Rituals of war: the body and violence in Mesopotamia 9781890951849

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Acknowledgments (page 7)
Introduction: An Archaeology of Violence (page 9)
I. The King's Head (page 23)
II. Babylonian Semiotics (page 57)
III. The Mantic Body (page 75)
IV. Death and the Ruler (page 101)
V. Image of My Valor (page 131)
VI. The Art of War (page 159)
VII. Omens of Terror (page 183)
VIII. The Essence of War (page 207)
Notes (page 225)
Bibliography (page 243)
Index (page 265)

Citation preview

Rituals of War

BLANK PAGE

Rituals of War The Body and Violence in Mesopotamia

Zainab Bahrani

ZONEFEKT BOOKS - NEW YORK

© 2008 Zainab Bahrani ZONE BOOKS

1226 Prospect Avenue Brooklyn, NY 11218

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording, or otherwise (except for that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for

the public press), without written permission from the Publisher. Printed in the United States of America. Distributed by The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Bahrani, Zainab

Rituals of war : the body and violence in Mesopotamia / Zainab Bahrani

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-890951-84-9

1. War - Iraq - History - To 634. 2. Military history, Ancient.

3. History, Ancient. I. Title. U31.B34 2007 935-dc22

2007061960

Contents

Acknowledgments 7

Introduction An Archaeology of Violence 9

I The King’s Head 23 It Babylonian Semiotics 57

III The Mantic Body 75 IV. Deathandthe Ruler 101 V_ Image of My Valor 131

VI The Art of War 159 VII Omens of Terror 183 VIII The Essence of War 207 Notes 225 Bibliography 243

Index 265

BLANK PAGE

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation for the generous grant that made the greater part of the research and writing of this book possible; Columbia University for providing two summer research grants; and Corpus Christi College, Oxford

for giving me a visiting fellowship and a place to work in the spring and summer of 2006. Many thanks to those who read and commented on chapters of the manuscript or the entire text: John Baines, Jonathan Crary, Donald P. Hansen, Natalie Kampen, Gtinter Kopcke, R.R.R. Smith, and Marc Van De Mieroop. I am also grateful to Dominik Bonatz, Paul Collins, and David O’Conner for sharing the manuscripts of their articles on war reliefs in Assyria and Egypt; Harvey Weiss, Eckart Frahm, and Kathryn Slanski for their insightful comments when I presented some of this work at Yale University in 2005;

and Benjamin R. Foster for his thoughts and expert views on Akkadian kingship and the stele of Narmasin. I would also like to thank Irene Winter and Elizabeth Simpson for their kind permission to publish the reconstruction drawing of the stele of Eanna-

tum, James Conlon for help with the images, and Scott Horton for the Immanuel Kant quote on war that appears as the epigraph

I

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to Chapter Five. I offer my sincere thanks to Meighan Gale of Zone Books for her careful editing and her patience. As always, I

could not have written this book without my boys, Marc and Kenan.

8

INTRODUCTION

An Archaeology of Violence

War is organized violence. As such, war might be viewed in the

. same way as some other institutions and rituals of civilized people. War was first defined as a form of controlled, organized, and

even ritualized violence some time ago, in the first part of the

twentieth century, in the works of authors such as Georges Bataille and Roger Caillois, and slightly earlier, in the psychoanalytic writings of Sigmund Freud. Carl von Clausewitz’s 1832 treatise On War, which describes war as an act of rational violence and a political instrument of the nation, is widely regarded as the first

modern philosophical work that considers the “true nature” or, in Platonic terms, originary essence of war. For Clausewitz, this essence is certainly organized and civilized aggression. It is “violence that arms itself with the inventions of art and science.”! The

ancient Mesopotamians, whose forms and representations of violence are the focus of this book, seem to have been already aware of such a philosophical definition of war. In the Sumerian myth

“Enki and the World Order,” the Mesopotamians counted the art of war among the MEs of civilization. The ME is a category in the Sumerian taxonomy of the world that Assyriologists usually translate as “the arts of civilization.’? This category is comprised 9

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of a long list of the achievements of this early complex society, from kingship and rule to metallurgy and writing. For the Mesopotamians, the arts of war, plunder, and taking booty were all aspects of civilized behavior. These are the forms of behavior of people who have become urbanized, that is, settled into urban communities interacting within urban social structures. Scholars of Antiquity have sometimes been baffled by the idea that such unpleasant forms of behavior might be considered MEs, or arts. The inclusion of sexuality and its various manifesta-

tions, including prostitution, and war and its practices in the grouping of “arts of civilization,” along with such commendable

occupations as music and craftwork, has been something of a mystery to modern readers. Ancient Mesopotamian culture is described in the grand narratives of world history as the ancestor to the Western tradition yet it remains, in this traditional view, rather unlike the later West in such civilized areas as ethics and aesthetics. Perhaps the word art as a translation of ME is slightly off the mark. No word in contemporary sociological, anthropological, or archaeological theories is the equivalent of Sumerian ME. War, as organized violence, is indeed a form of civilized behavior, as abhorrent as that thought may be. The Mesopotamians recognized this behavior as a ritualized organization, distinctive of complex societies; they linked it directly to the existence of the city and later, as it came into its own, the state. In the list of the MEs, they seem to have attempted to draw a taxonomic difference between the behavior of civilized people and animals or the barbaric nonurbanized nomads. The categorization of the MEs reveals an early contemplation of the place of human behaviors and the order of things in the world.’ According to Bataille, war exists because the taboo on violence in daily life relegates violence to areas of existence confined 10

AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF VIOLENCE

in space and time and that follow their own rules.* Today, a num-

ber of such rules exist, many of which have recently become issues of concern and subjects of contemporary debates and analyses. For example, the international laws that regulate war and occupation such as the Geneva Conventions and the Hague Convention, the accepted treatment of prisoners of war, the concept of war crimes, the legality of torture and its relationship to a specific national terrain, and the legitimacy of the nation-state are issues that are being redefined by politicians and contested by military commanders. The latter discussions indicate that even within war some forms of violence are acceptable (what is called conventional warfare), some are questionable or vaguely defined (such as the torture of prisoners of war and “collateral damage”), and some are categorized as criminal (rape and deliberate attacks on civilians during war and occupation). These divisions of violence fall into the Western philosophical categories of jus ad bellum and jus in bello, the two areas of just war. The first is just cause to go to war; and the second, just behavior in war (as in the treatment of civilians and prisoners of war). In the Middle East-

ern tradition, the term jihad (although it is currently used to mean terrorist or suicidal war) is more or less similar to the idea of jus ad bellum, in that it defines in which cases going to war is justified. Ibn Khaldtin (ap 1332-1406), a Muslim jurist and historian, discussed the definitions of just and unjust wars in his Mugqqadimah; centuries later, Michael Walzer, an American schol-

ar of government and philosopher of war, analyzed wars, and behavior within them, in his 1980 book Just and Unjust Wars.° Discussions and treatises from China and the Indian subcontinent about correct behavior in war and reasons to go to war are also well known. Sunzi’s Art of War, from the fifth century Bc, and the Arthasastra, a late fourth-century-Bc Sanskrit treatise on

diplomacy and war attributed to Kautilya, are two early texts 11

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concerned with the realm described in the Western tradition as just war. These discussions fall under the ethics of war. The concept of just and unjust war means that war is not generally thought of as

an impetuous activity. It involves a choice made at a particular moment, when violence is sanctioned as an accepted, correct, even valorized form of behavior. War, then, is the collective organization of aggressive urges. It is the controlled practice of group violence on a large scale, and as such it has to adhere to certain forms: its own rules and regulations. Clausewitz was certainly not the first

to contemplate the notion of war. War and its causes have been analyzed from the earliest historical records. In recent scholarship,

scholars of government and historians of war are not alone in studying the forms of war and their justifications. Sociologists and anthropologists have also attempted to frame the act of war within human behavior and within theories of war. War, state violence, and the law are now the focus of some of the most incisive contem-

porary philosophical writing. And “war studies” has now become an independent academic field at a number of universities.® The art of war — the forms and images of violence that both support and justify wars, enabling as well as representing them — has received far less attention. A number of studies of images of violence and war have recently emerged from the fields of art history and visual cultural studies, but the uses and functions of such images in Antiquity remains largely untheorized.’ What was the place of images of war and violence in Antiquity? Did such images aim to be objective historical records? Were they coercive or pro-

pagandistic? How was the notion of just war formulated in the images of war? How were works of art, historical monuments, and artifacts treated in war? And how did the monument of war (that much-revered type of monument) come to be invented in Mesopotamian Antiquity? 12

AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF VIOLENCE

A history or an archaeology of forms and monuments of violence can consider how such conventions of war, its represen-

tations, and its underlying activating rituals were practiced in : Antiquity.® Art, visual displays, representations, and war have a long, interrelated history. War, one can argue, is already a narra-

| tive as it is acted out on the battlefield. Assyrian and Babylonian accounts of battle make war's narrative aspect clear. Furthermore, war, victory, and royal or imperial power do not appear as narratives only in the visual arts. Central to the aims of the economy of violence (in Bataille’s broadest sense of economy as the circulation of energies) and of power and geopolitics is the technology of war, a militaristic complex that is sometimes described as the war machine.’ This war machine depends on technologies of violence in every sense of the word technology. Aspects of war such as the supernatural, rituals of divination, and performative representations are all integral parts of the war machine. But the war machine is not reducible to the military. It is a complex appropri-

ated by state violence but by definition outside the normative day-to-day affairs of the city and the internal laws of the state." War is a strictly organized activity that at the same time allows for forms of behavior that are non-normative and taboo. Like the festival and some religious rituals, war occupies a place outside; it

is a phenomenon that stirs and interrupts." In Bataille’s words, “the unleashed desire to kill that we call war goes far beyond the realm of religious activity. It is a suspension of the taboo surrounding death and killing.”” The contemplation of war in this way, as organized and sanctioned violence, appropriated or channeled by the urbanized city-state, limited in time and place, was a source of anxiety for the peoples of ancient Mesopotamia. Not unlike today’s state records and dominant representations, Mesopotamian records and rituals of war and images of violence sought

to rationalize war as a just aggression in each case. There is no 13

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extant Sumerian or Akkadian treatise on just war. However, the large corpus of textual and visual representations of violence and war allows an analysis of the subject of violence in Mesopotamian

Antiquity. This book, therefore, investigates aspects of war that might not today be considered within the realm of military logistics and strategies but that the ancients clearly understood as crucial and logical aspects of war and sovereignty. The Mesopotamian discussion of war, its justifications, and its

rituals spans the period between the third and the first millennia BC. As such, it predates all other discussions of war and traditions

of justified wars. The Assyrians of northern Mesopotamia are perhaps thought of in relation to war and violence more often than most other ancient cultures, especially in the first millennium Bc, when the Assyrian kings expanded their empire into the

surrounding territories. These kings conquered lands, moved populations, plundered cities, cut down and burned forests, and destroyed monuments. The expansion of power of the Assyrian kings of the first millennium Bc constitutes what can be firmly defined as an imperial mission. The Assyrian kings were remarkable perhaps not so much because they were aggressive imperial-

ists, since other periods of imperial expansion and force have existed in history, as because they chose to record the events of war, torture, and conquest in detail, sparing us from no gruesome act of violence in their glorification of war and empire — either in their written annals or in the visual images of empire. War, imperialism, and power in Mesopotamia have been dis-

cussed from the point of view of political history in numerous publications. In fact, the political-historical approach is now standard in the field of Mesopotamian studies, especially in works on

the Akkadian and Neo-Assyrian periods. Materialist economic reasons, and geopolitical reasons of power and control, spurred the Mesopotamians into the act of war for imperial expansion at 14

AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF VIOLENCE

various times, but these territorial wars relied on rituals and representations of power and rituals of battle. These were the ideological methods that enabled the processes to work. This book, therefore, is not a chronological survey of specific historical wars and technologies of weaponry or vehicles of war in Mesopotamia; a number of useful, concise studies already exist on that subject.’ Instead, this study considers what underlies war and violence. It examines philosophical beliefs about war and ideologies of war in Mesopotamian tradition; conceptions of violence and power that were inseparable from conceptions of the body and its control; and the processes and rituals of war that these formulations of the body and power made possible. These developments of ideas of power, rule, dominion, and authority cannot be separated from visual images or representation broadly defined. These formulations and representations, technologies in the rituals of war and in displays of violence and power, are an inevitable part of every imperial process. The present study thus considers facets of war and domination that fall under the categories of representation and display, the ritualistic, the ideological, and the supernatural. These might be described as the magical technologies of war, and as such they are not usually discussed in the standard political narratives of Mesopotamian history books. Being among the world’s earliest imperial forces, the Mesopotamians developed a system of expansion that relied on the machinations of war and the sophisticated development of weaponry and technology. But military technology included a number

| of aspects that today would be regarded as unscientific: the reading of omens, the movement of prisoners, the display of acts of torture. These practices and the beliefs behind them were the parameters of war for the Assyrians. They defined the reasons for war; they justified war, even if war was primarily a process of imperial expansion and the resulting control of natural resources, 15

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land, and wealth. Magical technologies and rituals can be described as a semiotics of war that delineates the parameters for correct and incorrect behavior in war. They define certain acts as appropriate and other acts as enabling, empowering, or, in fact, actually leading to victory. For the Assyrian imperial war machine, for example, the processes of war were clearly linked to the supernatural, but amid the detailed Assyrian accounts of the need for imperial expansion, an incredible anxiety about the outcome of war, about life, death, and memory, can be glimpsed. In fact, these accounts display the

extraordinary historical consciousness that is characteristic of early Mesopotamian Antiquity. It is here that images and monuments, in my assessment, have a social role beyond the depiction of historical events.

Formulations of the body and power are made, defined, and become reified through monuments, representations of war, and images of violence. Underlying the discussions of these rituals and representations of war is the premise that the body is a principal factor in the political economy of power. In Discipline and Punish, Michel Foucault argues that the art of punishing must rest on a whole technology of representation. This kind of reliance on technologies of representation in the broadest semiotic sense,

in relation to violence and control, can be seen clearly in the ancient Mesopotamian record. This study, therefore, is focused on the interrelationship of power, the body, and violence in AssyroBabylonian society and its representations, a semiotics of war that was an integral part of the mechanics of warfare. In other words, it combines three lines of inquiry that are not generally seen or studied together: war, the body, and representation. Chapter One, “The King’s Head,” opens with a study of a particular sculpted relief from Ashurbanipal’s palace at Nineveh (c.

650 sc). This is a wall panel usually referred to as the Battle of 16

AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF VIOLENCE

Til-Tuba relief and now found in the collection of the British Museum in London. Focusing on this work of art, the chapter follows the movement of the defeated Elamite king’s severed head on the relief and in the parallel and contemporaneous historical

annals of this battle, to assess the significance of the head’s repeated and cryptic appearance in the composition. A close reading of the image in its relationship to the historical annals of the same campaign demonstrates that the narrative of war is woven

around the main subject, which is the decapitation of the Elamite : king as an act in itself, an act that is contingent but described as a supernatural event decreed by the gods, and that is in some sense pivotal in that theatre of war. Chapter Two discusses Babylonian semiotics and the relation-

ship of representation to reality in Mesopotamian speculative thought, a relationship that is essential to an understanding of the function of images such as the Battle of Til-Tuba relief. The Mesopotamian scholarly tradition conceived of the division between artifice and reality in rather different terms from the later classi-

cal Greek concept of mimesis. Instead of imitating the natural world, representation (writing, visual images, and other forms) was

thought to participate in the world and to produce effects in the world in magical or supernatural ways. The world was saturated with signs, and Babylonian scholars were the first to develop a rig-

orous system of reading visual signs according to a method that would now be described as semiotic. Taking up Carlo Ginzburg’s suggestion that the origins of semiotics are to be found in Babylonian divination, the chapter delineates the links between these meth-

ods of divination and Mesopotamian concepts of representation and the real. Building on earlier work on this subject, especially my book The Graven Image, the chapter considers the relationship of ideology to the concept of images in Assyro-Babylonian culture. In Chapter Three, what I have described as the “mantic body” 17

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is discussed in some detail as a distinctive Mesopotamian conception. In Mesopotamia, the body and body parts signified omens in ways that were considered very real and serious. This was no marginal superstition. The semiotic code of the body and body parts was a crucial part of the Mesopotamian cultural understanding of the world and its movements and was therefore central to notions

of history and time.

