page numbers in that encyclopedia. Following are the CD and page numbers where the architectural structure is visually represented or mentioned in this book. This index also give the pages where I discuss frescoes and mosaics; on those pages in this book I cite the original location, typically as given in PPM, e.g. the domus, insula, or termopolia, the room, e.g. the triclinium, and even the particular wall, e.g. north wall, which makes possible an assessment of the aesthetic program of the room and of the whole architectural unit.

288

Index of Architectural Structures and Their Decorations

Casa IX 7,21–22; Irene Bragantini, PPM IX 865–69: pp. 33, 222 Casa IX 9,11; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM X 147–54: p. 176 Casa annessa alla Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,19; Arnold de Vos, PPM I 750–89): CD 263–65, p. 205 Casa con Ninfeo (VIII 2,28; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 226–40): p. 213 Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38; Florien Seiler, PPM V 714–846): CD 132–132ab, pp. 33, 44, 53, 54, 56, 177, 199 Casa degli Scienziati o Gran Lupanare (VI 14.43; Irene Bragantini, PPM V 426–65: p. 225 Casa dei Capitelli colorati (VII 4,31.51 ; Jean-Paul Descoeudres, PPM VI 996– 1107: p. 227 Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; Mariette De Vos, PPM I 407–82): CD 3, 84–84ab, 109–13, pp. 17, 22, 23, 133, 212, 215, 217 Casa dei Cervi (IV.21), Herculaneum: CD 151–55, pp. 50, 51 Casa dei cinque scheletri (VI 10,2; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IV 1029–43): CD 151– 55, pp. 96, 207 Casa dei Cubicoli oreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; Mariette de Vos, PPM II 1–137): CD 101–02, 120–21, pp. 21, 22, 26, 31, 34, 214, 225 Casa dei Dioscuri (VI 9,6.7; Irene Bragantini, PPM IV 860–1004): pp. 54, 113, 132, 159, 185, 225 Casa dei Grif, Rome: p. 13 Casa dei Quadretti teatrali (I 6,11; Mariette de Vos, PPM I 362–96, at 394): pp. 32, 225 Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM V 468–572): pp. 11, 24, 36, 40, 44, 52, 53, 54, 58, 109–11, 109–10, 113, 115– 32, 137, 156, 212, 233, 235 Casa del Balcone pensile (VII 12,28; Irene Bragantini, PPM VII 594–613): pp. 54, 202 Casa del Banchiere o della Regina d’Inghilterra (VII 14,5; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VII 665–683): p. 209 Casa del Bracciale d’oro (VI 17[Ins. Occ.],42; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 44–

145); also Rosaria Ciardiello, 69–256 in Pompei (Regiones VI–VII). Insula Occidentalis, eds. Aoyagi and Pappalardo (2006): pp. 6, 14, 22, 31, 34, 207, 214, 224, 227–28 Casa del Camillo (VII 12,22–24; Irene Bragantini, PPM VII 540–64): p. 230 Casa del Centauro (VI 9,3.5; Irene Bragantini, PPM IV 819–59): p. 208 Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IX 903–1104): CD 268, 276–282d, pp. 6, 11, 22, 32, 141, 148, 199, 209, 213, 214–20 Casa del Cinghiale (VIII 2,26–27; Valaria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 191–225): CD 134– 134a, pp. 36, 202 Casa del Cinghiale I (VIII 3,8–9; Irene Bragantini, PPM VIII 362–84): p. 36 Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; Mariette de Vos, PPM I 117–77): CD 11–12, 23, 178– 79, pp. 6, 11, 89, 90, 148, 178, 179, 185, 208, 213, 238 Casa del Criptoportico (I 6,2) e Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4; Irene Bragantini, PPM I 193–277 and 280–329): CD 225– 226b, pp. 11, 96, 174–78, 181, 184, 185, 188, 194 , 213 Casa del Duca di Aumale (VI 9,1; but see PPM VIII 836, #206: “non identicata” [Sampaolo]) Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; Adolf Hoffmann and Mariette De Vos, PPM V 80–141): CD 1, 2, 24–25, 48–57, pp. 3, 13, 34, 37, 45, 46, 52, 53, 57, 207 Casa del Formo a riverbero (VII 4,19; Irene Bragantini, PPM VI 992–95): p. 224 Casa del gran portale (V.32–35), Herculaneum: p. 50 Casa del Granduca (VII 4,56; Margaretha Staub-Gierow, PPM VII 44–62): CD 125 p. 27 Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; Volker Michael Stroka, PPM V 1–70): CD 62– 69, 131, pp. 14, 16, 30, 52, 209 Casa del Marinaio (VII 15,2; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VII 704–65): pp. 26, 206, 210 Casa del Medico (VIII 5,24; Irene Bragantini, PPM VIII 604–10): pp. 220– 21

Index of Architectural Structures and Their Decorations

Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; Roger Ling and Peter Herz, PPM II 240–397): CD 7–10, 13–16, 18–21, 36, 42–45, 123, 283, pp. 7, 8, 11, 34, 37, 54, 92, 94, 97–100, 106, 141–42, 170, 213, 218, 220, 225 Casa del Principe di Napoli (VI 15,7.8; Volker Michael Strocka, PPM V 647–79): p. 201 Casa del Poeta tragico (VI 8,3.5; Franca Parise Badoni, PPM IV 527–603): CD 193, 288, pp. 35, 37, 89, 90, 91, 184, 202, 224 Casa del Primo Piano (I 11,15.9; Lorenzo Fergola and Franca Parise Badoni, PPM II 614–53): p. 227 Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I.2,3), Herculaneum: CD 156–58, pp. 50, 51 Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM I 586–618): CD 269–74, pp. 26, 133, 210, 211, 219 Casa del Salone nero (VI 13), Herculaneum: CD 5 Casa del Toro (V 1,7; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM III 481–532): pp. 46, 53, 232 Casa del Triclinio (V 2,4; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM III 797–823): pp. 232–33, 236 Casa del Vinaio (IX 9,6; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM X 131–42): p. 176 Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; Klaus Stemmer, PPM V 847–86): CD 242–49, pp. 46, 56, 179, 185, 200, 201, 206, 224 Casa dell’Atrio a Mosaico (IV.1–2), Herculaneum: p. 130 Casa dell’atrio corinzio (V.30), Herculaneum: CD 149–50, p. 50 Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; Arnold de Vos, PPM I 619–727): CD 291–98, pp. 32, 113, 199, 213, 221, 230–32 Casa dell’Imperatrice di Russia (VI 14,42; Irene Bragantini, PPM V 409–25): p. 74 Casa dell’Orso ferito (VII 2,44–46; Wolfgang Ehrhardt, PPM VI 742–85): pp. 36, 202 Casa della Fontana d’amore (IX 2,6–7; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 1068–87): p. 201 Casa della Grata metallica (I 2,28; Mariette de Vos, PPM I 58–63): p. 208

289

Casa della Rissa nell’Anteatro (I 3,23; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM I 77–81): CD 122, pp. 27, 132 Casa della Venere in bikini (I 11,6.7; Lorenzo Fergola, PPM II 526–69): pp. 52, 202, 214 Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; Arnold de Vos, PPM III 112–72): CD 103–104c, pp. 21, 22, 32 Casa delle Amazzoni (VI 2,14; Irene Bragantini, PPM IV 168–97): p. 208 Casa delle Colombe a mosaico (VIII 2,34– 35; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 264– 90): p. 37 Casa delle nozze d’argento (V 2,i; Franca Parise Badoni, PPM III 676–772): pp. 11, 13, 14, 44, 56, 57, 214 Casa delle Nozze di Ercole (VII 9,47; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VII 358–77): pp. 149–50 Casa delle Origini di Roma o di M. Fabius Secundus (V 4,13; Irene Bragantini, PPM III 1062–68): p. 206 Casa delle Pareti rosse (VIII 5,37; Irene Bragantini, PPM VIII 619–47): p. 133 Casa delle Quadrighe (VII 2,25; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 683–717): pp. 212, 221, 232 Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,24.22; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 718–31): CD 284– 87, pp. 34, 221–23 Casa detta di Trebius Valens (III 2,1; Irene Bragantini, PPM III 341–91): p. 32 Casa di Apollo (VI 7,23; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IV 470–524): CD 213, pp. 20, 155, 158–59, 163 Casa di Argos e Io (II.2), Herculaneum: p. 64 Casa di Augusto, Rome: CD 92–96, pp. 20, 25, 34 Casa di Cerere (I 9,13; Mariette de Vos, PPM II 172–229): CD 58–61, pp. 13, 14 Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; Mariette de Vos, PPM III 42–108): CD 4, 228–233d, 262–262a, pp. 4, 33, 148, 177, 179–85, 194, 205, 214, 217 Casa di Giasone (IX 5,18; Valaria Sampaolo, PPM IX 670–719): CD 275, pp. 211–12

290

Index of Architectural Structures and Their Decorations

Casa di Giuseppe II (VIII 2,39; Valaria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 308–56): pp. 214, 234 Casa di L. Caecilius Iucundus e casa annessa (V 1,26 and V 1,23; Arnold De Vos, PPM III 574–620): pp. 35, 37, 46, 53, 57, 90, 209, 225, 226 Casa di L. Cornelius Diadumenus (VII 12,26; Irene Bragantini, PPM VII 565– 93): pp. 202, 208, 234 Casa di Laocoonte con annessi taberna e pannicio (VI 14,28.33; Irene Bragantini, PPM V 341–62): CD 197, pp. 92, 94, 233 Casa di Lesvianus (I 13,9; Stefano De Caro, PPM II 903–15): p. 228 Casa di Livia, Palatine, Rome: CD 177– 177a, pp. 39, 40, 149, 151, 153, 166 Casa di Livia, Prima Porta: pp. 20, 205 Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40; Irene Bragantini, PPM VI 380–458): CD 133–133b, pp. 11, 36, 37, 38, 199, 213 Casa di M. Epidius Sabinus (IX 1,22.29; Valaria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 956–1044): pp. 113, 210, 236 Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; Irene Bragantini, PPM VII 947– 1125); also Mario Grimaldi, VII 16 Insula Occidentalis 22, Casa di M. Fabius Rufus, 257–418 in Pompei (Regiones VI–VII). Insula Occidentalis, ed. Masanori Aoyagi and Umberto Pappalarado (Naples: Valtrend, 2006): CD 81–83a, 214–22, pp. 6, 14, 19, 57, 159–65 Casa di M. Gavius Rufus (VII 2,16–17; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 530–85): pp. 159–60, 165 Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; Mariette de Vos, PPM III 966–1029): CD 250–59, pp. 22, 113, 199, 201, 202–06, 212, 217, 225 Casa di M. Spurius Mesor (VII 3,29; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 902–42): p. 219 Casa di Marcus Lucretius (IX 3,5.24; Irene Bragantini, PPM IX 141–313): pp. 32, 101, 223–24, 238 Casa di Maius Castricius (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],17; Irene Bragantini, PPM VII 887–

946); also Ivan Varriale [Casa di Umbricius Scaurus], 419–503 in Pompei (Regiones VI–VII). Insula Occidentalis, eds. Aoyagi and Pappalardo (2006): p. 57 Casa di Meleagro (VI 9,2.13; Irene Bragantini, PPM IV 660–818): p. 74 Casa di Modestus (?) (VI 5,2 and 5,13; Irene Bragantini, PPM IV 292–93 and 342–44): CD 194, pp. 90, 91 Casa di N. Popidius Priscus (VII 2,20.40; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 615–58): pp. 176, 227 Casa di Obellius Firmus (IX 14,4; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM X 361–500): pp. 44, 52, 57, 230 Casa di Paquius Proculus o di Cuspius Pansa (I 7,1; Franca Parise Badoni and Mariette de Vos, PPM I 483–552): pp. 34, 35, 37, 202, 220 Casa di Pansa (VI 6,1; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IV 357–61): p. 199 Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; Arnold de Vos, PPM III 435–77): CD 97–99, pp. 20, 89–90, 113 Casa di Polibio (IX 13,1–3; Irene Bragantini, PPM X 183–356): CD 126– 127d, pp. 26, 46, 52, 57, 202 Casa di Sirico (VII 1,25.47; Irene Bragantini, PPM VI 228–353): pp. 36, 206, 208, 212, 224 Casa di Sutoria Primigenia (I 13,2; Onelia Bardelli Mondini, PPM II 860–80): p. 50 Casa di T. Dentatius Panthera (IX 2,16; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IX 1–40): p. 207 Casa di Terentius Neo (VII 2,6; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 480–93): CD 290, p. 227–28 Casa di tramezzo di legno (III 11), Herculaneum: CD 6 Casa di Umbricius Scaurus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],17): see Casa di Maius Castricius. Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; Federica Narciso, PPM V 264– 307): CD 114–114b, pp. 3, 22–24 Casa e panicio di Papirius Sabinus (IX 3,19–20; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IX 348–63): p. 201 Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; Franca

Index of Architectural Structures and Their Decorations

Parise Badoni, PPM III 1069–98): CD 115–19, pp. 22, 24, 25, 133, 204 Caupona I 2,22; Arnold de Vos, PPM I 49– 50: p. 230 Caupona I 2,24; Mariette De Vos, PPM I 53–57: p. 199 Caupona del Cenacolo I e II, Bottega di Crescens e Caupona di Purpurio (IX 12; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM X 171–82): p. 133 Caupona della Via di Mercurio (VI 10,1; Irene Bragantini, PPM IV 1005–28): p. 228 Caupona di Euxinus (I 11,10.11; Mariette de Vos, PPM II 570–81): p. 32 Caupona di Salvius (VI 14,35.36; Irene Bragantini, PPM V 366–71): pp. 49, 229 Caupona di Sotericus (I 12,3; Elena Maria Menotti, PPM II 701–32): pp. 35, 37 Caupona of Seven Sages, Ostia, mouth of the Tiber river: p. 50 Collegium of the Augustales (VI.21), Herculaneum: CD 266–267a, pp. 182, 203 Complesso di Riti magici (II 1,12; Mariette de Vos, PPM III 19–41): p. 36 Domus Aurea, Oppian Hill, Rome: pp. 39, 96, 101, 103, 106, 109–15, 117, 138, 163– 65 Domus Transitoria, Palatine and Esquiline Hills, Rome: pp. 110, 112, 134, 182 Ecclesial Basilica, Aquileia: pp. 41, 168, 188–91 Edicio di Eumachia (VII 9,1; Irene Bragantini, PPM VII 312–27): CD 161– 63, pp. 55, 124, 198 Fullonica di Stephanus (I 6,7; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM I 332–51): p. 213 Fullonica di Vesonius Primus (VI 14,21.22; Irene Bragantini, PPM V 308–32): p. 23 Grande Palestra (II 7; Irene Bragantini, PPM III 311–15): CD 26–27, p. 6 Hanghäuser, Ephesus: pp. 51, 140 Herod’s palace, Tiberius, Galilee: p. 85 Hospitum dei Sulpici, Murecine, outside Pompeii: p. 238

