Ritual Significance of Personal Ornament in Roman Britain 9781841712901, 9781407319643

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Table of Contents
Abstract
Acknowledgements
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 2. RELEVANT PRIOR RESEARCH
CHAPTER 3. THE RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND OF ROMAN BRITAIN
CHAPTER 4. CHILDREN, SYMBOLIC MARRIAGES AND SACRED UNIONS
CHAPTER 5. FERTILITY
CHAPTER 6. WOMEN AND RENEWED VIRGINITY
CHAPTER 7. PERSONAL DECORATION, TEMPLES AND RELIGIOUS SITES
CHAPTER 8. ICONOGRAPHICAL AND AMULETIC ASPECTS OF PERSONAL ORNAMENT
CHAPTER 9. MAGIC, MATERIAL, FORM AND COLOUR
CHAPTER 10. CONCLUSIONS
ABBREVIATIONS
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Citation preview

BAR 327 2002 PUTTOCK: RITUAL SIGNIFICANCE OF PERSONAL ORNAMENT IN ROMAN BRITAIN

Ritual Significance of Personal Ornament in Roman Britain Sonia Puttock

BAR British Series 327 2002 B A R blue cover template.indd 1

14/10/2010 11:13:26

Ritual Significance of Personal Ornament in Roman Britain Sonia Puttock

BAR British Series 327 2002

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR British Series 327 Ritual Significance of Personal Ornament in Roman Britain © S Puttock and the Publisher 2002 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781841712901 paperback ISBN 9781407319643 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841712901 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2002. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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Contents

ABSTRACT

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

iii

1

INTRODUCTION

2

RELEVANT PRIOR RESEARCH

7

3

THE RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND OF ROMAN BRITAIN

15

4

CHILDREN, SYMBOLIC MARRIAGES AND SACRED UNIONS

23

5

FERTILITY

41

6

WOMEN AND RENEWED VIRGINITY

55

7

PERSONAL DECORATION, TEMPLES AND RELIGIOUS SITES

71

8

ICONOGRAPHICAL

89

9

MAGIC, MATERIAL, FORM AND COLOUR

99

10

CONCLUSIONS

115

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

120

AND AMULETIC ASPECTS OF PERSONAL ORNAMENT

Abstract

Personal ornament which appears to have a definite ritual aspect has been recovered from certain Romano-British sites. Because of the religious or superstitious nature of these sites - temples, shrines and burials - artefacts deliberately deposited there can be linked to a belief in an afterlife and an intervention by the gods in the lives of mortals. Much of the personal ornament found in Roman-Britain comes from cemeteries or individual graves, and the great majority of these burials are those of children or young adults, usually identified as females on the basis of the type of grave goods. There are three reasons why personal ornament was placed in these burials: it defined the social and marital status of the deceased in society; it proclaimed their virginity; and it denoted their fertility, future or otherwise, and their youth. It is proposed that these children and young women were dedicated in death to either the pagan gods of Roman Britain or to the Christian God. Their virginity and fecundity meant that they were regarded as suitable votives and were given into symbolic marriages or unions with the deities. Most marriages or sexual unions have an important role in society. Not only does a marriage signify a bond of friendship and aid, but also fertility, a fundamental concept in the religious lives of all ancient people. The dedication of a virgin bride, and her jewellery, would have ensured the fertility of the land and the well-being of the people. On the other hand it may also have been seen as a payment for gifts already received. Furthermore, a particular gemstone or shape may have been chosen for its apotropaic powers: powers which would help and protect the newly deceased on his or her journey into the next life. Jewellery from temples or shrines usually had one of two functions.

It was either part of the ceremonial regalia of priests or other religious figures, primarily a

"mortal" function, or it was a votive gift: an "immortal" function. In either case, these inanimate offerings carried a mortal's entreaties or thanksgivings to a god or goddess. The form, style or material of the objects may also have had a religious significance and enhanced the prayers of the dedicatee or served as a reminder of the benevolence, or otherwise, of specific deities. Jewellery in Roman Britain in ritual contexts often had a deep significance.

ii

Acknowledgements

First and foremost I would like to thank Assoc. Prof. Dorothy Watts, who gave so much of her time, energy and personal library in keeping my attention focussed on the work in hand, despite the temptations of Pliny the Elder. My research owes much to her enthusiasm, assistance and encouragement. A deep debt of gratitude is also owed to all the staff in the Department of Classics and Ancient History at the University of Queensland for their help and support, especially Dr. Jim Stewart and Assoc. Prof. Brian Jones for their encouragement in times of trial, Prof. Robert Milns and Mrs. Penny Peel for their time spent in proof-reading this thesis, and Dr. Michael Apthorp for his Greek translations.

I would like to sincerely thank the Friends of Antiquity who are associated with the University of

Queensland's Alumni Association for their financial assistance and their concern. Many scholars in Australia, Britain, Canada, United States and on the Continent provided unpublished information, comments or personal assistance and I am extremely grateful to the following: Ms. Lindsay Allason-Jones, Ms. Nina Crummy, Dr. Guy Halsall, Dr. Martin Henig, Dr. Richard Hingley, Ms. Catherine Johns, Prof. Michael Lattke, Prof. Bonnie MacLachlan, Dr. Andrew Oliver, Mr. John Pearce, Emeritus Prof. Philip Rahtz, Prof. Beryl Rawson, Dr. Richard Reece, Prof. David Soren, Ms. Ellen Swift, Prof. Malcolm Thomas and Ms. Carol von Driel Murray. Finally I would like to thank my husband and my family for their patience.

lll

iv

and young children also needed to be addressed, for these were the group most likely to have been given these types of artefacts as grave-goods. Of course, the children and the adorned women were young, but they may also have been virgins, and virginity was extremely important in the religious and ritual life of most ancient peoples. The youth and virginity of the children, and probably of the young women, must therefore have been linked to some form of ritual or consecratory act and, as with the votive jewellery in temples, this consecration of the young people and their sexuality may perhaps be associated with anxiety and hope for the well-being and fertility of the land and its inhabitants. 2 An investigation into this phenomenon provided no easy answers, for most publications either gloss over the reasons for this dedication or appear to assume that the reader already understands the significance of the inclusion of jewellery in the burials of children and young women.

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION This work began life as an analysis of, and a comparison between, the types and styles of jewellery favoured by the people of Roman Britain of differing social classes and areas. It soon became obvious that many of these artefacts had a deeper significance than that of mere adornment. Furthermore, the majority of these items were recovered from places with ritual or religious connotations: burials or temples. Indeed, the temple sites revealed both small and large assemblages of personal ornaments obviously offered as votive items. The dedication of these objects at so many temple and shrine sites meant that they probably had a common significance which would have been linked mainly to women, for the majority of these items were articles of feminine adornment. This led to the supposition that the votive artefacts were associated with health and fertility, the main concerns of most women in the ancient world.

If items of jewellery and the children or young women themselves were in fact consecraed for the well-being and fertility of the people and the land, then evidence must be found. Because the material remains of the RomanoBritish people provided the basis for this study, archaeological corroboration for this supposition is necessary and it will mainly be drawn from deposits in burials and sacred sites. Yet archaeology cannot be used alone; written testimony is essential. The characterof the inhabitants of Roman Britain must also be addressed, as the literary evidence during this period had a strong classical bias. This bias is unavoidable: the pre-Roman inhabitants of Britain did not have the literary tradition of their contemporaries in the Mediterranean regions, while educated Roman-Britons would obviously have had a bias towards the Roman traditions and customs. 3 Nevertheless a study of the archaeology of Britain during this period revealed the continuity of many Celtic concepts and beliefs.

The burials also revealed an unusual phenomenon. The great majority of graves which were relatively rich in personal ornament were those of children and young women under the age of 22 years. Archaeology and literary evidence, such as that provided by Pliny the Younger (Ep. 5.16), support the theory that there is a strong association between the jewellery and females in burials. Although there are a few exceptions, most of the skeletons which are able to be sexed and are found with jewellery included in their grave furnishings have been identified as female. The inclusion of jewellery in the graves of the young women is not surprising for it may be expected these females would be buried with their own jewellery or items which were to be used in the next life. 1 Yet a closer look at the burial habits of the RomanoBritish people showed that older women, who could be expected to have owned as much jewellery as, or indeed more than, their younger counterparts, were not treated in the same fashion; very few were supplied with pieces of personal ornament. It seemed, therefore, that younger females were singled out for a particularreason: their age.

The deposition of jewellery in the burials of children and infants will also be examined. Archaeologicaland literary evidence shows that these children as virgins were probably adorned to be dedicated in death into symbolic marriagesor unions with the gods, or even the Christian God. As the sexuality and sexual status of some participants would have been important factors in the 2

It has been suggested that the items of jewellery deposited in the graves of children were personal mementos of the mothers and so provided comfort ( J. Whitehorne pers. comm.). But surely a favourite toy would have provided the same amount of comfort, while certain items, such as the diadems discussed in Chapter Four, were ceremonial artefacts and could hardly have been regarded as reminding a child of a mother's love. See Goodison 1989: 5. Of course, some artefacts may possibly have been heirlooms which the deceased wished to take into the next world or were perhaps chance losses, although this could not have been the case with the great majority of the items in burials.

But the question of significance that arises from the inclusion of personal ornament in the burials of infants 1

Barber (et al 1990: 10) suggests that another possible reasons for the inclusion of grave-goods is "as a simple response to grief". See also Grinsell 1975: 53.

3

See Tacitus Agricola 21.