The Assyro-Babylonian practice of divination by means of reading parts of the body is analyzed in some detail in Chapter Three, since divination through extispicy (reading a sacrificial animal’s entrails) and hepatoscopy (inspection of the liver) were fundamental to the strategies of war. The Babylonian and Assyrian practice of reading omens from the liver of a sacrificial animal is well known, but this type of manticism ought to be seen within the broader context of the Mesopotamian conception of the mantic body. While recent research in theories of the body has often focused on the organic body as a locus of existential identity, for the Mesopotamians the body, especially the human body, was by definition a semiotic entity. Body parts were believed to signify; they contained universally relevant signs that made reference to aspects of the world, history, and lived experience well beyond personal identity. They could also portend future events in messages that could be deciphered through divination, a system that worked as an exegetical reading of the parts of the body according to preestablished codes, recorded in treatises that span from the third through the first millennium sc. Finally, the argument for the semiosis of the organic body leads to a reconsideration of the boundaries between the organic body and its representations in Mesopotamian thought. Chapter Four, “Death and the Ruler,” takes up the notion of violence and the body in public art as an expression of sovereign power and the power over life and death. In focusing on the rela18

AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF VIOLENCE

tionship between death and the ruler, the chapter explores explicit and public violence in historical images of war as political tech-

nologies of the body. The new formulation of the king’s power over life and death is drawn up through new visual images of sovereignty, as well as relying on the more standard rituals and political rhetoric. These changes come to be crystallized in the famous victory stele of the Akkadian ruler Naramsin (2254-2218 Bc). Chapter Five, “Image of My Valor,” continues the investiga-

tion begun in Chapter Four into the formulation of sovereign power in public monuments, shifting the focus to the historical development of and changes in images of heroism, victory, and explicit physical violence. It begins with a close analysis of the iconography and text of an Old Babylonian public monument that dates to the beginning of the second millennium Bc, and is described in the text written on the monument as “Image of My Valor.” It considers earlier Sumerian and Akkadian images and later Neo-Assyrian depictions of victories in battle. The latter are particularly well known as images that are brutally direct in their portrayal of violence. The Assyrians depicted and recorded their rise to political power, their defeat and subjugation of enemy lands, and their control of the entire Middle East in the first millennium Bc via the bodies of the defeated. Such depictions did not simply record the events of battle but also narrated the identity of the empire. Images of forced exile and mass deportation, war prisoners’ pleas for mercy, and enemy rulers’ homage to the Assyrian king all cel-

ebrated Assyria’s victory through the body of the vanquished enemy. Torture, as opposed to execution and immediate death, became a common subject in scenes of war. Decapitation, flaying, impaling, and other forms of physical torture appear in the battle scenes of Assyria. In the Neo-Assyrian era, these images of slow

violence to the enemy’s body became so common in scenes of 19

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victory that torture itself can be read as a narrative means of signaling the conquest of the other. Chapter Six, “The Art of War,” considers the place of art in war and the art of war as military strategies. Rituals of making images, wars fought over cult statues and public monuments, the abduction of images, the use of images as human substitutes, and the human substitute as a form of image are aspects of the place of art in war. The uses of images in war, the treatment of images during battles, and battles fought specifically over images — in sum, the treatment of images in war — communicate more about the representation of war itself as image. A discussion of the prac-

tices of deportation and exile of populations follows. Both of these practices had to do with the reconfiguration of space in the

vision of the imperial power and were (as they continue to be today) strategies of warfare. Chapter Seven, “Omens of Terror,” is a study of the relationship between religious rituals and war — specifically, the place of divination and manticism in wars and images of war, using texts and the archaeological record. This chapter brings together my earlier argument regarding the power of images, relating it to the function of image making and image magic in Babylonian and Assyrian traditions, as evidenced by textual records. The Mesopotamians were the first to develop medical semi-

otics or symptomology. They used protasis and apodosis in all scientific formulations and in logic. The Codex Hammurabi, for example, uses the same scientifically inextricable link between symptom and cause. The same was true for the reading of omens. The signs of war could then be read logically, in a similar way to the signs of justice or somatic signs. They were embedded naturally into the world. This system of signification and how it functioned enabled the semiotics of the body and violence to be part of the mechanism of war. 20

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The concluding chapter explores the relentless nature of the war machine and its relationship to the arts. Art glorifies war and terrorizes through the explicit images of violence. But an ancient Babylonian poet wrote a passionate epic account of the relentless horrors of the war machine. We may believe that Mesopotamian practices of violence and rituals of war are far removed from our own civilized time, yet even today, rituals of war, the parameters of accepted levels of torture and violence, and the treatment of prisoners of war and enemy combatants are redefined through visual displays in the media and through the rhetoric of justice and enlightenment. In the end, this ought to be a reminder that the usual statements of abhorrence of the Assyrian displays of violence fit neatly into Tzvetan Todorov’s observation that a description of the uncivilized sign (that of others) is an uncivilized description of the symbol (our own).”° For the ancients, religion was not separate from

the ideology of sovereignty. Instead, the supernatural served to facilitate the ground rules of war. Expansion and empire and physical violence against the bodies of the enemy were just activities

approved by the gods, although never directly ordered by them. The ideological belief that one’s own was the correct system of rule justified war, violence, the torture of enemy bodies. It justified imperialism, and a tyrannical reign, but ancient authors also worried about the excesses of power and hubris and left numerous warnings and laments about the sorrows and horrors of war.

21

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igure 1.1Zai | | —_— Photo: ; n rant. g .1. Ashurbanipal’s banquet, mon Nineveh iti Museu . British .

: Zainab Bah

CHAPTER ONE

The King’s Head

If a Severed Head Laughs: Conquest of the Army.*

Meaning is not “at the end” of the narrative, it runs across it; just as conspicuous as the purloined letter, meaning eludes all unilateral investigation. — Roland Barthest

The king’s head hangs in the tree before the banquet of the Assyrian king, Ashurbanipal, and his wife, Ashursharrat, in the gardens of Nineveh. The scene depicted in this relief is idyllic. After the

battle is over, the royal couple feasts in the garden, surrounded by attendants and musicians, while the head of the Elamite king, Teumman, hangs like an ornamental trinket in the pine tree before the Assyrian king. Nearby, birds and a cricket rest on the branches of the neighboring palms (fig. 1.1). The Assyrian historical annals relate that Teumman had been

beheaded in the midst of the Battle of Til-Tuba, in 653 Bc, and that the head was carried in a triumphal chariot to the Assyrian city of Arbil and from there to the royal palace at Nineveh, where it was finally displayed. That Elamite campaign and the following triumphal march and victory were the subject of a series of Assyr-

ian palace sculptures from Nineveh, specifically a marble wall *From the omen series Summa Glu, translated in Guinan, “A Severed Head Laughs,” p. 425. ‘Barthes, Image, Music, Text, p. 87.