291

House of Columns, Jerusalem: p. 86 Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8): CD 302–07, pp. 235–36 Insula Occidentalis (PPM VI 1–145 and VII 840–1125): pp. 14, 15, 16, 51, 58 Insula Orientalis (II.4–18–p. 49), Herculaneum: CD 28–29, 142–48, pp. 6, 16, 42, 48, 49, 50 Macellum (VII 9,7; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VII 328–52): CD 180–181a, pp. 39, 148, 150 Maison A du terrain Jilani Guirot, Museum, El Jem, Tunisia: CD 223–224a, pp. 171, 173 Maison de Bacchus et Ariane, Thuburbo Majus, Tunisia: pp. 190–91 Maison du Char de Vénus, Thuburbo Majus, Tunisia: p. 190 Ofcina coactiliaria di Verecundus (IX 7,7; Valaria Sampaolo, PPM IX 774–78): CD 227–227a, p. 178 Ofcina coactiliaria e ofcina infectoria (IX 7,1 e 2; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM IX 768–73): p. 215 Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; Valaria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 166–90): CD 136–136b, p. 36 Panicio (VII 1,36; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 365–73): CD 139 Panicio (VII 2,22; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VI 659–64): CD 35 Pistrinum e bottega di sex pattulcius felix, Insula Orientalis (II.8), Herculaneum: p. 50 Sacellum of Augustales, Baia / Miseno, Bay of Naples: p. 156 Sanctuary of Athena, Acropolis, Pergamon, Asia [Minor]: p. 101 Sebasteion, Aphrodisias, Asia [Minor]: pp. 101, 108 Serapeion, Alexandria, Egypt: p. 219 Sollertiana Domus, Thysdrus (moden El Jem), Tunisia: pp. 133–34 Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28, Valeria

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Sampaolo, PPM VIII 732–849): CD 105– 08, 182–87, pp. 32, 39, 40, 128, 148, 149, 166, 179, 184, 194, 213, 214, 219, 221, 238 Tempio di Zeus Meilichios (VIII 7,25; not in PPM) Temple at Edfu, Egypt: pp. 145–46, 166 Temple of Apollo, Delos: pp. 152–53 Temple of Apollo, Palatine, Rome: pp. 25, 108 Temple of Artemis/Diana, Ephesus: pp. 40, 141–42 Temple of Deied Augustus, Rome: p. 154 Temple of Divine Julius, Roman forum: p. 141 Temple of Luna Noctiluca (Light of the Night), Palatine, Rome: p. 28 Temple of Mars Ultor, Rome: p. 206 Temple of Peace, Rome: pp. 39, 101, 106, 113, 132 Temple of Sarapis, Puteoli, on coast near Pompeii: p. 75 Temple of Venus Pompeiana: p. 149 Terme del Sarno [Complesso a sei Piani delle _] (VIII 2,17–21; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM VIII 94–135: pp. 198, 213, 222 Terme Stabiane (VII 1,8): CD 46–47, p. 11 Termopolium (I 8,8; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM I 802–25): CD 237–41, pp. 199, 200 Termopolium (VI 15,13.15; Valeria

Sampaolo, PPM V 692–700): CD 289, pp. 227–28 Termopolium, Insula Orientalis (II.6), Herculaneum: CD 147, pp. 49–50 Theater of Pompey, Rome: p. 114 Tomb 87, Isola Sacra, mouth of Tiber river: pp. 41, 170, 183, 185 Villa dei Misteri, just outside the walls of Pompeii: CD 85–91, pp. 14, 18, 29 Villa dei Papiri, near Herculaneum: pp. 5, 7, 10, 16 Villa della Farnesina Romana: pp. 25, 202, 221, 225 Villa delle Colonne a Mosaico, outside Pompeii: p. 176 Villa di Agripa Postumus, Boscotrecase: pp. 34, 210, 219 Villa di Diomede: p. 54 Villa di Giulia Felice [Iulia Felix] (II 4,3; Valeria Sampaolo, PPM III 184–310): CD 30–30a, 37–39a, 164–76, pp. 6, 9, 10, 11, 34, 52, 54, 56, 198, 199, 213, 214, 220 Villa di Gragnano: CD 196 Villa di Oplontis (Torre Annunziata): CD 17, 70–80, pp. 9, 14, 15, 16, 18, 30, 32 Villa di Publius Fannius Synistor, Boscoreale: pp. 14, 16, 18, 29, 30, 215 Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia: CD 32–34, pp. 6, 9, 10

Catacombs Beth-She’arim, Galilee: p. 85 Catacomb of Calepodia: p. 186 Catacomb of Callistus: pp. 186, 187 Catacomb of Commodilla: p. 187 Catacomb of Domitilla: pp. 166, 186 Catacomb of Marcellinus and Peter: p. 187

Catacomb of Novatianus: p. 187 Catacomb of Pretextatus: p. 186 Catacomb of Priscilla: pp. 186, 187 Crypt of Lucina, Rome: Jonah-at-rest: CD 235, pp. 186, 187 Hypogeum on Via Dino Compagni: p. 187

Dinner Ware Egyptian table ware, Villa di San Marco a Stabia: p. 196 Silver treasure, Casa del Menandro (I 10,4): pp. 141, 196

Tesero (treasure), Boscoreale: p. 196

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293

Frescoes Actor: p. 223 Aeneas: CD 196, pp. 92, 94–97, 141, 196, 206, 208, 210 Africa: p. 208 Alexander the Great: pp. 117, 141, 196, 207 Amphitheater scene (animals chasing, ghting, and/or killing each other): CD 110, 110ab, 116–18, 134–135b, 229, 253– 55, 262, 262a, 282, 282ab, 291b, pp. 22– 25, 36, 134, 110, 132–35, 196, 204–05, 217–18, 237–38 Apollo: CD 213 pp. 155, 158–63 Actaeon and Diana: CD 19, 120, 230, 231, pp. 26–28, 170–71, 179–80, 183, 201 Athena/Minerva: pp. 209, 219 Attis and Cybele: CD 97–99, p. 20 Cassandra, wooden horse before Troy: CD 15, pp. 97, 98, 100, 170, 207–08 Centaur: pp. 183, 207, 211 Concordia: pp. 124–25, 131 Cupids and psychai: CD 204, 300–01, pp. 119, 224, 233, 234, 235 Cyparissus and deer,: CD 201, p. 117 Death of Sophoniba or Cleopatra: p. 234 Dido: p. 208 Dionysus (and Ariadne): CD 84b, 88, 207, 207a, 246, 252a, pp. 17, 77, 117–19, 120, 125, 126, 131, 201, 202, 204, 212, 223–25, 233 Dirce: CD 123–25, 127–127c, 128, 128a, 210, 210a, pp. 26, 27, 40, 118, 120, 128– 31, 136–38 Dogs: pp. 35–37

Fish (see “marine mosaics”): CD 282c, p. 217 Fortuna/Tyche: p. 119 Fruit: CD 154 Garden: CD 76–80, 102, 112–13, pp. 20–22, 34 Grifn pp. 160, 162 Helen, Priam, Cassandra: CD 14 Hephaestus and Thetis: pp. 212, 238 Hercules, Heracles: CD 207, 207a, 248, 264, 266a, 267, 267a, 269, 269ab, 281, pp. 111, 118, 120, 125–28, 148, 154, 156, 182–84, 201, 203, 206, 211, 219 Hermaphrodite: CD 277, p. 216 Hesione: pp. 148, 182, 219 Hesperos: pp. 158–63, 165, 167 Icarus: CD 269a, pp. 26, 197, 201, 210–11, 238 Io: CD 177–79, 181, 181a, 189–190, pp. 39– 40, 64–69, 74–77, 106, 148–53, 166 Iphigenia: CD 193, 194, 278, pp. 20, 39, 87– 92, 216 Isis: CD 107, 132, 132a, 189, 292, pp. 33, 34, 40, 60, 67, 69, 70, 149, 166, 177, 197, 213, 231–32, 238 Isis procession (all women): pp. 214–15 Ixion: CD 205, 205a, pp. 118, 120, 122–25, 131 Jason and Pelias: CD 275, pp. 211, 238 Jonah: CD 235, pp. 168, 186–88, 194 Ketos (sea monster): pp. 142, 148, 210, 219

Elephant: p. 178 Endymion and Selene: CD 140–41, 223– 225a, 245, 279, pp. 41, 132, 168, 171, 179, 184–85, 187–88, 194, 200, 201, 216 Erotic: CD 280, 298, 299, 299a, pp. 54, 216, 221, 232 Ethiopians: CD 284–86, pp. 221–22 Euripides: p. 7 Europa riding bull: CD 119, 240 Expiation: pp. 219–20

Landscape: CD 12, 111, pp. 17, 29, 214, 217, 219 Laocoon: CD 16, 16a, 197, pp. 39, 92, 97– 99, 106, 210 Leda and swan: CD 203, pp. 117, 161, 163 Lion: p. 37 Mars: CD 104b, p. 206 Marsyas: pp. 159, 211 Medusa: p. 132

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Menander, the poet: CD 20, pp. 7–8, 197, 225 Narcissus: CD 243a, 258, pp. 179, 181 Oceanus: p. 128 Orestes: CD 97, 256, 278, pp. 204, 216, 238 Orpheus: CD 114ab, pp. 23, 26 Osiris: CD 188, pp. 31, 68, 76–77 Paris and Helen: CD 265, 271, p. 211 Pasiphae: CD 206, pp. 118, 120, 122, 124, 138 Peacock: CD 71, pp. 15, 32, 33 Penthus: CD 209, 209a, pp. 118, 120, 128– 29 Pero: CD 259, p. 212 Perseus and Andromeda: CD 270, 270b, pp. 26, 132, 148, 154–56, 196, 201, 210– 11, 219, 238 Phaëthon: pp. 20, 160, 163–65, 167, 170 Pharoah: CD 102, pp. 31, 34 Philosopher: pp. 178, 226 Pinacotheca (picture gallery): pp. 24, 26, 112 Poets and books: pp. 215, 223–26, 238 Polyphemus and Galatea: CD 270, 270a, pp. 26, 210–11, 223 Portrait: p. 228 Priapus: CD 137–38, pp. 36, 118–19, 216 Priest of Isis: CD 186, 232, p. 214 Pygmies: CD 283, 294, pp. 34, 217, 218, 220–22, 232

Scaenae frons (stage backdrop): CD 252b, pp. 18–19, 113, 117, 203 Slave: pp. 229, 230, 232, 233, 236 Solomon: p. 220 Sphinx: CD 282d Still life: pp. 17–18 Symposium: CD 287, 296, 303–05, pp. 222, 230–36 Tavern scenes: pp. 228–29 Theater masks: p. 19 Theseus and Ariadne and/or minotaur: CD 257, 268, pp. 201, 208–09, 225 Thisbe and Pyramus: CD 228, 228ab, pp. 170, 179, 181, 205 Tholos: CD 64, 64a, 73, 84, 84a, 241, pp. 16, 29–30, 212, 219 Tripod: CD 71, 71a Triton with marine horses: p. 122 Trojan war: pp. 96, 202 Venus Anadyomene: pp. 141, 152, 201 Venus/Aphrodite [and Mars]: CD 103–04, 247, 263, pp. 62, 142 (caricature), 158–63, 166–67, 201, 206, 207 Villa: CD 252c Women in colloquium: p. 215 Women giving concert, vested as priestess, active as artist: p. 215 Women sacricing: p. 216 Wrestlers: CD 45, p. 222–23 Zeus enthroned: CD 202, 202a, pp. 117–18, 128, 131, 132, 141 (caricature), 197, 212

Riot in Pompeian amphitheater: CD 122

Grafti Man with head of an ass, hanging on a cross (barracks, Palatine Hill, now in Palatine Museum, Rome): CD 200, pp. 39, 104–05

Tavern grafto: pp. 228, 232

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Mosaiacs Alexander battles Darius, Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2): CD 52, 52ab, pp. 56, 62, 207 Animals, Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2): CD 55 Amphitheater show, Sollertiana Domus, Roman Thysdrus, modern El Jem, Tunisia, now in the El Jem Museum: CD 212, pp. 134–35 Boar, Casa del Cinghiale (VIII 2, 26–27): CD 134, 134a Boar attacked by two dogs, Casa del Cinghiale I: CD 135, 135a Dolphins, Sea Horse, Closed City Wall, Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40): CD 133, 133ab Ducks, Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2): CD 54

Jonah, Ecclesial basilica, Aquileia, Italy: CD 236–236a, pp. 188–90 Marine mosaic, Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7): p. 191 Marine mosaic, Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2): CD 56, p. 191 Marine mosaic, Maison de Bacchus et Ariane, Thuburbo Majus, Tunisia: pp. 190–91 Marine mosaic, Maison du Char de Venus, Thuburbo Majus, Tunisia: p. 190 Marine mosaic, Sousse, Tunisia: pp. 189–90 Nile mosaic, Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2): CD 53, p. 13 Portrait: CD 289, 290, pp. 226–28

Endymion and Selene, Bardo Museum, Tunis, Tunisia: CD 140 p. 40 Endymion and Selene, Maison A du terrain Jilani Guirot, now in El Jem Museum, Tunisia: pp. 171, 173 Endymion and Selene, Tomb 87, Isola Sacra, Italy: CD 223, pp. 170–72 Erotic: CD 57

Theseus killing the Minotaur, Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10): CD 62 Tragic actors: CD 288, p. 224 Triumph of Neptune, Utique/Utica, Tunisia: p. 190 Wrestlers, Palaestra VIII 2,23.24: CD 136,136a

Ithyphallic blacks, dolphins, crab, sh: CD 42

Papyrus Papyrus Bodmer II, Bibliothèque Bodmer, Geneva: Gospel of John 19: CD 192, pp. 81–83, 107–08

Reliefs Aeneas: p. 74 Nero and Armenia: p. 74 Claudius and Britannia: p. 74 Telephus: CD 158 Gigantomachy, third oor scenium, Perge Theater, now in Antalya Museum, Turkey: CD 199, pp. 103, 140

Sacellum: pp. 176–77

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Sarcophagi Endymion, Ostia, now in the Metropolitan Museum, New York: p. 172 Endymion and Selene, Getty Museum, Malibu, California: CD 141, pp. 41, 172

Jonah, now in Vatican museum: p. 171 Jonah, Basilica di S. Maria Antiqua, Rome: p. 171

Statues (p. 196) Hercules: p. 180 Herms: p. 119 Hydra Lernaea (ve-headed snake killed by Hercules): CD 143

Boar attacked by two dogs: CD 11 Colossus (Nero): p. 114 Deer attacked by four dogs: CD 152, 153 Dionysus: p. 119 Dying Gaul/Galatian: pp. 39, 101–03, 106, 113, 131

Isis: CD 184, 191, pp. 70, 75 Laocoon, House of Emperor Titus, Rome, now in Belvedere Court, Vatican Museum: CD 195, pp. 39, 92–100, 103, 113, 132

Eumachia: CD 162 Farnese Bull / Dirce, now in National Archaeological Museum, Naples: CD 128–30, pp. 130–31

Marsyas: p. 106

Gaul killing himself and his wife, originally Temple of Athena, Pergamon, now in Palazzo Altemps, Rome: CD 198, pp. 101–03, 106, 113, 131 Gauls symbolizing Jews: pp. 101, 106

Venus Anadyomene, Tempio di Iside, Pompeii, now in National Archaeological Museum, Naples: CD 185, pp. 141, 149, 152 Venus: pp. 149, 205 Vespasion/Nerva: p. 156

Stucco Artemis/Diana: p. 230

Eumachia entrance: CD 163

Endymion lunette and Homeric frieze, sacellum, Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4): CD 225, 225a, pp. 174–78

Zeus enthroned: CD 47

Synagogue Synagogue/Edice of Julia Severa, Phrygia (Asia Minor): p. 86

David L. Balch

Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

List of Plates List of Houses

Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 228

Mohr Siebeck Copyright and Credits

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List of Plates 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 14 a. 15. 15 a. 16. 16 a. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

The grand doorway at the front of the Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 86). Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 87, 114–16), service atrium (7). Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 411), front façade of the house. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 43): doorway, client benches. Casa del Salone nero (VI 13), Herculaneum. Casa di Tramezzo di legno (III 11), Herculaneum. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 241): front door (4), client benches. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 243): view from inside tablinum (8). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 243–44): lararium in the atrium (b). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4): view from rear atrium (41). Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 138–39): view in peristyle (17). Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 141): close-up of landscape. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4): view from atrium (b) into ala (4). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 276–79), ala (4), north wall. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 276–79): the Night of Troy. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 280–81), ala (4), east wall. Casa del Menandro, Pompeii (I 10,4, ala 4; PPM II 280–81): fresco of Cassandra. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 282–85), ala (4), south wall. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 282, 285): fresco of the death of the priest Laocoon. Villa di Oplontis, slave peristyle decorated by stripes (32). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 262–70), peristyle (c). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 364), exedra 22 at the rear of peristyle. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 367), exedra 23 at the rear of peristyle (c). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 373), rectangular exedra 25. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 499, 509, 516–22), peristyle (l), from south to north. Back

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23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 30 a. 31. 32. 32 a. 33. 33 a. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 39 a. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46.

Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 129), the third peristyle (32). Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 97, 117, 127), photo from inside the office. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 118), first peristyle (36). Grande Palestra (II 7; PPM III 311–13), colonnade on three sides. Grande Palestra (II 7), colonnade and pool. Insula Orientalis II.7–18, Herculaneum, a three-story insula. Insula Orientalis II.7–18, Herculaneum, the courtyard. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 195): oven in cubbyhole. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3): oven for triclinium (3). Villa di Oplontis, oven in kitchen (7). Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia. Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, oven. Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, peristyle with large pool. Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, peristyle with pool. Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, second, upper, large peristyle. Panificio (VII 2,22; PPM VI 660–61), commercial oven. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 337), triclinium (18). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 191–95), door (7), thermopolium (1). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), triclinium (3), view from tables with banks. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), triclinium (3), view from triclinium. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), triclinium (3), south wall, tables with banks. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 379, #222), atriolo del bagno (46). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 381), mosaic at entrance to caldario (48). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 382), mosaic floor in caldario (48). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 390–94), caldario (48) wall decoration. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 383), caldario (48) wall decoration. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 386), caldario (48) wall decoration. Terme Stabiane (VII 1,8; PPM VI 152–57). Back

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47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 52 a. 52 b. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 58 a. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 64 a. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70.

Terme Stabiane (VII 1,8; PPM VI 172), stucco of Zeus enthroned. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 101), cubiculum (32). Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 90–91), fauces (53). Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 118), peristyle (36). Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2), exedra (37), first style. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 121–23), exedra (37), floor mosaic. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 123), Alexander mosaic. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2), exedra (37), floor mosaic, Darius. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 122, #54), exedra (37), Nile mosaic. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 121), exedra (37), ducks mosaic. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 105), triclinium (34), animals mosaic Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 107), triclinium (34), fish mosaic. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 113), cubicolo (28), erotic mosaic. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13; PPM II 172, 220–21), cubicolo (k), second style. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13), cubicolo (k), second style. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13; PPM II 190–91), cubicolo (c), second style. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13), cubicolo (c), second style. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13), cubicolo (c), second style. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 37–38), cubicolo (42). Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 43), oecus corinzio (43). Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 31, 40–42), oecus corinzio (43). Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), oecus corinzio (43), tholos. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 50–51), cubicolo (46). Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 42), oecus corinzio (43), mask. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), cubicolo (11), columns. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), modern sign reporting. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), remains of graffito. Villa di Oplontis, atrium (5), doors. Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

71. 71 a. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 83 a. 84. 84 a. 84 b. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94.

Villa di Oplontis, triclinium (14), tripod. Villa di Oplontis, oecus (15), tripod. Villa di Oplontis, stanza (23), masks. Villa di Oplontis, triclinium (14), tholos. Villa di Oplontis, peristyle (40). Villa di Oplontis, pool. Villa di Oplontis, three garden fountains at corner. Villa di Oplontis, viridarium (87), two garden fountains. Villa di Oplontis, garden fountain. Villa di Oplontis, garden fountain. Villa di Oplontis, space (68) near viridarium. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22; PPM VII 947, 950–53), atrium. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22, terrace (14)). Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22, terrace (14)). Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22, terrace (14)). Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 442–45), triclinium (e), tholos in upper zone. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,16), triclinium (e), tholos in upper zone. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 442–47), triclinium (e). Villa dei Misteri, Pompeii, whole of room 5. Villa dei Misteri, room 5, left wall. Villa dei Misteri, woman breastfeeds small deer. Villa dei Misteri: young man looks into cup of wine. Villa dei Misteri: priestess on left prepares to uncover basket with a phallus. Villa dei Misteri: young woman, scourged by the winged divinity. Villa dei Misteri: a young woman, prepares for her wedding. Casa di Augusto sul Palatino, room 5, south wall, left side. Casa di Augusto, room 5, south wall, right side. Casa di Augusto, room 6. Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 104 a. 104 b. 104 c. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 110 a. 110 b. 111. 112. 113. 114. 114 a. 114 b. 115.

Casa di Augusto, room 11. Casa di Augusto, upper cubiculum, room 15. Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; PPM III 464–65, and for Orestes, III 460–63), cubicolo. Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; PPM III 470–71), Attis and Cybele. Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; PPM III 470–71), Attis and Cybele. Casa dei Cubicoli floreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 114–34), cubicolo (12). Casa dei Cubicoli floreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 16–35), cubicolo (8), blue garden room. Casa dei Cubicoli floreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5), cubicolo (8), blue garden room. Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 140), peristyle (8). Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 141–42), peristyle (8). Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 140), peristyle (8). Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 138–39), peristyle (8). Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 143), peristyle (8). Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 841). An Ionic column. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 824), a platform. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 840). Grand columns frame the scene. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 826), A Nile scene. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 411), façade. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 473, 475), giardino (h). Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 474), giardino (h), lion chasing bull. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 474–75), giardino (h), dogs attack boar. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 476), giardino (h), sacred Nile landscape. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 481), giardino (h), shepherd. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 482), giardino (h), temple landscape. Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; PPM V 265–66), scene from entrance. Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; PPM V 282), peristyle (o). Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; PPM V 284–91), peristyle (o). Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1070), peristyle (d). Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

116. 117. 117 a. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 127 a. 127 b. 127 c. 127 d. 128. 128 a. 129. 130. 131. 132. 132 a. 132 b. 133. 133 a. 133 b.

Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1074), peristyle (d), lion faces dog. Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1074), peristyle (d), dogs attacking boar. Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3), peristyle (d), dogs attacking boar. Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1073), peristyle (d), deer chased. Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1071), peristyle (d), Europa riding. Casa dei Cubicoli floreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 52–58), triclinium (11). Casa dei Cubicoli floreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 88–92), triclinium (11). House I 3,23 (PPM I 80), riot in Pompeian amphitheater. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 327), ambiente (15), Dirce. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 531–33), triclinio (n), Dirce. Casa del Granduca (VII 4,56; PPM VII 53, 55), tablino (11), east wall. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 185), façade. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 252, 256–61), triclinium (EE). Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 257, 259), Dirce. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3), capture of Dirce. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 261), bull dragging Dirce. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 257), a small temple. Farnese Dirce group/Farneseian Bull (3.7 m. high) from Caracalla Thermae. Farnese Bull/Dirce. Farnese Bull/Dirce, thrysus. Farnese Bull/Dirce, small relief/sculpture. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 16), atrium and peristyle. Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38; PPM V 764–66), peristyle (F). Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38; PPM V 765) Anubis. Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38; PPM V 765). Symbols of the Isis cult. Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40; PPM VI 381–83), fauces mosaic. Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40), fauces mosaic. Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40), closed city gate. Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

134. 134 a. 135. 135 a. 135 b. 136. 136 a. 136 b. 136 c. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154. 155.

Casa del Cinghiale (VIII 2,26–27; PPM VIII 191–96). fauces mosaic. Casa del Cinghiale (VIII 2,26–27;PPM VIII 196), boar swiveling. Casa del Cinghiale I (VIII 3,8–9; PPM VIII 362, 364). Fauces with mosaic. Casa del Cinghiale I (VII 3, 8–9; PPM VIII 364). Fauces mosaic floor. Casa del Cinghiale I (VII 3, 8–9; PPM VIII 364). Fauces mosaic: two dogs attacking a boar. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 168, 172–80), fauces mosaic. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 168), fauces floor mosaic. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 172–75), wall fresco of athletes. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 175), fresco of two wrestlers and umpire. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 471), apotropaiac fresco: Priapus. (VII 1,36?), apotropaic stone Priapus. Panificio (VII 1,36; PPM VI 367), apotropaic stone phallus. Bardo Museum, Tunis, Tunisia. Floor mosaic of Selene. Getty Museum, Malibu, California. Front panel fragment of small sarcophagus. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum. Insula Orientalis II.8, Herculaneum. Insula Orientalis II.6, Herculaneum. Insula Orientalis II.5, Herculaneum. Casa dell’atrio corinzio (Insula V.30), Herculaneum. Casa dell’atrio corinzio (Insula V.30), Herculaneum. Ancient Herculaneum in the foreground. Casa dei Cervi [Deer] (IV.21), garden. Casa dei Cervi (IV.21), garden. Casa dei Cervi (IV.21), cryptoporticus. Casa dei Cervi (IV.21), cryptoporticus. Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 177. 177 a. 178. 179. 180. 181. 181 a.

Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I.2, 3), atrium. Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I.2, 3), atrium. Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I.2, 3), atrium. The lararium, a shrine to the household gods. Erotic visual representations in the Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 468, house plan). Edificio di Eumachia (VII 9,1; PPM VII 312), view west. Edificio di Eumachia (VII 9,1; PPM VII 320), the statue to her erected. Edificio di Eumachia (VII 9,1; not shown in PPM). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, atrium [93]; PPM III 244, 292), entrance atrium. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, biclinium [91]; PPM III 281–85). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, biclinium [91]), view through a window. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 230–38), view from atrium (93). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 232), pool outlined. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), view from the garden (8). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 263), the reconstructed triclinium (83). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), view up the water stair. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), view from inside the triclinium (83). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, ambiente [30]; PPM III 205). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), benches around ambiente (30). Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 184, 197), second pool. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), back gate of the orchard (9). Casa di Livia, Rome: Hermes, Io seated on rock, Argos. Casa di Livia, Rome: Hermes, Io, Argos. Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 125–31), view from peristyle 32. Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 129), fresco of Argos, Io, Hermes. Macellum (VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 328–52), two entrances at the far end. Macellum (VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 331–48). The large painted wall. Macellum (VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 341, 344, 346), fresco of Io and Argos. Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. 194. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. 202. 203. 204. 205. 205 a. 206. 207. 208.

Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 732, 736, 785, 790) surrounded on all four sides by a portico. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), purgatorium (4; PPM VIII 798–811). Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28). Marble statue of Isis with sistrum, Naples inventory 976. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28). Marble statue of Venus Anadiomene. Tempio di Iside, north portico (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 745), priest of Isis. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), view into ekklesiasterion. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), ekklesiasterion, fresco of the sarcophagus of Osiris. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), ekklesiasterion, the central fresco on the south wall. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 825), ekklesiasterion, the central fresco on the north wall. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), ekklesiasterion, marble head of Isis. Gospel of John 19:16–20 in papyrus 66, dated c. 200. Casa del Poeta tragico, (VI 8,3.5; PPM IV 552–53), peristyle (10): Iphigenia. Casa di Modestus (?), (VI 5,2; PPM IV 292–93 and 342): fresco of the sacrifice. House of the Emperor Titus, Rome: sculpture of the priest, Laocoon. Villa near Pompeii (Gragnano): caricature of Aeneas carrying his father. Casa di Laocoonte (VI 14,28.33; PPM V 352–54). Sanctuary of Athena (soon after 223 BCE) on the acropolis in Pergamon. A fragment of a long frieze depicting a gigantomachy: theater in Perge. Barracks on Palatine Hill, Rome: graffito of man on cross. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 486–87), triclinium (e), north wall. and 202 a. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 492), triclinium (e), west wall: Zeus. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 488–89), triclinium (e), south wall. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 479), atrium (c), west wall. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534), Ixion triclinium (p). Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534–35, 538–39), triclinium p, east wall. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 535–36), triclinium p, north wall. and 207 a. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534, 540), triclinium p, south wall. and 208 a. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 526–28), triclinium n, north wall. Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

209. 210. 211. 212. 213. 214. 215. 216. 217. 217 a. 217 b. 218. 219. 220. 221. 222. 223. 224. 225. 226. 227. 228. 229. 230. 232. 233. 235.

and 209 a. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 526, 529–30), triclinium n, east wall. and 210 a. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 531–33), triclinium n, south wall. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 572), kitchen (w). Sollertiana Domus, Roman Thysdrus, modern El Jem. Casa di Apollo (VI 7,23), cubiculum (25; PPM IV 523), in situ. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 947–1125), second/third floor down. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 950), second/third floor down. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/third floor down. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1085), second/third floor down. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1085, 1088), second/third floor down. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1089), second/third floor down. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/third floor down. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1079, 1082), second/third floor down. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1080), second/third floor down. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 1083), second/third floor down. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/third floor down. Isola Sacra, mouth of Tiber river, port of Rome, Tomb 87. and 224 a. Maison A du terrain Jilani Guirot, Endymion and Selene. and 225 a. Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4; PPM I 303–05), Pompeii, stucco sacellum (e). 226 a. and 226 b. Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4; PPM I 322–25), room (p). and 227 a. Officina coactiliaria di Verecundus (IX 7,1e2; PPM IX 776–77) on Via del Abbondanza. 228a.; 228b. and 228c. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 103–05), outdoor biclinium. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2): north wall, amphitheater scene. and 231. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 100–01): Diana spied while bathing nude. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 75–77): ambiente (f), south wall. 233a.; 233b.; 233c.; 233d. and 234. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2, oecus [h], east wall; PPM III 82–98): the middle zone is a megalograph of Hercules. Crypt of Lucina, Rome: Jonah-at-rest. Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

236. 237. 238. 239. 240. 241. 242. 243. 243 a. 244. 245. 246. 247. 248. 249. 250. 251. 251 a. 251 b. 251 c. 252. 252 a. 252 b. 252 c. 253. 254. 255. 256.

and 236 a. Ecclesial basilica in Aquileia, Italy, mosaic pavement: Jonah panel. Termopolio I.8,8 (PPM I 805), customer view from street. Termopolio I.8,8 (PPM I 814–15), triclinium in garden (9). Termopolio I.8,8, view from inside triclinium (10). Termopolio I.8,8, triclinium (10), east wall, central zone (PPM I 819, 821). Termopolio I.8,8, triclinium (10), east wall (PPM I 818–19, 822–24). Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 849), entrance door (15). Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 853), atrium (B). Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 853), atrium (B), west wall. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 851), atrium (B), north wall. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 869), tablinum (F), west wall. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 865), tablinum (F), east wall. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 871–72), triclinium (G), north wall. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 875), triclinium (G), east wall. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 882), pseudo-tablinum (D), south wall, griffin. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 966, 968–81, 1006–20), entrance door(4a), atrium (2). Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 978), atrium (2) to tablinum (7), north wall. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1016), tablinum (7), north wall Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1016–18), tablinum (7), north wall. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1016–17), tablinum (7), north wall. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1010–13), tablinum (7), south wall. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1010–13), tablinum (7), south wall. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1010–11), tablinum (7), south wall. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1011, 1013), tablinum (7). Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 978), atrium (2). Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 978), atrium (2). Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a), dog chasing deer. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 986), triclinium (4). Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

257. 258. 259. 260. 261. 262. 262 a. 263. 264. 265. 266. 266 a. 267. 267 a. 268. 269. 269 a. 269 b. 269 c. 270. 270 a. 270 b. 271. 272. 272 a. 273. 274. 275.

Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 989–92), cubiculum (5). Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1002–03, 1005), cubiculum (6). Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1007–08), cubiculum (6). Amphitheater in Pompeii (II 6). Inscription in “amphitheater” in Pompeii. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; not respresented in PPM), portico (i), north wall. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2) of north wall. Casa annessa alla Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,19; PPM I 764, 767), tablinum (c). Casa annessa alla Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,19; PPM I 766, 768), tablinum (c). Casa annessa alla Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,19; PPM I 773), cubiculum (d). Collegium of the Augustales (VI 21), Herculaneum, north and east walls. Herculaneum, Collegium of the Augustales, east wall. Collegium of the Augustales (VI, 21), Heracles fighting the river god Achelous. Collegium of the Augustales, west wall. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1037–38), triclinium (41). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 590–97), triclinium (b). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 590–92), triclinium (b). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 590–97), triclinium (b). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 594–97), triclinium (b). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 598–606), triclinium (b). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 598–600), triclinium (b). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 602–05), triclinium (b). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 607–09), cubiculum (c). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 614–15), altar. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7, not in PPM), altar. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 614–15), peristyle (m). Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 614–15), peristyle (m), niche. Casa di Giasone (IX 5,18; PPM IX 697), triclinium (f), west wall. Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

276. 277. 278. 279. 280. 281. 282. 282 a. 282 b. 282 c. 282 d. 283. 284. 285. 285 a. 286. 287. 288. 289. 290. 291. 291 a. 291 b. 292. 293. 294. 295. 296.

Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 906), vestibule (1), entrance mosaic. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1041), triclinium (41). Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1043), triclinium 41. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1059), cubicolo (42). Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7, [43]; PPM IX 1068–70), erotic scene. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7 [43]; PPM IX 1066–67), Hercules. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1001, 1007, 1011), viridarium (33). Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1007, 1010), viridarium (33). Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1007, 1016), viridarium (33). Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 997), viridarium (33). Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1001, 1005, 1020), viridarium (33). Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 296–97), oecus verde (11). Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,24.22; PPM VIII 719), fragment of fresco. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24; PPM VIII 720), two Ethiopians dancing. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24), crocodile. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24; PPM VIII 720), an Ethiopian figure fleeing. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24; PPM VIII 720), idyllic symposium. Casa del Poeta tragico (VI 8,3.5; PPM IV 546), tablinum (8), mosaic floor. Termopolio (VI 15,13.15; PPM V 700), triclinium (m), at center of floor mosaic. Casa di Terentius Neo (VII 2,6; PPM VI 486), tablinum (g). Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 713), garden (23). Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 713), garden (23). Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 708–09), garden (23). Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 714–15), garden (23). Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 717), garden (23). Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 719), garden (23). Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 722), garden (23). Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 722–23), garden (23). Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

297. 298. 299. 299 a. 300. 301. 302. 302 a. 303. 304. 305. 306. 307.

Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 724–25), garden (23). Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 727), garden (23). A similar image in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples. The other half of CD 299. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 556–57), sala (q): Cupids racing in a circus. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 563), sala (q). Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), three walls of the dining room. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, west and north walls. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, west wall. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, north wall. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, east wall. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), stable near dining room. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), yellow griffin room.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

Houses and Other Architectural Structures Houses Anfiteatro (II 6)

260, 261

Casa I 3,23

122

Casa VII 5,8

135, 135a, 135b

Casa annessa alla Casa dell’Efebo o di P. 263, 264, 265 Cornelius Tages (I 7,19) Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38)

132, 132a, 132b

Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15)

3, 84, 84a, 84b, 109, 110, 110a, 110b, 111, 112, 113

Casa dei Cervi (IV.21), Herculaneum

151, 152, 153, 154, 155

Casa dei Cubicoli floreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5)

101, 102, 120, 121

Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1)

22, 124, 137, 159, 160, 201, 202, 202a, 203, 204, 205, 205a, 206, 207, 207a, 208, 208 a, 209, 209a, 210, 210a, 211, 300, 301

Casa del Cinghiale (VIII 2,26–27)

134, 134a

Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7)

268, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282a, 282b, 282c, 282d

Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25)

11, 12, 23, 178, 179

Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2)

1, 2, 24, 25, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 52a, 52b, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

Casa del Granduca (VII 4,56)

125

Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10)

62, 63, 64, 64a, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 131

Casa del Menandro (I 10,4)

7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 14a, 15, 15a, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 36, 42, 43, 44, 45, 123, 283

Casa del Poeta tragico (VI 8,3.5)

193, 288

Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I 2,3), Herculaneum

156, 157, 158

Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4)

225, 225a, 226, 226a, 226b

Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7)

269, 269a, 269b, 269c, 270, 270a, 270b, 271, 272, 272a, 273, 274

Casa del Salone nero (VI 13), Herculaneum

5

Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17)

242, 243, 243a, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249

Casa dell’atrio corinzio (V.30), Herculaneum

149, 150

Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11)

291, 291a, 291b, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298

Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3)

103, 104a, 104b, 104c

Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,24.22)

284, 285, 285a, 286, 287

Casa di Apollo (VI 7,23)

213

Casa di Augusto, Rome

92, 93, 94, 95, 96

Casa di Giasone (IX 5,18)

275

Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3)

126, 127a, 127 b, 127c, 127d Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

Casa di Cerere (I 9,13)

58, 58a, 59, 60, 61

Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2)

4, 228, 228a, 228b, 228c, 229, 230, 231, 233, 233a, 233b, 233c, 233d, 262, 262a

Casa di Laocoonte (VI 14,28.33)

197

Casa di Livia, Rome

177, 177a

Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22)

81, 82, 83, 83a, 214, 215, 216, 217, 217a, 217b, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222

Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a)

250, 251, 251a, 251b, 251c, 252, 252a, 252b, 252c, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259

Casa di Modestus (?) (VI 5,2)

194

Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4)

97, 98, 99

Casa di Terentius Neo (VII 2,6)

290

Casa di Tramezzo di legno (III 11), Herculaneum

6

Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20)

114, 114a, 114b

Casa M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40)

133, 133a, 133b

Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3)

115, 116, 117, 117a, 118, 119

Collegium of the Augustales (VI 21), Herculaneum

266, 266a, 267, 267a

Edificio di Eumachia (VII 9,1)

161, 162, 163

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

Grande Palestra (II 7)

26, 27

Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8)

302, 302a, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307

Insula Orientalis II.4–18, Herculaneum

28, 29, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148

Macellum (VII 9,7.8)

180, 181, 181a

Maison A du terrain Jilani Guirot, Muséum, El Jem, Tunisia

224, 224a

Officina coactiliaria di Verecundus (IX 7,7)

227, 227a

Palestra (VIII 2,23–24)

136, 136a, 136b

Panificio (VII 1,36)

139

Panificio (VII 2,22)

35

Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28)

105, 106, 107, 108, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187

Terme Stabiane (VII 1,8)

46, 47

Termopolio (I.8,8)

237, 238, 239, 240, 241

Termopolio (VI 15,13.15)

289

Villa dei Misteri, Pompeii

85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91 Back

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3)

30, 30a, 37, 38, 39, 39a, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176

Villa di Gragnano

196

Villa di Oplontis

17, 70, 71, 71a, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80

Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia

32, 32a, 33, 33a, 34

Catacombs Crypt of Lucina, Rome: Jonah-at-rest

235

Graffito Man on cross, Palatine Hill, Palatine Museum, Rome

200

Mosaiacs Amphitheater show, Sollertiana Domus, Roman Thysdrus, modern El Jem, Tunisia

212

Jonah, Ecclesial basilica, Aquileia, Italy

236, 236a

Selene and Endymion, Bardo Museum, Tunis, Tunisia

140

Selene and Endymion, Isola Sacra, Italy, Tomb 87

223

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

Papyrus Papyrus Bodmer II, Bibliothèque Bodmer, Geneva: Gospel of John 19

192

Relief Gigantomachy, Perge Theater, now in Antalya Museum, Turkey

199

Sarcophagus Selene and Endymion, Getty Museum, Malibu, California

141

Statues Farnese Bull/Dirce

128, 128a, 129, 130

Gaul killing himself and his wife, originally Temple of Athena, Pergamon

198

Laocoon, House of Emperor Titus, Rome

195

Venus Andyomene, Tempio di Iside (VIII 7, 28), Pompeii

185

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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1. [Plate 1 Chapter I]: The grand doorway at the front of the Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 86), Pompeii, and to the left, shop #1 facing the street, also with a back door into the atrium (27); to the right shop #2. Back to List of Houses

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2. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 87, 114–16), service atrium (7) entered through a secondary entrance (5) separated from the grand doorway by two shops (2) and (3) open to the street.

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3. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 411), front façade of the house, front door, client benches. Back to List of Houses

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4. [Plate 1 Introduction]: Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 43): doorway, client benches, view into atrium (2); to the viewer’s right from the doorway, a thermopolium (1) that is both open to the street and also has back door into atrium (2) of the house. Back to List of Houses

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26 | 415

5. Casa del Salone nero (VI 13), Herculaneum: view of doorway from the main street through narrow entrance way into the atrium with its impluvium and the colonnaded peristyle beyond. Compare Pagano, Herculaneum 66–69. Back to List of Houses

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27 | 415

6. Casa di Tramezzo di legno (III 11), Herculaneum: view from inside the narrow entrance way into the atrium with a table in front of the impluvium, on the far side of which is a charred wooden partition, beyond which there is another room and a garden. Compare Pagano, Herculaneum 50–51. Back to List of Houses

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7. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 241): front door (4), client benches.

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8. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 243): view from inside tablinum (8) through atrium (b) into the narrow entrance way (a) and the door (4) to the street.

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30 | 415

9. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 243–44): lararium in the atrium (b), and to viewer’s right a stairway to a second floor (2). Back to List of Houses

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10. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4): view from rear atrium (41) out the back door (16).

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32 | 415

11. Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 138–39): view in peristyle (17) of brass statues of a boar attacked by two dogs, a pool beyond, and the fresco of a landscape above the entrance to ambiente (20). See De Caro, National Archaeological Museum of Naples (1996) 211, who gives an Augustan date with museum inventory numbers 4899, 4900, and 4901. Back to List of Houses

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33 | 415

12. Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 141): close-up of landscape above entrance to ambiente (20).

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34 | 415

13. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4): view from atrium (b) into ala (4).

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35 | 415

14. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 276–79), ala (4), north wall: fresco of Helen grasped by a Greek, Priam, and Cassandra grasping the Paladium.

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36 | 415

14a. [Plate 5 Chapter III]: Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 276–79): the Night of Troy with two episodes. Aias or Odysseus seizes Cassandra as she clings to the image of Athena, and Menelaus seizes the adulterous Helen by her hair. Priam, king of Troy and father of Cassandra, stands in the center observing his daughter captured. In situ. Back to List of Houses

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37 | 415

15. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 280–81), ala (4), east wall: Cassandra the prophet and the wooden horse before the walls of Troy.

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38 | 415

15 a. [Plate 6 Chapter III]: Casa del Menandro, Pompeii (I 10,4, ala 4; PPM II 280–81): fresco of Cassandra, a prophet warning against the wooden horse before Troy. Above are the city wall and the temple of Athena. In situ. Back to List of Houses

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39 | 415

16. [Plate 7 Chapter III]: Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 282–85), ala (4), south wall: the death of Laocoon attacked by a snake sent by Apollo, the altar table overturned, a bull fleeing to the viewer’s right, Laocoon’s one son already dead in the lower center, a second fleeing to the viewer’s left, but also attacked by a snake. See Vergil, Aeneid II 40–56, 201–27; Apollodorus 5.17–18. Back to List of Houses

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40 | 415

16 a. [Plate 8 Chapter III]: Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 282, 285): fresco of the death of the priest Laocoon, with the sacrificial bull running away from the snakes. His two sons are below, one already dead, the other on the viewer’s left being attacked by a snake. Two groups of spectators are above. In situ. Back to List of Houses

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41 | 415

17. Villa di Oplontis, slave peristyle (32), decorated by stripes, not by mythological frescoes. Compare De Franciscis, “Oplontis,” plan 1, plates 38–39 and Domus: Wall Painting in the Roman House 130. Back to List of Houses

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18. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 262–70), peristyle (c) viewed from the entrance to oecus (11).

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43 | 415

19. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 364), exedra 22 at the rear of peristyle (c): fresco of Actaeon, whom Diana (not shown in this fresco) has transformed into a deer, being attacked by his own dogs. Back to List of Houses

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20. [Plate 2 Introduction]: Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 367), exedra 23 at the rear of peristyle (c): Menander the poet seated. Back to List of Houses

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21. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 373), rectangular exedra 25: altar, and in circular niche, images of ancestors. Back to List of Houses

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22. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 499, 509, 516–22), peristyle (l), from south to north. Compare Domus 335.

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23. Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 129), the third peristyle (32), view into triclinium (37); a fresco of Io is on the northern wall.

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48 | 415

24. [Plate 2 Chapter I] Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 97, 117, 127), photo from inside the office (tablinum 33) across one garden/peristyle (36/54), through exedra (37) between the two gardens, then through the second, larger garden/peristyle (39/40) to the back of the house (49). Back to List of Houses

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49 | 415

25. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 118), first peristyle (36), with example of colorful first style decoration on the far wall.