1

religious observances of ancientpeoples, the investigation of the concept of a sexual union between mortal and deity is valid. The literary evidence demonstrates, of necessity, a classical bias but the concept of jewellery accompanying children into their graves can be found in almost all ancient societies. The reasons offered for this funerary association of jewellery, youth and virginity are the desires of the mourners for the benevolence of the gods and the granting of fertility and prosperity to the land and its people. The virginity of the children is considered to be vital to this study, and so the sexual status of the decorated young women must also be considered. As many of these may not have been physically virgines intactae, their suitability as brides must have depended on the interpretationby the community of the state of virginity. Indeed virginity may have been considered a "renewable" state, and the sexualities of these young women were probably re~ded as suitable offerings to deities of the Otherworld. The dedication of jewellery in the religious confines of temples and shrines is also investigated. Some pieces of jewellery had specific functions within the ceremonies associated with religious ritual, while others were utilised as vehicles for the prayers and entreaties of the suppliants. These are assigned to "mortal" or "immortal" categories. The symbolisms behind, and magical qualities of, individual pieces of jewellery and their material, shape or iconography will also be discussed.

ivory, glass, coral, amber, horn and other kinds of organic material, and many types of precious and semi-precious stones.5 It must always be rememberedthat some cheaper stones and metals would not have been easily distinguished from more expensive varieties. Examples can be seen in the use of shale and cannel coal which, when new and highly polished, are very similar to the more durable jet; gleaming bronze may have resembled gold; a new ring of iron could have been mistaken for silver; while glass and precious stones were used indiscriminately in the same contexts (Johns 1996: 1415).6 The problems associated with the identification of materials can also be seen in the use of the term "bronze", because this classification is now usually dependent upon the mineral constitution of the metal. For the purpose of this study, however, there will be no difference between objects assigned to the categories of ''bronze" or "brass" or to those described as "copperalloy". 7 A wider picture has been sought and objects made from common materials of little or no monetary value, such as "stones" or pebbles, will be included and used to demonstrate the importance of certain pieces of jewellery or the concepts behind them.

With regard to any article in a long-buried fragmentary state there will be problems associated with interpretation. For example, some glass bangles arevery small and could only have been worn on the arm of a small child or baby.8 The materials from which a piece of jewellery was manufactured can also raise problems of identification.9 This problem of misinterpretation of materials, however, only has a bearing in this present study where the magical But before this study can begin some parameters must be aspect of a material is discussed. Elsewhere it is the set. The term "personal ornament" refers to artefacts significanceof the deposition of items of jewellery which which are worn as decorations; beads, bracelets, rings for will be the focus. the fingers or even toes, pendants, charms, pins, earrings, hair ornaments, diadems or head-bands, crowns and This deposition of jewellery in ritual or religious contexts chains, including body-chains. Brooches will not be was carried out by the local community or individual included because these are functional clothes fasteners and as such were worn by all ages and both sexes. Exceptions s are the plate and zoomorphic brooches; their relatively Higgins (1980: 2) suggests that artefacts made from nonhigh incidence at religious sites suggests that they also precious metals should not be classified as "jewellery" unless had a ritual significance. There will be no differentiation "they were used in conjunction with precious metals or as in this study between the artefacts known individually as substitutes for them". cf Johns (1996: 1-4, 108). "White bracelets, bangles or armlets, for these were all worn metal" is used for articles which are either tin or silver clad: around the arm. Often only a fragment survives, making see Crummy et al 1983: 1. closer identification difficult. Therefore these 6 A necklace, No. 31, from the hoard recovered from Thetford classifications will refer collectively to any piece of provides an example of the use of both green glass and an jewellery worn on the arm. 4 emerald in a single item (Johns and Potter 1983: 99). 7

For an interesting discussion on the problems associated Jewellery manufactured from all types of material has with the use of the words "bronze" and "brass", see Piggott been considered: gold, silver, gilt, copper-alloy or bronze, iron, tin, ''white metal", jet, shale, cannel coal, bone, &1984:esp.117-18). See also Mortimer (1986). This has led one author (Stevenson 1976: 53) to suggest that these may have been harness-mounts or hair ornaments; quite "literally for pony-tails". See Sherratt (1986) for a debate on the Radley "Earrings".

4

The variation in name will be used solely in the interests of "good English". The circular shape of the bangle is usually unbroken, but this shape cannot be deduced from a single fragment. The size of the armlet usually means that it is worn on the upper arm, yet this could vary according to the size of the arm wearing this artefact. Some authors also refer to both bracelet and bangle as armlets. See Crummy et al 1993.

9

The wooden spacer beads recovered from a Romano-British burial at the Whitcombe excavations were mistaken for glass even by a "well-known expert", suggesting that other materials may also have been wrongly identified (Newton in Aitken and Aitken 1990: 79-80).

2

persons, and problems associated with Romano-British society must be identified. The first point to be clarified is the use of the word "Celtic" in this work. Here this term covers collectively the native inhabitants or the culture existing in Britain before its Romanisation. IO Other points cover nomenclature: the people of Britain during the Roman period will be referred to as "RomanoBritish" ratherthan the lesser used "Romano-Celtic" and, depending upon the context of the discussion, the classical deities will be given either their Greek or Roman names whereverappropriate. 11 Although Greek deities are often identified with their Roman counterparts, there were inherent differences in the early period. But as these difference do not have an impact upon this study, they will not be taken into consideration.

remains of the civilian population are to be found in this region. The towns of this area are the major source for the burials in this research. The larger cemeteries of Colchester, Lankhills, Poundbury and Dunstable are amongst the best documented, but in an effort to avoid this imbalance of evidence from the Romanised sections of Britain, burials from smaller cemeteries and individual burial plots will be included wherever possible. Even with the inclusion of the large urban cemeteries, the number of known burials is small when compared to the estimated population of Roman Britain. But this will not necessarily pose a major problem in this study, as the dedication of jewellery occurs in so many ancient cultures that it is highly likely that it was also a part of the lives of the people in the non-Romanised parts of Britain.

It might be thought that certain archaeological remains, especially jewellery, will reflect a bias towards the wealthier members of a culture because of the quanti~ quality and durability of the material of these remains. 2 Although this may be true to a certain extent, cheaper copies of expensive pieces of jewellery have also survived. This can be seen in the many examples of the glass and poor quality gemstones which were used as imitations of intaglios (Henig 1974: 164). Bone was common and, like wood, antler or horn, would have been readily available to be made into items of personal omament. 13 Personal ornament, therefore, was available to all, and the act of dedicating some form of jewellery with the deceased or as a votive gift in a temple would have been within the reach of the great majority of people in Roman Britain.

The archaeologicaland literary evidence to be used in this discussion comes from the geographical area covered by the Roman Empire, and from a wider time span than that encompassed by the 400 years of Roman rule in Britain. 14 This is necessary for many classical traditions and myths had their basis in the Republican era, the Classical Greek period, or even earlier. Indeed the influences of Greece on the Roman world were enormous and wide-ranging, especially in the sphere of religion (Liversidge 1968: 464). Rome had absorbed religious cults, traditions and mythologies from the lands in the eastern Mediterranean and from Egypt. 15 Within Britain itself, many ancient Celtic deities and their associated mythologies survived the "invasion" of classical gods and goddesses ~ becoming part of the Romano-British panthwn. 6 Although the antiquity of many of the original versions of Celtic tales is not being questioned, the fact that these stories were part of an oral tradition, and were not written down until well into the Christian era, also widens the time frame of this study.

The archaeology in this study will be biased towards the people of the more Romanised lowland region of Britain, the section mainly to the east of the Fosse Way. This is unavoidable as the greatest number of the physical

14

10

A large number of artefacts does not necessarily point to a wealthy family for the goods included in the burial may have been all that the person or family owned. Although this is highly unlikely. Indeed a wealthy family, unless they were very parsimonious, would have been more likely to include several items in a burial while a very poor family may not have had the artefacts to dedicate or to spare.

The Roman period in Britain is traditionally taken from the Conquest in AD43 to the official withdrawal of the Roman legions in AD410. But Roman influences were found on the island long before the Claudian invasion and some have survived to the present day. 15 The cults of the Greek Demeter, the Phrygian Great Mother, Cybele, and the Egyptian goddess Isis were popular in the Roman world, especially in the later period. These goddesses are discussed throughout this work. The multiplicity of religious observances can also be seen in the lives of individual people, for as Turcan (1996: 9) states "there are plenty of epigraphic and literary testimonies to prove that the same men and women participated in several forms of devotion at the same time". See below, Chapter Four for the inscriptio nal evidence of Paulina (VS 450) who was a priestess of Isis but was also an initiate of the Eleusinian mysteries. See also Watts 1998: 44-5 (Christian/pagan beliefs).

The "pebble" strung on a cord found around the bones of the wrist of a young man at Lullingstone would not have been an expensive item and yet the burial was relatively wealthy with grave-goods and a mausoleum (Meates 1979: 128).

See also Macdonald 1977: 37; Webster 1986a, 1986b. It does not mean that a Celtic deity was the same as the Roman god it was assimilated with, but that there were some similarities to varying degrees.

See Ross 1961b: 63. Collis (1984: 11-14; 1994: 5) disputes the notion of a common "Celtic" culture, whereas Megaw and Megaw (1989: 189) support the view that the Celts settled in Britain from the Continent See also Green 1995a: 3-7 11 The "process by which Britain became Celtic" and the difference between peoples of certain areas and tribal groups will not be covered by this thesis. See G. Webster 1995: 623; Mackie 1995: 655; Johns 1996: 23 ; Jones 1987: 812; Philpott 1991: 233-5; Millett 1990. cf Hawkes 1948: 167. 12

13

16

3

Late in the fourth century, with the rest of the Roman Empire, Britain officially became Christian. 17 But the practiceof Christianity in some families and communities in Britain would have been much earlier, since the movement of peoples and ideas throughout the Empire was relatively easy. The spirituality of. the people of Roman Britain would have been a bewildering conglomeration of all these influences and, like people today, most individuals would have added their own particularslant and experiences to their personal religious beliefs. Even so, some traditions, especially those which appear to be common to both Celtic and classical pagan cults, survived the advent of Christianity. 18 The Christian custom of the dedications of an oblate, a "Bride of Christ", harvest produce or even Eucharistic silver plate was probably descended from the pagan rituals of the dedicatory burials of children and young women with their jewellery and the consecrationofvotive gifts. 19

celebrations of Christmas or in the gift of an engagement ring.23 The people of Roman Britain also chose to participate in a specific "ritua" act, the deposition of ornament in burials and on religious sites, and so the use of the term "ritual" is felt to be justified. The association of religion with burial customs has also been questioned.24 Because the process of grief and its expression is personal while the adherenceto custom may simply have become a habit, it is difficult to determine whether deep religious belief was present at a burial or sacrifice or whether the ritual was followed ''.just in case".25 Yet the very fact that religion was entwined into the daily lives of most ancient people means that it would also have been part of their deaths. Grave-goods, the treatment of the body and the use of overtly religious artefacts, such as images of deities and texts which invoke the gods or refer to the deceased in the afterlife, all point to more than a reverence for the mortal remains of a loved one. The widespread use of grave-goods also suggests a common belief in many ancient societies in the survival, or rebirth, of the deceased in another life. Yet these people would have known that the corporeal body did not survive, so this continuance of life must have been in a spiritual form, perhaps in another, unearthly body. 26 This belief of an ethereal life after death can only be linked to religious thought. Moreover, the large quantities of jewellery recovered from temple and shrine sites must be associated with religious beliefs, even if some of these dedications were made in a half-hearted manner. A religious explanation must be, and is, sought for the phenomenon of the dedication of jewellery in graves.