23

RITUALS OF WAR

revetment of the royal palace (now exhibited at the British Museum in London). The act of the beheading of the enemy, Teumman, King of Elam, amid the Battle of Til-Tuba is depicted as part of a cycle of a historical narrative of war, yet, as a decapitation, it

is a subject that seems to transcend the actual and contingent events of the specific battle.! To be precise, it is not the battle, or

even the act of decapitation, that the composition takes as its focus. It is the severed head, a body part that emerges inadvertently here and there across the surface of the relief — a body part

that becomes a terrorizing sign of violence and victory at the same time. The severed head emerges in a way that is almost disruptive to the scene of the battle, as if the battle were only a back-

drop for the decapitation. It becomes a point that interrupts the textured chaotic surface that is the depiction of a war. The war is portrayed as real and historical, but it is the head that firmly fixes that narrative of a specific historical battle across the surface of the relief. The relief cycle represents a campaign that culminated in a battle at the river Ulai in 653 Bc at which the Assyrians defeated the

Elamites. A scholar of Antiquity comes to this relief with expectations, with certain preconceptions regarding the Assyrian empire, Assyrian art and ideology, and the function of their images of war. For one, the Assyrians are always represented as victorious in their war reliefs; there are no images of Assyrian defeats. Sec-

ond, the Assyrians clearly preferred an aesthetic of violence, in

| which enemies were depicted as enduring the most gruesome sorts of bodily torture. Still, something more draws the viewer to this particular relief, pulls one in, and forces one to look more closely. What is the lure of this image? The composition’s complexity, which draws the viewer to the scene and the fascinating details of the narrative is at the same time an obstacle. A viewer can survey the relief numerous times and yet there is always a bar24

THE KING'S HEAD

rier. One cannot enter the scene, so to speak. One cannot take in the whole composition at a glance. The complexity of the image is slightly overwhelming, and the numerous details strewn and scattered across the surface of the relief are somewhat alarming. Austen Henry Layard found the Til-Tuba panels during his

excavations in the 1840s and brought them back to the British | Museum in London at that time.* The scene, which is surely embedded into the ideology of empire, has been discussed quite

thoroughly from that point of view. Is it true to the historical event? Is it an exaggeration? Did the Assyrians really do these things? How close or how distant is this depiction of the battle to the real, historical event of war? To view this artifact as a work of visual art, one ought not, in the first instance, to look at it as a document of a historical battle or statecraft. Of course, it is also these things, albeit in an indirect and nonmimetic manner. The subject matter of the composition of the Til-Tuba reliefs is certainly that specific battle and Assyrian war in general, and since all art is infused with ideology, these aspects must be taken into account. But what exactly is the mean-

ing of this narrative and its use as a wall revetment in Room 33 of | the Southwest Palace?

There are three adjoining panels of fossiliferous limestone (that were put together in the museum) and further panels and fragments bearing images of the same historical campaign (figs. 1.2-1.4). Because of the relief’s size, its function as a palace wall

revetment, and the minute details of the scene, no photograph can represent the totality of what remains of the composition in one image, so it is always depicted only in parts. Even if what exists is already incomplete, one certainly gets a better idea of the work when viewing all three remaining panels together in the museum. At first glance, the three panels appear to depict a chaotic mass of bodies strewn across the pictorial space with little 25

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4.2? of fig.tail 4.1. of Photfig. Victor 4.1. : ; l ricto eretel0f ramsin. gDetail oto: Zaina anran . . S Naramsin.

RITUALS OF WAR

This definition of Naramsin works through a juxtaposition

| with the Lullubi warriors, who are his opposite. His power is expressed not only through his own body — virile, heroic, and larger than life — but also through the contrast with the other. The Lullubi are mountain people, so they can stand for all that is other

or foreign to the Mesopotamians. Lullubum, a region in the Zagros Mountains, is depicted here in the landscape. Like a cuneiform sign of foreignness, their bodies are silhouetted against the mountainside. They are foreign and strange in attire and behavior.

They wear animal skins, their hair is in long, loose braids down their backs, and they are beardless. Like everyone else, they are smaller than the king, and one of them pleads directly to him for mercy. The landscape sets the scene as a historical event, in a location that is recognizable as northeast of Mesopotamia. The trees may be identified as a local variety of oak, and the rocky terrain locates the scene in the mountains. The stele is, therefore, a statement about the conquest of place as well as people. Violence is central to the theme of the stele, but to think of it

merely in terms of violence is to miss the point. It is not just violence but also death, or, rather, life and death, that is the subject of this composition. People are depicted as dead or in different stages of dying. The dying process is central to the stele’s iconography and is depicted through the narrative device of nudity and the exposure and display of the naked body. Nudity was used as a

device in the narrative of death in an earlier stele, from Telloh, , attributed to the reign of the Akkadian ruler Rimush (2278-2270 Bc). The stele depicts a battle scene in which the enemy about to be dispatched is naked. In the visual art of the Early Dynastic : period, enemies are often shown naked, but they are usually prisoners, paraded after the battle. In the Victory Stele of Naramsin, the correspondence between the stages of undress and death is more

clear. On the upper right, the Lullubi warrior pleading for mercy 112

DEATH AND THE RULER

before the victorious Naramsin is fully clothed. Before him, the Lullubi warrior who struggles for his life, having been impaled by a spear, is partially dressed. At the center of the stele, the dead beneath the king’s feet are all naked. This last detail calls for closer consideration, as it is arguably the central subject of the monument. In this stele, Naramsin’s power is underscored centrally through

his control over life and death and over the bodies of the other. This is what Michel Foucault in his treatise on power, Discipline and Punish, described as Sovereign Power in the clearest form." The king’s body is therefore virile and alluring, but it is essentially violent. It is important to see that this is not a generic depiction of masculinity as violence, a device that appears elsewhere in ancient art, including other periods in Mesopotamian history. This is vio-

lence taken to its limit as power over the body of the other. Naramsin’s power is the nucleus of this new sovereign power. To

paraphrase Agamben, by placing control over the body of the other and of life itself at the center of the image, the stele brings to light the secret tie uniting sovereign power and bare life."

This power over life and death is at the center of the scene, manifest in the king’s act of placing his foot on the bodies of the dead. He has the power not only to end life but also to prolong it. This ultimate control of the span of life is shown by means of the enemy's plea for mercy. Naramsin can decide if this man’s life will end. Therefore, if the scene is historically set and identifiable as a

particular battle, it is at the same time a depiction of sovereign power as power over bare life. The absolute power over life and death is related to the function of war. As Foucault stressed, the right to punish is an aspect of the sovereign’s right to make war on his enemies." This extension was to become clear and fully formulated in the Neo-Assyrian reliefs of war. What we observe in the Victory Stele of Naramsin is an emphatic affirmation of the workings of sovereign power. 113

RITUALS OF WAR

That power is not just the physical strength of the king’s body but

: the right of the ruler over the lives of others. The stele reproduces scenes from mythological combats among the gods. In these battles, the victorious gods hurl the vanquished ones into the depths of the mountain sides, an action that symbolizes casting them into the netherworld. The mythological and the historical are merged into one vision, but the victory is portrayed

as a human achievement, unlike earlier monuments, such as the stele of Eannatum of Lagash, in which the god is represented as an active participant in the battle (see figs. 5.3 and 5.4). Naramsin’s act of trampling the bodies of the enemies would later be used as an image of sovereign power on, for example, the cylinder seals of the Old Babylonian period. It was also a visual formulation used for images of gods of war. But the Victory Stele of Naramsin provides the earliest preserved example of this motif.” Even from ancient Egypt, where the king is always absolute and divine, no such image exists from this time. The unique development of such a statement of power over the body and the life of the other is a remarkable formulation of sovereign power’s structure

as one that is fundamentally biopolitical and functions as the power over bare life.