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26. Grande Palestra (II 7; PPM III 311–13), colonnade on three sides; photographed from the top of the amphitheater; the dirt hole to the left was a pool.

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51 | 415

27. Grande Palestra (II 7), colonnade and pool.

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52 | 415

28. Insula Orientalis II.7–18, Herculaneum, a three-story insula (so-called apartment building). The photo was taken from modern Ercolano, high above ancient Herculaneum. Everything in the photo except the top right corner lies within this one, large insula: the edge of the pool is seen at the lower left. The peristyle walkway inside the courtyard lies beside the pool (in the photo, above the pool). At the top left one sees the rear of shops that open on their other sides onto cardo V (not pictured here). In the center and at the end of the peristyled walkway is the tiled roof of an entrance to the ground-level cryptoporticus, above which (on the right) one sees second floor, decorated rooms (compare CD 142–48 below), and at the top right, remains of third floor rooms (with modern, white concrete floors, supplied by the preservation project of the Packard Institute and the British School in Rome). The top right corner has red decoration on a ground level wall in a large aula (Ins. Or. II.19) that is an extension of the decumanus maximus (the main east-west street). Compare Domus 358–59, 373–75, but that plan does not show the ten shops along cardo V.

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53 | 415

29. Insula Orientalis II.7–18, Herculaneum, the courtyard, a palaestra with colonnade and pool. Modern Ercolano lies above.

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30. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 195): oven in cubbyhole (to the viewer’s left) for serving triclinium (3).

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55 | 415

30a. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3): oven for triclinium (3).

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31. Villa di Oplontis, oven in kitchen (7), supported by three semicircular arches, c. 10 feet long.

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32. Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, oven, supported by four semicircular arches, c. 17 feet, 6 inches long. Contrast CD 211, oven in Casa dei Vettii, the largest domestic oven in Pompeii of which I am aware. Back to List of Houses

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58 | 415

32a. [Plate 3 Introduction]:Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, oven.

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33. Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, peristyle with large pool.

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33a. Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, peristyle with pool, different view.

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34. Villa di San Marco, Castellammare di Stabia, second, upper, large peristyle without pool.

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35. Panificio (VII 2,22; PPM VI 660–61), commercial oven.

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36. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 337), triclinium (18). The owner of Menandro purchased the house next door, which was down the hill, then built this dining room over rooms in the previous house, which explains the holes in the floor in this photo, which must have followed an archaeological excavation. Back to List of Houses

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64 | 415

37. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 191–95), door (7), thermopolium (1), plus view through a door into triclinium (3) and its tables with banks for sitting.

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38. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), triclinium (3), view from tables with banks for sitting toward the concrete triclinium for reclining.

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39. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), triclinium (3), view from triclinium itself toward tables for sitting and beyond through windows into the garden.

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67 | 415

39a. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), triclinium (3), south wall, tables with banks for sitting. Back to List of Houses

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40. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 379, #222), atriolo del bagno (46), caricature, Aphrodite as hag.

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41. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 381), mosaic at entrance to caldario (48): ithyphallic slave carrying askoi (skins made into bags) with wreath on his head. Back to List of Houses

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42. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 382), mosaic floor in caldario (48): ithyphallic blacks, dolphins, crab, fish.

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43. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 390–94), caldario (48) wall decoration including winged figures that function as caryatids.

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44. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 383), caldario (48) wall decoration: cupid at fountain.

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45. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 386), caldario (48) wall decoration, wrestlers on viewers’ right.

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74 | 415

46. Terme Stabiane (VII 1,8; PPM VI 152–57).

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75 | 415

47. Terme Stabiane (VII 1,8; PPM VI 172), stucco of Zeus enthroned.

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48. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 101), cubiculum (32), colorful first style decoration.

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49. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 90–91), fauces (53), first style, miniature temple in Corinthian style. Back to List of Houses

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50. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 118), peristyle (36), colorful first style decoration.

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79 | 415

51. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2), exedra (37), first style. Back to List of Houses

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52. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 121–23), exedra (37), floor mosaic. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 10020. Compare CD 233–34.

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81 | 415

52 a. [Plate 8 Chap. I]: Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 123), Alexander mosaic. See De Caro, National Archaeological Museum of Naples (1996) 144–45, who dates it to 100 BCE and notes that it comprises something like a million tesserae, with between 15 and 30 in one square centimeter. Back to List of Houses

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82 | 415

52 b. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2), exedra (37), floor mosaic, Darius. Back to List of Houses

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53. [Plate 4 Introduction]: Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 122, #54), exedra (37), Nile mosaic. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9990b.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

84 | 415

54. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 121), exedra (37), ducks mosaic. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9990a.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

85 | 415

55. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 105), triclinium (34), animals mosaic. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9993.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

86 | 415

56. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 107), triclinium (34), fish mosaic. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9997. See CD 282c; also De Caro, National Archaeological Museum of Naples (1996) 142 for a similar mosaic from House VII 2,16. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

87 | 415

57. Casa del Fauno (VI 12,2; PPM V 113), cubicolo (28), erotic mosaic. De Caro, National Archaeological Museum of Naples (1996) 146, notes that this is an exact replica of one found at Thmuis, which suggests that it is Alexandrian/Egyptian. National Archaeological Museum inventory 27707. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

88 | 415

58. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13; PPM II 172, 220–21), cubicolo (k), second style.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

89 | 415

58a. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13), cubicolo (k), second style, showing door on viewer’s left out into tablinum (j).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

90 | 415

59. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13; PPM II 190–91), cubicolo (c), second style.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

91 | 415

60. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13), cubicolo (c), second style.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

92 | 415

61. Casa di Cerere (I 9,13), cubicolo (c), second style. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

93 | 415

62. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 37–38), cubicolo (42) Theseus and minotaur mosaic. The person’s shoes show the small size of the central medallion. Compare Domus 166, 173.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

94 | 415

63. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 43), oecus corinzio (43), colored marble mosaic floor. Compare Domus 168–71.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

95 | 415

64. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 31, 40–42), oecus corinzio (43), tholos. Compare Domus 168–71.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

96 | 415

64 a. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), oecus corinzio (43), tholos.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

97 | 415

65. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8– 10; PPM V 50–51), cubicolo (46), temple columns, pair of birds. Compare Domus 172. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

98 | 415

66. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 42), oecus corinzio (43), mask. Compare Domus 169.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

99 | 415

67. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8– 10), cubicolo (11), columns. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

100 | 415

68. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), modern sign reporting ancient advertisement for gladiatorial spectacle.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

101 | 415

69. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10), remains of graffito.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

102 | 415

70. Villa di Oplontis, atrium (5), doors. Compare De Francisis, “Oplontis,” plates 4, 7; Domus 133–34.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

103 | 415

71. [Plate 5 Introduction]: Villa di Oplontis, triclinium (14), tripod. De Francisis, plates 24–27.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

104 | 415

71 a. Villa di Oplontis, oecus (15), tripod; De Francisis, plates 24–27; Domus 136, 150–53. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

105 | 415

72. Villa di Oplontis, stanza (23), masks; De Francisis, plate 13.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

106 | 415

73. Villa di Oplontis, triclinium (14), tholos; De Francisis, plates 6, 17, 23; Domus 135, 144–45, the “temple of Hera.” Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

107 | 415

74. Villa di Oplontis, peristyle (40).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

108 | 415

75. Villa di Oplontis, pool. See plan in Domus 126; the pool lies to the east of the villa.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

109 | 415

76. Villa di Oplontis, three garden fountains at corner, two birds above. Francisis’ plan (p. 11) does not show the eastern section of the villa, so excludes the viridarium and the large pool; see Domus 126 for both. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

110 | 415

77. Villa di Oplontis, viridarium (87), two garden fountains, peacock; Domus 138, 148–49. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

111 | 415

78. Villa di Oplontis, garden fountain, two birds sitting on branches. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

112 | 415

79. Villa di Oplontis, garden fountain, without birds, layered architecture.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

113 | 415

80. Villa di Oplontis, space (68) near viridarium, sphinx supporting garden fountain.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

114 | 415

81. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22; PPM VII 947, 950–53), atrium (2; length=15m., width=9.5 m., height=9 m.), anteroom (13; length=4.5m.), terrace (14; length=11m). From the door (22) to the edge of the terrace is 30.5 m.; then one sees the ocean view beyond. See the plan at PPM VII 947, but a more complete plan by Grimaldi, in Pompei, eds. Aoyagi and Pappalardo (2006) 262, 270–71. Discussion in Domus 388. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

115 | 415

82. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22, terrace (14)), view back into the atrium (2) and to the street beyond; see plan at PPM VII 947.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

116 | 415

83. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22, terrace (14)), from the atrium looking south. This ground floor terrace measures c. 42 m. (compare CD 214).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

117 | 415

83 a. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII.16[Ins.Occ.].22, terrace (14)), from triclinium (21) looking north back toward the atrium (2). The terrace opening on the right continues into a large triclinium (21). Had it not just rained, one might see Vesuvius. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

118 | 415

84. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 442–45), triclinium (e), tholos in upper zone, parousia/epiphany of Dionysus in central zone. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

119 | 415

84 a. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,16), triclinium (e), tholos in upper zone.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

120 | 415

84 b. [Plate 6 Introduction]:Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 442–47), triclinium (e), parousia/epiphany of Dionysus in central zone. The white light around Dionysius’ head is in the fresco, not from this author’s flash camera. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

121 | 415

85. Villa dei Misteri, Pompeii, whole of room 5. Compare Domus, 102–25.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

122 | 415

86. Villa dei Misteri, room 5, left wall: women prepare offering, Silenus plays lyre, accompanied by two small satyrs.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

123 | 415

87. Villa dei Misteri, woman breastfeeds small deer; goddess Aura stands with mantle catching the wind.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

124 | 415

88. Villa dei Misteri: young man looks into cup of wine, but sees reflection of mask behind satyr’s back. Drunken Dionysus lies across Aphrodite’s or, more probably, Ariadne’s lap.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

125 | 415

89. Villa dei Misteri: priestess on left prepares to uncover basket with a phallus, while a winged divinity holds a whip and looks left to the next scene.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

126 | 415

90. Villa dei Misteri: young woman, scourged by the winged divinity, buries her head in the lap of a priestess, while bacchantes dance around her.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

127 | 415

91. Villa dei Misteri: a young woman, perhaps the same one, prepares for her wedding; a servant dresses her while a cupid holds a mirror.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

128 | 415

92. Casa di Augusto sul Palatino, room 5, south wall, left side.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

129 | 415

93. Casa di Augusto, room 5, south wall, right side.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

130 | 415

94. Casa di Augusto, room 6.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

131 | 415

95. Casa di Augusto, room 11.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

132 | 415

96. Casa di Augusto, upper cubiculum, room 15. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

133 | 415

97. Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; PPM III 464–65, and for Orestes, III 460–63), cubicolo (a), theater backdrop for drama of Attis and Cybele. In the far left of the scene, on the adjacent wall, one sees Orestes and Pylades in the drama of Iphigenia in Tauris. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

134 | 415

98. Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; PPM III 470–71), another scene from Attis and Cybele. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

135 | 415

99. Casa di Pinarius Cerialis (III 4,4; PPM III 470–71), another scene from Attis and Cybele; women offering.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

136 | 415

100. Casa dei Cubicoli floreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 114–34), cubicolo (12), black garden room, snake climbing tree. Compare Domus 300.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

137 | 415

101. Casa dei Cubicoli floreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 16– 35), blue garden room, cubicolo (8). Compare Domus 298–99. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

138 | 415

102. [Plate 7 Introduction]:Casa dei Cubicoli floreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5), blue garden room, cubicolo (8), Pharoah enthroned among leaves. Compare PPM II 16–35, Domus 299, and Ciardiello, “Casa del Bracciale d’Oro,” in Pompei, eds. Aoyagi and Pappalardo (2006) 176, 178, for Pharoah in the garden (not in PPM). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

139 | 415

103. [Plate 8 Introduction]: Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 140), peristyle (8). Compare Domus 301.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

140 | 415

104. Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 141–42), peristyle (8), south wall, Venus. Compare Domus 310–12.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

141 | 415

104 a. Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 140), peristyle (8), south wall.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

142 | 415

104 b. Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 138–39), peristyle (8), south wall, Mars. Compare Domus 303.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

143 | 415

104 c. Casa della Venere in conchiglia (II 3,3; PPM III 143), peristyle (8), south wall, fountain with wall niche.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

144 | 415

105. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 841). An Ionic column from which hangs a yellow curtain, which divides the blue luminosity on the left from the rest of the visual representation; a small temple in which stands a feminine statue and around which are three cows/bulls. In the lower fresco is a container of lustral water, which in Pompeii often has the inscription “Serapis dora.”. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

145 | 415

106. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 824), a platform, bare tree around columns, and an ibis, theriomorphos (animal form) for Thoth.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

146 | 415

107. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 840). Grand columns frame the scene, trees and small temple in center, beside which is a statue, perhaps of Isis seated; at bottom of the fresco water flows around the sanctuary. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

147 | 415

108. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 826), A Nile scene, a small temple on an island, statues of two Isis priestesses on the left; the only living thing is a bird, a martin fishing.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

148 | 415

109. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 411), façade.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

149 | 415

110. [Plate 9 Introduction]: Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 473, 475), giardino (h), amphitheater scene. Compare Domus 382–83, 386–87.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

150 | 415

110 a. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 474), giardino (h), lion chasing bull.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

151 | 415

110 b. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 474–75), giardino (h), dogs attack boar.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

152 | 415

111. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 476), giardino (h), sacred Nile landscape. Compare Domus 384–85, 393.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

153 | 415

112. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 481), giardino (h), shepherd. Compare Domus 385. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

154 | 415

113. Casa dei Ceii (I 6,15; PPM I 482), giardino (h), temple landscape.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

155 | 415

114. Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; PPM V 265–66), scene from entrance through fauces and tablinum (i) to peristyle (o).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

156 | 415

114 a. Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; PPM V 282), peristyle (o).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

157 | 415

114 b. [Plate 10 Introduction]: Casa di Vesonius Primus o di Orfeo (VI 14,20; PPM V 284–91), peristyle (o): Orpheus among animals. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

158 | 415

115. Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1070), peristyle (d).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

159 | 415

116. Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1074), peristyle (d), lion faces dog.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

160 | 415

117. [Plate 11 Introduction]: Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1074), peristyle (d), dogs attacking boar.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

161 | 415

117 a. Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3), peristyle (d), dogs attacking boar.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

162 | 415

118. Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1073), peristyle (d), deer chased by dog.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

163 | 415

119. Caserma dei gladiatori (V 5,3; PPM III 1071), peristyle (d), Europa riding bull followed by two nereidi, one riding a marine horse, the other a dolphin.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

164 | 415

120. Casa dei Cubicoli floreali o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 52–58), triclinium (11), continuous narrative, Actaeon first sees Diana nude, then she turns him into a deer, so that he is attacked by his own dogs. The fresco has deteriorated. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