There is a tendency among some modern authors to apologise for the use of the word "ritual" .20 As Webster (1986b: 15) points out this word is often used as "a label to anything [archaeologists]fail to understand"~' This is probably true, yet ritual, or the observance of a set of rules, traditions or actions, took many different forms, including rites which will never be known. Superstition, religion and ritual were a part of the everyday life of the very great majority of ancient people.22 The inclusion of a lararium, or household shrine, in many Roman homes demonstrates this personal aspect of ancient religious practices. Although the word "ritual" tends to conjure up images of earlier, primitive societies, it can be applied to many of the activities of human beings in all periods. Ritual is also seen in the modern world in religious, secular, and political ceremonies. It is inherent in the During the research for this study many problems associated with the recording and interpretation of 17 archaeologicalsite reports arose. The difficulties of, and For the stories, traditions and facts surrounding early major obstacles to, the work of the excavator are not the Christianity in Roman Britain, see Toynbee 1953, 1968, foci here, but rather the problems associated with the Frend 1968, Thomas 1981: 35-60; Watts 1998: passim. recording and reading of these records. Indeed, the non18 19

See Fear 1996.

Although Butt Road Period 2 cemetery in Colchester was Christian,jewellery was included in several burials. Personal ornament was still being dedicated at Harlow and at the Shrine Apollo at Nettleton Scrubb in the Christian period.

23

Even in these cases, the actual significance of these customs may be unknown to many participants, unless they have made a specific study into the purpose of the tradition.

~b

24

See discussion by Philpott (1991: 235). See also Chapman and Randsborg 1981: 13) who appear to ignore the role of religion in their discussion on "approaches to the archaeology of death"; Tainter 1975: 1-14; Wait 1986: 205. Because the religious connection, especially Celtic, to burials is sometimes questioned, Black (1986: 201) states that "it seems all the more important to assemble evidence from the burials, to recognise those phenomena which may have a religious meaning, and finally to attempt to interpret its meaning".

For an excellent discussion on the word "ritual", see Merrifield 1987: 1-8. The modern definition of "ritual" can encompass any action or behaviour which is consistently followed as well as prescribed or established religious or ceremonial activities. 21

See also Raftery (1994: 179) who points out that "archaeology tends to uncover only the end-products of what were probably elaborate and long-drawn out ritual activities. Here, therefore, we enter the fascinating realm of ~~eculation".

25

Of course, it is impossible to gauge the extent of individual beliefs and interpretations in any form of ceremony or religious adherence. See Black 1986- 210· Jones 1987; 816; King 1990: 220; Halsall 1996: 13;• Johns 1996: 2; Morris 1992: 18, 104.

26

See James 1977: 164.

Belief in the afterlife: Caesar BG 6.14; Strabo 4.4.4; Lucan 1. 455-8; Pomponius Mela DeChorographia 3.2.19; Ammianus 15.9; Cumont 1922: passim; Toynbee 1971: passim. See also Green 1982: 64.

4

archaeologist depends upon the records of others, yet sometimes a report is either non-existent or so poor that any accurate interpretation is impossible. The work of early excavators was often sketchy, but this was usually dependent upon the skill and training of the excavator or on the ability of the workmen.27 Much evidence was lost because of the importance placed by archaeologists upon the acquisition of rare artefacts for collections in the earlier part of this century.28 Other problems related to excavations and publications include: incorrect identification of a site; lost artefacts; wrong identification of objects; confused stratigraphy, such as in the use of a rubbish tip as a cemetery; inaccurate dating of the archaeologicalremains; no provenance for an artefact; the location of the item not fully explained, for example in the grave or in the fill; position of the object in relation to the body not given; incorrect sexing of the body; inaccurateage at death; poor or non-existent pathology of the bones and the fragile state of preservation of skeletons and artefacts! 9 Although the size of these problems appears to make the task insurmountable, there has been enough quality material available in various reports to provide evidence for the hypothesis in this work. Even so, these limitations must always be remembered.

modern, author.32 With this in mind, the texts of the ancient Greeks and Romans have been examined for evidence of the significance of the deposition of jewellery which was as much a part of their world as it was of the Romano-Britons.

Texts which are described as "Celtic" pose an even greater dilemma. The pre-Roman people of Britain had no script of their own, relying instead on an oral tradition for the transferenceof their myths and legends; and when these stories and histories were eventually written down, it was by Christian monks. 33 Indeed myths and legends adapt and mutate, especially when there have been changes in religious cults and beliefs, as occurredwith the acceptance of Christianity. 34 These changes can also happen over the passage of time, or in different regions, with the addition and amalgamation of exotic material.35 The Tizin Bo Cuailnge, Recension 1, is one such eleventh century compilation, probably of two versions from the ninth century, although it may have been known as early as the seventh century (Raftery 1994: 14). In fact, the "underlying, pre-Chriru.an, preliterate, oral Celtic tradition" suggests an even earlier date, possibly before AD400, while the Ulster bias of this tale points to a local source, perhaps the monastery at Bangor (Raftery 1994: Greater problems are encountered with the literary 14-16). evidence. The difference between the cultures of the Mediterraneanlands and that of Roman Britain, and the Although all these facts pose problems for the use of mutation and syncretism of religious beliefs during the Celtic sources in this study, the Celtic material can, and years of the rise and decline of Roman world have already must, be employed. Many of these texts and tales are been noted.30 Despite this, Roman texts were known in only a few generations removed from the Roman period Britain, and the bias and intention of the author whether he or she was a poet, histori~ satirist or novelist must 32 See Solinus (Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium 34) \WO be identified and understood. 3 Stock phrases, poetic licence, the wishes and desires of a patron, nationalistic or describes Britain in the third century as "another world" and religious fervour, plagiarism, anachronism, xenophobia, speaks of the "savage manners" of the neighbouring Irish exaggeration, imagination, misinterpretation and who drink the blood of their enemies, while Dia Cassius ignorancemay all be part of the work of an ancient, or (62.7) refers to the behaviour of the Britons as "most disgraceful and bestial". See also Potter & Johns 1992: 1215; Webster 1986b: 19 -20; WardeFowler 1899: 13. Some ancient authors had strong views about the wearing of jewellery: Pliny HN 33.4-13, 40-1; Suetonius Julius Caesar 50; Clement of Alexandria Pedagogus 2.123. cf. Martial 5.11. This was mainly "to contrast the luxury and decadence of their age with the supposed simplicity of earlier days" i~ool 1983: 14). The unusual Ogarn script is late and dates from about the fourth century AD (Ross 1992: 43). See also Redknap 1995: 758-9. Greek and Latin, however, were known to some Britons before the Claudian invasion.

27

See Philpott 1991: 2. The workmen excavating the cremations at Hardharn in West Sussex (Boyd-Dawkins 1864) appear to have destroyed much of the evidence. See also the excavations at Southfleet ( Rashleigh 1803); Cann Common (St George Gray 1917). cj Pitt Rivers 1887, 1888. 28

Unfortunately this may not have completely disappeared in an age where private enterprise sometimes provides the funding for excavations, and some governments and institutions demand material "results" . 29 Rubbish tip: Cirencester cemetery ( McWhirr et al. 1982). Sexing of the body: Johns 1996: 18-19; Philpott 1991: 18 note 8. Age: Molleson and Cox 1993: 167. Pathology: McKinley 1994. Preservation: Kelvedon cemetery (Rodwell 1988: 91).

34

An example is the pagan story which was adapted to the Christian tale of the Children of Ler (Ross 1992: 309-10). See Bowen (1975-6) for historical background of the Dindshenchas which highlights the problems that arise from the use of ?ancient legends which were not written down until the Mediaeval period. cj Raftery 1994: 66. See also Mac Cana 1995; Davies 1995; Potter and Johns 1992: 159.

30

See Potter and Johns 1992: 182. Greek literature tends to be biased towards Classical Athens.

31

Roman mythology and texts are found on mosaics in Britain, such as those from Low Harn and Lullingstone. See Toynbee 1964: plates 58, 60. Ancient and modem biases against ancient cults: Kiefer 1934: 127.

35

See Jones and Jones (1993: xvi) for discussion on the addition of the " onomastic tale" into the so-called Mabinogion . See also Cherici 1994: 19.