Hammurabi, the King of Justice There is another Mesopotamian monument in which one can contemplate the king’s relationship to death. This monument is

best known as the Codex Hammurabi, or the law stele of the Babylonian king Hammurabi (1792-1750 sc) (fig. 4.3). Like the

Victory Stele of Naramsin, this monument was discovered in 1902 at the site of Susa, in Iran, to which it had been taken as war booty. According to its inscription, the monument stood in Babylon before it was removed in the twelfth century Bc by the troops of the Elamite king Shutruk-Nahhunte.”° 114

DEATH AND THE RULER

The Codex Hammurabi is a tall, monolithic pillar, two meters high, made of black diorite. The larger part of the pillar is covered with cuneiform script. Twenty-three columns of writing appear on the front, the last seven of which were erased by the Elamites in the twelfth century; twenty-eight columns of writing appear on the back. Five columns of text at the beginning and the end are written as the prologue and epilogue to the list of laws. Hammurabi first explains that he was chosen by the gods and then recites his military conquests in succession. The gods also chose him to govern and to regulate the law. Because the laws compiled in the inscription do not cover all areas of the law, and because what is there is limited to a few areas of life, the stele’s identification as a law code is no longer accepted. The monument is now generally defined as one that represents Hammurabi as a king of justice, listing some legal decisions, without being a complete code of laws.?! At the top of the obverse side, a scene carved in relief appears above the text (fig. 4.4). Here, Hammurabi is shown in front of the god Sama¥. He enters his world. The spaces of the sacred and the profane are merged in ways that are perhaps more alarming than the Victory Stele of Naramsin or Naramsin’s transfiguration of himself into a divinity. Hammurabi has come face-to-face with the god. He is smaller than the god Samas, yet very like him in many respects. Sama§ is seated on the right. He wears a multi-horned crown, and rays of sunlight emerge from his shoulders. He wears a lay-

ered garment that bares his muscular right shoulder and arm. Samaés is seated on a throne in the form of a temple structure, and beneath his feet is the scale pattern of the standard Mesopotamian iconographic motif, representing the mountains from which the sun emerges. With his right hand, he gives the emblems of rule to Hammurabi, who stands before him. Hammurabi holds his right hand up to his lips in a gesture of worship. He wears the attire and 115

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BS. Se iia te se aasBee reaks, ga Seo ae eee RO akeER Saaassis SRS Se gage Pics tiigacnahe encanta eae tam ae : aie OO Bile eBat og:ki“Sea ee - Sega eae Se ri ges aston cane sn ee erenoseae Peer ee aeeaRash etreeae asommes Bee paige ae e2Geis Sites Seeea% eeSager aac a geen suey nen Ne Seo oan, Nan tener Remco Spats eta Poanaes Sance pineae asema Rage aes ae3ee 4 Sm,

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’

| OMENS OF TERROR

dragon-headed and bird-headed protomes. These types of emblems appear not only on chariots but also on the standards that are rep-

_resented in battle reliefs.’ The gods traveled in chariots. When the cult statues were transported by land, it was in special vehicles, and some references to the gods’ accompanying the troops at war may mean that the cult statue was taken into the battle.'* The

chariots of the gods were part of a military display that made a spectacle of power, which was integral to the tactics of war. The gods mediated the decisions of war by means of the omens, and they provided the vehicles and the weapons, which had to be purified (elélu) before and after battle.!’ As in the Roman postbattle rituals, the expiation of the blood of battle was a concern, just as the defensibility of the campaign as a just war was of the greatest

| importance to the king and court. When battles were lost, troops killed, or home cities destroyed, these disasters only occurred because the gods had decreed them as just decisions.

Scapegoats and Substitute Kings The king was the commander in chief, the leader of the army, but he followed the decrees of the gods, whose will was made known through omens and oracles. At least one barii-priest marched in the vanguard with the troops, and every military plan was checked against the omens before being put into effect. The omens were

taken and corroborated by means of other omens in a series of observations and repetitive queries. The corroborating omens were taken from other forms of portents — from Astronomical observations, from dream interpretation, chance portents, and so on.

It is clear that the omens were taken seriously; they were not propagandistic acts for repression or coercion of the people but part of a religious ideology to which the king himself submitted. The same system of belief resulted in the ritual of the substitute 197

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king, in which violence and evil were localized into the body of the substitute as scapegoat. In this distinctively Mesopotamian ritual, the king was provided with a substitute (Sar-pahi) when astronomical omens spoke of an evil fate for the king that would affect

the entire kingdom. :

The substitute king was a citizen carefully chosen for this role by the priests. He was never a prisoner or a slave. He was dressed in the king’s regalia and made to submit to a series of ritual incantations naming him as the king in an incantational utterance, and also by means of inscribing the name of the king onto his person. The name was either written onto something that was attached to

his garment, or alternatively, the name was written onto something that could be ingested by the substitute. In either case, in order to be incorporated, it appears to have been important that the name was both uttered and written into the body of the substitute king. When the imminent evil finally came, it was expected to leave the previous-real king unharmed, the substitute king having become the decoy that would absorb the evil fate in his place. In some cases, it appears that the substitute was in fact killed as the final part of this ritual, but the texts are unclear on the matter, and the question of sacrificial death remains open. In one instance, which occurred in the nineteenth century Bc, the (first) king, Erra-imitti (1868-1861 Bc), seems to have died while the substitute, Enlil-bani (1860-1837 sc), was still functioning in his place as the virtual monarch, so that the substitute continued as king, taking the place of the deceased original." Whether the substitute king was — occasionally or usually — ritually killed or not, there was certainly a human sacrifice here, even if it need not have resulted in death in every case. The sacrifice of the substitute, who is also referred to as the body-double (salmu) in the ancient texts, is clear because it was nevertheless the sacrifice of a life, a submission of a life before destiny and the 198

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gods that entailed the possibility of death. Whatever the total process may have been, this was not a rite to which the Mesopotamians often turned. It had no regular or repeated place in the Babylonian or Assyrian ritual calendar of feast days, nor was it a standard feature of war ritual, like the queries to the sun god. It seems to have been a last resort in the attempt to avoid the portentous terror read primarily in the astronomical omens. While the violence was to some extent predicted for the king himself and his reign, it also concerned the entire land. As we have seen in our discussion of the seventh Elamite campaign in Chapter One, Teumman’s reign ended after a lunar eclipse, but the eclipse specified the defeat of the land of Elam, not only the death of the king. This conception of the king’s possible demise, as predicted in omens, recalls the logic of the sacrifice of scapegoats as described in anthropological theories of sacrifice. In this logic, guilt is projected onto and localized in the scapegoat, whose sacrifice then allows the reestablishment of social order. According to this explanation of sacrifice, the victim is never killed as something horrible. Rather, he gains some aura of sanctity. The victim, therefore, has to be acceptable to the gods.” In the Mesopotamian ritual, it was especially important that the substitute king be suitable for this critical replacement since the process could have great consequences for the land.

When the Assyrian letters mention this substitution ritual, there seems to be some anxiety about the correct procedure for enthroning the substitute and the exact reading of the omens that called for the substitution in the first place. In one case, the scribe Balasi writes to the king Ashurbanipal regarding the difficulties of interpretation. In another case, the court exorcist asks for additional scholars, philologists who were expert in the Sumerian language in order to read and interpret the omens as accurately as

possible. The question arises whether the substitute should be 199

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enthroned or not. And when the decision is taken, there is still a procedure to follow: Concerning the substitute king of Akkad, the order should be given

to enthrone him. Concerning the clothes of the king, my lord, and

| the garments for the image of the substitute king, concerning the necklace of gold, the scepter and the throne.2°

The court maintained scribes and scholars, diviners, and exorcists whose names and activities we know rather well for the Assyrian period. These experts were employed for the preservation of historical knowledge and for the development of scientific inquiry. Neo-Assyrian sources record that court scholars were involved in activities that were both religious and political. During the height of the empire, these scholars were responsible for celestial obser-

vation and research. They had to know what to watch for and when, as well as how to find the corresponding prognostication in the scholarly texts. Then they had to decide which would be the best course of action to follow in terms of ritual and magical procedures. Another group of scholar-priests was in charge of sacrifices and extispicy on behalf of the king. But the expert scholars were not just responsible for astronomical and divinatory omens. They were scholars who were broadly trained in the sciences and

the scribal arts. In addition, they held important advisory positions to the king.*! These activities appear to have been more distinctive at the height of the Neo-Assyrian empire than any other period in Mesopotamian history. In the later Babylonian period, for example, the center of astronomical scholarship moved away

from the palace to the temple, in separate academies called bit mummu. It seems still to have been based close to the temple during the Achaemenid period, although the records from this era are

few, but the temple reemerged as the scholarly center in post200

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Achaemenid Babylonia. This change of scribal workplace from palace to temple did not end the rituals of political divination, even if it did allow scholarship to develop in other directions at the same time.??