165 | 415

121. Casa dei Cubicoli florea li o del Frutteto (I 9,5; PPM II 88–92), triclinium (11), Icarus falling from the sky; the fresco is almost totally deteriorated.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

166 | 415

122. House I 3,23 (PPM I 80), riot in Pompeian amphitheater. See De Caro, National Museum of Naples (1996) 123.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

167 | 415

123. Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 327), ambiente (15), Dirce.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

168 | 415

124. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 531–33), triclinio (n), Dirce. Compare Domus 350–51.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

169 | 415

125. [Plate 12 Introduction]: Casa del Granduca (VII 4,56; PPM VII 53, 55), tablino (11), east wall, Dirce. Compare De Caro, National Museum of Naples (1996) 156, who describes this as third style (c. 30 CE), whereas the later, fourth style depiction in the Casa dei Vettii is “much more violent and Baroque.” Museum inventory 9042. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

170 | 415

126. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 185), façade. See Domus 62. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

171 | 415

127. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 252, 256–61), triclinium (EE), east wall: continuous narrative of capture of Dirce; the second scene is of bull dragging her.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

172 | 415

127 a. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 257, 259), Dirce among maenaeds captured by Amphion and Zethus; shepherd with his cane and dog among goats in the upper fresco, and in the center an archaic statue of Dionysus. To the upper right a statue of Apollo lyricine, and on the lower right, a bull dragging Dirce. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

173 | 415

127 b. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3), capture of Dirce.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

174 | 415

127 c. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 261), bull dragging Dirce.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

175 | 415

127 d. Casa di C. Iulius Polybius (IX 13,1–3; PPM X 257), a small temple with archaic statue of Dionysus. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

176 | 415

128. Farnese Dirce group / Farneseian Bull (3.7 m. high) from Caracalla Thermae, Rome, National Archaeological Museum, Naples (Hall XVI), inventory 6002. See Pliny, Nat. Hist. 36.34, and De Caro, National Archaeological Museum of Naples (1996) 334. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

177 | 415

128 a. Farnese Bull/Dirce. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

178 | 415

129. Farnese Bull/Dirce, thrysus, which relates the marble group to the frescos depicting Dionysiac maenaeds, Compare CD 123– 125, 127, 210–210a. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

179 | 415

130. Farnese Bull/Dirce, small relief/sculpture on the rear of the marble block: lion attacking deer, which relates the whole to the amphitheater.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

180 | 415

131. Casa del Labirinto (VI 11,8–10; PPM V 16), atrium and peristyle. See Domus 62–64.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

181 | 415

132. Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38; PPM V 764–66), peristyle (F), sacello (d). Isis lararium with typical two snakes in the lower zone.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

182 | 415

132 a. Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38; PPM V 765) Anubis, small Harpocrates, Isis, Serapis; in the lower zone of the fresco a priest before an altar.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

183 | 415

132 b. Casa degli Amorini dorati (VI 16,7.38; PPM V 765). Symbols of the Isis cult: sistrum, cobra, patera, basket decorated by a lunar crescent. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

184 | 415

133. Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40; PPM VI 381–83), fauces mosaic of two dolphins, sea horse, and closed city wall. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

185 | 415

133 a. Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40), fauces mosaic of two dolphins, Posidon’s trident, tail of sea horse.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

186 | 415

133 b. Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII 1,40), closed city gate.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

187 | 415

134. Casa del Cinghiale (VIII 2,26–27; PPM VIII 191–96). Entrance, fauces mosaic, and domestic space beyond, although little remains. This house is on the southern wall/cliff of Pompeii, with a view of the mountains. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

188 | 415

134 a. Casa del Cinghiale (VIII 2,26–27;PPM VIII 196), boar swiveling to its right with tusk showing.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

189 | 415

135. Casa del Cinghiale I (VIII 3,8–9; PPM VIII 362, 364). Fauces with mosaic floor, atrium and peristyle beyond.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

190 | 415

135 a. Casa del Cinghiale I (VIII 3, 8–9; PPM VIII 364). Fauces mosaic floor – geometric patterns plus boar attacked by two dogs. Compare CD 11, 110b and 134–134a; CD 117–117a, 110b indicate that this is another amphitheater scene. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

191 | 415

135 b. Casa del Cinghiale I (VIII 3, 8–9; PPM VIII 364), fauces mosaic: two dogs attacking a boar.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

192 | 415

136. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 168, 172–80), fauces mosaic of two wrestlers, and inside, a wall fresco of athletes; in this example, the subjects of the floor mosaic and the wall fresco correspond. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

193 | 415

136 a. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 168), fauces floor mosaic of two wrestlers.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

194 | 415

136 b. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 172–75), wall fresco of athletes, and in lower left, of wrestlers and umpire (ludi magister).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

195 | 415

136 c. Palestra (VIII 2,23–24; PPM VIII 175), fresco of two wrestlers and umpire.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

196 | 415

137. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 471), apotropaiac fresco inside the fauces of Priapus. North Americans and Europeans see a phallus and think sex; ancient Pompeians would perceive rather a powerful symbol guarding an entrance against other dangerous powers. John Clarke, Roman Sex (2003) 112 explains that ancient cities had neither police forces nor hospitals; inhabitants sought other means of protection. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

197 | 415

138. (VII 1,36?), apotropaic stone Priapus. I remember this symbol guarding the same entrance as the following one (139), but PPM does not show it. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

198 | 415

139. Panificio (VII 1,36; PPM VI 367), apotropaic stone phallus. Compare PPM V 963, VI 721, 896, VIII 866, IX 371, and X 179. PPM X, index, s.v. “Priapo,” has numerous examples. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

199 | 415

140. [Plate 13 Introduction]: Bardo Museum, Tunis, Tunisia. Floor mosaic (now hanging on a wall) of Selene, moon goddess, approaching Endymion from viewer’s right; he sleeps with his right hand over his head, while his dog below turns its head to see Selene. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

200 | 415

141. Getty Museum, Malibu, California. Front panel fragment of small sarcophagus (c. 210 CE). Selene, her winged horses held by Aura and accompanied by an eros, approaches Endymion from viewer’s left. Another eros attends Endymion, who sleeps with his right hand above his head. To the viewer’s right, Selene, holding a torch, departs in her chariot, which draws the moon across the sky. Tobi Levenberg Kaplan, ed., The J. Paul Getty Museum, Handbook of the Antiquities Collection (Los Angeles, Getty, 2002) 169 (inventory #76.AA.8).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

201 | 415

142. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum. Decorated room on the second floor above the cryptoporticus, which was one of the four sides of the insula. Compare CD 28. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

202 | 415

143. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum, a large bronze fountain of the Hydra Lernaea, a five-headed snake monster killed by Hercules; the fountain was located at the intersection of the arms of a large, cruciform pool in the center of the insula. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

203 | 415

144. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum, shops #18 to #10 of the insula, all facing cardo V.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

204 | 415

145. Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum, some of the same shops viewed from the rear, including their back rooms. The insula shops are in the center of the photo, just above the columns in the portico at the bottom, a photo taken from modern Ercolano above. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

205 | 415

146. [Plate 3 Chapter I]: Insula Orientalis II.8, Herculaneum, Pistrinum e bottega di sex patulcius felix, a photo that shows mill grindstones, which were worked by donkeys; I took the photo from the shop entrance on cardo V. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

206 | 415

147. [Plate 4 Chapter I]: Insula Orientalis II.6, Herculaneum, a tavern serving hot food and drinks (thermopolium) facing the street (cardo V).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

207 | 415

148. Insula Orientalis II.5, Herculaneum, a bakery facing the street (cardo V).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

208 | 415

149. Casa dell’atrio corinzio (Insula V.30), Herculaneum, atrium with six columns, reached by climbing three steps from cardo V.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

209 | 415

150. Casa dell’atrio corinzio (Insula V.30), Herculaneum, tablinum beyond the atrium, decorated in red, yellow, and black.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

210 | 415

151. [Plate 5 Chapter I]: Ancient Herculaneum in the foreground, modern Ercolano above in the background. At the bottom is a square altar, above it on the left, the Casa dei Cervi, a seaside villa, and to its right, the Casa del rilievo di Telefo, Senator Balbus’ house, and between them rising up the hill toward modern Ercolano, cardo V, the street along which a large, three-story insula was constructed. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

211 | 415

152. Casa dei Cervi [Deer] (IV.21), garden, in which there is one of the two statues of a deer attacked by four dogs. Compare amphitheater scenes in CD 118, 253, 255, as well as Actaeon scenes (CD 19, 120, 231). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

212 | 415

153. Casa dei Cervi (IV.21), garden, second of the two statues of a deer attacked by four dogs.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

213 | 415

154. Casa dei Cervi (IV.21), cryptoporticus, fresco visually representing an overturned basket of fruit. See Stefano De Caro, ed., Still Lifes from Pompeii (Naples: Electa, 1999) 48–53 on this house.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

214 | 415

155. Casa dei Cervi (IV.21), cryptoporticus, fresco visually representing a platter of nuts and figs as well as a cup filled with a drink or sauce.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

215 | 415

156. Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I.2, 3), atrium with stuccoed columns painted in red on three sides. One sees the marble impluvium decorated by a flower pot. The view is from the door toward the unexcavated, high bank with strata of lava. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

216 | 415

157. Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I.2, 3), atrium. The view looks back toward the entrance.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

217 | 415

158. Casa del relievo di Telefo (Ins. Or. I.2, 3), atrium, one of the two marble reliefs of the Telephus myth, a hero who was an illegitimate son of Hercules.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

218 | 415

159. [Plate 6 Chapter I]: The lararium, a shrine to the household gods, in a second atrium (v) in the service (slave) area of the Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 571).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

219 | 415

160. One of three erotic visual representations in the Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 468, house plan), room x´ just behind the kitchen (w) that is located beyond atrium (v); not reproduced in PPM. Compare John Clarke, Looking at Lovemaking (1998) 169–77. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

220 | 415

161. Edificio di Eumachia (VII 9,1; PPM VII 312), view west across the complex out the entrance to the forum.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

221 | 415

162. Edificio di Eumachia (VII 9,1; PPM VII 320), the statue to her erected by the fullers.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

222 | 415

163. Edificio di Eumachia (VII 9,1; not shown in PPM), intricate stucco that frames the entrance; in the upper left, note the rabbit, the snail below it, a bird on their right, and among the floral patterns, another bird toward the bottom. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

223 | 415

164. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, atrium [93]; PPM III 244, 292), entrance atrium with a view through the portico (8).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

224 | 415

165. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, biclinium [91]; PPM III 281–85).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

225 | 415

166. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, biclinium [91]), view through a window into the garden.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

226 | 415

167. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 230–38), view from atrium (93) through the portico with its square columns (8).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

227 | 415

168. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 232), pool outlined in marble in the center of the garden (8).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

228 | 415

169. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), view from the garden (8) toward the decorated portico, the wall of which has ediculae at regular intervals (PPM III 240–42), and in the middle of which is a triclinium (83) with a water stair (PPM III 260–67). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

229 | 415

170. [Plate 7 Chapter I]: Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 263), the reconstructed triclinium (83) with ediculae and water stair.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

230 | 415

171. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), view up the water stair, fed by water from the top, made possible by the aqueduct built in the first century BCE; water was channeled along the top of the building, then fell down this stair. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

231 | 415

172. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), view from inside the triclinium (83) toward the pool and the garden (8).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

232 | 415

173. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3, ambiente [30]; PPM III 205). To the right there is an entrance to the bath (39; PPM III 220–29), to the left to the orchard (9). I took the photo from the doorway (6) to the street. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

233 | 415

174. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), benches around ambiente (30), where patrons waited for the bath – or where clients waited for Julia Felix?

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

234 | 415

175. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3; PPM III 184, 197), second pool, this one in the orchard (9), with the amphitheater (II 6) beyond.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

235 | 415

176. Villa di Giulia Felice (II 4,3), back gate of the orchard (9) with an open plaza and the amphitheater (II 6) beyond.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

236 | 415

177. [Plate 3 Chapter V]: Casa di Livia, Rome [fresco as actually preserved]: Hermes, Io seated on rock, Argos.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

237 | 415

177 a. [Plate 1 Chapter II and Plate 3 Chapter V]: Casa di Livia, Rome: Hermes, Io, Argos (restored). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

238 | 415

178. Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 125–31), view from peristyle 32 into triclinium 37. One can see a copy of the fresco of Argos, Io, a cow, and Hermes from the peristyle.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

239 | 415

179. [Plate 2 Chapter II]: Casa del Citarista (I 4,5.25; PPM I 129), fresco of Argos, Io seated in the center above, a cow below, and Hermes. Now in National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9557. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

240 | 415

180. [Plate 3 Chapter II]: Macellum ([the meat, fish, and vegetable market;] VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 328–52), Two entrances at the far, west end open onto the forum. The reconstructed stoa in the far corner covers a painted wall. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

241 | 415

181. [Plate 2 Chapter V]: Macellum (VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 341–48). The large painted wall located near the entrance from the forum into the macellum. A fresco of Io and Argos is in the center of the wall. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

242 | 415

181 a. [Plate 4 Chapter II and Plate 2 Chapter V]: Macellum (VII 9,7.8; PPM VII 341, 344, 346): fresco of Io, partially nude, guarded by Argos, in situ. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

243 | 415

182. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 732, 736, 785, 790) surrounded on all four sides by a portico.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

244 | 415

183. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), purgatorium (4; PPM VIII 798–811) and altar (12b; PPM VIII 812); in the photo the purgatorium is just to the left of the Temple, with the south portico wall in the background. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

245 | 415

184. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28). Marble statue of Isis with sistrum (now missing) in her right hand, an ank, the key of life, in her left hand, from the NE corner of the porticus. Naples Museum inventory 976. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

246 | 415

185. [Plate 4 Chapter V]: Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28). Marble statue of Venus Anadiomene; now in National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 6209: the goddess exiting her bath. In the Roman world Isis and Venus were often identified. From the SW corner of the porticus. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

247 | 415

186. Tempio di Iside, north portico (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 745), priest of Isis reading from a scroll. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

248 | 415

187. Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), digital picture from within the north portico beside the temple itself toward a wall with five arched entrances into the ekklesiasterion (PPM VIII 827, 829, 831), a large room (13.2 x 7.65 m.) probably for rituals and banquets. The north and south walls of this ekklesiasterion each displayed three large frescoes; the center fresco on both walls was of Io. Here one sees the fresco on the south wall, Isis receiving Io (PPM VIII 837). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

249 | 415

188. [Plate 5 Chapter II]: Ekklesiasterion, Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), fresco of the sarcophagus of Osiris (PPM VIII 836). The most recent discussion places this fresco on the south wall just to the left of the image of Isis receiving Io. Now in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 8570. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

250 | 415

189. [Plate 6 Chapter II and Plate 5 Chapter V]: Ekklesiasterion, Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 837), the central fresco on the south wall: Io on the viewer’s left, borne by the river god, received by Isis, who has a cobra wrapped around her left arm and a crocodlile below her feet. Horos/Harpocrates, her son, sits on an urn in the lower right. Above Isis are a priest and a priestess of Isis before an altar. Now in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inv. 9558. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