5

situations.42 It is hoped that this pitfall, like the others, will be largely avoided in this work, and that some degree of objectivity will prevail.43

and the survival of pagan traditions such as the deposition of jewellery and the dedication of a child continued long into the Christian period.36 Furthermore some ancient traditions and beliefs have survived into the twentieth century with only slight changes to their original form.37 Perhaps the greatest barrier to be overcome in this study is that of personal bias. This bias was not confined to the ancient writers but is inherent in the thought process of all researchers to varying degrees. All archaeologicaland literary evidence will be coloured by the personal interpretation of the spectator or reader. This interpretation is subject to individual experiences, personal beliefs, time period and society.38 An example can be seen in the modern attitude towards children. From the viewpoint of the twentieth century, a time when children are generally cherished, the fact that infants were exposed, children were sold into slavery, young girls were given into marriageand paedophilia was practised is hard to comprehend without repugnance~9 Yet these things did happen, and the idea of a child being given into a sacred marriage, possibly with sexual overtones, may have been perfectly acceptable to many of the people of Roman Britain. But the notion that these people were savages and did not care for their children cannot be accepted; there is archat:ologicalevidence in the form of funerary sculpture, and literary texts which show that children in ancient times were loved, often deeply, by their families.40

The archaeologicalevidence which was the basis of this study has been augmented and complemented by that of the ancient texts. It is this combination of evidence which has led to the development of the hypothesis: that jewellery deposited in ritual aspects has a deeper significance than that of mere decoration. Personal ornament could be seen as a pathway to the gods.

Another problem is the use of a modern interpretation for an ancient concept It cannot be assumed that the ceremony which accompanied a Romano-British cremation or inhumation of the fourth century was in any way similar to the disposal of the remains of a Christian at the end of the twentieth century.41 But the personal bias of the present researcherwas perhaps the hardest to overcome. As with any idea or theory, there is always the tendency to read the favoured solution into most 36

Butt Road Period 2 cemetery was probably Christian and yet jewellery and other grave-goods were included in the inhumations. See Crummy et al. 1993. See also the Merovingian burial at Metz ( Halsall 1996: 13). Ritual ?postmortem decapitations seem to have continued right up to the tenth century at Rushton, Northants (Watts 1998: 86-8).

37

See Sjoestedt 1940: 2-3. The modern versions of the Harvest festival, the Maypole celebrations, and the Hobbyhorse processions also have their origins in antiquity. 38

39

See Macdonald 1977; Collis 1984: 10.

There is a considerable variation in attitudes towards children, especially female children, amongst the cultures the modern world.

40

42

See Plutarch In Consolation to His Wife 11; Golden 1988; Toynbee and Ward Perkins 1956: 89; Dixon 1988: passim esp. 24-5, 111-14; Dixon 1992: 98-132; Rawson 1997: 206.

As Johns (1996: 187) points out there is always "the danger of thinking that there is only one solution to each Ffoblem". Unfortunately an author's sensitivity to his or her subject precludes complete objectivity ( B.MacLachlan pers. comm).

41

See Macdonald 1979: 405.

6

became as it were deified" - nam et mortuorum est ita coronari, vel quoniam et ipsi idola statim fiunt et habitu et cu/tu consecrationis. Although this applies to the Greek period, this tradition can also be seen in the Roman culture from which it would have been absorbed into that of the Romano-Britons.2 Like the works of Marshall, those of Ogden (1992; 1982) and Higgins (1980) cover the materials and manufacture of ancientjewellery and are excellent for cross-referencing types, styles and influences of other ancient cultures. But these authors are concerned with the aesthetic value of the artefact rather than the significance behind the wearing or deposition of the particularpiece of jewellery.

Chapter2 RELEVANT PRIORRESEARCH

Other works relatingto Romano-British jewellery, which sometimes include typologies, are often limited to a particulartype or style of ornamentation. Guido (1978) gives an excellent analysis of the beads of Roman Britain, but the work is mainly concerned with type and distribution. Henig (1974) also provides a very comprehensive discussion on the history, iconography and aesthetic value of intaglios. He demonstrates that Roman cults, mythology and beliefs were to be found throughout Britain. Henig considers (112-16) the evidence that the interpretation of the iconography of some intaglios may have been viewed in a native light, but this discussion is limited when compared to the rel~ti~e~ large ~lll':1bersof engraved gemstones found in Bntaln. Yet it is reasonable to surmise that if the inhabitants of various parts of Britain had access to jewellery of a specific Roman nature, they would have had accessto a certain amount of knowledge, and perhaps even understanding, of the classical iconography and mythology. This may help to justify the use of Roman literary sources.

Because a study of the significance of personal ornament in Roman Britain encompasses several different areas of research, the contribution of a considerable number of ancient and modem scholars has been essential to this study.1 Even though many modem authors have mentioned the theory that personal ornament often has a deeper significance than the obvious decorative one few have followed this line of thought further. Some' have recognised that there may be a link between dedications of either the jewellery itself or the wearer with certain ~ods or with fertility concepts, but once again this theory is not expanded. Often the reason for the lack of development of this argument lies in the fact that these scholars are usually researching an allied field and therefore concerned with the investigation of another topic. This examination of prior work by other modem researchers will, therefore,be based on particular areas of research previously caried out. Specific works have been written on jewellery, archaeologicalsite reports and art histories, social and legal aspects of Celtic, Greek, Roman and Romano-British cultures, and on religion and ancient burial practices. A number of these areas overlap and there are also many other works which have been useful for non-specific information but are not included here. The aim of this chapter is to highlight the gaps in research which have led to this present investigation.

Another corpus of a specific type of personal ornament is that by Allason-Jones (1989b). As well as discussing the materials, manufacture, distribution and typology of earrings, the study also includes a brief history of this type of jewellery. Allason-Jones (16) believes that the Roman influence found in Romano-British earrings had its antecedents in the Near East rather than in Etruria or Greece. These influences, therefore, may have had a bearing on the use of diadems or headdresses in certain rituals or under certain conditions in Roman Britain. The author also suggests (16) that the wearing of earrings may have had symbolic significance in the East in Biblical times, because "to the Jews the boring of the

Catal_ogues_areinvaluable to any study of jewellery. Despite their dates of publication, the catalogues of Marshall (1907; 1911) are still current. Marshall provides a generalbackground for the listed artefacts and o~ca~ionallygives a tantalising but brief insight int~ the significance of the artefact for this study. For example in his discussion (1911: 32) on the use of wreaths by th~ Greeks, he cites Tertullian (De Corona 10.2) as suggesting "that the dead were crowned for the same reason that the images of the gods were crowned. They

2

See Cicero De Legibus 2.22: Deonun manium iura sancta sunto. suos Zetodatos divos habento ; Trans. C.W. Keyes: "The rights of the gods of the lower world shall be sacred. Kinsfolk who are dead shall be considered gods". See Keyes 1970: 398 note 1 for explanation of " suos ".

I

The authors discussed in this chapter make up only a small part of those to whom a great gratitude is owed for their considerable research in their own particular fields. Although a very large number of works was consulted, in the interests of brevity the bibliography will be limited. The ancient authors will not be discussed here, but their contribution will be noted throughout this work.

3

Although the relevant page numbers of the books being reviewed will be included in this chapter, the year of the publication will be omitted here unless there is more than one particular book being discussed.

7

types throughout the years of Roman rule in Britain. This also includes several unusual artefacts and some hoards and is aimed at giving the reader a sound general knowledge of Romano-British jewellery. Johns warns (2) of the problems which may arise in any attempt to reconcile the use of classical traditions to explain certain practices of the inhabitants of Roman Britain without a study of their society. The fact that personal ornament may have had "important symbolic functions" is also recognised, and so a section entitled "Meaning and symbolism in jewellery" is included (5-12). Here, Johns assigns three reasons for the wearing of jewellery; wealth, status and protection from evil. The significance of various materials, images and shapes is discussed briefly; but, as Johns's work is mainly based on general considerations of individual artefacts, the importance of the personal ornament in relation to deeper religious and social aspects is not covered. The author (13) points out that the costlier items of Romano-British jewellery made from precious metals were more likely to reflect GraecoRoman styles than those manufacturedfrom baser metals which were more inclined to represent the Celtic taste. The mingling of cultural traditions is important to the understanding of the Romano-British way of life. In contrast to the popular view at the tum of this century concemingthe degree of Romanisation in Britain, current scholarship favours a strong British Celtic tradition with the superficial Roman influences and customs unable to survive the withdrawal of Rome; yet Johns points out (23) that the culture in Britain was actually a mixture of the Celtic and Roman.

ears became the mark of servitude". This is interesting in that the status of the servant wearing the earrings was one of "voluntary servitude". In effect, he was giving himself to his master "and he shall serve him for ever" (Exodus 21.6). This idea of dedication for eternity is probably the reasoning behind many of the richly appointed graves of young children in Romano-British cemeteries, although Allason-Jones does not pursue this line of research. While in Roman Britain the wearing of earrings appears to be solely for decorative purposes, the idea that an item of jewellery can denote status is relevant in most cultures, both ancient and modem. Another study which maintains that there was some significance behind the wearing and deposition of jewellery is that of Cool (1983). This impressive five volume work incorporates catalogues, typologies and appendices of personal ornaments of metal. Even though it is limited to Southern Britain and only to artefacts of metal, its main aim is to provide a refe:cnce source for future studies of Romano-British jewellery. The author achieves this admirably, and although her work is primarily concerned with a "chronological and spatial" analysis of metallic personal ornaments, it does cover (10-38) the wearing of personal ornament. A discussion of the problems associated with the use of archaeological evidence in the form of wall and panel paintings and sculpture to determine jewellery fashions and customs is also included (17-25). Cool recognises that the richly adorned children from Lankhills cemetery were probably unusually dressed for fourth century children. She briefly discusses (32) the suggestion by Macdonald (1979: 41011) that the placing of multiple ornaments in the graves of children had a votive significance: they were meant as placatory gifts from the child to the gods. This would have been necessary because the child had suffered an untimely death and so the soul could have been condemned to wander (VergilAeneid 6.426-9). 4 Green's (1982: 70) suggestion that jewellery included in a burial is meant as "a symbolic dowry'' is not mentioned in Cool' s work, but this oversight was probably the result of the timing of publication rather than a deliberate omission.