The Image of War, Severed Heads, and Sacrifice The practices of omen reading, ritual substitution of organic body or image, the theft and mutilation of images and ancient monuments, and, consequently, the reliance on curse formulas as a de-

terrent all carry a sense of profound anxiety. In observing the composition and pictorial imagery of the Til-Tuba battle relief as a work of art (see Chapter One), we can see a similar sense of anxiety like that which can be observed in a reading of the queries to

the sun god. The repetition of elements within the composition, the interweaving of the head within the scenes of battle in the midst of the narrative, and the constant reemergence of the decapitated head seem almost compulsive. The relief depicts the historical Battle of Til-Tuba, but the primary subject of the composition is no less the king’s severed head than the battle. Or perhaps it is better to say that the battle, as a narrative, was about the king’s head; the king’s head was its target, and the battle can be described as a head-hunt.?> The parallel with the animal sacrifice is drawn in Ashurbanipal’s remark likening the head to an offering before the city and in the libation to be poured over the head, the severing of which Ashurbanipal claims to have been decreed in a historical omen: I, Ashurbanipal, King of Assyria, presented the head of Teumman, King of Elam, as an offering in front of the gate inside the city. As it has been said of old by the oracle, “You will cut off the heads of your enemies; you will pour wine over them.?2+

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The presentation of Teumman’s head described here — its submission as an offering — parallels the treatment of animals captured in the royal hunt. Hunting panels with scenes of libations poured by

the king over the killed animal were also depicted on the palace walls of the Assyrian kings. Written accounts described similar events. A poorly preserved scene from Nineveh that has been identified as taking place outside the temple of Ishtar in Arbil may be an image of a libation ritual in which Ashurbanipal pours wine over the head of Teumman, just as libation offerings were poured on dead lions.?°

The narrative theme of the head-hunt and the sacrifice of Teumman of Elam is interesting. This cannot have been the standard practice for prisoners of war or even the normal treatment for enemy kings, despite Ashurbanipal’s remarks regarding the oracle that predicted, “You will cut off their heads; you will pour wine over them.” Defeated enemies were pitilessly relocated, tortured in heinous acts of revenge, and violently killed; their bodies were desecrated and denied proper funeral rites; but sacrifice is different. Sacrifice has an overtly religious character. A text of ASSur-nirari V of Assyria (754-745 Bc) concerning a treaty with a Syro-Hittite ruler contains evidence of a remarkable ritual that enacts the threat of a curse that will operate if the oath and treaty are broken. The ritual, which is in some sense one of substitution, seems to have been carried out during an animal sac-

rifice. It has the performative quality of an incantational utterance: “This head is not the severed head of a ram but the head of

Mati’ilu...should Mati‘ilu break these agreements, his head should be cut off, just as this head of the ram has been cut off.”

The sovereign’s right to manage and direct violence and his power over the lives of others are god-given. Mystical and military effectiveness are linked. Teumman’s head may have been treated like a sacrifice, offered to the gods and dowsed with liba202

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tions, but this was no favored victim given the honors of a proper animal offering or even a substitute king. This is not a typical sac-

rifice in which, to render the victim sacred, “it is necessary to separate it from the realm of the living; it is necessary that it cross

a threshold that separates the two universes.’?’ That definition applies to the substitute king but does not seem to apply to the severed heads and other body parts of the defeated enemies that were displayed on city walls and gates. Was Teumman’s head presented to the gods differently from those of other victims of war?

Beyond the narrative of the historical event of the defeat of

Teumman, the head and its repetition in the Nineveh panels become signifiers in the economy of sovereign power and bare life. In Giorgio Agamben’s philosophical analysis of power Homo Sacer, sovereign power founds itself on bare life; “sovereign violence is in truth founded not on a pact but on the exclusive inclu-

sion of bare life in the state.’2° It is the dimension of absolute violence over bare life that is the immediate referent of sovereign power. The ability to control the means of violence over bare life outside the juridical boundaries that apply to common man constitutes sovereign power as exceptional (see Chapter Four). The head’s reemergence across the relief becomes such an image-sign, a referent for sovereign violence by means of the dimension of bare life. The relief’s account of the Battle of Til-Tuba is unusual in that both the written narrative and the pictorial image focus on Teumman’s head. Such close parallels are not generally found in Neo-

Assyrian sculpture. In the Assyrian war reliefs carved on the palace walls, the king does not dominate the battle scenes by his size, action, gesture, or position within the narrative.’? Ashurnasirpal II says that his conquests are his simtu, the destiny allotted to him at birth. When a city was devastated by war, that too was explained as the result of a divine decree, even if that city was 203

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Mesopotamian, and the divine decree was acknowledged in a lament sung after its destruction (see Chapter Six). While the Assyrian historical texts and palace reliefs do not depict a defeated Assyria, it is not the case (as one often reads) that the Mesopotamians never acknowledged defeat in war. Some of the most moving literary texts that survive from Antiquity address

the aftermath of a defeat in war, the chaos that ensues when a government has fallen and the land remains lawless. The Assyrian palace reliefs that depict wars do not glorify the king as an individual in any obvious way. It is the Assyrian army that is victorious and heroic. The Assyrian king is not singled out as Naramsin was distinguished in his victory stele as the divine warrior king, or

as Hammurabi was singled out as the one who controlled and directed the law on behalf of the gods. Without some proficiency in the iconography of Neo-Assyrian art, it is difficult to locate the

king in narrative scenes of battle. Pictorial images of Assyrian wars thus differ from the written accounts, in which the king, in a

first-person narrative, takes credit for the main events of each campaign. What explains this divergence? The function of each, the text and the palace relief, was different. The written accounts of the campaign are known primarily from inscriptions on clay documents known as historical prisms. These texts were written and buried as foundation deposits for posterity. The palace reliefs were visible to the members of the Assyrian court and to visiting foreign dignitaries. The reliefs also bore inscriptions, but these were not copies of the buried historical prisms made public and visible.

The reliefs are architectural sculpture. They are part of the fabric of the elaborate construction of the palaces, a process that

included consultations with exorcists and diviners as well as

. architects and engineers (see Chapter One). Architectural rituals for palace construction required the use of bitumen at thresholds, 204.

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the burial of magical figurines, and the incorporation of protec-

tive demons into the structure. Clay figurines, sometimes inscribed, were buried in corners and protective beings were carved onto walls.°° In the first Assyrian royal buildings bearing sculpted reliefs — the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II and the temple of Ninurta at Nimrud — protective images appear: anthropomorphic figures in fish clothes, human- and eagle-headed figures, and

multiwinged anthropomorphic figures. The placement of these figures on the walls was more than decorative. In Sennacherib’s palace, they were also placed on the doorjambs. These images of supernatural protective creatures are the same type of apotropaic image as the foundation figurines. Their positioning in passageways seems to have been as important as it was in threshold areas. Fish- and eagle-headed apkallu appeared across walls, as well as in foundations. Lahmu and ugallu figures appeared on doorjambs, and the seven Sebitti identified with fate and the Pleiades stood in

an entrance from Court O to Room I in at the North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. None of these was simply decorative or narrative in function. All the figures were carefully placed in specific positions in relation to the architecture and the image of the king. They had magical and apotropaic functions beyond the narrative.*' At the same time, as Mehmet-Ali Atag rightly points out, their appearance on the palace walls was also a way for the elite to surround itself with the otherworldly.°? In Ashurnasirpal II’s first palace at Nimrud, his standard inscription was repeated on every slab and in several rooms. Some slabs even have inscriptions on their backs. The inscriptions condensed the accounts of his conquests, prowess, and lineage into a repetitive formulation. This kind of repetition has generally been dismissed as public aggrandizement of the king, but this interpre-

tation disregards both the reliefs’ pictorial methods and their function, which worked with the architectural fabric in ways that 205