251 | 415

190. [Plate 7 Chapter II and Plate 1 Chapter V]: Ekklesiasterion, Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28; PPM VIII 825), the central fresco on the north wall: A cow, Io, Hermes, and Argos. Now in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9548. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

252 | 415

191. [Plate 8 Chapter II]: Ekklesiasterion, Tempio di Iside (VIII 7,28), marble head of Isis; the ears had holes for earrings. The limbs of her body were also of marble, but the rest of the body was in wood. From the age of emperor Claudius. Naples Museum inventory 6290. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

253 | 415

192. [Plate 9 Chapter II]: Gospel of John 19:16–20 in papyrus 66, dated c. 200. Staurograms occur in verses 16, 18, 19, and 20. Papyrus Bodmer II, Supplément, Evangile de Jean, chap. 14–21, ed. Victor Martin and J. W. B. Barns (Cologny-Geneva: Bibliothèque Bodmer, 1962) 37. Published by permission of the Fondation Bodmer, Geneva.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

254 | 415

193. [Plate 1 Chapter III]: Casa del Poeta tragico (VI 8,3.5; PPM IV 552–53), peristyle (10): fresco of the sacrifice of an unwilling Iphigenia carried by two men at Aulis, Calchas the seer standing on the right, her father Agamemnon seated on the left with his robe drawn over his head, the goddess Artemis with a substitute deer above in heaven. Now in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9112. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

255 | 415

194. [Plate 2 Chapter III]: Casa di Modestus (?), (VI 5,2; PPM IV 292–93 and 342): fresco of the sacrifice of a willing, standing Iphigenia, the seer Calcas on the left cutting a lock of her hair, the sorrowing father Agamemnon seated on the right. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

256 | 415

195. [Plate 3 Chapter III]: House of the Emperor Titus, Rome: sculpture of the priest, Laocoon, with snakes coiled around him and his two sons, sculpted by Hagesander, Polydorus and Athanodorus of Rhodes. Now in the Belvedere Court of the Vatican Museum, Rome. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

257 | 415

196. [Plate 4 Chapter III]: Villa near Pompeii (Gragnano): caricature of Aeneas carrying his father, Anchises holding the household deities, and leading his son, Ascanius; all three have bodies of monkeys, short legs and heads of dogs. Aeneas and his son are sketched with penises. In the Secret Cabinet (now open to the public) of the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9089. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

258 | 415

197. Casa di Laocoonte (VI 14,28.33; PPM V 352–54), National Archaeological Museum Naples, inventory 111210. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

259 | 415

198. [Plate 9 Chapter III]: Sanctuary of Athena (soon after 223 BCE) on the acropolis in Pergamon, Asia (Minor), statue stolen by Nero for his Domus Aurea, then placed by Vespasian in the Temple of Peace in his new forum: large sculpture of a Gaul killing himself and his wife. Now in Palazzo Altemps, Rome. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

260 | 415

199. A fragment of a long frieze depicting a gigantomachy that decorated the third floor of the scenium of the theater in Perge, dated 222–238 CE: Athena fights the snake-legged giant Alcyoneus. Now in the museum in Antalya, the principal town in the coastal region of Pamphylia, Turkey. The name of the modern city, Antalya / Attaleia, still reflects that of its founder, Attalos II (160–139 BCE) of Pergamon. The frieze from the theater in Perge is a much smaller but significant parallel to the sculptured, baroque frieze (120 m. / 394 ft. long) of a gigantomachy constructed by king Eumenes II (197–159 BCE) four centuries earlier, which decorated the Altar of Zeus in Pergamon (see chap. V, n. 7 for bibliography). See Inan, AA (2000), Heft 2, 336ff., Plate 58; and Köse, Istanbuler Mitteilungen 54 (2004) 393–408. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

261 | 415

200. [Plate 10 Chapter III]: Barracks on Palatine Hill, Rome: graffito of man on cross who has the head of an ass. To the lower left another man raises his hand toward the figure on the cross. A graffito under the two reads, “Alexamenos adores god.” Now in the Palatine Museum, Rome. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

262 | 415

201. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 486–87), triclinium (e), north wall: Cyparissus grieves because he unwittingly killed the deer he loved.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

263 | 415

202. [Plate 2 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 492), triclinium (e), west wall, upper zone: Zeus enthroned with scepter and thunderbolt.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

264 | 415

202 a. [Plate 2 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 492), triclinium (e), west wall, upper zone: Zeus enthroned with scepter and thunderbolt.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

265 | 415

203. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 488–89), triclinium (e), south wall: Central zone: Eros and Pan fight, watched by Dionysus and a maenad or Ariadne; upper zone: Leda and swan (Zeus) on her lap. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

266 | 415

204. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 479), atrium (c), west wall: cupid riding a crab. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

267 | 415

205. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534), Ixion triclinium (p), view of the whole wall. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

268 | 415

205 a. [Plate 3 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534–35, 538–39), triclinium p, east wall, central zone. Ixion on viewer’s left tied to a wheel by Hermes (in heroic nudity, with his staff), Hera enthroned on the right, her servant Iris sitting below; upper zone: Concordia enthroned with cornucopia and libation dish; socle below (deteriorated, not seen here): Triton and his marine animals. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

269 | 415

206. [Plate 4 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 535– 36), triclinium p, north wall, central zone. Pasiphae, wife of Minos, king of Crete, receives the wooden cow presented by the craftsman Daidalos, with his assistant in the left foreground, with three marine horses in the socle below. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

270 | 415

207. [Plate 5 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534, 540), triclinium p, south wall, central zone. Dionysus with his staff of ivy and pine cones (thyrsus) on the left, accompanied by maenads and a young satyr, appears in order to take Ariadne, semi-nude in foreground, sleeping, guarded by Hypnos, with marine horses in socle below. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

271 | 415

207a. [Plate 5 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 534, 540), triclinium p, south wall, central zone. Dionysus with his staff of ivy and pine cones (thyrsus) on the left, accompanied by maenads and a young satyr, appears in order to take Ariadne, semi-nude in foreground, sleeping, guarded by Hypnos, with marine horses in socle below. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

272 | 415

208. [Plate 6 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 526–28), triclinium n, north wall, central zone. Heracles as a young child strangles snakes sent by Hera; his mother Alcmene and her husband Amphitryon on the right, Heracles’ pedagogue in awe on the left, an eagle (Zeus) on an altar in the left background, an ionic temple in the far right background. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

273 | 415

208a. [Plate 6 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 526–28), triclinium n, north wall, central zone. Heracles as a young child strangles snakes sent by Hera; his mother Alcmene and her husband Amphitryon on the right, Heracles’ pedagogue in awe on the left, an eagle (Zeus) on an altar in the left background, an ionic temple in the far right background. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

274 | 415

209. [Plate 7 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 526, 529–30), triclinium n, east wall, central zone. Pentheus, king of Thebes, surrounded by Dionysiac thiasus (a band of revelers), about to be killed by his mother, Agave on the left. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

275 | 415

209 a. [Plate 7 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 526, 529–30), triclinium n, east wall, central zone. Pentheus, king of Thebes, surrounded by Dionysiac thiasus (a band of revelers), about to be killed by his mother, Agave on the left.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

276 | 415

210. [Plate 8 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 531–33), triclinium n, south wall, central zone. Dirce. wife of the king of Thebes, being fastened to the horns of a bull by Amphion and Zethus, with a Dionysiac thyrsus (staff with ivy and pine cones) lying on the ground below her. Compare CD 123–30. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

277 | 415

210a. [Plate 8 Chapter IV]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 531–33), triclinium n, south wall, central zone. Dirce. wife of the king of Thebes, being fastened to the horns of a bull by Amphion and Zethus, with a Dionysiac thyrsus (staff with ivy and pine cones) lying on the ground below her. Compare CD 123–30. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

278 | 415

211. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 572), kitchen (w), oven. Compare and contrast CD 30–32a.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

279 | 415

212. [Plate 9 Chapter IV]: Sollertiana Domus, Roman Thysdrus, modern El Jem, Tunisia (now in the El Jem Museum): floor mosaic (destroyed on the right) of amphitheater show, podium in the center with four trophies on top, agitated animals circling the podium, with two humans condemned to be killed by beasts, one of them fleeing a leopard, the second, his hands tied, pounced on by a leopard that plunges its claws into his thighs and devours his face.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

280 | 415

213. [Plate 6 Chapter V]: Casa di Apollo (VI 7,23), cubiculum (25; PPM IV 523), in situ. Apollo, holding a torch, enthroned in theatrical setting, points with a left hand to a sitting Venus, but Apollo gazes at Hesperos sitting on his right, who also holds a torch. Reproduction by permission of Stefano de Caro from Fausto e Felice Niccolini, Le case ed i monumenti di Pompei: disegnati e discritti, saggio introdutivo e aggiornamento critico di Stefano De Caro (Sorrento-Napoli: Franco Di Mauro, 2004), vol. 2, plate XXXIX.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

281 | 415

214. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 947–1125), second/third floor down; the height of this room includes both the first and second floors below the floor on the ground/street level: large room with apse (62; PPM VII 947–48), second terrace, this one a floor below the ground level terrace (see CD 83–83a). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

282 | 415

215. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22; PPM VII 950), second/third floor down, large room with apse (62; PPM VII 950), apse seen in an external view.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

283 | 415

216. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/third floor down, large room with apse (62; not shown in PPM), small decorative pool just outside the black salon. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

284 | 415

217. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/ third floor down, large room with apse (62; PPM VII 1085), eastern wall of the black salon. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

285 | 415

217 a. [Plate 7 Chapter V]: Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.], 22; PPM VII 1085, 1088), second/third floor down, large room with apse (62; PPM VII 1088), east wall, central zone. On black wall, a visual representation of Apollo sitting enthroned, torch in his left hand, another torch still burning on the floor in front of him, a griffin sitting to right of Apollo’s head on a marble throne. Venus stands to Apollo’s left, a cupid or Eros on her left shoulder, a dove at her feet; to Apollo’s right Hesperus with halo. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

286 | 415

217 b. [Plate 8 Chapter V]: Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.], 22; PPM VII 1089), second/third floor down, large room with apse (62; PPM VII 1089), east wall, upper zone above the Apollo fresco: Leda with a swan on her lap = Zeus. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

287 | 415

218. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/ third floor down, large room with apse (62; PPM VII 1079, 1085), east wall, socle: leopard. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

288 | 415

219. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/third floor down, large room with apse (62; PPM VII 1079, 1082), north wall, central zone: Poseidon seated, uncovering the Danaide, Amymone, with an overturned hydra on the lower right. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

289 | 415

220. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/third floor down, large room with apse (62; PPM VII 1080), north wall, socle: griffin to the viewer’s right but facing left toward the Poseidon and Amymone fresco. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

290 | 415

221. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/third floor down, large room with apse (62; PPM VII 1083), north wall, socle, griffin to the viewer’s left but facing right toward the Poseidon and Amymone fresco. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

291 | 415

222. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus (VII 16[Ins. Occ.],22), second/third floor down, large room with apse (62; PPM VII 1091, 1094), south wall, central zone: Dionysus and Ariadne with a young leopard. This fresco too has a griffin in the socle below (Mario Grimaldi, “VII 16 Insula Occidentalis 22. Casa di M. Fabius Rufus,” 257–418 in Pompei (Regiones VI–VII Insula Occidentalis, eds. Masanori Aoyagi and Umberto Pappalardo [2006] 388). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

292 | 415

223. [Plate 1 Chapter VI]: Isola Sacra, mouth of Tiber river, port of Rome, Tomb 87: Selene and Endymion.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

293 | 415

224. [Plate 2–3 Chapter VI]: Maison A du terrain Jilani Guirot (now in Museum, El Jem, Tunisia): mosaic of four couples, including Endymion and Selene. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

294 | 415

224 a. [Plate 2–3 Chapter VI]: Maison A du terrain Jilani Guirot (now in Museum, El Jem, Tunisia): Endymion and Selene.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

295 | 415

225. [Plate 4 Chapter VI]: Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4; PPM I 303–05), Pompeii, stucco sacellum (e): Endymion visited by Selene in her chariot. Iliad frieze below

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

296 | 415

225a. [Plate 4 Chapter VI]: Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4; PPM I 303–05), Pompeii, stucco sacellum (e): Endymion visited by Selene in her chariot; Iliad frieze below.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

297 | 415

226. Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4; PPM I 322–25), room (p): salon of philosopher contemplating a globe, and of elephants, east wall.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

298 | 415

226a. Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4; PPM I 322–25), room (p): salon of philosopher contemplating a globe, and of elephants, east wall.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

299 | 415

226 b. Casa del Sacello Iliaco (I 6,4; PPM I 322–25), room (p): salon of philosopher contemplating a globe, south wall.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

300 | 415

227. Officina coactiliaria di Verecundus (IX 7,1 e 2; PPM IX 776–77) on Via del Abbondanza: Venus Pompeiana enthroned on elephants.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

301 | 415

227a. Officina coactiliaria di Verecundus (IX 7, 1 e 2; PPM IX 776–77) on Via del Abbondanza: Venus Pompeiana enthroned on elephants.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

302 | 415

228. [Plate 5 Chapter VI]: Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 103–05), outdoor biclinium: on the viewer’s right, Thisbe grieving and Pyramus dying after being attacked by a lion, and on the left, Narcissus’ fatal self-attraction; below are the concrete banks of the biclinium with a nymphaeum between them. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

303 | 415

228 a. [Plate 5 Chapter VI]: Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 103–05), outdoor biclinium: on the viewer’s right, Thisbe grieving and Pyramus dying after being attacked by a lion, and on the left, Narcissus’ fatal self-attraction; below are the concrete banks of the biclinium with a nymphaeum between them. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

304 | 415

228 b. [Plate 5 Chapter VI]: Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 103–05), outdoor biclinium: Thisbe grieving and Pyramus dying after being attacked by a lion, seen in the upper left. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

305 | 415

228 c. [Plate 6 Chapter VI]: Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 103–05), outdoor biclinium: Narcissus’ fatal self-attraction.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

306 | 415

229. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2): north wall, amphitheater scene: fresco of lion chasing deer (not in PPM). See CD 262.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

307 | 415

230. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 100–01): Diana spied while bathing nude, by Actaeon, whom she metamorphosizes into a deer, devoured by his own hunting dogs. Note: these two frescoes are behind plastic, which reflects light in the photographs. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

308 | 415

231. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 100–01): Diana spied while bathing nude, by Actaeon, whom she metamorphosizes into a deer, devoured by his own hunting dogs. Note: these two frescoes are behind plastic, which reflects light in the photographs. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

309 | 415

232. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; PPM III 75–77): ambiente (f), south wall: priest of Isis with sistrum in his right hand, a patera and situla in his left.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

310 | 415

233. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2, oecus [h], east wall; PPM III 82–98): the middle zone is a megalograph of Hercules.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