Using archaeobgical evidence such as funerary sculpture and coins, Alcock (1980) also demonstrates this fusion of Celtic spirituality and Roman ritual in her research. She states (50-1) that fertility and childbirth are linked to pipeclay figurines of two goddesses, the Pseudo-Venus type and the Celtic Dea Nutrix. 5 These deities are thought to be associated with women who have died in childbirth, and also with the Mother Goddesses who protect the dead in the next world. Alcock, however, does not discuss the link between the fertility and sexuality of either the women or their offspring in the world of the dead, although Jenkins (1958: 61-2) recognises the connection between the "wanton" sexual and fertility aspect of the pseudo-Venus figurines and their deposition at religious sites associated with healing springs.

The latest and most comprehensive work on the jewellery of Roman Britain is by Johns (1996). In fact it is the first work to carry out a general examination of this subject. Background knowledge is provided on most types, styles, traditions, contrasts and influences associated with the wearing and making of personal decoration, as well as specific information on the major

While records of the deposition of these pipeclay figurines were important for this study, other archaeological site reports and art histories also had a major impact. Early archaeological reports were often poorly recorded with the main interest being in the actual aesthetic and monetary value of selected artefacts rather than the context. Therefore when a site report with minute details and with major aspects covered by discussions from leading scholars in certain fields is

4

Vergil Aeneid 6.426-9: Continua auditae voces vagitus et ingens infantumque animae flentes, in limine primo quos dulcis vitae exsortes et ab ubere raptos abstulit atra dies et junere mersit acerbo; Trans. H.R Fairclough: "At once are heard voices and wailing sore - the souls of infants weeping, whom, on the very threshold of the sweet life they shared not, tom from the breast, the black day swept off and plunged in bitter death".

5

See also Jenkins 1957, 1958.

8

young women, by dying in childbirth, were also dying an early death and so would need help in entering the next life.

published, it is warmly received. Clarke's work (1979) on the Lankhills cemetery at Winchester is a superb example, and has become the benchmark for later cemetery reports. It is one of the very many which were used in this work. 6 Because of the quality of Clarke's report, it is often used to back up claims, and so there is always the risk that this could create a bias in any study. Moreover Philpott (1991: 149) directs attention to the danger in applying the burial patterns at Lankhills to other Romano-British cemeteries because of the unusual features in this cemetery.7 But the fact remains that these unusual features did exist and are therefore worthy of investigation.

Other excellent site reports are those which cover the excavations at the Butt Road Cemeteries at Colchester.10 Crummy and Crossan (in Crummy et al 1993: 130-6) remark on the preference for the deposition of jewellery in the burials of children, while the idea of a dedication in marriageis reinforcedby the comment on the "marked preference"for metal (especially silver) and glass for the hairpins found in the Period Two graves: this "supports the idea that jewellery in young female graves represents a 'dowry' ... many more expensive grave-goods ... were bought specifically for dressing the hair of the corpse, ratherthan chosen from existing collections of jewellery". Yet any connection between the provision of a child with adornment for a ceremony and the dedication of the child ratherthan the jewellery is not explored.

The religious significance of the burials at Lankhills is discussed by Macdonald in the site report. Using the evidence of Vergil (Aeneid 6.426-9) and Plautus (Mostellaria 499-500), Macdonald suggests (410-1) that the children were provided with rich offerings as a result of meeting an "untimely death" and thenfore would be destined to roam the earth after death.8 The jewellery was meant as a votive gift, or bribe, for the gods so that the deceased would be able to enjoy life in the next world. Many of these items were unworn, and indeed sometimes they were threaded together, which leads to the proposal (411-12) that the personal ornament was ready for the child "to hand to the deities" .9 The fact that bracelets and pins are associated with fertility and childbearing is also commented upon, although once again the author (412) links this to the hypothesis that

Despite the fact that Toynbee's studies of the art of Roman Britain (1963, 1964) do not discuss jewellery, they contain essential information for any research into the material remains of Roman Britain. Providing referencesfor the influences on Romano-British art and the changes throughout the Roman period, Toynbee supplies excellent comparative material. As artworks are often believed to reveal the soul of humans, the artistic traditions and remains of the Romano-British population can only help to demonstrate the profusion of religious and social beliefs in the Roman world.

6

Other cemetery excavation reports used in this study include: Poundbury: Farwell and Molleson (1993); Cirencester: McWhirr et al (1982); Dunstable: Matthews (1981); Icklingham: West and Plouviez (1976); Baldock: Stead and Rigby (1986); Trentholme Drive: Wenham (1968); West Trenter Street: Whytehead (1986); Guilden Morden: Lethbridge (1936); Bradley Hill: Leech (1986); Londinium: Barber et al (1990); Bletsoe: Dawson (1994); Verulamium: Anthony (1968); Stead and Rigby (1989); Ospringe: Whiting et al (1931).

In the thirty plus years from the publication of Toynbee's latest work, many advances have been made and many new artistic treasures have been recovered. Therefore a more up-to-date discussion of Romano-British art has been used. This is provided by Henig (1995a) who gives reasons for the use of art in Britain (58-77) and some interesting and often original discussions on the background of artefacts (72-4). But because this book is primarily an art-book, a deeper discussion on the significance of jewellery is omitted, with the exception of material on some intaglios (32-4). Henig does, however, examine the influences on the Romano-British artistic tradition and the various styles which were produced as a result. Through the examination of artworks, this book provides an insight, albeit with a Roman bias, into the degree of Romanisation of the provinces of Britannia. 11

7

Because of his date of publication, Philpott did not have access to the excellent site reports of Poundbury and Butt Road cemeteries. 8

Plautus Mostellaria 499-500: nam meAcheruntem recipere Orcus noluit, quia praemature vita careo; Trans. P. Nixon: "For Orcus hath denied me entrance into Acheron, I having been cut off before my time".

Research into the social and legal aspects of Roman and Romano-British culture has also provided a basis for this

9

Macdonald concedes that perhaps the items of jewellery were "cherished personal possessions". This cannot surely be the case with adult sized jewellery in children's burials, unless the objects belong to the parents. He also suggests (1979: 413-14, 423) that after AD 350, "a growing anxiety" brought about by a change in beliefs meant that the provision of grave-goods to appease the gods was applicable to all Romano-Britons. This theme is followed by Black (1986: 223) who suggests that certain items of personal ornamentation (brooches) were given as votive gifts to the dead to convey to the deities.

10

The important ones for this study were the small finds report, (Crummy 1983), and the 1993 publication of the cemeteries by Crummy, Crummy and Crossan. 11

Henig's (1995b: 43) view of the Romanisation of Britain, however, does not coincide with the findings expressed in this study.

9

study. 12 Allason-Jones's work (1989a) is a general look at virtually all aspects of life of women in Roman Britain, and is aimed at the more discerning public. To the research student, however, this can be a problem. For even though Allason-Jones backs up some of her claims with archaeological and ancient literary sources, she does not always provide information about modern archaeologicaldata. An example (167) is the interesting burial at Canterbury of a family group where no reference is given. Even so, this book is useful in an intensive study of the significance of personal ornamentation in Roman Britain by providing (109-41) a good background in the tastes and fashions of women as well as the social aspects of their lives. One scholar who does link jewellery to the sexual and social status of women is Oliver (2000). Using his observations of the graves of girls and young women at Roman cemeteries near the Via Laurentina and in other parts of the Empire, he proposes that the incidence of jewellery was perhaps indicative of their unmarried status as virgins. This was because the personal ornament of older, married women would have been retained by the families as an inheritance for their daughters or other family members whereas a young girl may be buried with part of her dowry (118-20). Although Oliver discusses (116) the case of an eight year old child, he does not explain how this hypothesis can be applied to the burials of infants. Oliver also recognises the association between a burial of a young married, but childless, woman and the jewellery, but again sees it as a return of the dowry (120). Moreover, any deeper research into the significance of this deposition is not pursued. The research of several authors, including Sissa (1990a, 1990b) and Taylor (1959), also covers virginity, although a discussion on jewellery is not included.13 It is the status of virginity which is the focus of these works and they supply a background to the understanding of the social standing of a maiden in the ancient Mediterranean world. But there are often frustrating gaps in their work. In discussions on the renewal of virginity, Sissa (1990b: 117) and Taylor (1959: 228) do not disclose their ancient sources.14 Sissa's (1990a: 354-63) discourse on the physical identification of a virgin, like the work of Hanson (1990), demonstrates the ambiguities surrounding the state of virginity in the ancient world which may have been even more pronounced in Celtic 12

Other authors such as Dixon (1985, 1988, 1992), Fantham et al. (1994), Rawson (1975, 1986, 1991, 1997), and many others, are invaluable for providing an understanding of the status and familial attitudes to, and of, Roman women and children. Yet these works are not peculiar to Roman Britain and although they use archaeological evidence, they do not dwell on the significance of jewellery. 13

14

See also Davies (1983); Elm (1994); Kraemer (1980).

Taylor (1959: 228) writes "to sleep with a god was held actually to restore virginity, as Philo and Plutarch record", but the references are not given. See Harding (1976: 187).