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made the building a palace not just in external appearance, as a symbol of power, but technologically, for the internal performative logic of the building. The historical accounts of the campaigns of war inscribed onto prism texts that were created in order to be interred as foundation deposits are also often described by modern scholarship as being primarily propagandistic in function.*? This limited, restrictive interpretation is inadequate. It does

not consider the nature of the historical source material. It does not take into consideration the text as an artifact, its archaeological context, or its ancient function and use. As a result, the rela-

tionship of ritual and politics in Mesopotamian Antiquity has been understood as an interaction between two completely and logically unrelated areas of social behavior.°* | The magic of the state, especially during the Neo-Assyrian Empire, was a significant dimension of the functions of political power and military practices. It allowed for the authority of the king as sovereign, with a liminal character beyond the common man, sanctioned by the divine, and sometimes even a king who was himself divine in nature. It allowed the king as a biopolitical category marked by somatic signs. It also permitted the casus belli and validated the war as defensible and just in every case, a bellum justum for the sake of civilized order and peace. But these notions of sovereignty and bellum justum are not expressed in the text solely or primarily for coercive propaganda, nor did these ideas rest on the religious alone. They depended on a combined juridicopolitical and biopolitical structure of power. The records of war and its rituals are not documentary historical accounts, if by that we mean truthful, objective descriptions of an event. Yet they are

documentary in that they are primary sources for the processes of power in Antiquity and for the way in which state violence, the biological, the law, omens, and the divine come together in the service of the war machine.*» 206

CHAPTER EIGHT

The Essence of War You (have become) master of all the earth, lord in the land,

You convulse the sea, (you) obliterate mountains, You rule over humans and herd beasts. The primeval sanctuaries are now in your hands. You (have taken) control of Babylon and command

(its most sacred precinct) E-sagila. You have gathered to yourself all authority. — Kabti-ilani-Marduk*

In every respect the war machine is of another

species, another nature, another origin, than the state apparatus. — Deleuze and Guattarit

One of the epic texts of Mesopotamian literature is the Erra and Ishum epic, a narrative poetic portrayal of violence written in the Akkadian language. This epic, like the tradition of the city lament, is an early philosophical contemplation of the nature of violence and the force of war. The author, who signs his work with his name Kabti-ilani-Marduk of the family of Dabibi, lived in the eighth century Bc and wrote about the horrors and violence of war that he must have seen and experienced and which he portrayed “Foster, Before the Muses, p. 900 (translation emended). tA Thousand Plateaus, p. 352.

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not as a contemporary account of Assyrian warfare but by means of allegories and the mythological tradition.! He attempts to come to terms with and to explain the force of violence and the desolation wrought by war. In this way, the epic explains war as a force more powerful than any other, a mechanism which is a brute compulsive drive that destroys everything in its wake; showing that all creation — the world, every human or divine thing, the organic and inorganic — falls victim to its destructive power. Erra, the war god, takes over the land and wreaks senseless havoc, sparing nothing and no one from his violence and desolation. The technological force of violence in war is described as belonging to the realm of seven powers, “The Seven,” mythical creatures created by Anu,

the sky god, and the earth. Anu calls the Seven before him to ordain their destinies: He summoned the first to give him instructions: “Wherever you go and spread terror, have no equal.” He said to the second, “Burn like fire, scorch like flame.” He commanded the third, “Look like a lion, let him who sees you be paralyzed with fear.’

He said to the fourth, “Let a mountain collapse when you present your fierce arms.” To the fifth, he said, “Blast like the wind, scan the circumference of the earth.”

one.” ,

To the sixth, he said “Go out everywhere like a deluge and spare no The seventh he charged with viperous venom, saying, “Slay whatever lives.”

After Anu (the sky god and a prime mover in the creation) had ordained the destiny of the Seven, he gave them to Erra, warrior of the gods, saying, “Let them go beside you. When the clamor of 208

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human habitation becomes noisome to you and you resolve to wreak destruction, to massacre the black-headed people (the Mesopotamians) and fell the livestock, let these be your fierce weaponry, let them go beside you.” The Seven are weapons, but they are not simply blades or bows. They are the technologies of war through which the war machine

becomes materialized; they are thus fundamental to Erra, who clearly embodies the abstract force of war and violence. Perhaps the passage that most effectively portrays the mythic dimension of war is the first-person self-praise of the war god: I obliterate the land and reckon it for ruins, I lay waste to cities and turn them into open spaces, I wreck the mountains and fell their wildlife, I convulse the sea And destroy its increase.

I bring the stillness of death upon swamp and thicket, Burning like fire. I fell humankind, I leave no living creatures.... I make omens unfavorable,

I turn holy places into foraging grounds, I let the demon “upholder of evil” into the dwelling place of the gods, Where no evil should go, I devastate the king’s palace and turn it into a ruin.

Ishum, an adviser, tries to reason with the war god by pointing out his terrible acts: They have torched the sanctuaries of Babylon Like marauders of the land,

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You (Erra), the vanguard, took their lead. You aimed your shaft at the innermost wall. Woe, my heart, it exclaims. You flung the seat of Muhra, its gatekeeper, Into the blood of young men and girls. *

War, the main subject of the narrative, is depicted as a force that can destroy civilizations and even the universal order decreed by the gods. But war takes over order, stealing in through the legal system of rule. The epic relates how the war god takes the supreme throne as substitute ruler when the mighty Marduk, patron god of Babylon, must leave it temporarily. But this was Erra’s plan. He finds a way to make Marduk leave his dwelling place in Babylon, an act that will inevitably bring about desolation for his people. This usurpa-

tion of the throne works according to the formal procedure of ceremonial royal substitution, a well-known ancient Mesopotamian rite. As shown in the previous chapter, in times of crisis,

the king relinquished the throne and a substitute king, chosen from among the people, was crowned in his place, so that the king would not be harmed by the evil portents predicted by the omens. The substitute became a decoy into which the evil omens would manifest. This event was always a state of exception. Erra “remorselessly plotted evil, to lay waste to the lands and decimate the people” for the sake of violence itself. War, then, is its own end, not a means to anything else. It is portrayed as a selfperpetuating machine that is in some sense in opposition to the urban state and civilized life yet comes to be annexed into state violence nevertheless. Early in the epic, Marduk’s cult statue is damaged and must be repaired. During that time, the vacuum in rule is filled by the war god. In this section, the poet beautifully describes the exceptional 210

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situation that leads to war. In the Erra epic, it seems clear that it is a state of exception that permits war to take over the city and the

land. War, then, is described as outside the normal situation of civil order. It is a phenomenon in itself, like the war machine. Marduk knows that the war god is going to wreak havoc and desolation, and Marduk remains a deity, albeit in occultation and out of commission for a time, but somehow the power of war is able to threaten even the realm of the gods. War is abstracted and personified as a god who is supremely powerful, even beyond the pantheon of the gods. When Marduk sees what war has done to his land, he weeps: Alas for Babylon,

Whose crown I fashioned, luxuriant as a palm’s, But which the wind has scorched.

Alas for Babylon, That I had laden with seed, like an evergreen, But of whose delights I could not have what J hoped for.

Alas for Babylon, : That I tended like a thriving orchard, But whose fruit I could not taste. Alas for Babylon,

That I suspended like a gemstone seal On the neck of the sky.°

The cult statue of Marduk figures quite prominently in the narrative. It is directly due to its removal and damaged condition that war is able to take over the land of the civilized — the cities and

urban centers. This poem is usually described as a hymn to the war god or an epic about the dichotomy of chaos and civilization,

the destruction of urban life by the uncivilized. However, it is 211

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fundamentally about the force of war. It is not a glorification of war but an expression of a fear of war, and a lamentation over its terrible and relentless force which spares nothing and no one in its path. It is in the tradition of the ancient Sumerian lamentations for cities, but it is even more worldly than those, because of the force of its descriptions of how the havoc of war destroys everything in its wake, how even the gods fall before the relentless march of the war machine.®