311 | 415

233 a. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2, oecus [h], east wall; PPM III 86): the middle zone is a megalograph of Hercules; King Laomedon, encircled by a guard of Trojans. Telamon demands the famous white horses. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

312 | 415

233 b. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2, oecus [h], east wall; PPM III 87): the middle zone is a megalograph of Hercules; Hercules, nude, raises his club to kill Laomedon, surrounded by Trojan guards wearing head scarves. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

313 | 415

233 c. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2, oecus [h], east wall; PPM III 82–98): the middle zone is a megalograph of Hercules. Hesione and Telamon celebrate their marriage, with Heracles dressed in white, although he still has his lion skin (PPM III 88). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

314 | 415

233 d. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2, oecus [h], east wall; PPM III 82–98): still in the middle zone is a narrow black predella with scenes of Homeric heroes, especially Achilles, here seated, while his old pedagogue, Phoenix, encourages him to give up his anger. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

315 | 415

234. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2, oecus [h], east wall; PPM III 91): the middle zone is a megalograph of Hercules; the centaur Nessus offers Deianeira, Heracles’ wife, the shirt soaked with the hydra’s poison in Nessus’ blood, wearing which will cause Heracles’ death. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

316 | 415

235. [Plate 7 Chapter VI]: Crypt of Lucina, Rome: Jonah-at-rest.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

317 | 415

236. [Plate 8 Chapter VI]: Ecclesial basilica in Aquileia, Italy, mosaic pavement: Jonah panel, one of four, at the top, under the altar. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

318 | 415

236 a. [Plate 8 Chapter VI]: Ecclesial basilica in Aquileia, Italy, mosaic pavement: Jonah resting.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

319 | 415

237. [Plate 1 Chapter VII]: Termopolio I.8,8 (PPM I 805), customer view from street (Via del Abbondanza), hot drink counter and lararium, with entrance to the restaurant in the rear on the viewer’s right. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

320 | 415

238. Termopolio I.8,8 (PPM I 814–15), triclinium in garden (9) and view under the portico of the entrance into triclinium (10).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

321 | 415

239. Termopolio I.8,8, view from inside triclinium (10) through the portico out into the garden (9) with the other, external triclinium on the viewer’s left (9).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

322 | 415

240. Termopolio I.8,8, triclinium (10), east wall, central zone (PPM I 819, 821), Europa on a bull (Zeus).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

323 | 415

241. Termopolio I.8,8, triclinium (10), east wall (PPM I 818–19, 822–24), a tholos in the upper zone.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

324 | 415

242. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 849), entrance door (15). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

325 | 415

243. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 853), atrium (B). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

326 | 415

243 a. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 853), atrium (B), west wall, Narcissus.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

327 | 415

244. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 851), atrium (B), north wall, niche, lararium.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

328 | 415

245. [Plate 2 Chapter VII]: Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 869), tablinum (F), west wall, central zone: Selene visiting Endymion; upper zone: small temple (not in photo).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

329 | 415

246. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 865), tablinum (F), east wall, (feminine) Dionysus discovers Ariadne.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

330 | 415

247. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 871–72), triclinium (G), north wall, Mars and Venus.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

331 | 415

248. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 875), triclinium (G), east wall, Hercules and his companions or Hercules and Admetos before tomb of Alcestis.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

332 | 415

249. Casa dell’Ara massima (VI 16,15.17; PPM V 882), pseudotablinum (D), south wall, griffin. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

333 | 415

250. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 966, 968–81, 1006–20), entrance door (4a), fauces (1), atrium (2), tablinum (7).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

334 | 415

251. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 978), atrium (2) to tablinum (7), north wall.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

335 | 415

251 a. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1016), tablinum (7), north wall.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

336 | 415

251 b. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1016–18), tablinum (7), north wall, Mars and Venus.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

337 | 415

251 c. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1016–17), tablinum (7), north wall, villa below mountains, to viewer’s left from the Mars and Venus fresco. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

338 | 415

252. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1010–13), tablinum (7), south wall.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

339 | 415

252 a. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1010–13), tablinum (7), south wall, triumphal procession of Dionysus and Ariadne.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

340 | 415

252 b. [Plate 3 Chapter VII]: Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1010–11), tablinum (7), south wall, upper zone (above Dionysus fresco), open doors of stage backdrop, (scaenae frons), griffins visualized above the doors, on either side of a Delphic tripod, all above a still life of fish. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

341 | 415

252 c. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1011, 1013), tablinum (7), a sea villa, to viewer’s right from the Dionysus fresco.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

342 | 415

253. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 978), atrium (2), dog chasing antelope.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

343 | 415

254. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 978), atrium (2), dog chasing smaller, long-eared animal.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

344 | 415

255. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a), dog chasing deer.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

345 | 415

256. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 986), triclinium (4), antecamera, east wall, Orestes and servant killing Neoptolemus before temple of Apollo while Hermione sits below (Euripides). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

346 | 415

257. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 989–92), cubiculum (5), west wall, Theseus and Ariadne before labrinth.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

347 | 415

258. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1002–03, 1005), cubiculum (6) Narcissus.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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259. Casa di M. Lucretius Fronto (V 4,a; PPM III 1007–08), cubiculum (6), Pero’s piety, nursing her imprisoned father, with graffito.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

349 | 415

260. Amphitheater in Pompeii (II 6).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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261. Inscription in “amphitheater” in Pompeii, but it refers to “spectacula,” spectacles.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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262. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2; not represented in PPM), portico (i), north wall, amphitheater scene. See CD 229.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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262 a. Casa di D. Octavius Quartio (II 2,2) of north wall, lion chasing deer.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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263. Casa annessa alla Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,19; PPM I 764, 767), tablinum (c), north wall, Mars and Venus. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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264. Casa annessa alla Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,19; PPM I 766, 768), tablinum (c), south wall, Hercules and Hylas. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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265. Casa annessa alla Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,19; PPM I 773), cubiculum (d), north wall, Paris standing before Helen, who is seated.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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266. Collegium of the Augustales (VI 21), Herculaneum, north and east walls. Compare Domus: Wall Paintings in the Roman House 365–67.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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266 a. [Plate 4 Chapter VII]: Herculaneum, Collegium of the Augustales, east wall: Apotheosis of Hercules (founder of Herculaneum), Hera/Juno, and Athena/Minerva.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

358 | 415

267. Collegium of the Augustales, Heracles fighting the river god Achelous.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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267 a. Collegium of the Augustales (VI 21), west wall: Heracles fighting the river god Achelous.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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268. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1037–38), triclinium (41), Theseus with pedum at victory over minotaur; possible portrait. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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269. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 590–97), triclinium (b), Heracles in garden of Hesperidi (north wall), Perseus and Andromeda (west wall), and fall of Icarus (east wall).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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269 a. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 590–92), triclinium (b), Heracles in garden of Hesperidi, and fall of Icarus (badly deteriorated).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

363 | 415

269 b. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 590–97), triclinium (b), north wall, Heracles in garden of Hesperidi Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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269 c. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 594–97), triclinium (b), east wall, fall of Icarus (badly deteriorated). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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270. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 598–606), triclinium (b), Galatea and Polyphemus (south wall), Perseus and Andromeda, west wall.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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270 a. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 598–600), triclinium (b), Galatea and Polyphemus, south wall. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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270 b. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 602–05), triclinium (b), Perseus and Andromeda (badly deteriorated). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

368 | 415

271. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 607–09), cubiculum (c), Helen and Paris. Compare CD 265.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

369 | 415

272. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 614–15), altar (inside the door to the viewer’s right), hall (d), peristyle (m).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

370 | 415

272 a. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7, not in PPM), altar in niche opening onto atrium (l).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

371 | 415

273. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 614–15), peristyle (m).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

372 | 415

274. Casa del Sacerdos Amandus (I 7,7; PPM I 614–15), peristyle (m), niche.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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275. Casa di Giasone (IX 5,18; PPM IX 697), triclinium (f), west wall, Jason (below to the viewer’s right) and Pelias (above) before a temple. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 111436. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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276. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 906), vestibule (1), entrance mosaic: dolphin and marine griffin.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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277. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1041), triclinium (41), hermaphrodite, maenad with tamborine, Priapus herm. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

376 | 415

278. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1043), triclinium 41, Iphigenia in cella of temple; a young, seated Orestes, and Pylades, who is crowned, view the priestess. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

377 | 415

279. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1059), cubicolo (42): Endymion on the viewer’s left with his left hand raised over his head, and Selene descending from the right.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

378 | 415

280. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7, [43]; PPM IX 1068–70), erotic scene. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

379 | 415

281. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7 [43]; PPM IX 1066–67), Hercules reclining under a tree in a mountain setting, seated on his lion skin, with cupids.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

380 | 415

282. [Plate 5 Chapter VII]: Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1001, 1007, 1011), viridarium (33), water stair with amphitheater scenes on either side.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

381 | 415

282 a. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1007, 1010), viridarium (33), to (viewer’s) left of water stair, lion attacks bull.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

382 | 415

282 b. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1007, 1016), viridarium (33), to viewer’s right: leopard attacks horse, with boar observing.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

383 | 415

282 c. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 997), viridarium (33), fish (see CD 56).

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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282 d. Casa del Centenario (IX 8,3.7; PPM IX 1001, 1005, 1020), viridarium (33), on wall to viewer’s left, sphinx observing, caryatid for water basin, set in a garden with birds. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

385 | 415

283. [Plate 6 Chapter VII]: Casa del Menandro (I 10,4; PPM II 296–97), oecus verde (11), Nile mosaic with both a small boat and a larger one, inside which are four light-skinned pigmies or dwarfs who row, one of whom may also be dancing. Four ducks swim in the river, and colonnaded buildings stand on the shore. Compare Roger and Leslie Ling, Decorations 53–55, plate 43, color plate 14, and pp. 201–02, who mention a crocodile sliding into the river. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

386 | 415

284. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,24.22; PPM VIII 719), fragment of fresco 50 m. long: rural house beside a stream; to the viewer’s right, Ethiopian with gigantic phallus, ejaculating backwards, engaged in orgiastic dance. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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285. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24; PPM VIII 720), two Ethiopians dancing; to the right, a crocodile with open jaws facing the two dancers.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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285 a. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24), crocodile.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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286. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24; PPM VIII 720), an Ethiopian figure fleeing. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

390 | 415

287. Casa dello scultore (VIII 7,22.24; PPM VIII 720), idyllic symposium in the open; miniature flutist, athletic figure, both standing beside a large wine jar, and in the upper portion, a reclining figure, perhaps feminine. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

391 | 415

288. Casa del Poeta tragico (VI 8,3.5; PPM IV 546), tablinum (8), mosaic floor, a poet preparing tragic actors. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9986.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

392 | 415

289. [Plate 7 Chapter VII]: Termopolio (VI 15,13.15; PPM V 700), triclinium (m), at center of floor mosaic, an Augustan portrait. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 124666. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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290. [Plate 8 Chapter VII]: Casa di Terentius Neo (VII 2,6; PPM VI 486), tablinum (g), portrait of Terentius Neo and his wife. Valeria Sampaolo insists that this is a true portrait. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 9858. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

394 | 415

291. [Plate 9 Chapter VII]: Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 713), garden (23), external triclinium.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

395 | 415

291 a. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 713), garden (23), external triclinium.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

396 | 415

291 b. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 708–09), garden (23), external triclinium, wall at edge of garden with bull running, being chased by an animal with teeth ready to gouge. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

397 | 415

292. [Plate 10 Chapter VII]: Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 714–15), garden (23), external triclinium, one end of the triclinium bank: visual representation of golden statue of Isis-Fortuna seated, holding a patera, a cornucopia in her left hand; to the viewer’s right a statue of Horus, son of Isis, in the form of a falcon. A priest stands in front of the shrine, which is surrounded by a circular colonnade, before which there is an altar that is attended by a woman. To the left, two people pass an obelisk. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

398 | 415

293. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 717), garden (23), external triclinium, boat with a prow in the form of a donkey’s head (or a dragon?); two passengers, one standing and one sitting, are visualized with two sailors. A sanctuary lies beyond on the shore. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

399 | 415

294. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 719), garden (23), external triclinium, bridge with pigmies.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

400 | 415

295. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 722), garden (23), external triclinium, temple on high podium in center of three-sided portico. Just to the viewer’s right (seen only in the next image) are five symposiasts. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

401 | 415

296. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 722–23), garden (23), external triclinium, visual representation of symposium/convivium with five diners around a circular table seemingly undisturbed by the crocodile in front of them. The second symposiast from the right has a reed, so may be the symposiarchos moderating the comissatio, the second part of the banquet. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

402 | 415

297. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 724–25), garden (23), external triclinium, small temple, altar, Delphic tripod, obelisk, two sacred trees, and Negroid figures.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

403 | 415

298. Casa dell’Efebo o di P. Cornelius Tages (I 7,11; PPM I 727), garden (23), external triclinium, erotic scene of couple who are accompanied by musician playing the double flute.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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299. A similar image in the National Archaeological Museum, Naples, inventory 113196.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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299 a. The other half of CD 299.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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300. Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 556–57), sala (q), cupids racing in a circus.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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301. [Plate 11 Chapter VII]: Casa dei Vettii (VI 15,1; PPM V 563), sala (q), cupids and psychai making wine.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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302. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), three walls of the dining room. Compare Coarelli, ed., Pompeii 334–45.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

409 | 415

302 a. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, west and north walls.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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303. [Plate 12 Chapter VII]: Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, west wall, two couples reclining in triclinium, two tables with dining ware from which a woman on the viewer’s right takes a glass; a third couple on the left are arriving or leaving. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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304. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, north wall, external triclinium under canopy, one couple actively engaged, woman of the second couple serves wine, a third woman drinks, two or three slaves, one pouring water. Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

412 | 415

305. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), dining room, east wall, one woman pouring wine for her partner, another woman is left with a drunk man asleep, and a slave.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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306. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), stable near dining room, skeletons of animals that died when Vesuvius erupted (CE 79). Back to List of Houses

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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307. Insula dei casti Amanti (IX 12,6.8), yellow griffin room.

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David Balch – Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches

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Copyright and Credits © 2008 Mohr Siebeck Tübingen, Germany. This CD may not be duplicated, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher’s written permission. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The pictures are published with the kind permission of –

the Getty Museum in Malibu (#141)

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the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archaeologici di Roma (# 92–96, 177–177a, 198, 200)

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the Museo Nazionale di Napoli (#52–57, 105–08, 122, 125, 128–130, 179, 184–186, 188–191, 193, 194, 196, 197, 275, 288–290, 299–299a)

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the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei (# 1–51, 58–91, 97–104c, 109–121, 123–124, 126–127d, 131–139, 142–176, 178, 180–183, 187, 201–211, 214–222, 225–233, 237–274, 276–287, 291–298, 300–307

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the Fondation Bodmer, Geneva (#192)

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the Museum in Antalya, Turkey (#199)

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the Vatican Museum (#195)

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Stefano De Caro (#213)

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Ida Baldassarre (#223)

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the Museum, Aquileia, Italy (#236–236a)

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