10

societies; a society which did not have free access to the medical writers of the Mediterranean regions.15 Other authors whose research analyses the skeletal remains of women and children are Wells (1975, 1982) and Molleson (1993). Their works on the Romano-British populations provide information on some of the burials and the relevant pathology. 16 Wells and Molleson are, however, concerned with the physical remains and their social content and do not discuss the significance of the associated grave-goods. Besides studies based on specific aspects of this thesis, works of a general nature have also been consulted. An admirable survey of Roman Britain by Potter and Johns (1992) provides much information on many areas of the society of the inhabitants of Roman Britain. Even though it is meant as a general book it contains far more than generalisations, and statements are backed up with excellent literary or archaeological evidence. Like Toynbee and Henig, the authors often use material remains to demonstrate the influences, native, Roman, Eastern or European, upon the society of that period and the "fundamental similarities between Celtic and classical cults" (Potter and Johns 1992: 184). This statement is especially true in the area of fertility cults, and can be seen, for example, in the fact many altars were dedicated to the Mother-goddesses, Matres, the goddesses of fertility of both the native and the Roman. The final and perhaps the most important area of research to have had a major impact on this study is that which embraces religion and burial practices. Burial practices are placed in this section rather than with the discussion concerning social aspects because it may be supposed that the inclusion of grave-goods in a burial usually implies either a trust in the afterlife or a hope of one. One author whose work is essential to any study of Romano-British traditions is Ross. 17 In fact it provided the basis of the Celtic or native component in this research. Her work (1967, revised in 1992) on the iconography and traiitions of the pagan Celts is the definitive work on Celtic customs, religion and 15

A degree of medical knowledge may, and probably was, known to the pre-Roman inhabitants of Britain, although in the absence of written texts, this remains unknown. Yet knowledge of anatomy can be seen in the careful decapitations and dismemberments of corpses found in Romano-British contexts. The physical integrity of a Celtic maiden, however, seems to have been based on divine revelation. 16 Brothwell (1981) and Mays (1998) both provide excellent analyses of human remains and their pathologies, but cover the ancient world generally. See also McKinley 1994. 17 Several of Ross' s works have been included in this study: 1957-8, 1961a, 1961b, 1962a, 1962b, 1975, 1979-80, 1992, 1995 and Ross and Feachem 1976. Other authors of works on Celtic society and religion have been extensively used in this research, including Chadwick; Condren; Dillon; M. Green.

such as those by Vermaseren (1986), Witt (1971), Mylonas (1961) and Beard (1980), provide much specialised knowledge on rituals and the theory of symbolic marriageor dedication to a specific god. 22 For example, Witt states (245) that there appears to have been a bridal chamber which became a death chamber associated with Isis. This theory, however, is not expanded, since this work, like the others, is not concerned with the more specified area of deposition of jewellery or burials in Roman Britain but with the religions which probably had a great influence on these ritual acts. Nevertheless, Mylonas acknowledges (236-7) the fact that children were important in the rites of the mysteries and that these were linked to the fertility of the land. He refers to the young boy, rrcri"c; oq>' foTfcrc;,who was initiated into the Greek Mysteries of Demeter and Persephone for the benefit of his city.

mythology in the pre-Roman and Roman periods. Fundamental matters are comprehensively covered. These include a discussion on the cult of the head (94-171) which is essential to the understandingof Celtic religion, and the mythological stories and their significance within the native society of Roman Britain. The similarities between, and the assimilation of, native and Roman deities are also discussed and many gods, goddesses and heroes of the British Isles are included. Although Ross rarely refers to the specific objects which are discussed in this present study, such as the crowns, body-chains and horse and rider brooches, deliberations on associated artefacts and concepts are included and provide valuable information for the Celtic background to these ideas. 18 The association of divinity, fertility, healing and water is also examined (46-59), as is the notion of ritual votive deposits for the good-will of the deities. 19 The dedication of pins to a deity of fertility and healing by "pregnant or barren women" is also recognised (23 3), but the significance of jewellery or virginity is not, since these matters are not the focus of Ross' s research. Yet despite this, the contnbution of Ross to the present searchfor the meaning behind the deposition of jewellery is indispensable because of the insights into Celtic behaviour and religious attitudes it provides. Henig's study of religion in Roman Britain (1995b) contains a section on the sacrifice of animals and the produce of the earth (23). Although these sacrificial offerings do not include a human victim, Henig does acknowledgethe practiceof giving a votive gift of a lifeforce to the gods so that prayers may be answered~0 The principle of life was vital herethe offering which was presented to the god in hope of recompense had to be something that reflected the creative energy of the god and the desire of the giver. In his discussion on the foundation burials of infants, he proposes an alternative to infanticide (24); they were infants who had died of natural causes and were dedicated to "Mother Earth" or to other goddesses associated with healing or childbirth. 21 Yet Henig does not link these two concepts, which, it is proposed in this thesis, are at the heart of the deposition of jewellery in the burials of children and young women. Prior research into the religious aspects of Roman, and therefore Romano-British cultures, has been both varied and vast. Specific wot.ks on individual classical cults, 18

Birds: Ross 1992: 187,239; wheels: Ross 1992: 181, 252, 347-8, 393, 475-6; chains: Ross 1992: 305-7; horseman figures: Ross 1992: 141-2. 19 See also Ross and Feachem 1976. 20 This work has a strong Roman bias: Henig (1995b: 43) writes "however, it is clear that the Britons were not superficially Romanised; they became Romans". 21 Infanticide is discussed by Mays 1993. See also Watts 1989.

Another author who proposes the acceptance of children into a mystical communion with a god is Richmond (1950: 31). He does not, however, associate the practice with funerary custom, but discusses it in its wider implication as part of the doctrine of the mystery cults. In fact, his work demonstrates the importance of the concept of the afterlife which was part of the mystery religions, especially the Bacchic and Orphic cults, in the religious beliefs of the Romano-British people. The eventual absorption of these pagan concepts into Christianity is also demonstrated (44-5). Using the evidence of the reliefs on the sarcophagi found in the tombs of the Calpurnii Pisones, Richmond sees (36) Ariadne as "a type of the dead initiate of the god". Her marriage to Bacchus represents the "final awakening of the soul at the hand of the god from death itself to a new and mystical union" .23 Although these statemerts suggest a possible explanation of the ornamentation of the bodies of some children and young women in Romano-British cemeteries, Richmond does not cover this aspect. His work is concerned with the wider realm of the beliefs of the Roman world rather than limited to Roman Britain and young people. Like Richmond, Toynbee (1971) draws upon archaeology for her research into Roman attitudes to death and burial. The need to use both literary and archaeological evidence for any study of Roman funerary pradices is emphasised (33). Because any discussion of burial customs must also include a study of faith, especially a belief in the afterlife, a brief survey of the main ideas of a life after death during this period is included (33). As in any culture or any age, the Roman world had its share of nonbelievers in the continuance of the soul. Yet Toynbee 22

cf Mylonas (1961: 270); Burkert (1985: 108); Harrison (1908: 545). See also Spaeth (1996) for the goddess Demeter/Ceres.

23

See also Grant (1978: 103) who, in his far more general work on the Roman world, agrees with this: "the soul of the initiate will waken from death to a life of union with the god".

11

presents (38-9) evidence to show that to many of the inhabitants of the Roman Empire there was life beyond the grave, and that one method of attaining "a richer, happier and more godlike life than that experienced here" was through the mystery cults. Within the membership of these mystery cults, she recognises the idea of a "mystic union or 'marriage"'with the gods, but does not cover the special significance of the decoration or children within these beliefs. Instead she proposes that the idea of "Mystic union or 'marriage' with themselves [saviour gods]" mainly had its manifestation in the tomb art of the period. But it is interesting to note that one of the given examples for the character of Roman religious beliefs, a tomb painting, demonstrates the idea of an afterlife spent in paradise, for it depicts (286-7) the soul of a young girl, Octavia Paulina, being carried by Cupid "to paradise, represented as a garden where children, accompanied by a miniature Minerv~ as conqueress of death, are gathering crimson roses" .2 Here the child spends the after-lifewith the gods. Another child, this time a boy, is also mentioned as being dedicated to a probable union (in an "eternal bridal chamber") with the god Osiris, in an Italian inscription from the second century (Toynbee 1971: 96). Once again this point is not expanded. This is because Toynbee's argument is based on funerary structures and their garden; ratherthan the significance of the "marriage" or "union". In an earlierwork, however, Toynbee and Ward Perkins (1956) referto the concept of "immortality as union with the Earth-Goddess" which is based on funerary inscriptions: cinis sum cinis terra est terra dea est ergo ego mortua non sum - "I am ash, ash is earth, earth is divine; therefore I am not dead" .25 Even though these examples are not from Roman Britain they do demonstrate the beliefs and concepts which were current in the more Romanised world, and perhaps even in the less Romanised parts of Britain. Burial practices of the Romano-British people, especially in the Christian period, are comprehensively covered by Watts (1989, 1991, 1998) and are essential to this study. Rites, such as foundation burials and decapitations are investigated, and the dating of some examples of the latter (tenth century),demonstrate the longevity of pagan customs in Britain. 6 Watts (1998: 167) also suggests that the deposition of skulls may have been regarded as

24

Perhaps the idea of Cupid (also a symbol of mourning, See Toynbee 1971: 38, 166) accompanying the soul to paradise is behind the figure of this god cut from "white stone" and placed on the skeleton of a woman buried in a stone coffin in London. See below, Chapter 9. Cupid (or Eros) is popularly associated with Death ( Thanatos ) in Greek mythology. This is discussed by Vermeule (1979: 161, 37-9).

votive offerings in some cases.27 This concurs with the ritual dedication of the deceased children and young women in this present study. The findings of Watts' s most recent publication (1998) also agree with those reached in Chapter Three of this present research: the survival of the native British spirit and beliefs within the Romano-British culture.28 The votive dedication of jewellery is briefly discussed (120), and a suggestion that these items were used to personally "identify" the devotee in the eyes of the deity is put forward. But as this discussion centres on the change in the religious attitudes linked to the votive offerings, any funerary association between the artefact, the deceased and fertility is not made. One work by Johns (1982) uses artefacts, including jewellery, as evidence for certain religious beliefs. The religious aspects of certain "erotic" representations, such as the phallus, and depictions of sexual intercourse, were important as symbols of fertility in many cults even into the Christian era. Images of the phallus invoked good fortune, and so were common motifs on jewellery where their apotropaic power meant that these representations were often worn as amulets by young children, especially boys. The fact that these objects and scenes of sexual intercourse are commonly found in funerary circumstances and therefore probably have a religious aspect is noted. In a discussion (78) of the orgiastic Dionysiac rites, "the element of human sacrifice" which can be seen in the myths of the violent deaths of Lycurgus and Pentheus is linked to the concepts of rebirth and fertility. These aspects combined with the sexuality of the deceased can be applied to the symbolism surrounding the deposition of jewellery in the graves of children and young women, as this thesis demonstrates. The sexual power of Celtic women, both divine and mortal is discussed by Cherici (1994).29 Recognising a belief in the importance of the sexual union between men and women to ensure the fertility of earth and kingdom, Cherici points out that the earth was often regarded as a woman's body and as such was fruitful. To the preChristian cults virginity was a transitory thing and its significance was only of value as a precursorto the sexual act which was far more important Indeed the author perceives (112) the importance of the sexual act with a purported virgin in the ritual surrounding the coronation the High King of Tara to the prosperity of the kingdom. The sacred significance of this woman and her virginity 27

See Wait 1986: 120. Merrifield (1995: 36) also suggests that the incidence of skulls in the Walbrook Stream is linked to votive deposits. 28

29

These conclusions were reached independently

This work, like many other recent publications, must be used with caution in any debate centred on Roman Britain for it reflects a strong bias towards the "Celtic" in its modern selective sense and disregards any Roman influences on the culture of the British Isles.