The Paradox of the War Machine The war machine — to borrow a term from Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, in order to elucidate the abstraction of the essential force of war as it was understood in Mesopotamian Antiquity — is directly linked to all the political institutions, cultural beliefs,

and ritual practices discussed so far. These practices and rituals of war and violence are the ontotheological domain of war. In Deleuze and Guattari’s terms, this machine is nomadic, in that it is outside the state order. The state sometimes appropriates or annexes it into the state’s violence or into Repressive State Apparatuses.’ The war machine and its rituals remain in a separate space and time. That is, war is outside daily life; it belongs to a time like that of ritual and festival.’ But even if the war machine is

a “pure form of exteriority” and must not be confused with the repressive violence of the state, it is nevertheless an exteriority or

transgression that supplements the violence of the state. This relationship of exteriority is difficult to conceptualize. It has the same paradoxical formulation as that of sovereign power, in that it is both inside and beyond the law. War is appropriated as a Repressive State Apparatus but remains outside state power proper and outside the law. To kill in war is appropriate and sanctioned. It is not a punishable act. It is a transgression that forms an exception to the normal order of things and to the law. The war machine 212

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falls between the juridical and the theological; it intersects with and connects them. But it exists only in its own metamorphoses, in industrial and technological inventions, in religious and militaristic rituals.’ It exists in its own strategies and logistical needs. The Assyrian kings of the early first millennium Bc not only annexed the war machine into the Repressive State Apparatus, but also appropriated it into the state in ways that were extensive. The war machine of the Assyrian empire became the armature of absolute sovereign power. Visual images of violence, rather than expressing this power as the sovereign’s ability to deal the death blow, that is, his right to determine the life or death of the other, showed the king as no longer performing such acts. This is a subtle but significant change from the images of earlier times, such as the Victory Stele of Naramsin. At first, it may seem to be a less powerful message for the Assyrian king not to be depicted as personally defeating his enemy or trampling the bodies of the dead. The king was depicted as expressing his prowess and virility by hunting

lions or wild horses, not by torturing or executing prisoners of war. He was not shown standing on the corpses of his enemies like

Naramsin. In the most egregious images of violence and torture,

of tearing apart limbs and impaling and flaying the bodies of defeated, the Assyrian king relied on the military to torture, to deal the blows, to move populations, to destroy or relocate monuments, and to reconfigure space. It was through his military corps that he wielded the weapon and dealt the blow: the military had become a weapon in the hand of the king. Yet the weapons of the war machine are both destructive and productive. They destroy, obviously, but they also produce victory and absolute power.

The Body and Power In the first volume of The History of Sexuality, Michel Foucault formulates a theory of biopolitics as the very essence of the form 213

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that state power takes in the modern era. Organic life is annexed into the machinery of power; life itself becomes amalgamated into the repressive and ideological apparatuses of the state. Foucault presented a case for distinguishing sovereign power based on juridical models and repressive state apparatuses from biopolitics, as a calculated control of organic life within the processes of power. In the Foucauldian analysis of biopolitics as the modern form of power, the docile body and technologies of self-discipline

are forms of voluntary servitude that are separable from the model of sovereign power as embodied in the king. Giorgio Agamben reconceptualizes Foucault’s division of sovereign power and biopower (or “anatomopolitics”) into one realm, arguing that the juridico-institutional and the biopolitical cannot

be separated. Agamben looks at the point of intersection of the two to investigate the workings of power. For Foucault, these divisions can be charted in time. They become markers of the premodern and modern workings of state power. Agamben states that the line of thinking that leads to the intersection of the two is logically implicit in Foucault’s work; in his own treatise on power, he argues that the two analyses cannot be separated and that “the inclusion of bare life into the political realm constitutes the original — if concealed — nucleus of sovereign power. It can even be said that the production of a biopolitical body is the original activity of sovereign power. In this sense, biopolitics is at least as old

as the sovereign exception.” The magician-king and the jurist-king are the two ancient and mythical poles of political sovereignty defined by Georges Dumeézil."' In Mesopotamian Antiquity, sovereign power is formulated and expressed in a number of monuments that move back and forth between these two formulations of kingship, taking up one strand or another of the hybrid substance of sovereignty. The development of the public monument in Mesopotamia 214

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in the third millennium Bc coincides with these formulations of sovereign power and its dependence on the juridical, the biopolitical, and the performative magic of ritual. Life, the body, and violence sanctioned by the letter of the law intersect most obviously in two of the best-known monuments of ancient Mesopotamia: the Codex Hammurabi and the Victory Stele of Naramsin. Monuments such as these outline the relationships between the law and the body and between the king and power — relationships defined by means of the lives of others. Just as the tortured body somehow produces the text of the law or its capabilities as

an assertion of rule, the king’s head in the Battle of Til-Tuba relief produces the text of Assyrian imperial power. As in the images of torture, there is a transformation of the body into the sign of the potentialities of power.

Just War and Monuments The right to punish in torture and execution is an extension of the sovereign’s right to wage war.'* War is portrayed as an exceptional, if necessary, activity. In Antiquity, even when the war machine was annexed as a juridical instrument in the service of sovereign power, it always had to be carefully considered and jus-

tified. No hard-and-fast rules permitted war in Mesopotamian Antiquity. Each case was reasoned as a just war for moral and ethical reasons. That is why the gods were consulted to justify wars and plan strategies. Omen reading was calculated as part of the logistics of war. Priests were taken into battle, animals were sacri-

ficed,.and their entrails were read. These rituals were meant to magically ensure victory and protect and strengthen the king’s simtu, his destiny. But the rituals were also the basic mechanisms of the war machine and state violence. Sovereign power and the power of the state were not just formulated in the realm of what

we might consider the rational. Archaeological theories have 215

RITUALS OF WAR . emphasized bureaucratic rationality as what defines the formation of the state, but state and sovereign power also base themselves in their own supernatural rituals. The quintessence of sovereign power was captured magically in the public monument. That is why wars were waged over those monuments. The capture or destruction of monuments was stra-

tegic to warfare. These psychological operations rested on the magical or supernatural. The semiotics of war and power are fundamental to the war machine. The monuments are invested with political power — but that is not all. They have to be seen in time,

as marking the space-time of the Mesopotamian world. They mark the passage of time. Standing public monuments, as well as the interred foundation inscriptions, the cylindrical texts on which the Assyrian kings at the height of the empire wrote their

| histories, are essentially historical artifacts. Public monuments and foundation inscriptions are artifacts of time. In Antiquity, there was a real, visceral fear of the recon-

figuration of history or destruction of historical time through the destruction of the monument and the text. That is why the ancients wrote curses and pleas that the future king maintain the foundation deposits and respect the sacrosanct nature of the historical artifact and its relationship to the land by not moving a monument from its place. That is why temple renovations and the restoration of sculptures and monuments were seen as pious acts that could bring about a propitious destiny, while the reverse was applicable to the deliberate destruction and obliteration of earlier works. The series Summa Glu contains a set of omens concerned with temples, monuments, and sculpture restoration: If a man repairs a sanctuary: he will have luck. If a man tears down a sanctuary: the river will swallow him. If someone relocates a chapel: that man will go to ruin. 216

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If a man repairs something old: the man’s god will come to him. If a man repairs a figure of Gilgamesh: the anger of the gods will be released.

, If a man repairs a new-moon emblem: his god will shepherd him

| aright. If a man repairs a sun-disk emblem: his god will shepherd him aright.

If he repairs a divine standard: he will (successfully) confront his adversary.

If he repairs a divine weapon: his days will be long (and) his misdeeds will be absolved.

If he repairs a statue: his adversary will kneel before him."

The text is long and lists a series of objects from the image of the god or goddess to architectural repairs and the repairs of private votive statues or other objects. It lists the outcomes for if the conservator is a private person or if the patron of the conservation is the king. A list covers the possibility of various instances in which

“a king is repairing (a place) and discovers (something).” The many things one might encounter in the course of making architectural repairs are listed in a series, and these things are to be preserved. There is always a concern for the relationship between the interred artifact and its ancient place. The deportation of populations and the theft of monuments were part of the reconfiguration of space in territorial expansion.

If territory or space is marked by people and monuments, that space is reconfigured when these are moved, shifted, destroyed, or relocated. That this process is turned into a ritual or a performative magical act is not surprising. During his campaign into southern Mesopotamia, Sennacherib conquered Babylon and not satisfied with conquest and destruction or the removal of booty and people from the city, he also took a handful of earth and hurled

217 :

it into the Euphrates, in an act of magical destruction that, via

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