25

CIL 6.4.29609. 26

Tenth century decapitations at Rushton, Northants: Watts 1998: 86-8.

12

can be surmised by the fact that later Christian writers refer to her as a "nun". Like Johns, Cherici sees the sexuality of pre-Christian peoples as an open, uninhibited and very important aspect of their cultures especially relevant to the fertility of both the land and its inhabitants. In this Celts and Romans were united. Because of the absence of contemporary Celtic writings, literary knowledge of the British Celts of the Roman era depends on either Roman or later Christian Celtic authors. There are good modern collections and translations of some ancient texts including Kinsella (1969), Jones and Jones (1993), Stokes (1895), Gwynn (1906, 1913, 1924) and Dillon (1933).30 Celtic legends andmyths aredescribedby Cherici (1994: 19) as "living parables" which were probably altered "over time to make them more effective for the circumstances of a particular audience". This perhaps throws some doubt upon the validity of these myths as evidence for pre-Roman ritual. But often the mythology of a people helps to understand the character and essence of their way of thinking, and the Christianity of the later Celtic scribes who consigned these tales to parchment was perhaps nearer to the faith of the semi-Christian Romano-Britons who lived in the fourth century, and perhaps even the third, than the earlier unadulterated pagan Celtic beliefs. 31 Religion is often linked to funerary ritual. 32 The burial practices of the British Iron Age Celts are surveyed by both Whimster (1981) and Wait (1986). Although he mentions jewellery, Wait does not elaborate on the significance of its deposition. The link between the deposition of skulls and votive dedication is made (120), but this is in connection with the heads of slain enemies and only because they were "symbolically potent". Wait does not explore the implications. Philpott, in his study of burial practices (1991), confines his research to Roman Britain. Because his book is concerned with grave treatment and furnishings, he provides his reader with an excellent array of data, including impressive tables and maps. The enormous quantity of data, however, imposes restrictions on his deliberations. Even so this work is a comprehensive survey of many aspects of both rural and urban burials in Britain in the Roman, and in some cases, the pre-Roman period. As such it is extremely useful to any student researching various aspects of Romano-British burials, although sometimes secondary sources are used (7) instead of the original report. In his interesting 30

Other selective collections are Carney (1955); d' Arbois de Jubainville (1970); Koch with Carey (1994). See also MacCulloch (1911, 1918); Dillon (1968); Hutton (1991); Ross (1992).

31

The character of Christianity in Late Roman Britain is covered by Watts (1998).

discussions of the importance of personal ornament with possible female skeletons, Philpott relies (156) mostly on the votive theory of Macdonald (1979: 410-11) and on Clarke's observation (1979: 174-5) that the position of the goods in the grave is of great significance. Occasionally a glimpse at the reasons for this deposition of jewellery is offered, for example when Green's theory (1982: 70) is mentioned (157): ''the jewellery would denote the marriageable status of the dead girl and provide a token dowry in the afterlife", but this statement is not expanded. In his paperon the cemetery at Poundbury (1982), Green notes that when grave-goods are found they are often personal ornament and acknowledges that the significance of this may be connected with the marital status of the deceased. As this is not the main thrust of his essay, the point is not expanded, although the remark that the jewellery may have been given "in honour of the dead or even, in the case of unmarried women, as a symbolic dowry'' is offered (70). Green goes on to suggest that a study to determine whether these women had in fact borne children would be useful, and also notes that in some cases the grave-goods appear to have been concealed. Some parts of Poundbury are very probably Christian and yet the mourners are surreptitiously retaining pagan traditions. 33 Webster, in his study of the Celts and their religion in Roman Britain (1986b), recognises the votive and magical aspects of jewellery. Yet the "contact magic" of an artefact which absorbs the "persona of the owner" is, he argues (133), a reason for the deposition of jewellery in the owner's graves otherwise it may become a malignant power. But this cannot be applied to the burials of children with adult sized ornaments. The association between the sympathetic magic of a piece of jewellery and its sexual significance is covered by the discussion of the analogy of a pin for sexual penetration. Yet the link to the deposition of jewellery in burials is not made. Although they do not refer to Roman Britain, there are other works which touch on the symbolism behind the deposition of jewellery. An ancient Eastern custom, which appears to have also been followed in Cyprus and South Italy, involves the possible physical dedication of a girl's virginity to a goddess by the act of "sacred prostitution". This ritual, which is likened to a "first fruit offering" for the fertility of the people, is researched by MacLachlan(l992). Despite being part of cultures far removed, both chronologiailly and geographically, from that of the Romano-British people, the idea behind this rite is probably similar to the dedication of a "bride's" (a deceased child's or young woman's) sexuality to a deity, manifested in the wearing of the body-chain, such as the gold example from Hoxne.

32

As Prof. MacLachlan (pers. comm.) points out, religion is not just linked to funerary ritual but it is "frequently the essential component".

33

Christian cemeteries have been identified by Watts (1991).

13

Concepts which are an essential part of this study and yet have their origins in the Greek world, are those of the sacred marriage and symbolic dedication. Many ancient poets referto the fact that the death of a virgin was often seen as marriage to the gods or to Hades. This is discussed by several modem authors, including Kleiner and Matheson (1996: 91-2), Seaford (1987: 106) and Barringer (1995: 121-37).34 Yet none of these authors links this conceptto that of the dedication of the child or young woman, despite the fact that the ornamentation of the deceasedin herwedding finery is accepted. Symbolic dedication is, however, examined by Burkert (1996). Burkert presents the story of Aelius Aristeides at the temple at Pergamon who substituted part of his finger instead of his life in dedication to the gods as a payment for his own survival. This substitution of part for the whole can be seen in "primitive" religions (35-8). Because this author is concernedwith Greek religion and not with Romano-British burials, the association between the decoration of the deceased, their dedication and the well-being of the land is not made. Yet the votive deposition of jewellery had a long ancestry and it is possible that there was originally a connection between the rites enacted in Pergamon and those in Roman Britain.35 This chapter has, by necessity, covered a variety of research by modem authors. Works covering artefacts and jewellery, archaeology, art, site reports, the social, legal and sexual aspects, religion, burial practices, and many featuresof the Celtic, Greek, Roman and RomanoBritish cultures, have been examined for answers to the questions posed in this work. Although none have in themselves provided the answers, they have all provided at least one clue, and often more, towards solving this puzzle. The ancient authors, artisans and the "common" people provided the evidence. Works of literature, art and jewellery which span a period of more than two thousand years were essential for this research. It is hoped that this study provides some of the answers.

34

See also Barringer 1991; Seaford 1981; Redfield 1982: 188-9.

35

The substitution of a part for a whole can perhaps be seen in the inclusion of fragments of jewellery in Romano-British burials.

14

with new and imported influences throughout the lifetimes of the Republic and the Empire, while 1:1te Roman policy of reJaive tolerance in the matter of faith meant that religious beliefs were diversified and spread throughout the Empire. Indeed the movement of pe~ple in the Roman world, including traders and soldiers, encouragedthe dissemination of fresh ideas. Thi~ ~ ~e seen in the way that new r~ligions, such as_Christiam~ and the cults of Isis and Mithras were readily accepted. Even within the provinces themselves, personal beliefs varied enormously, and this was especially so in Roman Britain where the influences of the Empire were stronger in the southern and more urbanised part of the island and the regions controlled by the army, such as the area near Hadrian's Wall.

Chapter3 THERELIGIOUSBACKGROUND OF ROMAN BRITAIN To understand the significance of jewellery in ritual aspects in Roman Britain, the question of the character of the inhabitants of these provinces must be addressed; for ritual activity is the expression of the religious and personal beliefs of a people, while these beliefs are themselves dependent upon inherited and environme~tal influences. The combination of these influences, beliefs and customs can be seen to a certain extent in a study of a people's material and literary remains. 1

This does not mean that cultures as diverse as that of Roman Britain and Roman Egypt did not share many similarities. In the upper levels of society and administration there was a relative stability of culture and a desire for the conformity and the luxurious standard of living associated with the Roman world. This conformity of taste for lm.-uries can be seen in the jewellery of the Empire. Expensive items often betray similarities throughout the Roman world, and a comparison of Palmyrene head-dresses and the South:fleet ornament reveals a significant similarity. 4 This homogeneity of style, however, is not li~te~ to expensive gold or silver artefacts, for the ub1qwtous "snake's head" bracelets, often in bronze, are found throughout the Empire. Although fashion and 1:1te attractive nature of the bracelets are probably maJor contributing factors to this phenomenon, the symbolism of the snake would have been important to most wearers, for belief in its chthonic powers are found in many ancient societies including the Celtic and Roman parent cultures of the Romano-British people.

Roman influence was strong in the lowland areas of Britannia. Indeed the face of Britain changed with the coming of the Romans and for almost 400 years some parts of the island had the appearance of a province of Rome. The archaeologyfrom this period shows the high degree of Romanisation in those areas, for all the trappings of Roman civilisation were in Britain: ~ban centres with large public buildings, roads, well-appointed villas or townhouses, bath-suites, triclinia, hypocausts, mosaics, wall-paintings, sculptures, fine table ware and furniture, and imported goods. This Romanisation, however, seems to have been superficial, and beneath the According to Tacitus, the Romano-British people were fa~adethe native British spirit remained alive. the subjects of the official policy of deliberate Romanisation: The degree of Romanisation of the inhabitants of Britannia has been discussed by many eminent scholars Namque ut homines dispersi ac rudes eoque in and it is not the purpose of this chapter to contribute to bel/a faciles quieti et otio per voluptates this debate, but to demonstrate that native and Roman adsuescerent, hortari privatim, adiuvare pub/ice, (and thus Greek and Eastern} influences were both part of ut temp/a fora domos extruerent, laudando the Romano-British culture. Even in Rome, the culture promptos, castigando segnis .... and religious beliefs of its inhabitants constantly changed 1

There will always be problems associated with the chronology and study of an artefact, for its use or disuse is often dependent upon fashion, economics and availability of the item or material. 2

The tendency of some modem scholars to the view of the dominance of the Celtic tradition in Roman Britain is in contrast to the belief in an overwhelming Romanised culture which was popular earlier in this century. As Johns (1996: 23) points out the truth is perhaps "between these extremes". cf Collingwood 1930; Henig 1995b: 43; Leech 1980: 350; Jones 1996.

3

.

.

.

Evidence for an ]sewn in London is based on an mscnptJ.on on a jug: Londini ad Fanwnlsidis, while probable Mithraea have been excavated in both London and Carrawburgh (Henig 1995b: 102, 113; Richmond et al1951). See also Harris and Harris 1965: 3-38 • Evidence of other exotic cults include a silver statuette of the Egyptian deity, Harpocrates, which was recovered from the Thames and a magical "gnostic" amulet from Welwyn (Toynbee 1964: 95-6; Allason-Jones 1989a: 159). See also Henig 1974: 121-2; Henig 1995b: 162.

4

Despite the similarities, the Southfleet Ornament was probably made in Britain (Cool 1986: 231-7)

15

Inde etiam habitus nostri honor et frequens toga; paulatimque discessum ad delenimenta vitiorum, porticus et balinea et conviviorum elegantiam.5

Romanised part of the provinces, including Lullingstone, Hambleden, Feltwell and Ditchley. 10

But to the wealthier occupants of the urban centres and villas this acceptanceof Roman civilisation would have been deliberate.6 The archaeological remains of some Romano-British villas show wealth and even opulence. Many of these affluent buildings seem to have been the homes of an elite Romanised but native society and the display of the trappings of Romanisation show the adoption of Roman culture in Britain. Of course magnificent buildings and the wearing of overtly Mediterranean items of jewellery, such as intaglios set in gold rings, would also have been a way of proclaiming to their fellow Britons the owners' importance in the hierarc1}Yof the Roman provincial government and society. But even in this most Romanised section of native British society, it is possible that this influence was mostly confined to the external aspects of a civilised and comfortable way of life. Eumenius (Pan. Const. Diet. 19.1) when writing about the return of Britain to the Roman Empire in AD 296 refers to the inhabitants as Roman: ... tandem liberi tandemque Romani, tandem vera imperii luce recreati.8 Yet it is questionable whether many of the inhabitants of Britain saw themselves as Roman. The majority of the population lived on the land in much the same way that they had lived in pre-Roman times. 9 Even on country estates where the main house was often in the opulent Roman style, the native form of housing was used for some outbuildings and dwellings occupied by workers and slaves. Remains of wattle and daub structures have been found at several villa sites even in the more

This retention of native custom probably also extended to the personal beliefs of most of the Romano-British people. Despite its external appearancewith the Roman political system and urban dwellings, Britain remained Celtic in spirit. One item which reflects this spirit of Roman Britain is the deflxio, the curse tablet. Although the concept was Roman, the character and significance of many of these dedications were native. 11 These have been found at the Romano-British shrines of Bath and Uley but there is some difference in the type of lost or stolen goods mentioned in the inscriptions. At Bath they reflect relatively small amounts of money or articles of minor monetary value, such as the six argentei mentioned on Tab Sulis 98, which possibly were stolen from the urban bathers' purses; whereas at Uley, where the pilgrim has had to make a specific journey, the value of the lost or stolen goods is much larger(Tomlin 1993: 116-117). In fact one tablet, Uley Tablet 78, speaks of the huge amount of 100,000 denarii. Therefore it is reasonable to surmise that the average bather at the sacred spring in the temple complex at Bath is of a different class or social background from the average pilgrim to the shrine of Uley; an urban dweller and therefore probably more Romanised than the member of a "modestly prosperous peasant community" who visited Uley (Tomlin 1993: 116). Becausetherewas no common written form of the native language, the messages on these tablets were usually written in Latin script. Yet the language used on some of these tablets was not Latin but what is perceived to be "British Celt" (Tomlin 1993: 114).12 Thereareother similarities between the suppliants of Bath and Uley. The names contained within the tablets which were able to be deciphered from both Bath and Uley do not reveal the name of a Roman citizen (Tomlin 1993: 117).13 These names are either Celtic or just have Latin cognomina. The people using this Roman form of supplication at Roman temples were not Roman officials

5

Tacitus Agricola. 21; Trans. A.J. Church and W.J. Brodribb: "For, to accustom to rest and repose through the charms of luxury a population scattered and barbarous and therefore inclined to war, Agricola gave private encouragement and public aid to the building of temples, courts of justice and the dwelling-houses, praising the energetic and reproving the, indolent....hence, too, a liking sprang up for our style of dress, and the • toga' became fashionable. Step by step they were led to things which dispose to vice, the lounge, the bath, the elegant banquet". 6

Henig (1995a: 59) suggests that Romanisation "implies competition, the striving literally to get out of the Iron Age".

7

An example can be seen in the magnificent gold ring with a rather mediocre intaglio found at the villa at Bignor (Frere 1982: 193).

8

Eumenius Pan. Const. Diet. 19.1; Trans. J.C.Mann and R.G. Penman: " ...now at last they were free; now at last they were Roman; now at last they were revived by the true light of our rule". 9

Some pre-Roman field systems seem to have continued into the Anglo-Saxon period ( Esmonde Cleary 1989: 159).

10

Lullingstone: Meates 1955, 1979, 1987; Hambleden: Cocks 1921; Feltwell: Gurney 1986a; Ditchley: Radford 1936. 11

12

See also Watts 1998: 57.

Irish stones inscribed with possible funerary texts written in the unusual Ogam script date from about the fourth century AD (Ross 1992: 43). The language of Tabula Sulis 14 is obviously not Latin for it begins; luciumio [ ] cittimediu.xs [ ] uibec [..] traceos [ ] estaidimaui [..] ...[ ] tittlemmacatacimluci [ ] lendiierandant . [..] nno (or d)a( or n ) ... (Tomlin 1988: 128-9). 13

Part of the reason for this may be that they are written before the Constitutio Antoniniana, when the great majority of Roman Britons were able to become Roman citizens (Tomlin 1988: 97). Tomlin also provides an excellent discussion on the "Celtic" and Roman names found on inscriptions in Britain.

16

Richborough, Rutupiae, exhibits a horned goddess. 18 A bronze centre plate found in the River Tyne has a representation of a bull as well as classical figures Indeed the complex web of religious beliefs of the engraved upon it (Toynbee 1964: 299). The bull stands inhabitants of Britain during the Roman period defies fierce and proud and ready for the charge. It seems that unravelling. The pre-Celtic, Celtic, classical and even the sympathetic magic of this powerful animal is being Christian traditions of these people soon became mixed called upon. 19 Yet this shield did not belong to a tribal with the concepts and concerns of other settlers, many of Celt from Britain, for the owner had a Latin name, Junius whom were soldiers and traders from various parts of the Dubitatus and was a soldier from Legio VIII Augusta. Empire and even beyond. This integration can be seen in Even the fundamental beliefs of the Roman soldier would a Latin inscription (RIB 1065) on a Roman style not have differed much from his Celtic neighbour. tombstone from South Shields commemorating Regina "a Catuvellaunian by race", natione catuallauna. Although Although the Roman state rituals were ostensibly for the Regina was a native Briton with a Roman name, her inhabitants of the whole country, many of the people of husband was probably not, for he is named as Barates of Britain, as in most other ancient societies, probably Palmyra. 14 Britain, like the Empire, was inhabited by would have devoted much of their religious fervour towards ensuring that the necessities of life were people of many differentnationalities. 15 forthcoming. The survival of humankind was dependent Even so, the basic beliefs of most Romano-Britons would on the continuation of the seasons, favourable weather, not have differed too much in concept. Initially many of the fertility of the earth and its inhabitants, all of which the European native settlers or soldiers in Britain would would ensure the eternal cycle of new life, and the have been from Celtic tribes (Potter and Johns 1992: 158- protection of the human race from the whims of the gods. 160). Military units from the Continent were stationed As Webster (1986a: 57) points out, even newcomers on Hadrian's Wall as the Vindolanda tablets demonstrate, would have realised the importance of appeasing the local while an inscription from Housesteads records a gods as the basic concepts of most cultures were the dedication to Mars and the "two Alaisiagae" by "the same. A new arrival would have joined in the observance German tribesmen of Tuihanti (Twenthe~ of the formation of festivals which would have probably differed little of Frisians of Vercovicium" (RIB 1594). 6 Celtic religion from those of his or her homeland. was very much dependent upon nature, upon "natural" sacred sites such as groves and pools. 17 The art of the An example can be seen in the rites surrounding the god Celts often depicts cult animals which were noted for Mars, the classical god of war and agriculture. In fact a their masculinity and power, for example stags, boars and devotee of Mars in Britain could easily find a place to bulls. Even gods and goddesses showed these attributes worship his god, for Mars was associated with at least by sporting horns or antlers. The Gundestrup Cauldron sixteen Celtic deities, and Caesar .rro,ol euf'/TT0>.01 £ipca1wVf'/Vfrdyf,avT£.f'/V wrrlaaav iyi:df'/V' aTiµµa 5{ {µ01 rr>.if,crvTol Ll,wvuaou e,crawTcr1. rrupq,6plou iv Llf)ou.ov l xpuaoT£Ui:TovT£ aTiq,avov rrcp,eiaBa,• I vcpTipo,